The Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus
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Revised, with Notes, by the Rev. A. C. Zenos, D.D.
Professor of New Testament Exegesis in the Theological
Seminary at Hartford, Conn.
Under the editorial supervision of Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Semimary, New York,
and Henry Wace, D.D., Principal of King's College, London
Published in 1886 by Philip Schaff,
New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Book VII.
Chapter I.--Anthemius the Prætorian Prefect administers the Government
of the East in Behalf of Young Theodosius.
After the death of Arcadius on the first of May, during the consulate
of Bassus and Philip, [903] his brother Honorius still governed the
Western parts of the empire; but the administration of the East
devolved on his son Theodosius the Younger, then only eight years old.
The management of public affairs was therefore intrusted to Anthemius
the Prætorian prefect, grandson of that Philip who in the reign of
Constantius ejected Paul from the see of Constantinople, and
established Macedonius in his place. By his directions Constantinople
was surrounded with high walls. [904] He was esteemed and actually was
the most prudent man of his time, and seldom did anything unadvisedly,
but consulted with the most judicious of his friends respecting all
practical matters, and especially with Troïlus [905] the sophist, who
while excelling in philosophical attainments, was equal to Anthemius
himself in political wisdom. Wherefore almost all things were done
with the concurrence of Troïlus.
Footnotes
[903] 408 a.d. Cf. VI. 23. See Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, chap. 32.
[904] This was done, according to Cedrenus, several years later by
another prefect. For this reason and because of the grammatical
construction in the original, Valesius rightly conjectures that the
phrase is a gloss introduced from the margin, and should be expunged
from the text.
[905] Troïlus was a sophist of distinction who taught at
Constantinople under Arcadius and Honorius at the beginning of the
fifth century a.d., a native of Side and author of a treatise entitled
Logoi politikoi. See Suidas s.v. Tro»los.
Chapter II.--Character and Conduct of Atticus Bishop of
Constantinople.
When Theodosius the emperor was in the eighth year of his age, Atticus
was in the third year of his presidency over the church at
Constantinople, a man as we have by anticipation said [906]
distinguished alike for his learning, piety, and discretion, wherefore
it came about that the churches under his episcopate attained a very
flourishing condition. For he not only united those of `the household
of faith,' [907] but also by his prudence called forth the admiration
of the heretics, whom indeed he by no means desired to harass; but if
he sometimes was obliged to impress them with the fear of himself, he
soon afterward showed himself mild and clement toward them. But indeed
he did not neglect his studies; for he assiduously labored in perusing
the writings of the ancients, and often spent whole nights in the
task; and thus he could not be confused by the reasonings of the
philosophers, and the fallacious subtleties of the sophists. Besides
this he was affable and entertaining in conversation, and ever ready
to sympathize with the afflicted: and in a word, to sum up his
excellences in the apostle's saying, `He was made all things to all
men.' [908] Formerly while a presbyter, he had been accustomed, after
composing his sermons, to commit them to memory, and then recite them
in the church: but by diligent application he acquired confidence and
made his instruction extemporaneous and eloquent. His discourses
however were not such as to be received with much applause by his
auditors, nor to deserve to be committed to writing. Let these
particulars respecting his talents, erudition, and manners suffice. We
must now proceed to relate such things as are worthy of record, that
happened in his time.
Footnotes
[906] Cf. VI. 20.
[907] Gal. vi. 10.
[908] 1 Cor. ix. 22.
Chapter III.--Of Theodosius and Agapetus Bishops of Synada.
A certain Theodosius was bishop of Synada in Phrygia Pacata; he
violently persecuted the heretics in that province--and there was a
great number of them--and especially those of the Macedonian sect; he
drove them out not only from the city, but also out of the country.
This course he pursued not from any precedent in the orthodox church,
nor from the desire of propagating the true faith; but being enslaved
by the love of filthy lucre, he was impelled by the avaricious motive
of amassing money, by extorting it from the heretics. To this end he
made all sorts of attempts upon the Macedonians, putting arms into the
hands of his clergy; and employing innumerable stratagems against
them; nor did he refrain from delivering them up to the secular
tribunals. [909] But he especially annoyed their bishop whose name was
Agapetus: and finding the governors of the province were not invested
with sufficient authority to punish heretics according to his wish, he
went to Constantinople and petitioned for edicts of a more stringent
nature from the Prætorian prefect. While Theodosius was absent on this
business, Agapetus who, as I have said, presided over the Macedonian
sect, came to a wise and prudent conclusion. Communicating with his
clergy, he called all the people under his guidance together, and
persuaded them to embrace the `homoousian' faith. On their acquiescing
in this proposition, he proceeded immediately to the church attended
not merely by his own adherents, but by the whole body of the people.
There having offered prayer, he took possession of the episcopal chair
in which Theodosius was accustomed to seat himself; and preaching
thenceforth the doctrine of consubstantiality, he reunited the people,
and made himself master of the churches in the diocese of Synada. Soon
after these transactions, Theodosius returned to Synada, bringing with
him extended powers from the prefect, and knowing nothing of what had
taken place, he proceeded to the church just as he was. Being
forthwith unanimously expelled, he again betook himself to
Constantinople; upon his arrival at that place he complained to
Atticus, the bishop, of the treatment he had met with, and the manner
in which he had been deprived of his bishopric. Atticus perceiving
that this movement had resulted advantageously to the church, consoled
Theodosius as well as he could; recommending him to embrace with a
contented mind a retired life, and thus sacrifice his own private
interests to the public good. He then wrote to Agapetus authorizing
him to retain the episcopate, and bidding him be under no apprehension
of being molested in consequence of Theodosius' grievance.
Footnotes
[909] On the limits of the secular power over ecclesiastical
dignitaries, and the cases in which the clergy were amenable to the
civil law as well as those in which they were not, see Bingham,
Christ. Antiq. V. 2.
Chapter IV.--A Paralytic Jew healed by Atticus in Baptism.
This was one important improvement in the circumstances of the Church,
which happened during the administration of Atticus. Nor were these
times without the attestation of miracles and healings. For a certain
Jew being a paralytic had been confined to his bed for many years; and
as every sort of medical skill, and the prayers of his Jewish brethren
had been resorted to but had availed nothing, he had recourse at
length to Christian baptism, trusting in it as the only true remedy to
be used. [910] When Atticus the bishop was informed of his wishes, he
instructed him in the first principles of Christian truth, and having
preached to him to hope in Christ, directed that he should be brought
in his bed to the font. The paralytic Jew receiving baptism with a
sincere faith, as soon as he was taken out of the baptismal font found
himself perfectly cured of his disease, and continued to enjoy sound
health afterwards. This miraculous power Christ vouchsafed to be
manifested even in our times; and the fame of it caused many heathens
to believe and be baptized. But the Jews although zealously `seeking
after signs,' [911] not even the signs which actually took place
induced to embrace the faith. Such blessings were thus conferred by
Christ upon men.
Footnotes
[910] On the supposed miraculous effects of baptism, see Tertullian,
de baptismo, passim.
[911] 1 Cor. i. 22.
Chapter V.--The Presbyter Sabbatius, formerly a Jew, separates from
the Novatians.
Many, however, making no account of these events yielded to their own
depravity; for not only did the Jews continue in unbelief after this
miracle, but others also who love to follow them were shown to hold
views similar to theirs. Among these was Sabbatius, of whom mention
has before been made; [912] who not being content with the dignity of
presbyter to which he had attained, but aiming at a bishopric from the
beginning, separated himself from the church of the Novatians, making
a pretext of observing the Jewish Passover. [913] Holding therefore
schismatic assemblies apart from his own bishop Sisinnius, in a place
named Xerolophus, where the forum of Arcadius now is, he ventured on
the performance of an act deserving the severest punishments. Reading
one day at one of these meetings that passage in the Gospel where it
is said, [914] `Now it was the Feast of the Jews called the Passover,'
he added what was never written nor heard of before: `Cursed be he
that celebrates the Passover out of the days of unleavened bread.'
When these words were reported among the people, the more simple of
the Novatian laity, deceived by this artifice, flocked to him. But his
fraudulent fabrication was of no avail to him; for his forgery issued
in most disastrous consequences. For shortly afterwards he kept this
feast in anticipation of the Christian Easter; and many according to
their custom flocked to him. While they were passing the night in the
accustomed vigils, a panic as if caused by evil spirits fell upon
them, as if Sisinnius their bishop were coming with a multitude of
persons to attack them. From the perturbation that might be expected
in such a case, and their being shut up at night in a confined place,
they trod upon one another, insomuch that above seventy of them were
crushed to death. On this account many deserted Sabbatius: some
however, holding his ignorant prejudice, remained with him. In what
way Sabbatius, by a violation of his oath, afterwards managed to get
himself ordained a bishop, we shall relate hereafter. [915]
Footnotes
[912] V. 21.
[913] Cf. I. 8, note 2, and V. 22 and notes.
[914] Not an exact quotation. Luke xxii. 1, resembles it more than any
other of the parallels.
[915] Cf. chap. 12 below.
Chapter VI.--The Leaders of Arianism at this Time.
Dorotheus bishop of the Arians, who, as we have said, [916] was
translated by that sect from Antioch to Constantinople, having
attained the age of one hundred and nineteen years, died on the 6th of
November, in the seventh consulate of Honorius, and the second of
Theodosius Augustus. [917] After him Barbas presided over the Arian
sect, in whose time the Arian faction was favored by possessing two
very eloquent members, both having the rank of presbyter, one of whom
was named Timothy, and the other George. Now George excelled in
Grecian literature; Timothy, on the other hand, was proficient in the
sacred Scriptures. George indeed constantly had the writings of
Aristotle and Plato in his hands: Timothy found his inspiration in
Origen; he also evinced in his public expositions of the holy
Scriptures no inconsiderable acquaintance with the Hebrew language.
Now Timothy had formerly identified himself with the sect of the
Psathyrians; [918] but George had been ordained by Barbas. I have
myself conversed with Timothy, and was exceedingly struck by the
readiness with which he would answer the most difficult questions, and
clear up the most obscure passages in the Divine oracles; he also
invariably quoted Origen as an unquestionable authority in
confirmation of his own utterances. But it is astonishing to me that
these two men should continue to uphold the heresy of the Arians; the
one being so conversant with Plato, and the other having Origen so
frequently on his lips. For Plato does not say that the second and
third cause, as he usually terms them, had a beginning of existence:
[919] and Origen everywhere acknowledges the Son to be co-eternal
[920] with the Father. Nevertheless although they remained connected
with their own church, still they unconsciously changed the Arian sect
for the better, and displaced many of the blasphemies of Arius by
their own teachings. But enough of these persons. Sisinnius bishop of
the Novatians dying under the same consulate, Chrysanthus was ordained
in his place, of whom we shall have to speak by and by.
Footnotes
[916] Cf. V. 3, 12 and 23.
[917] 407 a.d.
[918] Cf. V. 23, note 2.
[919] The special views of Plato which are here alluded to are
probably those found in the Timæus. Cf. Jowett, The Dialogues of Plato
translated into English, Vol. II. p. 451 et seq.
[920] Cf. VI. 13.
Chapter VII.--Cyril succeeds Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria.
Shortly afterwards Theophilus bishop of Alexandria having fallen into
a lethargic state, died on the 15th of October, [921] in the ninth
consulate of Honorius, and the fifth of Theodosius. A great contest
immediately arose about the appointment of a successor, some seeking
to place Timothy the archdeacon in the episcopal chair; and others
desiring Cyril, who was a nephew of Theophilus. A tumult having arisen
on this account among the people, Abundantius, the commander of the
troops in Egypt, took sides with Timothy. [Yet the partisans of Cyril
triumphed.] [922] Whereupon on the third day after the death of
Theophilus, Cyril came into possession of the episcopate, with greater
power than Theophilus had ever exercised. For from that time the
bishopric of Alexandria went beyond the limits of its sacerdotal
functions, and assumed the administration of secular matters. [923]
Cyril immediately therefore shut up the churches of the Novatians at
Alexandria, and took possession of all their consecrated vessels and
ornaments; and then stripped their bishop Theopemptus of all that he
had.
Footnotes
[921] 412 a.d. This Chapter is out of chronological sequence, as
appears from the fact that Alaric took Rome in 410 a.d. See chap. 10
below.
[922] The words included in brackets are not found in the Greek; they
were probably inserted into the English translation as necessary to
explain the context.
[923] Cf. chap. 11.
Chapter VIII.--Propagation of Christianity among the Persians by
Maruthas Bishop of Mesopotamia.
About this same time it happened that Christianity was disseminated in
Persia, by reason of the following causes. Frequent embassies were
sent to and fro between the sovereigns of Persia and the Roman empire,
for which there were continual occasions. Necessity brought it about
at that time that the Roman emperor thought proper to send Maruthas
bishop of Mesopotamia, who has been before mentioned, [924] on a
mission to the king of the Persians. The king discovering great piety
in the man treated him with great honor, and gave heed to him as one
who was indeed beloved of God. This excited the jealousy of the magi,
[925] whose influence is considerable over the Persian monarch, for
they feared lest he should persuade the king to embrace Christianity.
For Maruthas had by his prayers cured the king of a violent headache
to which he had been long subject, and which the magi had been unable
to relieve. The magicians therefore had recourse to this deception. As
the Persians worship fire, and the king was accustomed to pay his
adorations in a certain edifice to the fire which was kept perpetually
burning, they concealed a man underneath the sacred hearth, ordering
him to make this exclamation at the time of day when the king was
accustomed to perform his devotion! `The king should be thrust out
because he is guilty of impiety, in imagining a Christian priest to be
loved by the Deity.' When Isdigerdes--for that was the king's
name--heard these words, he determined to dismiss Maruthas,
notwithstanding the reverence with which he regarded him. But Maruthas
being truly a God-loving man, by the earnestness of his prayers,
detected the imposition of the magi. Going to the king therefore he
addressed him thus: `Be not deluded, O king,' said he, `but when you
again enter that edifice and hear the same voice, explore the ground
below, and you will discover the fraud. For it is not the fire that
speaks, but human contrivance does this.' The king received the
suggestion of Maruthas and went as usual to the little house where the
ever-burning fire was. When he again heard the same voice, he ordered
the hearth to be dug up; whereupon the impostor, who uttered the
supposed words of the Deity, was discovered. Becoming indignant at the
deception thus attempted the king commanded that the tribe of the magi
should be decimated. When this was effected he permitted Maruthas to
erect churches wherever he wished; and from that time the Christian
religion was diffused among the Persians. Then Maruthas being recalled
went to Constantinople; not long afterwards however, he was again sent
as ambassador to the Persian court. Again the magi devised
contrivances so as by all possible means to prevent the king from
giving him audience. One of their devices was to cause a most
disgusting smell where the king was accustomed to go, and then accuse
the Christians of being the authors of it. The king however having
already had occasion to suspect the magi, very diligently and closely
scrutinized the matter; and again the authors of the nuisance were
detected. Wherefore he punished several of them, and held Maruthas in
still higher honor. For the Romans as a nation he had much regard, and
prized good feeling on their part very highly. Nay, he almost embraced
the Christian faith himself, as Maruthas in conjunction with Abdas
bishop of Persia gave another experimental proof of its power: for
these two by giving themselves to much fasting and prayer, had cast
out a demon with which the king's son was possessed. But the death of
Isdigerdes [926] prevented his making an open profession of
Christianity. The kingdom then devolved on Vararanes his son, in whose
time the treaty between the Romans and Persians was broken as we shall
have occasion to narrate a little later. [927]
Footnotes
[924] Cf. VI. 15.
[925] A caste of priests who exercised great influence in Persia
mentioned both in the Old and the New Testament. Cf. Smith, Dict. of
the Bible, art. Magi.
[926] 420 a.d.
[927] Chap. 18 below.
Chapter IX.--The Bishops of Antioch and Rome.
During this period upon the death of Flavian [928] Porphyry received
the episcopate of Antioch, and after him Alexander [929] was set over
that church. But at Rome, Damasus having held that bishopric eighteen
years Siricius succeeded him; [930] and Siricius having presided there
fifteen years, Anastasius held sway over the church for three years;
after Anastasius Innocent [was promoted to the same see]. He was the
first persecutor of the Novatians at Rome, and many of their churches
he took away.
Footnotes
[928] 404 a.d.
[929] 414 a.d.
[930] 385 a.d.
Chapter X.--Rome taken and sacked by Alaric.
About this same time [931] it happened that Rome was taken by the
barbarians; for a certain Alaric, a barbarian who had been an ally of
the Romans, and had served as an ally with the emperor Theodosius in
the war against the usurper Eugenius, having on that account been
honored with Roman dignities, was unable to bear his good fortune. He
did not choose to assume imperial authority, but retiring from
Constantinople went into the Western parts, and arriving at Illyricum
immediately laid waste the whole country. As he marched, however, the
Thessalians opposed him at the mouths of the river Peneus, whence
there is a pass over Mount Pindus to Nicopolis in Epirus; and coming
to an engagement, the Thessalians killed about three thousand of his
men. After this the barbarians that were with him destroying
everything in their way, at last took Rome itself, which they
pillaged, burning the greatest number of the magnificent structures
and other admirable works of art it contained. The money and valuable
articles they plundered and divided among themselves. Many of the
principal senators they put to death on a variety of pretexts.
Moreover, Alaric in mockery of the imperial dignity, proclaimed one
Attalus [932] emperor, whom he ordered to be attended with all the
insignia of sovereignty on one day, and to be exhibited in the habit
of a slave on the next. After these achievements he made a precipitate
retreat, a report having reached him that the emperor Theodosius had
sent an army to fight him. Nor was this report a fictitious one; for
the imperial forces were actually on their way; but Alaric, not
waiting for the materialization of the rumor, decamped and escaped. It
is said that as he was advancing towards Rome, a pious monk exhorted
him not to delight in the perpetuation of such atrocities, and no
longer to rejoice in slaughter and blood. To whom Alaric replied, 'I
am not going on in this course of my own will; but there is a
something that irresistibly impels me daily, saying, `Proceed to Rome,
and desolate that city.' Such was the career of this person.
Footnotes
[931] On Alaric's career, see Zosimus, V. 5, 6; 28-51 and V. 1-13. Cf.
also parallel accounts in Sozomen, IX. 4, 6-9; and Philostorgius, XII.
2, 3; and Gibbon's Decline and Fall, chap. 31.
[932] This incident is also given by Procopius of Cæsarea in Hist.
Vandal. I. p. 8.
Chapter XI.--The Bishops of Rome.
After Innocent, Zosimus governed the Roman church for two years: and
after him Boniface [933] presided over it for three years. He was
succeeded by Celestinus. And this Celestinus took away the churches
from the Novatians at Rome also, and obliged Rusticula their bishop to
hold his meetings secretly in private houses. Until this time the
Novatians had flourished exceedingly in Rome, possessing many churches
there, which were attended by large congregations. But envy attacked
them also, as soon as the Roman episcopate, like that of Alexandria,
extended itself beyond the limits of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and
degenerated into its present state of secular domination. For
thenceforth the bishops would not suffer even those who agreed with
them in matters of faith to enjoy the privilege of assembling in
peace, but stripped them of all they possessed, praising them merely
for these agreements in faith. The bishops of Constantinople kept
themselves free from this [sort of conduct]; inasmuch as in addition
to tolerating them and permitting them to hold their assemblies within
the city, as I have already stated, [934] they treated them with every
mark of Christian regard.
Footnotes
[933] 418 a.d.
[934] Cf. V. 10.
Chapter XII.--Of Chrysanthus Bishop of the Novatians at
Constantinople.
After the death of Sisinnius, Chrysanthus was constrained to take upon
him the episcopal office. He was the son of Marcian the predecessor of
Sisinnius, and having had a military appointment in the palace at an
early age, he was subsequently under Theodosius the Great made
governor [935] of Italy, and after that lord-lieutenant [936] of the
British Isles, in both which capacities he elicited for himself the
highest admiration. Returning to Constantinople at an advanced age,
earnestly desiring to be constituted prefect of that city, he was made
bishop of the Novatians against his will. For as Sisinnius, when at
the point of death, had referred to him as a most suitable person to
occupy the see, the people regarding this declaration as law, sought
to have him ordained forthwith. Now as Chrysanthus attempted to avoid
having this dignity forced upon him, Sabbatius imagining that a
seasonable opportunity was now afforded him of making himself master
of the churches, and making no account of the oath by which he had
bound himself, [937] procured his own ordination at the hands of a few
insignificant bishops. [938] Among these was Hermogenes, who had been
excommunicated with curses by [Sabbatius] himself on account of his
blasphemous writings. But this perjured procedure of Sabbatius was of
no avail to him: for the people disgusted with his obstreperousness,
used every effort to discover the retreat of Chrysanthus; and having
found him secluded in Bithynia, they brought him back by force, and
invested him with the bishopric. He was a man of unsurpassed modesty
and prudence; and thus he established and enlarged the churches of the
Novatians at Constantinople. Moreover he was the first to distribute
gold among the poor out of his own private property. Furthermore he
would receive nothing from the churches but two loaves of the
consecrated bread [939] every Lord's day. So anxious was he to promote
the advantage of his own church, that he drew Ablabius, the most
eminent orator of that time from the school of Troïlus, and ordained
him a presbyter; whose sermons are in circulation being remarkably
elegant and full of point. But Ablabius was afterwards promoted to the
bishopric of the church of the Novatians at Nicæa, where he also
taught rhetoric at the same time.
Footnotes
[935] hupatikos = consularis, consul honorarius; the title was, during
the period of the republic, given to ex-consuls, but later it became a
common custom, especially under the emperors, for the governors of the
imperial provinces to be called consuls, and the title consularis
became the established designation of those intrusted with the
administration of imperial provinces. See Smith, Dict. of Greek and
Rom. Antiq.
[936] Bikarios [ouikarios ] transliterated from the Lat. vicarius, of
which the Eng. `lieutenant' is an exact equivalent.
[937] Cf. V. 21.
[938] Cf. Bingham, Christ. Antiq. II. 16.
[939] The loaves which were offered by the faithful as a sacrifice
were called `loaves of benediction,' and were used partly for the
Eucharist and partly as food by the bishop and clergy.
Chapter XIII.--Conflict between the Christians and Jews at Alexandria:
and breach between the Bishop Cyril and the Prefect Orestes.
About this same time it happened that the Jewish inhabitants were
driven out of Alexandria by Cyril the bishop on the following account.
The Alexandrian public is more delighted with tumult than any other
people: and if at any time it should find a pretext, breaks forth into
the most intolerable excesses; for it never ceases from its turbulence
without bloodshed. It happened on the present occasion that a
disturbance arose among the populace, not from a cause of any serious
importance, but out of an evil that has become very popular in almost
all cities, viz. a fondness for dancing exhibitions. [940] In
consequence of the Jews being disengaged from business on the Sabbath,
and spending their time, not in hearing the Law, but in theatrical
amusements, dancers usually collect great crowds on that day, and
disorder is almost invariably produced. And although this was in some
degree controlled by the governor of Alexandria, nevertheless the Jews
continued opposing these measures. And although they are always
hostile toward the Christians they were roused to still greater
opposition against them on account of the dancers. When therefore
Orestes the prefect was publishing an edict--for so they are
accustomed to call public notices--in the theatre for the regulation
of the shows, some of the bishop Cyril's party were present to learn
the nature of the orders about to be issued. There was among them a
certain Hierax, a teacher of the rudimental branches of literature,
and one who was a very enthusiastic listener of the bishop Cyril's
sermons, and made himself conspicuous by his forwardness in
applauding. When the Jews observed this person in the theatre, they
immediately cried out that he had come there for no other purpose than
to excite sedition among the people. Now Orestes had long regarded
with jealousy the growing power of the bishops, because they
encroached on the jurisdiction of the authorities appointed by the
emperor, especially as Cyril wished to set spies over his proceedings;
he therefore ordered Hierax to be seized, and publicly subjected him
to the torture in the theatre. Cyril, on being informed of this, sent
for the principal Jews, and threatened them with the utmost severities
unless they desisted from their molestation of the Christians. The
Jewish populace on hearing these menaces, instead of suppressing their
violence, only became more furious, and were led to form conspiracies
for the destruction of the Christians; one of these was of so
desperate a character as to cause their entire expulsion from
Alexandria; this I shall now describe. Having agreed that each one of
them should wear a ring on his finger made of the bark of a palm
branch, for the sake of mutual recognition, they determined to make a
nightly attack on the Christians. They therefore sent persons into the
streets to raise an outcry that the church named after Alexander was
on fire. Thus many Christians on hearing this ran out, some from one
direction and some from another, in great anxiety to save their
church. The Jews immediately fell upon and slew them; readily
distinguishing each other by their rings. At daybreak the authors of
this atrocity could not be concealed: and Cyril, accompanied by an
immense crowd of people, going to their synagogues--for so they call
their house of prayer--took them away from them, and drove the Jews
out of the city, permitting the multitude to plunder their goods. Thus
the Jews who had inhabited the city from the time of Alexander the
Macedonian were expelled from it, stripped of all they possessed, and
dispersed some in one direction and some in another. One of them, a
physician [941] named Adamantius, fled to Atticus bishop of
Constantinople, and professing Christianity, some time afterwards
returned to Alexandria and fixed his residence there. But Orestes the
governor of Alexandria was filled with great indignation at these
transactions, and was excessively grieved that a city of such
magnitude should have been suddenly bereft of so large a portion of
its population; he therefore at once communicated the whole affair to
the emperor. Cyril also wrote to him, describing the outrageous
conduct of the Jews; and in the meanwhile sent persons to Orestes who
should mediate concerning a reconciliation: for this the people had
urged him to do. And when Orestes refused to listen to friendly
advances, Cyril extended toward him the book of gospels, [942]
believing that respect for religion would induce him to lay aside his
resentment. When, however, even this had no pacific effect on the
prefect, but he persisted in implacable hostility against the bishop,
the following event afterwards occurred.
Footnotes
[940] As to how the ancient Church looked upon theatrical shows, see
Bingham, Christ. Antiq. XVI. 11. 15, and passages there referred to.
[941] iatrikon logon sophistes, also called by other writers of the
period iatrosophistes ; see Sophocles, Greek Lex. of the Rom. and
Byzant. Periods.
[942] As a mode of abjuration, see VI. 11, note 5. In this case the
sacred volume takes the place of the child.
Chapter XIV.--The Monks of Nitria come down and raise a Sedition
against the Prefect of Alexandria.
Some of the monks inhabiting the mountains of Nitria, of a very fiery
disposition, whom Theophilus some time before had unjustly armed
against Dioscorus and his brethren, being again transported with an
ardent zeal, resolved to fight in behalf of Cyril. About five hundred
of them therefore quitting their monasteries, came into the city; and
meeting the prefect in his chariot, they called him a pagan idolater,
and applied to him many other abusive epithets. He supposing this to
be a snare laid for him by Cyril, exclaimed that he was a Christian,
and had been baptized by Atticus the bishop at Constantinople. As they
gave but little heed to his protestations, and a certain one of them
named Ammonius threw a stone at Orestes which struck him on the head
and covered him with the blood that flowed from the wound, all the
guards with a few exceptions fled, plunging into the crowd, some in
one direction and some in another, fearing to be stoned to death.
Meanwhile the populace of Alexandria ran to the rescue of the
governor, and put the rest of the monks to flight; but having secured
Ammonius they delivered him up to the prefect. He immediately put him
publicly to the torture, which was inflicted with such severity that
he died under the effects of it: and not long after he gave an account
to the emperors of what had taken place. Cyril also on the other hand
forwarded his statement of the matter to the emperor: and causing the
body of Ammonius to be deposited in a certain church, he gave him the
new appellation of Thaumasius, [943] ordering him to be enrolled among
the martyrs, and eulogizing his magnanimity in church as that of one
who had fallen in a conflict in defence of piety. But the more
sober-minded, although Christians, did not accept Cyril's prejudiced
estimate of him; for they well knew that he had suffered the
punishment due to his rashness, and that he had not lost his life
under the torture because he would not deny Christ. And Cyril himself
being conscious of this, suffered the recollection of the circumstance
to be gradually obliterated by silence. But the animosity between
Cyril and Orestes did not by any means subside at this point, but was
kindled [944] afresh by an occurrence similar to the preceding.
Footnotes
[943] Thaumasios , `wonderful,' `admirable.'
[944] The original here has apesbese, `quenched,' `extinguished,' but
the context demands the very opposite meaning, unless indeed the
outrage on Hypatia was considered the last in the series of occasions
of quarrel between Orestes and Cyril, after which the difference
gradually died out.
Chapter XV.--Of Hypatia the Female Philosopher.
There was a woman at Alexandria named Hypatia, [945] daughter of the
philosopher Theon, who made such attainments in literature and
science, as to far surpass all the philosophers of her own time.
Having succeeded to the school of Plato and Plotinus, she explained
the principles of philosophy to her auditors, many of whom came from a
distance to receive her instructions. On account of the
self-possession and ease of manner, which she had acquired in
consequence of the cultivation of her mind, she not unfrequently
appeared in public in presence of the magistrates. Neither did she
feel abashed in coming to an assembly of men. For all men on account
of her extraordinary dignity and virtue admired her the more. Yet even
she fell a victim to the political jealousy which at that time
prevailed. For as she had frequent interviews with Orestes, it was
calumniously reported among the Christian populace, that it was she
who prevented Orestes from being reconciled to the bishop. Some of
them therefore, hurried away by a fierce and bigoted zeal, whose
ringleader was a reader named Peter, waylaid her returning home, and
dragging her from her carriage, they took her to the church called
Cæsareum, where they completely stripped her, and then murdered her
with tiles. [946] After tearing her body in pieces, they took her
mangled limbs to a place called Cinaron, and there burnt them. This
affair brought not the least opprobrium, not only upon Cyril, [947]
but also upon the whole Alexandrian church. And surely nothing can be
farther from the spirit of Christianity than the allowance of
massacres, fights, and transactions of that sort. This happened in the
month of March during Lent, in the fourth year of Cyril's episcopate,
under the tenth consulate of Honorius, and the sixth of Theodosius.
[948]
Footnotes
[945] The following incident has been popularized by Charles Kingsley
in his well-known novel of Hypatia, which has, however, the accessory
aim of antagonizing the over-estimation of early Christianity by Dr.
Pusey and his followers. The original sources for the history of
Hypatia, besides the present Chapter, are the letters of her pupil
Synesius, and Philostorgius, VIII. 9. Cf. also Wernsdoff, de Hypatia,
philosopha Alex. diss. 4, Viteb. 1748.
[946] ostrakois, lit. `oystershells,' but the word was also applied to
brick tiles used on the roofs of houses.
[947] The responsibility of Cyril in this affair has been variously
estimated by different historians. Walch, Gibbon, and Milman incline
to hold him guilty. J. C. Robertson ascribes him indirect
responsibility, asserting that the perpetrators of the crime `were
mostly officers of his church, and had unquestionably drawn
encouragement from his earlier proceedings.' Hist. of the Christ. Ch.
Vol. I. p. 401. W. Bright says, `Cyril was no party to this hideous
deed, but it was the work of men whose passions he had originally
called out. Had there been no onslaught on the synagogues, there would
doubtless have been no murder of Hypatia.' Hist. of the Church from
313 to 451, pp. 274, 275. See also Schaff, Hist. of the Christ. Ch.
Vol. III. p. 943.
[948] 415 a.d.
Chapter XVI.--The Jews commit Another Outrage upon the Christians and
are punished.
Soon afterwards the Jews renewed their malevolent and impious
practices against the Christians, and drew down upon themselves
deserved punishment. At a place named Inmestar, situated between
Chalcis and Antioch in Syria, the Jews were amusing themselves in
their usual way with a variety of sports. In this way they indulged in
many absurdities, and at length impelled by drunkenness they were
guilty of scoffing at Christians and even Christ himself; and in
derision of the cross and those who put their trust in the Crucified
One, they seized a Christian boy, and having bound him to a cross,
began to laugh and sneer at him. But in a little while becoming so
transported with fury, they scourged the child until he died under
their hands. This conduct occasioned a sharp conflict between them and
the Christians; and as soon as the emperors were informed of the
circumstance, they issued orders to the governor of the province to
find out and punish the delinquents. And thus the Jewish inhabitants
of this place paid the penalty for the wickedness they had committed
in their impious sport.
Chapter XVII.--Miracle performed by Paul Bishop of the Novatians at
the Baptism of a Jewish Impostor.
About this time Chrysanthus bishop of the Novatians, after presiding
over the churches of his own sect seven years, died on the 26th of
August, under the consulate of Monaxius and Plintha. [949] He was
succeeded in the bishopric by Paul, who had formerly been a teacher of
the Latin language: but afterwards, setting aside the Latin language,
had devoted himself to an ascetic course of life; and having founded a
monastery of religious men, he adopted a mode of living not very
different from that pursued by the monks in the desert. In fact I
myself found him just such a person as Evagrius [950] says the monks
dwelling in the deserts ought to be; imitating them in continued
fastings, silence, abstinence from animal food, and for the most part
abstaining also from the use of oil and wine. He was, moreover,
solicitous about the wants of the poor to as great an extent as any
other man; he untiringly visited those who were in prison, and in
behalf of many criminals interceded with the judges, who readily
attended to him on account of his eminent piety. But why should I
lengthen my account of him? For I am about to mention a deed done by
him which is well worthy of being recorded in writing. A certain
Jewish impostor, pretending to be a convert to Christianity, was in
the habit of being baptized often [951] and by that artifice he
amassed a good deal of money. After having deceived many of the
Christian sects by this fraud--for he received baptism from the Arians
and Macedonians--as there remained no others to practise his hypocrisy
upon, he at length came to Paul bishop of the Novatians, and declaring
that he earnestly desired baptism, requested that he might obtain it
at his hand. Paul commended the determination of the Jew, but told him
he could not perform that rite for him, until he had been instructed
in the fundamental principles of the faith, and given himself to
fasting and prayer for many days. [952] The Jew compelled to fast
against his will became the more importunate in his request for
baptism; now as Paul did not wish to discourage him by longer delays,
since he was so urgent, consented to grant his request, and made all
the necessary preparations for the baptism. Having purchased a white
vestment for him, he ordered the font to be filled with water, and
then led the Jew to it in order to baptize him. But a certain
invisible power of God caused the water suddenly to disappear. The
bishop, of course, and those present, had not the least suspicion of
the real cause, but imagined that the water had escaped by the
channels underneath, by means of which they are accustomed to empty
the font; these passages were therefore very carefully closed, and the
font filled again. Again, however, as the Jew was taken there a second
time, the water vanished as before. Then Paul addressing the Jew,
said, `Either you are an evil-doer, wretched man, or an ignorant
person who has already been baptized.' The people having crowded
together to witness this miracle, one among them recognized the Jew,
and identified him as having been baptized by Atticus, the bishop, a
little while before. Such was the portent wrought by the hands of Paul
bishop of the Novatians.
Footnotes
[949] 419 a.d.
[950] On Evagrius, see IV. 23. On the passage in his works alluded,
see Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History, IV. 35, 36.
[951] The repetition of baptism, except in cases in which there was
doubt as to the validity of a first baptism, was considered a
sacrilege. See Smith and Cheetham, Dict. of Christ. Antiq. art.
Iteration Baptism.
[952] Cf. I. 8.
Chapter XVIII.--Renewal of Hostilities between the Romans and Persians
after the Death of Isdigerdes King of the Persians.
Isdigerdes king of the Persians, who had in no way molested the
Christians in his dominions, having died, [953] his son Vararanes by
name succeeded him in the kingdom. This prince yielding to the
influence of the magi, persecuted the Christians there with rigor, by
inflicting on them a variety of Persian punishments and tortures. They
were therefore on account of the oppression obliged to desert their
country and seek refuge among the Romans, entreating them not to
suffer them to be completely extirpated. Atticus the bishop received
these suppliants with great benignity, and did his utmost to help them
in whatsoever way it was possible: accordingly he made the emperor
Theodosius acquainted with the facts. It happened at the same time
that another grievance of the Romans against Persians came to light.
The Persians, that is to say, would not send back the laborers in the
gold mines who had been hired from among the Romans; and they also
plundered the Roman merchants. The bad feeling which these things
produced was greatly increased by the flight of the Persian Christians
into the Roman territories. For the Persian king immediately sent an
embassy to demand the fugitives. But the Romans were by no means
disposed to deliver them up; not only as desirous of defending their
suppliants, but also because they were ready to do anything for the
sake of the Christian religion. For which reason they chose rather to
renew the war with the Persians, than to suffer the Christians to be
miserably destroyed. The league was accordingly broken, and a fierce
war followed. [954] Of which war I deem it not unseasonable to give
some brief account. The Roman emperor first sent a body of troops
under the command of the general Ardaburius; [955] who making an
irruption through Armenia into Persia, ravaged one of its provinces
called Azazene. Narsæus the Persian general marched against him with
the Persian army; but on coming to an engagement he was defeated, and
obliged to retreat. Afterwards he judged it advantageous to make an
unexpected irruption through Mesopotamia into the Roman territories
there unguarded, thinking by this means to be revenged on the enemy.
But this design of Narsæus did not escape the observation of the Roman
general. Having therefore plundered Azazene, he then himself also
hastily marched into Mesopotamia. Wherefore Narsæus, although
furnished with a large army, was prevented from invading the Roman
provinces; but arriving at Nisibis--a city in the possession of the
Persians situated on the frontiers of both empires--he sent Ardaburius
desiring that they might make mutual arrangements about carrying on
the war, and appoint a time and place for an engagement. But he said
to the messengers, `Tell Narsæus that the Roman emperors will not
fight when it pleases him.' The emperor perceiving that the Persian
was mustering his whole force, made additional levies to his army, and
put his whole trust in God for the victory: and that the king was not
without immediate benefit from this pious confidence the following
circumstance proves. As the Constantinopolitans were in great
consternation, and apprehensive respecting the issue of the war,
angels from God appeared to some persons in Bithynia who were
travelling to Constantinople on their own affairs, and bade them tell
the people not to be alarmed, but pray to God and be assured that the
Romans would be conquerors. For they said that they themselves were
appointed by God to defend them. When this message was circulated it
not only comforted the residents of the city, but rendered the
soldiers more courageous. The seat of war being transferred, as we
have said, from Armenia to Mesopotamia, the Romans shut up the
Persians in the city of Nisibis, which they besieged; and having
constructed wooden towers which they advanced by means of machines to
the walls, they slew great numbers of those who defended them, as well
as of those who ran to their assistance. When Vararanes the Persian
monarch learned that his province of Azazene on the one hand had been
desolated, and that on the other his army was closely besieged in the
city of Nisibis, he resolved to march in person with all his forces
against the Romans: but dreading the Roman valor, he implored the aid
of the Saracens, who were then governed by a warlike chief named
Alamundarus. This prince accordingly brought with him a large
reinforcement of Saracen auxiliaries, exhorted the king of the
Persians to fear nothing, for that he would soon reduce the Romans
under his power, and deliver Antioch in Syria into his hands. But the
event did not realize these promises; for God infused into the minds
of the Saracens a terrible panic; and imagining that the Roman army
was falling upon them, and finding no other way of escape, they
precipitated themselves, armed as they were, into the river Euphrates,
wherein nearly one hundred thousand of them were drowned. Such was the
nature of the panic.
The Romans besieging Nisibis, understanding that the king of Persia
was bringing with him a great number of elephants, became alarmed in
their turn, burnt all the machines they had used in carrying on the
siege, and retired into their own country. What engagements afterwards
took place, and how Areobindus another Roman general killed the
bravest of the Persians in single combat, and by what means Ardaburius
destroyed seven Persian commanders in an ambuscade, and in what manner
Vitian another Roman general vanquished the remnant of the Saracen
forces, I believe I ought to pass by, lest I should digress too far
from my subject.
Footnotes
[953] Having reigned between 399 and 420 a.d. Cf. Clinton, Fasti
Romani, year 420.
[954] There had been peace between the Persian and the Roman powers
since 381. Cf. Pagi, Ant. 420, note 14.
[955] Mentioned in Theophanes' Chronographia, p. 74.
Chapter XIX.--Of Palladius the Courier.
How the Emperor Theodosius received intelligence of what was done in
an incredibly short space of time, and how he was quickly informed of
events taking place far away, I shall attempt to explain. For he had
the good fortune to possess among his subjects a man endowed with
extraordinary energy both of body and mind, named Palladius; who rode
so vigorously that he would reach the frontiers of the Roman and
Persian dominions in three days, [956] and again return to
Constantinople in as many more. The same individual traversed other
parts of the world on missions from the emperor with equal celerity:
so that an eloquent man once said not unaptly, `This man by his speed
proves the vast expanse of the Roman Empire to be little.' The king of
the Persians himself was astonished at the expeditious feats which
were related to him of this courier: but we must be content with the
above details concerning him.
Footnotes
[956] Much, of course, depends, in estimating the rate of speed here
recorded, on the exact distance between Constantinople and the rather
indefinite limits of the Persian empire. But even if the minimum of
500 miles be taken as a basis, the speed seems almost incredible.
Chapter XX.--A Second Overthrow of the Persians by the Romans.
Now the emperor of the Romans dwelling in Constantinople being fully
aware that God had plainly given him the victory was so benevolent
that although those under him had been successful in war nevertheless
he desired to make peace; and to that end he dispatched Helion, a man
in whom he placed the greatest confidence, with a commission to enter
into a pacific treaty with the Persians. Helion having arrived in
Mesopotamia, at the place where the Romans for their own security had
formed a trench, sent before him as his deputy Maximin an eloquent man
who was the associate of Ardaburius the commander-in-chief of the
army, to make preliminary arrangements concerning the terms of peace.
Maximin on coming into the presence of the Persian king, said he had
been sent to him on this matter, not by the Roman emperor, but by his
generals; for he said this war was not even known to the emperor, and
if known would be considered insignificant by him. And as the
sovereign of Persia had gladly decided to receive the embassy,--for
his troops were suffering from want of provisions,--there came to him
that corps among them which is distinguished by the name of `the
Immortals.' [957] This is a body of brave men numbering about ten
thousand--and counselled the king not to listen to any overtures for
peace, until they should have made an attack upon the Romans, who,
they said, were now become extremely incautious. The king approving
their advice, ordered the ambassador to be imprisoned and a guard set
over him, and permitted the Immortals to put their design upon the
Romans into execution. They therefore, on arriving at the place
appointed, divided themselves into two bands, with a view to surround
some portion of the Roman army. The Romans observing but one body of
Persians approaching them, prepared themselves to receive it, not
having seen the other division, in consequence of their suddenly
rushing forth to battle. But just as the engagement was about to
commence, Divine Providence so ordered it, that another division of
the Roman army under Procopius a general emerged from behind a certain
hill and perceiving their comrades in danger, attacked the Persians in
the rear. Thus were they, who but a little before had surrounded the
Romans, themselves encompassed. Having utterly destroyed these in a
short time, the Romans turned upon those who broke forth from their
ambuscade and in like manner slew every one of them with darts. In
this way those who by the Persians were termed `the Immortals' were
all of them shown to be mortal, Christ having executed this vengeance
upon the Persians because they had shed the blood of so many of his
pious worshippers. The king of the Persians on being informed of the
disaster, pretended to be ignorant of what had taken place, and
ordered the embassy to be admitted, he thus addressing the ambassador:
`I agree to the peace, not as yielding to the Romans, but to gratify
you, whom I have found to be the most prudent of all the Romans.' Thus
was that war concluded which had been undertaken on account of the
suffering Christians in Persia, under the consulate of the two
Augusti, [958] being the thirteenth of Honorius, and the tenth of
Theodosius, in the fourth year of the 300th Olympiad: and with it
terminated the persecution which had been excited in Persia against
the Christians.
Footnotes
[957] A Persian body-guard called 'Athanatoi, `Immortals,' existed
during the period of the invasion of Greece by the Persians (cf.
Herodotus, VII. 31). The organization and discipline of the later body
must have been, of course, very different.
[958] 422 a.d.
Chapter XXI.--Kind Treatment of the Persian Captives by Acacius Bishop
of Amida.
A noble action of Acacius bishop of Amida, at that time greatly
enhanced his reputation among all men. As the Roman soldiery would on
no consideration restore to the Persian king the captives whom they
had taken, these captives, about seven thousand in number, were being
destroyed by famine in devastating Azazene, and this greatly
distressed the king of the Persians. Then Acacius thought such a
matter was by no means to be trifled with; having therefore assembled
his clergy, he thus addressed them: `Our God, my brethren, needs
neither dishes nor cups; for he neither eats nor drinks, nor is in
want of anything. Since then, by the liberality of its faithful
members the church possesses many vessels both of gold and silver, it
behooves us to sell them, that by the money thus raised we may be able
to redeem the prisoners and also supply them with food.' Having said
these things and many others similar to these, he ordered the vessels
to be melted down, and from the proceeds paid the soldiers a ransom
for their captives, whom he supported for some time; and then
furnishing them with what was needful for their journey, sent them
back to their sovereign. This benevolence on the part of the excellent
Acacius, astonished the king of the Persians, as if the Romans were
accustomed to conquer their enemies as well by their beneficence in
peace as their prowess in war. They say also that the Persian king
wished that Acacius should come into his presence, that he might have
the pleasure of beholding such a man; a wish which by the emperor
Theodosius' order was soon gratified. So signal a victory having
through Divine favor been achieved by the Romans, many who were
illustrious for their eloquence, wrote panegyrics in honor of the
emperor, and recited them in public. The empress herself also composed
a poem in heroic verse: for she had excellent literary taste; being
the daughter of Leontius the Athenian sophist, she had been instructed
in every kind of learning by her father; Atticus the bishop had
baptized her a little while previous to her marriage with the emperor,
and had then given her the Christian name of Eudocia, [959] instead of
her pagan one of Athenaïs. [960] Many, as I have said, produced
eulogiums on this occasion. Some, indeed, were stimulated by the
desire of being noticed by the emperor; while others were anxious to
display their talents to the masses, being unwilling that the
attainments they had made by dint of great exertion should lie buried
in obscurity.
Footnotes
[959] Eudokia, `Benevolence.'
[960] The Chronicon Paschale gives a different account of Eudocia. It
says that her father's name was Heraclitus. When he died her brothers
Gesius and Valerian refused to give her her share of the inheritance.
She came to Constantinople to plead for her rights through Pulcheria,
the sister of Theodosius, and impressed the latter so favorably that
Pulcheria persuaded Theodosius to make her his wife (cf. Chronic.
Pasch. year 420). Her brothers on hearing of her elevation to the
throne fled to Greece, but she sent for them and persuaded Theodosius
to appoint them to high offices, on the ground that she was indebted
to them for her good fortune (cf. Chronic. Pasch. year 421). Besides
her ode commemorating the victory of the imperial forces over the
Persians, several other works of hers are mentioned, viz. paraphrases
of the Pentateuch, Joshua, and Judges into Greek hexameters, a version
of the prophecies of Zachariah and Daniel, and a poem in three books
on St. Cyprian and St. Justina; to these Zonaras adds that she
completed the Centones Homerici of Patricius. Her later years were
clouded by a misunderstanding between her husband and herself, which
is variously given by the contemporaneous historians and altogether
passed over by Socrates. Cf. Evagrius, H. E. I. 20, 22, and Zonaras
Ann. XIII.
Chapter XXII.--Virtues of the Emperor Theodosius the Younger.
But although I am neither eager for the notice of the emperor, nor
wish to make an exhibition of my oratorical powers, yet have I felt it
my duty to record plainly the singular virtues with which the emperor
is endowed: for I am persuaded that silence concerning them, as they
are so excellent, would be injustice to those who should come after
us. In the first place then, this prince though born and nurtured to
empire, was neither stultified nor effeminated by the circumstances of
his birth and education. He evinced so much prudence, that he appeared
to those who conversed with him to have acquired wisdom from
experience. Such was his fortitude in undergoing hardships, that he
would courageously endure both heat and cold; fasting very frequently,
especially on Wednesdays and Fridays; [961] and this he did from an
earnest endeavor to observe with accuracy all the prescribed forms of
the Christian religion. He rendered his palace little different from a
monastery: for he, together with his sisters, rose early in the
morning, and recited responsive hymns in praise of the Deity. By this
training he learnt the holy Scriptures by heart; and he would often
discourse with the bishops on scriptural subjects, as if he had been
an ordained priest of long standing. He was a more indefatigable
collector of the sacred books and of the expositions which had been
written on them, than even Ptolemy Philadelphus [962] had formerly
been. In clemency and humanity he far surpassed all others. For the
emperor Julian although he professed to be a philosopher, could not
moderate his rage against the Antiochians who derided him, but
inflicted upon Theodore the most agonizing tortures. [963] Theodosius
on the contrary, bidding farewell to Aristotle's syllogisms, exercised
philosophy in deeds, by getting the mastery over anger, grief, and
pleasure. Never has he revenged himself on any one by whom he has been
injured; nor has any one ever even seen him irritated. And when some
of his most intimate friends once asked him, why he never inflicted
capital punishment upon offenders, his answer was, `Would that it were
even possible to restore to life those that have died.' To another
making a similar inquiry he replied, `It is neither a great nor a
difficult thing for a mortal to be put to death but it is God only
that can resuscitate by repentance a person that has once died.' So
habitually indeed did he practice mercy, that if any one were guilty
and sentence of death was passed upon him, and he was conducted toward
the place of execution, he was never suffered to reach the gates of
the city before a pardon was issued, commanding his immediate return.
Having once exhibited a show of hunting wild beasts in the
Amphitheatre at Constantinople, the people cried out, `Let one of the
boldest bestiarii [964] encounter the enraged animal.' But he said to
them, `Do ye not know that we are wont to view these spectacles with
feelings of humanity?' By this expression he instructed the people to
be satisfied in future with shows of a less cruel description. His
piety was such that he had a reverential regard for all who were
consecrated to the service of God; and honored in an especial manner
those whom he ascertained to be eminent for their sanctity of life. It
is said that the bishop of Chebron [965] having died at
Constantinople, the emperor expressed a wish to have his cassock of
sackcloth of hair; which, although it was excessively filthy, he wore
as a cloak, hoping that thus he should become a partaker in some
degree of the sanctity of the deceased. In a certain year, during
which the weather had been very tempestuous, he was obliged by the
eagerness of the people to exhibit the usual sports in the Hippodrome;
and when the circus was filled with spectators, the violence of the
storm increased, and there was a heavy fall of snow. Then the emperor
made it very evident how his mind was affected towards God; for he
caused the herald to make a proclamation to the people to this effect:
`It is far better and fitter to desist from the show, and unite in
common prayer to God, that we may be preserved unhurt from the
impending storm.' Scarcely had the herald executed his commission,
when all the people, with the greatest joy, began with one accord to
offer supplication and sing praises to God, so that the whole city
became one vast congregation; and the emperor himself in official
garments, went into the midst of the multitude and commenced the
hymns. Nor was he disappointed in his expectation, for the atmosphere
began to resume its wonted serenity: and Divine benevolence bestowed
on all an abundant harvest, instead of an expected deficiency of corn.
If at any time war was raised, like David he had recourse to God,
knowing that he is the arbiter of battles, and by prayer brought them
to a prosperous issue. At this point therefore, I shall relate, how a
little after the war against the Persians, by placing his confidence
in God he vanquished the usurper John, after Honorius had died on the
15th of August, in the consulate of Asclepiodotus and Marian. [966]
For I judge what then occurred worthy of mention, inasmuch as there
happened to the emperor's generals who were dispatched against the
tyrant, something analogous to what took place when the Israelites
crossed the Red Sea under the guidance of Moses. These things however,
I shall set forth very briefly, leaving to others the numerous details
which would require a special treatise.
Footnotes
[961] On the observance of these two days of the week as fast days in
the early Church see Bingham, Christ. Antiq. XXI. 3.
[962] philadelphos = `lover of his brothers,' but applied to him by
the rhetorical figure of antiphrasis because he killed his brothers.
This Ptolemy Philadelphus reigned in Egypt from 285 to 247 b.c. and is
famous for having the Old Testament translated from Hebrew into Greek,
according to the common tradition, by seventy learned men, whence the
translation has been known as the Septuagint.
[963] Cf. III. 19.
[964] Persons who fought with wild beasts in the games of the circus.
They were of two classes: (1) professionals, those who fought for pay,
and (2) criminals, allowed to use arms in defending themselves against
the wild beasts to which they had been condemned. It is one of the
first class that is here meant.
[965] An altogether unknown and doubtful diocese.
[966] 423 a.d.
Chapter XXIII.--After the Death of the Emperor Honorius John usurps
the Sovereignty at Rome. He is destroyed through the Prayers of
Theodosius the Younger.
When the Emperor Honorius died Theodosius--now sole ruler--having
received the news concealed the truth as long as possible, misleading
the people sometimes with one report, and then with another. But he
privately dispatched a military force to Salonæ, a city of Dalmatia,
that in the event of any revolutionary movement in the West there
might be resources at hand to check it; and after making these
provisional arrangements, he at length openly announced his uncle's
death. In the meantime John, the superintendent of the emperor's
secretaries, [967] not content with the dignity to which he had
already attained, seized upon the sovereign authority; and sent an
embassy to the emperor Theodosius, requesting that he might be
recognized as his colleague in the empire. But that prince first
caused the ambassadors to be arrested, then sent off Ardaburius, the
commander-in-chief of the army, who had greatly distinguished himself
in the Persian war. [968] He, on arriving at Salonæ, set sail from
thence for Aquileia. And he was fortunate as was thought, but fortune
was adverse to him as it afterwards appeared. For a contrary wind
having arisen, he was driven into the usurper's hand. The latter
having seized him became more sanguine in his hope that the emperor
would be induced by the urgency of the case to elect and proclaim him
emperor, in order to preserve the life of his general-in-chief. And
the emperor was in fact greatly distressed when he heard of it, as was
also the army which had been sent against the usurper, lest Ardaburius
should be subjected to evil treatment by the usurper. Aspar the son of
Ardaburius, having learnt that his father was in the usurper's power,
and aware at the same time that the party of the rebels was
strengthened by the accession of immense numbers of barbarians, knew
not what course to pursue. Then again at this crisis the prayer of the
pious emperor prevailed. For an angel of God, under the appearance of
a shepherd, undertook the guidance of Aspar and the troops which were
with him, and led him through the lake near Ravenna--for in that city
the usurper was then residing--and there detained the military chief.
Now, no one had ever been known to have forded that lake before; but
God then rendered that passable, which had hitherto been impassable.
Having therefore crossed the lake, as if going over dry ground, they
found the gates of the city open, and overpowered the usurper. This
event afforded that most devout emperor an opportunity of giving a
fresh demonstration of his piety towards God. For the news of the
usurper's being destroyed, having arrived while he was engaged at the
exhibition of the sports of the Hippodrome, he immediately said to the
people: `Come now, if you please, let us leave these diversions, and
proceed to the church to offer thanksgivings to God, whose hand has
overthrown the usurper.' Thus did he address them; and the spectacles
were immediately forsaken and neglected, the people all passing out of
the circus singing praises together with him, as with one heart and
one voice. And arriving at the church, the whole city again became one
congregation; and once in the church they passed the remainder of the
day in these devotional exercises.
Footnotes
[967] So also Zosimus, V. 40.
[968] See above, chap. 18.
Chapter XXIV.--Valentinian a Son of Constantius and Placidia, Aunt of
Theodosius, is proclaimed Emperor.
After the usurper's death, the emperor Theodosius became very anxious
as to whom he should proclaim emperor of the West. He had a cousin
then very young named Valentinian; the son of his aunt Placidia,
daughter of Theodosius the Great, and sister of the two Augusti
Arcadius and Honorius and of that Constantius who had been proclaimed
emperor by Honorius, [969] and had died after a short reign with him.
This cousin he created Cæsar, and sent into the Western parts,
committing the administration of affairs to his mother Placidia. He
himself also hastened towards Italy, that he might in person both
proclaim his cousin emperor, and also being present among them,
endeavor to influence the natives and residents by his counsels not to
submit to usurpers readily. But when he reached Thessalonica he was
prevented from proceeding further by sickness; he therefore sent
forward the imperial crown to his cousin by Helion the patrician, and
he himself returned to Constantinople. But concerning these matters I
deem the narrative here given sufficient.
Footnotes
[969] Cf. I. 39, and II. 1.
Chapter XXV.--Christian Benevolence of Atticus Bishop of
Constantinople. He registers John's Name in the Diptychs. His
Fore-knowledge of his Own Death.
Meanwhile Atticus the bishop caused the affairs of the church to
flourish in an extraordinary manner; administering all things with
prudence, and inciting the people to virtue by his instruction.
Perceiving that the church was on the point of being divided inasmuch
as the Johannites [970] assembled themselves apart, he ordered that
mention of John should be made in the prayers, as was customary to be
done of the other deceased [971] bishops; by which means he trusted
that many would be induced to return to the Church. And he was so
liberal that he not only provided for the poor of his own parishes,
but transmitted contributions to supply the wants and promote the
comfort of the indigent in the neighboring cities also. On one
occasion as he sent to Calliopius a presbyter of the church at Nicæa,
three hundred pieces [972] of gold he also dispatched the following
letter.
`Atticus to Calliopius--salutations in the Lord.
`I have been informed that there are in your city ten thousand
necessitous persons whose condition demands the compassion of the
pious. And I say ten thousand, designating their multitude rather than
using the number precisely. As therefore I have received a sum of
money from him, who with a bountiful hand is wont to supply faithful
stewards; and since it happens that some are pressed by want, that
those who have may be proved, who yet do not minister to the
needy--take, my friend, these three hundred pieces of gold, and
dispose of them as you may think fit. It will be your care, I doubt
not, to distribute to such as are ashamed to beg, and not to those who
through life have sought to feed themselves at others' expense. In
bestowing these alms make no distinction on religious grounds; but
feed the hungry whether they agree with us in sentiment, or not.'
Thus did Atticus consider even the poor who were at a distance from
him. He labored also to abolish the superstitions of certain persons.
For on being informed that those who had separated themselves from the
Novatians, on account of the Jewish Passover, had transported the body
of Sabbatius [973] from the island of Rhodes--for in that island he
had died in exile--and having buried it, were accustomed to pray at
his grave, he caused the body to be disinterred at night, and
deposited in a private sepulchre; and those who had formerly paid
their adorations at that place, on finding his tomb had been opened,
ceased honoring that tomb thenceforth. Moreover he manifested a great
deal of taste in the application of names to places. To a port in the
mouth of the Euxine sea, anciently called Pharmaceus, [974] he gave
the appellation of Therapeia; [975] because he would not have a place
where religious assemblies were held, dishonored by an inauspicious
name. Another place, a suburb of Constantinople, he termed
Argyropolis, [976] for this reason. Chrysopolis [977] is an ancient
port situated at the head of the Bosphorus, and is mentioned by
several of the early writers, especially Strabo, Nicolaus Damascenus,
and the illustrious Xenophon in the sixth book of his Anabasis of
Cyrus; [978] and again in the first of his Hellenica [979] he says
concerning it, `that Alcibiades having walled it round, established a
toll in it; for all who sailed out of Pontus were accustomed to pay
tithes there.' Atticus seeing the former place to be directly opposite
to Chrysopolis, and very delightfully situated, declared that it was
most fitting it should be called Argyropolis; and as soon as this was
said it firmly established the name. Some persons having said to him
that the Novatians ought not to be permitted to hold their assemblies
within the cities: `Do you not know,' he replied, `that they were
fellow-sufferers with us in the persecution under Constantius and
Valens? [980] Besides,' said he, `they are witnesses to our creed: for
although they separated from the church a long while ago, they have
never introduced any innovations concerning the faith.' Being once at
Nicæa on account of the ordination of a bishop, and seeing there
Asclepiades bishop of the Novatians, then very aged, he asked him,
`How many years have you been a bishop?' When he was answered fifty
years: `You are a happy man,' said he, `to have had charge of so "good
a work" [981] for such a length of time.' To the same Asclepiades he
observed: `I commend Novatus; but can by no means approve of the
Novatians.' And when Asclepiades, surprised at this strange remark,
said, `What is the meaning of your remark, bishop?' Atticus gave him
this reason for the distinction. `I approve of Novatus for refusing to
commune with those who had sacrificed, for I myself would have done
the same: but I cannot praise the Novatians, inasmuch as they exclude
laymen from communion for very trivial offenses.' Asclepiades
answered, `There are many other "sins unto death," [982] as the
Scriptures term them, besides sacrificing to idols; on account of
which even you excommunicate ecclesiastics only, but we laymen also,
reserving to God alone the power of pardoning them.' [983] Atticus had
moreover a presentiment of his own death; for at his departure from
Nicæa, he said to Calliopius a presbyter of that place: `Hasten to
Constantinople before autumn if you wish to see me again alive; for if
you delay beyond that time, you will not find me surviving.' Nor did
he err in this prediction; for he died on the 10th of October, in the
21st year of his episcopate, under the eleventh consulate of
Theodosius, and the first of Valentinian Cæsar. [984] The Emperor
Theodosius indeed, being then on his way from Thessalonica, did not
reach Constantinople in time for his funeral, for Atticus had been
consigned to the grave one day before the emperor's arrival. Not long
afterwards, on the 23d of the same month, October, the young
Valentinian was proclaimed Augustus. [985]
Footnotes
[970] The adherents of Chrysostom. See VI. 3.
[971] He effected this restoration by having the name John enrolled in
the diptychs or registers of those whose names should be included in
the prayers of the liturgy.
[972] chrusinous , with stateras probably to be supplied; if so the
value of these gold pieces was about $5.00, or £1 s. 9d.
[973] See above, chaps. 5 and 12.
[974] pharmakea = `poisoner.'
[975] therapeias : the word occurs in three senses, viz. (1) healing,
(2) service, (3) worship. Probably, and as the sentence following
seems to indicate, the last of these was the one meant to be
emphasized; this is also borne out by the plural number used. If the
first sense were the one for which the word was chosen, it must have
been because of its being in complete contrast to the previous name.
The place retains the name thus given it to this day and constitutes
one of the suburbs of Constantinople.
[976] Silver City.
[977] Golden City.
[978] Cf. Xenophon, Anab. VI. 6. 38.
[979] Cf. Xenophon, Hellenica, I. 1, 22. The event mentioned took
place in 411 b.c.
[980] Cf. IV. 1-6.
[981] 1 Tim. iii. 1.
[982] 1 John v. 17.
[983] The Catholic Church was more severe in its discipline regarding
the clergy than the laity, but it does not appear that excommunication
was in any case absolute and reinstatement impossible. See on this
point the liberal views of Chrysostom, VI. 21. Cf. also Bennett,
Christ. Archæology, p. 383.
[984] 425 a.d.
[985] This was Valentinian III. See chap. 24 above for his
relationship to the reigning Theodosius.
Chapter XXVI.--Sisinnius is chosen to succeed Atticus.
After the decease of Atticus, there arose a strong contest about the
election of a successor, some proposing one person, and some another.
One party, they say, was urgent in favor of a presbyter named Philip;
another wished to promote Proclus who was also a presbyter; but the
general desire of the people was that the bishopric should be
conferred on Sisinnius. This person was also a presbyter but held no
ecclesiastical office within the city, having been appointed to the
sacred ministry in a church at Elæa, a village in the suburbs of
Constantinople. This village is situated across the harbor from the
city, and in it from an ancient custom the whole population annually
assembled for the celebration of our Saviour's ascension. All of the
laity were warmly attached to the man because he was famous for his
piety, and especially because he was diligent in the care of the poor
even `beyond his power.' [986] The earnestness of the laity thus
prevailed, and Sisinnius was ordained on the twenty-eighth day of
February, under the following consulate, which was the twelfth of
Theodosius, and the second of Valentinian. [987] The presbyter Philip
was so chagrined at the preference of another to himself, that he even
introduced the subject into his Christian History, [988] making some
very censorious remarks, both about the person ordained and those who
had ordained him, and much more severely on the laity. But he said
such things as I cannot by any means commit to writing. Since I do not
approve of his unadvised action in committing them to writing, I do
not deem it unseasonable, however, to give some notice here of him and
of his works.
Footnotes
[986] 2 Cor. viii. 3.
[987] 426 a.d.
[988] See Introd. p. 12. Photius, Biblioth. chap. 35, mentions
Philip's attack on Sisinnius and assigns the reason for it as
jealousy, because Philip and Sisinnius both being of the same rank in
the clergy, the latter was made archbishop of Constantinople.
Chapter XXVII.--Voluminous Productions of Philip, a Presbyter of Side.
Philip was a native of Side; Side is a city of Pamphylia. From this
place also Troïlus the sophist came, to whom Philip boasted himself to
be nearly related. He was a deacon and thus admitted to the privilege
of familiar intercourse with John Chrysostom, the bishop. He labored
assiduously in literature, and besides making very considerable
literary attainments, formed an extensive collection of books in every
branch of knowledge. Affecting the Asiatic style, [989] he became the
author of many treatises, attempting among others a refutation of the
Emperor Julian's treatises against the Christians, and compiled a
Christian History, which he divided into thirty-six books; each of
these books occupied several volumes, so that they amounted altogether
to nearly one thousand, and the mere argument [990] of each volume
equalled in magnitude the volume itself. This composition he has
entitled not an Ecclesiastical, but a Christian History, and has
grouped together in it abundance of very heterogeneous materials,
wishing to show that he is not ignorant of philosophical and
scientific learning: for it contains a medley of geometrical theorems,
astronomical speculations, arithmetical calculations, and musical
principles, with geographical delineations of islands, mountains,
forests, and various other matters of little moment. By forcing such
irrelevant details into connection with his subject, he has rendered
his work a very loose production, useless alike, in my opinion, to the
ignorant and the learned; for the illiterate are incapable of
appreciating the loftiness of his diction, and such as are really
competent to form a just estimate, condemn his wearisome tautology.
But let every one exercise his own judgment concerning these books
according to his taste. All I have to add is, that he has confounded
the chronological order of the transactions he describes: for after
having related what took place in the reign of the Emperor Theodosius,
he immediately goes back to the times of the bishop Athanasius; and
this sort of thing he does frequently. But enough has been said of
Philip: we must now mention what happened under the episcopate of
Sisinnius.
Footnotes
[989] This was a heavy, redundant, and turgid style deprecated by
rhetoricians of the better class from the time of Cicero onwards. Cf.
Cicero, Brut. XIII. 51; Quinctilian, Instit. Orat. XII. 10, and
Jerome, ad Rustic. (125. 6).
[990] hupothesis = lit. `subject' or `substance'; the contents, or as
later, called the argument, or summary of contents.
Chapter XXVIII.--Proclus ordained Bishop of Cyzicus by Sisinnius, but
rejected by the People.
The bishop of Cyzicus having died, Sisinnius ordained Proclus to the
bishopric of that city. But while he was preparing to depart thither,
the inhabitants anticipated him, by electing an ascetic named
Dalmatius. This they did in disregard of a law which forbade their
ordination of a bishop without the sanction of the bishop of
Constantinople; [991] but they pretended that this was a special
privilege granted to Atticus personally. Proclus therefore continued
destitute of the presidency over his own church, but acquired
celebrity for his discourses in the churches of Constantinople. We
shall however speak of him more particularly in an appropriate place.
Sisinnius having survived his appointment to the bishopric by barely
two entire years, was removed by death on the 24th of December, in the
consulate of Hierius and Ardaburius. [992] For his temperance,
integrity of life, and benignity to the poor, he was deservedly
eminent; he was moreover singularly affable and guileless in
disposition, and this rendered him rather averse to business, so that
by men of active habits he was accounted indolent.
Footnotes
[991] The Council in its 6th Canon declared that no one should be
ordained bishop without the consent of his metropolitan; but that the
bishop of Constantinople was the metropolitan of the Cyzicenes does
not appear unless the decree of the (Canon 3d) Council of
Constantinople making the latter a patriarchate is to be understood as
rendering the see of Cyzicus subordinate to that of Constantinople, as
an individual church is to the metropolitan. Cf. Bingham, Christ.
Antiq. II. 16. 12.
[992] 427 a.d.
Chapter XXIX.--Nestorius of Antioch promoted to the See of
Constantinople. His Persecution of the Heretics.
After the death of Sisinnius, on account of the spirit of ambitious
rivalry displayed by the ecclesiastics of Constantinople, the emperors
resolved that none of that church should fill the vacant bishopric,
notwithstanding the fact that many eagerly desired to have Philip
ordained, and no less a number were in favor of the election of
Proclus. They therefore sent for a stranger [993] from Antioch, whose
name was Nestorius, [994] a native of Germanicia, [995] distinguished
for his excellent voice and fluency of speech; qualifications which
they judged important for the instruction of the people. After three
months had elapsed therefore, Nestorius was brought from Antioch,
being greatly lauded by some for his temperance: but what sort of a
disposition he was of in other respects, those who possessed any
discernment were able to perceive from his first sermon. Being
ordained on the 10th of April, under the consulate of Felix and
Taurus, [996] he immediately uttered those famous words, before all
the people, in addressing the emperor, `Give me, my prince, the earth
purged of heretics, and I will give you heaven as a recompense. Assist
me in destroying heretics, and I will assist you in vanquishing the
Persians.' [997] Now although these utterances were extremely
gratifying to some of the multitude, who cherished a senseless
antipathy to the very name of heretic; yet those, as I have said, who
were skillful in predicating a man's character from his expressions,
did not fail to detect his levity of mind, and violent and
vainglorious temperament, inasmuch as he had burst forth into such
vehemence without being able to contain himself for even the shortest
space of time; and to use the proverbial phrase, `before he had tasted
the water of the city,' showed himself a furious persecutor.
Accordingly on the fifth day after his ordination, having determined
to demolish a chapel in which the Arians were accustomed to perform
their devotions privately, he drove these people to desperation; for
when they saw the work of destruction going forward in their chapel,
they threw fire into it, and the fire spreading on all sides reduced
many of the adjacent buildings also to ashes. A tumult accordingly
arose on account of this throughout the city, and the Arians burning
to revenge themselves, made preparations for that purpose: but God the
Guardian of the city suffered not the mischief to gather to a climax.
From that time, however, they branded Nestorius as an `incendiary,'
and it was not only the heretics who did this, but those also of his
own faith. For he could not rest, but seeking every means of harassing
those who embraced not his own sentiments, he continually disturbed
the public tranquillity. He annoyed the Novatians also, being incited
to jealousy because Paul their bishop was everywhere respected for his
piety; but the emperor by his admonitions checked his fury. With what
calamities he visited the Quartodecimans throughout Asia, Lydia, and
Caria, and what multitudes perished in a popular tumult of which he
was the cause at Miletus and Sardis, I think proper to pass by in
silence. What punishment he suffered for all these enormities, and for
that unbridled license of speech in which he indulged himself, I shall
mention somewhat later. [998]
Footnotes
[993] epeluda, perhaps in a contemptuous sense = `an imported fellow.'
[994] Founder of Nestorianism (Nestorian church and heresy). For
details on Nestorianism, see Assemani, Bibliotheca Oriental. tom. IV.,
said to be the most exhaustive work on the subject, ancient and modern
alike, being a volume of 950 pp. and occupied with Nestorianism alone.
`It collects information from all quarters, especially from the
Oriental writers, concerning the history, ritual, organization,
schools, and missions.' (Stokes, in Smith and Wace.) The peculiar
characteristic of the Nestorian Christology will appear in the sequel
of Socrates' account. Other accessible sources of information on
Nestorianism and Nestorius will be found in the standard
ecclesiastical histories. Cf. Neander, Hist. of the Christ. Church,
Vol. II. p. 446-524; Schaff, Hist. of the Christ. Church, Vol. III. p.
714-734; Kurtz, Church Hist. Vol. I. p. 334; also Gibbon, Decline and
Fall of the Rom. Empire, chap. 47.
[995] A city in Cilicia, on the western border of Syria.
[996] 428 a.d.
[997] `What the bishops and especially the prelates of the greater
churches said in their first sermon to the people was very carefully
observed among the early Christians. For from that sermon a conjecture
was made as to the faith, doctrine, and temper of every bishop. Hence
the people were wont to take particular notice, and remember their
sayings. A remark of this nature occurs above, Bk. II. chap. 43,
concerning the first sermon of Eudoxius, bishop of Constantinople. And
Theodoret and Epiphanius declare the same concerning the first sermon
of Melitius to the people.'--Valesius.
[998] Below, chap. 36.
Chapter XXX.--The Burgundians embrace Christianity under Theodosius
the Younger.
I must now relate an event well worthy of being recorded, which
happened about this time. There is a barbarous nation dwelling beyond
the Rhine, denominated Burgundians; they lead a peaceful life; for
being almost all artisans, they support themselves by the exercise of
their trades. The Huns, by making continual irruptions on this people,
devastated their country, and often destroyed great numbers of them.
In this perplexity, therefore, the Burgundians resolved to have
recourse not to any human being, but to commit themselves to the
protection of some god: and having seriously considered that the God
of the Romans mightily defended those that feared him, they all with
common consent embraced the faith of Christ. Going therefore to one of
the cities of Gaul, they requested the bishop to grant them Christian
baptism: who ordering them to fast seven days, and having meanwhile
instructed them in the elementary principles of the faith, on the
eighth day baptized and dismissed them. Accordingly becoming confident
thenceforth, they marched against their invaders; nor were they
disappointed in their hope. For the king of the Huns, Uptar [999] by
name, having died in the night from the effects of a surfeit, the
Burgundians attacked that people then without a commander-in-chief;
and although they were few in numbers and their opponents very many,
they obtained a complete victory; for the Burgundians were altogether
but three thousand men, and destroyed no less than ten thousand of the
enemy. From that period this nation became zealously attached to the
Christian religion. About the same time Barbas bishop of the Arians
died, on the 24th of June, under the thirteenth consulate of
Theodosius, [1000] and the third of Valentinian, and Sabbatius was
constituted his successor. Enough has been said of these matters.
Footnotes
[999] Octar, mentioned as an uncle (father's brother) of Attila by
Jornandes, Historia Getarum, chap. 35.
[1000] 430 a.d.
Chapter XXXI.--Nestorius harasses the Macedonians.
Nestorius indeed acted contrary to the usage of the Church, and caused
himself to be hated in other ways also, [1001] as is evident from what
happened during his episcopate. For Anthony bishop of Germa, a city of
the Hellespont, actuated by the example of Nestorius in his
intolerance of heretics, began to persecute the Macedonians, under the
pretext of carrying out the intentions of the patriarch. The
Macedonians for some time endured his annoyance; but when Anthony
proceeded to farther extremities, unable any longer to bear his harsh
treatment, they were led to a sad desperation, and suborning two men,
who put right in a secondary place and profit first, they assassinated
their tormenter. When the Macedonians had perpetrated this crime,
Nestorius took occasion from it to increase his violence of conduct
against them, and prevailed on the emperor to take away their
churches. They were therefore deprived of not only those which they
possessed at Constantinople, before the old walls of the imperial
city, but of those also which they had at Cyzicus, and many others
that belonged to them in the rural districts of the Hellespont. Many
of them therefore at that time came over to the Catholic church, and
professed the `homoousian' faith. But as the proverb says, `drunkards
never want wine, nor the contentious strife': and so it fell out with
regard to Nestorius, who after having exerted himself to expel others
from the church, was himself ejected on the following account.
Footnotes
[1001] By a slight change in the Greek text Valesius renders this
phrase `but caused others also to imitate him,' alleging that the
conduct of Anthony of Germa was in imitation of Nestorius; but the
emendation seems unnecessary. Socrates means that Nestorius made
himself odious in other ways, perhaps through other persons such as
Anthony, &c.
Chapter XXXII.--Of the Presbyter Anastasius, by whom the Faith of
Nestorius was perverted.
Nestorius had an associate whom he had brought from Antioch, a
presbyter named Anastasius; for this man he had the highest esteem,
and consulted him in the management of his most important affairs.
This Anastasius preaching one day in the church said, `Let no one call
Mary Theotocos: [1002] for Mary was but a woman; [1003] and it is
impossible that God should be born of a woman.' These words created a
great sensation, and troubled many both of the clergy and laity; they
having been heretofore taught to acknowledge Christ as God, and by no
means to separate his humanity from his divinity on account of the
economy of incarnation, heeding the voice of the apostle when he said,
`Yea, though we have known Christ after the flesh; yet now henceforth
know we him no more.' [1004] And again, `Wherefore, leaving the word
of the beginning of Christ, let us go on unto perfection.' [1005]
While great offense was taken in the church, as we have said, at what
was thus propounded, Nestorius, eager to establish Anastasius'
proposition--for he did not wish to have the man who was esteemed by
himself found guilty of blasphemy--delivered several public discourses
on the subject, in which he assumed a controversial attitude, and
totally rejected the epithet Theotocos. Wherefore the controversy on
the subject being taken in one spirit by some and in another by
others, the discussion which ensued divided the church, and resembled
the struggle of combatants in the dark, all parties uttering the most
confused and contradictory assertions. Nestorius thus acquired the
reputation among the masses of asserting the blasphemous dogma that
the Lord is a mere man, and attempting to foist on the Church the
dogmas of Paul of Samosata and Photinus; and so great a clamor was
raised by the contention that it was deemed requisite to convene a
general council to take cognizance of the matter in dispute. Having
myself perused the writings of Nestorius, I have found him an
unlearned man and shall candidly express the conviction of my own mind
concerning him: and as in entire freedom from personal antipathies, I
have already alluded to his faults, I shall in like manner be
unbiassed by the criminations of his adversaries, to derogate from his
merits. I cannot then concede that he was either a follower of Paul of
Samosata or of Photinus, or that he denied the Divinity of Christ: but
he seemed scared at the term Theotocos, as though it were some
terrible phantom. [1006] The fact is, the causeless alarm he
manifested on this subject just exposed his extreme ignorance: for
being a man of natural fluency as a speaker, he was considered well
educated, but in reality he was disgracefully illiterate. In fact he
contemned the drudgery of an accurate examination of the ancient
expositors: and, puffed up with his readiness of expression, he did
not give his attention to the ancients, but thought himself the
greatest of all. Now he was evidently unacquainted with the fact that
in the First Catholic epistle of John it was written in the ancient
copies, [1007] `Every spirit that separates Jesus, is not of God.' The
mutilation of this passage [1008] is attributable to those who desired
to separate the Divine nature from the human economy: or to use the
very language of the early interpreters, some persons have corrupted
this epistle, aiming at `separating the manhood of Christ from his
Deity.' But the humanity is united to the Divinity in the Saviour, so
as to constitute not two persons but one only. Hence it was that the
ancients, emboldened by this testimony, scrupled not to style Mary
Theotocos. For thus Eusebius Pamphilus in his third book of the Life
of Constantine [1009] writes in these terms:
`And in fact "God with us" submitted to be born for our sake; and the
place of his nativity is by the Hebrews called Bethlehem. Wherefore
the devout empress Helena adorned the place of accouchement of the
God-bearing virgin with the most splendid monuments, decorating that
sacred spot with the richest ornaments.'
Origen also in the first volume of his Commentaries on the apostle's
epistle to the Romans, [1010] gives an ample exposition of the sense
in which the term Theotocos is used. It is therefore obvious that
Nestorius had very little acquaintance with the treatises of the
ancients, and for that reason, as I observed, objected to the word
only: for that he does not assert Christ to be a mere man, as Photinus
did or Paul of Samosata, his own published homilies fully demonstrate.
In these discourses he nowhere destroys the proper personality [1011]
of the Word of God; but on the contrary invariably maintains that he
has an essential and distinct personality and existence. Nor does he
ever deny his subsistence as Photinus and the Samosatan did, and as
the Manichæans and followers of Montanus have also dared to do. Such
in fact I find Nestorius, both from having myself read his own works,
and from the assurances of his admirers. But this idle contention of
his has produced no slight ferment in the religious world.
Footnotes
[1002] Theotokon, i.e. `Mother of God.' See Neander, Hist. of Christ.
Church, Vol. II. p. 449.
[1003] anthropos, `human being.'
[1004] 2 Cor. v. 16.
[1005] Heb. vi. 1.
[1006] mormolukion , `hobgoblin,' `bugbear.'
[1007] 1 John iv. 2, 3. The findings of modern textual criticism are
at variance with Socrates' opinion that the original in the epistle of
John was luei (separates). Westcott and Hort admit luei into their
margin, but evidently in order to have it translated as the Revised
Version has it (also in the margin) `annulleth,' taking away all the
force of the passage as used here.
[1008] Of what nature was this mutilation? Some authorities omitted it
altogether (see Tischendorf, Novum. Test. ed. Octav. Maj., on the
passage); others changed luei into me homologe.
[1009] Cf. Euseb. Life of Const. III. 43.
[1010] Cf. Origen, Com. in Rom. I. 1. 5.
[1011] hupostasin; see I. chap. 5, note 2.
Chapter XXXIII.--Desecration of the Altar of the Great Church by
Runaway Slaves.
While matters were in this state it happened that an outrage was
perpetrated in the church. For the domestics of a man of quality who
were foreigners, having experienced harsh treatment from their master,
fled from him to the church; and thus they ran up to the very altar
with their swords drawn. [1012] Nor could they be prevailed upon by
any entreaties to withdraw; so that they impeded the performance of
the sacred services; but inasmuch as they obstinately maintained their
position for several days, brandishing their weapons in defiance of
any one who dared to approach them--and in fact killed one of the
ecclesiastics, and wounded another--they were finally compelled to
slay themselves. A person who was present at this desecration of the
sanctuary, remarked that such a profanation was an ominous presage,
and in support of his view of the matter, quoted the two following
iambics of an ancient poet:--
"For such prognostics happen at a time
When temples are defiled by impious crime."
Nor was he who made the prediction disappointed in these inauspicious
forebodings: for they signified as it seems a division among the
people, and the deposition of the author of it.
Footnotes
[1012] Cf. Bingham, Christ. Antiq. VIII. 11.
Chapter XXXIV.--Synod at Ephesus against Nestorius. His Deposition.
Not long time elapsed before a mandate from the emperor directed the
bishops in all places to assemble at Ephesus. [1013] Immediately after
the festival of Easter therefore Nestorius, escorted by a great crowd
of his adherents, repaired to Ephesus, and found many of the bishops
already there. Cyril bishop of Alexandria making some delay, did not
arrive till near Pentecost. Five days after Pentecost, Juvenal bishop
of Jerusalem arrived. While John of Antioch was still absent, those
who were now congregated entered into the consideration of the
question; and Cyril of Alexandria began a sharp skirmish of words,
with the design of terrifying Nestorius, for he had a strong dislike
for him. When many had declared that Christ was God, Nestorius said:
`I cannot term him God who was two and three months old. I am
therefore clear of your blood, and shall in future come no more among
you.' Having uttered these words he left the assembly, and afterwards
held meetings with the other bishops who entertained sentiments
similar to his own. Accordingly those present were divided into two
factions. That section which supported Cyril, having constituted
themselves a council, summoned Nestorius: but he refused to meet them,
and put them off until the arrival of John of Antioch. The partisans
of Cyril therefore proceeded to the examination of the public
discourses of Nestorius which he had preached on the subject in
dispute; and after deciding from a repeated perusal of them that they
contained distinct blasphemy against the Son of God, they deposed him.
This being done, the partisans of Nestorius constituted themselves
another council apart, and therein deposed Cyril himself, and together
with him Memnon bishop of Ephesus. Not long after these events, John
bishop of Antioch made his appearance; and being informed of what had
taken place, he pronounced unqualified censure on Cyril as the author
of all this confusion, in having so precipitately proceeded to the
deposition of Nestorius. Upon this Cyril combined with Juvenal to
revenge themselves on John, and they deposed him also. When affairs
reached this confused condition, Nestorius saw that the contention
which had been raised was thus tending to the destruction of
communion, in bitter regret he called Mary Theotocos, and cried out:
`Let Mary be called Theotocos, if you will, and let all disputing
cease.' But although he made this recantation, no notice was taken of
it; for his deposition was not revoked, and he was banished to the
Oasis, where he still remains. [1014] Such was the conclusion of this
Synod. These things were done on the 28th of June, under the consulate
of Bassus and Antiochus. [1015] John when he had returned to his
bishopric, having convened several bishops, deposed Cyril, who had
also returned to his see: but soon afterwards, having set aside their
enmity and accepting each other as friends, they mutually reinstated
each other in their episcopal chairs. But after the deposition of
Nestorius a mighty agitation prevailed through the churches of
Constantinople. For the people was divided on account of what we have
already called his unfortunate utterances; and the clergy unanimously
anathematized him. For such is the sentence which we Christians are
accustomed to pronounce on those who have advanced any blasphemous
doctrines, when we set up their impiety that it may be publicly
exposed, as it were, on a pillar, to universal execration.
Footnotes
[1013] This was the third of the Ecumenical or General Synods; it was
convened in 431 and dealt with the Nestorian controversy. Cf. Hefele,
Hist. of the Councils of the Ch. Vol. III. p. 1; also Evagrius, H. E.
I. 2, 3, 4.
[1014] After his deposition Nestorius was banished to the Oasis, as
above stated. This Oasis was `a miserable place exposed to the wild
nomad tribes; all around were shifting sands, forming a pathless
solitude. He...employed himself in writing a defense of the opinions
for which he had lost all. The Blemmyes at length invaded the Oasis,
and took Nestorius, among others, captive; then, by what he calls a
most unexpected act of compassion, released him, and bade him hurry
away. He thought it best to proceed to Panopolis in the Thebaid, and
voluntarily reported himself to the governor, who, unmoved by his
pathetic entreaty that the imperial authorities would not be less
merciful than the barbarians, ordered some soldiers to convey him to
Elephantine. The journey under such circumstances exhausted the old
man; a fall severely hurt his hand and side; and before he could reach
Elephantine, a mandate came for his return to Panopolis. Two more
compulsory changes of abode were added to sufferings which remind us
perforce of the last days of S. John Chrysostom; and then the unhappy
Nestorius was no more. The exact year of his death cannot be
ascertained.'--W. Bright, Hist. of the Church from a.d. 313 to 451, p.
371, 372.
[1015] 431 a.d.
Chapter XXXV.--Maximian elected to the Episcopate of Constantinople,
though Some wished Proclus to take that Place.
After this there was another debate concerning the election of a
bishop of Constantinople. Many were in favor of Philip, of whom we
have already made mention; but a still greater number advocated the
claims of Proclus. And the candidacy of Proclus would have succeeded,
had not some of the most influential persons interfered, on the ground
of its being forbidden by the ecclesiastical canon that a person
nominated to one bishopric should be translated to that of another
city. [1016] The people believing this assertion, were thereby
restrained; and about four months after the deposition of Nestorius, a
man named Maximian was promoted to the bishopric, who had lived an
ascetic life, and was also ranked as a presbyter. He had acquired a
high reputation for sanctity, on account of having at his own expense
constructed sepulchral depositaries for the reception of the pious
after their decease, but was `rude in speech' [1017] and inclined to
live a quiet life.
Footnotes
[1016] The canon referred to is probably the fifteenth of Nicæa, as
follows: `On account of the numerous troubles and divisions which have
taken place, it has been thought good that...no bishop, priest, or
deacon should remove from one city to another. If any one should
venture, even after this ordinance of the holy and great Synod, to act
contrary to this present rule, and should follow the old custom, the
translation shall be null, and he shall return to the church to which
he had been ordained bishop or priest.' Cf. also Apostol. Can. 14 and
15, and the twenty-first of the Council of Antioch given by Hefele,
Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 72.
[1017] 2 Cor. xi. 6.
Chapter XXXVI.--The Author's Opinion of the Validity of Translations
from One See to Another.
But since some parties by appealing to a prohibition in the
ecclesiastical canon, prevented the election of Proclus, because of
his previous appointment to the see of Cyzicus, I wish to make a few
remarks on this subject. Those who then presumed to interpose such a
cause of exclusion do not appear to me to have stated the truth; but
they were either influenced by prejudice against Proclus, or at least
have been themselves completely ignorant both of the canons, and of
the frequent and often advantageous precedents that had been
established in the churches. Eusebius Pamphilus relates in the sixth
book of his Ecclesiastical History, [1018] that Alexander bishop of a
certain city in Cappadocia, coming to Jerusalem for devotional
purposes, was detained by the inhabitants of that city, and
constituted bishop, as the successor of Narcissus; and that he
continued to preside over the churches there during the remainder of
his life. So indifferent a thing was it amongst our ancestors, to
transfer a bishop from one city to another as often as it was deemed
expedient. But if it is necessary to place beyond a doubt the
falsehood of the statement of those who prevented the ordination of
Proclus, I shall annex to this treatise the canon bearing on the
subject. It runs thus: [1019]
`If any one after having been ordained a bishop should not proceed to
the church unto which he has been appointed, from no fault on his
part, but either because the people are unwilling to receive him, or
for some other reason arising from necessity, let him be partaker of
the honor and functions of the rank with which he has been invested,
provided he intermeddles not with the affairs of the church wherein he
may minister. It is his duty however to submit to whatever the Synod
of the province may see fit to determine, after it shall have taken
cognizance of the matter.'
Such is the language of the canon. That many bishops have been
transferred from one city to another to meet the exigencies of
peculiar cases, I shall now prove by giving the names of those bishops
who have been so translated. [1020] Perigenes was ordained bishop of
Patræ: but inasmuch as the inhabitants of that city refused to admit
him, the bishop of Rome directed that he should be assigned to the
metropolitan see of Corinth, which had become vacant by the decease of
its former bishop; here he presided during the rest of his days.
Gregory was first made bishop of Sasima, one of the cities of
Cappadocia, but was afterwards transferred to Nazianzus. Melitius
after having presided over the church at Sebastia, subsequently
governed that of Antioch. Alexander bishop of Antioch transferred
Dositheus bishop of Seleucia, to Tarsus in Cilicia. Reverentius was
removed from Arca in Phoenicia, and afterwards to Tyre. John was
transferred from Gordum a city of Lydia, to Proconnesus, and presided
over the church there. Palladius was transferred from Helenopolis to
Aspuna; and Alexander from the same city to Adriani. Theophilus was
removed from Apamea in Asia, to Eudoxiopolis anciently called
Salambria. Polycarp was transferred from Sexantaprista a city of
Mysia, to Nicopolis in Thrace. Hierophilus from Trapezopolis in
Phrygia to Plotinopolis in Thrace. Optimus from Agdamia in Phrygia to
Antioch in Pisidia; and Silvanus from Philippopolis in Thrace to
Troas. This enumeration of bishops who have passed from one see to
another is sufficient for the present; concerning Silvanus who was
removed from Philippopolis in Thrace to Troas I deem it desirable here
to give a concise account.
Footnotes
[1018] Cf. Euseb. H. E. VI. 11.
[1019] The canon here quoted is the eighteenth of the Council of
Antioch (see Hefele, Hist. of the Ch. Councils, Vol. II. p. 71);
whereas the canon of that council bearing on that subject is the
twenty-first, as noted in chap. 35, note 1.
[1020] In what way these canons against the translation of bishops
were understood and observed by the early church is discussed by
Bingham, Christ. Antiq. VI. 4. 6.
Chapter XXXVII.--Miracle performed by Silvanus Bishop of Troas
formerly of Philippopolis.
Silvanus was formerly a rhetorician, and had been brought up in the
school of Troïlus the sophist; but aiming at perfection in his
Christian course, he entered on the ascetic mode of life, and set
aside the rhetorician's pallium. Atticus bishop of Constantinople
having taken notice of him afterwards ordained him bishop of
Philippopolis. [1021] Thus he resided three years in Thrace; but being
unable to endure the cold of that region--for his constitution was
delicate and sickly--he begged Atticus to appoint some one else in his
place, alleging that it was for no other reason but the cold that he
resigned residence in Thrace. This having been done, Silvanus resided
at Constantinople, where he practiced so great austerities that,
despising the luxurious refinements of the age, he often appeared in
the crowded streets of that populous city shod with sandals made of
hay. Some time having elapsed, the bishop of Troas died; on which
account the inhabitants of that city came to Atticus concerning the
appointment of a successor. While he was deliberating whom he should
ordain for them, Silvanus happened to pay him a visit, which at once
relieved him from further anxiety; for addressing Silvanus, he said:
`You have now no longer any excuse for avoiding the pastoral
administration of a church; for Troas is not a cold place: so that God
has considered your infirmity of body, and provided you a suitable
residence. Go thither then, my brother, without delay.' Silvanus
therefore removed to that city.
Here a miracle was performed by his instrumentality, which I shall now
relate. An immense ship for carrying burdens, such as they term
`float,' [1022] intended for the conveyance of enormous pillars, had
been recently constructed on the shore at Troas. This vessel it was
necessary to launch. But although many strong ropes were attached to
it, and the power of a vast number of persons was applied, the vessel
was in no way moved. When these attempts had been repeated several
days successively with the like result, the people began to think that
a devil detained the ship; they therefore went to the bishop Silvanus,
and entreated him to go and offer a prayer in that place. For thus
only they thought it could be launched. He replied with his
characteristic lowliness of mind that he was but a sinner, and that
the work pertained to some one who was just and not to himself. Being
at length prevailed on by their continued entreaties, he approached
the shore, where after having prayed, he touched one of the ropes, and
exhorting the rest to vigorous exertion, the ship was by the first
pull instantly set in motion, and ran swiftly into the sea. This
miracle wrought by the hands of Silvanus, stirred up the whole
population of the province to piety. But the uncommon worth of
Silvanus was manifested in various other ways. Perceiving that the
ecclesiastics made a merchandise of the contentions of those engaged
in law-suits, he would never nominate any one of the clergy as judge:
but causing the documents of the litigants to be delivered to himself,
he summoned to him some pious layman in whose integrity he had
confidence; and committing to him the adjudication of the case, he
soon equitably settled all the differences of the litigants; and by
this procedure Silvanus acquired for himself great reputation from all
classes of persons.
We have indeed digressed pretty much from the course of our history in
giving this account of Silvanus; but yet it will not, we imagine, be
unprofitable. Let us now however return to the place from which we
departed. Maximian, having been ordained on the 25th of October, under
the consulate of Bassus and Antiochus, [1023] the affairs of the
church were reduced to a better ordered and more tranquil condition.
Footnotes
[1021] Another indication that the patriarchal functions of the bishop
of Constantinople were at this time exercised and recognized. The
Council of Chalcedon somewhat later (in 451 a.d.) formally ordered in
its twenty-eighth canon that the metropolitans of the Thracian Pontic,
and Asian dioceses should be ordained by the bishop of Constantinople,
their election being first secured by the clergy and laity of the
dioceses, and referred to the patriarch afterwards.
[1022] platen, a sort of raft; the word is incorrectly spelled plate
according to Sophocles (Greek Lexic., &c.), and should be plote.
[1023] 431 a.d.
Chapter XXXVIII.--Many of the Jews in Crete embrace the Christian
Faith.
About this period a great number of Jews who dwelt in Crete were
convened to Christianity, through the following disastrous
circumstance. A certain Jewish impostor pretended that he was Moses,
and had been [1024] sent from heaven to lead out the Jews inhabiting
that island, and conduct them through the sea: for he said that he was
the same person who formerly preserved the Israelites by leading them
through the Red Sea. During a whole year therefore he perambulated the
several cities of the island, and persuaded the Jews to believe such
assurances. He moreover bid them renounce their money and other
property, pledging himself to guide them through a dry sea into the
land of promise. Deluded by such expectations, they neglected business
of every kind, despising what they possessed, and permitting any one
who chose to take it. When the day appointed by this deceiver for
their departure had arrived, he himself took the lead, and all
followed with their wives and children. He led them therefore until
they reached a promontory that overhung the sea, from which he ordered
them to fling themselves headlong into it. Those who came first to the
precipice did so, and were immediately destroyed, some of them being
dashed in pieces against the rocks, and some drowned in the waters:
and more would have perished, had not the Providence of God led some
fishermen and merchants who were Christians to be present. These
persons drew out and saved some that were almost drowned, who then in
their perilous situation became sensible of the madness of their
conduct. The rest they hindered from casting themselves down, by
telling them of the destruction of those who had taken the first leap.
When at length the Jews perceived how fearfully they had been duped,
they blamed first of all their own indiscreet credulity, and then
sought to lay hold of the pseudo-Moses in order to put him to death.
But they were unable to seize him, for he suddenly disappeared which
induced a general belief that it was some malignant fiend, [1025] who
had assumed a human form for the destruction of their nation in that
place. In consequence of this experience many of the Jews in Crete at
that time abandoning Judaism attached themselves to the Christian
faith.
Footnotes
[1024] Nothing further is heard of this strange affair.
[1025] alastor. Ęschylus and Sophocles apply this word to the Furies.
Chapter XXXIX.--Preservation of the Church of the Novatians from Fire.
A little while after this, Paul bishop of the Novatians acquired the
reputation of a man truly beloved of God in a greater measure than he
had before. For a terrible conflagration having broken out at
Constantinople, such as had never happened before,--for the fire
destroyed the greater part of the city,--as the largest of the public
granaries, the Achillean bath, [1026] and everything else in the way
of the fire were being consumed, it at length approached the church of
the Novatians situated near Pelargus. When the bishop Paul saw the
church endangered, he ran upon the altar, where he commended to God
the preservation of the church and all it contained; nor did he cease
to pray not only for it, but also for the city. And God heard him, as
the event clearly proved: for although the fire entered this oratory
through all its doors and windows, it did no damage. And while many
adjacent edifices fell a prey to the devouring element, the church
itself was seen unscathed in the midst of the whole conflagration
triumphing over its raging flames. This went on for two days and two
nights, when the fire was extinguished, after it had burnt down a
great part of the city: but the church remained entire, and what is
more marvelous still, there was not the slightest trace even of smoke
to be observed either on its timbers or its walls. This occurred on
the 17th of August, in the fourteenth consulate of Theodosius, which
he bore together with Maximus. [1027] Since that time the Novatians
annually celebrate the preservation of their church, on the 17th of
August, by special thanksgivings to God. And almost all men,
Christians and most of the pagans from that time forth continue to
regard that place with veneration as a peculiarly consecrated spot,
because of the miracle which was wrought for its safeguard. So much
concerning these affairs.
Footnotes
[1026] Rebuilt and rededicated, according to the Chronicon of
Marcellinus, under the consuls Maximus and Paterius, i.e. 443 a.d. and
ten years after the fire.
[1027] 433 a.d.
Chapter XL.--Proclus succeeds Maximian Bishop of Constantinople.
Maximian, having peacefully governed the church during two years and
five months, died on the 12th of April, in the consulate of Areobindus
and Aspar. [1028] This happened to be on the fifth day of the week of
fasts which immediately precedes Easter. The day of the week was
Thursday. Then the Emperor Theodosius wishing to prevent the
disturbances in the church which usually attend the election of a
bishop, made a wise provision for this affair; for in order that there
might be no dispute again about the choice of a bishop and tumult thus
arise, without delaying, before the body of Maximian was interred, he
directed the bishops who were then in the city to place Proclus in the
episcopal chair. For he had received already letters from Cælestinus
bishop of Rome approving of this election, which he had forwarded to
Cyril of Alexandria, John of Antioch, and Rufus of Thessalonica; in
which he assured them that there was no impediment to the translation
to another see, of a person who had been nominated and really was the
bishop of some one church. Proclus, being thus invested with the
bishopric, performed the funeral obsequies of Maximian: but it is now
time briefly to give some account of him also.
Footnotes
[1028] 434 a.d.
Chapter XLI.--Excellent Qualities of Proclus.
Proclus was a reader at a very early age, and assiduously frequenting
the schools, became devoted to the study of rhetoric. On attaining
manhood he was in the habit of constant intercourse with Atticus the
bishop, having been constituted his secretary. When he had made great
progress, his patron promoted him to the rank of deacon; subsequently
being elevated to the presbyterate, as we have before stated, he was
ordained by Sisinnius to be bishop of Cyzicus. [1029] But all these
things were done long before. At this time he was allotted the
episcopal chair of Constantinople. He was a man of moral excellence
equal to any other; for having been trained by Atticus, he was a
zealous imitator of all that bishop's virtues. Patience, however, he
exercised to a greater degree than his master, who occasionally
practiced severities upon the heretics; for Proclus was gentle towards
everybody, being convinced that kindness is far more effective than
violence in advancing the cause of truth. Resolving therefore to
vexatiously interfere with no heresy whatever, he restored in his own
person to the church that mild and benign dignity of character, which
had so often before been unhappily violated. In this respect he
followed the example of the Emperor Theodosius; for as the latter had
determined never to exercise his imperial authority against criminals,
so had Proclus likewise purposed not to disquiet those who entertained
other sentiments on divine subjects than those which he cherished
himself.
Footnotes
[1029] See above, chap. 28. This was about the year 427 a.d.
Chapter XLII.--Panegyric of the Emperor Theodosius Younger. [1030]
For these reasons the emperor had the highest esteem for Proclus. For
in fact he himself was a pattern to all true clergymen, and never
approved of those who attempted to persecute others. Nay I may venture
to affirm, that in meekness he surpassed all those who have ever
faithfully borne the sacerdotal office. And what is recorded of Moses
in the book of Numbers, [1031] `Now the man Moses was very meek, above
all the men which were upon the face of the earth'--may most justly be
applied at this day; for the Emperor Theodosius is `meek above all the
men which are upon the face of the earth.' It is because of this
meekness that God subdued his enemies without martial conflicts, as
the capture of the usurper John, [1032] and the subsequent
discomfiture of the barbarians clearly demonstrate. For the God of the
universe has afforded this most devout emperor in our times
supernatural aid of a similar kind to what was vouchsafed to the
righteous heretofore. I write not these things from adulation, but
truthfully narrate facts such as everybody can attest.
Footnotes
[1030] See chap. 22, above.
[1031] Num. xii. 3.
[1032] See above, chap. 23.
Chapter XLIII.--Calamities of the Barbarians who had been the Usurper
John's Allies.
After the death of the usurper, the barbarians whom he had called to
his assistance against the Romans, made preparations for ravaging the
Roman provinces. The emperor being informed of this, immediately, as
his custom was, committed the management of the matter to God; and
continuing in earnest prayer, he speedily obtained what he sought; for
it is worth while to give attention to disasters which befell the
barbarians. [1033] For their chief, whose name was Rougas, was struck
dead with a thunderbolt. Then a plague followed which destroyed most
of the men who were under him: and as if this was not sufficient, fire
came down from heaven, and consumed many of the survivors. This filled
the barbarians with the utmost terror; not so much because they had
dared to take up arms against a nation of such valor as the Romans
possessed, as that they perceived them to be assisted by a mighty God.
On this occasion, Proclus the bishop preached a sermon in the church
in which he applied a prophecy out of Ezekiel to the deliverance
effected by God in the late emergency, and was in consequence much
admired. This is the language of the prophecy: [1034]
`And thou, son of man, prophesy against Gog the prince of Rhos,
Mosoch, and Thobel. For I will judge him with death, and with blood,
and with overflowing rain, and with hail-stones. I will also rain fire
and brimstone upon him, and upon all his bands, and upon many nations
that are with him. And I will be magnified, and glorified, and I will
be known in the eyes of many nations: and they shall know that I am
the Lord.'
This application of the prophecy was received with great applause, as
I have said, and enhanced the estimation in which Proclus was held.
Moreover the providence of God rewarded the meekness of the emperor in
various other ways, one of which was the following.
Footnotes
[1033] Who these barbarians were it is impossible to find out
precisely, and that not because no mention is made of barbarian
inroads on the imperial territories, but because so many are mentioned
by the chronographers and the historians of the Goths (Jornandes,
Prosper Aquitanus, Marcellinus, &c.) that it is impossible to identify
this with any of them to the exclusion of the rest. Rougas also
appears in these historians as Rouas (in Priscus), Roas (in
Jornandes), Rugilas (in Prosper Aquitanus), and is said to be related
to Attila; but nothing certain can be drawn from the accounts.
[1034] Ezek. xxxviii. 2, 22, 23. Ambrose has also used this prophecy,
applying it to the Goths, and exhorted Gratian to make war against
them. Cf. Ambrose, de Fide, 2. 16. The quotation here is from the LXX.
Chapter XLIV.--Marriage of the Emperor Valentinian with Eudoxia the
Daughter of Theodosius.
He had by the empress Eudocia, his wife, a daughter named Eudoxia. Her
his cousin Valentinian, appointed by him emperor of the West, demanded
for himself in marriage. When the emperor Theodosius had given his
assent to this proposal, and they had consulted with each other as to
the place on the frontiers of both empires, where it would be
desirable that the marriage should be celebrated, it was decided that
both parties should go to Thessalonica (which is about half-way) for
this purpose. But Valentinian sent a message to the effect that he
would not give him the trouble of coming, for that he himself would go
to Constantinople. Accordingly, having secured the Western parts with
a sufficient guard, he proceeded thither on account of his nuptials,
which were celebrated in the consulate of Isidore and Sinator; [1035]
after which he returned with his wife into the West. This auspicious
event took place at that time.
Footnotes
[1035] 436 a.d.
Chapter XLV.--The Body of John Chrysostom transferred to
Constantinople, and placed in the Church of the Apostles by the
Emperor at the Instigation of Proclus.
Not long after this, Proclus the bishop brought back to the Church
those who had separated themselves from it on account of Bishop John's
deposition, he having soothed the irritation by a prudent expedient.
What this was we must now recount. Having obtained the emperor's
permission, he removed the body of John from Comana, where it was
buried, to Constantinople, in the thirty-fifth year after his
deposition. And when he had carried it in solemn procession through
the city, he deposited it with much honor in the church termed The
Apostles. By this means the admirers of that prelate were conciliated,
and again associated in communion with the [catholic] Church. This
happened on the 27th of January, in the sixteenth consulate of the
Emperor Theodosius. [1036] But it astonishes me that envy, which has
been vented against Origen since his death, has spared John. For the
former was excommunicated by Theophilus about two hundred years after
his decease; while the latter was restored to communion by Proclus in
the thirty-fifth year after his death! So different was Proclus from
Theophilus. And men of observation and intelligence cannot be deceived
in reference to how these things were done and are continually being
done.
Footnotes
[1036] 438 a.d.
Chapter XLVI.--Death of Paul Bishop of the Novatians, and Election of
Marcian as his Successor.
A little while after the removal of John's body, Paul bishop of the
Novatians died, on the 21st of July, under the same consulate: [1037]
who at his own funeral united, in a certain sense, all the different
sects into one church. For all parties attended his body to the tomb,
chanting psalms together, inasmuch as even during his lifetime by his
rectitude he was in universal esteem by all. But as Paul just before
his death performed a memorable act, I deem it advantageous to insert
it in this history as it may be interesting to the readers of this
work to be acquainted with it. And lest the brilliancy of that
important deed should be obscured by dwelling on circumstantial
details of minor consequence, I shall not stay to expatiate on the
strictness with which he maintained his ascetic discipline as to diet
even throughout his illness, without the least departure from the
course he had prescribed for himself, or the omission of any of the
ordinary exercises of devotion with his accustomed fervor. But what
was this deed? Conscious that his departure was at hand, he sent for
all the presbyters of the churches under his care, and thus addressed
them: `Give your attention while I am alive to the election of a
bishop to preside over you, lest the peace of your churches should
hereafter be disturbed.' They having answered that this affair had
better not be left to them: `For inasmuch,' said they, `as some of us
have one judgment about the matter, and some another, we would by no
means nominate the same individual. We wish therefore that you would
yourself designate the person you would desire to succeed you.' `Give
me then,' said Paul, `this declaration of yours in writing, that you
will elect him whom I should appoint.' When they had written this
pledge, and ratified it by their signatures, Paul, rising in his bed
and sitting up, wrote the name of Marcian in the paper, without
informing any of those present what he had inserted. This person had
been promoted to the rank of presbyter, and instructed in the ascetic
discipline by him, but was then gone abroad. Having folded this
document and put his own seal on it, he caused the principal
presbyters to seal it also; after which he delivered it into the hands
of Marcus a bishop of the Novatians in Scythia, who was at that time
staying at Constantinople, to whom he thus spake, `If it shall please
God that I should continue much longer in this life, restore me this
deposit, now entrusted to your safe keeping. But should it seem fit to
him to remove me, you will herein discover whom I have chosen as my
successor in the bishopric.' Soon after this he died; and on the third
day after his death, the paper having been unfolded in the presence of
a great number of persons, Marcian's name was found within it, when
they all cried out that he was worthy of the honor. Messengers were
therefore sent off without delay to bring him to Constantinople.
These, by a pious fraud, finding him residing at Tiberiopolis in
Phrygia, brought him back with them; whereupon he was ordained and
placed in the episcopal chair on the 21st of the same month. [1038]
Footnotes
[1037] As above, 438 a.d.
[1038] This seems hardly probable when compared with the opening
sentence of the Chapter, and so Valesius with Christophorson and
others change it into August. The emendation suggested in the Greek is
not a difficult one; it simply adds between au- and tou of the word
autou (above translated `the same'), the syllable gous- making it
thus, augoustou menos, `month of August.' The emendation, or something
equivalent to it, must be accepted, otherwise we are compelled to
place the death of Paul and the ordination of Marcian together with
the intervening events on the same day.
Chapter XLVII.--The Empress Eudocia goes to Jerusalem; sent there by
the Emperor Theodosius.
Moreover the Emperor Theodosius offered up thanksgivings to God for
the blessings which had been conferred upon him; at the same time
reverencing Christ with the most special honors. He also sent his wife
Eudocia to Jerusalem, [1039] she having bound herself by a vow to go
thither, should she live to see the marriage of her daughter. The
empress therefore, on her visit to the sacred city, adorned its
churches with the most costly gifts; and both then, and after her
return, decorated all the churches in the other cities of the East
with a variety of ornaments.
Footnotes
[1039] On this visit of the empress to Jerusalem, see Evagrius, H. E.
I. 20-23. During this visit for some reason or other--variously stated
by the authors of the period--an alienation occurred between the
emperor and Eudocia. See above, chap. 21, note 2.
Chapter XLVIII.--Thalassius is ordained Bishop of Cæsarea in
Cappadocia.
About this same time, under the seventeenth consulate of Theodosius,
[1040] Proclus the bishop undertook the performance of an act, such as
no one among the ancients had done. Firmus bishop of Cæsarea in
Cappadocia being dead, the inhabitants of that place came to
Constantinople to consult Proclus about the appointment of a bishop.
While Proclus was considering whom he should prefer to that see, it so
happened that all the senators came to the church to visit him on the
sabbath day; among whom was Thalassius also, a man who had
administered the government of the nations and cities of Illyricum.
And as it was reported that the emperor was about to entrust the
government of the Eastern parts to him, Proclus laid his hands on him,
and ordained him bishop of Cæsarea, instead of Prætorian Prefect.
In such a flourishing condition were the affairs of the Church at this
time. But we shall here close our history, praying that the churches
everywhere, with the cities and nations, may live in peace; for as
long as peace continues, those who desire to write histories will find
no materials for their purpose. And we ourselves, O holy man of God,
Theodore, should have been unable to accomplish in seven books the
task we undertook at your request, had the lovers of seditions chosen
to be quiet.
This last book contains an account of the transactions of thirty-two
years: and the whole history which is comprised in seven books,
comprehends a period of 140 years. [1041] It commences from the first
year of the 271st Olympiad, in which Constantine was proclaimed
emperor; and ends at the second year of the 305th Olympiad, in which
the Emperor Theodosius bore his seventeenth consulate. [1042]
Footnotes
[1040] 439 a.d.
[1041] Evidently a round number, as he begun with the year 305 (cf. I.
1), and the exact number of years included in the history cannot be
more than 135.
[1042] 439 a.d.
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