Council of Nicaea, Nicea, Nicæa (325)尼西亚 理事会

Ní xī yà

General Information一般信息

The two councils of Nicaea or Nicæa were ecumenical councils of the Christian church held in 325 and 787, respectively.尼西亚或尼西亚两个市政局的人,分别在325基督教教堂举行议会基督教和787。The First Council of Nicæa, the first ecumenical council held by the church, is best known for its formulation of the Nicene Creed, the earliest dogmatic statement of Christian orthodoxy. The council was convened in 325 by the Roman emperor Constantine I in an attempt to settle the controversy raised by Arianism over the nature of the Trinity.该教会的尼西亚公会议,第一个由基督教会举行,是已知的最正统基督教制定的尼西亚信经,最早的教条式的声明。安理会召开了由325罗马皇帝康斯坦丁我试图在一三位一体提出的解决争议的阿里乌教派以上的性质。 Nearly all those who attended came from the eastern Mediterranean region.谁参加了几乎所有这些来自地中海东部地区。

It was the decision of the council, formalized in the Nicene Creed, that God the Father and God the Son were consubstantial and coeternal and that the Arian belief in a Christ created by and thus inferior to the Father was heretical. Arius himself was excommunicated and banished.这是安理会的决定,正式在尼西亚信条,即圣父和圣子是同质和coeternal阿里安信仰,而在基督下创建的,因此对父亲是异端邪说。阿里乌斯自己被逐出教会和放逐。 The council was also important for its disciplinary decisions concerning the status and jurisdiction of the clergy in the early church and for establishing the date on which Easter is celebrated.安理会还重要的复活节庆祝其纪律处分决定中有关神职人员地位和管辖范围内的早期教会和建立的日期。

The Second Council of Nicæa, the seventh ecumenical council of the Christian church, was convoked by the Byzantine empress Irene in 787 to rule on the use of saints' images and icons in religious devotion.基督教教会第二届理事会的尼西亚,在第七次大公会议,召集了由787拜占庭皇后艾琳在作出裁决,就和使用圣人的形象奉献图标宗教。 At that time a strong movement known as Iconoclasm, which opposed the pictorial representation of saints or of the Trinity, existed in the Greek church.在这三位一体的一次强烈的运动被称为反传统,它或反对的图案代表的圣人,存在于希腊教堂。At the prompting of Irene, the council declared that whereas the veneration of images was legitimate and the intercession of saints efficacious, their veneration must be carefully distinguished from the worship due God alone.在艾琳提示后,消费者委员会宣布,而图像崇拜的是合法的和有效的圣徒祈求的,他们的敬仰必须仔细区分由于只有神的崇拜。

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Bibliography 书目
AE Burn, The Council of Nicaea (1925); G Forell, Understanding the Nicene Creed (1965); EJ Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Controversy (1930).声发射烧伤,理事会的尼西亚(1925年); Ğ Forell,了解尼西亚信条(1965年); Ej为马丁,A)的历史打破传统习俗论战(1930。


Council of Nicaea or Nicæa (325)安理会尼西亚或尼西亚(325)

Advanced Information先进的信息

The first ecumenical council in the history of the church was convened by the emperor Constantine at Nicaea in Bithynia (now Isnik, Turkey).第一个教会大公会议的召开在历史上由皇帝君士坦丁在比提尼亚尼西亚(今Isnik,土耳其)。The main purpose of the council was to attempt to heal the schism in the church provoked by Arianism.该理事会的主要目的是企图医治阿里乌教派分裂挑起教堂中。This it proceeded to do theologically and politically by the almost unanimous production of a theological confession (the Nicene Creed) by over three hundred bishops representing almost all the eastern provinces of the empire (where the heresy was chiefly centered) and by a token representation from the West. The creed thus produced was the first that could legally claim universal authority as it was sent throughout the empire to receive the agreement of the churches (with the alternative consequences of excommunication and imperial banishment).这还着手做神学和政治上的尼西亚信)几乎一致的神学生产供认(即超过300主教代表几乎所有的代表来自东部省份的帝国(其中主要是异端中心)和一个记号西方。因此产生的信条是:第一,可以合法地主张普遍的权威,因为它是整个帝国发送接收协议逐出教会和帝国放逐替代后果的教堂(与)。

The issue which culminated at Nicaea arose out of an unresolved tension within the theological legacy of Origen concerning the relation of the Son to the Father.尼西亚问题的产生,最终导致了在一个未解决的紧张父神学遗产内的渊源关系有关的儿子。On the one hand there was the attribution of deity to the Son in a relationship with the Father described as eternal generation.一方面有归属的神与父在子的关系形容为永恒的一代。On the other hand there was clear subordinationism.另一方面有明确subordinationism。Almost appropriately, the dispute erupted at Alexandria about 318, with Arius, a popular presbyter of the church district of Baucalis, developing the latter strain of Origenism against Bishop Alexander, who advocated the former line of thinking.几乎适当的争端爆发亚历山大约318,与阿里乌斯,地区极受欢迎的教会长老的Baucalis发展的思维对后者的应变Origenism亚历山大主教,谁前行主张。 Arius was a quite capable logician who attacked Alexander (with motives not entirely scholarly) on the charge of Sabellianism.阿里乌斯是一个很能干逻辑学家谁袭击完全学术亚历山大(不与动机)对形态论负责。After a local synod heard his own views and dismissed them and him as unsound, Arius demonstrated his popularizing literary and political talents, gathering support beyond Alexandria.经过当地主教听到自己的意见和解雇他们,他的不健全,阿里乌斯展示了他的文学和政治人才的普及,收集亚历山大支持超越。

His theological views appealed to left - wing Origenists, including the respected Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea.他的神学观点呼吁左-翼Origenists撒利亚主教,其中包括,尊重尤西比乌斯。His closest and most helpful ally was his former fellow student in the school of Lucian, Eusebius, bishop at the imperial residence of Nicomedia. After Constantine's personal envoy, Hosius of Cordova, failed to effect a reconciliation in 322 between the two parties in Alexandria, the emperor decided to convene an ecumenical council.他最亲密和最有用的盟友是他前尼科美底亚同学居住在学校的卢奇安帝国,尤西比乌斯在主教。后君士坦丁的个人特使,科尔多瓦侯休斯的,没有效力的亚历山大和解322两党之间,皇帝决定召开一次大公会议。

The teaching of Arianism is well documented.阿里乌教派的教学是有据可查的。The central controlling idea is the unique, incommunicable, indivisible, transcendent nature of the singular divine being.中央控制的想法是独特的,静默,不可分割的,神圣而奇异的超验性质。This is what the Arians referred to as the Father.这就是白羊座称为父的。Logically pressing this definition of the Father and making use of certain biblical language, the Arians argued that if the error of Sabellius was to be avoided (and everyone was anxious to avoid it), then certain conclusions about the Son were inescapable.从逻辑上讲按此父亲的定义,使语言的使用某些圣经的阿里安斯认为,如果撒伯流错误的,就是要避免(和每个人都渴望避免它),然后对某些结论的儿子是不可避免的。 And it is this view of the Son which is the central significance of Arianism. He cannot be of the Father's being or essence (otherwise that essence would be divisible or communicable or in some way not unique or simple, which is impossible by definition).正是这种阿里乌教派鉴于该之子,是意义的中心。他不可能对父亲正在或本质(否则的本质是分割或传染病或以某种方式不是唯一的或简单的,这是不可能的定义)。 He therefore exists only by the Father's will, as do all other creatures and things.因此,他只存在了父亲的意愿,因为所有其他的生物和事物。The biblical description of his being begotten does imply a special relationship between the Father and the Word or Son, but it cannot be an ontological relationship.圣经描述的或他的儿子被造物主这个词意味着特殊关系的父亲和,但它不能是一个本体论的关系。

"Begotten" is to be taken in the sense of "made," so that the Son is a ktisma or poiema, a creature.“造物主”是要在意义上采取了“制造的,”这样子是一个ktisma或poiema,一个生物。Being begotten or made, he must have had a beginning, and this leads to the famous Arian phrase, "there was when he was not."作为造物主或作出,他必须有一个开端,这导致了著名的阿里安一句,“当他有没有。”Since he was not generated out of the Father's being and he was, as they accorded him, the first of God's creation, then he must have been created out of nothing.由于他没有产生出了父亲的幸福和他,因为他们给予他,第一次没有上帝的创造,那么他一定是被创造出来的。Not being of perfect or immutable substance, he was subject to moral change.没有物质被完美或一成不变的,他是受到道德的变化。 And because of the extreme transcendence of God, in the final respect the Son has no real communion or knowledge of the Father at all.而由于神的极端超越,在最后的儿子就没有真正的共融的所有父亲或知识。 The ascription of theos to Christ in Scripture was deemed merely functional.归属的西奥斯在圣经基督被认为只是功能。

The council of Nicaea opened June 19, 325, with Hosius of Cordova presiding and the emperor in attendance.理事会的尼西亚6月19日开幕,325科尔多瓦,与侯休斯主持和出席皇帝研究。Despite the absence of official minutes a sketch of the proceedings can be reconstructed. Following an opening address by the emperor in which the need for unity was stressed, Eusebius of Nicomedia, leading the Arian party, presented a formula of faith which candidly marked a radical departure from traditional formularies.尽管缺乏官方1分钟程序示意图可以重建。继激进的开幕词由皇帝在这一年,需要团结,强调尤西比乌斯的尼科美底亚,阿里安党的领导,标志着提出了坦率公式信仰离开传统的处方。 The disapproval was so strong that most of the Arian party abandoned their support of the document and it was torn to shreds before the eyes of everyone present.这是如此的强烈不满,党的大部分阿里安放弃他们的文件支持,它被拆除在场的所有人眼睛碎片前。Soon thereafter Eusebius of Caesarea, anxious to clear his name, read a lengthy statement of faith that included what was probably a baptismal creed of the church of Caesarea.此后不久尤西比乌斯的该撒利亚,急于想清楚他的名字,读了长篇发言,其中包括信仰什么,大概是该撒利亚洗礼的信仰基督教。 Eusebius had been provisionally excommunicated earlier in the year by a synod in Antioch for refusing to sign an anti - Arian creed.尤西比乌斯早些时候已被暂时逐出教会-阿里安信仰而去年在安提阿的主教拒绝签署一项打击。 The emperor himself pronounced him orthodox with only the suggestion that he adopt the word homoousios.皇帝亲自宣布他的正统字homoousios只建议他采用。

For a long time the confession of Eusebius was believed to have formed the basis of the Nicene Creed, which was then modified by the council.在很长一段时间尤西比乌斯供认的被认为已经形成的基础,安理会尼西亚信条,这是当时的修改。However, it seems clear that such was not the case, the structure and content of the latter being significantly different from the former.然而,很明显,这种情况并非如此,结构和内容,后者是前者明显不同的。Most likely a creed was introduced under the direction of Hosius, discussed (especially the term homoousia), and drafted in its final form requiring the signatures of the bishops.最有可能的一个信条是介绍他们根据侯休斯方向,讨论(特别是长期homoousia),形成拟在其最后的签名,要求主教的。 All those present (including Eusebius of Nicomedia) signed except two who were subsequently exiled.所有在场的人(包括尤西比乌斯的尼科美底亚)签署除两名谁后来流放。

It should be noted that this creed is not that which is recited in churches today as the Nicene Creed.应当指出,这一信条是不是在背诵这是教会今天的尼西亚信经。Although similar in many respects, the latter is significantly longer than the former and is missing some key Nicene phrases.虽然在很多方面相似,后者明显长于前者,而缺少一些关键尼西亚词组。

The theology expressed in the Nicene Creed is decisively anti-Arian. At the beginning the unity of God is affirmed.尼西亚的神学教义表达是决定性反阿里安的。在统一的开始上帝肯定。But the Son is said to be "true God from true God."但他的儿子被认为是“真神真神的。”Although confessing that the Son is begotten, the creed adds the words, "from the Father" and "not made."虽然坦白说,儿子是造物主的信仰添加的话说,“从父”和“没有。”It is positively asserted that he is "from the being (ousia) of the Father" and "of one substance (homoousia) with the Father."这是积极的断言,他是“从目前(ousia)的父亲”和“一种物质(homoousia)与父。”A list of Arian phrases, including "there was when he was not" and assertions that the Son is a creature or out of nothing, are expressly anathematized.阿里安一个短语列表,包括“时,他有没有”,并断言的儿子是生物或无出,是明确诅咒。Thus an ontological rather than merely functional deity of the Son was upheld at Nicaea.因此,本体论,而不是仅仅是神的儿子的功能是维持在尼西亚。The only thing confessed the Spirit, however, is faith in him.唯一承认的精神,却是他信仰。

Among other things achieved at Nicaea were the agreement on a date to celebrate Easter and a ruling on the Melitian Schism in Egypt.其中在尼西亚取得其他事情的日期达成一致意见,以庆祝复活节和埃及执政的Melitian恩怨研究。Arius and his most resolute followers were banished, but only for a short time.阿里乌斯和他的最坚定的追随者被驱逐,但只有很短的时间。In the majority at Nicaea was Athanasius, then a young deacon, soon to succeed Alexander as bishop and carry on what would become a minority challenge to a resurgent Arianism in the East.在尼西亚多数在被亚他那修,然后一个年轻的执事,主教亚历山大接替即将进行的和少数人会变成怎样的挑战,一个东方复活阿里乌教派研究。 However, the orthodoxy of Nicaea would eventually and decisively be reaffirmed at the Council of Constantinople in 381.然而,尼西亚正统的最终果断将重申了安理会的君士坦丁堡在381。

CA Blaising加州Blaising
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃尔韦尔福音字典)

Bibliography 书目
Athanasius, Defense of the Nicene Council; Eusebius, The Life of Constantine; Socrates, Ecclesiastical History; Sozomen, Ecclesiastical History; Theodoret, Ecclesiastical History; AE Burn, The Council of Nicea; J Gonzalez, A History of Christian Thought, I; HM Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism; RC Gregg and DE Groh, Early Arianism; A Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition; JND Kelly, Early Christian Creeds and Early Christian Doctrines; C Luibheid, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Arian Crisis.亚他那修,理事会防御的尼西亚;君士坦丁尤西比乌斯,对生命,苏格拉底,教会史; Sozomen,教会史; Theodoret,教会史;声发射燃烧,尼西亚议会; J冈萨雷斯,思想史的一个基督徒,我;航模格沃特金,阿里乌教派的研究;署署长格罗,格雷格和钢筋混凝土的早期阿里乌教派,一个格里尔迈尔,传统基督在基督徒; JND的凯利,早期基督教教义和早期基督教的教义;三Luibheid,撒利亚尤西比乌斯和阿里安的危机。


The First General Council of Nicaea, Nicæa 325总理事会第一次尼西亚,尼西亚325

Advanced Information先进的信息

It is more than sixteen hundred years since the first of the General Councils of the Church met.总议会,教会,是多年以来首次超过1600会晤。This is so long ago that the very names of the places connected with its history have quite disappeared from common knowledge and the atlases.这是很久以前的,随着历史的地方连接的非常名字有相当地图集常识和消失的。 They have about them an air of the fabulous; Nicaea, Bithynia, Nicomedia, and the rest.他们对他们一个极好的空气;尼西亚,庇推尼去,尼科美底亚,其余的。The very unfamiliarity of the sounds is a reminder that even for the purpose of the slight consideration which is all that these pages allow, a considerable adjustment of the mind is called for.很陌生的声音提醒的是,即便是对为目的的轻微的考虑是让所有这些网页,在一个相当大的调整的头脑被调用。We must, somehow, revive the memory of a world that has wholly passed away, that had disappeared, indeed, well nigh a thousand years already when Columbus and his ships first sighted the coasts of the new continent.我们必须以某种方式,重振世界记忆的一个已经完全过去了,那已经消失,实际上,几乎成了1000年已经和他的船时,哥伦布首次新大陆的海岸短视的。

The business that brought the three hundred or so bishops to Nicaea in 325 from all over the Christian world was to find a remedy for the disturbances that had seriously troubled the East for now nearly two years.该业务带来的300多主教在325到尼西亚来自全国各地的基督教世界是要找到一个年两个补救的动乱现在已经严重困扰近东。 The cause of these disturbances was a new teaching about the basic mystery of the Christian religion.这场骚乱的原因,这些是基督教新的教学有关的基本谜。

Let our expert summarise the position, and say what it was that the new leader, Arius by name, had lately been popularising, through sermons, writings, and popular hymns and songs.让我们的专家总结的立场,并说这是什么,新的领导人,名称阿里乌斯的,最近已被推广,通过讲道,著作,和流行的赞美诗和歌曲。 "It was the doctrine of Arianism that our Lord was a pure creature, made out of nothing, liable to fall, the Son of God by adoption, not by nature, and called God in Scripture, not as being really such, but only in name. At the same time [Arius] would not have denied that the Son and the Holy Ghost were creatures transcendently near to God, and immeasurably distant from the rest of creation. “这是阿里乌教派主义,我们的主是一个纯粹的动物,出于什么,可能会坠落,通过上帝的儿子,而不是本质,并呼吁上帝在圣经,而不是被真的如此,但只有在名称时间。在同[阿里乌斯]不会否认,儿子和圣灵是生物transcendently接近上帝,和难以估量的创作远从休息。

"Now, by contrast, how does the teaching of the Fathers who preceded Arius, stand relatively to such a representation of the Christian Creed? Is it such, or how far is it such, as to bear Arius out in so representing it? This is the first point to inquire about. “现在,相比之下,请问阿里乌斯教的前面谁的父亲,站在这样一个信条相对代表性的基督教?它是这样的,或者有多远等,以承担它阿里乌斯代表在如此呢?这是第一点查询。

"First of all, the teaching of the Fathers was necessarily directed by the form of Baptism, as given by our Lord Himself to His disciples after His resurrection. To become one of His disciples was, according to His own words, to be baptized 'into the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost'; that is, into the profession, into the service, of a Triad. Such was our Lord's injunction: and ever since, before Arianism and after, down to this day, the initial lesson in religion taught to every Christian, on his being made a Christian, is that he thereby belongs to a certain Three, whatever more, or whether anything more, is revealed to us in Christianity about that Three. “首先,在父亲的教学必然是导演的洗礼形式,作为给我们的主自己后,他的复活的门徒。要成为他的弟子之一是,根据他自己的话说,是受洗'把父亲的名称,和儿子,和圣灵',即把专业三合会,成一的服务。这就是我们的上帝的禁令:自那以来,前阿里乌教派和之后,下降这一天,在最初的宗教课教给每一个基督徒,他正在一个基督徒,是他使属于某三,无论以上,或有没有什么更多的,是向我们透露,在基督教三左右。

"The doctrine then of a Supreme Triad is the elementary truth of Christianity; and accordingly, as might have been expected, its recognition is a sort of key-note, on which centre the thoughts and language of all theologians, from which they start, with which they end."[1] “最高三合会学说则是基督教的一个基本事实,并因此,在人们预料,它的识别是一个,这样的主旨,对这些中心的思想和语言的神学家都从他们开始,与它们的结束。“[1]

Examination of a chain of pre-Arian writers, from every part of Christendom, reveals that "there was during the second and third centuries a profession and teaching concerning the Holy Trinity, not vague and cloudy, but of a certain determinate character," and that this teaching "was contradictory and destructive of the Arian hypothesis."[2] And from all this literature the fact emerges that, from the beginning, "some doctrine or other of a Trinity lies at the very root of the Christian conception of the Supreme Being, and of his worship and service": and that "it is impossible to view historical Christianity apart from the doctrine of the Trinity."[3]检验一个作家链前阿里安基督教,从每个零件,说穿了就是“有几百年是在第二和第三专业和教学有关的三位一体,而不是空泛多云,但确定某字”,并这种教学“是自相矛盾和假设破坏性的阿里安。”[2]和所有这些文献出现的事实是,从一开始,“一些学说或其他基督教的三位一体概念是在非常根最高法院作为,和他的崇拜和服务“:和”它是没办法看到历史基督教的三位一体学说除了。“[3]

It was round about the year 323 that the Arian crisis developed.这是约一年323阿里安危机的全面发展。The struggle between the advocates of the new theory and the Church authorities who stood by the tradition was to continue thence onward for a good fifty years and more.传统的斗争之间的主张的新理论和教会当局站在谁那里更是继续前进的一个很好的50年,。And now, for the first time in the history of the Church, the State intervened in what was, of itself, a dispute about belief.现在,为教会第一次在历史上,国家干预是什么,其本身,一种信念纠纷有关。A second point to note is that the State, on the whole, sided with the innovators, and was hostile to the defenders of the traditional truth.第二点值得注意的是,国家,就整体而言,片面的创新,和传统的敌对,对真理的捍卫者。

The history of those fifty-six years (325-81), that followed the Council of Nicaea and closed with the next General Council (Constantinople I), is part of the history of both these councils.在)历史的五六年(325-81,随后的尼西亚会议和)封闭与未来总理事会(君士坦丁堡我,这是议会的一部分的历史都。 And its complexity defies any summary simplification.其复杂性和简化,不可能有总结。If we turn to Newman for a clue to the meaning of it all, he will tell us that this long and stubborn struggle is nothing else than a particular passage in the conflict that never ceases between the Church and the secular power.如果我们把它所有的意思纽曼的线索,他会告诉我们,这个漫长而顽强的斗争,是什么力量比其他世俗通过在一个特定的冲突从未停止和教会之间。 "The same principle of government which led the emperors to denounce Christianity while they were pagans, led them to dictate to its bishops, when they had become Christians."他说:“同样的原则,政府领导的基督教皇帝谴责,而他们是异教徒,使他们能够支配它的主教,当他们成为基督徒。” Such an idea as that "religion should be independent of state authority" was, in the eyes of all these princes, contrary to the nature of things.这种宗教的主意,因为这“应该是权威独立的国家”是王子,所有这些在眼,违反了事物的性质。And not only was this conflict "inevitable," but, Newman continues, it might have been foreseen as probable that the occasion of the conflict would be a controversy within the Church about some fundamental doctrine.而这场冲突不仅是“不可避免的”,但是,纽曼持续下去,可能是因为预见到可能出现的学说的场合根本的冲突将是一个争论教会内的一些。 Newman's last remarkable words may usefully warn us that in Church History things are not always so simple as we expect.[4]纽曼的最后出色的话,可能有益警告我们,在教会历史事情并不总是那么简单,我们期望的那样。[4]

Even the full history of a General (ie, world-wide) Council called in such circumstances, the first council of its kind--which had no precedents to guide its procedure, or to instruct the generality about the special value attaching to its decisions--even this would inevitably present difficulties to minds sixteen hundred years later; minds bred in a detailed, centuries-old tradition about the kind of thing General Councils are, and furnished with definite ideas about their nature, procedure, and authority.即使是全满的历史一般(即世界)会在这种情况下,所谓的同类型第一届理事会的-这没有先例,指导其程序,或责成有关决定的一般性附加到其特殊的价值-即使这将不可避免地对目前的困难头脑一千六百年后,心中孕育着一个详细的,百年的老传统,是一种对事物总议会,装饰性和程序,对他们有明确的想法,和权威性。

But we are very far from possessing anything like a full history of this first Council of Nicaea.但是,我们从很远尼西亚什么样的议会拥有一个完整的这第一次的历史。Of any official record of the day-today proceedings--the acta of the council--there is no trace.今天的任何法律程序的正式纪录的日常工作-安理会文献的-没有任何痕迹。The earliest historians, from whose accounts our knowledge must derive, were in large measure partisan writers.最早的历史学家得出,从我们的知识必须对其帐目,在很大程度上党派作家。And of the two writers who were present at the council, the one who was a historian[5] was an ally of the heretics and the quasi-official panegyrist of the emperor Constantine who called the council; and the other,[6] though he has much indeed to say about the council, does not anywhere profess to be writing a record of its acts.两位作家和历史学家谁是目前在安理会,谁是[5]是一个皇帝的盟友的异端和官方panegyrist的准君士坦丁谁称为议会,以及其他,[6]虽然他说,确实有许多关于安理会,没有任何地方写一自称是其行为记录。

Nowhere, of course, is our knowledge of the history of these first centuries of the Church anything like so complete as is our knowledge of, let us say, any part of it during the last eight or nine hundred years.任何地方,当然,这是我们的知识,作为知识是我们的历史如此完整的第一个世纪的教会事一样,让我们说,900年或它的任何部分,在过去8个。 In the matter of Nicaea, as in other questions, scholars are still disputing-- and not on religious grounds--whether, for example, certain key documents were really written by the personages whose names they bear.在尼西亚事项,如在其他问题,也有学者仍争论-不是宗教和理由-无论是,例如,某些关键文件切实负起人士撰写的,他们的名字。 About the details of the history of all these early councils, because of the insufficiency of our information, there is inevitably much confusion, great obscurity.关于早会的细节这些历史的是,由于资料不全的,难免有许多混乱,伟大的默默无闻。Yet there are compensations for those who study it.然而,对于那些谁研究它的补偿。"History does not bring clearly upon the canvas the details which were familiar to the ten thousand minds of whose combined movements and fortunes it treats. Such is it from its very nature; nor can the defect ever fully be remedied. This must be admitted . . . still no one can mistake its general teaching in this matter, whether he accept it or stumble at it. Bold outlines, which cannot be disregarded, rise out of the records of the past, when we look to see what it will give up to us: they may be dim, they may be incomplete, but they are definite; there is that which they are not, which they cannot be."[7] “历史不会带来这样清楚后,在画布上的细节熟悉它的10万头脑中的联合行动和命运对待。性质,它是从它的非常,也可以永远的缺陷充分予以纠正。这必须承认。 。。还是没有人可以错在这个问题上一般教学,他是否接受或绊倒它。加粗轮廓,这是不能被忽视,诞生于放弃记录过去,当我们看看什么会我们:他们可能是暗淡的,他们可能是不完整的,但他们肯定;有哪些是他们不,他们是不可能的。“[7]

The state, or political society, in which the Arian troubles arose and developed was that which we know as the Roman Empire.国家或政治社会,而产生和发展阿里安麻烦的是,我们知道,罗马帝国。 This state, for its inhabitants, was one and the same thing as civilisation, and not surprisingly.这种状态下,其居民,是一个与文明同样的事情,不奇怪。As the accession of Constantine to the sole rulership, in 324, found the empire, so it had endured for three hundred years and more. History does not record any political achievement even remotely parallel to this.由于君士坦丁加入到唯一的朝代324,中,发现帝国,因此有更多的经历三百年。历史不会记录任何政绩,甚至远程平行于这一点。 For the empire took in, besides Italy, the whole of Europe west of the Rhine and south of the Danube and also the southern half of the island of Britain.对于帝国发生在意大利,此外,整个欧洲莱茵河以西和多瑙河以南的,也是英国南部岛屿的一半。In the east it included the whole of the modern state we call Turkey, with Syria also, Palestine, and Egypt, and the lands on the southern shore of the Mediterranean westward thence to the Atlantic.在东方,包括整个国家的现代化巴勒斯坦和埃及我们呼吁土耳其,叙利亚也和地中海沿岸的土地在南部向西再至大西洋。

Races as varied as the peoples who today inhabit these lands, with just as little to unite them naturally, lived then for some four hundred years under the rule of the emperors, with a minimum of internal disturbance and in almost entire freedom from foreign war.由于不同种族的人民今天谁居住在这些土地上,自然,只有尽可能少地团结他们,然后对一些住皇帝400年的统治下,以最低的战争和内乱,几乎全部来自国外的自由。 The stresses and strains of the internal life of the empire were, of course, a constant menace to this marvellous unity.帝国的应力和应变的内部生活的人的过程中,一个不断威胁到这个奇妙的统一。The supreme ruler, with whom lay the fullness of legislative power, who was the final judge in all lawsuits, and the head of the national religion, was the ruler because he was the commander in chief of the army: his very title imperator, which we translate "emperor," means just this.[8] And for the imperator, it was one of the chief problems of government to maintain his military prestige with the vast armies.最高统治者,他们奠定与丰满的立法权力,谁在所有诉讼的最终裁判,头部和宗教的国家,是统治者,因为他是陆军司令在总:他非常标题imperator,其中我们翻译“皇帝”的意思就是这样。[8]和对imperator,它是政府的一个主要问题是维持他庞大的军队与军队的威信。 No man could long rule the Roman world who did not first hold the legions true to himself by his own professional worth.没有人能够长期统治罗马世界谁不先举行由他自己的专业值得军团真正的自己。All the great rulers who, in the course of these four centuries, developed and adapted and reformed the complex life of the state, its finances, its law, its administration, were in the first place great soldiers, highly successful generals: Trajan, for example, Hadrian, Septimius Severus, Decius, Diocletian.所有伟大的统治者谁,在这4个世纪的过程中,发展和调整,并改革了国家复杂的生活,它的财政,它的法律,行政,地点是在第一个伟大的战士,非常成功的将军:图拉真,为例如,哈德良,塞普蒂米乌塞维鲁,德西乌斯,戴克里先。

And Constantine, the first emperor to abandon the pagan religion and to profess himself a Christian, stood out to his own generation primarily as a highly successful soldier, triumphant in a series of contests with rivals for the supreme place.和君士坦丁,第一个皇帝放弃异教的宗教和信奉自己是基督徒,士兵站在了自己的一代,主要作为一个高度成功的,地点在最高法院的一系列胜利的比赛中与对手的。 Such wars, fights between rival generals for the imperial throne, were the chief curse of Roman political life, and especially so in what we reckon as the third century, the century in the last quarter of which Constantine himself was born.这样的战争,打斗的皇帝宝座的对手将领之间的,是政治生活的主要诅咒罗马,尤其是在我们这样认为作为第三个世纪时,出生在上世纪的四分之一,其中君士坦丁本人。 He would have been a little boy of nine or ten when the great Diocletian became emperor in 284, who, to put an end to these suicidal wars, immediately associated another soldier with himself, as joint emperor, the one to rule the East, the other the West.他将是一个东,小男孩9或10时,伟大的皇帝戴克里先成为284,谁把这些自杀结束战争,士兵,并由他担任立即联合相关的另一个皇帝,一个统治的其他西方国家。 In 293 Diocletian took this devolution of power a step further With each emperor there was now associated a kind of assistant emperor, with the title of Caesar, the actual ruler of allotted territories and destined to be, in time, his principal's successor.在戴克里先293了这种权力下放的称号凯撒一步每一次皇帝现在有一种关联的与皇帝的助手,在指定地区的实际统治者,并注定要时间,他主要的继任者。 The soldier chosen in 293 as the first western Caesar was Constantine's father, Constantius, commonly called Chlorus (the Pale) from his complexion.这名士兵选择了293作为第一个西方凯撒是君士坦丁的父亲,士坦提乌斯,俗称帕莱)从他的肤色Chlorus(的。 His territory was the modern countries of Portugal, Spain, France, Belgium, and England.他的领土是,和英国的现代国家葡萄牙,西班牙,法国,比利时。

These details of political reorganisation have a direct connection with our story.政治重组这些细节我们的故事有直接联系的。The reader knows--who does not?--that one feature of the history of this Roman state was its hostility to the Christian religion Scarcely a generation went by without some serious persecution.读者知道-谁不? -即一个国家的历史特征罗马这是它敌视基督教几乎没有一个世代过去了,没有一些严重的迫害。 And Diocletian ended his reign with the most dreadful persecution of all (303).戴克里先和他的统治结束迫害的最可怕的所有(303)。 This was largely due to the influence of his colleague, the Caesar, Galerius who, in 305, was to succeed him as emperor in the East.这主要是由于加莱里乌斯影响他的同事,凯撒,谁,在305,他是接替东为皇帝研究。And of all the territories, it was Egypt that provided most of the victims in the eight years the terror lasted--Egypt which was to be the principal scene of the Arian troubles and, par excellence, of the Catholic resistance to them.和所有领土,这是埃及最恐怖的是提供了8年的受害者在历时-埃及,这是可麻烦的阿里安的主要场景,以及卓越,天主教抵抗他们。 In the West the persecution was, by comparison, mild, and in the domains of Constantius Chlorus there was no persecution at all.在西方的迫害,相比之下,温和,并在那里Chlorus领域的士坦提乌斯没有在所有的迫害。 This emperor's personal religious history, and his attitude towards the Christian religion, is full of interest.这是皇帝的个人的宗教历史,宗教的态度以及他对基督教的,是充满兴趣。His views were also the views of his son Constantine, and they perhaps provide a clue to the strange and baffling story, not only of the long successful Arian defiance of the decisions of the Council of Nicaea, but of that first Christian emperor's seeming unawareness of the defiance.他的意见,亦是儿子的意见,他康斯坦丁,他们可能提供线索的陌生和莫名其妙的故事,不仅是长期成功的尼西亚阿里安无视安理会的决议的决定,但该第一个基督教皇帝似乎不了解的的蔑视。

Constantine's own character is, of course, an element of the first importance in the history of the council he convoked; and so also is the kind of thing which his "conversion" to Christianity was, some twelve years before the Arian problem arose.康斯坦丁自己的性格,当然,一会元素的第一个历史的重要性,他召集等等也是一种东西是他的“转换”到基督教,大约1200年以前的阿里安问题出现了。 At the time of the council he was nearing his fiftieth year, and he had been emperor for almost twenty.在议会时间,他已接近他的50年,他被皇帝差不多20。History seems to reveal him as intelligent indeed, but passionate and headstrong; a bold campaigner and, as an administrator, "magnificent" in the Aristotelian sense.历史似乎表明他确实是聪明的,但充满激情和任性,一个大胆的倡导者,并作为管理员,“宏伟”的亚里士多德意义。That is to say, he loved great schemes, supported them always with princely generosity, improvised readily, and delighted to dazzle by the scale of his successes.这就是说,他爱伟大的计划,他们总是慷慨的支持与王子,简易方便了,而且很高兴耀眼的成就,他的规模。It was a natural part of the character that he was ambitious, confident of success, and--a less obvious trait--his ambition was linked with a "mystical" belief that he was destined to succeed, and a sure, if confused, notion that the heavenly powers were on his side.这是一个自然的一部分的性质,他是雄心勃勃的,成功的信心,以及-一个不太明显的特点-他的野心是联系在一起的“神秘”的信念,他注定要取得成功,并相信,如果混淆,天上的权力概念,即在他的一边。 Be it remembered here, once more, that this man was omnipotent in public affairs, as no ruler has been even in the recent revolutions of our own time; for the Roman emperor's omnipotence was universally accepted by his millions of subjects as his right, as something belonging to the very nature of things.无论是记得在这里再次强调,这名男子是万能的公共事务,因为没有统治者有时间了,甚至我们自己在最近的革命,为罗马皇帝的全能被普遍认为是公认的权利,由他自己以百万计的科目为一些属于事物的本质。

It is less easy to say exactly what Constantine knew or believed about the religion of Christ, twelve years after he had, as emperor, publicly made it his own.这是不太容易说正是君士坦丁知道或相信他对宗教的基督,12年后的皇帝,如,公开了它自己。Certainly it would be a gross error to consider the business of his mystical dream on the eve of his victory at the Milvian Bridge (312), that made him supreme master of the West, as parallel to what happened to St.当然这将是一个严重的错误考虑)米里维桥桥(312,他的商业梦想神秘的前夕在他的胜利,使他对西方无上师,作为并行圣发生了什么 Paul on the road to Damascus.保罗在前往大马士革的道路。His own personal religion at the time was that of his pagan father, the cult suddenly promoted to the supreme place as the official religion about the time that Constantine was born, by the then emperor, Aurelian (269-75).他自己的时间是在个人的宗教,他的父亲异教,邪教出生的君士坦丁突然晋升到最高位置的时间大约为官方宗教,由当时的皇帝,奥雷利安(269-75)。 This was the cult of Sol Invictus (the Unconquered Sun), the worship of the divine spirit by whom the whole universe is ruled, the spirit whose symbol is the sun; a symbol in which this spirit in some way specially manifests itself.这是太阳崇拜的索尔(即不可征服),精神崇拜的神圣由谁来统治整个宇宙,精神的象征,是太阳的象征,其中一个这样的精神在一些特别显现出来。 Under Aurelian this cult was organised with great splendour.根据奥雷利安这个邪教组织了盛大的。The temple of the Sun which he built at Rome must have been one of the wonders of the world.罗马神庙的太阳在他建立的一定是世界的一个奇迹。Aurelian's coins bear the inscription The Sun is the Lord of the Roman Empire.奥里安的硬币上刻太阳是上帝的罗马帝国。The whole cult is penetrated with the idea that there is a single spirit who is supreme, with the idea of an overruling divine monarchy.邪教是整个深入的想法,有一个至高无上的君主是谁的精神,同一个神圣的想法推翻。 Moreover, the cult was in harmony with a philosophical religion steadily growing, in the high places of the administration, throughout this same century, the cult of Summus Deus--the God who is supreme.此外,这个邪教组织的和谐与当时在哲学宗教稳步增长,在政府的高处,在整个这同一世纪,迪乌斯邪教的Summus -谁是至高无上的神。

Constantine's father remained faithful to this cult of Sol Invictus even when his seniors, Diocletian and Maximian, reverted to the old cults of Jupiter and Hercules.君士坦丁的父亲仍然忠实于这个Invictus邪教溶胶即使他的长辈,戴克里先和马克西米安,回复到旧的木星和邪教的大力士。 And once Constantine--no more than Caesar on his father's death (306)--felt himself really master in the West, Hercules and Jupiter disappeared from his coinage, and Sol Invictus was restored, while the official panegyrics laud "that divine spirit which governs this whole world."而且一旦康斯坦丁-无(306)超过恺撒在他父亲的去世-木星觉得自己真的掌握在西方,大力士和硬币从他的消失,和索尔恢复,尽管官方颂扬赞美“的神圣精神支配整个世界。“ This in 311.这311。

What Constantine gathered from his famous dream in September 312 was that this supreme divinity was promising him salvation in this military crisis, had despatched a messenger to assure him of it and to tell him how to act, and that this messenger was Christ, the God whom the Christians worshipped, and that the badge his soldiers must wear was the sign of Christ, the cross.君士坦丁的梦想是什么,他收集了著名的是,这312年9月最高神是有希望的他在这次军事危机的拯救,已派遣一个使者,以保证他的,并告诉他如何采取行动,这是基督的使者,神他们崇拜的基督徒,而他的士兵必须佩戴徽章是基督的标志,在十字架上。 He did not, on the morrow of his victory, ask for baptism, nor even to be enrolled as a catechumen.他并没有对他明天的胜利,要求洗礼,甚至也不是初学者注册为1。Constantine was never so much as even this. And not until he lay dying, twenty-five years later, was he baptised.康斯坦丁从来没有这么多后来因为即使这一点。而且直到他弥留之际,25年,是他受洗。

It was, then, an all but uninstructed, if enthusiastic, convert who now, with all the caution of an experienced politician, set his name to the Edict of Milan ( 313 ), set up the Christian religion as a thing legally permissible, endowed its chief shrines with regal munificence, showered civic privileges, honours, and jurisdiction on its bishops, and even began the delicate task of introducing Christian ideas into the fabric of the law.它是,那么,一但所有受过教育,如果热情,转换谁现在,所有的政治家谨慎的一支经验丰富,他的名字设立的米兰敕令(313),成立了允许的,赋予了基督教作为一个合法的事情它的主要神社与富豪慷慨大方,洗澡公民的特权,荣誉,和主教管辖的,甚至开始了微妙的任务的法律结构的引入基督教思想到。 It was an all but uninstructed convert who, also, in these next ten years--and in the turbulent province of Africa--plunged boldly into the heat of a religious war, the Donatist Schism, with the instinctive confidence that his mere intervention would settle all problems.这是一个所有的转换,但受过教育未来10年-在动荡的非洲谁省,在这些还, -大胆地将陷入战争的宗教热,在多纳分裂,与信心,他只是本能的干预会解决所有问题。Between the truce with the Donatists, 321, and the appearance of Arius in Egypt the interval is short indeed.之间的休战与多纳徒,321,和埃及外观阿里乌斯的间隔很短的。What had Constantine learned from the Donatist experience?学到了什么君士坦丁从多纳的经验?What had it taught him about the kind of thing the divine society was in which he so truly believed?它教了什么,相信他对事物的那种神圣的社会是这样,他真的?Very little, it would seem.很少,似乎。

The great see of Alexandria in Egypt, of which Arius was a priest had for many years before his appearance as a heretic been troubled by schism.伟大的看到出现在埃及的亚历山大作为,其中阿里乌斯是一个牧师有很多年之前,他是异教徒一直困扰分裂。One of the suffragan bishops--Meletius by name--had accused his principal of giving way during the persecution; and, declaring all the bishop of Alexandria's acts invalid, had proceeded to consecrate bishops in one place after another, in opposition to him.其中的辅佐主教-名称Meletius的-指控迫害期间给予他的主要方式;和,宣布所有的主教亚历山大行为无效,已着手奉献另一个主教在一个地方后,在反对他。 Nor did Meletius cease his activities when this particular bishop of Alexandria died.也没有停止他的活动时Meletius这个特别的亚历山大主教死亡。In many places there were soon two sets of Catholic clergy, the traditional line and the "Meletian"; the confusion was great and the contest bitter everywhere, the faithful people as active as their pastors.在许多地方还快2套天主教神职人员,传统的路线和“Meletian”是伟大的混乱和痛苦的较量无处不在,他们的牧师的忠实人民活跃。 "It was out of the Meletian schism that Arianism was born and developed," one historian[9] will tell us. “这是不可能的Meletian阿里乌教派分裂的诞生和发展,”一个历史学家[9]将告诉我们。Arius had been a "Meletian" in his time, but the new bishop, Alexander, had received him back and had promoted him to an important church.阿里乌斯曾是“Meletian”在他的时间,但新的主教,亚历山大,他收到了他的背部和促进了一个重要的教堂。And here his learned eloquence and ascetic life soon gave his novel teaching as wide publicity as he could desire.在这里,他学到的口才和他的苦行生活,很快就可以的愿望,因为他的小说教学,广泛宣传。

The bishop's first act, as the news spread, was to arrange a public disputation.主教的第一幕,随着消息传开,被安排公共争论。In this Arius was worsted.在这阿里乌斯是精纺。He next disobeyed the bishop's natural injunction to be silent, and began to look for support outside Egypt.然后他不服从主教的自然禁令保持沉默,并开始寻找埃及支持之外。Meanwhile the bishop called a council of the hundred bishops subject to his see; ninety-eight voted to condemn Arius; and his two supporters, along with a handful of other clerics were deposed.同时,主教呼吁以议会的100主教受到他看到,98投谴责阿里乌斯;和他的两个支持者,连同其他神职人员少数人废黜。 Arius fled to Palestine, to an old friend generally regarded as the greatest scholar of the day, Eusebius, the bishop of Caesarea.阿里乌斯逃到巴勒斯坦,一个老朋友一般一天视为最伟大的学者,尤西比乌斯,该撒利亚主教。 And from Caesarea the two began a vast correspondence to engage the support of bishops expected to be friendly to the cause, as far away as the imperial capital, Nicomedia.与恺撒的两个人开始从大量信件从事的事业支持主教预计将友好,遥远的帝国首都,尼科美底亚。

Already there was a bond between Arius and many of those to whom he wrote. They like himself were pupils of the same famous teacher of the last generation, Lucian of Antioch, whose school--and not Alexandria--was the real birthplace of this new theological development.那些已经有一间债券阿里乌斯和许多的人,他说。他们喜欢自己的学生都产生了上次相同的著名教师,卢奇安的安提阿,他的学校-而不是亚历山大-这是真正的诞生地新神学的发展。 And Arius could address such prelates as "Dear Fellow-Lucianist."和阿里乌斯可以解决这些Lucianist主教为“亲爱的同胞们。”Of all those to whom he now wrote, none was so important as a second Eusebius, the bishop of the imperial city itself, and a possible power with the emperor through his friendship with Constantine's sister, the empress Constantia, consort of the eastern emperor, Licinius.所有这些人,他现在说,没有一个让皇帝的重要作为第二尤西比乌斯,城市的主教帝国本身,东部一个可能的权力与配偶皇帝通过他的友谊与君士坦丁的姐姐,皇后康士坦奇亚,李锡尼。 The Lucianist bishop of Nicomedia rose to the occasion, "as though upon him the whole fate of the Church depended," the bishop of Alexandria complained.在尼科美底亚Lucianist主教上升至之际,“好像对他的教会的整个命运取决于,”亚历山大主教的抱怨。 For Eusebius, too, circularised the episcopate generally and summoned a council of bishops, and they voted that Arius should be reinstated, and wrote to beg this of the bishop of Alexandria.对于尤西比乌斯,也circularised主教普遍和召集主教理事会,他们投赞成票的阿里乌斯应该恢复,并说这种乞讨亚历山大的主教。

Arius' bishop, meanwhile, had been active also.阿里乌斯'主教,同时,也活跃了。We know of seventy letters which he wrote to bishops all over the Christian world; amongst others to whom he wrote was the pope.我们知道基督教世界70信,他写信给全国各地的主教,除其他的人,他说是教皇。And since all these episcopal letters were copied and passed round, made up into collections and, as we should say, published, the whole of the East was soon aflame, fighting and rioting in one city after another.由于所有这些主教信被复制并通过全面,使馆藏成和,因为我们应该说,出版,东整体的很快陷入火海之中,城市暴乱的战斗和在一个接一个。 Few indeed of these enthusiasts could have understood the discussions of the theologians, but all grasped that what Arius was saying was that Christ was not God.事实上,这些很少爱好者可以理解的神学家的讨论,但都掌握的东西阿里乌斯是说,基督不是神。And if this were so, what about the saving death on the Cross?如果是这样的话,那么节省的死在十字架上?And what was sinful man to hope for when he died?什么是有罪的人希望他死的时候?When the bishop of Alexandria stigmatised his rebellious priest as Christomachos (fighter against Christ), he clinched the matter in such a way that all, from the Christian emperor to the meanest dock hand in the port, must be personally interested, and passionately.当亚历山大主教神父的羞辱他的叛逆作为Christomachos(基督战斗机反对),夺得他个人感兴趣的问题在这样一种方式是,从基督教最卑鄙码头携手皇帝的港口,必须和热情。

During these first months of agitation Constantine had, however, other matters to occupy him, and, to begin with, the agitation was none of his business.康斯坦丁曾在搅拌头几个月的这些,不过,他占据的其他事项,并首先,搅拌是他的事。At the moment when the great movement began, none of the lands affected came under his jurisdiction.在运动的伟大时刻开始,受影响的土地没有受到他的管辖权。But in that same year, 323, war broke out between himself and his eastern colleague, his brother-in-law, Licinius.但在同一年,323,战争爆发出自己与同事的东部,他的妹夫,李锡尼。In July 324 Constantine, invader of Licinius territory, defeated him heavily at Adrianople, and in September he gained a second victory at Chrysopolis.[10] Later Licinius was put to death.君士坦丁在324年7月,领土的侵略者的李锡尼,他击败了大量在阿德里安堡,并于9月获得了胜利,他在Chrysopolis第二。[10]后来李锡尼被处死。 When the victor entered his new capital in the ensuing weeks, there was in his household a Spanish prelate who had dwelt with Constantine for some years now, Hosius, bishop of Cordova.当胜利者进入随后的几个星期他的新首都,在他家有一个西班牙主教谁现在已经住了一些年,君士坦丁,侯休斯,科尔多瓦主教。 It was to him that Constantine, with the new Arian crisis confronting him, now turned.这是他君士坦丁,与新的阿里安,他面对的危机,现在转向。

Arius, by now, had returned to Alexandria, fortified with the vote of the council at Nicomedia and of a second (more peremptory) council at Caesarea, to demand the decreed reinstatement.阿里乌斯现在,通过,已经回到亚历山大,恺撒在强化与表决理事会在尼科美底亚和第二(更多强制性)理事会的一,要求复职的颁布。 His arrival, and the campaign of propaganda now launched, set the whole city ablaze.他的到来,而现在推出的宣传活动,将整个城市点燃。And Constantine despatched Hosius to make a personal investigation of the affair.和君士坦丁派遣侯休斯作个人调查这一事件。 When he returned to make his report, Alexander and Arius soon followed.当他回到他的报告,亚历山大和阿里乌斯随之而来。The crisis next moved to the third great city of the empire, Antioch.未来的危机转移到第三,安提阿伟大的城市的帝国。The bishop there had recently died, and when the fifty-six bishops subject to Antioch came in from Palestine, Arabia, Syria, and elsewhere to elect a successor (January 325, probably), they took the opportunity to notice the Arian development.主教最近出现了死亡,当56安提阿主教受到来自其他地方来到巴勒斯坦,沙特阿拉伯,叙利亚,并选出一名继任者(325年1月,大概),他们借此机会通知阿里安发展。 All but unanimously (53-3) they condemned the new teaching, and excommunicated--provisionally--the three dissidents.几乎一致(53-3),他们谴责了新的教学,并驱逐-暂时- 3个持不同政见者。One of these was the bishop of Caesarea.其中之一是该撒利亚主教。

And now, sometime in the early spring of 325, it was decided to summon a council representative of all the bishops in the world.而现在,有时在325年初春,这是决定召集世界理事会代表所有的主教。 Who was it that first put out this grandiose, if simple, plan?是谁,首先提出了这个宏伟的,如果简单的计划?We do not know.我们不知道。 Within a matter of months--not indeed simultaneously, but with impressive nearness in time--councils had been held at Alexandria, Antioch, Caesarea, Nicomedia, in which a good half of the bishops of the East must have taken part, ie, a good proportion of the vastly more numerous half of the entire episcopate.短短几个月内的-不确实的同时,令人印象深刻,但在时间的接近-在议会举行了亚历山大,安提阿,该撒利亚,尼科美底亚,其中一个东方好主教的一半必须采取的部分,即一整个主教良好比例的一半多的得多。 Whoever it was to whom the idea of a council of the Christian universe first occurred, it was Constantine who decided it should be held, and who chose the place and sent out the invitations to the bishops, offering to all free passage in the imperial transportation service.谁是谁的宇宙观念的基督教一会的第一次发生,它是康斯坦丁决定谁应该举行,谁选择的地点和发出了邀请主教,提供给所有帝国自由通行的交通服务。

The council opened, in the imperial summer palace at Nicaea,[11] May 20, 325, with something over three hundred bishops present, the vast bulk of them from the Greek-speaking lands where the trouble was raging, Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor.该委员会开尼西亚,在颐和园的帝国,[11] 5月20日,325的东西超过300主教出席,其中绝大部分来自希腊的土地上肆虐的地方麻烦的是,埃及,巴勒斯坦,叙利亚和小亚细亚。But there were bishops also from Persia and the Caucasus, from the lands between the Danube and the Aegean, and from Greece.但也有高加索地区主教也从波斯,并从爱琴海的土地之间的多瑙河,从希腊。There was one from Africa and one from Spain, one from Gaul and one from Italy, and since the great age of the Bishop of Rome forbade his making the journey he was represented by two of his priests.其中有一位来自非洲,一个来自西班牙,一名来自高卢和意大利一从,自罗马的伟大时代主教作出的禁止他的旅程,他的祭司,他是代表两个。

Eusebius of Caesarea who has described the great moments of the council was evidently moved, as we too may be, by his recollection of the scene when, the bishops all assembled in the great hall of the palace, some of them lame and blind from the tortures undergone in the persecutions, the Christian master of the whole Roman world entered, robed in scarlet and gold, and before taking his place at the throne, bade them be seated. Constantine came with a minimum of pomp, and in his brief address he did no more than welcome the bishops, exhort them to peaceful conference, and admit that the spectacle of "sedition" within the Church caused him more anxiety than any battle.该撒利亚尤西比乌斯是谁形容安理会的伟大时刻显然感动,也可能是因为我们的宫殿,由他的回忆的场景时,主教们都聚集在大厅很大,其中一些是瘸子,瞎子从经历了折磨迫害,世界进入了罗马基督教掌握整体,在大红和金长袍,和他的宝座前,以在发生,吩咐他们坐下。君士坦丁想出了一个隆重最低,并在他简短的讲话,他确实不超过欢迎主教,告诫他们和平会议,并承认,教会奇观“煽动”在给他带来更多的战斗比任何忧虑。

The little we know of the actual history of the council is soon told.小我们对安理会的实际历史知道的是尽快告知。The theology of Arius was condemned unanimously--though he is said to have had twenty-two supporters among the bishops.神学的阿里乌斯的一致谴责了-虽然他是说有22主教的支持者之间。But if it was a simple matter for the episcopate to testify to its belief that the Divine Word was truly God, it was less easy to agree about the best way to phrase a declaration of this faith, ie, to construct a statement to which no subtlety could give a heretical Arian meaning also.但如果是一个简单的事主教为以证明其信念,即圣言是真正的上帝,这是不太容易达成一致意见的最佳方式,以词组,宣布这个信念,即建设一个声明,而没有可以给一个微妙的含义也阿里安邪教。 One section of the bishops was anxious that no terms should be used which were not already used in Scripture.一位主教条的规定,是焦虑,没有条件应当使用其中尚未圣经用于。But the Scriptures had not been written for the purpose of confuting philosophically minded heretics.但圣经并没有书面的异端目的confuting哲学头脑。It was now necessary to say that the accepted Scripture meant just "this" and not "that" as well.这是现在必须说,我们接受圣经的意思就是“这个”而不是“说:”作为好。And if this were to be accomplished, the technique must be adopted of coining a special word for the purpose.如果是这样的工作需要完成,这项技术的目的必须是通过了压印了一个特殊的词。

The statement as the council finally passed it--the creed of the council of Nicaea--states: "We believe . . . in one Lord Jesus Christ, the son of God, born of the Father, the sole-begotten; that is to say, of the substance of the Father, God from God, Light from Light, true God from true God; born, not made, consubstantial with the Father [in the Greek original, homo- ousion toi patri], through whom all things were made, which are in heaven and on earth . . ."[11a] The word homo-ousion is the special non-Scriptural word which the council adopted to characterise the true, traditional belief, a word it was impossible to square with any kind of Arian theory, a test word that would always make it clear that any Arian theory was incompatible with the Christian tradition, and which would serve the practical purpose of preventing any further infiltration of these enemies of Christ within the Church, and defeat any endeavour to change the belief from within.安理会的声明为最终通过它-尼西亚信条的安理会-指出:“我们相信。。。在一个主耶稣基督,上帝的独生儿子,出生的父亲,唯一的,这是也就是说,在神的实质内容的父亲,从神,光神的真神,从光,真实出生,没有作出,ousion台山帕特里]同质同父亲[在希腊原始的,同质通过他们所有的东西发了言,这是在天上,地上。。。“[第11A条]一词同源ousion是特殊的非圣经的话,安理会通过的真实刻画,传统信仰,一个字是不可能的平方与任何种阿里安理论,测试单词,必会明确规定,任何阿里安理论是不符合基督教的传统,这将成为该教会的实际目的进一步基督内渗透敌人的这些防止任何,并打败任何努力从内部改变信仰。

Who it was that proposed to the council this precise word, we do not know. An Arian historian says it was the bishop of Alexandria and Hosius of Cordova.它是谁向安理会提出这个词的确切,我们不知道。阿里安历史学家说,这是科尔多瓦主教亚历山大和侯休斯。St. Athanasius, who was present at the council, says it was Hosius.圣亚他那修,谁是会出席了,说,这是侯休斯。What seems clearer is that the bishops, solidly determined that the heresy should be rooted out, were yet by no means happy about the means chosen.什么似乎更清楚的是,主教,牢固确定,应铲除异端,被选为但绝不意味着感到高兴。The word homoousion was known to them already.这个词homoousion他们已经是众所周知的。Since long before the time of Arius and Lucian it had a bad history in the East, as will be explained.由于长期在阿里乌斯时间和卢西安它有一个不好的历史,在东方,也将予以解释。But Constantine definitely declared himself in favour of the uniquely useful instrument, and the council accepted it, each bishop rising in his place and giving his vote.但康斯坦丁绝对赞成宣布自己在仪器的唯一有用的,理事会接受了,每个地方主教在他的上升,给他的票。Two bishops only refused their assent. With Arius, and a few priest supporters, they were promptly sent into exile by the emperor's command.两位主教不仅拒绝他们的同意。随着阿里乌斯,和一些牧师的支持者,他们及时派出由流亡皇帝的命令。

The bishops then passed to other problems.主教们然后传递到其他问题。In the first place the twenty- year-old Meletian schism.首先是20岁的Meletian分裂。Its leaders had appealed to Constantine, and the emperor left it to the council to judge.它的领导人已经呼吁君士坦丁,皇帝离开它向法官议会通过。The bishops supported their brother of Alexandria, but offered the schismatics very easy terms, restoring Meletius himself to his see of Lycopolis.主教们表示支持他们的亚历山大兄弟,但所提供的schismatics与罗马非常优惠的条件,恢复Meletius他看到自己的Lycopolis。 But he was not, ever again, to confer Holy Orders, and all those whom he had unlawfully ordained were to be reordained before again officiating.但他没有,永远再次授予圣令,以及所有那些他已经被非法祝圣前将reordained再次嘉宾。Moreover they were to be subject henceforward to the true, ie, Catholic, bishop of the place. Those whom Meletius had made bishops might be elected to sees in the future, as vacancies arose--always with the consent of the bishop of Alexandria, the traditional head of this extensive episcopate.此外,他们是应该受到从今以后,以真,即天主教,主教的地方。那些人Meletius曾主教当选为将来可能看到的,因为出现空缺亚历山大-始终与主教的同意,这一广泛的传统主教头。

A second practical problem, that had teased the eastern churches for generations, was now finally solved, viz., how the date of the Easter feast should be calculated.第二个实际问题,这已经为几代人的嘲笑教会东部,现在终于解决了,即。如何过节复活节日期应计算。"All our good brothers of the East[12] who until now have been used to keep Easter at the Jewish Passover, will henceforward keep it at the same time as the Romans and you," so the bishops of Egypt announced in a letter to their people. “我们所有的好兄弟,东[12逾越节]谁到现在已被用来在犹太人保持复活节,从今以后将让你在罗马,它同时作为”,使埃及的主教在信中宣布,他们的人民。

Finally the bishops promulgated twenty laws--canons--for general observance.最后,主教法律颁布20 -普遍遵守教规-对。Like the solution proposed for the Meletians they are notable for a new mildness of tone, a quality more Roman than Oriental, it may be said.像这样说可能提出的解决办法为它Meletians他们的是显着,新的温和的语气,质量更比东方罗马。They are, in great part, a repetition of measures enacted eleven years earlier in the Latin council held at Arles, in Gaul.[13] Five canons deal with those who fell away in the recent persecution.他们是高卢人,在很大程度上,一个重复的措施早在11年颁布的拉丁在立法会举行的阿尔勒。[13]五经迫害处理那些谁最近走在下降。 If any such have since been admitted to ordination they are to be deposed.如果任何这些人已送往协调它们是被废黜。Those who apostatised freely--that is, without the compulsion of fear--are to do twelve years' penance before being admitted to Holy Communion.这些谁apostatised自由-也就是没有恐惧强制的-都承认做圣餐12年之前,忏悔。If, before the penance is completed, they fall sick and are in danger of death they may receive Holy Viaticum.如果在完成忏悔,他们生病和死亡的危险,他们可能会收到圣Viaticum。Should they then recover they are to take place with the highest class of the penitents--those who are allowed to hear mass, though not to receive Holy Communion.如果他们再收回他们采取与地方的忏悔者的最高等级-那些谁可以听到群众,但不接受圣餐。Catechumens who fell away-- ie, Christians not yet baptised--are to do three years' penance and then resume their place as catechumens.慕道谁脱落-即尚未受洗的基督徒-是做3年的苦修,然后恢复他们的慕道之际。 Finally, the Christians who, having once left the army, had re-enlisted in the army of the persecutor, the lately destroyed emperor Licinius, are to do thirteen years' penance, or less if the bishop is satisfied of the reality of their repentance, but always three years' penance at least.最后,军队基督徒谁,一旦离开后,已重新在逼迫入伍的军队,在最近摧毁皇帝李锡尼,是13年做'忏悔,或更少,如果主教是满足了他们的忏悔现实,但总是三年苦修以上。

There are two canons about the readmission of heretical schismatics.有两个关于邪教schismatics与罗马重返大炮。First of all there are the remnants of the schism begun in Rome by the antipope Novatian, some seventy-five years before the council.首先,安理会有前几年遗留下来的分裂开始在罗马的对立教皇诺瓦蒂安,五部分72。Novatian was one of that fairly numerous class for whom the rulers of the Church deal far too mildly with repentant sinners.诺瓦蒂安是一类对他们来说是相当多的交易统治者的教会与忏悔的罪人过于温和。He ended by denying that the Church had the power to absolve those who fell away in times of persecution; and his followers, self-styled "the Pure," extended this disability to all sins of idolatry, sex sins, and murder.他结束了否认,教会有权力免除那些谁走在下跌迫害倍,和他的追随者,自称为“纯”,并扩展残疾性别罪所有的罪孽的偶像崇拜,以及谋杀。 They also regarded second marriage as a sex sin.他们还认为第二次婚姻作为性犯罪。At this time there were many Novatians in Asia Minor, and the council offered generous terms to those who wished to be reconciled, recognising the orders of their clergy, and the dignity of their bishops, but exacting written declarations that they will regard as fellow Catholics those who have contracted a second marriage and those doing penance for apostasy.此时有许多Novatians在小亚细亚,和理事会提供的慷慨的条款,谁愿意和解,承认其神职人员的订单,以及他们的尊严的主教,但严格的书面声明,他们将同天主教徒视为那些谁染上第二次婚姻和叛教者做忏悔的。

To a second class of schismatics the same generosity was shown.为了一个schismatics与罗马第二类是一样的慷慨结果表明。These were the sect that descended from the notorious bishop of Antioch, Paul of Samosata, deposed in 268 by a council of bishops, for various crimes and for his heretical teaching that there is no distinction between the three persons of the Holy Trinity.这些都是该教派的主教后代会臭名昭著的主教安提1萨莫萨塔保罗,在268废黜,由于种种罪行,他的邪教是没有区别的圣三位一体之间的3人。 But these "Paulinians," so to call them, are to be rebaptised.但是,这些“Paulinians”,所以打电话给他们,要rebaptised。 Those who had functioned as clergy may be reordained if the Catholic bishop to whom they are now subject thinks fit.谁适合那些有可能发挥作用的神职人员,天主教主教reordained如果谁认为他们现在受。

On various aspects of clerical life there are as many as ten canons.论生活的各个方面的文书有多达10门炮。No one is to be ordained who has had himself castrated, nor anyone only recently converted to the faith.没有一个是谁已被祝圣自己阉割,也只是在最近才转换为任何人的信仰。"Yesterday a catechumen, today a bishop," says St. Jerome; "in the evening at the circus and next morning at the altar; just lately a patron of comedians, now busy consecrating virgins." “昨天一个初学者,今天主教说,”圣杰罗姆,“在晚上在马戏团和坛第二天早上,只是最近一个靠山的喜剧演员,现在正忙于神圣的处女。”It is the canon itself which speaks of ordination, and episcopal consecration, following immediately on baptism.它是佳能本身的协调谈到,与主教祝圣后,立即洗礼。Bishops are not to ordain another bishop's subject without his consent.主教祝圣不受到未经他同意的另一主教。No clerics--bishops, priests, or deacons--are to move from one diocese to another.没有神职人员-主教,司铎,执事或-教区是从一个移动到另一个。Clerics are forbidden to take interest for money loans, and for this offence they must be deposed.神职人员是禁止采取贷款利息的钱,为这个被废黜的罪行,他们必须是。

Finally there are two canons regarding three famous sees: Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem.最后有两个著名的三大炮就看到:亚历山大,安提阿,耶路撒冷。The council confirms the ancient custom that gives the bishop of Alexandria jurisdiction over the bishops of the civil provinces of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis.安理会确认的古代习俗,使五城主教亚历山大管辖权,并在埃及,利比亚的主教民事省份。And likewise the ancient privileges of the see of Antioch and of [the chief sees] of the other provinces.和其他省份同样古老的特权看到安提阿和[首席看到]。Jerusalem is a city apart, the Holy City par excellence, and although its bishop remains as much as ever the subject of the metropolitan bishop at Caesarea, he is allowed what canon 7 calls a precedence of honour, without a hint to say in what this consists.耶路撒冷是一个城市外,卓越的圣城,虽然其主教仍然和过去一样的恺撒课题主教在大都市,他可以什么佳能7称之为荣誉优先的,没有暗示说的这是什么组成。

All this variety of business was rapidly despatched, for the council held its final session barely four weeks after it opened, June 19, 325.所有这些种类的业务正在迅速派出议会,为举行最后一次会议刚刚开幕后4个星期,6月19日,325。

As the date all but coincided with the celebrations that marked the twentieth year of Constantine's reign, the emperor entertained the prelates at a banquet in full imperial style, and as they passed before the guards, presenting arms in salute, they asked themselves, says Eusebius, if the Kingdom of Heaven on earth had not finally come to pass.由于日期几乎统治恰逢庆祝活动,标志着君士坦丁的20年,皇帝宴请了风格主教在皇室宴会充分的,他们通过前的警卫,呈现敬礼武器,他们问自己,说尤西比乌斯如果地球上的天堂王国最后没有来通过。

Save for the letter of the bishops of Egypt, mentioned already, and two letters of the emperor, the one general, announcing the new rule about Easter, the other telling the people of Egypt that the bishops had confirmed the traditional belief and that Arius was the tool of the devil, we know nought of what might be called "the promulgation" of the council's decisions.对已保存的信中,主教们提到埃及和两个字母的皇帝,一个一般,宣布有关复活节的新规则,其他人告诉埃及的主教证实了传统的信仰和阿里乌斯是魔鬼的工具,我们知道叫什么可能化为乌有是“的决定颁布”安理会。 But the breakup of the great gathering was by no means followed by the silence that accompanies peace perfectly attained.但是,收集解体的伟大绝不是达到其次是伴随着沉默的完美的和平。The real troubles had not yet begun.真正的麻烦还没有开始。

NOTES注意事项

1. 1。Newman, Causes of the Rise and Successes of Arianism (February 1872) in Tracts, Theological and Ecclesiastical, pp. 103-4.纽曼,原因阿里乌教派的兴起和成功的(1872年2月)在大港,神学和教会,页。103-4。

2. 2。Ibid., 116.同上。,116。For Newman's "examination," 103-11.对于纽曼的“考试”,103-11。

3. 3。Ibid., 112.同上。,112。

4. 4。Ibid., 96, 97 for the passages quoted.同上。,96,为97引文。

5. 5。Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea (?265-338).尤西比乌斯,该撒利亚(主教?265-338)。

6. 6。St. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria ( 328-73); born ?295.圣亚他那修,亚历山大的主教(328-73);出生的?295。

7. 7。Newman, The Development of Christian Doctrine, 1st ed., 1845, pp. 7, 5; with one sentence ("Still no one," etc.) from ibid., rev.纽曼,教育署发展基督教学说,1。,1845年,页。七,5;的一句话仍然没有人,“等)由同上(”。,牧师。ed., p.教育署。山口7.7。

8 A standard Latin dictionary will give as a first basic equivalent, "commander in chief."8标准的拉丁字典将作为第一个基本相等,在主编的“指挥官”。

9. 9。J. Lebreton, SJ, Histoire de Eglise, edited by A. Fliche and Msgr. j的勒布勒,律政司司长,历史学德埃格斯,由A.弗利什和主教编辑。V. Martin (henceforward referred to as F. and M.), vol.五,马丁(从今以后称为楼和M.),第一卷。2, p.2,第343.343。

10. 10。The modern Scutari, on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus.现代斯库台,在博斯普鲁斯海峡的亚洲海岸。

11. 11。A city 60 to 70 miles from Constantinople, on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus, at the head of Lake Iznik.阿城市60至70英里从君士坦丁堡,博斯普鲁斯海峡上的亚洲沿岸,在伊兹尼克头湖。It was about 25 miles south from the then capital, Nicomedia.这是约25英里以南从当时的首都,尼科美底亚。

11a.第11A条。Denzinger, Enchiridion, no.登青格,便览,没有。54, prints the Greek text; Barry, Readings in Church History, p.54,打印希腊文,巴里,读教会历史,山口85, gives a translation. 85,给出了一个翻译。

12. 12。The word has here a special meaning as the name of the (civil) diocese of which Antioch was the chief city, Oriens: the modern Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Syria, the coast of Turkey thence north and west for a good 200 miles with a vast territory in the interior that went beyond the Euphrates.这个词在这里有一个有特殊意义英里200的名称(民事)教区,其中安提阿是主要城市,Oriens:现代黎巴嫩,以色列,约旦,叙利亚,土耳其那里的海岸北部和西部为好在内部,超出了幼发拉底河幅员辽阔。

13. 13。Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils (1937), prints the text and a translation.施罗德,1937年)纪律法令总务局(打印文本和翻译。This note serves for all the councils down to the Fifth Lateran of 1512-17.这说明服务的所有议会下至1512年至1517年第五次拉特兰。Barry, no 16, gives a translation.巴里,16号,给出了一个翻译。

From: THE CHURCH IN CRISIS: A History of the General Councils: 325-1870来自:在危机教会:一个总议会史:325-1870
CHAPTER 1第一章
Mgr.经理。Philip Hughes菲利普休斯


First Council of Nicaea, Nicæa (325)第一届理事会的尼西亚,尼西亚(325)

Advanced Information先进的信息

Index指数

Introduction 介绍
The Profession Of Faith Of The 318 Fathers 父亲职业的信仰的318
Canons 大炮
The Letter Of The Synod In Nicaea To The Egyptians 埃及人信中的主教在尼西亚要


Introduction介绍

This council opened on 19 June in the presence of the emperor, but it is uncertain who presided over the sessions. In the extant lists of bishops present, Ossius of Cordova, and the presbyters Vitus and Vincentius are listed before the other names, but it is more likely that Eustathius of Antioch or Alexander of Alexandria presided.本会在6月19日开幕的皇帝存在的,但它是不确定谁主持会议。科尔多瓦在Ossius现存列出,主教出席,与长老圣维特和列文森在其他的名字,但它更有可能的是亚历山大欧斯塔修斯的安提阿或亚历山大主持。 (see Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Norman P. Tanner SJ)(见议会法令的合一,教育署。诺曼体育坦纳律政司司长)

The bold text in the profession of faith of the 318 fathers constitutes, according to Tanner "The additions made by the council to an underlying form of the creed", and that the underlying creed was most likely "derived from the baptismal formula of Caesarea put forward by the bishop of that city Eusebius" or that it "developed from an original form which existed in Jerusalem or at any rate Palestine". 318父亲粗体的法律界的信仰构成,根据坦纳“信条”由安理会作出增加的一个基本形式,而最有可能的基本信条是“把来自该撒利亚的洗礼的公式提出的“主教该城市尤西比乌斯或说,它”开发率从原来的形式存在于耶路撒冷或在任何巴勒斯坦“。 "A direct descent from the creed of Eusebius of Caesarea is manifestly out of the question." “一撒利亚直接后裔尤西比乌斯从信条是明显不可能的。”Vol.第一卷。1, p2)一,小二)

The figure of 318 given in the heading below is from Hilary of Poitier and is the traditional one.318数字有机会于希拉里的波伊提尔标题下面,是从传统之一。Other numbers are Eusebius 250, Eustathius of Antioch 270., Athanasius about 300, Gelasius of Cyzicus at more than 300.其他数字尤西比乌斯250,270欧斯塔修斯的安提阿。,亚他那修约300基齐库斯格拉西的超过300人。


The Profession Of Faith Of The 318 Fathers对其中的318父亲职业信仰

1. 1。We believe in one God the Father all powerful, maker of all things both seen and unseen.我们相信,在一个父神全能和看不见的,制造商都看到的一切。And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the only-begotten begotten from the Father, that is from the substance [Gr.而在一主耶稣基督,上帝的儿子,是唯一的造物主独生子的,即从物质[石墨。ousias, Lat.ousias,纬度。 substantia] of the Father, God from God, light from light, true God from true God, begotten [Gr.神黑质]的父亲来自上帝,光从光,真神上帝从真实的,造物主[石墨。gennethenta, Lat. gennethenta,纬度。natum] not made [Gr.纳图姆]没有[石墨。poethenta, Lat. poethenta,纬度。factum], Consubstantial [Gr.呈文],同质[石墨。homoousion, Lat. homoousion,纬度。unius substantiae (quod Graeci dicunt homousion)] with the Father, through whom all things came to be, both those in heaven and those in earth; for us humans and for our salvation he came down and became incarnate, became human, suffered and rose up on the third day, went up into the heavens, is coming to judge the living and the dead.unius substantiae(狴Graeci dicunt homousion)],与父亲,通过他们所有的东西就被这两个在天上和地上的人士,对于我们人类和我们的拯救,他下来,成为肉身,成为人的,遭受和玫瑰在第三日上升,上升到天空,是来审判活人与死人。 And in the holy Spirit.而在圣灵。

2. 2。And those who say而那些说谁

1. 1。"there once was when he was not", and "before he was begotten he was not", and that “有一次是当他不”,并“之前,他是造物主,他是不是”,而
2.2。he came to be from things that were not, or from another hypostasis [Gr.他后来被从东西没有,或者从另一个hypostasis [石墨。hypostaseos] or substance [Gr.hypostaseos]或物质[石墨。ousias, Lat.ousias,纬度。 substantia], affirming that the Son of God is subject to change or alteration these the catholic and apostolic church anathematises.黑质],确认神的儿子是随时更改或修改这些天主教和使徒教会anathematises。


Canons大炮

1. If anyone in sickness has undergone surgery at the hands of physicians or has been castrated by barbarians, let him remain among the clergy. 1。疾病的人,如果在经历了手术医师在手中或已被夷阉割了,让他留神职人员之间。But if anyone in good health has castrated himself, if he is enrolled among the clergy he should be suspended, and in future no such man should be promoted.但是,如果健康人在良好的阉割自己,如果他参加神职人员之间的暂停,他应该是,在未来没有这样的人应该加以推广。 But, as it is evident that this refers to those who are responsible for the condition and presume to castrate themselves, so too if any have been made eunuchs by barbarians or by their masters, but have been found worthy, the canon admits such men to the clergy.但是,因为它是显而易见的,这是指那些谁负责的条件和假设的阉割自己,也是如此,如果任何已被夷宦官或由他们的主人,但已发现值得,佳能承认这种男人神职人员。

2 . 2。Since, either through necessity or through the importunate demands of certain individuals, there have been many breaches of the church's canon, with the result that men who have recently come from a pagan life to the faith after a short catechumenate have been admitted at once to the spiritual washing, and at the same time as their baptism have been promoted to the episcopate or the presbyterate, it is agreed that it would be well for nothing of the kind to occur in the future.因为,无论是通过必要或通过某些个人的急切的需求,出现了佳能许多违反教会,与导致男人谁最近来自异教经过短暂的生命信仰的慕道曾经被录取精神洗涤,并在同一时间的洗礼,已晋升为主教或自问,人们一致认为这将是未来福祉的任何一种发生在。 For a catechumen needs time and further probation after baptism, for the apostle's words are clear: "Not a recent convert, or he may be puffed up and fall into the condemnation and the snare of the devil".对于一个初学者需要进一步试用时间的洗礼后,并为使徒的话很清楚:“并不是最近才转换,否则他可能会趾高气扬起来,落入谴责和”魔鬼的陷阱。 But if with the passage of time some sin of sensuality is discovered with regard to the person and he is convicted by two or three witnesses, such a one will be suspended from the clergy.但是,如果与该人的时间推移一些罪恶淫荡的发现对于证人,他是由两个或三个定罪,这样的人会被暂停的神职人员。If anyone contravenes these regulations, he will be liable to forfeit his clerical status for acting in defiance of this great synod.如果有人违反这些规定,他将被没收这个伟大的主教,他不顾地位的文书行为研究。

3 . 3。This great synod absolutely forbids a bishop, presbyter, deacon or any of the clergy to keep a woman who has been brought in to live with him, with the exception of course of his mother or sister or aunt, or of any person who is above suspicion.这个伟大的主教绝对禁止主教,长老,执事或神职人员任何女人保持他已提请谁一起生活在上面,与谁是例外,当然他的母亲或姐妹或姑姑,或对任何人怀疑。

4 . 4。It is by all means desirable that a bishop should be appointed by all the bishops of the province.它是用一切手段可取的一个省任命主教应该由所有的主教。But if this is difficult because of some pressing necessity or the length of the journey involved, let at least three come together and perform the ordination, but only after the absent bishops have taken part in the vote and given their written consent.但如果这是困难的,因为涉及一些紧迫的必要性或旅程的长度,让我们至少有三个走到一起,进行了协调,但前提是缺席的主教已采取的表决中,并给予其书面同意。 But in each province the right of confirming the proceedings belongs to the metropolitan bishop.但确认程序主教属于大都市在每个省的权利。

5 . 5。Concerning those, whether of the clergy or the laity, who have been excommunicated, the sentence is to be respected by the bishops of each province according to the canon which forbids those expelled by some to be admitted by others.关于这些,无论是神职人员还是俗人,谁被驱逐,这句话是要尊重每一个省的主教按照佳能的一些禁止那些被驱逐到被别人所承认。 But let an inquiry be held to ascertain whether anyone has been expelled from the community because of pettiness or quarrelsomeness or any such ill nature on the part of the bishop. Accordingly, in order that there may be proper opportunity for inquiry into the matter, it is agreed that it would be well for synods to be held each year in each province twice a year, so that these inquiries may be conducted by all the bishops of the province assembled together, and in this way by general consent those who have offended against their own bishop may be recognised by all to be reasonably excommunicated, until all the bishops in common may decide to pronounce a more lenient sentence on these persons.但是,让一个研讯,以确定是否有人已被驱逐出境者的性质,对社会的鸡毛蒜皮的小事或quarrelsomeness或任何上述的主教部分。因此秩序,可能有问题,适当的机会把它查询同意,这将是很好的主教会议将每年举行两次,在每个省,每年使这些查询,可进行所有省份的主教组装在一起,并以这种方式由一致同意对那些谁也得罪他们自己的主教可能是大家公认的是合理的驱逐,直到所有的共同主教5月决定判处宣判这些人一个更宽松。 The synods shall be held at the following times: one before Lent, so that, all pettiness being set aside, the gift offered to God may be unblemished; the second after the season of autumn.在主教会议应在下列时间:四旬期一过,这样,所有鸡毛蒜皮的小事被搁置,提供给神的礼物可能是清白的,第二个赛季后的秋天。

6 . 6。The ancient customs of Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis shall be maintained, according to which the bishop of Alexandria has authority over all these places since a similar custom exists with reference to the bishop of Rome.利比亚和五城古埃及的习俗,予以保留,根据该亚历山大罗马主教的权威已在所有这些地方,因为主教存在类似的习俗与参考。 Similarly in Antioch and the other provinces the prerogatives of the churches are to be preserved.同样,在安提阿的教会和其他省份的特权将被保留。In general the following principle is evident: if anyone is made bishop without the consent of the metropolitan, this great synod determines that such a one shall not be a bishop.一般来说,以下原则是显而易见的:如果有人提出大都市主教未经同意的,这个伟大的主教会议决定,这样一个不应成为主教。 If however two or three by reason of personal rivalry dissent from the common vote of all, provided it is reasonable and in accordance with the church's canon, the vote of the majority shall prevail.然而,如果两个或三个竞争的原因,从个人的持不同政见者的共同投票,只要它是合理的,佳能按照教会,多数的表决为准。

7 . 7。Since there prevails a custom and ancient tradition to the effect that the bishop of Aelia is to be honoured, let him be granted everything consequent upon this honour, saving the dignity proper to the metropolitan.由于普遍存在一个古老的习俗和传统,其大意是埃利亚卡皮主教是要兑现,让他被授予此荣誉后,随之而来的一切,节省的尊严,对各大都市。

8 . 8。Concerning those who have given themselves the name of Cathars, and who from time to time come over publicly to the catholic and apostolic church, this holy and great synod decrees that they may remain among the clergy after receiving an imposition of hands.对于那些谁给了自己Cathars名字,谁不时过来公开的天主教和使徒教堂,这个神圣和伟大的主教法令,他们之间可能神职人员仍然收到手后征收。 But before all this it is fitting that they give a written undertaking that they will accept and follow the decrees of the catholic church, namely that they will be in communion with those who have entered into a second marriage and with those who have lapsed in time of persecution and for whom a period [of penance] has been fixed and an occasion [for reconciliation] allotted, so as in all things to follow the decrees of the catholic and apostolic church.但在这一切,是恰当的,他们作出书面承诺,他们将接受和遵循法令的天主教教堂,即他们将在交流与那些谁已经进入了第二次婚姻,与那些在谁还有时间已过他们的迫害和一个忏悔]时间[的已得到修复和和解]的时候[用于分配,以便在一切事上跟随使徒教堂,天主教和法令。 Accordingly, where all the ordained in villages or cities have been found to be men of this kind alone, those who are so found will remain in the clergy in the same rank; but when some come over in places where there is a bishop or presbyter belonging to the catholic church, it is evident that the bishop of the church will hold the bishop's dignity, and that the one given the title and name of bishop among the so-called Cathars will have the rank of presbyter, unless the bishop thinks fit to let him share in the honour of the title.因此,所有的城市乡村受戒或已发现的这种单人,那些谁是如此发现将留在同一职级的神职人员,但在一些地方出现的学额中有1主教或长老属于天主教教堂,这是显而易见的,教会主教的意愿举行主教的尊严,而且所谓的Cathars一个给定的,所谓的标题和名称主教之间将有长老级的,除非主教认为合适让他冠军的荣誉中的份额的。 But if this does not meet with his approval, the bishop will provide for him a place as chorepiscopus or presbyter, so as to make his ordinary clerical status evident and so prevent there being two bishops in the city.但如果这没有会见他的批准后,主教为他们提供一个地方长老作为chorepiscopus,或使他ordinary文书地位明显,从而防止有可能出现两个城市的主教。

9 . 9。If any have been promoted presbyters without examination, and then upon investigation have confessed their sins, and if after their confession men have imposed hands upon such people, being moved to act against the canon, the canon does not admit these people, for the catholic church vindicates only what is above reproach.如果任何已经晋升考试没有长老,然后经调查后已供认自己的罪孽,如果他们的供词后,男人们强加在这些人手中,被转移到采取行动对付佳能,佳能不承认这些人,为天主教不仅维护教会只有什么是无可指责。

10. If any have been promoted to ordination through the ignorance of their promoters or even with their connivance, this fact does not prejudice the church's canon; for once discovered they are to be deposed. 10。如果有任何纵容,以协调促进了通过其发起人的无知,甚至,这一事实并不妨碍教会的佳能,因为一旦发现他们是被废黜。

11 .11。Concerning those who have transgressed without necessity or the confiscation of their property or without danger or anything of this nature, as happened under the tyranny of Licinius, this holy synod decrees that, though they do not deserve leniency, nevertheless they should be treated mercifully.对于那些谁也自然没有必要或逾越这是没收其财产或无危险或什么,李锡尼暴政下发生的,这神圣的主教法令,虽然他们不应该得到宽大处理,但他们应该仁慈地对待。 Those therefore among the faithful who genuinely repent shall spend three years among the hearers, for seven years they shall be prostrators, and for two years they shall take part with the people in the prayers, though not in the offering.因此,这些听众中忠实谁真正悔改应各花3年,7年,他们应prostrators,为两年后,他们应在祈祷的一部分,与市民祭,虽然没有在。

12. Those who have been called by grace, have given evidence of first fervour and have cast off their [military] belts, and afterwards have run back like dogs to their own vomit, so that some have even paid money and recovered their military status by bribes; such persons shall spend ten years as prostrators after a period of three years as hearers. 12。那些谁一直所要求的宽限期,给了热情的证据第一,并已摆脱其[军事]带,后来都运行自己的呕吐物回他们像狗一样,所以,一些人甚至付出金钱和恢复其军事地位通过贿赂,这样的人应听众花费十年后,作为prostrators年3期。 In every case, however, their disposition and the nature of their penitence should be examined.在任何情况下,然而,他们的性格和他们的忏悔性质应予以审查。For those who through their fear and tears and perseverance and good works give evidence of their conversion by deeds and not by outward show, when they have completed their appointed term as hearers, may properly take part in the prayers, and the bishop is competent to decide even more favourably in their regard.对于那些谁通过他们的恐惧和眼泪,毅力和良好的工程给他们的事迹转化的证据和听众不是外在的表现,当他们完成他们的任期委任,可以适当参与部分在祈祷,和有能力的主教决定在更有利的方面。 But those who have taken the matter lightly, and have thought that the outward form of entering the church is all that is required for their conversion, must complete their term to the full.但是,这些谁已掉以轻心,并认为教会的外在形式进入是所有的转换要求他们必须完成他们的任期为完整。

13 .13。Concerning the departing, the ancient canon law is still to be maintained namely that those who are departing are not to be deprived of their last, most necessary viaticum.关于离境,古教会法仍然要维持即那些谁是离境的人不被剥夺了他们的最后viaticum,最必要的。But if one whose life has been despaired of has been admitted to communion and has shared in the offering and is found to be numbered again among the living, he shall be among those who take part in prayer only [here a variant reading in Les canons des conciles oecumeniques adds "until the term fixed by this great ecumenical synod has been completed"].但如果他的生活已经绝望的共融已承认,并提供共享中,并发现其中编号生活再次,他将根据这些谁参加祈祷的一部分,只有[这里莱斯大炮变种阅读德conciles oecumeniques加入“一词的主教,直到修复这一伟大的基督教已完成”]。But as a general rule, in the case of anyone whatsoever who is departing and seeks to share in the eucharist, the bishop upon examining the matter shall give him a share in the offering.但作为一般规则,在圣体圣事案件任何人谁是离境和寻求分享,开办主教研究这个问题后,应给他一个共享研究。

14. Concerning catechumens who have lapsed, this holy and great synod decrees that, after they have spent three years as hearers only, they shall then be allowed to pray with the catechumens. 14。关于慕道谁已经过去了,这是祈祷的神圣和伟大主教慕道法令他们,经过了三年的听众只允许他们随后应。

15. On account of the great disturbance and the factions which are caused, it is decreed that the custom, if it is found to exist in some parts contrary to the canon, shall be totally suppressed, so that neither bishops nor presbyters nor deacons shall transfer from city to city. 15引起的都在考虑的伟大骚扰,和派别,它是颁布法令,自定义,如果发现在一些地区存在违反佳能,应完全压制,因此,无论是主教或长老执事,也不应从城市转移到城市。 If after this decision of this holy and great synod anyone shall attempt such a thing, or shall lend himself to such a proceeding, the arrangement shall be totally annulled, and he shall be restored to the church of which he was ordained bishop or presbyter or deacon.如果取消这一决定后,这个神圣和伟大主教任何人会尝试这样的事情,或应给予自己这样的程序,有关安排应完全,他应恢复到或教堂,他被任命的主教或长老执事。

16. Any presbyters or deacons or in general anyone enrolled in any rank of the clergy who depart from their church recklessly and without the fear of God before their eyes or in ignorance of the church's canon, ought not by any means to be received in another church, but all pressure must be applied to them to induce them to return to their own dioceses, or if they remain it is right that they should be excommunicated. 16。任何长老或执事或一般人佳能就读于任何级别的神职人员谁离开他们的教会肆意和无恐惧上帝在他们眼前或在无知的教会,不应该以任何方式将另一人在教堂,但所有的压力必须适用于他们,促使他们返回自己的教区,或者如果他们仍然是正确的,他们应该被开除教籍。 But if anyone dares to steal away one who belongs to another and to ordain him in his church without the consent of the other's own bishop among whose clergy he was enrolled before he departed, the ordination is to be null.但是,如果有人胆敢偷走一个谁属于另一个祝圣教会他在未经同意的其他离开自己的主教的神职人员中,他被录取前,他的协调,是为空。

17. Since many enrolled [among the clergy] have been induced by greed and avarice to forget the sacred text, "who does not put out his money at interest", and to charge one per cent [a month] on loans, this holy and great synod judges that if any are found after this decision to receive interest by contract or to transact the business in any other way or to charge [a flat rate of] fifty per cent or in general to devise any other contrivance for the sake of dishonourable gain, they shall be deposed from the clergy and their names struck from the roll. 17。由于许多登记] [中神职人员已贪婪引起的贪婪和忘记的神圣文本,“谁不熄的利益”,他的钱,并责成[一百分之一的贷款月]这圣洁的和伟大的主教法官,如果发现有损坏后,这一决定得到合同利息或者办理其他业务的方式收取任何或[在一般平坦率或]百分之五十的前提下,制定任何其他发明的不光彩的收益,他们应被废黜的神职人员和他们的名字从名册击中。

18. It has come to the attention of this holy and great synod that in some places and cities deacons give communion to presbyters, although neither canon nor custom allows this, namely that those who have no authority to offer should give the body of Christ to those who do offer. 18。它来到主教注意这个神圣和伟大,在一些地方和城市的交流,以使长老执事,虽然没有佳能和习俗允许这一点,即那些谁也无权提供,请向基督的身体那些谁报价。 Moreover it has become known that some of the deacons now receive the eucharist even before the bishops.此外,它已成为众所周知,执事一些现在收到的主教圣体之前。All these practices must be suppressed.所有这些做法必须加以抑制。Deacons must remain within their own limits, knowing that they are the ministers of the bishop and subordinate to the presbyters.执事必须留在自己的界限,知道他们是长老部长的主教和服从。Let them receive the eucharist according to their order after the presbyters from the hands of the bishop or the presbyter.让他们收到主教或长老的手从圣体长老根据他们的订单后。Nor shall permission be given for the deacons to sit among the presbyters, for such an arrangement is contrary to the canon and to rank.也不应允许被执事给予了坐在中间的长老,对这样的安排是违反佳能和排名。If anyone refuses to comply even after these decrees, he is to be suspended from the diaconate.如果有人不遵守,即使这些法令,他要暂停从diaconate。

19. Concerning the former Paulinists who seek refuge in the catholic church, it is determined that they must be rebaptised unconditionally. 19。关于前者Paulinists谁寻求庇护的天主教教堂,它决心,他们必须无条件地rebaptised。Those who in the past have been enrolled among the clergy, if they appear to be blameless and irreproachable, are to be rebaptised and ordained by the bishop of the catholic church.这些谁在过去一直神职人员参加中,如果他们似乎是无可指责的和无可指责的,要rebaptised和天主教教会的主教祝圣的。 But if on inquiry they are shown to be unsuitable, it is right that they should be deposed.但是,如果调查显示他们是不合适的,这是正确的,他们应该被废黜。Similarly with regard to deaconesses and all in general whose names have been included in the roll, the same form shall be observed.同样对于执事和所有一般的辊名字被列入了,同样的形式办理。We refer to deaconesses who have been granted this status, for they do not receive any imposition of hands, so that they are in all respects to be numbered among the laity.我们指的地位执事谁得到了这种,因为他们没有收到任何强加的手中,使他们在各方面都将俗人之间的编号。

20. Since there are some who kneel on Sunday and during the season of Pentecost, this holy synod decrees that, so that the same observances may be maintained in every diocese, one should offer one's prayers to the Lord standing.20个。由于一些谁跪在星期日和在圣灵降临节的季节,在这个神圣的主教法令,从而使相同的纪念活动,可维持在每一个教区,一应提供的祈祷,向上帝祷告的地位。


The Letter Of The Synod In Nicaea To The Egyptians对在尼西亚信主教会议的埃及人

The bishops assembled at Nicaea, who constitute the great and holy synod, greet the church of the Alexandrians, by the grace of God holy and great, and the beloved brethren in Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis.利比亚和五城的主教聚集在尼西亚,谁构成了伟大而神圣的主教教堂,迎接亚力山大的,神圣的上帝的恩典和埃及,伟大的,和亲爱的弟兄们。

Since the grace of God and the most pious emperor Constantine have called us together from different provinces and cities to constitute the great and holy synod in Nicaea, it seemed absolutely necessary that the holy synod should send you a letter so that you may know what was proposed and discussed, and what was decided and enacted.由于神的恩典和最虔诚的皇帝君士坦丁呼吁和城市我们一起从不同省份构成圣主教在尼西亚伟大的,似乎是绝对必要的,神圣的主教应该给你的信,让你可以知道发生了什么提出并讨论,什么是决定和制定。

First of all the affair of the impiety and lawlessness of Arius and his followers was discussed in the presence of the most pious emperor Constantine.首先,他的追随者的事了无法无天不虔诚和阿里乌斯,并讨论了皇帝的存在,最虔诚的君士坦丁。It was unanimously agreed that anathemas should be pronounced against his impious opinion and his blasphemous terms and expressions which he has blasphemously applied to the Son of God, saying "he is from things that are not", and "before he was begotten he was not", and "there once was when he was not", saying too that by his own power the Son of God is capable of evil and goodness, and calling him a creature and a work.据一致认为anathemas应宣告上帝对他的大不敬的意见和他的亵渎和词句的条款,他的儿子亵渎申请,说:“他不是从事情是”和“之前,他是造物主,他不“和”有一次是当他不“,说他太的儿子,通过自己的权力,上帝是善与邪恶的能力,并呼吁他的生物和工作。

Against all this the holy synod pronounced anathemas, and did not allow this impious and abandoned opinion and these blasphemous words even to be heard.对所有这神圣的主教明显anathemas,并没有让这个不虔诚和被遗弃的意见,这些亵渎的话甚至被听到。

Of that man and the fate which befell him, you have doubtless heard or will hear, lest we should seem to trample upon one who has already received a fitting reward because of his own sin.该名男子和他所遭受的命运,你无疑会听到或听到的,否则我们自己的罪过,似乎应该践踏一个谁,他已收到一个合适的报酬,因为。 Such indeed was the power of his impiety that Theonas of Marmarica and Secundus of Ptolemais shared in the consequences, for they too suffered the same fate.这些的确是不虔诚的权力,他认为托勒梅斯Theonas的迈尔迈里卡和Secundus共享的后果,因为他们也遭受同样的命运。

But since, when the grace of God had freed Egypt from this evil and blasphemous opinion, and from the persons who had dared to create a schism and a separation in a people which up to now had lived in peace, there remained the question of the presumption of Meletius and the men whom he had ordained, we shall explain to you, beloved brethren, the synod's decisions on this subject too.但是,因为当认为亵渎了上帝的恩典释放埃及从这个邪恶,从人谁也不敢来创建一个分裂和人民在这分离到现在已经生活在和平,仍然是有问题的推定Meletius和祝圣的男子正是他自己,我们会向你解释,主教会议的决定,关于这个问题的亲爱的弟兄们,也。 The synod was moved to incline towards mildness in its treatment of Meletius for strictly speaking he deserved no mercy.主教会议提出倾向于Meletius温和的治疗中,严格来说,他不值得怜悯。It decreed that that he might remain in his own city without any authority to nominate or ordain, and that he was not to show himself for this purpose in the country or in another city, and that he was to retain the bare name of his office.它下令,他可能会留在自己的城市没有任何权力,提名或阿拉维,他不是为了显示自己对这个城市的目的,在国家或在另一个,他是为了保留他的办公室裸露名称。

It was further decreed that those whom he had ordained, when they had been validated by a more spiritual ordination, were to be admitted to communion on condition that they would retain their rank and exercise their ministry, but in every respect were to be second to all the clergy in each diocese and church who had been nominated under our most honoured brother and fellow minister Alexander; they were to have no authority to appoint candidates of their choice or to put forward names or to do anything at all without the consent of the bishop of the catholic church, namely the bishop of those who are under Alexander.据进一步颁布法令,那些他曾受戒,当他们已经验证了一个更协调的精神,他们将入住条件的共融,他们将保留其职级和行使他们的部,但在各方面都认为是仅次于所有在各教区神职人员和教会谁被提名亚历山大在我们最尊贵的兄弟和同胞部长;他们有没有权力委任其选择的候选人或提出名称或做任何事情都没有同意主教的天主教教堂,即那些在亚历山大主教是谁。 But those who by the grace of God and by our prayers have not been detected in any schism, and are spotless in the catholic and apostolic church, are to have authority to appoint and to put forward the names of men of the clergy who are worthy, and in general to do everything according to the law and rule of the church.但是,这些谁的神的恩典和我们的祈祷并没有发现任何分裂,并在天主教教会一尘不染和使徒,是有权任命和值得提出的是谁的名字的男性的神职人员,和一般,一切按法律和教会统治的。

In the event of the death of any in the church, those who have recently been accepted are thereupon to succeed to the office of the deceased, provided that they appear worthy and are chosen by the people; the bishop of Alexandria is to take part in the vote and confirm the election.在教堂的事件中死亡的,那些谁是最近就此接受人民继承死者办公室,只要他们的出现是值得的,选择的;亚历山大主教的是参与表决,并确认了选举。 This privilege, which has been granted to all others, does not apply to the person of Meletius because of his inveterate seditiousness and his mercurial and rash disposition, lest any authority or responsibility should be given to one who is capable of returning to his seditious practices.这种特权,它已获得所有其他国家,并不适用于Meletius人,因为他的铁杆seditiousness和他的善变和皮疹处置的责任,否则任何机关或应考虑的做法之一是谁能够回到他的煽动性。

These are the chief and most important decrees as far as concerns Egypt and the most holy church of the Alexandrians.这些是主要的和最重要的法令,据有关埃及和亚力山大最圣洁的教堂。Whatever other canons and decrees were enacted in the presence of our lord and most honoured fellow minister and brother Alexander, he will himself report them to you in greater detail when he comes, for he was himself a leader as well as a participant in the events.无论其他大炮和法令,颁布了耶和华面前,我们感到非常荣幸和各位部长和弟弟亚历山大,他将自己报告给你更详细的时候他来了,因为他自己是一个领导者以及事件的参与者。

The following is not found in the Latin text, but is found in the Greek text :以下是找不到的拉丁文字,但在希腊文字中找到:

We also send you the good news of the settlement concerning the holy Pasch, namely that in answer to your prayers this question also has been resolved.我们还向您发送的,即好消息就解决有关圣Pasch,在回答你的祷告得到了解决这个问题也有。All the brethren in the East who have hitherto followed the Jewish practice will henceforth observe the custom of the Romans and of yourselves and of all of us who from ancient times have kept Easter together with you.迄今所有的弟兄们在东谁跟随犹太人的做法今后将遵守你自定义的罗马人与自己和所有我们与谁从古代一直复活节在一起。Rejoicing then in these successes and in the common peace and harmony and in the cutting off of all heresy, welcome our fellow minister, your bishop Alexander, with all the greater honour and love.欢乐然后在这些成就和共同的和平与和谐,在异端切断所有,欢迎我们的各位部长,您的主教亚历山大的爱,所有的荣誉和更大。 He has made us happy by his presence, and despite his advanced age has undertaken such great labour in order that you too may enjoy peace.他使我们高兴他的存在,尽管他的年纪已承诺可享受和平如此巨大的劳动,以便你。

Pray for us all that our decisions may remain secure through almighty God and our lord Jesus Christ in the holy Spirit, to whom is the glory for ever and ever.所有为我们祷告,我们的决定可能仍是安全的,通过万能的上帝和我们的主耶稣基督的圣灵,谁是永远永远的荣耀和。Amen.阿门。


Translation taken from Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed.翻译取自合一议会,教育署法令。Norman P. Tanner诺曼体育坦纳
Provided Courtesy of Eternal Word Television NetworkWord中提供了永恒的电视网络礼貌


Documents from the First Council of Nicaea, Nicæa - 325 AD文件从第一届理事会的尼西亚,尼西亚 - 公元325

Advanced Information先进的信息

SOURCE: Henry R. Percival, ed., _The Seven Ecumenical Councils of the Undivided Church_, Vol XIV of Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, 2nd series, edd.消息来源:亨利河波斯富街,编辑。,两队的7合一,议会的不可分割的Church_,系列卷第十四尼西亚和邮政尼西亚的父亲,第二教育博士。 Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, (repr. Edinburgh: T&T Clark; Grand Rapids MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1988)菲利普沙夫和亨利Wace(repr.爱丁堡:电讯克拉克;大急流心肌梗塞:箭牌糖类有限公司。乙Eerdmans,1988)

The value of the Percival edition is that it not only provides basic texts, but also has a number of well informed excursuses on significant topics, as well as, after each canon commentaries by later writers on the meaning.该版本价值的波斯富街是,它不仅提供了基本的文本,但也有一些专题excursuses重大的消息灵通,以及之后的每一个后来的作家经典意义的评论。

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THE NICENE CREED尼西亚信经

(Found in the Acts of the Ecumenical Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, in the Epistle of Eusebius of Coesarea to his own Church, in the Epistle of St. Athanasius Ad Jovianum Imp., in the Ecclesiastical Histories of Theodoret and Socrates, and elsewhere, The variations in the text are absolutely without importance.) (存在于和卡尔西的行为的以弗所议会的合一,在Coesarea书信的教会尤西比乌斯自己的进出口,在Jovianum书信圣亚他那修的广告。在与苏格拉底的theodoret教史,和其他地方,在文本的差异,是绝对没有的重要性。)

The Synod at Nice set forth this Creed.(1)在尼斯主教会议提出这个信条。(1)

The Ecthesis of the Synod at Nice.(2)在尼斯的主教Ecthesis。(2)

We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the only-begotten of his Father, of the substance of the Father, God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten (我们相信一个上帝,全能的父及无形,有形万物的制造商,以及在一个主耶稣基督,上帝的儿子,是唯一的造物主,他的父亲,轻物质的父亲,神神轻,很造物主上帝很神,( gennhq gennhq, ent耳鼻喉科 , not made, being of one substance(,没有,物质是一(omoousionomoousion , consubstantialem) with the Father.,consubstantialem)与父。By whom all things were made, both which be in heaven and in earth.由何人所有的事情发了言,无论是在天堂和在地球上。Who for us men and for our salvation came down [from heaven] and was incarnate and was made man.谁对我们人类和我们的拯救下来[从天上],是体现并取得了男子。He suffered and the third day he rose again, and ascended into heaven.他遭受的第三天,他再次上升,并跻身天堂。And he shall come again to judge both the quick and the dead. And [we believe] in the Holy Ghost.他必再来判断双方的快速和死亡。与[我们相信鬼]在圣地。And whosoever shall say that there was a time when the Son of God was not (人若说有一段时间,上帝的儿子是不是( hn的HN pote颇特 ote希腊电信 ouk的Ouk hĤ nñ ), or that before he was begotten he was not, or that he was made of things that were not, or that he is of a different substance or essence [from the Father] or that he is a creature, or subject to change or conversion(3)--all that so say, the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematizes them. ),或者他是造物主,他之前并没有,或者说他写了的东西,没有,或者说他是一个不同的物质或精神] [来自父亲或他是一个怪物,或随时更改或转换(3) -所有这么说,天主教和使徒教会anathematizes他们。

NOTES注意事项

The Creed of Eusebius of Caesarea, which he presented to the council, and which some suppose to have suggested the creed finally adopted.这,信仰会尤西比乌斯的该撒利亚,他提交给一些猜想和建议最终通过的信条。

(Found in his Epistle to his diocese; vide: St. Athanasius and Theodoret.) (发现在他的书信,以他的教区;随:圣亚他那修和Theodoret。)

We believe in one only God, Father Almighty, Creator of things visible and invisible; and in the Lord Jesus Christ, for he is the Word of God, God of God, Light of Light, life of life, his only Son, the first- born of all creatures, begotten of the Father before all time, by whom also everything was created, who became flesh for our redemption, who lived and suffered amongst men, rose again the third day, returned to the Father, and will come again one day in his glory to judge the quick and the dead.我们相信,在一个只有上帝,全能的父,创造万物的有形和无形的,以及在主耶稣基督,因为他是神的话语,神的神,光灯,生命生活,他唯一的儿子,第一-所有的动物出生,父亲的遗物前,所有的时间,由何人也都被创建,谁成为男人为我们的血肉赎回,谁住之间,遭受,再次上升的第三天,回到了父亲,并会再来一个荣耀的一天,他迅速判断和死亡。 We believe also in the Holy Ghost We believe that each of these three is and subsists; the Father truly as Father, the Son truly as Son, the Holy Ghost truly as Holy Ghost; as our Lord also said, when he sent his disciples to preach: Go and teach all nations, and baptize them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.我们也相信在圣灵我们相信,这些各有三个是和存续,父亲真正的父亲,儿子的儿子真正作为,圣灵圣灵真正的,正如我们主也说,当他派他的弟子讲道:你去教大家的,他们在施洗父亲的名字,和儿子,和圣灵。

EXCURSUS ON THE WORD HOMOUSIOS.(4)附录在Word HOMOUSIOS。(4)

The Fathers of the Council at Nice were at one time ready to accede to the request of some of the bishops and use only scriptural expressions in their definitions.在尼斯的父亲会的人在同一时间准备加入主教的一些要求和使用中的表达及其定义唯一的圣经。But, after several attempts, they found that all these were capable of being explained away.但是,经过几次尝试,他们发现,所有这些都能够被解释了。Athanasius describes with much wit and penetration how he saw them nodding and winking to each other when the orthodox proposed expressions which they had thought of a way of escaping from the force of.亚他那修描述和眨眼间用多少智慧和渗透,他如何看待他们点头时,该部队由正统的建议表达了他们逃跑的思想方式1。After a series of attempts of this sort it was found that something clearer and more unequivocal must be adopted if real unity of faith was to be attained; and accordingly the word homousios was adopted.经过这一系列排序试图发现它的一些更清晰,更要采取明确的信念,如果真正要达到团结,以及相应的单词homousios获得通过。 Just what the Council intended this究竟这是安理会打算

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expression to mean is set forth by St. Athanasius as follows: "That the Son is not only like to the Father, but that, as his image, he is the same as the Father; that he is of the Father; and that the resemblance of the Son to the Father, and his immutability, are different from ours: for in us they are something acquired, and arise from our fulfilling the divine commands. Moreover, they wished to indicate by this that his generation is different from that of human nature; that the Son is not only like to the Father, but inseparable from the substance of the Father, that he and the Father are one and the same, as the Son himself said: 'The Logos is always in the Father, and, the Father always in the Logos,' as the sun and its splendour are inseparable."(1)表达的意思是,设定圣亚他那修规定如下:“这儿子是不是只喜欢父亲,但是,由于他的形象,他是父亲一样的,那是他的父亲,并认为该相似的儿子的父亲,和他的不变性,是我们的不同:在我们,他们获得的东西,并出现从我们履行神圣的命令。此外,他们希望通过这个说明,他的一代,是不同于人性,这不仅是儿子的父亲一样,但同样离不开物质的父亲,他和父亲是一个与自己的儿子说:'的标识总是在父,时,父亲总是在理性,'为太阳和它的辉煌是分不开的。“(1)

The word homousios had not had, although frequently used before the Council of Nice, a very happy history.这个词homousios还没有,虽然历史上经常会使用过快乐的尼斯,非常。It was probably rejected by the Council of Antioch,(2) and was suspected of being open to a Sabellian meaning.这可能是拒绝了安理会的安提阿,(2),并公开意义涉嫌向Sabellian。It was accepted by the heretic Paul of Samosata and this rendered it very offensive to many in the Asiatic Churches.它接受了保罗的萨莫萨塔邪教,这使得它非常反感,许多教会在亚洲。On the other hand the word is used four times by St. Irenaeus, and Pamphilus the Martyr is quoted as asserting that Origen used the very word in the Nicene sense.另一方面,这个词是用来圣爱任纽4倍,并Pamphilus的烈士是引述声称奥利意义上使用这个词尼西亚研究。Tertullian also uses the expression "of one substance" (unius substanticoe) in two places, and it would seem that more than half a century before the meeting of the Council of Nice, it was a common one among the Orthodox.良还使用一种物质表现“的”(unius substanticoe)在两个地方,它似乎超过半世纪前,尼斯会议的理事会,这是一个共同的东正教中的一个。

Vasquez treats this matter at some length in his Disputations, (3) and points out how well the distinction is drawn by Epiphanius between Synousios and Homousios, "for synousios signifies such an unity of substance as allows of no distinction: wherefore the Sabellians would admit this word: but on the contrary homousios signifies the same nature and substance but with a distinction between persons one from the other. Rightly, therefore, has the Church adopted this word as the one best calculated to confute the Arian heresy."(4)巴斯克斯他Disputations对待这个问题在一些长度,(3),并指出如何好区分Homousios制定和埃皮法尼乌斯之间Synousios,“为synousios意味着这种物质的统一作为区分不容:何故的萨姆奈特人会承认这个词:反而homousios标志相同的性质和内容,而是与其他人之间的区别之一从。理所当然,因此,已经通过了这个邪教教会作为一个最字计算驳斥了阿里安。“(4)

It may perhaps be well to note that these words are formed like这也许可以很好地注意到,这些话是形成了一个类似omobiosomobios andomoiobiosomoiobios , omognwmwn omognwmwnandomoiognwmwnomoiognwmwn , etc., etc.,等等

The reader will find this whole doctrine treated at great length in all the bodies of divinity; and in Alexander Natalis (HE t. iv., Dies. xiv.); he is also referred to Pearson, On the Creed; Bull, Defence of the Nicene Creed; Forbes, An Explanation of the Nicene Creed; and especially to the little book, written in answer to the recent criticisms of Professor Harnack, by HB Swete, DD, The Apostles' Creed.读者会发现这整个学说的神性治疗机构的大篇幅的一切;在亚历山大Natalis(何吨四。,模具。十四。),他也被称为皮尔逊信条,在,公牛,国防部长尼西亚信经,信经福布斯,尼西亚的一种解释是,尤其是向小书,以书面答复的批评教授哈纳克近日,由乙肝斯威特,副署长,使徒信经。

EXCURSUS ON THE WORDS附录的字词gennhqetagennhqeta ou poihqenta poihqenta] (JB Lightfoot. The Apostolic Fathers--Part II. Vol. ii. Sec. I. pp. 90, et seqq.) The Son is here [Ignat.](新山富特。使徒的父亲-第二部分。卷。二。秒。第一页。90等seqq。)的儿子是在这里[伊格纳特。Ad.广告。Eph.弗。vii.] declared to be七。宣布为]gennhgennh os as man and作为人与a,ennhtosennhtos as God, for this is clearly shown to be the meaning from the parallel clauses.为上帝,这显然证明是有关条文的意思从并行。Such language is not in accordance with later theological definitions, which carefully distinguished between按照这样的语言是不符合神学的定义后,该仔细区分genhtosgenhtos andgennhtosgennhtos between之间agenhtosagenhtos andagennhtosagennhtos ; so that ;使genhtos genhtos, agenhtos agenhtosrespectively denied and affirmed the eternal existence, being equivalent to分别否认,肯定了永恒的存在,相等于 ktistos ktistos, aktistos aktistos, while,而gennhtosgennhtos , agen阿根 htos htosdescribed certain ontological relations, whether in time or in eternity.形容某些本体论关系,无论在时间或在永恒。In the later theological language, therefore, the Son was在后来的神学语言,因此,儿子gennhtosgennhtos even in his Godhead.甚至在他的神性。See esp.见电除尘器。Joann. Damasc.乔安。Damasc。 de Fid.德瞎话。Orth.奥尔特。i.8 [where he draws the conclusion that only the Father is8 [他得出结论,只有父亲是agennhtosagennhtos , and only the Son,只有圣子gennhtosgennhtos ]. ]。

There can be little doubt however, that Ignatius wrote几乎可以肯定然而,伊格内修斯说 gennh?os gennh?操作系统kaiagennhtosagennhtos , though his editors frequently alter it into虽然他的编辑经常改变它到gennh?osgennh?操作系统 kaiagennhtosagennhtos . For (1) the Greek MS. (1)希腊硕士学位。still retains the double [Greek nun] v, though the claims of orthodoxy would be a temptation to scribes to仍然保留了双[希腊修女]五,虽然正统的索赔将是一个文士来诱惑

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substitute the single v. And to this reading also the Latin genitus et ingenitus points.代替单一诉而这也是拉美genitus阅读等ingenitus点。On the other hand it cannot be concluded that translators who give factus et non factus had the words with one v, for this was after all what Ignatius meant by the double v, and they would naturally render his words so as to make his orthodoxy apparent.另一方面,不能得出结论,翻译人员给予factus等非factus了一个V字的,因为这毕竟是什么伊格v意思了一倍,他们将自然地使他的话使他的正统明显。 (2) When Theodoret writes (2)当Theodoret写gennhtosgennhtos ex当然agennhtouagennhtou , it is clear that he, or the person before him who first substituted this reading, must have read,很显然,他或在他面前的人谁取代这首读,必须读gennhtosgennhtos kaiagennhtosagennhtos , for there would be no temptation to alter the perfectly orthodox,因为在那里不会改变的完美诱惑正统 genhtos genhtoskaiagenhtosagenhtos , nor (if altered) would it have taken this form.,或(如更改)将它采取这种形式。(3) When the interpolator substitutes(3)当插替代品oØmonos莫诺 alhqinos alhqinosQeosQeos oØ agennhtos agennhtos...toudemonogonousmonogonous pathr pathrkaigennhtwrgennhtwr , the natural inference is that he too, had the forms in double v, which he retained, at the same time altering the whole run of the sentence so as not to do violence to his own doctrinal views; see Bull Def. ,自然的推论是,他也有理论上的意见,不要做他自己的暴力形式,使双V保留,他在同一时间改变整个运行的判决,见牛业。Fid.瞎话。Nic.网卡。ii.二。2 (s) 6. (4) The quotation in Athanasius is more difficult.2(第)6。(4)亚他那修报价在更困难。The MSS.MSS的。vary, and his editors write各不相同,他的编辑写genhtosgenhtos kaiagenhtosagenhtos . Zahn too, who has paid more attention to this point than any previous editor of Ignatius, in his former work (Ign. v. Ant. p. 564), supposed Athanasius to have read and written the words with a single v, though in his subsequent edition of Ignatius (p. 338) he declares himself unable to determine between the single and double v. I believe, however, that the argument of Athanasius decides in favour of the vv.赞恩太多,谁更注重这一点伊格比以往任何编辑的蚂蚁,在他以前的工作(Ign.诉。页564),本来他那修已经阅读并书面单V字用,但在他的第338页以后的版本的伊格(),他宣布自己无法确定之间的单人和双人诉我相信,然而,有亚他那修论点空隙率决定了赞成。 Elsewhere he insists repeatedly on the distinction between在其他地方,他一再坚持区别ktixeinktixein andgennangennan , justifying the use of the latter term as applied to the divinity of the Son, and defending the statement in the Nicene Creed,理由是短期使用,后者适用于对神的儿子,和捍卫在尼西亚信条声明 gennhton gennhtonek绽出ths主题性住户统计 ousias ousiastoupatrospatros tonuionuion omoousion omoousion(De Synod. 54, 1, p. 612). (德主教会议。54,1,612页)。Although he is not responsible for the language of the Macrostich (De Synod. 3, 1, p. 590), and would have regarded it as inadequate without the虽然他不是590页的负责语言的Macrostich(德主教会议。3,1),并没有都把它作为不足omoousionomoousion yet this use of terms entirely harmonizes with his own.然而,这方面使用的完全统一了与他自己的。In the passage before us, ib.在过道里摆在我们面前,兴业。(s)(s) 46, 47 (p. 607), he is defending the use of homousios at Nicaea, notwithstanding that it had been previously rejected by the council which condemned Paul of Samosata, and he contends that both councils were orthodox, since they used homousios in a different sense. (第)(第)46,47(607页),他是捍卫尼西亚使用homousios在,尽管它先前已经拒绝了安理会萨莫萨塔其中谴责保罗,他争辩说,两局的正统,因为他们使用了不同的意义homousios。 As a parallel instance he takes the word作为一个实例,他采取平行字agennhtosagennhtos which like homousios is not a scriptural word, and like it also is used in two ways, signifying either (1) T这不是一个homousios就像圣经单词,喜欢它也被用在两个方面,意味着要么(1)笔 oØ on关于men男子,mhtemhte de gennhqen gennhqenmhtemhte olws olwsekon怡康 tonaitionaition or(2) T或(2)笔oØaktistonaktiston . In the former sense the Son cannot be called在前者的意义上不能称为子agennhtosagennhtos , in the latter he may be so called.在后者,他可能是所谓的。Both uses, he says, are found in the fathers.这两种用途,他说,是父亲发现了。Of the latter he quotes the passage in Ignatius as an example; of the former he says, that some writers subsequent to Ignatius declare后者的例子,他引用了伊格的通行;前,他说,一些作家伊格申报以后entoagennhtonagennhton oØ pathr pathr, kaieis电化学阻抗谱 oØ ex当然autouautou uios uiosgnhsiosgnhsios , gennhma gennhmaalhqinonalhqinon k K表. t . l . [He may have been thinking of Clem.[他可能一直在思考的克莱姆。Alex.亚历克斯。Strom.斯特罗姆。vi.六。7, which I shall quote below.] He maintains that both are orthodox, as having in view two different senses of the word7,我会引述如下。]他认为,无论是正统总之,鉴于具有两种不同的感觉agennhtonagennhton , and the same, he argues, is the case with the councils which seem to take opposite sides with regard to homousios.,同样,他认为,是homousios案,议会,似乎就采取对立的。It is dear from this passage, as Zahn truly says, that Athanasius is dealing with one and the same word throughout; and, if so, it follows that this word must be亲爱的,是从这段话,作为赞恩真正所说,亚他那修是整个处理同一个词,以及,如果有的话,于是,这个词必须agennhtonagennhton , sinceagenhtonagenhton would be intolerable in some places.将是不能容忍的一些地方。I may add by way of caution that in two other passages, de Decret.我可以添加谨慎的方式,在另外两个通道,德Decret。Syn.突触。Nic.网卡。28 (1, p. 184), Orat. 28(1,第184页),Orat。c.Arian.阿里安。i.30 (1, p. 343), St. Athanasius gives the various senses of30(1,343页),使各种感官圣亚他那修的agenhtonagenhton (for this is plain from the context), and that these passages ought not to be treated as parallels to the present passage which is concerned with the senses of (因为这是平原,从上下文),而且这些通道不应该被视为于本平行通道的感觉是有关agennhtonagennhton . Much confusion is thus created, eg in Newman's notes on the several passages in the Oxford translation of Athanasius (pp. 51 sq., 224 sq.), where the three passages are treated as parallel, and no attempt is made to discriminate the readings in the several places, but "ingenerate" is given as the rendering of both alike. If then Athanasius who read由此产生很多混淆,如被视为平行的三个通道纽曼的纸币上的几个段落在牛津翻译亚他那修(第51平方米,224平方米的地方),并没有试图将歧视的读数在几个地方,但“ingenerate”是。给予同样呈现两个如果当时他那修谁读 gennhtos gennhtoskaiagennhtosagennhtos in Ignatius, there is absolutely no authority for the spelling with one v. The earlier editors (Voss, Useher, Cotelier, etc.), printed it as they found it in the MS.; but Smith substituted the forms with the single v, and he has been followed more recently by Hefele, Dressel, and some other.在伊格,也绝对没有一个权威的拼写诉较早编辑器(沃斯,Useher,Cotelier等),印刷也因为他们发现它在微软。,但史密斯取代单一的诉的形式,他最近一直遵循由黑弗勒,德雷瑟尔,以及其他一些。 In the Casatensian copy of the MS., a marginal note is added,在副本的MS Casatensian。一个旁注被添加,anagnwsteonanagnwsteon

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agenhtos agenhtostout招徕 esti埃斯蒂 mh荣誉勋章 poihqeis poihqeis.Waterland (Works, III., p. 240 sq., Oxf. 1823) tries ineffectually to show that the form with the double v was invented by the fathers at a later date to express their theological conception.沃特兰(工程,三。,第240页平方米,Oxf。1823)尝试阙如显示,双V形与发明1日后由父亲在表达他们的神学观。 He even "doubts whether there was any such word as他甚至“怀疑是否有这样的单词agennhtosagennhtos so early as the time of Ignatius." In this he is certainly wrong.因此早在伊格时间。“在这一点,他肯定是错误的。

The MSS. MSS的。of early Christian writers exhibit much confusion between these words spelled with the double and the single v. See eg Justin Dial.早期基督教作家展出许多混乱和拼写之间的这些话单的双重诉见如贾斯汀拨号。2, with Otto's note; Athenag. 2,奥托的说明; Athenag。Suppl.增刊。4 with Otto's note; Theophil, ad Autol.4奥托的说明;特奥菲尔,广告奥托尔。ii.二。3, 4; Iren.3,4;伊伦。iv.四。38, 1, 3; Orig. 38,1,3;原始。c. Cels.透明片。vi.六。66; Method.66;方法。de Lib.德lib中。Arbitr., p.Arbitr。山口 57; Jahn (see Jahn's note 11, p. 122); Maximus in Euseb.57;雅恩(见雅恩的注11,第122页); Euseb Maximus的研究。Praep.Praep。Ev.电子伏特。vii.七。22; Hippol.22; Hippol。 Haer.哈尔。v. 16 (from Sibylline Oracles); Clem.五,16(从知未来的甲骨文);克莱姆。Alex.亚历克斯。Strom v. 14; and very frequently in later writers.斯特罗姆诉14;及经常在以后的作家。Yet notwithstanding the confusion into which later transcribers have thus thrown the subject, it is still possible to ascertain the main facts respecting the usage of the two forms.然而,尽管这个问题混淆到后来誊写就此抛出的,它仍然是可能的,以确定这两种形式主要是尊重事实的用法。The distinction between the two terms, as indicated by their origin, is that这两者之间的区别条款,如原产地表明了他们的,是 agenhtos agenhtosdenies the creation, and否认创造,agennhtosagennhtos the generation or parentage.或父母的一代。Both are used at a very early date; eg两者都用在非常早的日期;如agenhtosagenhtos by Parmenides in Clem.在克莱姆巴门尼德。Alex.亚历克斯。Strom.斯特罗姆。v. l4, and by Agothon in Arist.五,腰椎,以及Arist Agothon研究。Eth.以太。Nic.网卡。vii.七。2 (comp. also Orac. Sibyll. prooem. 7, 17); and2(comp.也Orac。Sibyll。prooem。七,17);及agennhtosagennhtos in Soph.在Soph。Trach.泽。61 (where it is equivalent to 61(它相当于dusgenwn dusgenwn.Here the distinction of meaning is strictly preserved, and so probably it always is in Classical writers; for in Soph.这里的含义是严格区分的保存,所以它可能永远是经典作家,在Soph。Trach.泽。743 we should after Porson and Hermann read743我们应该阅读后波森和赫尔曼agenhtonagenhton with Suidas.与Suidas。In Christian writers also there is no reason to suppose that the distinction was ever lost, though in certain connexions the words might be used convertibly.在基督教作家也没有理由认为这种区分是永远失去了,尽管在某些接驳的话有可能被利用可转换债券。Whenever, as here in Ignatius, we have the double v where we should expect the single, we must ascribe the fact to the indistinctness or incorrectness of the writer's theological conceptions, not to any obliteration of the meaning of the terms themselves.无论何时,因为在这里伊格内,我们有双V,我们应该期望单,我们必须归于事实的概念不明确或不正确的作家的神学,而不是自我闭塞任何条款的含义的。 To this early father for instance the eternal为了达到这个永恒的父亲早例如gen?hsis根?hsis of the Son was not a distinct theological idea, though substantially he held the same views as the Nicene fathers respecting the Person of Christ. The following passages from early Christian writers will serve at once to show how far the distinction was appreciated, and to what extent the Nicene conception prevailed in ante-Nicene Christianity; Justin Apol.圣子是不是一个独特的神学思想,虽然他曾大幅基督的人相同的意见,作为尊重尼西亚的父亲。早期基督教作家从下面的段落将成为一次展示多远的区别是赞赏,以及在何种尼西亚观念盛行的程度在宰前尼西亚基督教;贾斯汀Apol。 ii.二。6, comp.6,可比。ib.兴业。(s) 13; Athenag.(南)13; Athenag。Suppl.增刊。10 (comp. ib. 4); Theoph. 10(可比兴业。四); Theoph。ad.广告。Aut.奥地利。ii.二。3; Tatian Orat.3;提安Orat。 5; Rhodon in Euseb.5,在Euseb Rhodon。HE v. 13; Clem.何诉13人;克莱姆。Alex.亚历克斯。Strom.斯特罗姆。vi.六。7; Orig.7;原始。c.Cels.透明片。vi.六。17, ib.17日,兴业。vi.六。52; Concil. Antioch (AD 269) in Routh Rel.52;促进会。安提阿(公元269)在鲁斯│。Sacr.Sacr。III., p.三。山口290; Method.290;方法。 de Creat. 5.去开创全省。5。 In no early Christian writing, however, is the distinction more obvious than in the Clementine Homilies, x.在任何早期基督教的著作却是明显的区别更十比在克莱门汀讲道词,10 (where the distinction is employed to support the writer's heretical theology): see also viii. 16, and comp. 10(其中的区别是用来支持作家的异端神学):又见八。16,可比。xix.十九。3, 4, 9, 12.3,4,9,12。 The following are instructive passages as regards the use of these words where the opinions of other heretical writers are given; Saturninus, Iren.以下是有益的段落是关于使用这些特定的换句话说,只要意见邪教作家;撒端黎纳,伊伦。i.24, 1; Hippol.24,1; Hippol。Haer.哈尔。vii.七。28; Simon Magus, Hippol. 28;西蒙法师,Hippol。Haer.哈尔。vi.六。17, 18; the Valentinians, Hippol. Haer.17,18;华伦提努,Hippol。哈尔。vi.六。29, 30; the Ptolemaeus in particular, Ptol.29,30,特别是托勒密,Ptol。Ep.内啡肽。ad.广告。Flor.弗洛尔。4 (in Stieren's Ireninians, Hipaeus, p. 935); Basilides, Hippol. 4(斯捷伦的Ireninians,Hipaeus,页935);巴西里德,Hippol。Haer.哈尔。vii.七。22; Carpocrates, Hippol.22; Carpocrates,Hippol。Haer.哈尔。vii.七。32.32。

From the above passages it will appear that Ante-Nicene writers were not indifferent to the distinction of meaning between the two words; and when once the othodox Christology was formulated in the Nicene Creed in the words从上面的段落也将出现前厅尼西亚的作家,不无动于衷的话区分两种意义之间;而当一旦othodox基督是制定了尼西亚信条的词 gennhqenta gennhqentaoupoihqentapoihqenta , it became henceforth impossible to overlook the difference.,它成为今后不能忽视其中的差别。 The Son was thus declared to be儿子因此宣布为gennhtosgennhtos but not但不genhtosgenhtos . I am therefore unable to agree with Zahn (Marcellus, pp. 40, 104, 223, Ign. von Ant. p. 565), that at the time of the Arian controversy the disputants were not alive to the difference of meaning.因此,我不能同意赞恩(马塞勒斯页。40,104,223是IGN。冯蚂蚁。第565页),这在当时的阿里安争议的争执双方都没有活着的意义差异。 See for example Epiphanius, Haer.例如见埃皮法尼乌斯,哈尔。lxiv.lxiv。8.8。But it had no especial interest for them.但它没有为他们特殊的兴趣。While the orthodox party clung to the homousios as enshrining the doctrine for which they fought, they had no liking for the terms虽然正统党固守他们打的homousios作为供奉的学说的,他们没有条件的喜欢agennhtosagennhtos andgennhtosgennhtos as applied to the Father and the Son respectively, though unable to deny their propriety, because they were affected by the Arians and applied in their own way.适用于父亲和儿子分别,但不能否认他们的礼,因为他们受到白羊座和方法适用于自己。To the orthodox mind the Arian formula为正统思想的阿里安公式ouk的Ouk hn的HN prin首席 gennhqhnai gennhqhnaior some Semiarian formula hardly less dangerous, seemed或一些Semiarian公式几乎同样危险,似乎

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always to be lurking under the expression总是要根据表达潜伏QeosQeos g nnhtos nnhtosas applied to the Son.适用于子。Hence the language of Epiphanius Haer.因此,埃皮法尼乌斯哈尔的语言。lxxiii.lxxiii。19: "As you refuse to accept our homousios because though used by the fathers, it does not occur in the Scriptures, so will we decline on the same grounds to accept your 19:“当你拒绝接受,因为虽然我们homousios父亲所用的,它不会出现在圣经,所以我们拒绝将根据同样的理由来接受你ag股份公司 nnhtos nnhtos." Similarly Basil c. Eunom. i., iv., and especially ib. further on, in which last passage he argues at great length against the position of the heretics, 。“同样罗勒角Eunom。一,四。,尤其是兴业。进一步,而在这最后通过他的异端认为在对伟大的位置长度,eiag股份公司 nnhtos nnhtos, fasin fasin, oØ pathr pathr, genntos genntosdeoØui用户界面 ss , ou ths主题性住户统计 auths authsousOU的 as . See also the arguments against the Anomoeans in[Athan.] Dial.又见]拨打论据反对Anomoeans [森。。de Trin.德特林。ii.二。passim. This fully explains the reluctance of the orthodox party to handle terms which their adversaries used to endanger the homousios.各处。这充分说明了党的正统不愿处理方面,他们的对手homousios用于危害。 But, when the stress of the Arian controversy was removed, it became convenient to express the Catholic doctrine by saying that the Son in his divine nature was但是,当压力的阿里安争议被拆除,成为方便表达神性是天主教教义中说,由他的儿子g nnhtos nnhtosbut not但不g nhtos nhtos. And this distinction is staunchly maintained in later orthodox writers, eg John of Damascus, already quoted in the beginning of this Excursus.而这种区别是坚决维护在以后的正统作家,如约翰大马士革已经附录在此引述的开始。

Meletius was probably the occasion of this canon.Meletius可能是这一经典时刻。It may be remembered that he had nominated bishops without the concurrence of the other bishops of the province, and without the approval of the metropolitan of Alexandria, and had thus occasioned a schism.这可能也将记得,他已提名省主教未经其他主教的同意的,如果没有亚历山大批准的大都市,并因此引起一个分裂。This canon was intended to prevent the recurrence of such abuses.这佳能是为了防止再次发生的虐待等。The question has been raised as to whether the fourth canon speaks only of the choice of the bishop, or whether it also treats of the consecration of the newly elected.这个问题已经提出是否第四佳能说,只有主教的选择,还是还选出新的奉献对待的。We think, with Van Espen, that it treats equally of both,--as well of the part which the bishops of the province should take in an episcopal election, as of the consecration which completes it.我们认为,与Van埃斯彭,它都一视同仁, -以及其中的部分省的主教在主教应采取选举,作为奉献的完成它。

This canon has been interpreted in two ways.这被解释佳能在两个方面。The Greeks had learnt by bitter experience to distrust the interference of princes and earthly potentates in episcopal elections.希腊人有惨痛的经验教训,以不信任的选举干涉王子在主教和世俗统治者。Accordingly, they tried to prove that this canon of Nice took away from the people the right of voting at the nomination of a bishop, and confined the nomination exclusively to the bishops of the province.因此,他们试图证明这美好的经典的主教远离了人民的权利于会上投票的提名,提名和密闭专门向省主教。

The Greek Commentators, Balsamon and others, therefore, only followed the example of the Seventh and[so-called] Eighth(Ecu- menical Councils in affirming that this fourth canon of Nice takes away from the people the right previously possessed of voting in the choice of bishops and makes the election depend entirely on the decision of the bishops of the province.希腊评论员,Balsamon和其他人,因此,只有遵循这个例子第七和[所谓]第八届拥有的投票(埃居,menical申明议会第四佳能在这以前,尼斯权人需要从客场选择的主教,使选举完全取决于该省决定的主教。

The Latin Church acted otherwise.拉丁美洲教会行事,否则。It is true that with it also the people have been removed from episcopal elections, but this did not happen till later, about the eleventh century; and it was not the people only who were removed, but the bishops of the province as well, and the election was conducted entirely by the clergy of the Cathedral Church. The Latins then interpreted the canon of Nice as though it said nothing of the rights of the bishops of the province in the election of their future colleague(and it does not speak of it in a very explicit manner), and as though it determined these two points only;(a) that for the ordination of a bishop three bishops at least are necessary;(b) that the right of confirmation rests with the metropolitan.的确,它也是人们从被elections删除主教,但这并没有发生,直到后来,大约在11世纪,和它是不是唯一的人谁被拆除,但该省的主教,以及,进行选举完全由大教堂的神职人员。然后解释他们的拉丁人(未来的同事佳能尼斯当选为在该省,但它说,没有主教所享有的权利和不谈论它在一个非常明确的方式),并确定这些好像只有两点:(1)协调,对于一个三主教主教至少是必要的;(二)该确认权大都市在于。

The whole subject of episcopal elections is treated fully by Van Espen and by Thomassin, in Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l' Eglise, P. II.主教选举被视为整个课题充分德升'埃格斯第二页中,凡埃斯彭和汤玛森,在安西安娜等中篇小说学科。1.1。2.2。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Gratian's Decretum, Pars I. Dist.这是经典中找到法典卡诺尼奇,格拉的Decretum,帕尔斯一区。LXIV.LXIV。cj终审法院首席法官

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CANON V同性恋者

CONCERNING those, whether of the clergy or of the laity, who have been excommunicated in the several provinces, let the provision of the canon be observed by the bishops which provides that persons cast out by some be not readmitted by others.关于这些,无论是神职人员或俗人,谁在被驱逐的几个省份,让佳能公司提供的是观察别人的主教的规定,即有些人赶出去,没有被重新接纳。 Nevertheless, inquiry should be made whether they have been excommunicated through captiousness, or contentiousness, or any such like ungracious disposition in the bishop.不过,调查他们是否应被逐出教会的主教通过captiousness,或contentiousness,或任何像这样的无礼的处置。 And, that this matter may have due investigation, it is decreed that in every province synods shall be held twice a year, in order that when all the bishops of the province are assembled together, such questions may by them be thoroughly examined, that so those who have confessedly offended against their bishop, may be seen by all to be for just cause excommunicated, until it shall seem fit to a general meeting of the bishops to pronounce a milder sentence upon them. And let these synods be held, the one before Lent, (that the pure Gift may be offered to God after all bitterness has been put away), and let the second be held about autumn.而且,这一问题可能有适当的调查,这是颁布法令,在每个省主教会议将每年举行两次秩序,当所有的省主教的组装在一起,这些问题可能由他们进行彻底检查,有这么这些主教得罪谁也明白地反对他们,可能是大家是有目共睹的被驱逐的正义事业,直到它似乎应适合一个主教大会上宣告判决后,他们一轻。并且让这些主教会议将举行,一在封斋期,(即纯礼品,可提供的所有痛苦地神已放好后),并让第二个是秋季举行了约。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON V.佳能五古缩影

Such as have been excommunicated by certain bishops shall not be restored by others, unless the excommunication was the result of pusillanimity, or strife, or some other similar cause.如已主教逐出教会某些人不得恢复了,除非是绝罚的原因造成的胆怯,或争斗,或一些其他类似的。And that this may be duly attended to, there shall be in each year two synods in every province--the one before Lent, the other toward autumn.而且,这可能是适当的照顾时,应当在每年每两个省主教会议-的封斋期一过,其他的走向秋天。

There has always been found the greatest difficulty in securing the regular meetings of provincial and diocesan synods, and despite the very explicit canonical legislation upon the subject, and the severe penalties attached to those not answering the summons, in large parts of the Church for centuries these councils have been of the rarest occurrence.一直以来,找到了几个世纪最大的困难省和确保教区主教会议的定期会议,尽管立法时非常明确的规范的问题,并严厉处罚那些不重视回答教会实施的传票,部分大这些评议会一直是最稀有的发生。 Zonaras complains that in his time "these synods were everywhere treated with great contempt," and that they had actually ceased to be held. Zonaras抱怨说,在他的时代“这些主教会议到处都是怀着极大的蔑视”,他们实际上已不再举行。

Possibly the opinion of St. Gregory Nazianzen had grown common, for it will be remembered that in refusing to go to the latter sessions of the Second Ecumenical he wrote, "I am resolved to avoid every meeting of bishops, for I have never seen any synod end well, nor assuage rather than aggravate disorders."(1)可能是齐恩曾认为圣格雷戈里曾共同成长,因为它都不会忘记,拒绝去合一,他写出了后者在第二届“我决心要避免每主教会议,因为我从来没有见过主教会议顺利结束后,也减轻而不是加重疾病。“(1)

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

Gelasius has given in his history of the Council of Nice, the text of the canons passed by the Council; and it must be noticed that there is here a slight difference between his text and ours.格拉西具有良好的历史给予他会的,由安理会通过的文本的大炮,而且必须看到,这里有一个和我们自己的文字略有差异。Our reading is as follows: "The excommunication continues to be in force until it seem good to the assembly of bishops (我们的阅读是如下:“禁教继续在部队,直到它似乎好主教大会(tw荃湾koinwkoinw) to soften it." Gelasius, on the other hand, writes:)来软化它。“另一方面格拉西,就写道:mekrismekris an一个tp总磷koinpkoinp hĤ tp总磷episkopwepiskopw , k K表. t . l ., that is to say, "until it seem good to the assembly of bishops, or to the bishop (who has passed the sentence)," etc.。,这是说,“直到它似乎好了主教大会,或向主教(谁通过了一句),”等

Dionysius the Less has also followed this vacation, as his translation of the canon shows.狄奥尼欠也遵循了这一假期,因为他显示了翻译的经典。It does not change the essential meaning of the passage; for it may be well understood that the bishop who has passed the sentence of excommunication has also the right to mitigate it.它并没有改变基本的通过意义,因为它可能会清楚地认识到主教的绝罚谁已经通过了一句也有权来加以缓解。But the variation adopted by the Prisca alters, on the contrary, the whole sense of the canon: the Prisca has not但普里斯卡马改变了相反的变化通过的,在中,佳能的整体意识:没有了普里斯卡马ew电子战 koinp koinp, but only ,但只episkopw episkopw: it is in this erroneous form that the canon has passed into the Corpus jurisc an. :它是将语料库jurisc在这种错误的形式获得通过的佳能1。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Gratian's Decretum, Pars II., Causa XI, Quaest.这是佳能第二发现在法典卡诺尼奇,格拉的Decretum,帕尔斯。,荣誉博士第十一Quaest。III., Canon lxxiii., and the latter part in Pars I., Distinc.三。,佳能lxxiii。以及,Distinc下半年在帕尔斯一。XVIII., c.十八。角iii.三。

EXCURSUS ON THE WORD附录在WordProsfereinProsferein . (Dr. Adolph Harnack: Hist. of Dogma [Eng. Tr.] Vol. I. p. 209.) 。(博士阿道夫哈纳克:组织胺[。教条工程。章。]卷。一,第209页。)

The idea of the whole transaction of the Supper as a sacrifice, is plainly found in the dache, (c. 14), in Ignatius, and above all, in Justin (I. 65f.) But even Clement of Rome presupposes it, when (in cc. 40- 44) he draws a parallel between bishops and deacons and the牺牲的想法,作为一个整体的晚餐交易的,显然是在大车发现,(角14),在伊格,最重要的是,在贾斯汀(一65F条)。克莱门特的罗马,但即使它的先决条件,当(在CC。40 - 44),他绘制和平行之间的主教和执事

[14] [14]

Priests and Levites of the Old Testament, describing as the chief function of the former (44.4)祭司和利旧遗嘱,描述为主要功能的前(44.4)prosfereinprosferein . This is not the place to enquire whether the first celebration had, in the mind of its founder, the character of a sacrificial meal; but, certainly, the idea, as it was already developed at the time of Justin, had been created by the churches.这不是地方,询问是否第一次庆功创始人,在其头脑的,吃饭的祭祀性质,但是,当然,这个想法,因为它是在贾斯汀已经开发时间,一直是创建教堂。 Various reasons tended towards seeing in the Supper a sacrifice.对各种原因往往在晚餐看到一个牺牲。In the first place, Malachi i.首先,玛拉基岛11, demanded a solemn Christian sacrifice: see my notes on Didache, 14.3. 11,要求在庄严的基督教牺牲:看,我的笔记上十二使徒遗训14.3。In the second place, all prayers were regarded as a sacrifice, and therefore the solemn prayers at the Supper must be specially considered as such.在第二位,所有的祈祷被视为一种牺牲,因此,在庄严的祈祷晚餐要特别这样认为。 In the third place, the words of institution在第三位,制度的话toutotouto poieite poieite, contained a command with regard to a definite religious action. ,载有行动指挥方面有一定的宗教。Such an action, however, could only be represented as a sacrifice, and this the more, that the Gentile Christians might suppose that they had to understand这样的行动,但是,只能表现为一种牺牲,这更需要的詹蒂莱基督徒,他们可能想了解poieinpoiein in the sense of在这个意义上的queinquein.In the fourth place, payments in kind were necessary for the "agapae" connected with the Supper, out of which were taken the bread and wine for the Holy celebration; in what other aspect could these offerings in the worship be regarded than as在第四位,这种付款是必要的“agapae的晚餐”连接,其中的人所采取的面包和酒为庆祝圣,在其他方面有什么可以崇拜这些产品在被视为比作为 prosforai prosforaifor the purpose of a sacrifice?为一个牺牲的目的?Yet the spiritual idea so prevailed that only the prayers were regarded as the然而,这样的精神理念盛行,只有祈祷的视为 qusia qusiaproper, even in the case of Justin (Dial. 117).适当的,即使在)案件贾斯汀(Dial. 117。The elements are only唯一的元素dpradpra,prosforaiprosforai , which obtain their value from the prayers, in which thanks are given for the gifts of creation and redemption, as well as for the holy meal, and entreaty is made for the introduction of the community into the Kingdom of God (see Didache, 9. 10).,而获得神圣的价值从吃饭的祈祷,其中创作的感谢礼物,给出了和赎回,以及为,并恳求的经费用于引进的英国社会作出的神(见十二使徒遗训,9 。10)。Therefore, even the sacred meal itself is called因此,即使是神圣的膳食本身被称为eukaristiaeukaristia (Justin, Apol. I. 66:(贾斯汀,Apol。一,66:hĤtrofhtrofh auth权威性 kaleitai kaleitaipar面值 hmin hmineukaristiaeukaristia . Didache, 9.十二使徒遗训,9。 1: Ignat.), because it is 1:伊格纳特。),因为它是trafhtrafh eukaristhqeisa eukaristhqeisa.It is a mistake to suppose that Justin already understood the body of Christ to be the object of这是一个错误的假设,贾斯汀已经明白基督的身体的是对象poieinpoiein ,(1) and therefore thought of a sacrifice of this body (I. 66). (1),因此想到一)本机构的牺牲(一66。The real sacrificial act in the Supper consists rather, according to Justin, only in the真正的晚餐在包括祭祀行为,而是根据贾斯汀,只在eukaristianeukaristian poiein poieinwhereby the即在koinoskoinos artos阿托斯becomes the成为 artos阿托斯 ths主题性住户统计 eukaristiaseukaristias .(2) The sacrifice of the Supper in its essence, apart from the offering of alms, which in the practice of the Church was closely united with it, is nothing but a sacrifice of prayer: the sacrificial act of the Christian here also is nothing else than an act of prayer (See Apol. I. 14, 65-67; Dial. 28, 29, 41, 70, 116-118). 。(2)牺牲的本质在其的晚餐,除了与提供的施舍,这在实践中是紧密团结的教会它只不过是一个祈祷牺牲:牺牲的基督教在这里也有法没有什么比其他Apol行为祈祷(见。一14,65-67;拨号。28,29,41,70,116-118)。

Harnack (lib. cit. Vol. II. chapter III. p. 136) says that "Cyprian was the first to associate the specific offering, ie the Lord's Supper with the specific priesthood. Secondly, he was the first to designate the passio Domini, nay, the sanguis Christi and the dominica hostia as the object of the eucharistic offering."哈纳克(lib.前。卷。二。第三章。第136页)说,“塞浦路斯是第一个关联到具体产品,即与特定的神职人员主的晚餐。其次,他是第一个指定passio多米尼的,而且是基督的血和圣体提供多米尼克hostia作为对象。“ In a foot-note (on the same page) he explains that "Sacrificare, Sacrificium celebrare in all passages where they are unaccompanied by any qualifying words, mean to celebrate the Lord's Supper."在一英尺的说明页(在相同),他解释说,“Sacrificare,祭词celebrare在排位赛中的所有通道,在任何他们举目无亲的,意思是庆祝主的晚餐。” But Harnack is confronted by the very evident objection that if this was an invention of St. Cyprian's, it is most extraordinary that it raised no protest, and he very frankly confesses (note 2, on same page) that "the transference of the sacrificial idea to the consecrated elements which in all probability Cyprian already found in existence, etc."但哈纳克面临的非常明显的反对意见,如果这是一个网页圣塞浦路斯发明的,它是最寻常的是,它没有提出抗议,他坦承非常,在相同(注2)“的转移的牺牲思想的神圣化的要素在所有的概率已经存在塞浦路斯发现等“ Harnack further on (in the same note on p. 137) notes that he has pointed out in his notes on the Didache that in the "Apostolic Church Order" occurs the expression进一步哈纳克(在同一份关于第137页)指出,他指出,在didache他的笔记上,在“使徒教会订购”发生的表达 hĤ prosqora prosqoratouswmatosswmatos kaitouaimatosaimatos .

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CANON VI佳能六

LET the ancient customs in Egypt, Libya and Pentapolis prevail, that the Bishop of Alexandria have jurisdiction in all these, since the like is customary for the Bishop of Rome also.让古老的习俗和五城在埃及,利比亚为准,即亚历山大主教已在所有这些管辖权,因为喜欢的是习惯的罗马主教也。Likewise in Antioch and the other provinces, let the Churches retain their privileges.同样,在安提阿和其他省份,让教会保持其特权。And this is to be universally understood, that if any one be made bishop without the consent of the Metropolitan, the great Synod has declared that such a man ought not to be a bishop.这是得到普遍的理解,如果任何一个城市作主教未经同意,伟大的主教已经宣布,这样的人不应该是一个主教。If, however, two or three bishops shall from natural love of contradiction, oppose the common suffrage of the rest, it being reasonable and in accordance with the ecclesiastical law, then let the choice of the majority prevail.然而,如果两个或三个主教应当从热爱自然的矛盾,共同反对,其余的选举权,但有一项合理,根据教会法,然后让大多数选择的为准。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON VI.古缩影佳能六。

The Bishop of Alexandria shall have jurisdiction over Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis.亚历山大主教应五城管辖权埃及,利比亚和。As also the Roman bishop over those subject to Rome. So, too, the Bishop of Antioch and the rest over those who are under them.同时也作为对罗马罗马主教对这些议题。因此,太,安提阿主教和他们的休息对这些谁是下。If any be a bishop contrary to the judgment of the Metropolitan, let him be no bishop.如果任何一个主教违反大都会的判断,让他没有主教。Provided it be in accordance with the canons by the suffrage of the majority, if three object, their objection shall be of no force.只要它是多数,在普选的根据的大炮由若三个对象,他们的反对意见是任何势力。

Many, probably most, commentators have considered this the most important and most interesting of all the Nicene canons, and a whole library of works has been written upon it, some of the works asserting and some denying what are commonly called the Papal claims.许多人,可能大部分评论家都认为这是最重要,最有趣的大炮所有尼西亚,以及整个图书馆的作品已经写在它声称一些作品和一些主张是什么俗称否认教皇。 If any one wishes to see a list of the most famous of these works he will find it in Phillips's Kirchenrecht (Bd. ii. S. 35).如果任何人希望看到一个作品名单,其中最有名的,他会发现它在第二菲利普斯的Kirchenrecht(Bd.。南35)。 I shall reserve what I have to say upon this subject to the notes on a canon which seems really to deal with it, confining myself here to an elucidation of the words found in the canon before us.我想保留我不得不说这是受处理后,与该债券在佳能似乎真的,我自己局限在这里澄清一个词的出现在我们面前的经典。

HAMMOND, WA哈蒙德,西澳

The object and intention of this canon seems clearly to have been, not to introduce any new powers or regulations into the Church, but to confirm and establish ancient customs already existing.佳能的目的和意图,这似乎已清楚,而不是引入到教会或规章的任何新的权力,而是要确认和建立业已存在的古老习俗。 This, indeed, is evident from the very first words of it: "Let the ancient customs be maintained."这实际上已经十分明显,它的第一句话很:“让古老的习俗予以保留。”It appears to have been made with particular reference to the case of the Church of Alexandria, which had been troubled by the irregular proceedings of Miletius, and to confirm the ancient privileges of that see which he had invaded.这似乎已Miletius作出特别提到本案诉讼的教会亚历山大,不规则的困扰,一直是,并确认他已经侵入了古老的特权该看哪个。 The latter part of it, however, applies to all Metropolitans, and confirms all their ancient privileges.在它的后半部,但是,适用于所有的大都市,并证实其所有古老的特权。

FFOULKES. FFOULKES。

(Dict. Christ. Antiq. voce Council of Nicaea). The first half of the canon enacts merely that what had long been customary with respect to such persons in every province should become law, beginning with the province where this principle had been infringed; while the second half declares what was in future to be received as law on two points which custom had not as yet expressly ruled. (Dict.基督。Antiq。悄悄尼西亚议会)。佳能在上半年颁布只不过是什么习惯已久的省与各方面人士对这些应该成为法律,首先是侵犯省的这一原则已被;而下半年的声明是在什么样的未来将收到的法律上的两点习俗尚未明确裁决。 ..Nobody disputes the meaning of this last half; nor, in fact, would the meaning of the first half have been questioned, had it not included Rome.没有人争议的一半意义最后,也不事实上,将一半的意义首先受到质疑,如果它不包括罗马。..Nobody can maintain that the bishops of Antioch and Alexandria were called patriarchs then, or that the jurisdiction they had then was co-extensive with what they had afterward, when they were so called.谁也不能认为,安提阿和亚历山大的主教被称为元老然后,或者说,他们当时管辖权的合作与他们所广泛后来,当他们被所谓的。 ..It is on this clause ["since the like is customary for the Bishops of Rome also"] standing parenthetically between what is decreed for the particular cases of Egypt and Antioch, and in consequence of the interpretation given to it by Rufinus, more particularly, that so much strife has been raised.正是在这一条款[安提阿“,因为喜欢的是习惯主教为罗马还有埃及和”]站在插入语之间的特殊情况下什么是命定,并在特别的后果,更由Rufinus给它的解释,有这么多纷争已经提高。 Rufinus may rank low as a translator, yet, being a native of Aquileia, he cannot have been ignorant of Roman ways, nor, on the other hand, had he greatly misrepresented them, would his version have waited till the seventeenth century to be impeached. Rufinus可能等级低做翻译,但是,作为一个阿奎本土的,他不可能是如何无知的罗马,也没有手,另一方面,如果他大大歪曲他们,将他的版本有世纪等到17被弹劾。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The sense of the first words of the canon is as follows: "This ancient right is assigned to the Bishop of Alexandria which places under his jurisdiction the whole diocese of Egypt."佳能字的意义首先是如下:“这个古老的权利分配给埃及亚历山大主教在他管辖的地方教区的整体。”It is without any reason, then, that the French Protestant Salmasius (Saumaise), the Anglican Beveridge, and the Gallican Launoy, try to show that the Council of Nice granted to the Bishop of Alexandria only the rights of ordinary metropolitans.它是在没有任何理由,那么,法国的新教萨尔马西于斯(Saumaise),英国圣公会贝弗里奇和高卢Launoy,尝试表明,尼斯理事会授予亚历山大主教只是普通的大都市权利。

BISHOP STILLINGFLEET.主教斯蒂林弗利。

I do confess there was something peculiar in the case of the Bishop of Alexandria, for all the provinces of Egypt were under his immediate care, which was Patriarchal as to extent, but Metropolical in the administration.我不承认有什么特殊的亚历山大在本案主教的埃及,所有的省份,并根据他的直接Metropolical照顾,这是宗族以程度,但在管理。

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JUSTELLUS. JUSTELLUS。

This authority (本授权书(exousiaexousia ) is that of a Metropolitan which the Nicene Fathers decreed to be his due over the three provinces named in this canon, Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, which made up the whole diocese of Egypt, as well in matters civil as ecclesiastical. )就是其中的一个大都市尼西亚下令将他的父亲因多为民间作为教会在这三个省命名为佳能,埃及,利比亚和五城,这使得了整个教区的埃及,远远事项。

On this important question Hefele refers to the dissertation of Dupin, in his work De Antiqua Ecclesoe Disciplina.在这个重要问题黑弗勒是指杜平论文的Disciplina,在他的作品德安蒂奎Ecclesoe。 Hefele says: "It seems to me beyond a doubt that in this canon there is a question about that which was afterward calm the patriarchate of the Bishop of Alexandria; that is to say that he had a certain recognized ecclesiastical authority, not only over several civil provinces, but also over several ecclesiastical provinces (which had their own metropolitans);" and further on (p. 392) he adds: "It is incontestable that the civil provinces of Egypt, Libya, Pentapolis and Thebais, which were all in subjection to the Bishop of Alexandria, were also ecclesiastical provinces with their own metropolitans; and consequently it is not the ordinary fights of metropolitans that the Sixth Canon of Nice confers on the Bishop of Alexandria, but the rights of a superior Metropolitan, that is, of a Patriarch."黑弗勒说:“在我看来,毫无疑问,在这一经典亚历山大有一个问题是有关该事后冷静的东正教主教的,这就是说,他有一定的承认教会的权力,而不是只对几个民间省份,但也教会了几个省(它们都有自己的大城市),“关于进一步(第392页)他又说:”这是不容争议的事实,都是在民间省份埃及,利比亚,五城和Thebais,这服从亚历山大主教,也教会自己的大都市与各省;,因此它是不争的亚历山大普通大都市第六佳能的主教尼斯的赋予,但上级都享有的权利,即一个主教。“

There only remains to see what were the bounds of the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Antioch.目前只剩看到什么都是安提阿的范围主教的管辖的。The civil diocese of Oriens is shown by the Second Canon of Constantinople to be conterminous with what was afterward called the Patriarchate of Antioch.民间教区的Oriens显示由君士坦丁堡二是佳能与安提阿贯后来是什么所谓的主教。The see of Antioch had, as we know, several metropolitans subject to it, among them Caesarea, under whose jurisdiction was Palestine.在看到了安提阿,因为我们知道,一些大城市受到它,其中包括该撒利亚,在其管辖的巴勒斯坦。Justellus, however, is of opinion that Pope Innocent I. was in error when he asserted that all the Metropolitans of Oriens were to be ordained by him by any peculiar authority, and goes so far as to stigmatize his words as "contrary to the mind of the Nicene Synod."(1) Justellus,但是,是认为诺森一,错误的时候,他说,所有的Oriens大都市的人将他受戒由任何特殊的权力,并回到原来的心只要违背他的话来诬蔑为“在尼西亚主教。“(1)

EXCURSUS ON THE EXTENT OF THE JURISDICTION OF THE BISHOP OF ROME OVER THE SUBURBICAN CHURCHES.新华社罗马附录问题的范围,管辖的教区主教以上的SUBURBICAN教堂。

Although, as Hefele well says, "It is evident that the Council has not in view here the primacy of the Bishop of Rome over the whole Church, but simply his power as a patriarch," yet it may not be unimportant to consider what his patriarchal limits may have been.虽然如黑弗勒也说:“很明显,安理会并没有认为这里的教会首要的是在整个罗马主教,但仅仅是他的权力作为元老”,但它可能不会考虑他有什么不重要重男轻女的限制可能已。

(Hefele, Hist. Councils, Vol. I., p. 397.) The translation of this [VI.] canon by Rufinus has been especially an apple of discord.(黑弗勒,组织胺。议会,卷。一,第397页。)翻译的六本[。] Rufinus佳能特别是由已被不和谐的苹果。Et ut apud Alexandriam et in urbe Roma vetusta consuetudo servetur, ut vel ille Egypti vel hic suburbicariarum ecclesiarum sollicitudinem gerat.等UT斯达康apud Alexandriam等在乌尔贝罗马vetusta consuetudo servetur,UT斯达康的Vel伊勒Egypti韦尔嗝suburbicariarum ecclesiarum sollicitudinem很大。In the seventeenth century this sentence of Rufinus gave rise to a very lively discussion between the celebrated jurist, Jacob Gothfried (Gothofredus), and his friend, Salmasius, on one side, and the Jesuit, Sirmond, on the other.在17世纪中,这种Rufinus一句引起了一个著名的法学家之间的讨论非常热烈,雅各Gothfried(戈托弗雷杜斯),和他的朋友,萨尔马西于斯,一边,和耶稣,西尔蒙,另一方面。 The great prefecture of Italy, which contained about a third of the whole Roman Empire, was divided into four vicariates, among which the vicariate of Rome was the first.罗马帝国的大县整个意大利,其中载有大约三分之一的被分为4个牧区其中牧区是罗马最早。At its head were two officers, the proefectus urbi and the vicarius urbis.在它的头两个人员,proefectus urbi和vicarius雅邦规划设计。The proefectus urbi exercised authority over the city of Rome, and further in a suburban circle as far as the hundredth milestone, The boundary of the vicarins urbis comprised ten provinces--Campania, Tuscia with Ombria, Picenum, Valeria, Samnium, Apulia with Calabria, Lucania and that of the Brutii, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica.行使权力的proefectus urbi在罗马城,并进一步在郊区圈尽可能第一百里程碑,vicarins边界的雅邦规划设计包括10个省-坎帕尼亚与卡拉布里亚,Tuscia与Ombria,Picenum,瓦莱里娅,阿普利亚萨谟奈, ,卢卡尼亚和科西嘉岛,该Brutii,西西里岛,撒丁岛和。Gothfried and Salmasius maintained, that by the regiones suburbicarioe the little territory of the proefectus urbi must be understood; while, according to Sirmond, these words designate the whole territory of the vicarius urbis.Gothfried和萨尔马西于斯认为,这由regiones suburbicarioe的proefectus urbi小领土的必须理解,而根据西尔蒙,这句话指定vicarius雅邦规划设计的整个领土。 In our time Dr. Maasen has proved in his book,(2) already quoted several times, that Gothfried and Salmasius were right in maintaining that, by the regiones suburbicarioe, the little territory of the proefectus urbi must be alone understood.在我们这个时代博士Maasen已经证明了他的书,(2)已多次引用,即Gothfried和萨尔马西于斯在维护权利人的理解,到regiones suburbicarioe,小的proefectus境内urbi必须被孤立。

Hefele thinks that Phillips "has proved" that the Bishop of Rome had patriarchal rights over places outside the limits of the ten provinces of the vicarius urbis; but does not agree黑弗勒认为,菲利普斯“证明”,罗马主教曾vicarius雅邦规划设计重男轻女的权利省份超过10个名额的限制外,但不同意

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with Phillips in thinking Rufinus in error.菲利普斯在思想与错误Rufinus。As a matter of fact the point is a difficult one, and has little to do with the gist of the meaning of the canon.作为一个事实上的问题是一个困难,并没有多大关系的佳能精神的含义。One thing is certain: the early Latin version of the canons, called the Prisca, was not satisfied with the Greek wording and made the Canon read thus: "It is of ancient custom that the bishop of the city of Rome should have a primacy (principatum), so that he should govern with care the suburban places, AND ALL HIS OWN PROVINCE."(1) Another interesting reading is that found in several MSS.有一点是肯定的:早期的大炮拉丁版本,称为普里斯卡马,是不是满意的措辞与希腊和取得的佳能阅读这样的:“这是古老的习俗,罗马主教的城市应该有一个优先( principatum),所以,他应该以照顾郊区的地方,和他自己的省。“(1)另一个有趣的是,MSS的阅读中找到几个。which begins, "The Church of Rome hath always had a primacy (primatum)," and as a matter of fact the early date of this addition is evinced by the fact that the canon was actually quoted in this shape by Paschasinus at the Council of Chalcedon.开始,“罗马上帝教会始终有一个首要地位(primatum)”,并作为一个事实问题的早日这除了是表现出了安理会的事实,佳能形状其实这引用了Paschasinus在卡尔西。

Hefele further on says, "The Greek commentators Zonaras and Balsamon (of the twelfth century) say very explicitly, in their explanation of the Canons of Nice, that this sixth canon confirms the rights of the Bishop of Rome as patriarch over the whole West," and refers to Beveridge's Syodicon, Tom.黑弗勒进一步说,“希腊评论员Zonaras和Balsamon世纪(第十二届)说得很清楚,在他们的解释大炮的尼斯,这第六佳能证实罗马元老整个西方作为对权利的主教, “并提到贝弗里奇的Syodicon,汤姆。I., pp. 66 and 67.一,页。66和67。After diligent search I can find nothing to warrant the great amplitude of this statement.经过认真搜查我能找到什么,不值得这个说法有很大的幅度。Balsamon's interpretation is very vague, being simply that the Bishop of Rome is over the Western Eparchies (Balsamon的解释是很含糊,只是说罗马教区主教,是对西(tpn主题方案 esperiwn esperiwneparkiwneparkiwn ) and Zonaras still more vaguely says that)和Zonaras更隐约说,tpn主题方案 esperiwn esperiwnarkeinarkein eqos eqosekrathseekrathse . That the whole West was in a general way understood to be in the Roman Patriarchate I have no doubt, that the Greek scholiasts just quoted deemed it to be so I think most probably the case, but it does not seem to me that they have said so in the particular place cited.这是整个西方式在一般理解为主教在罗马我毫不怀疑,这只是引述希腊scholiasts认为它是所以我认为最有可能的话,但它似乎没有我,他们说所以在特定的地方引。 It seems to me that all they meant to say was that the custom observed at Alexandria and Antioch was no purely Eastern and local thing, for a similar state of affairs was found in the West.在我看来,所有这些的意思是说自定义观察亚历山大和安提没有纯粹的东西和地方事务的事情,对国家是一个类似西方的发现。

CANON VII佳能七

SINCE custom and ancient tradition have prevailed that the Bishop of AElia [ie, Jerusalem] should be honoured, let him, saving its due dignity to the Metropolis, have the next place of honour.古老的习俗和传统以来已经取得了胜利,这个IE主教埃利亚卡皮[耶路撒冷]应该得到尊重,让他节省了应有的尊严的大都会,有未来的地方的荣誉。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON VII.古缩影佳能七。

Let the Bishop of AElia be honoured, the rights of the Metropolis being preserved intact.让埃利亚卡皮主教兑现,都市的权利被保存完好。

There would seem to be a singular fitness in the Holy City Jerusalem holding a very exalted position among the sees of Christendom, and it may appear astonishing that in the earliest times it was only a suffragan see to the great Church of Caesarea.目前似乎是一个城市在耶路撒冷圣地奇异健身持有看到的基督教之间非常崇高的地位,以及它可能会出现惊人的恺撒,在最早的时候,它只是一个辅佐见来教会的伟大。 It must be remembered, however, that only about seventy years after our Lord's death the city of Jerusalem was entirely destroyed and ploughed as a field according to the prophet.必须记住,但是,只有大约70年之后我们的上帝死亡的耶路撒冷城被彻底摧毁和实地耕种像一块按照先知。As a holy city Jerusalem was a thing of the past for long years, and it is only in the beginning of the second century that we find a strong Christian Church growing up in the rapidly increasing city, called no longer Jerusalem, but aelia Capitolina.作为圣城耶路撒冷1年的事情过去不久,但它是在第二世纪才开始的,我们找到一个强大的基督教教会成长在迅速增加的城市,所谓不再耶路撒冷,但埃利亚卡皮托利纳。 Possibly by the end of the second century the idea of the holiness of the site began to lend dignity to the occupant of the see; at all events Eusebius(2) tells us that "at a synod held on the subject of the Easter controversy in the time of Pope Victor, Theophilus of Caesarea and Narcissus of Jerusalem were presidents."通过该网站可能结束的第二个世纪的思想开始的神圣尊严,看到借给乘员的;在所有的事件尤西比乌斯(2)告诉我们,“在争议中的一个主教在复活节举行的主题耶路撒冷时的教皇维克多,西奥菲勒斯撒利亚的水仙,被总统。“

It was this feeling of reverence which induced the passing of this seventh canon.正是这种敬畏感引起的,其中佳能通过本第七位。It is very hard to determine just what was the "precedence" granted to the Bishop of AElia, nor is it clear which is the metropolis referred to in the last clause.这是非常难以判断什么是公正的“优先”的授予埃利亚卡皮主教,也不清楚它是大都市中提到的最后一句。Most writers, including Hefele, Balsamon, Aristenus and Beveridge consider it to be Caesarea; while Zonaras thinks Jerusalem to be intended, a view recently adopted and defended by Fuchs; [3] others again suppose it is Antioch that is referred to.大多数作家,包括黑弗勒,Balsamon,Aristenus和贝弗里奇认为这是该撒利亚,而Zonaras认为耶路撒冷是有意,最近通过了一个观点和福克斯辩护; [3]另外一些想这是安提阿被称为。

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EXCURSUS ON THE RISE OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM.附录关于耶路撒冷的崛起作者:宗主教。

The narrative of the successive steps by which the See of Jerusalem rose from being nothing but AElia, a Gentile city, into one of the five patriarchal sees is sad reading for a Christian.基督教叙事的连续步骤,其中阅读耶路撒冷见上升,但没有被埃利亚卡皮,一个城市的詹蒂莱,成为一个可悲的是五宗法看到。 It is but the record of ambition and, worse still, of knavery.它不过是记录和野心,更糟的是虞,研究。No Christian can for a moment grudge to the Holy City of the old dispensation the honour shewn it by the Church, but he may well wish that the honour had been otherwise obtained.没有基督教可以了一会儿怨恨的教会圣城它由老来得光彩啦豁免的荣誉,但他可能也希望,否则已获得的荣誉。A careful study of such records as we possess shews that until the fifth century the Metropolitan of Caesarea as often took precedence of the Bishop of Jerusalem as vice versa, and Beveridge has taken great pains to shew that the learned De Marca is in error in supposing that the Council of Nice assigned to Jerusalem a dignity superior to Caesarea, and only inferior to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch.阿仔细研究这些记录,因为我们拥有shews,直到第五世纪的恺撒都经常发生的马卡是假设在错误之上的主教耶路撒冷为反之亦然,贝弗里奇已经不厌其烦地向有学问的027代该尼斯理事会分配给耶路撒冷的尊严高于撒利亚,仅次于罗马,亚历山大,和安提。 It is true that in the signatures the Bishop of Jerusalem does sign before his metropolitan, but to this Beveridge justly replies that the same is the case with the occupants of two other of his suffragan sees.诚然,在签名的耶路撒冷主教之前,他没有大都市标志,但这个贝弗里奇公正的答复,同样是辅佐案件,他与其他住户看到两个。 Bishop Beveridge's opinion is that the Council assigned Jerusalem the second place in the province, such as London enjoys in the Province of Canterbury.毕晓普贝弗里奇的意见是,安理会分配,如伦敦耶路撒冷全省第二位,获得香港坎特伯雷省。This, however, would seem to be as much too little as De Marca's contention grants too much.然而,这似乎是尽可能多的争论也少代马卡赠款太多。It is certain that almost immediately after the Council had adjourned, the Bishop of Jerusalem, Maximus, convoked a synod of Palestine, without any reference to Caesarea, which consecrated bishops and acquitted St. Athanasius.可以肯定的是,几乎立即理事会休会后,耶路撒冷主教,鲆,召集主教圣亚他那修和无罪释放一个主教祝圣的巴勒斯坦,没有任何提及该撒利亚,这。 It is true that he was reprimanded for doing so,(1) but yet it clearly shews how lie intended to understand the action of Nice.这是真的,他谴责这样做,(1),但尚未清楚shews目的在于了解如何撒谎尼斯行动。The matter was not decided for a century more, and then through the chicanery of Juvenal the bishop of Jerusalem.此事尚未决定了一个世纪以上,然后通过韦纳尔欺诈的耶路撒冷主教。

(Canon Venables, Dict. Christ. Biography.) Juvenalis succeeded Praylius as bishop of Jerusalem somewhere about 420 AD The exact year cannot be determined. (佳能维纳布尔斯,快译通。基督。传记。)Juvenalis成功耶路撒冷Praylius某处作为主教公元420年的确切无法确定。The episcopate of Praylius, which commenced in 417 AD, was but short, and we can hardly give it at most more than three years.在公元主教的Praylius,417在展开,只不过是短暂的,我们也很难对年它最多超过三种。The statement of Cyril of Scythopolis, in his Life of St. Euthymius (c. 96), that Juvenal died "in the forty-fourth year of his episcopate," 458 AD, is certainly incorrect, as it would make his episcopate begin in 414 AD, three years before that of his predecessor.该锡索波利斯声明西里尔,在他的)生命的圣Euthymius(长96,即韦纳尔死了“,他在今年主教第四十四,”458广告,肯定是不正确的,因为这将使他的主教团开始公元414 3年之前,他的前任。Juvenal occupies a prominent position during the Nestorian and Eutychian troubles towards the middle of the fifth century.韦纳尔占据了第五世纪的麻烦对中间突出的位置Eutychian在景教和。 But the part played by him at the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, as well as at the disgraceful但他发挥的作用和卡尔西在议会的以弗所,以及在可耻lhstrikhlhstrikh of 449, was more conspicuous than creditable, and there are few of the actors in these turbulent and saddening scenes who leave a more unpleasing impression. 449,比更可信的突出,并有高见的印象数的演员在这些动荡和谁留下一个令人痛心的场景。The ruling object of Juvenal's episcopate, to which everything else was secondary, and which guided all his conduct, was the elevation of the see of Jerusalem from the subordinate position it held in accordance with the seventh of the canons of the council of Nicaea, as suffragan to the metropolitan see of Caesarea, to a primary place in the episcopate.主教团,执政对象韦纳尔的哪些一切是次要的,并指导他的所有行为,是因为海拔的看到耶路撒冷的从属地位也举行了一次与该尼西亚第七的大炮理事会辅佐到该撒利亚都会看到,在主教团主名的成绩。 Not content with aspiring to metropolitan rank, Juvenal coveted patriarchal dignity, and, in defiance of all canonical authority, he claimed jurisdiction over the great see of Antioch, from which he sought to remove Arabia and the two Phoenicias to his own province.不满足于有志大都市行列,韦纳尔觊觎重男轻女的尊严,并在权威的藐视一切的典型,他声称省管辖看到了伟大的安提阿,从他试图消除阿拉伯和2 Phoenicias他自己。At the council of Ephesus, in 431, he asserted for "the apostolic see of Jerusalem the same rank and authority with the apostolic see of Rome" (Labbe, Concil. iii. 642).在以弗所理事会431,中,他宣称的“耶路撒冷的使徒看到相同的职级和权威的使徒见罗马”(拉贝,促进会。三。642)。 These falsehoods he did not scruple to support with forged documents ("insolenter ausus per commentitia scripta firmare," Leo. Mag. Ep. 119 [92]), and other disgraceful artifices.这些谎言,他不顾忌支持以伪造文件(“insolenter ausus每commentitia斯立firmare,”利奥。倍率。内啡肽。119 [92]),以及其他不光彩的手腕。Scarcely had Juvenal been consecrated bishop of Jerusalem when he proceeded to assert his claims to the metropolitan rank by his acts.几乎已被圣主教韦纳尔耶路撒冷时,他断言都会进行排名由他声称他的行为。In the letter of remonstrance against the proceedings of the council of在信中抗议安理会对诉讼

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Ephesus, sent to Theodosius by the Oriental party, they complain that Juvenal, whose "ambitious designs and juggling tricks" they are only too well acquainted with, had ordained in provinces over which he had no jurisdiction (Labbe, Concil. iii. 728).以弗所,发送方狄奥多西东方的,他们抱怨说韦纳尔,其“雄心勃勃的设计和玩弄花招”,他们只是太熟悉,曾在省以上促进会受戒,他没有管辖权(拉韦。三。728) 。This audacious attempt to set at nought the Nicene decrees, and to falsify both history and tradition was regarded with the utmost indignation by the leaders of the Christian church.这种大胆的尝试设置抹煞尼西亚法令,伪造历史和传统都被视为与基督教教会最大的愤慨的领导人。 Cyril of Alexandria shuddered at the impious design ("merito perhorrescens," Leo. us), and wrote to Leo, then archdeacon of Rome, informing him of what Juvenal was undertaking, and begging that his unlawful attempts might have no sanction from the apostolic See ("ut nulla illicitis conatibus praeberetur assensio," us). Juvenal, however, was far too useful an ally in his campaign against Nestorius for Cyril lightly to discard.西里尔亚历山大在战栗的impious的设计(“梅里托perhorrescens,”利奥。我们),并致函利奥,然后罗马副主教的,通知他的事业是什么韦纳尔,和乞讨,他的非法制裁的企图可能没有从使徒见(“UT斯达康纳拉illicitis conatibus praeberetur assensio,”我们)。韦纳尔,然而,太有用了西里尔盟友反对聂斯脱里为他的竞选轻易放弃。 When the council met at Ephesus Juvenal was allowed, without the slightest remonstrance, to take precedence of his metropolitan of Caesarea, and to occupy the position of vice-president of the council, coming next after Cyril himself (Labbe, Concil. iii. 445), and was regarded in all respects as the second prelate in the assembly.当安理会韦纳尔被允许会见了以弗所,没有丝毫谏,采取先与他撒利亚大都市,并占据一个位置的副总裁,未来会后,西里尔自己(拉贝,促进会。三。445 ),并在大会上被视为主教在各方面为第二位。The arrogant assertion of his supremacy over the bishop of Antioch, and his claim to take rank next after Rome as an apostolical see, provoked no open remonstrance, and his pretensions were at least tacitly allowed.他傲慢的霸权主张在安提阿的主教,他要求采取下一职级作为使徒的罗马后看到,引起没有公开抗议,他的野心至少有默许。 At the next council, the disgraceful Latrocinium, Juvenal occupied the third place, after Dioscorus and the papal legate, having been specially named by Theodosius, together with Thalassius of Caesarea (who appears to have taken no umbrage at his suffragan being preferred before him), as next in authority to Dioscorus (Labbe, Concil. iv. 109), and he took a leading part in the violent proceedings of that assembly.在下一局,可耻Latrocinium,韦纳尔占领了第三位,之后Dioscorus和教皇使节,已被命名为特别狄奥多西,撒利亚一起与Thalassius(谁似乎已没有树荫在他的辅佐他的首选是前)作为未来的权力Dioscorus(拉贝,促进会。四。109),他注意到该程序集A的暴力诉讼主导作用研究。 When the council of Chalcedon met, one of the matters which came before it for settlement was the dispute as to priority between Juvenal and Maximus Bishop of Antioch.当卡尔西会遇到,解决的事项之一的到来,这是安提阿之间的争端,以优先韦纳尔和鲆主教。The contention was long and severe.论点是漫长和严重。It ended in a compromise agreed on in the Seventh Action,它结束了一个妥协协议行动的第七,meta pollhn pollhnfiloneikianfiloneikian . Juvenal surrendered his claim to the two Phoenicias and to Arabia, on condition of his being allowed metropolitical jurisdiction over the three Palestines (Labbe, Concil. iv. 613).韦纳尔交出其声称的两个Phoenicias和阿拉伯,对第四条件是他身为促进会。允许metropolitical管辖的三个巴勒斯坦人和(拉韦。613)。 The claim to patriarchal authority over the Bishop of Antioch put forward at Ephesus was discreetly dropped.该主教安提声称对父权提出在以弗所是谨慎下降。TIle difficulty presented by the Nicene canon does not appear to have presented itself to the council, nor was any one found to urge the undoubted claims of the see of Caesarea.佳能瓷砖困难所提交的尼西亚似乎并未有提出自己的议会,也没有任何一个符合要求看到该撒利亚的不容置疑的索赔的。 The terms arranged between Maximus and Juvenal were regarded as satisfactory, and received the consent of the assembled bishops (ibid. 618).和朱鲆的条款之间安排被视为令人满意,并得到)的同意,组装主教(同上618。Maximus, however, was not long in repenting of his too ready acquiescence in Juvenal's demands, and wrote a letter of complaint to pope Leo, who replied by the letter which has been already quoted, dated June 11, 453 AD, in which he upheld the binding authority of the Nicene canons, and commenting in the strongest terms on the greediness and ambition of Juvenal, who allowed no opportunity of forwarding his ends to be lost, declared that as far as he was concerned he would do all he could to maintain the ancient dignity of the see of Antioch (Leo Magn. Ep. ad Maximum, 119 [92]).大菱鲆,然而,没有多久要求悔改,他也准备好了默许韦纳尔,并写了投诉信中,教皇利奥,谁坚持回答了已经的信中已他引述,6月11日,453广告,其中尼西亚大炮约束力的,最终他在评论转发最强烈的机会,就贪婪和野心不韦纳尔,谁允许丢失,声明,就他而言,他将尽一切可能保持该])古老的尊严见安提(利奥马格恩。内啡肽。广告最多,119 [92。No further action, however, seems to have been taken either by Leo or by Maximus.没有进一步的行动,但是,似乎已经采取或者通过利奥的Maximus或。Juvehal was left master of the situation, and the church of Jerusalem has from that epoch peaceably enjoyed the patriarchal dignity obtained for it by such base means. Juvehal剩下掌握的情况,以及耶路撒冷教会的和平地从那个时代所享有的尊严的家长取得了这样的基础手段。

CANON VIII佳能八

CONCERNING those who call themselves Cathari, if they come over to the Catholic and Apostolic Church, the great and holy Synod decrees that they who are ordained shall continue as they are in the clergy.至于那些自称卡塔利谁,如果他们过来的天主教和使徒教会,伟大而神圣的主教法令,他们谁是注定会继续,因为他们是在神职人员。 But it is before all things necessary that they should profess in writing that they will observe and follow the dogmas of the Catholic and Apostolic Church; in particular that they will communicate with persons who have been twice married, and with those who having lapsed in persecution have had a period [of但是,一切必要的,他们应该在书面自称,他们将遵守并按照教会;教条的天主教和使徒之前,他们将在特别已婚人士的沟通与谁已两次,谁拥有那些在迫害失效有一个时期[

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penance] laid upon them, and a time [of restoration] fixed so that in all things they will follow the dogmas of the Catholic Church. Wheresoever, then, whether in villages or in cities, all of the ordained are found to be of these only, let them remain in the clergy, and in the same rank in which they are found.忏悔]奠定在他们身上,一个恢复时间[那]固定,以便在所有的事情,他们会跟进,无论是。何处,然后在乡村或城市的教条的天主教教会,所有的受戒被发现这些只是,让他们留在神职人员,在同一职级在它们被发现。 But if they come over where there is a bishop or presbyter of the Catholic Church, it is manifest that the Bishop of the Church must have the bishop's dignity; and he who was named bishop by those who are called Cathari shall have the rank of presbyter, unless it shall seem fit to the Bishop to admit him to partake in the honour of the title.但是,如果他们会走过来的地方有一个主教天主教或发起人的,它是体现了教会主教的必须有主教的尊严和他谁被任命为卡塔利主教那些谁被称为应有长老职级,除非它似乎应当适合主教承认他在参加的荣誉称号。 Or, if this should not be satisfactory, then shall the bishop provide for him a place as Chorepiscopus, or presbyter, in order that he may be evidently seen to be of the clergy, and that there may not be two bishops in the city.或者,如果这不应该是令人满意的,则不得将主教为他一个地方长老作为Chorepiscopus,或者,为了使他可能会被看作是明显的神职人员,并有可能无法在两个城市的主教。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON VIII.佳能八古缩影。

If those called Cathari come over, let them first make profession that they are willing to communicate with the twice married, and to grant pardon to the lapsed.如果这些所谓卡塔利过来,让他们先界,他们是愿意沟通与结过两次婚,并给予赦免的失效。And on this condition he who happens to be in orders, shall continue in the same order, so that a bishop shall still be bishop.并在此条件下,他恰好是谁的订单,将继续以相同的顺序,这样一主教仍须主教。Whoever was a bishop among the Cathari let him, however, become a Chorepiscopus, or let him enjoy the honour of a presbyter or of a bishop.谁是卡塔利主教之间的让他,然而,成为一个Chorepiscopus,或让他享受主教荣誉一长老或1。For in one church there shall not be two bishops.在一教堂,不得有两个主教。

The Cathari or Novatians were the followers of Novatian, a presbyter of Rome, who had been a Stoic philosopher and was delivered, according to his own story, from diabolical possession at his exorcising by the Church before his baptism, when becoming a Catechumen.该卡塔利或Novatians人发表的追随者诺瓦蒂安的,一个长老罗马,谁曾是斯多葛派哲学家,并根据他自己的故事身上,从恶魔在他的教会傩之前由他的洗礼,当成为慕道。 Being in peril of death by illness he received clinical baptism, and was ordained priest without any further sacred rites being administered to him.正在因患病死亡的危险,他收到的临床洗礼,神父被祝圣仪式没有任何进一步的神圣被管理的他。During the persecution he constantly refused to assist his brethren, and afterwards raised his voice against what he considered their culpable laxity in admitting to penance the lapsed. Many agreed with him in this, especially of the clergy, and eventually, in AD 251, he induced three bishops to consecrate him, thus becoming, as Fleury remarks,(1) "the first Anti-Pope."在不断的迫害,他拒绝帮助他的兄弟,后来提出了他的声音对他所认为的失效的忏悔中承认有罪,以松弛。许多他同意在此,尤其是神职人员,并最终于公元251,他三位主教奉献诱导他,从而成为作为弗勒里备注:(1)“的第一个反教皇。” His indignation was principally spent upon Pope Cornelius, and to overthrow the prevailing discipline of the Church he ordained bishops and sent them to different parts of the empire as the disseminators of his error.他的愤慨,主要是用在教皇哥尼流,并推翻了当时的教会纪律,他祝圣主教,并派他们到他的错误不同地区的传播者的帝国的。 It is well to remember that while beginning only as a schismatic, he soon fell into heresy, denying that the Church had the power to absolve the lapsed.这是要记得,虽然一开始只是作为一个分裂的,他很快又陷入异端,否认教会有权力免除失效。Although condemned by several councils his sect continued on, and like the Montanists they rebaptized Catholics who apostatized to them, and absolutely rejected all second marriages.虽然谴责继续就几个议会他的教派,和他们一样了Montanists rebaptized天主教徒谁apostatized给他们,完全拒绝所有第二次婚姻。At the time of the Council of Nice the Novatian bishop at Constantinople, Acesius, was greatly esteemed, and although a schismatic, was invited to attend the council.在君士坦丁堡时间对安理会尼斯主教在诺瓦蒂安,Acesius,深受尊敬,虽然一个分裂的,被邀请参加理事会。After having in answer to the emperor's enquiry whether he was willing to sign the Creed, assured him that he was, he went on to explain that his separation was because the Church no longer observed the ancient discipline which forbade that those who had committed mortal sin should ever be readmitted to communion. According to the Novatians he might be exhorted to repentance, but the Church had no power to assure him of forgiveness but must leave him to the judgment of God.之后在回答皇帝的询问他是否愿意签署的信条,向他保证,他是,他接着解释说,他的离职是因为教会不再观察了古纪律,禁止那些谁犯了弥天大罪要不断被重新接纳共融。根据悔改Novatians告诫他可能做的,但教会没有权力,以保证他的宽恕,但必须给他的上帝的判决。 It was then that Constantine said, "Acesius, take a ladder, and climb up to heaven alone."(2)当时,康斯坦丁说:“Acesius,采取阶梯,爬上天堂孤单。”(2)

ARISTENUS. ARISTENUS。

If any of them be bishops or chorepiscopi they shall remain in the same rank, unless perchance in the same city there be found a bishop of the Catholic Church, ordained before their coming.如果其中任何一项被主教或chorepiscopi他们应留在同一职级,除非在同一城市偶然发现有一个教会的天主教主教,祝圣前,他们的未来。 For in this case he that was properly bishop from the first shall have the preference, and he alone shall retain the Episcopal throne.在这情况下,他这是正确的第一位主教从应有的优惠,也只有他会保留主教宝座。For it is not right that in the same city there should be two bishops.因为这是不正确的,在同一城市应该有两名主教。But he who by the Cathari was called bishop, shall be honoured as a presbyter, or (if it so please the bishop), he shall be sharer of the title bishop; but he shall exercise no episcopal jurisdiction.但他谁的卡塔利被称为主教,应认定为一个长老,或(如果它所以请主教),他应主教分享者的头衔,但他没有主教行使管辖权。

Zonaras, Balsamon, Beveridge and Van Espen, are of opinion that Zonaras,Balsamon,贝弗里奇和埃斯彭凡,都认为,keiroqetoumenous keiroqetoumenousdoes not mean that they are to receive a new laying on of hands at their reception into the Church, but that it refers to their already condition of being ordained, the meaning being that as they have had Novatian ordination they must be reckoned among the clergy.并不意味着他们要接受一个新铺设的手在他们教会接待到,但它指的是他们已经被祝圣的条件,意思是说,他们有诺瓦蒂安协调它们必须神职人员之间的计算。 Dionysius Exiguus takes a different view, as does also the Prisca version, according to which the教士艾克西古斯采用了不同的看法一样,也普里斯卡马版本,根据该

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clergy of the Novatians were to receive a laying on of hands,在Novatians神职人员收到注重手,keiroqetoumenous keiroqetoumenous, but that it was not to be a reordination.,但它不是一个reordination。With this interpretation Hefele seems to agree, founding his opinion upon the fact that the article is wanting before有了这个解释黑弗勒似乎都同意,他认为成立前想后,其实,这一条是keiroqetoumenous keiroqetoumenous, and that,而 autous autousis added.被添加。Gratian(1) supposes that this eighth canon orders a re- ordination.格拉(1)假设这第八佳能下令重新协调。

EXCURSUS ON THE CHOREPISCOPI.附录论CHOREPISCOPI。

There has been much difference of opinion among the learned touching the status of the Chorepiscopus in the early Church.出现了许多不同意见之间的学习感人Chorepiscopus在早期教会的地位。The main question in dispute is as to whether they were always, sometimes, or never, in episcopal orders.所争议的主要问题是,是否他们总是,有时,或从未订单,主教。Most Anglican writers, including Beveridge, Hammond, Cave, and Routh, have affirmed the first proposition, that they were true bishops, but that, out of respect to the bishop of the City they were forbidden the exercise of certain of their episcopal functions, except upon extraordinary occasions.大多数圣公会作家,包括贝弗里奇,哈蒙德,洞,罗斯,已经肯定了第一个命题,他们是真正的主教,但是,为了尊重该城主教,他们被禁止在他们的主教行使某些职能,除非有特殊场合。 With this view Binterim(2) also agrees, and Augusti is of the same opinion.(3) But Thomassinus is of a different mind, thinking, so says Hefele,(4) that there were "two classes of chorepiscopi, of whom the one were real bishops, while the other had only the title without consecration."这种看法Binterim(2)也同意,并奥古斯蒂是同样的观点。(3)但Thomassinus是一个不同的心灵,思维,所以说黑弗勒,(4)有“两个chorepiscopi类的,其中的一个是真正的主教,而其他只是没有奉献的称号。“

The third opinion, that they were merely presbyters, is espoused by Morinus and Du Cange, and others who are named by Bingham.(5) This last opinion is now all but universally rejected, to the other two we shall now devote our attention.第三个意见,他们只是长老,是信奉由Morinus和杜参纥,别人谁和宾厄姆通过的命名方式。(5)这最后的意见是现在几乎普遍拒绝,其他两个我们现在把我们的注意力。

For the first opinion no one can speak more learnedly nor more authoritatively than Arthur West Haddon, who writes as follows; learnedly也更有权威比阿瑟西哈敦,谁写如下首认为没有人可以说以上;

(Haddon, Dict. Christ. Antiq. sv Chorepiscopus.) The chorepiscopus was called into existence in the latter part of the third century, and first in Asia Minor, in order to meet the want of episcopal supervision in the country parts of the now enlarged dioceses without subdivision. (哈顿,快译通。基督。Antiq。希沃特Chorepiscopus。)的chorepiscopus被称为诞生在三世纪后半期的,首先在亚洲和未成年人,为了满足全国各地的主教希望在现在的监管没有细分扩大教区。 [They are] first mentioned in the Councils of Ancyra and Neo-Caesarea AD 314, and again in the Council of Nice (which is subscribed by fifteen, all from Asia Minor or Syria). [他们]第一次在公元314撒利亚提到安理会安该拉和新,尼斯再次在理事会(这是15认购,所有来自小亚细亚和叙利亚)。[They became] sufficiently important to require restriction by the time of the Council of Antioch, AD 341; and continued to exist in the East until at least the ninth century, when they were supplanted by[他们成了] 341足够重要,要求的时间限制,反倾销,安理会安提;并继续存在,直至东至少在9世纪时,他们所取代 exarkoi exarkoi. [Chorepiscopi are] first mentioned in the West in the Council of Riez, AD 439 (the Epistles of Pope Damasus I. and of Leo. M. respecting them being forgeries), and continued there (but not in Africa, principally in France) until about the tenth century, after which the name occurs (in a decree of Pope Damasus II. ap. Sigeb. in an. 1048) as equivalent to archdeacon, an office from which the Arabic Nicene canons expressly distinguish it. [Chorepiscopi是]第一次提到在西方的狮子会里耶兹,公元439(教皇的书信和一达玛斯。米尊重他们被伪造),并继续在那里(但不是在非洲,主要是在法国)直到10世纪,在这之后发生的名称(在第二法令教皇达玛斯。美联社。Sigeb。在。1048)等同副主教,一个办事处,以阿拉伯语尼西亚大炮明确区分了。 The functions of chorepiscopi, as well as their name, were of an episcopal, not of a presbyterial kind, although limited to minor offices. They overlooked the country district committed to them, "loco episcopi," ordaining readers, exorcists, subdeacons, but, as a rule, not deacons or presbyters (and of course not bishops), unless by express permission of their diocesan bishop.该chorepiscopi功能,以及他们的名字,是一个主教,而不是一个长老的一种,但仅限于小规模的办事处。国家地区,他们忽略了他们的承诺,“火车头episcopi,”祝圣的读者,法师,修士,但作为一项规则,而不是执事或长老(当然不是主教),除非教区主教明确许可的。 They confirmed in their own districts, and (in Gaul) are mentioned as consecrating churches (vide Du Cange).他们确认在自己的地区,以及(在高卢)是康热提到神圣的教堂(随杜)。They granted他们获 eirenikai eirenikai, or letters dimissory, which country presbyters were forbidden to do.或字母dimissory,哪个国家的长老被禁止做的事。They had also the honorary privilege (他们还名誉特权(timwmenoitimwmenoi ) of assisting at the celebration of the Holy Eucharist in the mother city church, which country presbyters had not (Conc. Ancyr. can. xiii.; Neo- Caesar. can. xiv.; Antioch, can. x.; St. Basil M. Epist. 181; Rab. Maur. De Instit. Cler. i. 5, etc. etc.).)的。第十三协助在庆祝圣体圣事在教会的母亲城市,没有哪个国家长老(Conc. Ancyr。可以。;理学凯撒。可以。十四。;安提阿,可以。十;圣巴索米Epist。181;饶。莫尔。德依学院。Cler。岛5,等等,等等)。 They were held therefore to have power of ordination, but to lack jurisdiction, save subordinately.因此,他们举行了有协调权力,但缺乏管辖权,节省次有。And the actual ordination of a presbyter by Timotheus, a chorepiscopus, is recorded (Pallad., Hist. Lausiac. 106).而chorepiscopus,实际配合一个长老的提摩太,是记录(Pallad.,组织胺。Lausiac。106)。

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In the West, ie chiefly in Gaul, the order appears to have prevailed more widely, to have usurped episcopal functions without due subordination to the diocesans, and to have been also taken advantage of by idle or worldly diocesans.在西方,即主要是在高卢,顺序似乎占了上风更广泛,有篡夺了diocesans主教未经正当服从功能,并已还所利用闲置或世俗diocesans。 In consequence it seems to have aroused a strong feeling of hostility, which showed itself, first in a series of papal bulls, condemning them; headed, it is true, by two forged letters respectively of Damasus I. and Leo.在后果似乎已经引起了强烈的敌意,这表明本身,首先是在一个多头系列教皇,谴责他们;为首,这是事实,伪造两个字母分别达玛斯一和狮子座。 M. (of which the latter is merely an interpolated version of Conc. Hispal. II. AD 619, can. 7, adding chorepiscopi to presbyteri, of which latter the council really treats), but continuing in a more genuine form, from Leo III. down to Pope Nicholas I. (to Rodolph, Archbishop of Bourges, AD 864); the last of whom, however, takes the more moderate line of affirming chorepiscopi to be really bishops, and consequently refusing to annul their ordinations of presbyters and deacons (as previous popes had done), but orders them to keep within canonical limits; and secondly, in a series of conciliar decrees, Conc.米(其中后者仅仅是一个浓插版本。Hispal。二。公元619,可以的。七,增加chorepiscopi到presbyteri,其中后者会真的对待),但继续在更真实的形式,从狮子座三。下降到教皇尼古拉斯一(对Rodolph,大主教布尔日,公元864),最后的人,但是,在肯定chorepiscopi采取较温和的路线,真正做到主教,并因此拒绝撤销长老和他们的祝执事(如前教皇做了),但令他们保持在规范的范围;第二,在浓系列大公法令。 Ratispon.Ratispon。AD 800, in Capit.公元800年,在Capit。lib.lib中。iv.四。c.1, Paris.1,巴黎。AD 829, lib.公元829年,lib中。 ic 27; Meld.集成电路27;合并。 AD 845, can. 44; Metens.公元845,可以的。44; Metens。AD 888, can.公元888,可以的。 8, and Capitul. 8,Capitul。v. 168, vi.五,168,六。119, vii.119七。187, 310, 323, 324, annulling all episcopal acts of chorepiscopi, and ordering them to be repeated by "true" bishops; and finally forbidding all further appointments of chorepiscopi at all. 187,310,323,324,废止行为chorepiscopi所有主教,并命令他们将主教重复“真”;并最终禁止任命chorepiscopi所有进一步的接触。

That chorepiscopi as such--ie omitting the cases of reconciled or vacant bishops above mentioned, of whose episcopate of course no question is made--were at first truly bishops both in East and West, appears almost certain, both from their name and functions, and even from the arguments of their strong opponents just spoken of.这使chorepiscopi等-即没有问题提及的主教,当然,是省略了上述案件和解或空置主教-西是在第一个真正的和主教都在东,几乎出现某些功能,无论从他们的姓名和,甚至从强大的对手的论点刚才发言。 If nothing more could be urged against them, than that the Council of Neo- Caesarea compared them to the Seventy disciples, that the Council of Antioch authorises their consecration by a single bishop, and that they actually were so consecrated (the Antiochene decree might mean merely nomination by the word如果没有更多可以敦促对他们,低于该撒利亚会理学比他们的70门徒,即理事会授权的安提阿主教单由他们奉献,他们实际上是如此神圣(在安提阿学派法令可能意味着只是这个词提名 ginesqai ginesqai, but the actual history seems to rule the term to intend consecration, and the [one] exceptional case of a chorepiscopus recorded [Actt. ,但实际的历史似乎要统治任期打算奉献,和[1]一chorepiscopus特殊案件记录[Actt。Episc. Cenoman. Episc。Cenoman。ap.美联社。Du Cange] in late times to have been ordained by three bishops [in order that he might be a full bishop] merely proves the general rule to the contrary)--and that they were consecrated for "villages," contrary to canon,--then they certainly were bishops.都参戈]在时间已晚]主教祝圣主教完全由3 [以便他可能是一个仅仅证明了一般规则相反) -这是他们神圣的“村庄”,相反佳能, - ,那么他们一定是主教。And Pope Nicholas expressly says that they were so.和教皇尼古拉斯明确表示,他们是如此。Undoubtedly they ceased to be so in the East, and were practically merged in archdeacons in the West.毫无疑问,他们不再是在东部地区,并切实archdeacons合并在西方。

For the second opinion, its great champion, Thomassinus shall speak.对于第二个观点,其伟大的冠军,Thomassinus应当发言。

(Thomassin, Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l'Eglise, Tom. I. Livre II. chap 1. iii.) The chorepiscopi were not duly consecrated bishops, unless some bishop had consecrated a bishop for a town and the bishop thus ordained contrary to the canons was tolerated on condition of his submitting himself to the diocesan as though he were only a chorepiscopus. (汤玛森,安西安娜等中篇小说学科德l'埃格斯,汤姆。一利夫雷二。第一章1。三。)没有适当的chorepiscopi圣主教,除非有一些主教祝圣主教违背了这样一个镇和祝圣主教该炮是不能容忍的,他就chorepiscopus条件提交自己一个教区,仿佛他只。 This may be gathered from the fifty-seventh canon of Laodicea.这可能是收集从第七佳能老底嘉五十。

From this canon two conclusions may be drawn, 1st.从这可以得出两个结论,第一经典。That bishops ought not to be ordained for villages, and that as Chorepiscopi could only be placed in villages they could not be bishops.这不应该成为主教祝圣的村庄,而作为Chorepiscopi只能放置在他们的村庄无法主教。 2d.二维。That sometimes by accident a chorepiscopus might be a bishop, but only through having been canonically lowered to that rank.事故或者因chorepiscopus可能是一个主教,而只能通过已被canonically降低到该行列。

The Council of Nice furnishes another example of a bishop lowered to the rank of a chorepiscopus in Canon viii.尼斯主教理事会furnishes另一个例子1降至第八军衔佳能的chorepiscopus。This canon shows that they should not have been bishops, for two bishops could never be in a diocese, although this might accidentally be the case when a chorepiscopus happened to be a bishop.这表明,佳能他们不应该被主教,主教为二绝不能在一个教区,虽然这可能是意外情况发生时,chorepiscopus成为主教。

This is the meaning which must be given to the tenth canon of Antioch, which directs that chorepiscopi, even if they have received episcopal orders, and have been consecrated bishops, shall keep within the limits prescribed by the canon; that in cases of necessity, they ordain这是chorepiscopi意义,必须考虑到第十的安提阿教会,这指示,即使他们已经收到主教的订单,并已圣主教,应保持在佳能的限度,这在案件的必要性,他们注定

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the lower clergy; but that they be careful not to ordain priests or deacons, because this power is absolutely reserved to the Diocesan.较低的神职人员,但他们必须小心,不要祝圣司铎或执事,因为这是绝对的权力保留给教区。It must be added that as the council of Antioch commands that the Diocesan without any other bishop can ordain the chorepiscopus, the position can no longer be sustained that the chorepiscopi were bishops, such a method of consecreting a bishop being contrary to canon xix.必须补充,该命令会安提阿教区的主教祝圣,没有任何其他可以在chorepiscopus,情况不能再持续下去了,该chorepiscopi主教,这样一十九方法consecreting主教是违反教会。 of the same council, moreover the canon does not say the chorepiscopus is to be ordained, but uses the word同一议会,而且佳能的不说chorepiscopus要受戒,但使用这个词genesqaigenesqai by the bishop of the city (canon x.).由城市(佳能十主教)。The Council of Neocaesarea by referring them to the seventy disciples (in Canon XIV.) has shown the chorepiscopi to be only priests.在佳能第十四会Neocaesarea,转介他们到(70门徒。)表明了chorepiscopi是唯一祭司。

But the Council of Ancyra does furnish a difficulty, for the text seems to permit chorepiscopi to ordain priests.但是,安该拉会并提供一个难题,祝圣司铎的案文似乎允许chorepiscopi。But the Greek text must be corrected by the ancient Latin versions.但是,希腊文,必须予以纠正的古拉丁语版本。The letter attributed to pope Nicholas, AD 864, must be considered a forgery since he recognises the chorepiscopi as real bishops.由于教皇的信尼古拉斯,公元864,必须被视为伪造,因为他认识到主教chorepiscopi为真实。

If Harmenopulus, Aristenus, Balsamon, and Zonaras seem to accord to the chorepiscopi the power to ordain priests and deacons with the permission of the Diocesan, it is because they are explaining the meaning and setting forth the practice of the ancient councils and not the practice of their own times.如果Harmenopulus,Aristenus,Balsamon,并Zonaras似乎给予了chorepiscopi权力的教区祝圣司铎和执事的权限,这是因为他们解释的意义和设置提出了议会的做法,而不是古老的做法他们自己的时代。 But at all events it is past all doubt that before the seventh century there were, by different accidents, chorepiscopi who were really bishops and that these could, with the consent of the diocesan, ordain priests.但在所有的事件是过去的一切疑问,在公元7世纪前有意外发生,由不同的,chorepiscopi谁是真正的主教和,这些能拔萃,随着的同意,注定祭司。 But at the time these authors wrote, there was not a single chorepiscopus in the entire East, as Balsamon frankly admits in commenting on Canon xiii.但在当时这些作者说,没有整个东单chorepiscopus中,作为第十三Balsamon坦白承认,佳能在评论。of Ancyra.作者:安该拉。

Whether in the foregoing the reader will think Thomassinus has proved his point, I do not know, but so far as the position of the chorepiscopi in synods is concerned there can be no doubt whatever, and I shall allow Hefele to speak on this point.读者无论是在上述情况,会觉得Thomassinus证明他的观点,我不知道,但迄今的立场是主教会议chorepiscopi作为有关不可能有什么疑问,我将让黑弗勒在这一点上发言。

(Hefele, History of the Councils, Vol. I. pp. 17, 18.)(黑弗勒,在议会史,卷。第一页。17,18。)

The Chorepiscopi (该Chorepiscopi(kwrepiskopoikwrepiskopoi ), or bishops of country places, seem to have been considered in ancient times as quite on a par with the other bishops, as far as their position in synod was concerned. ),国家或地方主教,似乎已被认为是古时候有相当等同于其他主教,据他们的主教地位而言。We meet with them at the Councils of Neocaesarea in the year 314, of Nicaea in 325, of Ephesus in 431.我们与他们在314年的安理会Neocaesarea,在尼西亚325以弗所,在431。On the other hand, among the 600 bishops of the fourth Ecumenical Council at Chalcedon in 451, there is no chorepiscopus present, for by this time the office had been abolished; but in the Middle Ages we again meet with chorepiscopi of a new kind at Western councils, particularly at those of the French Church, at Langres in 830, at Mayence in 847, at Pontion in 876, at Lyons in 886, at Douzy in 871.另一方面,在安理会于451 600的第四次全基督教主教在卡尔西,没有chorepiscopus目前,这个时候该办事处已被取消,但在中世纪,我们再次见面一种新的在与chorepiscopi西方议会,特别是在教会的法国,在朗格勒在830,在马延斯在847,在Pontion在876,在里昂的886杜济,在871。

CANON IX佳能九

IF any presbyters have been advanced without examination, or if upon examination they have made confession of crime, and men acting in violation of the canon have laid hands upon them, notwithstanding their confession, such the canon does not admit; for the Catholic Church requires that [only] which is blameless.中频任何长老一直没有先进的检查,或者经审查,他们已招供的,男人在佳能违反行事,奠定他们握手时供认,尽管他们的,这样的经典不承认,为天主教会要求这[只]是无可指责的。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON IX.古缩影佳能九。

Whoever are ordained without examination, shall be deposed if it be found out afterwards that they had been guilty.谁是注定没有考试,应被废黜,如果它被发现后,他们已经认罪。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The crimes in question are those which were a bar to the priesthood-- such as blasphemy, bigamy, heresy, idolatry, magic, etc.--as the Arabic paraphrase of Joseph explains.有关的罪行是那些人们一栏,如约瑟夫铎-亵渎,重婚,异端,偶像崇拜,魔术,对等-阿拉伯语意译为解释说。It is clear that these faults are punishable in the bishop no less than in the priest, and that consequently our canon refers to the bishops as well as to the很显然,这些故障是在主教神父惩罚的不低于在人员,因此我们的经典是指主教,以及向presbuteroipresbuteroi in the more restricted sense.在较受限制的感觉。These words of the Greek text, "In the case in which any one might be这些文本的希腊字,“在任何一个案件中,可能会

[24] [24]

induced, in opposition to the canon, to ordain such persons," allude to the ninth canon of the Synod of Neocaesarea. It was necessary to pass such ordinances; for even in the fifth century, as the twenty-second letter to Pope Innocent the First testifies, some held that as baptism effaces all former sins, so it takes away all the impedimenta ordinationis which are the results of those sins.诱导,反对佳能,祝圣了这些人,“暗示的Neocaesarea九届佳能主教的。有必要通过这样的条例,因为即使在第五世纪,第二十二届信诺森的首先证明,有些认为,随着前洗礼抹去所有的罪孽,所以它带走所有的辎重ordinationis是那些罪恶的结果。

BALSAMON. BALSAMON。

Some say that as baptism makes the baptized person a new man, so ordination takes away the sins committed before ordination, which opinion does not seem to agree with the canons.有人说,作为洗礼使受洗的人一个新的人,所以统筹协调带走之前犯下的罪孽,它的意见似乎并不同意大炮。

This canon occurs twice in the Corpus Juris Canonici.这两次发生在佳能的法典卡诺尼奇。Decretum Pars I. Decretum帕尔斯一Dist.区。xxiv.24。c.vii., and Dist.七。,和区。 lxxxi., c.lxxxi。角iv.四。

CANON X佳能X

IF any who have lapsed have been ordained through the ignorance, or even with the previous knowledge of the ordainers, this shall not prejudice the canon of the Church for when they are discovered they shall be deposed.中频任何谁已失效已颁布通过的无知,或者ordainers甚至与以前的知识,教会他们被发现时,他们应被推翻,这不应妨碍佳能的。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON X.古代的一个缩影佳能十

Whoso had lapsed are to be deposed whether those who ordained and promoted them did so conscious of their guilt or unknowing of it.任何名副其实的时间过去了,是被废黜的谁是否受戒,并促进他们意识到这样做对他们有罪还是无知的。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The tenth canon differs from the ninth, inasmuch as it concerns only the lapsi and their elevation, not only to the priesthood, but to any other ecclesiastical preferment as well, and requires their deposition. The punishment of a bishop who should consciously perform such an ordination is not mentioned; but it is incontestable that the lapsi could not be ordained, even after having performed penance; for, as the preceding canon states, the Church requires those who were faultless. It is to be observed that the word第十届佳能不同于第九,因为它仅涉及lapsi和海拔,而不是只对神职人员,但任何其他教会升迁的欢迎,并要求其沉积。处罚的执行主教谁应该自觉地这样一协调是没有提及,但无可争辩的是lapsi不能受戒,即使完成后忏悔,因为,正如前面的佳能国家,教会需要这些谁是完美无缺的。这是应该注意到,这个词 prokeirizeinprokeirizein is evidently employed here in the sense of "ordain," and is used without any distinction from这里显然是受雇于在祝圣感“,”并没有任何区别使用keirizeinkeirizein , whilst in the synodal letter of the Council of Nicaea on the subject of the Meletians, there is a distinction between these two words, and ,Meletians而在信的主教会议的主题尼西亚会议上,有这两个词之间的区别,并prokeirizeinprokeirizein is used to signify eliger.是用来表示eliger。

This canon is found in Corpus Juris Canonici.这是经典中找到法典卡诺尼奇。Decretum.Decretum。Pars I. Dist. lxxxi.帕尔斯一区。lxxxi。cv简历

CANON XI佳能席

CONCERNING those who have fallen without compulsion, without the spoiling of their property, without danger or the like, as happened during the tyranny of Licinius, the Synod declares that, though they have deserved no clemency, they shall be dealt with mercifully.对于那些有强迫谁没有倒下,没有破坏他们的财产,没有危险或类似,作为李锡尼期间发生的暴政,主教会议声明说,虽然他们没有应有的仁慈,他们应仁慈处理。 As many as were communicants, if they heartily repent, shall pass three years among the hearers; for seven years they shall be prostrators; and for two years they shall communicate with the people in prayers, but without oblation.和许多人圣餐,如果他们感到由衷的忏悔,应通过三年的听众,为7年,他们应prostrators;以及两年后,他们将沟通与祈祷的人,但没有祭品。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XI.古缩影佳能十一。

As many as fell without necessity, even if therefore undeserving of indulgence, yet some indulgence shall be shown them and they shall be prostrators for twelve years.多达下跌没有必要,因此即使不值得原谅的,但应表现出一些放纵他们,他们应为12年prostrators。

On the expression "without oblation" (在没有祭品表达“”(kwriskwris

prosforas prosforas) see the notes to Ancyra, Canon V. where the matter is treated at some length. )的说明中看到安该拉,佳能五,在处理这一问题是在一些长度。

LAMBERT.兰伯特。

The usual position of the hearers was just inside the church door.该听众的一贯立场,只是在教堂内的门。But Zonaras (and Balsamon agrees with him), in his comment on this canon, says, "they are ordered for three years to be hearers, or to stand without the church in the narthex."但Zonaras(和Balsamon同意他),在他的教会对此有何评论说,“他们是年下令三是听众,或站不前厅教堂中。”

I have read "as many as were communicants" (我已阅读“和许多人圣餐”(oi433个 pistoi皮斯托伊) thus following Dr. Routh. )因此,继博士鲁斯。

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Vide his Opuscula.随他的opuscula。Caranza translates in his Summary of the Councils "if they were faithful" and seems to have read卡兰扎翻译在他读摘要局“如果他们忠实”,似乎已eipistoi皮斯托伊, which is much simpler and makes better sense.,这是非常简单,可以更好的感觉。

ZONARAS. ZONARAS。

The prostrators stood within the body of the church behind the ambo [ie the reading desk] and went out with the catechumens.该prostrators [站内安博身体的教会的办公桌后面即阅读]和去慕道出来的。

EXCURSUS ON THE PUBLIC DISCIPLINE OR EXOMOLOGESIS OF THE EARLY CHURCH.附录有关公务员纪律,教会EXOMOLOGESIS作者早。

(Taken chiefly from Morinus, De Disciplina in Administratione Sacramenti Poenitentioe; Bingham, Antiquities; and Hammond, The Definitions of Faith, etc. Note to Canon XI. of Nice.) "In the Primitive Church there was a godly discipline, that at the beginning of Lent, such persons as stood convicted of notorious sin were put to open penance, and punished in this world that their souls might be saved in the day of the Lord; and that others, admonished by their example, might be the more afraid to offend."(两者主要来自Morinus,德disciplinâ在Administratione Sacramenti Poenitentioe;宾厄姆,古物和哈蒙德,信念的定义,佳能等注意第十一尼斯。的。)“在原始教会有一个神圣的纪律,即在罪由臭名昭著的大斋期,如被定罪的人的主张付诸公开忏悔,并在主惩罚这个世界上,他们的灵魂,可以被保存在每天和别人的例子告诫他们,可能是更怕得罪。“

The foregoing words from the Commination Service of the Church of England may serve well to introduce this subject.英格兰教会上述的话可以从服务的威吓服务好介绍这个问题。In the history of the public administration of discipline in the Church, there are three periods sufficiently distinctly marked.在教会历史的公共管理学科中,有三个时期足够明显标记。The first of these ends at the rise of Novatianism in the middle of the second century; the second stretches down to about the eighth century; and the third period shews its gradual decline to its practical abandonment in the eleventh century.第二个世纪的第一个中等这些目标在不断上升的Novatianism的;在第二个向下延伸至约公元8世纪,第三期shews其逐步下降到其实际放弃在11世纪。 The period with which we are concerned is the second, when it was in full force.这一时期是我们所关心的是第二,当部队正在全力。

In the first period it would seem that public penance was required only of those convicted of what then were called by pre-eminence "mortal sins" (crimena mortalia(1)), viz: idolatry, murder, and adultery.在第一阶段,但似乎只需要公开忏悔是通奸,一经定罪前是什么当时所要求的重要地位“致命的罪过”(crimena mortalia(1)),即:偶像崇拜,杀人,。But in the second period the list of mortal sins was greatly enlarged, and Morinus says that "Many Fathers who wrote after Augustine's time, extended the necessity of public penance to all crimes which the civil law punished with death, exile, or other grave corporal penalty."(2) In the penitential canons ascribed to St. Basil and those which pass by the name of St. Gregory Nyssen, this increase of offences requiring public penance will be found intimated.但第二期的名单是致命的罪过大大扩大,Morinus说:“在当时许多奥古斯丁的父亲是谁写后,延长了忏悔的必要性市民全部或罪行的公务员,法律处以死刑,流放其他严重体罚罚款。“(2)在向圣巴索大炮归因的忏悔和那些通过由Nyssen名称圣格雷戈里,增加公众对这一罪行的忏悔,要求将被发现暗示。

From the fourth century the penitents of the Church were divided into four classes.从第四世纪的教堂忏悔者的被分为4类。Three of these are mentioned in the eleventh canon, the fourth, which is not here referred to, was composed of those styled其中3个是在11式提到的佳能,第四,这不是在这里提到了,组成sugklaiontessugklaiontes , flentes or weepers.,flentes或weepers。These were not allowed to enter into the body of the church at all, but stood or lay outside the gates, sometimes covered with sackcloth and ashes.这些都不准进入教堂体内所有,但站着或躺在大门之外,有时麻布和灰烬覆盖着。This is the class which is sometimes styled这是阶级有时风格keimozomenoikeimozomenoi , hybernantes, on account of their being obliged to endure the inclemency of the weather. ,hybernantes,天气是因为它们不得不忍受的严酷的。

It may help to the better understanding of this and other canons which notice the different orders of penitents, to give a brief account of the usual form and arrangement of the ancient churches as well as of the different orders of the penitents.它可能的帮助,在忏悔者更好地理解这一点,不同的命令发出通知其他大炮的penitents,到了作简单的介绍安排的通常形式和古老的教堂,以及不同的订单作为。

Before the church there was commonly either an open area surrounded with porticoes, called教堂前有一个开阔地带一般要么用柱廊环绕,被称为mesaulionmesaulion or atrium, with a font of water in the centre, styled a cantharus or phiala, or sometimes only an open portico, or或中庭,与中心的水,在字体,风格一cantharus或phiala,有时只是一个开放的门廊,或 propulaion propulaion.The first variety may still be seen at S. Ambrogio's in Milan, and the latter in Rome at S.第一品种仍可能出现在南安布鲁吉奥'S在米兰和罗马在南后者Lorenzo's, and in Ravenna at the two S. Apollinares.洛伦佐的,在拉文纳在二南Apollinares。This was the place at which the first and lowest order of penitents, the weepers, already referred to, stood exposed to the weather.这是第一次在哪个地方,最低忏悔者命令的weepers,已经提到,站在暴露于天气。Of these, St. Gregory Thaumaturgus says: "Weeping takes place outside the door of the church, where the sinner must stand and beg the prayers of the faithful as they go in."其中,圣格雷戈里thaumaturgus说:“忠实地哭泣需要外,教会的大门,那里的罪人必须站在祷告的,祈求,因为他们进去”

The church itself usually consisted of three divisions within, besides these exterior courts这座教堂本身通常由三个部门内部,除了这些外部法院

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and porch.和门廊。The first part after passing through "the great gates," or doors of the building, was called the Narthex in Greek, and Faerula in Latin, and was a narrow vestibule extending the whole width of the church.该建筑物的第一部分通过后,通过“伟大的盖茨,”或门,被称为希腊的前厅中,拉Faerula中,她是一个狭窄的门厅扩大教会的整个宽度。 In this part, to which Jews and Gentiles, and in most places even heretics and schismatics were admitted, stood the Catechumens, and the Energumens or those afflicted with evil spirits, and the second class of penitents (the first mentioned in the Canon), who were called the在这一部分,对此犹太人和外邦人,而且在大多数地方甚至异端和schismatics被接纳,经受住了慕道者,以及Energumens或患有精神邪恶的,而第二类的penitents(第一次提到的佳能)谁被称为 akowmenoi akowmenoi, audientes, or hearers. ,audientes,或听众。These were allowed to hear the Scriptures read, and the Sermon preached, but were obliged to depart before the celebration of the Divine Mysteries, with the Catechumens, and the others who went by the general name of hearers only.这些被允许听到的圣经阅读,和讲道宣扬,但不得不离开前,庆祝神圣之谜,与慕道者,以及其他只走了谁的名字一般听众。

The second division, or main body of the church, was called the Naos or Nave.第二师,或教堂的主体,被称为纳奥斯或夫。This was separated from the Narthex by rails of wood, with gates in the centre, which were called "the beautiful or royal gates."这是脱离轨道木材前厅由盖茨,盖茨在与皇家中心,被称为“美丽的或。”In the middle of the Nave, but rather toward the lower or entrance part of it, stood the Ambo, or reading-desk, the place for the readers and singers, to which they went up by steps, whence the name, Ambo. Before coming to the Ambo, in the lowest part of the Nave, and just after passing the royal gates, was the place for the third order of penitents, called in Greek在殿中间的,而是越往下或入口处的一部分,经受住了安博,或阅读服务台,歌唱的地方,并为读者,为他们上升的步骤,从那里的名称,安博。前未来的安博,在中殿最低的一部分,仅合格后王室大门,是忏悔者有何秩序的三分之一,希腊呼吁 gonuklinontes gonuklinontes, orupopiptontesupopiptontes ,and in Latin Genuflectentes or Prostrati, ie, kneelers or prostrators, because they were allowed to remain and join in certain prayers particularly made for them. ,以及拉丁美洲Genuflectentes或Prostrati,即kneelers或prostrators,因为他们被允许留在某些特别的祈祷加入他们提出的。 Before going out they prostrated themselves to receive the imposition of the bishop's hands with prayer.外出前,他们就叩头,接受主教祈祷的双手征收。This class of penitents left with the Catechumens.这忏悔者类留下的慕道者。

In the other parts of the Nave stood the believers or faithful, ie, those persons wire were in full communion with the Church, the men and women generally on opposite sides, though in some places the men were below, and the women in galleries above.在其他地方的内夫站在忠实信徒或,即这些人在对面线,双方都在完全共融的教会,一般的男人和女人,虽然有些地方低于男子,妇女和画廊在上面。 Amongst these were the fourth class of penitents, who were called这是其中第四类的penitents,谁被称为sunestwtessunestwtes , consistentes, ie, co-standers, because they were allowed to stand with the faithful, and to remain and hear the prayers of the Church, after the Catechumens and the other penitents were dismissed, and to be present while the faithful offered and communicated, though they might not themselves make their offerings, nor partake of the Holy Communion. ,consistentes,即共同旁观者,因为他们可以站在一起的忠诚,并继续和听到的教会的祈祷后,慕道及其他忏悔者被驳回,并出席而忠实的提供和交流虽然他们可能本身并不使他们的产品,也分享到圣餐。 This class of penitents are frequently mentioned in the canons, as "communicating in prayers," or "without the oblation;" and it was the last grade to be passed through previous to the being admitted again to full communion.这忏悔者的一类是经常提到的大炮,为“祈祷中的沟通”,或“没有祭品,”它是最后一个等级,可共融通过向被接纳前再次爆满。 The practice of "hearing mass" or "non-communicating attendance" clearly had its origin in this stage of discipline.在“实践”听群众“或”非沟通出席显然有纪律的起源阶段的。At the upper end of the body of the church, and divided from it by rails which were called Cancelli, was that part which we now call the Chancel. This was anciently called by several names, as Bema or tribunal, from its being raised above the body of the church, and Sacrarium or Sanctuary.在教会上年底的身体,它分为由坎切利铁轨其中被称为是那一部分,我们现在称之为斯尔。这是古时的名字叫一些,因为贝马或仲裁庭,从它被提出上述教会组织的,和Sacrarium或自然保护区。 It was also called Apsis and Concha Bematis, from its semicircular end.它也被称为拱点和康恰Bematis,从半圆形结束。In this part stood the Altar, or Holy Table (which names were indifferently used in the primitive Church), behind which, and against the wall of the chancel, was the Bishop's throne, with the seats of the Presbyters on each side of it, called synthronus.在这部分经受住了祭坛,或圣桌(这名字是冷漠教会使用的原始),它的后面,反对圣坛墙上的,是主教的宝座它,一边与每个座位长老的,所谓synthronus。 On one side of the chancel was the repository for the sacred utensils and vestments, called the Diaconicum, and answering to our Vestry; and on the other the Prothesis, a side-table, or place, where the bread and wine were deposited before they were offered on the Altar.一圣坛一侧的是法衣库的神圣器皿,并称为Diaconicum,回答我们的小礼拜堂,并在其他的假体,边桌,或地方,那里的面包和酒的存放,才被献在坛上。 The gates in the chancel rail were called the holy gates, and none but the higher orders of the clergy, ie, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, were allowed to enter within them.圣坛铁路的大门在被称为圣门,但没有主教,司铎的神职人员更高的订单,即,和执事,被允许进入在其中。The Emperor indeed was permitted to do so for the purpose of making his offering at the Altar, but then he was obliged to retire immediately, and to receive the communion without.皇帝确实被允许做什么,如此坛的目的是使他提供的,但当时他不得不立即退出,并获得无共融。

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(Thomassin. Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l'Eglise. Tom. I. Livre II. chap. xvi. somewhat abridged.) In the West there existed always many cases of public penance, but in the East it is more difficult to find any traces of it, after it was abolished by the Patriarch Nectarius in the person of the Grand Penitentiary. (Thomassin.安西安娜等中篇小说学科德l'埃格斯。汤姆。一利夫雷二。第一章。12.2。有所删节。)在西方存在的许多案件都公开忏悔,但在东方,是比较难以找到任何它的痕迹,被废除后,由主教Nectarius人在监狱的大。

However, the Emperor Alexis Comnenus, who took the empire in the year 1080, did a penance like that of older days, and one which may well pass for miraculous.然而,皇帝亚历Comnenus,谁参加了1080年的帝国中,做了几天老这样的忏悔,实有可能通过的奇迹。 He called together a large number of bishops with the patriarch, and some holy religious; be presented himself before them in the garb of a criminal; he confessed to them his crime of usurpation with all its circumstances.他纠集了一大批元老与主教和一些神圣的宗教;提交刑事自己在他们面前的外衣的,他供认了他们所有的情况下,他的罪行的篡夺。 They condemned the Emperor and all his accomplices to fasting, to lying prostrate upon the earth, to wearing haircloth, and to all the other ordinary austerities of penance. Their wives desired to share their griefs and their sufferings, although they had had no share in their crime.他们谴责皇帝和他的同伙,以绝食,以躺在地上叩头后,戴披上麻布,和所有其他普通的忏悔苦行。他们的妻子渴望分享他们的悲哀和痛苦,虽然他们没有分享他们的罪行。 The whole palace became a theatre of sorrow and public penance.整个宫殿变成了战场的悲哀和公众忏悔。The emperor wore the hairshirt under the purple, and lay upon the earth for forty days, having only a stone for a pillow.皇帝穿着紫色的hairshirt下,和40天躺在地上的,有一个枕头只有一块石头。

To all practical purposes Public Penance was a general institution but for a short while in the Church.对所有实际目的的公共忏悔是一般的机构,而是一个教会短暂研究。But the reader must be careful to distinguish between this Public Penance and the private confession which in the Catholic Church both East and West is universally practised.但是读者必须注意区分此公用忏悔和私营供认这在天主教教会,东,西是普遍实行。What Nectarius did was to abolish the office of Penitentiary, whose duty it had been to assign public penance for secret sin;(1) a thing wholly different from what Catholics understand by the "Sacrament of Penance."什么Nectarius所做的是取消罪恶监狱办公室,其职责已为公众忏悔秘密转让:(1)完全不同的事从什么天主教徒了解“忏悔圣事的。” It would be out of place to do more in this place than to call the reader's attention to the bare fact, and to supply him, from a Roman Catholic point of view, with an explanation of why Public Penance died out.这将是不合时宜的,做的其实更多的裸这个地方,而不是调用读者的注意,并供应他认为,从点罗马天主教,有一个解释为什么公共忏悔死了。 "It came to an end because it was of human institution. But sacramental confession, being of divine origin, lasted when the penitential discipline had been changed, and continues to this day among the Greeks and Oriental sects."(2) That the reader may judge of the absolute can-dour of the writer just quoted, I give a few sentences from the same article: "An opinion, however, did prevail to some extent in the middle ages, even among Catholics, that confession to God alone sufficed. The Council of Chalons in 813 (canon xxxiii.), says: 'Some assert that we should confess our sins to God alone, but some think that they should be confessed to the priest, each of which practices is followed not without great fruit in Holy Church. Confession made to God purges sins, but that made to the priest teaches how they are to be purged.'他说:“结束了,因为它是人类的机构。但圣供认,原籍是神圣的,持续了当悔罪纪律已经改变,并将继续与东方教派之间的这一天希腊人。”(2)读者可以判断的绝对可以,只是作家阴沉的报价,我给同一篇文章中的几个句子从:“一个意见,但没有说服一些年龄范围在中间天主教徒,即使是,仅仅向上帝忏悔足以。在813的沙隆理事会(佳能三十三。)说:'有人断言,我们应该承认我们的罪孽只有上帝,但有人认为他们应该承认的神父,每个其次是水果的做法不无大在神圣的教堂。向上帝忏悔 清洗的罪孽,而是向神父教他们如何被清除。 This former opinion is also mentioned without reprobation by Peter Lombard (In Sentent. Lib. iv. dist. xvii.)."前者认为,这是不利布非难也提到了彼得伦巴(在Sentent。。四。区。十七。)“。

CANON XII佳能十二

As many as were called by grace, and displayed the first zeal, having cast aside their military girdles, but afterwards returned, like dogs, to their own vomit, (so that some spent money and by means of gifts regained their military stations); let these, after they have passed the space of three years as hearers, be for ten years prostrators.和许多人所要求的宽限期,并显示第一个热情,有唾弃的军事腰带,但后来回来了,就像狗,到自己的呕吐物,(所以,有些花的钱和礼物手段恢复其军事站);让这些后,他们已经通过了听众的空间,作为3年后,可年prostrators 10。But in all these cases it is necessary to examine well into their purpose and what their repentance appears to be like.但在所有这些情况下,是需要研究的目的以及在他们看来,什么是他们的忏悔一样。For as many as give evidence of their conversions by deeds, and not pretence, with fear, and tears, and perseverance, and good works, when they have fulfilled their appointed time as hearers, may properly communicate in prayers; and after that the bishop may determine yet more favourably concerning them.对于多达事迹给予了他们的证据转换,而不是幌子,与恐惧和泪水,毅力,和好的作品,当他们已经履行他们作为听众指定的时间,可以好好沟通的祷告后,主教但更有利的决定可能与他们有关。 But those who take [the matter] with indifference, and who think the form of [not] entering the Church is sufficient for their conversion, must fulfil the whole time.但是,这些谁采取[与无关紧要],谁认为[形式的不]进入教会是转换足够的,必须符合整个时间。

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NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XII.古缩影佳能十二。

Those who endured violence and were seen to have resisted, but who afterwards yielded go wickedness, and returned to the army, shall be excommunicated for ten years.那些谁遭受暴力和被认为有抵制,但谁后产生了去恶,并返回到军队,应驱逐了10年。But in every case the way in which they do their penance must be scrutinized.但在任何情况下的方式,他们做他们的忏悔,必须审查。 And if anyone who is doing penance shews himself zealous in its performance, the bishop shall treat him more lentently than had he been cold and indifferent.如果任何人谁是做忏悔shews自己的表现在其热心,对待他的主教应比原来更lentently他被冷漠。

LAMBERT.兰伯特。

The abuse of this power, namely, of granting under certain circumstances a relaxation in the penitential exercises enjoined by the canons--led, in later times, to the practice of commuting such exercises for money payments, etc.滥用这种权力,即悔罪的,给予一定的情况下在一个放松练习受命于大炮-领导,在稍后的时间,到付款等做法,上下班等演习的钱

In his last contests with Constantine, Licinius had made himself the representative of heathenism; so that the final issue of the war would not be the mere triumph of one of the two competitors, but the triumph or fall of Christianity or heathenism.康斯坦丁在比赛中与他最后,李锡尼作出了自己的异教代表,以便在战争的最后一个问题将不是单纯的两个竞争者之一的胜利,但胜利或异教的基督教或下降。 Accordingly, a Christian who had in this war supported the cause of Licinius and of heathenism might be considered as a lapsus, even if he did not formally fall away.因此,一个基督徒谁在这次战争中支持李锡尼事业和异教可能被视为一个失策,即使他没有正式消失。With much more reason might those Christians be treated as lapsi who, having conscientiously given up military service (this is meant by the soldier's belt), afterwards retracted their resolution, and went so far as to give money and presents for the sake of readmission, on account of the numerous advantages which military service then afforded.随着更多的原因可能那些基督徒被视为服务lapsi谁,有自觉放弃军事(这是带意思士兵的),后来又收回了他们的决议,竟然把钱和重新接纳列出的缘故,对提供服务的帐户,然后无数的军事优势。 It must not be forgotten that Licinius, as Zonaras and Eusebius relate, required from his soldiers a formal apostasy; compelled them, for example, to take part in the heathen sacrifices which were held in the camps, and dismissed from his service those who would not apostatize.我们绝不能忘记的是,李锡尼,作为Zonaras和尤西比乌斯联系,从他的士兵叛教需要一个正式的,迫使他们的榜样,因为,要在营地的一部分,其中牺牲的异教徒举行,并免去他的服务那些想谁不apostatize。

BRIGHT.光明。

This canon (which in the Prisca and the Isidorian version stands as part of canon 11) deals, like it, with cases which had arisen under the Eastern reign of Licinius, who having resolved to "purge his army of all ardent Christians" (Mason, Persec. of Diocl. p. 308), ordered his Christian officers to sacrifice to the gods on pain of being cashiered (compare Euseb. HE x. 8; Vit. Con. i. 54).这佳能(这在普里斯卡马和Isidorian站11个版本的一部分,佳能)处理它,喜欢,与基督教徒的案件出现了殷切的所有东部统治下的李锡尼,谁拥有解决军队“清除他的”(梅森,Persec。的Diocl。第308页),命令他的基督教人员牺牲撤职(目前神对疼痛的比较Euseb。他x的8条;维生素。CON组。岛54)。 It is to be observed here that military life as such was not deemed unchristian.这是必须遵守这里的军事生活,这就是不被视为非基督教的。The case of Cornelius was borne in mind.在哥尼流案件被铭记。"We serve in your armies," says Tertullian, Apol.“我们的军队服务于你的”,说良,Apol。42 (although later, as a Montanist, he took a rigorist and fanatical view, De Cor. 11), and compare the fact which underlies the tale of the "Thundering Legion,"--the presence of Christians in the army of Marcus Aurelius. 42(虽然后来Montanist,作为一个,他参加了一个rigorist和狂热的看法,德肺心病。11),并比较事实的基础军团故事的“雷雨” -存在的奥雷利厄斯基督徒在军队的马库斯。It was the heathenish adjuncts to their calling which often brought Christian soldiers to a stand (see Routh. Scr. Opusc. i. 410), as when Marinus' succession to a centurionship was challenged on the ground that he could not sacrifice to the gods (Euseb. HE vii. 15).它是一个独立的异教附属品他们的要求,往往使基督教士兵(见罗斯。血肌酐。Opusc。岛410),因为当马里努斯思想的继承到centurionship是神的挑战,理由是他不能牺牲的(Euseb.何七。15)。 Sometimes, indeed, individual Christians thought like Maximilian in the Martyrology, who absolutely refused to enlist, and on being told by the proconsul that there were Christian soldiers in the imperial service, answered, "Ipsi sciunt quod ipsis expediat" (Ruinart, Act. Sanc. p. 341).有时候,的确,个别基督徒的思想像征马克西米利在Martyrology,谁断然拒绝,并正在由驻伊回答说,有服务,为基督教在帝国的士兵,“同侧sciunt狴ipsis expediat”(Ruinart,法令。尚茨。第341页)。But, says Bingham (Antiq. xi. 5, 10), "the ancient canons did not condemn the military life as a vocation simply unlawful. I believe there is no instance of any man being refused baptism merely because he was a soldier, unless some unlawful circumstance, such as idolatry, or the like, made the vocation sinful."但是,说宾厄姆(Antiq.十一。五,10),“古代大炮没有谴责非法的职业只是作为一个军事生活。 我相信没有任何人如被拒绝洗礼只是因为他是一个士兵,除非像一些非法的情况下,如偶像崇拜,或者,罪孽深重的天职。“ After the victory of Constantine in the West, the Council of Aries excommunicated those who in time of peace "threw away their arms" (can. 2).胜利后的2君士坦丁在西方,安理会白羊座驱逐那些谁和平时间“扔掉了他们的武器”(can.)。 In the case before us, some Christian officers had at first stood firm under the trial imposed on them by Licinius.在我们面前的情况下,一些基督教人员在第一站李锡尼坚定他们的审判下判处。They had been "called by grace" to an act of self-sacrifice (the phrase is one which St. Augustine might have used); and had shown "their eagerness at the outset" ("primum suum ardorem," Dionysius; Philo and Evarestus more laxly, "primordia bona;" compare他们被“”所要求的是采取行动的宽限期,以自我牺牲的(这句话的圣奥古斯丁一个可能使用);,并显示“他们渴望在一开始”(“primum猪蛔虫ardorem,”狄奥尼;斐洛和Evarestus更加无法无天,“真正的原基,”比较 thn thnagaphnagaphn southnthn prwthn prwthn, Rev. ii.牧师2。4). 4)。Observe here how beautifully the ideas of grace and free will are harmonized. These men had responded to a Divine impulse: it might seem that they had committed themselves to a noble course: they had cast aside the "belts" which were their badge of office (compare the cases of Valentinian and Valens, Soc. iii. 13, and of Benevoins throwing down his belt at the feet of Justina, Soz. vii. 13).如何观察这里美丽的恩典的思想和自由意志的统一。这些人已经回答了神圣的冲动:它可能看起来他们已承诺一项崇高的过程:他们抛弃了“安全带”,这是他们办公室的徽章(比较,系统芯片的案件瓦伦蒂安和瓦伦斯。三。13,和Benevoins投掷下来贾斯蒂娜他的脚带的,苏兹。七。13)。 They had done, in fact, just what Auxentius, one of Licinius' notaries, had done when, according to the graphic anecdote of Philostorgius (Fragm. 5), his master bade him place a bunch of grapes before a statue of Bacchus in the palace- court; but their zeal, unlike his, proved to be too impulsive--they reconsidered their position, and他们所做的事实,中,正是Auxentius,公证人之一,李锡尼',做了时,根据5)图形故事的Philostorgius(Fragm.,他的主人叫他有何酒神在一堆雕像前的葡萄宫殿庭,但他们的热情他的,不同的是,被证明是过于冲动-他们重新考虑其立场,

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illustrated the maxim that in morals second thoughts are not best (Butler, Serm. 7), by making unworthy attempts--in some cases by bribery--to recover what they had worthily resigned.说明了道德格言,在第二个想法是不是最好的(巴特勒,据泰国。7),通过使不值得尝试-在某些情况下通过贿赂-恢复他们所抱负辞职。 (Observe the Grecised Latinism (观察Grecised Latinismbenefikioisbenefikiois and compare the Latinisms of St. Mark, and others in Euseb.并比较马克Latinisms圣,和Euseb其他英寸iii.三。20, vi.20,六。40, x.40,十5.) This the Council describes in proverbial language, probably borrowed from 2 Pet. 5。)安理会介绍了该谚语的语言,可能宠物借用2。ii.二。22, but, it is needless to say, without intending to censure enlistment as such.22,但是,它是不用说,没有这样的打算入伍的谴责。 They now desired to be received to penance: accordingly they were ordered to spend three years as Hearers, during which time "their purpose, and the nature (他们现在想要的是收到的忏悔:据此,他们奉命花受话者,3年,在此期间,“他们的目的,性质(eidosEidos公司 ) of their repentance" were to be carefully "examined." Again we see the earnest resolution of the Council to make discipline a moral reality, and to prevent it from being turned into a formal routine; to secure, as Rufinus' abridgment expresses it, a repentance "fructuosam et attentam." If the penitents were found to have "manifested their conversion by deeds, and not in outward show (悔改)他们“要小心”审查。“我们再一次看到了安理会的决议作出认真的道德纪律的现实,并防止它被变成一个正式的常规,以安全,作为Rufinus'删节表示它一个悔改“fructuosam等attentam。”忏悔者如果发现有“以行动体现其转换,而不是外在的表现( skhmati skhmati), by awe, and tears, and patience, and good works" (such, for instance, Zonaras comments, as almsgiving according to ability), "it would be then reasonable to admit them to a participation in the prayers," to the position of Consistentes, "with permission also to the bishop to come to a yet more indulgent resolution concerning them," by admitting them to full communion. This discretionary power of the bishop to dispense with part of a penance-time is recognized in the fifth canon of Ancyra and the sixteenth of Chalcedon, and mentioned by Basil, Epist. 217, c. 74. It was the basis of "indulgences "in their original form (Bingham, xviii. 4, 9). But it was too possible that some at least of these "lapsi" might take the whole affair lightly, "with indifference" ),由敬畏,眼泪和耐心,好作品“(例如,例如,Zonaras评论,施舍根据能力),”这将是再合理承认他们参与了一个祷告,“到位置Consistentes,主教“的权限也给来甚至更宽容与他们有关的决议”,允许他们充分交流。主教的自由裁量权,这对免除部分时间的忏悔,是公认的在第五佳能的安该拉和卡尔西第十六届,74提到罗勒,Epist。217角。这是十八的基础上“,宽容”在其原始形式(宾厄姆。4,9)。但它也可能有些冷漠至少在这些“lapsi”可能使整个事件轻轻带过“,” adiakorws adiakorws-not seriously enough, as Hervetas renders- -just as if, in common parlance, it did not signify: the fourth Ancyrene canon speaks of lapsi who partook of the idol-feast未严重不足,使得作为Hervetas - -就好像,在一般的说法,这并不意味着:第四Ancyrene佳能谈到lapsi谁友人的偶像盛宴adiakorwsadiakorws as if it involved them in no sin (see below on Eph. 5, Chalc. 4).因为如果它不涉及他们的罪(见下面的弗。五,Chalc。4)。It was possible that they might "deem" the outward form of "entering the church" to stand in the narthex among the Hearers (here, as in c. 8, 19,有人可能会“认为”的,19向外形式的“进教堂”代表8日在前厅中的受话者(在这里,因为在C中,skhmaskhmadenotes an external visible fact) sufficient to entitle them to the character of converted penitents, while their conduct out of church was utterly lacking in seriousness and self-humiliation.指一个外部可见的事实)足以使其有权对忏悔者性质转换,而他们的行为是完全走出教堂屈辱缺乏严肃性和自我。 In that case there could be no question of shortening their penance, time, for they were not in a state to benefit by indulgence: it would be, as the Roman Presbyters wrote to Cyprian, and as he himself wrote to his own church, a "mere covering over of the wound" (Epist. 30, 3), an "injury" rather than "a kindness" (De Lapsis, 16); they must therefore "by all means" go through ten years as Kneelers, before they can become Consistentes.在这种情况下可能存在的问题是没有时间缩短他们的忏悔,因为他们没有一个国家是惠及放纵:它会是这样,因为罗马长老写信给塞浦路斯,和他自己写自己的教堂, “仅仅覆盖了的伤口”(Epist. 30日,3),1“伤害”而不是“仁慈”(德Lapsis,16),他们因此必须“采取一切手段”作为Kneelers经过十年,才可以成为Consistentes。

There is great difficulty about the last phrase and Gelasius of Cyzicus, the Prisca, Dionysius Exiguus, the pseudo-Isidore, Zonaras and most others have considered the "not" an interpolation.大多数人有很大的困难有关最后伊西多尔短语和格拉西的基齐库斯的普里斯卡马,教士艾克西古斯,伪,Zonaras并且已经审议了“不”一插。 I do not see how dropping the "not" makes the meaning materially clearer.我看不出如何去掉“不”,使重大的意义更明确。

CANON XIII佳能第十三

CONCERNING the departing, the ancient canonical law is still to be maintained, to wit, that, if any man be at the point of death, he must not be deprived of the last and most indispensable Viaticum.关于离任的,典型的古代法仍然要维持,以机智,说,若有人在死亡点,他不能Viaticum剥夺了最后也是最不可缺少的。 But, if any one should be restored to health again who has received the communion when his life was despaired of, let him remain among those who communicate in prayers only.但是,如果任何人都不应再恢复到健康谁收到了他的共融生活绝望时,只让他留在谁之间的沟通祈祷。But in general, and in the case of any dying person whatsoever asking to receive the Eucharist, let the Bishop, after examination made, give it him.但总的来说,在圣体圣事案件的任何垂死的人接受任何要求,让主教,经审查后作出,给他。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XIII.古缩影佳能十三。

The dying are to be communicated.奄奄一息的要沟通。But if any such get well, he must be placed in the number of those who share in the prayers, and with these only.但是,如果任何此类做好,他必须被放置在祈祷者的人数谁分享,与这些只。

VAN ESPEN.加值埃斯彭。

It cannot be denied that antiquity used the name "Viaticum "not only to denote the Eucharist which was given to the dying, but also to denote the reconciliation, and imposition of penance, and in general, everything that could be conducive to the happy death of the person concerned, and this has been shown by Aubespine (lib. 1, Obs. cap. ii.).不能否认,古代所用的名称“Viaticum”不仅要表示和解圣体是给奄奄一息的,但也表示了,和忏悔强加的,而在一般情况下,一切可能有利于幸福的死亡有关的人,这也表明了Aubespine(lib. 1,骨细胞。帽。二。)。But while this is so, the more usual sense of the word is the Eucharist.不过,虽然如此,这个词更是通常意义上的圣体。For this cannot be denied that the faithful of the first ages of the Church looked upon the Eucharist as the complement of Christian perfection, and as the last seal of对于这不能否认,基督教信徒和完善,第一次看年龄教会圣体后,作为补充,作为最后的印章

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hope and salvation.希望和拯救。It was for tiffs reason that at the beginning of life, after baptism and confirmation, the Eucharist was given even to infants, and at the close of life the Eucharist followed reconciliation and extreme unction, so that properly and literally it could be styled "the last Viaticum."正是由于TIFF无法原因,在生命的开始,洗礼和确认后,给予圣体甚至婴儿,并在生命结束之后的圣体和解和极端油膏,使正确和字面可能是风格的“最后Viaticum。“ Moreover for penitents it was considered especially necessary that through it they might return to the peace of the Church; for perfect peace is given by that very communion of the Eucharist.况且,教会忏悔者认为这是必要的,特别是通过它,他们可能会回到和平的,和平是完美的圣体给予的这一非常共融。 [A number of instances are then cited, and various ancient versions of the canon.] Balsamon and Zonaras also understand the canon as I have done, as is evident from their commentaries, and so did Josephus AEgyptius, who in his Arabic Paraphrase gives the canon this title: "Concerning him who is excommunicated and has committed some deadly sin, and desires the Eucharist to be granted to him."[A的实例数,然后引用,以及各种版本的古代经典。] Balsamon和Zonaras也明白这样做,因为我有佳能,这一点从他们的评论,因此决定约瑟夫AEgyptius,谁在他的阿拉伯语释义赋予佳能这个标题:“关于谁是驱逐他,并承诺一些致命的罪恶,欲望圣体被授予了他。”

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Gratian, Decretum Pars.这是经典中找到法典卡诺尼奇,格拉,Decretum帕尔斯。II.二。causa xxvi, Quaes.考萨26,Quaes。VI., c.六。角ix.九。

EXCURSUS ON THE COMMUNION OF THE SICK.附录关于对这些病患者的共融。

There is nothing upon which the ancient church more strenuously insisted than the oral reception of the Holy Communion.没有什么,因为后者更古老的教堂圣餐坚持艰苦比神圣的口头接收。What in later times was known as "Spiritual Communion" was outside of the view of those early days; and to them the issues of eternity were considered often to rest upon the sick man's receiving with his mouth "his food for the journey," the Viaticum, before he died.是什么在稍后的时间被称为“精神体”是天外早期认为这些,并以他们为“问题的永恒被认为经常休息后病夫的接收与他的嘴为”他的食物的旅程Viaticum前就死了。 No greater proof of how important this matter was deemed could be found than the present canon, which provides that even the stern and invariable canons of the public penance are to give way before the awful necessity of fortifying the soul in the last hour of its earthly sojourn.没有更多的证据被视为重要的是如何找到这个问题可以比目前的佳能,其中规定,即使市民的忏悔和船尾炮是不变的方式,让最后一小时前的可怕的必要性的坚定的灵魂在人间逗留。

Possibly at first the Italy Sacrament may have been consecrated in the presence of the sick person, but of this in early times the instances are rare and by was considered a marked favour that such a thing should be allowed, and the saying of mass in private houses was prohibited (as it is in the Eastern and Latin churches still to-day) with the greatest.可能在第一的意大利圣可能已被神圣的人在场的病人,但这个早期罕见的实例和被认为是一个明显赞成这样的事情应该被允许,和群众说在私人房子是被禁止的(因为它)是在东欧和拉丁美洲的教会仍然天的最大的。

The necessity of having the consecrated bread and wine for the sick led to their reservation, a practice which has existed in the Church from the very beginning, so far as any records of which we are in possession shew.开始从必要性,教会非常具有神圣的面包和酒的病人中导致了他们的保留,实际上已经存在,只要任何记录,我们在027身上。

St. Justin Martyr, writing less than a half century after St. John's death, mentions that "the deacons communicate each of those present, and carry away to the absent the blest bread, and wine and water."(1) It was evidently a long established custom in his day.圣贾斯汀烈士,死亡不到约翰写的一个半世纪后,圣提到,“执事沟通面包每一个在场的人,并带走的缺席在望,和酒和水。”(1)这是很明显一个沿用已久的习俗在他的一天。

Tertullian tells us of a woman whose husband was a heathen and who was allowed to keep the Holy Sacrament in her house that she might receive every morning before other food.食品良告诉我们,女人的丈夫是一个异教徒,谁被允许她继续在圣圣房子,她可能在其他接受每天早上。St. Cyprian also gives a most interesting example of reservation.圣塞浦路斯还给出了一个例子,保留最有趣的。In his treatise "On the Lapsed" written in AD 251, (chapter xxvi), he says: "Another woman, when she tried with unworthy hands to open her box, in which was the Holy of the Lord, was deterred from daring to touch it by fire rising from it."在他的论文为“论失效”写于公元251,(章26),他说:“另一个女人,不配当她试图用双手打开她的盒子,这是神圣的主,是不敢大胆触摸由它上升火。“

It is impossible with any accuracy to fix the date, but certainly before the year four hundred, a perpetual reservation for the sick was made in the churches.这是不可能解决任何准确的日期,但肯定是在一年400,一个生病的永久保留的是教会作出的。A most interesting incidental proof of this is found in the thrilling description given by St. Chrysostom of the great riot in Constantinople in the year 403, when the soldiers "burst into the place where the Holy Things were stored, and saw all things therein," and "the most holy blood of Christ was spilled upon their clothes."(2) From this incident it is evident that in that church the Holy Sacrament was reserved in both kinds, and separately.最有趣的一个证明,这是偶然发现存放在一年中的激动人心的描述圣金口给予403大暴动在君士坦丁堡,当士兵被“突发事成神圣的地方,看到其中所有的东西, “和”基督的血是最圣洁的洒在他们的衣服。“(2)从这次事件很明显,在该种圣教会的圣都被预留,并分别。

Whether this at the time was usual it is hard to say, but there can be no doubt that even in the earliest times the Sacrament was given, on rare occasions at least, in one kind,无论这在当时是一般也很难说,但毫无疑问之一,即使在最早的时候是在圣事给予,在罕见的情况下,至少实物,

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sometimes under the form of bread alone, and when the sick persons could not swallow under the form of wine alone.有时下单形式的面包,当生病的人无法独自吞下形式下的葡萄酒。The practice called "intinction," that is the dipping of the bread into the wine and administering the two species together, was of very early introduction and still is universal in the East, not only when Communion is given with the reserved Sacrament, but also when the people are communicated in the Liturgy from the newly consecrated species.这种做法被称为“intinction,”这是把面包浸在酒和共同管理的两个物种,引进是非常早,仍然是东普遍性的,而不是只在圣事的共融是预留给定的,但也当人们都在传达新的礼仪从神圣物种。 The first mention of intinction in the West, is at Carthage in the fifth century.(1) We know it was practised in the seventh century and by the twelfth it had become general, to give place to the withdrawal of the chalice altogether in the West.(2) "Regino(De Eccles. Discip. Lib. I. c. lxx.) in 906, Burchard(Decr. Lib. V. cap. ix. fol. 95. colon. 1560.) in 996, and Ivo(Decr. Pars. II. cap. xix. p. 56, Paris 1647) in 1092 all cite a Canon, which they ascribe to a council of Tours ordering 'every presbyter to have a pyx or vessel meet for so great a sacrament, in which the Body of the Lord may be carefully laid up for the Viaticum to those departing from this world, which sacred oblation ought to be steeped in the Blood of Christ that the presbyter may be able to say truthfully to the sick man, The Body and Blood of the Lord avail thee, etc.'"(3)在西方第一次提及intinction年,是在世纪迦太基在第五位。(1)我们知道这是在实行7世纪,由一般第十二届它已成为,以让位给了圣杯的完全撤出了在西。(2)“雷吉诺(德埃克尔斯。Discip。利布。国际法院LXX的。906)中,伯查德(Decr.利布。五上限。九。FOL的。95。结肠癌。1560。)在996,和龙腾标准杆。二。帽。十九。第56页,巴黎1647年)1092年(Decr.所有引用佳能,他们归于一个长老会的每一个旅游订购'有一个圣餐盒或船只满足了这么一个伟大的圣事,其中的主体,可仔细奠定Viaticum为对这些,离开这个世界,应该是神圣的祭品沉浸在基督的血的长老可以说如实向病夫,该你的身体和血的主利用等'“(3)

The reservation of the Holy Sacrament was usually made in the church itself, and the learned WE Scudamore is of opinion that this was the case in Africa as early as the fourth century.(4)圣餐的圣保留通常是在教会本身,我们的教训是斯卡德莫尔认为,这是本世纪初第四次在非洲的情况。(4)

It will not be uninteresting to quote in this connection the "Apostolic Constitutions," for while indeed there is much doubt of the date of the Eighth Book, yet it is certainly of great antiquity.这不会是无趣引述在这方面,“使徒宪法”,因为虽然确实有很多疑问第八届预订的日期,但它肯定是非常古老。Here we read, "and after the communion of both men and women, the deacons take what remains and place it in the tabernacle."(5)在这里,我们看到,“和之后的妇女共融的男女双方,执事以帐幕那剩下的地方是在。”(5)

Perhaps it may not be amiss before closing the remark that so far as we are aware the reservation of the Holy Sacrament in the early church was only for the purposes of communion, and that the churches of the East reserve it to the present day only for this purpose.也许未必是不妥的言论之前关闭,到目前为止,因为我们知道,教会的圣圣保留在早期的共融为唯一目的,而只是为了教会东储备到今天这一目的。

Those who wish to read the matter treated of more at length, can do so in Muratorius's learned "Dissertations" which are prefixed to his edition of the Roman Sacramentaries(chapter XXIV) and in Scudamore's Notitia Eucharistica, a work which can be absolutely relied upon for the accuracy of its facts, however little one may feel constrained to accept the logical justness of its conclusions.这些谁愿意阅读长度更物质的处理,可以做的这么Muratorius教训“之”的前缀,他第24版的罗马Sacramentaries(章)和斯卡德莫尔的Notitia Eucharistica,一经工作可以完全依赖因为事实的准确性,但小家伙可能会觉得接受它的逻辑结论的公正性。

CANON XIV佳能十四

CONCERNING catechumens who have lapsed, the holy and great Synod has decreed that, after they have passed three years only as hearers, they shall pray with the catechumens.关于颁布慕道谁已经过去了,神圣和伟大的主教有,经过3年过去了,他们只能作为听众,他们应慕道者祈祷的。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XIV.古缩影佳能十四。

If any of the catechumens shall have fallen for three years he shall be a hearer only, and then let him pray with the catechumens.如果慕道任何应下降为3年,他应是一个听者只,然后让他慕道者祈祷的。

JUSTELLUS. JUSTELLUS。

The people formerly were divided into three classes in the church, for there were catechumens, faithful, and penitents; but it is clear from the present canon there were two kinds of catechumens: one consisting of those who heard the Word of God, and wished to become Christians, but had not yet desired baptism; these were called "hearers."人们以前被分为3类在教堂,因为这样的人慕道,忠实,和忏悔者,但它显然从目前的佳能有两种慕道:1组成的那些谁听到了上帝的话语,并希望成为基督徒,但还没有预期的洗礼,这些被称为“听众”。 Others who were of long standing, and were properly trained in the faith, and desired baptism--these were called "competentes."其他人谁站在长,并适当地培训了信心,并期望洗礼-这些被称为“competentes。”

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There is difference of opinion among the learned as to whether there was not a third or even a fourth class of catechumens.我们认为现在的差额,作为舆论之间不知道是否有第三个或第四甚至是慕道班。Bingham and Card.宾厄姆和卡。 Bona, while not agreeing in particular points, agree in affirming that there were more than two classes.博纳,虽然没有达成一致意见,特别是同意在肯定有超过两个班。Bingham's first class are those not allowed to enter the church, the宾厄姆一流的是,那些没有获准进入教堂exwqoumenoiexwqoumenoi , but the affirmation of the existence of such a class rests only on a very forced explanation of canon five of Neocaesarea.,但肯定的一类存在这种在于仅在5 Neocaesarea非常被迫经典解释。The second class, the hearers, audientes, rests on better evidence.第二类,听者,audientes,有赖于更有力的证据。 These were not allowed to stay while the Holy Mysteries were celebrated, and their expulsion gave rise to the distinction between the "Mass of the Catechumens"(Missa Catechumenorum) and the "Mass of the Faithful"(Missa Fidelium).这些都不能留,而神圣的奥秘了庆祝活动,将他们驱逐引起的慕道者之间的区别的“大众”(弥撒Catechumenorum)和忠实“大众的”(弥撒Fidelium)。 Nor were they suffered to hear the Creed or the Our Father.也没有听到他们遭受的信条或我们的父亲。Writers who multiply the classes insert here some who knelt and prayed, called Prostrati or Genuflectentes(the same name as was given to one of the grades of penitence).作家谁在这里繁殖的类中插入一些谁跪下祷告,叫Prostrati或Genuflectentes(相同的名称给予了忏悔一年级的)。 (Edw. H. Plumptre in Dict. Christ. Antiq. sv Catechumens.)(Edw.阁下普拉普特雷在快译通。基督。Antiq。希沃特慕道。)

After these stages had been traversed each with its appropriate instruction, the catechumens gave in their names as applicants for baptism, and were known accordingly as Competentes经过这些阶段已经走过了它的每个指令,在适当的洗礼慕道在了他们的申请姓名,并据此作为著名Competentes sunaitountessunaitountes . This was done commonly at the beginning of the Quadragesimal fast, and the instruction, carried on through the whole of that period, was fuller and more public in its nature (Cyril Hieros. Catech. i. 5; Hieron. Ep. 61, ad Pammach. c. 4:). To catechumens in this stage the great articles of the Creed, the nature of the Sacraments, the penitential discipline of the Church, were explained, as in the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem, with dogmatic precision.这样做是通常在年初的快速Quadragesimal和指导,进行一段时间中通过,整个的,是更充分和更公开的性质(西里尔Hieros。儿茶酚。岛5; Hieron。内啡肽。61,广告Pammach。角4:)。为了在这个阶段,教会慕道,伟大文章的信条,性质,悔罪的圣礼,纪律进行了解释,如西里尔耶路撒冷要理讲座的,与教条的精度。 Special examinations and inquiries into character were made at intervals during the forty days.特别检查和性格上作了查询到,在四十天的时间间隔。It was a time for fasting and watching and prayer(Constt. Apost. viii. 5; 4 C. Carth. c. 85; Tertull. De Bapt. c. 20; Cyril. 1. c.) and, in the case of those who were married, of the strictest continence(August. De fide et oper. v. 8). Those who passed through the ordeal were known as the perfectiores这是一个Apost时间观看和祈祷和禁食(Constt.。八。五; 4长Carth。角85; Tertull。德BAPT的。角20;西里尔。1。角),并在案件那些谁结婚歌剧院,最严格的节制(August.德善意等。五8)。那些谁通过了考验被称为perfectiores teleiwterotteleiwterot the electi, or in the nomenclature of the Eastern Church as在electi,或在教会命名为东 baptizomenoibaptizomenoi or fwtizowenoifwtizowenoi , the present participle being used of course with a future or gerundial sense. ,正在使用的现在分词当然有前途或动名词意义。Their names were inscribed as such in the album or register of the church.他们的名字刻在这样的专辑或注册的教会。They were taught, but not till a few days before their baptism, the Creed and the Lord's Prayer which they were to use after it.他们被教导,但不使用后,直到前几天的洗礼,信念和主祷文,他们要。The periods for this registration varied, naturally enough, in different churches.这很自然地登记的时段不同,在不同的教会。At Jerusalem it was done on the second(Cyril. Catech. iii.), in Africa on the fourth Sunday in Lent(August. Serm. 213), and this was the time at which the candidate, if so disposed, might lay aside his old heathen or Jewish name and take one more specifically Christian(Socrat. HE vii. 21).在耶路撒冷,这是在第二个(Cyril.儿茶酚。三。),在非洲的第四个星期天在四旬期(August.据泰国。213),这是时间上的候选人,如果这样处理,可能搁置他的老犹太异教徒或名称,并采取一个更具体的基督教(Socrat.何七。21)。 .. .It is only necessary to notice here that the Sacramentum Catechumenorum of which Augustine speaks(De Peccat. Merit. ii. 26) as given apparently at or about the time of their first admission by imposition of hands, was probably the。。它是只需要通知一下,Sacramentum Catechumenorum其中谈到奥古斯丁(德Peccat。优异。2。26)手中获得明显的或即将实施的时间由录取他们的第一个,可能是 eul的EUL giai giaior panis benedictus, and not, as Bingham and Augusta maintain, the salt which was given with milk and honey after baptism.或潘尼斯枢机主持的,而不是如宾厄姆和奥古斯塔维持,而盐的洗礼后,给予了牛奶和蜂蜜。

CANON XV佳能十五

ON account of the great disturbance and discords that occur, it is decreed that the custom prevailing in certain places contrary to the Canon, must wholly be done away; so that neither bishop, presbyter, nor deacon shall pass from city to city.对发生的巨大帐户干扰和不和,它是颁布法令,当时的习俗在某些地方违背了佳能,必须完全被废除,因此,无论是主教,长老,执事也不应当从城市传递到城市。 And if any one, after this decree of the holy and great Synod, shall attempt any such thing, or continue in any such course, his proceedings shall be utterly void, and he shall be restored to the Church for which he was ordained bishop or presbyter.如果任何一个,在这之后主教法令的神圣和伟大的,任何企图将这样的东西,或继续在上述过程中,他的程序应完全无效,他应恢复到或教会他被祝圣主教长老。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XV.古缩影佳能十五。

Neither bishop, presbyter, nor deacon shall pass from city to city.无论是主教,长老,执事也不会把从城市到城市。But they shall be sent back, should they attempt to do so, to the Churches in which they were ordained.但是,他们应当被遣送回国,如果他们试图这样做,在其中的祝圣教会他们。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

The translation of a bishop, priest, or deacon from one church to another, had already been forbidden in the primitive Church. Nevertheless, several translations had taken place, and even at the Council of Nice several eminent men were present who had left their first bishoprics to take others: thus Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, had been before Bishop of Berytus; Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, had been before Bishop of Berrhoea in Syria.主教,神父,执事,或从一个教堂到另一个翻译,已被禁止在原始的教会。然而,一些翻译已经发生,甚至在几个男人会尼斯著名人出席谁离开他们的第一个主教采取其他:因此尤西比乌斯,尼科美底亚主教,主教前已经贝来图斯的;欧斯塔修斯,安提阿主教,曾Berrhoea主教之前一直在叙利亚。 The Council of Nice thought it necessary to尼斯理事会认为有必要

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forbid in future these translations, and to declare them invalid.禁止在今后这些翻译,并宣布作废。 The chief reason of this prohibition was found in the irregularities and disputes occasioned by such change of sees; but even if such practical difficulties had not arisen, the whole doctrinal idea, so to speak, of the relationship between a cleric and the church to which he had been ordained, namely, the contracting of a mystical marriage between them, would be opposed to any translation or change.在这项禁令的主要理由是发现违规行为改变这种纠纷引起的看到,但即使这样的实际困难还没有出现,整个理论的想法,可以说,之间的关系教士和教会的他被祝圣,即他们之间的婚姻承包神秘,将反对任何翻译或改变。 In 341 the Synod of Antioch renewed, in its twenty-first canon, the prohibition passed by the Council of Nice; but the interest of the Church often rendered it necessary to make exceptions, as happened in the case of St.在341的安提阿主教会议的延续,在其第二十一届佳能,禁止尼斯通过了安理会,但教会的利益常常呈现有必要作出例外,如圣发生的案件 Chrysostom.金口。These exceptional cases increased almost immediately after the holding of the Council of Nice, so that in 382, St.这些特殊情况下增加了尼斯后,几乎立即会的举行,以便在382街Gregory of Nazianzum considered this law among those which had long been abrogated by custom. Nazianzum格雷戈里认为自本法中废除了那些长久以来。It was more strictly observed in the Latin Church; and even Gregory's contemporary, Pope Damasus, declared himself decidedly in favour of the rule of Nice.这是更严格遵守教会在拉丁美洲,连格雷戈里的当代,教皇达玛斯,断然宣布自己在尼斯有利于统治的。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici.这是经典中找到法典卡诺尼奇。Decretum, Pars II. Causa VII, Q. 1, c.Decretum,帕尔斯第二。荣誉博士七,问:1角xix.十九。

EXCURSUS ON THE TRANSLATION OF BISHOPS.附录对主教的翻译。

There are few points upon which the discipline of the Church has so completely changed as that which regulated, or rather which forbade, the translation of a bishop from the see for which he was consecrated to some other diocese.有几点变化后,作为该学科的教会,以至于它规定,或者更确切地说,它禁止,主教翻译从他所看到的其他一些教区祝圣。 The grounds on which such prohibition rested were usually that such changes were the outcome of ambition, and that if tolerated the result would be that smaller and less important sees would be despised, and that there would be a constant temptation to the bishops of such sees to make themselves popular with the important persons in other dioceses with the hope of promotion. Besides this objection to translation, St. Athanasius mentions a spiritual one, that the diocese was the bishop's bride, and that to desert it and take another was an act of unjustifiable divorce, and subsequent adultery.(1) Canon XIV.这样的理由而被禁止休息通常是这样的改变是雄心的结果,而如果容忍的结果将是规模较小和较不重要认为将会被轻视,而且经常会有这样的诱惑,看到主教推广普及,使自己的人希望与其他重要的教区与翻译。此外反对这种做法,圣亚他那修提到一种精神,这是该教区主教的新娘,而沙漠,采取另一种是行为不合理离婚,和随后的通奸。(1)佳能十四。 of the Apostolic Canons does not forbid the practice absolutely, but allows it for just cause, and although the Council of Nice is more stringent so far as its words are concerned, apparently forbidding translation under any circumstances, yet, as a matter of fact, that very council did allow and approve a translation.(2) The general feeling, however, of the early Church was certainly very strong against all such changes of Episcopal cure, and there can be no doubt that the chief reason why St. Gregory Nazianzen resigned the Presidency of the First Council of Constantinople, was because he had been translated from his obscure see Sasima(not Nazianzum as Socrates and Jerome say) to the Imperial City.(3)在使徒大炮不绝对禁止这种做法,但它仅允许事业,尽管尼斯会更加严格,到目前为止它的话来说,显然是禁止在任何情况下,翻译,然而,作为一个事实的问题,这确实很会允许和批准的翻译。(2)一般的感觉,但是,早期的教会当然非常强烈变化治愈主教反对所有这些,而且可以毫无疑问,主要原因为何圣格雷戈里齐恩曾辞职君士坦丁堡理事会主席,第一,是因为他已经被翻译从他模糊看到Sasima(不Nazianzum苏格拉底和杰罗姆说)到皇城。(3)

From the canons of some provincial councils, and especially from those of the Third and of the Fourth Council of Carthage, it is evident that despite the conciliar and papal prohibitions, translations did take place, being made by the authority of the provincial Synods, and without the consent of the pope,(4) but it is also evident that this authority was too weak, and that the aid of the secular power had often to be invoked.从省议会的一些大炮,特别是那些来自迦太基的第三和第四次理事会,这是显而易见的禁令,尽管conciliar和教皇,翻译确实发生,由省级福利和权力的主教会议,未经教皇同意的,(4),但同样明显的是这种权力过于薄弱,而援助的世俗权力常常被援引。

This course, of having the matter decided by the synod, was exactly in accordance with the Apostolic Canon(no. xiv.).这当然有问题的主教会议所决定的,正是在第十四按照使徒佳能(号码。)。In this manner, for example, Alexander was translated from Cappadocia to Jerusalem, a translation made, so it is narrated, in obedience to heavenly revelation. It will be noticed that the Nicene Canon does not forbid Provincial Councils to translate通过这种方式,例如,亚历山大的英文翻译卡帕多西亚到耶路撒冷,翻译了,所以它是叙述,在服从天上的启示。注意到,这将是佳能的尼西亚不禁止省议会翻译

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bishops, but forbids bishops to translate themselves, and the author of the tract De Translationibus in the Jus Orient.(i. 293, Cit. Haddon. Art. "Bishop," Smith and Cheetham, Dict. Chr. Antiq.) sums up the matter tersely in the statement that主教,但禁止主教翻译自己,东方作家的道德Translationibus在物权法。(一,293,同前。哈敦。艺术。“主教”,史密斯和奇塔姆,快译通。人权委员会。Antiq。)总结简洁的语句在该问题 hĤ metabasis metabasiskekwlutakkekwlutak , ou mhn mhnhĤmetaqesismetaqesis : ie, the thing prohibited is "transmigration"(which arises from the bishop himself, from selfish motives) not "translation"(wherein the will of God and the good of the Church is the ruling cause); the "going," not the "being taken" to another see. :即禁止的东西是“轮回”(即源于主教自己的动机,从自私)而不是“翻译”(其中的神会和教会良好的原因是执政党),“走出去”,不在“正在采取”到另一个看到的。 And this was the practice both of East and West, for many centuries.这是西方实践中东部,并为许多世纪。Roman Catholic writers have tried to prove that translations, at least to the chief sees, required the papal consent, but Thomassinus, considering the case of St. Meletius having translated St.罗马天主教作家都试图证明翻译,至少在行政看到,要求教皇同意,但Thomassinus,考虑到Meletius案件有翻译的圣圣 Gregory of Nazianzum to Constantinople, admits that in so doing he "would only have followed the example of many great bishops of the first ages, when usage had not yet reserved translations to the first see of the Church."(1)格雷戈里Nazianzum君士坦丁堡承认,他这样做“只会跟随教会的例子看到了许多伟大的主教,第一个年龄,当尚未使用的第一个保留的译文。”(1)

But the same learned author frankly confesses that in France, Spain, and England, translations were made until the ninth century without consulting the pope at all, by bishops and kings.但是,同样的教训作者坦承,在法国,西班牙和英国,翻译了国王和主教,直至第九世纪由教皇没有咨询所有。When, however, from grounds of simple ambition, Anthimus was translated from Trebizonde to Constantinople, the religious of the city wrote to the pope, as also did the patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem, and as a result the Emperor Justinian allowed Anthimus to be deposed.(2)但是,当从野心的理由简单,Anthimus是Trebizonde翻译从君士坦丁堡,这座城市的宗教写信给教皇,因为还没有和耶路撒冷的元老安提,并因此皇帝查士丁尼允许Anthimus被废黜。(2)

Balsamon distinguishes three kinds of translations.Balsamon区分三种类型的翻译。 The first, when a bishop of marked learning and of equal piety is forced by a council to pass from a small diocese to one far greater where he will be able to do the Church the most important services, as was the case when St. Gregory of Nazianzum was transferred from Sasima to Constantinople,第一,当一个明显的主教学习和平等的虔诚是由议会被迫通过从一个小教区1大得多,他将可以做教会的最重要的服务,就是这样的情况时,圣格雷戈里被转移的Nazianzum从Sasima到君士坦丁堡, ?eta ?埃塔,s215> ,s215>esis物质信息系统; the second when a bishop, whose see has been laid low by the barbarians, is transferred to another see which is vacant,;第二主教时,看到的已卧床不起的野蛮人,是转移到另一看看哪一个空缺,metabasismetabasis ; and the third when a bishop, either having or lacking a see, seizes on a bishopric which is vacant, on his own proper authority ;第三主教时,无论有或没有一见,抓住一个主教是空置的权威,在他自己应有的anabasis远征it is this last which the Council of Sardica punishes so severely.这是最后其中萨尔迪卡会如此严重惩罚。In all these remarks of Balsamon there is no mention of the imperial power.在所有这些Balsamon言论的权力也没有提及的帝国。

Demetrius Chomatenus, however, who was Archbishop of Thessalonica, and wrote a series of answers to Cabasilas, Archbishop of Durazzo, says that by the command of the Emperor a bishop, elected and confirmed, and even ready to be ordained for a diocese, may be forced to take the charge of another one which is more important, and where his services will be incomparably more useful to the public.德米特里Chomatenus,但是,谁是萨洛尼卡大主教,并写了Cabasilas一系列的答案,杜拉佐大主教说,由皇帝命令的主教,当选并证实,甚至随时可以教区祝圣的,可被迫采取公众负责的另一个更重要的是,并在他的服务将会无比有用的。 Thus we read in the Book of Eastern Law that "If a Metropolitan with his synod, moved by a praiseworthy cause and probable pretext, shall give his approbation to the translation of a bishop, this can, without doubt, be done, for the good of souls and for the better administration of the church's affairs, etc."(3) This was adopted at a synod held by the patriarch Manuel at Constantinople, in the presence of the imperial commissioners.因此,我们看到在东方的法律书,“如果一个主教都与他为借口,提出一个值得称道的原因和可能,应给予认可的主教,他翻译的,这可以,毫无疑问,这样做,因为良好灵魂,为的事务更好地管理本教会等“(3)这是通过在君士坦丁堡主教举行的一个元老曼努埃尔专员,在帝国的存在的。

The same thing appears also in the synodal response of the patriarch Michael, which only demands for translation the authority of the Metropolitan and "the greatest authority of the Church."(4) But, soon after this, translation became the rule, and not the exception both in East and West.同样的事情也出现在与“主教会议的元老迈克尔反应,只要求对翻译的权威大都会的教会最大的权威。”(4)但是,此后不久,翻译成了不变的规则,而不是西方无论是在东亚和例外。

It was in vain that Simeon, Archbishop of Thessalonica, in the East raised his voice against the constant translations made by the secular power, and the Emperors of Constantinople were often absolute masters of the choice and translations of bishops; and Thomassinus sums up the matter, "At the least we are forced to the conclusion that no translations could这是徒劳的西蒙,大主教萨洛尼卡,在东方的声音,提出自己的权力作出了对世俗的不断翻译和君士坦丁堡皇帝往往是主教的绝对主人的选择和翻译,以及Thomassinus总结了问题“至少我们是在被迫的结论是,没有翻译可

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be made without the consent of the Emperor, especially when it was the See of Constantinople that was to be filled."未经皇帝作出同意的,尤其是当它是君士坦丁堡见,就是要填补。“

The same learned writer continues: "It was usually the bishop or archbishop of another church that was chosen to ascend the patriarchal throne of the imperial city. The Kings of England often used this same power to appoint to the Primatial See of Canterbury a bishop already approved in the government of another diocese."(1)同样的教训作家继续说:“这是通常的主教或大主教的帝国城市的另一所教堂,这是为了在登上王位宗法。英格兰国王经常使用同样的权力,委任到坎特伯雷主教已经灵长类见通过在另一个教区的政府。“(1)

In the West, Cardinal Bellarmine disapproved the prevailing custom of translations and protested against it to his master, Pope Clement VIII., reminding him that they were contrary to the canons and contrary to the usage of the Ancient Church, except in cases of necessity and of great gain to the Church.在西方,枢机贝拉明拒绝翻译的风尚,并抗议他的主人,教皇克莱门特八。,提醒他,他们违背了大炮和使用违背了教会的古代,而除在案件的必要性具有增益教会。 The pope entirely agreed with these wise observations, and promised that he would himself make, and would urge princes to make, translations only "with difficulty."教宗完全同意这些明智的意见,并承诺他将亲自制作,并促请王子制作,翻译难度只有“。”But translations are made universally, all the world over, today, and no attention whatever is paid to the ancient canons and discipline of the Church.(2)但翻译是由普遍,全世界所有的今天,没有什么是教会的注意支付给古老的大炮和纪律。(2)

CANON XVI佳能十六世

NEITHER presbyters, nor deacons, nor any others enrolled among the clergy, who, not having the fear of God before their eyes, nor regarding the ecclesiastical Canon, shall recklessly remove from their own church, ought by any means to be received by another church; but every constraint should be applied to restore them to their own parishes; and, if they will not go, they must be excommunicated.不明飞行物长老,也没有执事,也不参加任何其他神职人员之间,谁没有关于佳能教会的恐惧上帝在他们眼前,也不应轻率删除从他们自己的教会,应该以任何意味是教会收到另一,但应适用于每一个约束,以恢复他们自己的教区;,如果他们不去,他们必须被开除教籍。 And if anyone shah dare surreptitiously to carry off and in his own Church ordain a man belonging to another, without the consent of his own proper bishop, from whom although he was enrolled in the clergy list he has seceded, let the ordination be void.如果有人胆敢偷偷沙带走,在他自己的教会阿拉维的同意,他自己应有的主教一人属于再没有,虽然他是从他们的神职人员参加了这个名单,他已分离出去,让协调无效。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XVI.古缩影佳能十六。

Such presbyters or deacons as desert their own Church are not to be admitted into another, but are to be sent back to their own diocese.这些长老教会执事或沙漠本身是不能被另一入住,但要被送回自己的教区。But if any bishop should ordain one who belongs to another Church without the consent of his own bishop, the ordination shall be cancelled.然而,如果任何主教祝圣了一个谁应该属于另一个教会不同意,他自己的主教,祝圣会被取消。

"Parish" in this canon, as so often elsewhere, means "diocese." “教区”在这经典,正如经常在其他地方,意思是“教区”。

BALSAMON. BALSAMON。

It seemed right that the clergy should have no power to move from city to city and to change their canonical residence without letters dimissory from the bishop who ordained them.看来正确的神职人员应该无权提出从城市到城市,改变谁主教祝圣他们的典型居住不信dimissory从。But such clerics as are called by the bishops who ordained them and cannot be persuaded to return, are to be separated from communion, that is to say, not to be allowed to concelebrate但是,这种被称为由神职人员作为回报主教祝圣他们,谁不能被说服,要共融分离,也就是说,不要让共祭 sunierourgein sunierourgeinwith them, for this is the meaning of "excommunicated" in this place, and not that they should not enter the church nor receive the sacraments.与他们,因为这是意为“驱逐”在这个地方,而不是他们不应该进入教堂,也不接受圣礼。This decree agrees with canon xv.这项法令同意佳能十五。of the Apostolical canons, which provides that such shall not celebrate the liturgy.在使徒的大炮,其中规定,如不得庆祝礼仪。Canon xvi.佳能十六。of the same Apostolical canons further provides that if a bishop receive a cleric coming to him from another diocese without his bishop's letters dimissory, and shall ordain him, such a bishop shall be separated. From all this it is evident that the Chartophylax of the Great Church for the time does rightly in refusing to allow priests ordained in other dioceses to offer the sacrifice unless they bring with them letters commendatory and dimissory from those who ordained them.同一使徒的大炮还规定,如果一个主教收到一个教士来给他从另一个教区没有主教的信件dimissory,并注定他,这样的主教应分开。从所有这一切很明显,大Chartophylax的时间教会了不正确地拒绝允许教区祝圣司铎在其他提供的牺牲,除非他们把那些与他们祝他们谁信评述和dimissory从。

Zonaras had also in his Scholion given the same explanation of the canon. Zonaras了Scholion他也给予同样的经典解释。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, divided into two. Decretum.这是经典中找到法典卡诺尼奇,分为两个。Decretum。Pars II, Causa VII.帕尔斯二,荣誉博士七。Quaest.Quaest。I. c.国际法院xxiii.; and Pars I. Dist. LXXI., c.二十三。;和标准杆一区。LXXI。角iii.三。

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CANON XVII佳能第十七

FORASMUCH as many enrolled among the Clergy, following covetousness and lust of gain, have forgotten the divine Scripture, which says, "He hath not given his money upon usury," and in lending money ask the hundredth of the sum[as monthly interest], the holy and great Synod thinks it just that if after this decree any one be found to receive usury, whether he accomplish it by secret transaction or otherwise, as by demanding the whole and one half, or by using any other contrivance whatever for filthy lucre's sake, he shall be deposed from the clergy and his name stricken from the list. forasmuch因为许多神职人员参加中,下面的贪婪和利令智昏,忘记了神圣的经文,说:“在高利贷”,并在借钱给他,他就没有钱请]二百每月利息的总和[视,神圣和伟大主教认为它只是在此之后,如果任何一个高利贷法令找到接受,否则他是否完成了秘密交易,或按要求整个一半,或使用任何其他发明的肮脏lucre起见,他将被废黜的教士和他的名字从名单受灾。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XVII.古缩影佳能十七。

If anyone shall receive usury or 150 per cent.如果任何人不得接受高利贷或百分之150。he shall be cast forth and deposed, according to this decree of the Church.他要投出来,被废黜,根据这一法令的教会的。

VAN ESPEN.加值埃斯彭。

Although the canon expresses only these two species of usury, if we bear in mind the grounds on which the prohibition was made, it will be manifest that every kind of usury is forbidden to clerics and under any circumstances, and therefore the translation of this canon sent by the Orientals to the Sixth Council of Carthage is in no respect alien to the true intent of the canon; for in this version no mention is made of any particular kind of usury, but generally the penalty is assigned to any clerics who "shall be found after this decree taking usury" or thinking out any other scheme for the sake of filthy lucre.佳能表示,虽然只有这两个物种的高利贷,如果我们牢记在这所提出的理由是禁止,这将是明显的,每一个高利贷种禁止神职人员,任何情况下,因此,佳能翻译本东方人发送到迦太基第六安理会是不尊重外国人的真实意图的佳能,在这个版本没有提到高利贷作出任何特定种类,但一般的刑罚是分配给任何神职人员谁“应这项法令后,发现服用高利贷“或思维出不义之财为了任何其他的计划。

This Canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, in the first part of the Decretum, in Dionysius's version.这是佳能中找到法典卡诺尼奇,在所decretum第一部分,在狄奥尼修斯的版本。Dist.区。xlvii, c.四十七角ii, and again in Isidore's version in Pars II, Causa xiv.二,和二又在伊西多尔帕尔斯的版本中,荣誉博士十四。Quaes.Quaes。iv., c.四。角viii.八。

EXCURSUS ON USURY.附录对高利贷。

The famous canonist Van Espen defines usury thus: "Usura definitur lucrum ex mutuo exactum aut speratum;"(1) and then goes on to defend the proposition that, "Usury is forbidden by natural, by divine, and by human law. The first is proved thus. Natural law, as far as its first principles are concerned, is contained in the decalogue; but usury is prohibited in the decalogue, inasmuch as theft is prohibited; and this is the opinion of the Master of the Sentences, of St. Bonaventura, of St. Thomas and of a host of others: for by the name of theft in the Law all unlawful taking of another's goods is prohibited; but usury is an unlawful, etc."著名的canonist凡埃斯彭高利贷定义为:“Usura definitur lucrum前墨脱exactum引渡speratum;”(1),然后接着捍卫法律的命题,即“禁止高利贷是人类由自然的,神圣的,和。第一从而证明了。自然法,就其关注的首要原则是,载于十诫,但高利贷是禁止在十诫,因为盗窃被禁止,这就是圣舆论的主句,对。波纳文图拉,圣托马斯和一人主办:由法律的名义在所有的盗窃他人非法占有的商品是禁止的;但高利贷是非法的,等等“ For a proof of usury's being contrary to divine law he cites Ex.对于一个相反的证明高利贷的被他引用到神圣的法律前。xxii.22。25, and Deut.25,申命记。 xxiii.二十三。29; and from the New Testament Luke vi.29;和新约路加福音六。34.34。"The third assertion is proved thus. Usury is forbidden by human law: The First Council of Nice in Canon VII. deposed from the clergy and from all ecclesiastical rank, clerics who took usury; and the same thing is the case with an infinite number of councils, in fact with nearly all eg Elvira, ii, Arles j, Carthage iii, Tours iii, etc. Nay, even the pagans themselves formerly forbid it by their laws." “第三,证明了这样的说法。高利贷是法律禁止的人:尼斯的第一局在佳能七。废黜从教会神职人员和各职级,神职人员谁了高利贷,以及同样的事情是与案件的数量无限议会的,实际上几乎所有如埃尔维拉,二,阿尔勒j,迦太基三,旅游三,等等不仅如此,即使是异教徒自己以前的法律是禁止他们。“ He then quotes Tacitus(Annal. lib. v.), and adds, "with what severe laws the French Kings coerced usurers is evident from the edicts of St. Louis, Philip IV., Charles IX., Henry III., etc."然后,他引用塔西图(Annal. lib中。诉),并补充说,四“与国王强迫什么严厉的法律,法国高利贷者是显而易见的,从法令菲利普圣路易斯。查尔斯九。亨利三世。等“

There can be no doubt that Van Espen in the foregoing has accurately represented and without any exaggeration the universal opinion of all teachers of morals, theologians, doctors, Popes, and Councils of the Christian Church for the first fifteen hundred years.不可能有任何疑问,凡年埃斯彭代表在上述已准确,没有任何夸张的所有教师普遍认为道德,神学家,医生,教皇,基督教教会的第一和安理会的1500。 All interest exacted upon loans of money was looked upon as usury, and its reception was esteemed a form of theft and dishonesty.货币贷款利率后,付出了全部视为高利贷,其招待会尊敬一个盗窃和欺诈的形式。Those who wish to read the history of the matter in all its details are referred to Bossuet's work on the subject, Traite de l'Usure,(2) where they will find这些谁愿意读的所有细节问题的历史上被称为波舒哀的,工作的主题Traite德l'乌苏雷,(2)他们将在那里找到

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the old, traditional view of the Christian religion defended by one thoroughly acquainted with all that could be said on the other side.旧的,基督教传统观点的辩护与一彻底了解所有方面表示可以为另一方。

The glory of inventing the new moral code on the subject, by which that which before was looked upon as mortal sin has been transfigured into innocence, if not virtue, belongs to John Calvin!在,荣耀发明的新的道德准则受到其中的面前被看成弥天大罪已被改变成无罪,如果不是美德,属于约翰卡尔文!He made the modern distinction between "interest" and "usury," and was the first to write in defence of this then new-fangled refinement of casuistry.(1) Luther violently opposed him, and Melancthon also kept to the old doctrine, though less violently(as was to be expected); today the whole Christian West, Protestant and Catholic alike, stake their salvation upon the truth of Calvin's distinction!他和“高利贷现代区分”兴趣“,”并且是第一次写在诡辩国防研究此事,新的一届完善。(1)路德激烈反对他,梅兰克森还不断对旧的教义,虽然那么猛烈的(正如预料的一样),今天的整个西方基督教,新教和天主教一样,他们得救的股份后,区别真理卡尔文的! Among Roman Catholics the new doctrine began to be defended about the beginning of the eighteenth century, the work of Scipio Maffei, Dell' impiego dell danaro, written on the laxer side, having attracted a widespread attention.其中罗马天主教徒的新学说开始被约18世纪开始辩护的,边工作西皮奥马菲,戴尔impiego戴尔拉克泽尔的danaro,书面上,有吸引了广泛关注。 The Ballerini affirm that the learned pope Benedict XIV. allowed books defending the new morals to be dedicated to him, and in 1830 the Congregation of the Holy Office with the approval of the reigning Pontiff, Plus VIII., decided that those who considered the taking of interest allowed by the state law justifiable, were "not to be disturbed."该巴莱里尼申明,据悉教皇本笃十四。允许新的道德辩护书得以专注于他,并在1830年教皇统治的批准,与众圣处,加上八。决定,考虑到那些谁正当利益的法律所允许的国家,是“不被干扰。” It is entirely disingenuous to attempt to reconcile the modern with the ancient doctrine; the Fathers expressly deny that the State has any power to make the receiving of interest just or to fix its rate, there is but one ground for those to take who accept the new teaching, viz.这是完全没有诚意,试图调和现代与古老的学说;的父亲明确否认该国的任何权力,使刚刚收到的利息或固定的利率,有的只是之一者,理由采取谁接受新的教学,即。 that all the ancients, while true on the moral principle that one must not defraud his neighbour nor take unjust advantage of his necessity, were in error concerning the facts, in that they supposed that money was barren, an opinion which the Schoolmen also held, following Aristotle.所有的古人,而真正的道德原则,我们不能欺骗他的邻居,也不能采取不公平的优势,其必要性,在有关事实错误,因为它们以为金钱是贫瘠的,一经院哲学,认为这也举行以下亚里士多德。 This we have found in modern times, and amid modern circumstances, to be an entire error, as Gury, the famous modern casuist, well says, "fructum producit et multiplicatur per se."(2)这是我们找到了近代,现代的形势下召开的情况下,将整个错误,因为Gury,著名的现代诡辩,并说:“fructum producit等multiplicatur本身。”(2)

That the student may have it in his power to read the Patristic view of the matter, I give a list of the passages most commonly cited, together with a review of the conciliar action, for all which I am indebted to a masterly article by Wharton B. Marriott in Smith and Cheetham's Dictionary of Christian Antiquities(sv Usury).该学生可能有权力在他的阅读教父鉴于此事,我给一个段落名单的最普遍提及大公行动,以共同审查,对所有我要感谢沃顿商学院的一项巧妙的文章二万豪在史密斯和奇塔姆的)词典希沃特高利贷基督教古物(。

Although the conditions of the mercantile community in the East and the West differed materially in some respects, the fathers of the two churches are equally explicit and systematic in their condemnation of the practice of usury.尽管商业社会的条件在东方和西方不同的物质在某些方面,两个教会的父亲在同样明确和高利贷有系统的做法,他们的谴责。 Among those belonging to the Greek church we find Athanasius(Expos. in Ps. xiv); Basil the Great(Hom. in Ps. xiv). Gregory of Nazianzum(Orat. xiv. in Patrem tacentem).其中属于希腊教会我们发现他那修(30.68 Expos.英寸14);罗勒大(30.68 Hom.英寸十四)。格雷戈里Nazianzum(Orat.十四。在Patrem tacentem)。 Gregory of Nyssa(Orat. cont. Usurarios); Cyril of Jerusalem(Catech. iv. c. 37), Epiphanius(adv. Haeres. Epilog. c. 24), Chrysostom(Hom. xli. in Genes), and Theodoret(Interpr. in Ps. xiv. 5, and liv. 11).格雷戈里的nyssa(Orat.续。Usurarios);耶路撒冷西里尔(Catech.四。角37),埃皮法尼乌斯(adv. Haeres。跋。角24),金口(Hom.四十一。在基因),和Theodoret(解释中的。在PS。十四。五,和丽芙。11)。Among those belonging to the Latin church, Hilary of Poitiers(in Ps. xiv); Ambrose(de Tobia liber unus).其中属于拉丁美洲教会,希拉里的普瓦捷(在PS。十四);刘汉铨(德托比亚利贝联合国大学)。Jerome(in Ezech. vi. 18); Augustine de Baptismo contr.杰罗姆(在Ezech。六。18);奥古斯丁去Baptismo contr。Donatistas, iv. Donatistas,四。19); Leo the Great(Epist. iii. 4), and Cassiodorus {in Ps. 19);利奥大(Epist.三。4),并Cassiodorus(在PS。xiv.十四。10).10)。

The canons of later councils differ materially in relation to this subject, and indicate a distinct tendency to mitigate the rigour of the Nicaean interdict.后来议会的大炮的大不相同就这个问题,一个明显的趋势,并指出,以减轻严格禁止的Nicaean。That of the council of Carthage of the year 348 enforces the original prohibition, but without the penalty, and grounds the veto on both Old and New Testament authority, "nemo contra prophetas, nemo contra evangelia facit sine periculo"(Mansi, iii. 158). 348这一年,安理会的迦太基的执行原来的禁令,但没有惩罚,和新约的理由都有否决权旧权威,“海底总动员禁忌prophetas,尼摩禁忌evangelia法西特正弦periculo”(曼西,三。158 )。The language, however, when compared with that of the council of Carthage of the year 419, serves to suggest that, in the interval, the lower clergy had occasionally been found having recourse to the forbidden practice, for the general terms of the earlier canon, "ut non liceat clericis fenerari," are enforced with的语言,但是,当419年相比,同是对安理会的迦太基,服务建议,在此期间,较低的神职人员有时也被发现有禁止诉诸实践,佳能的较早期的一般条款“UT斯达康非liceat clericis fenerari,”是强制执行

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greater particularity in the latter, "Nec omnino cuiquam clericorum liceat de qualibet re foenus accipere"(Mansi, iv. 423).后者在更大的特殊性,有“NEC omnino cuiquam重新foenus clericorum liceat德qualibet accipere”(曼西,四。423)。This supposition is supported by the language of the council of Orleans(AD 538), which appears to imply that deacons were not prohibited from lending money at interest, "Et clericus a diaconatu, et supra, pecuniam non commodet ad usuras"(ib. ix. 18).这个假设是利益在语言支持安理会钱奥尔良(公元538),这似乎意味着禁止执事没有从贷款“等神职一diaconatu,等前,pecuniam非commodet广告usuras”(同上九。18)。 Similarly, at the second council of Trullanum(AD 692) a like liberty would appear to have been recognised among the lower clergy(Hardouin, iii. 1663).同样,在第二届理事会喜欢自由的Trullanum(公元692)一,似乎已认识到中下神职人员(Hardouin,三。1663)。 While, again, the Nicaean canon requires the immediate deposition of the ecclesiastic found guilty of the practice, the Apostolical canon enjoins that such deposition is to take place only after he has been admonished and has disregarded the admonition.同时,再次,Nicaean佳能要求立即沉积的教会发现犯的做法,在使徒佳能责成这些沉积是只发生后,他一直告诫,并不顾警告。

Generally speaking, the evidence points to the conclusion that the Church imposed no penalty on the layman.一般来说,证据中可以得出结论,教会所施加的门外汉没有刑罚。St. Basil(Epist. clxxxviii. can. 12), says that a usurer may even be admitted to orders, provided he gives his acquired wealth to the poor and abstains for the future from the pursuit of gain(Migne, Patrol. Groec. xxxii. 275).圣巴索(Epist. clxxxviii。可以。12),说一高利贷者甚至可能被接纳为命令,只要他给出了增益(米涅,巡逻。Groec他获得财富的追求和对未来的穷人弃权从。三十二。275)。 Gregory of Nyssa says that usury, unlike theft, the desecration of tombs, and sacrilege尼萨格雷戈里说,高利贷,不同于盗窃,墓葬亵渎,和亵渎ierosuliaierosulia , is allowed to pass unpunished, although among the things forbidden by Scripture, nor is a candidate at ordination ever asked whether or no he has been guilty of the practice(Migne, ib. xlv. 233). ,已获准通过惩罚,虽然经由圣经禁止的事情,也不是一个协调的候选人在没有问过他是否犯了兴业的做法(米涅。第四十五。233)。A letter of Sidonius Apollinaris(Epist. vi. 24) relating an experience of his friend Maximus, appears to imply that no blame attached to lending money at the legal rate of interest, and that even a bishop might be a creditor on those terms.阿六信Sidonius亚坡理纳(Epist.。24)与一Maximus的经验,他的朋友,似乎在暗示,没有责怪重视金钱利率贷款利率的法律,而且甚至可能是一个主教债权人对这些条款。 We find also Desideratus, bishop of Verdun, when applying for a loan to king Theodebert, for the relief of his impoverished diocese, promising repayment, "cure usuris legitimis," an expression which would seem to imply that in the Gallican church usury was recognised as lawful under certain conditions(Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. iii. 34).我们发现还Desideratus,主教凡尔登当一个特奥德贝尔申请贷款,以王,为他的教区救济贫困,承诺还款,“治愈usuris legitimis,”这些字眼这似乎暗示,在高卢圣教会高利贷被确认因为在某些情况下法郎合法(Greg.图尔。组织胺。。3。34)。So again a letter(Epist. ix. 38) of Gregory the Great seems to shew that he did not regard the payment of interest for money advanced by one layman to another as unlawful.所以再次的信(Epist.九。38大)的格雷戈里的027,他似乎并没有把钱支付利息门外汉增加一到另一个视为非法。 But on the other hand, we find in what is known as archbishop Theodore's "Penitential"(circ. AD 690) what appears to be a general law on the subject, enjoining "Sie quis usuras undecunque exegerit . . . tres annos in pane et aqua"(c. xxv. 3); a penance again enjoined in the Penitential of Egbert of York(c. ii. 30).但另一方面,我们发现什么是悔罪称为大主教西奥多的“”(公元690号通告)似乎是一。。一般法律上的问题,责令“谢quis usuras undecunque exegerit。窗格等特雷斯在annos阿卡“(长二十五。三);长二一(忏悔再次责成悔罪埃格伯特在约克。30)。 In like manner, the legates, George and Theophylact, in reporting their proceedings in England to pope Adrian I.(AD 787), state that they have prohibited "usurers," and cite the authority of the Psalmist and St. Augustine(Haddan and Stubbs, Conc. iii. 457).在这样的方式,使节,乔治和Theophylact,在他们的报告在英国诉讼程序教皇阿德里安一(公元787),说明他们已经禁止“高利贷者”,并引用和权威的诗人和圣奥古斯丁(哈丹斯塔布斯,浓。三。457)。 The councils of Mayence, Rheims, and Chalons, in the year 813, and that of Aix in the year 816, seem to have laid down the same prohibition as binding both on the clergy and the laity(Hardouin, Conc. iv. 1011, 1020, 1033, 1100).在沙隆安理会马扬斯,兰斯,并在813年和816年的艾克斯的,似乎放下Hardouin,浓同样都具有约束力的禁止神职人员及平信徒(。四。1011 1020,1033,1100)。

Muratori, in his dissertation on the subject(Antichita, vol. i.), observes that "we do not know exactly how commerce was transacted in the five preceding centuries," and consequently are ignorant as to the terms on which loans of money were effected.穆拉托里,在他的论文题目Antichita(第一卷。岛),指出,“我们不知道到底是商业交易中的5个世纪前,”是无知的,因此,以货币的条件,而贷款人影响。

CANON XVIII佳能十八

IT has come to the knowledge of the holy and great Synod that, in some districts and cities, the deacons administer the Eucharist to the presbyters, whereas neither canon nor custom permits that they who have no right to offer should give the Body of Christ to them that do offer. IT已经来到长老知识的神圣和伟大的主教,在一些地区和城市,执事圣体圣事的管理,而不是经典,也不习惯许可证,他们谁也无权提供,使基督的身体向他们可以提供。 And this also has been made known, that certain deacons now touch the Eucharist even before the bishops.而这也已经公布,现在某些执事触摸主教圣体之前。Let all such practices be utterly done away, and let the deacons remain within their own bounds, knowing that they are the ministers of the bishop and the inferiors of the presbyters.让所有这些做法应被彻底废除,让执事留在自己的界限,知道他们是主教的部长和长老的下级的。Let them receive the Eucharist according to their order, after the presbyters, and let either the bishop or the presbyter administer to them.让他们接受圣体根据它们的顺序长老,之后,让无论是主教或长老管理他们。 Furthermore, let not the deacons sit among the presbyters, for that is contrary to canon and order.此外,不要让坐在中间的长老执事,对于违反佳能和秩序。And if, after this decree, any one shall refuse to obey, let him be deposed from the diaconate.而且,如果这项法令后,任何人不得拒绝服从,让他被废黜diaconate从。

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NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XVIII.古缩影佳能十八。

Deacons must abide within their own bounds.执事必须遵守自己的范围内。They shall not administer the Eucharist to presbyters, nor touch it before them, nor sit among the presbyters.他们不得向长老圣体的管理,他们也没有触摸过,也没有坐在中间的长老。For all this is contrary to canon, and to decent order.所有这一切是违背教会,以及体面的秩序。

VAN ESPEN.加值埃斯彭。

Four excesses of deacons this canon condemns, at least indirectly.这四个过度的执事佳能谴责,至少间接。The first was that they gave the holy Communion to presbyters.首先是他们给了圣餐到长老。To understand more easily the meaning of the canon it must be remembered that the reference here is not to the presbyters who were sacrificing at the altar but to those who were offering together with the bishop who was sacrificing; by a rite not unlike that which to-day takes place, when the newly ordained presbyters or bishops celebrate mass with the ordaining bishop; and this rite in old times was of daily occurrence, for a full account of which see Morinus De SS.为了更容易明白它的含义佳能必须记住,这里指的是不是谁的长老在祭坛上牺牲了,但谁是提供给那些牺牲连同主教是谁,由礼来是没有什么不同天发生,当新主教祝圣长老或庆祝主教祝圣与群众和本次仪式是在老每天发生,为充分考虑到这看到Morinus代的SS。 Ordinat.Ordinat。P. III.体育三。Exercit.Exercit。viii.八。...The present canon does not take away from deacons the authority to distribute the Eucharist to laymen, or to the minor clergy, but only reproves their insolence and audacity in presuming to administer to presbyters who were concelebrating with the bishop or another presbyter.目前佳能,并没有带走由执事的权力分配圣体的学问,或对未成年人的神职人员,但只谴责主教或其他长老的傲慢和大胆的假设,以管理为长老与谁进行共祭。

The second abuse was that certain deacons touched the sacred gifts before the bishop.第二个是,滥用某些执事触及前主教的神圣礼物。The vulgar version of Isidore reads for "touched" "received," a meaning which Balsamon and Zonaras also adopt, and unless the Greek word, which signifies "to touch," is contrary to this translation, it seems by no means to be alien to the context of the canon.伊西多尔庸俗的版本内容为“感动”,“收到”,一个含义Balsamon和Zonaras也采用,除非希腊字,这标志着“触摸”,是违反本翻译,似乎并非是外来的到佳能范围内的。

"Let them receive the Eucharist according to their order, after the presbyters, and let the bishop or the presbyter administer to them." “让他们接受圣体根据它们的顺序长老,之后,让主教或长老管理他们。”In these words it is implied that some deacons had presumed to receive Holy Communion before the presbyters, and this is the third excess of the deacon which is condemned by the Synod.这些话是在暗示有一些执事长老推定为接受圣餐前,这是由主教会议第三过剩的谴责这是执事。

And lastly, the fourth excess was that they took a place among the presbyters at the very time of the sacrifice, or "at the holy altar," as Balsamon observes.最后,第四个多余的是,他们把神圣的祭坛在地方之间或“长老在非常时期被牺牲,”作为Balsamon观察。

From this canon we see that the Nicene, fathers entertained no doubt that the faithful in the holy Communion truly received "the body of Christ."从这个经典,我们看到,尼西亚,父亲受理毫无疑问,在神圣的圣餐信徒真正收到了“基督的身体的。”Secondly, that that was "offered" in the church, which is the word by which sacrifice is designated in the New Testament, and therefore it was at that time a fixed tradition that there was a sacrifice in which the body of Christ was offered.其次,那是“提供约”在教堂,这是新词,其中的牺牲是指定的,因此它提供的是当时一个固定的传统,是有牺牲的基督的身体。 Thirdly that not to all, nor even to deacons, but only to bishops and presbyters was given the power of offering.第三,并非所有人,甚至也不执事,而只是主教和长老被授予提供功率。And lastly, that there was recognized a fixed hierarchy in the Church, made up of bishops and presbyters and deacons in subordination to these.最后,中,已确认有一个固定的教会等级制度,使处于从属地位上升的主教和长老和执事在这些。

Of course even at that early date there was nothing new in this doctrine of the Eucharist.当然,即使在早期的日期也没有任何新的圣体在这一学说的影响。St. Ignatius more than a century and a half before, wrote as follows: "But mark ye those who hold strange doctrine touching the grace of Jesus Christ which came to us, how that they are contrary to the mind of God. They have no care for love, none for the widow, none for the orphan, none for the afflicted, none for the prisoner, none for the hungry or thirsty. They abstain from eucharist(thanksgiving) and prayer, because they allow not that the Eucharist is the flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which flesh suffered for our sins, and which the Father of his goodness raised up."(1)圣依纳爵世纪超过1个半前,写道:“但马克你们谁持有这些奇怪的学说触摸基督耶稣的恩典而来找我们,他们是如何违背上帝的心态。他们没有爱关怀,没有为寡妇,没有为孤儿,没有为受灾,没有一个囚犯的,没有对饥饿或口渴。他们放弃圣体(感恩节)和祈祷,因为他们容许不说,圣体是这肉我们的救主耶稣基督,我们的肉体遭受的罪孽,善良的父亲和他的复活。“(1)

In one point the learned scholiast just quoted has most seriously understated his case.在一个点的教训注释者只是引用了他的情况最严重低估。He says that the wording of the canon shews "that the Nicene fathers entertained no doubt that the faithful in the holy Communion truly received 'the body of Christ.'" Now this statement is of course true because it is included in what the canon says, but the doctrinal statement which is necessarily contained in the canon is that "the body of Christ is given" by the minister to the faithful.他说,佳能的shews措辞“父亲的尼西亚受理毫无疑问,在神圣的圣餐信徒真正收到'基督的身体。”如今这句话当然是正确的,因为它是包含在说什么佳能,但声明的理论必然是包含在佳能的是,“基督的身体给出的忠实”由该部部长。 This doctrine is believed by all Catholics and by Lutherans, but is denied by all other Protestants; those Calvinists who kept most nearly to the ordinary Catholic phraseology only admitting that "the sacrament of the Body of Christ" was given in the supper by the minister, while "the body of Christ," they taught, was present only in the soul of the worthy communicant(and in no way connected with the form of bread, which was but the divinely appointed sign and assurance of the heavenly gift), and therefore could not be "given" by the priest.(2)这一理论认为,所有天主教徒和路德会,但新教徒拒绝了所有其他;的加尔文教派谁最近一直对普通天主教措辞只承认“基督圣礼的身体”是在晚饭给由部长,而“基督的身体的,”灌输,是目前唯一的灵魂,但值得重视的圣餐(这项声明,在没有道路相连的形式任命的面包神标志和礼品保证的天堂),以及因此,不能将“给予”,由神父。(2)

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici, Decretum.这是经典中找到法典卡诺尼奇,Decretum。Pars I. Dist.帕尔斯一区。XCIII., c.XCIII。角xiv.十四。

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CANON XIX佳能第十九

CONCERNING the Paulianists who have flown for refuge to the Catholic Church, it has been decreed that they must by all means be rebaptized; and if any of them who in past time have been numbered among their clergy should be found blameless and without reproach, let them be rebaptized and ordained by the Bishop of the Catholic Church; but if the examination should discover them to be unfit, they ought to be deposed.关于天主教教会Paulianists谁拥有飞行避难的,它已经下令,他们必须采取一切手段将rebaptized;如果其中任何是谁在过去的日子已经在他们的神职人员编号应找到清白,没有责备,让他们是rebaptized和教会的主教祝圣的天主教的,但如果考试应该发现他们是不合适的,他们应该被废黜。 Likewise in the case of their deaconesses, and generally in the case of those who have been enrolled among their clergy, let the same form be observed.同样,在执事的案件,一般案件在被那些谁已登记在他们的神职人员,让同样的形式被观察到。And we mean by deaconesses such as have assumed the habit, but who, since they have no imposition of hands, are to be numbered only among the laity.同时,我们执事的意思,如承担了习惯,但谁,因为他们没有实行手中的,将被编号的俗人之间的唯一。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XIX.古缩影佳能十九。

Paulianists must be rebaptised, and if such as are clergymen seem to be blameless let then, be ordained.Paulianists必须rebaptised,如果是神职人员,如似乎是无可指责的,让那么,被祝圣。If they do not seem to be blameless, let them be deposed.如果他们不似乎是无可指责的,让他们被废黜。Deaconesses who have been led astray, since they are not sharers of ordination, are to be reckoned among the laity.执事谁误入歧途,因为他们并不协调共享者的,将被俗人之间的计算。

FOULKES.福克斯。

(Dict. Chr. Ant. sv Nicaea, Councils of.) That this is the true meaning of the phrase (Dict.人权委员会。蚂蚁。希沃特尼西亚,对政局。)这是这句话的真正含义oros ekteqeitai ekteqeitai, viz.,即。"a decree has now been made," is clear from the application of the words“一项法令,现在已经制造的,”很明显,从字中的应用 orosin Canon xvii., and佳能十七。,和wrisenwrisen , in Canon vi.在佳能六。It has been a pure mistake, therefore, which Bp.这是一个纯粹的错误,因此,这血压。Hefele blindly follows, to understand it of some canon previously passed, whether at Aries or elsewhere.黑弗勒盲目如下,通过它来了解一些佳能以前在其他地方,无论是在白羊座或。

JUSTELLUS. JUSTELLUS。

Here这里keiroqesiakeiroqesia is taken for ordination or consecration, not for benediction, .是采取协调或奉献,而不是祝福。 ..for neither were deaconesses, sub-deacons, readers, and other ministers ordained, but a blessing was merely pronounced over them by prayer and imposition of hands.因为无论是执事,分执事,读者,其他部长受戒,但只是一个祝福他们突出了以祈祷和双手征收。

ARISTENUS. ARISTENUS。

Their(the Paulicians') deaconesses also, since they have no imposition of hands, if they come over to the Catholic Church and are baptized, are ranked among the laity.他们(Paulicians')执事也,因为他们没有手的征收,如果他们过来的天主教教会和受洗,是跻身俗人。

With this Zonaras and Balsamon also agree.有了这个Zonaras和Balsamon也同意。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

By Paulianists must be understood the followers of Paul of Samosata the anti-Trinitarian who, about the year 260, had been made bishop of Antioch, but had been deposed by a great Synod in 269.通过Paulianists必须理解萨莫萨塔保追随者反三位一体谁,大约260年,已经取得了安提阿主教,但已被废黜的269主教在一个伟大的。 As Paul of Samosata was heretical in his teaching on the Holy Trinity the Synod of Nice applied to him the decree passed by the council of Arles in its eighth canon.由于萨莫萨塔保罗是在他的尼斯邪教教学三位一体的圣主教会议第八届佳能适用于他在其通过的法令,该委员会的阿尔勒。"If anyone shall come from heresy to the Church, they shall ask him to say the creed; and if they shall perceive that he was baptized into the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, (1) he shall have a hand laid on him only that he may receive the Holy Ghost. But if in answer to their questioning he shall not answer this Trinity, let him be baptized." “如果有人将来自异端的教会,他们会要求他说的信条,如果他们认为他应当是父亲受洗加入,和儿子,和圣灵,(1)他应手奠定他只说他可能会收到圣灵。但如果在回答他们的提问,他不回答这个三位一体,让他接受洗礼。“

The Samosatans, according to St. Athanasius, named the Father, Son and Holy Spirit in administering baptism(Oral. ii, Contra Arian. No. xliii), but as they gave a false meaning to the baptismal formula and did not use the words Son and Holy Spirit in the usual sense, the Council of Nice, like St. Athanasius himself, considered their baptism as invalid.该Samosatans,根据圣亚他那修,名为圣子,圣灵在管理洗礼的父亲,(Oral.二,孔特拉阿里安。第四十三号),但他们给虚假意义的洗礼公式,并没有使用的话圣子和圣灵在通常的意义上,尼斯会自己,像圣亚他那修,认为其无效的洗礼。

There is great difficulty about the text of the clause beginning "Likewise in the case, etc.," and Gelasius, the Prisca, Theilo and Thearistus,(who in 419 translated the canons of Nice for the African bishops), the PseudoIsidore, and Gratian have all followed a reading有很大的困难有关条款的案文的开始等“同样的情况下,”和格拉西的普里斯卡马,Theilo和Thearistus,(谁在419翻译为非洲主教大炮尼斯),在PseudoIsidore,和格拉都遵循一个阅读 diakonwn diakonwn, instead of,而不是 diakonisspndiakonisspn . This change makes all clear, but many canonists keep the ordinary text, including Van Espen, with whose interpretation Hefele does not agree. 。这种变化使得所有的清楚,但多canonists保持普通文本,包括凡埃斯彭,与他的解释黑弗勒不同意。

The clause I have rendered "And we mean by deaconesses" is most difficult of translation.该条款我已立下“我们执事的意思是”翻译是最困难的。I give the original, 'E我给原来,『Emnhsqhmmnhsqhm nñ tpn主题方案 en tp总磷skhmatiskhmati exetasqeispnexetasqeispn , epei epei.Hefele's translation seems to me impossible, by黑弗勒的翻译在我看来是不可能的,由skhmatiskhmati he understands the list of the clergy just mentioned.他明白刚才提到的名单神职人员的。

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EXCURSUS ON THE DEACONESS OF THE EARLY CHURCH.附录对早期教会的执事。

It has been supposed by many that the deaconess of the Early Church had an Apostolic institution and that its existence may be referred to by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans(xvi. 1) where he speaks of Phoebe as being a它已被许多人认为应该教会执事早期有一个使徒的机构,它的存在可能是指在他的书信向罗马圣保罗(xvi. 1)他是菲比谈到作为一个 diakonos diakonosof the Church of Cenchrea.在Cenchrea教会。It moreover has been suggested that the "widows" of 1 Tim. v.而且它已经表明,“寡妇添”1。诉9 may have been deaconesses, and this seems not unlikely from the fact that the age for the admission of women to this ministry was fixed by Tertullian at sixty years(De Vel. Virg. Cap. ix.), and only changed to forty, two centuries later by the Council of Chalcedon, and from the further fact that these "widows" spoken of by St. Paul seem to have had a vow of chastity, for it is expressly said that if they marry they have "damnation, because they have cast off their first faith"(1 Tim. v. 12). 5月9日已执事,这似乎不是第不可能从。的事实,该入学的年龄的妇女这个部年(被固定在60良德维尔。维吉尼亚。九。),只有改为40,两个世纪后,由理事会的卡尔西,从进一步的事实,这些“寡妇”圣保发言似乎有一个贞洁的誓言,因为它是明确表示,如果他们结婚,他们有“诅咒,因为他们摆脱了他们的第一个信念“(1添。诉12)。

These women were called这些妇女被称为diakonissbidiakonissbi , PresbutidesPresbutides (which must be distinguished from the(必须是从尊敬presbuteraipresbuterai , a poor class referred to in the Apostolic Constitutions(ii. 28) who are to be only invited frequently to the love- feasts, while the ,一个贫穷的阶层中提到的使徒宪法(白介素28)到底是谁的,只有经常邀请的爱情节日,而pr公关,sbutioessbutioes had a definite allotment of the offerings assigned to their support),有一个分配给他们提供一定的支持拨款),khraikhrai, diaconissoe, presbyteroe, and viduce.,diaconissoe,presbyteroe和viduce。

The one great characteristic of the deaconess was that she was vowed to perpetual chastity.(1) The Apostolical Constitutions(vi. 17) say that she must be a chaste virgin(一个伟大的女执事特点是,她发誓要永远贞洁。(1)使徒的宪法(第六十七日)说,她必须是一个纯洁的处女( parqenos parqenosagnhagnh) or else a widow. ),否则一个寡妇。The writer of the article "Deaconess" in the Dictionary of Christian Antiquities says: "It is evident that the ordination of deaconesses included a vow of celibacy." We have already seen the language used by St. Paul and of this the wording of the canon of Chalcedon is but an echo(Canon xv).文章作者的“女执事古物”在基督教的词典说:“这是明显的执事协调的包括禁欲的誓言。”我们已经看到了所用的语言文字圣保罗这是否与佳能的chalcedon只是一个回声(佳能15)。 "A woman shall not receive the laying on of hands as a deaconess under forty years of age, and then only after searching examination. And if, after she has had hands laid on her, and has continued for a time to minister, she shall despise the Grace of God and give herself in marriage, she shall be anathematized and the man who is united to her." “女人不接受关于铺设双手一岁女执事根据40年,然后才搜索检查。如果以后她有她的手铺设,并已持续了一个部长时,她应藐视神的恩典,让自己在婚姻,诅咒她将和她的男人谁是团结。“ The civil law went still further, and by Justinian's Sixth Novel(6) those who attempted to marry are subjected to forfeiture of property and capital punishment.民事法律走得更远,和查士丁尼的第六小说(六)谁试图结婚受到处罚没收财产和资本。In the collect in the ancient office there is a special petition that the newly admitted deaconess may have the gift of continence.在收集古代办公室有一个特殊的请愿书,刚刚被接纳的女执事可能有节制的礼物。

The principal work of the deaconess was to assist the female candidates for holy baptism.主要的女执事的工作是协助圣洗礼的女性候选人。At that time the sacrament of baptism was always administered by immersion(except to those in extreme illness) and hence there was much that such an order of women could be useful in. Moreover they sometimes gave to the female catechumens preliminary instruction, but their work was wholly limited to women, and for a deaconess of the Early Church to teach a man or to nurse him in sickness would have been an impossibility. The duties of the deaconess are set forth in many ancient writings, I cite here what is commonly known as the XII Canon of the Fourth Council of Carthage, which met in the year 398:当时浸泡时间的圣餐洗礼始终管理疾病(除那些在极端),因此有很多这样的妇女可能是有用的命令,他们有时给再则对女性慕道初步指示,但他们的工作完全是有限的妇女,和一个教会执事的早期教做人还是一个护士他在生病会已是不可能的。duties的女执事的著作的是set forth在many ancient,我举这里什么是commonly known作为第十二会见了佳能,哪第四届理事会的迦太基年398:

"Widows and dedicated women(sanctimoniales) who are chosen to assist at the baptism of women, should be so well instructed in their office as to be able to teach aptly and properly unskilled and rustic women how to answer at the time of their baptism to the questions put to them, and also how to live godly after they have been baptized." This whole matter is treated clearly by St. Epiphanius who, while indeed speaking of deaconesses as an order( “寡妇和专用妇女(sanctimoniales)谁是选择在协助妇女的洗礼,应该这么好办公室的指示,以能教得好,妥善不熟练和乡村妇女如何回答他们的时间洗礼向他们提出的问题,以及如何生活后,被神的洗礼。“这整件事是为了明确处理圣埃皮法尼乌斯谁,而实际上作为一个讲女执事( tagma tagma), asserts that "they were only women-elders, not priestesses in any sense, that their ),声称“他们只是妇女的长者,而不是在任何意义上女祭司,他们的

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mission was not to interfere in any way with Sacerdotal functions, but simply to perform certain offices in the care of women"(Hoer. lxxix, cap. iii). From all this it is evident that they are entirely in error who suppose that "the laying on of hands" which the deaconesses received corresponded to that by which persons were ordained to the diaconate, presbyterate, and episcopate at that period of the church's history. It was merely a solemn dedication and blessing and was not looked upon as "an outward sign of an inward grace given." For further proof of this I must refer to Morinus, who has treated the matter most admirably.(De Ordinationibus, Exercitatio X.)任务是不干预的任何职能的方式与Sacerdotal,而只是为了履行照顾某些办事处的妇女“(Hoer.第七十九号法令,帽。三)假设。来自这一切很明显,他们谁是完全错误的”铺设手对“该女执事获得相当于该由哪些人被祝圣的diaconate,铎和主教在那个历史时期的教会的。这只是一个庄严的献身精神和祝福,并没有研究”后,作为一抵港离港宽限期的签署给予。“对于最令人羡慕的进一步证明了这个,我必须提到Morinus,谁对待此事。(德Ordinationibus,Exercitatio十)

The deaconesses existed but a short while.但存在的执事一阵子。The council of Laodicea as early as AD 343-381, forbade the appointment of any who were called该理事会老底嘉早在公元343-381,禁止任何谁的任命被称为presbutidespresbutides (Vide Canon xi); and the first council of Orange, AD 441, in its twenty-sixth canon forbids the appointment of deaconesses altogether, and the Second council of tile same city in canons xvii and xviii, decrees that deaconesses who married were to be excommunicated unless they renounced the men they were living with, and that, on account of the weakness of the sex, none for the future were to be ordained. (参见佳能十一),以及第一届理事会第六次佳能奥兰治,公元441,在其第二十禁止执事共任命和大炮的瓷砖第二届理事会第十七和第十八在同一城市,法令的执事谁结婚要被驱逐的人,除非他们放弃了他们生活在一起,并认为,在考虑了性别的薄弱,今后要在没有被祝圣。

Thomassinus, to whom I refer tim reader for a very full treatment of the whole subject, is of opinion that the order was extinct in the West by the tenth or twelfth century, but that it lingered on a little later at Constantinople but only in conventual institutions.(Thomassin, Ancienne et Nouvelle Discipline de l' Eglise, I Partie, Livre III.) Thomassinus,我向他提到整个主题添读者处理的一个非常充分,是认为该命令是在由西灭绝第十或12世纪,但它很少在后面徘徊在君士坦丁堡,但只有在修道院机构。(汤玛森,安西安娜等中篇小说学科德升'埃格斯,我Partie,利夫雷三。)

CANON XX佳能某某

FORASMUCH as there are certain persons who kneel on the Lord's Day and in the days of Pentecost, therefore, to the intent that all things may be uniformly observed everywhere (in every parish), it seems good to the holy Synod that prayer be made to God standing. forasmuch因为有某些人谁跪在主日和圣灵降临节的日子,因此,本堂的意图,所有的事情可能是一致观察每一个地方(在),它似乎好圣主教的祈祷作出神的地位。

NOTES.注。

ANCIENT EPITOME OF CANON XX.古缩影佳能二十。

On Lord's days and at Pentecost all must pray standing and not kneeling.对主的天,在五旬节都必须站立不跪祈祷。

HAMMOND.哈蒙德。

Although kneeling was the common posture for prayer in the primitive Church, yet the custom had prevailed, even from the earliest times, of standing at prayer on the Lord's day, and during the fifty days between Easter and Pentecost.虽然跪是原始教会共同在祈祷的姿势,但习俗盛行,甚至从最早的时候,一天站立的在祈祷上主,而在复活节和圣灵降临节的五十天之间。 Tertullian, in a passage in his treatise De Corona Militis, which is often quoted, mentions it amongst other ohservances which, though not expressly commanded in Scripture, yet were universally practised upon the authority of tradition.良,在他的论文引述的一段话在德电晕Militis,这常常是,它提到ohservances除其他,虽然没有明确指挥圣经,但被普遍实行后,传统的权威。 "We consider it unlawful," he says, "to fast, or to pray kneeling, upon the Lord's day; we enjoy the same liberty from Easter-day to that of Pentecost." “我们认为这是非法的,”他说,“快速,或跪祈祷,经主日,我们享受当日同自由从复活节到圣灵降临节认为。”De Cor.德肺心病。Mil.米尔。s.3, 4.3,4。Many other of the Fathers notice the same practice, the reason of which, as given by Augustine; and others, was to commemorate the resurrection of our Lord, and to signify the rest and joy of our own resurrection, which that of our Lord assured.很多父亲其他通知,同样的做法,其中的原因,如奥古斯丁给予,和其他人,是为了纪念我们的主复活,并象征和休息,我们自己的喜悦复活的主,我们的保证。 This canon, as Beveridge observes, is a proof of the importance formerly attached to an uniformity of sacred rites throughout the Church, which made the Nicene Fathers thus sanction and enforce by their authority a practice which in itself is indifferent, and not commanded directly or indirectly in Scripture, and assign this as their reason for doing so: "In order that all things may be observed in like manner in every parish" or diocese.这佳能,作为贝弗里奇观察,证明是一个重要的附加执行以前通过实践他们的权力,以一个统一的神圣仪式,整个教会,这使得父亲和尼西亚因此制裁,这本身是漠不关心,而不是直接指挥或间接经文,并指派所以这是做他们的理由:“为了使所有的事情中可以看到同样的方式在每一个教区”或教区。

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

All the churches did not, however, adopt this practice; for we see in the Acts of the Apostles(xx. 36 and xxi. 5) that St. Paul prayed kneeling during the time between Pentecost and Easter.所有的教会没有,但是,采取这种做法,因为我们看到36和第21的使徒行传(xx.。五日)表示,圣保罗祈祷跪在复活节和圣灵降临节之间的时间。

This canon is found in the Corpus Juris Canonici.这是经典中找到法典卡诺尼奇。Decretum, Pars III, De Cone. Decretum,帕尔斯第三代锥。Dist.区。III.三。cx国泰航空

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EXCURSUS ON THE NUMBER OF THE NICENE CANONS.附录论数的nicene大炮。

There has come down to us a Latin letter purporting to have been written by St. Athanasius to Pope Marcus.目前已回落到我们一个拉丁信看来已书面圣亚他那修到教皇马库斯。This letter is found in the Benedictine edition of St. Athanasius's works(ed. Patav. ii. 599) but rejected as spurious by Montfaucon the learned editor.此信被发现在该版主编Patav笃圣亚他那修的作品(。2。599),但拒绝为蒙福孔杂散编辑的教训。In this letter is contained the marvellous assertion that the Council of Nice at first adopted forty canons, which were in Greek, that it subsequently added twenty Latin canons, and that afterwards the council reassembled and set forth seventy altogether.在这封信中的奇妙的说法,即会在尼斯首次通过40门炮,其中在希腊,它随后将20拉丁大炮,并且重新组装后的安理会,并提出70完全。 A tradition that something of the kind had taken place was prevalent in parts of the East, and some collections did contain seventy canons.一个地方传统的东西已是一种普遍的中东部部分地区,部分藏品确实包含70门炮。

In the Vatican Library is a MS.在梵蒂冈图书馆是一个MS。which was bought for it by the famous Asseman, from the Coptic Patriarch, John, and which contains not only seventy, but eighty canons attributed to the council of Nice.这是买它由著名阿瑟曼,从科普特主教,约翰,其中不仅包含70,但80炮归因于尼斯理事会。The MS.在MS。is in Arabic, and was discovered by JB Romanus, SJ, who first made its contents known, and translated into Latin a copy he had made of it.阿拉伯语,并发现了它巴顿罗曼努斯,律政司司长,谁知道它的内容首次提出,并翻译成拉丁文的副本,他当时。Another Jesuit, Pisanus, was writing a history of the Nicene Council at the time and he received the eighty newly found canons into his book; but, out of respect to the pseudo-Athanasian letter, he at first cut down the number to seventy; but in later editions he followed the MS.另一位耶稣会,Pisanus,在写的时候会在尼西亚的历史和他收到了80新发现的大炮把他的书,但是,为了尊重伪亚他那修信中,他第一次在数量削减到70;但在以后的版本中,他遵循的硕士学位。 All this was in the latter half of the sixteenth century; and in 1578 Turrianus, who had had Father Romanus's translation revised before it was first published, now issued an entirely new translation with a Proemium(1) containing a vast amount of information upon the whole subject, and setting up an attempted proof that the number of the Nicene Canons exceeded twenty.所有这一切在16世纪后半期的;在1578年Turrianus,谁不得不父亲罗曼努斯的翻译修改,然后才第一次出版,现在发出的完全后,新的翻译与Proemium(1大量信息),其中包含整个主题,并设立一个试图证明,大炮数超过20的尼西亚。 His argument for the time being carried the day.他的时间参数为正在进行的一天。

Hefele says, "it is certain that the Orientals(2) believed the Council of Nice to have promulgated more than twenty canons: the learned Anglican, Beveridge,(3) has proved this, reproducing an ancient Arabic paraphrase of the canons of the first four Ecumenical Councils. According to this Arabic paraphrase, found in a MS. in the Bodleian Library, the Council of Nice must have put forth three books of canons. . . . The Arabic paraphrase of which we are speaking gives a paraphrase of all these canons, but Beveridge took only the part referring to the second book--that is to say, the paraphrase of the twenty genuine canons; for, according to his view, which was perfectly correct, it was only these twenty canons which were really the work of the Council of Nice, and all the others were falsely attributed to it."(4)黑弗勒说,“可以肯定的是东方人(2)理事会认为,尼斯有大炮颁布超过20:英国圣公会的教训,贝弗里奇,(3)已证明了这一点,音响一炮,古阿拉伯文的意思是第一4合一议会。根据这一阿拉伯语意译,微软发现在尼斯。在伯德雷恩图书馆,安理会必须有三本书提出的大炮。。。。阿拉伯语套用我们所有的发言给了所有这些意译大炮,但只花了贝弗里奇的部分指的是第二本书-这就是说,在大炮套用21真正的,因为,根据他的看法,这是完全正确的,这只是其中20门炮的是真正的尼斯的工作会,及所有其他人错误地归因于它。“(4)

Hefele goes on to prove that the canons he rejects must be of much later origin, some being laws of the times of Theodosius and Justinian according to the opinion of Renaudot.(5)黑弗勒接着证明了大炮,他拒绝必须是更晚的起源,倍狄奥多西一些被法律和查士丁尼根据勒诺多的意见。(5)

Before leaving this point I should notice the profound research on these Arabic canons of the Maronite, Abraham Echellensis.在离开这一点,我应该注意亚伯拉罕Echellensis深刻的马龙派,研究这些阿拉伯大炮的。He gives eighty-four canons in his Latin translation of 1645, and was of opinion that they had been collected from different Oriental sources, and sects; but that originally they had all been translated from the Greek, and were collected by James, the celebrated bishop of Nisibis, who was present at Nice.他给84 1645门炮在他的拉丁文翻译,和意见是,他们已收集来自不同来源的东方,和教派,但原来他们都是从希腊语翻译,并收集了著名的詹姆斯尼西比斯主教,谁是尼斯出席。 But this last supposition is utterly untenable.但是,这最后的假设是完全站不住脚的。

Among the learned there have not been wanting some who have held that the Council of Nice passed more canons than the twenty we possess, and have arrived at the conclusion independently of the Arabic discovery, such are Baronius and Card.据悉其中有没有想一些谁也认为,尼斯理事会通过的20多门炮比我们所拥有,并已得出的结论是独立于阿拉伯语发现,这些都是巴若尼和卡。 d'Aguirre, but their arguments have been sufficiently answered, and they cannot present anything able to weaken the conclusion that flows from the consideration of the following facts.德阿吉雷,但他们的论点得到充分的回答,也可以不存在任何能够削弱的结论,事实流量后考虑的。

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(Hefele: History of the Councils, Vol. I. pp. 355 et seqq.[2ded.]) Let us see first what is the testimony of those Greek and Latin authors who lived about the time of the Council, concerning the number. (黑弗勒:议会史,卷。第一页。355等seqq。[2ded。])首先让我们看看是什么会证词的希腊和拉丁作家谁住了时间的,有关的数字。

a.答:The first to be consulted among the Greek authors is the learned Theodoret, who lived about a century after the Council of Nicaea.第一个被征询的希腊作家中是学习Theodoret,谁尼西亚生活在大约一个世纪后的安理会。 He says, in his History of the Church: "After the condemnation of the Arians, the bishops assembled once more, and decreed twenty canons on ecclesiastical discipline."他说,在他的教会史:“经过阿里安斯谴责的,主教们再次集结,并下令20门炮的教会纪律。”

b. Twenty years later, Gelasius, Bishop of Cyzicus, after much research into the most ancient documents, wrote a history of the Nicene Council.20年后,格拉西,基齐库斯主教,经过大量的研究古代文献为最,写了一会历史上的尼西亚。 Gelasius also says expressly that the Council decreed twenty canons; and, what is more important, he gives the original text of these canons exactly in the same order, and according to the tenor which we find elsewhere.格拉西也明确表示,安理会颁布的20门炮,以及,更重要的是,他把大炮相同的顺序刚好在这些原文,并根据男高音我们找到其他地方。

c. Rufinus is more ancient than these two historians.Rufinus超过这两个古老的历史。He was born near the period when the Council of Nicaea was held, and about half a century after he wrote his celebrated history of the Church, in which he inserted a Latin translation of the Nicene canons.他出生不久的时期举行的安理会尼西亚是,大约半个世纪后,他写下了著名的历史的教会,他在其中插入一个尼西亚大炮拉丁译本。 Rufinus also knew only of these twenty canons; but as he has divided the sixth and the eighth into two parts, he has given twenty-two canons, which are exactly the same as the twenty furnished by the other historians. Rufinus也知道其中只有20门炮,但他已分裂成两部分的第八和第六,他给了22门炮,这是完全一样,另一组由历史学家的20家具。

d. The famous discussion between the African bishops and the Bishop of Rome, on the subject of appeals to Rome, gives us a very important testimony on the true number of the Nicene canons.著名的罗马讨论了非洲主教主教和罗马,对这一问题的呼吁,给了我们一个非常重要的尼西亚大炮数量的证词属实。The presbyter Apiarius of Sicca in Africa, having been deposed for many crimes, appealed to Rome. Apiarius在非洲长老的干燥症,已被废黜的许多罪行,呼吁罗马。Pope Zosimus(417-418) took the appeal into consideration, sent legates to Africa; and to prove that he had the right to act thus, he quoted a canon of the Council of Nicaea, containing these words: "When a bishop thinks he has been unjustly deposed by his colleagues he may appeal to Rome, and the Roman bishop shall have the business decided by judices in partibus."教皇卓西姆(417-418)考虑到了上诉,派出使节到非洲,并以证明他有权采取行动,因此,他引用了尼西亚佳能的安理会,含有这些词:“当一个主教认为他已被不公正地废黜他的同事,他可以上诉到罗马,和罗马主教应具有商业partibus决定由judices。“ The canon quoted by the Pope does not belong to the Council of Nicaea, as he affirmed; it was the fifth canon of the Council of Sardica(the seventh in the Latin version).尼西亚的佳能引述教宗不属于安理会的,因为他肯定,它是该版本)第五佳能拉丁美洲理事会在萨尔迪卡(第七的。What explains the error of Zosimus is that in the ancient copies the canons of Nicaea and Sardica are written consecutively, with the same figures, and under the common title of canons of the Council of Nicaea; and Zosimus might optima fide fall into an error-- which he shared with Greek authors, his contemporaries, who also mixed the canons of Nicaea with those of Sardica.如何解释卓西姆错误的,是在连续的书面副本的尼西亚古代大炮和萨尔迪卡是,在相同的数字,并在理事会的尼西亚共同所有权的大炮;及卓西姆可能最优真正落入一个错误-作者分享他与希腊,他的同时代人,谁也混萨尔迪卡那些大炮的尼西亚的。 The African bishops, not finding the canon quoted by the Pope either in their Greek or in their Latin copies, in vain consulted also the copy which Bishop Cecilian, who had himself been present at the Council of Nicaea, had brought to Carthage.非洲主教,教宗没有找到所引用的经典无论是在他们的希腊或拉丁副本在迦太基,也是徒劳的咨询主教切奇利安复制的,谁曾会自己目前已经在尼西亚,带来了。 The legates of the Pope then declared that they did not rely upon these copies, and they agreed to send to Alexandria and to Constantinople to ask the patriarchs of these two cities for authentic copies of the canons of the Council of Nicaea.教皇的使节当时宣称,他们不依赖这些副本,并向他们同意派遣到君士坦丁堡,亚历山大,并要求尼西亚安理会元老大炮的副本这两个城市的真实。 The African bishops desired in their turn that Pope Boniface should take the same step(Pope Zosimus had died meanwhile in 418)--that he should ask for copies from the Archbishops of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch. ,并希望非洲安提阿主教,教皇在其居住的博尼法斯应采取相同的步骤(教皇去世卓西姆已同时在418) -应该说,他要求,从每个副本的亚历山大大主教君士坦丁堡。Cyril of Alexandria and Atticus of Constantinople, indeed, sent exact and faithful copies of the Creed and canons of Nicaea; and two learned men of Constantinople, Theilo and Thearistus, even translated these canons into Latin.西里尔亚历山大和君士坦丁堡阿提卡斯的,事实上,发送和大炮准确和忠实的尼西亚信条的副本;及两名男子的教训Thearistus君士坦丁堡,Theilo,即使翻译成拉丁文这些大炮。 Their translation has been preserved to us in the acts of the sixth Council of Carthage, and it contains only the twenty ordinary canons.他们的翻译一直保持到我们的行为在迦太基第六届理事会的,它包含了20只普通大炮。It might be thought at first sight that it contained twenty-one canons; but on closer consideration we see, as Hardouin has proved, that this twenty-first article is nothing but an historical notice appended to the Nicene canons by the Fathers of Carthage.人们可能会以为一见钟情,它包含21门炮,但在仔细考虑我们看到的,因为Hardouin证明,这21条是迦太基只是一个历史的通知由父亲的尼西亚炮追加到。 It is conceived in these terms: "After the bishops had decreed these rules at Nicaea, and after the holy Council had decided what was the ancient rule for the celebration of Easter, peace and unity of faith were re-established between the East and the West. This is what we(the African bishops) have thought it right to add according to the history of the Church."这是在这些方面设想:“经过主教曾下令在尼西亚这些规则,并经圣理事会决定什么是古老的信仰统治庆祝复活节的,统一的和平并重新确立与东西。这是我们(非洲主教)都认为有权利根据加入教会历史上。“

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The bishops of Africa despatched to Pope Boniface the copies which had been sent to them from Alexandria and Constantinople, in the month of November 419; and subsequently in their letters to Celestine I.派往非洲的主教,教皇博尼法斯在君士坦丁堡的副本已被送往亚历山大和他们从,在11月的419个月,并随后在其信塞莱斯蒂纳一 (423-432), successor to Boniface, they appealed to the text of these documents. (423-432),继承博尼法斯,他们呼吁对这些文件的文本。

e.大肠杆菌All the ancient collections of canons, either in Latin or Greek, composed in the fourth, or quite certainly at least in the fifth century, agree in giving only these twenty canons to Nicaea.所有的大炮古代藏品,无论是世纪拉丁美洲或相当或希腊,组成第四,当然,至少在第五位,只同意给予这20门炮,以尼西亚。 The most ancient of these collections were made in the Greek Church, and in the course of time a very great number of copies of them were written.在这些藏品最古老的是在希腊教会,并在时间过程中的一个副本,其中一些非常伟大的书面。Many of these copies have descended to us; many libraries possess copies; thus Montfaucon enumerates several in his Bibliotheca Coisliniana. Fabricius makes a similar catalogue of the copies in his Bibliotheca Groeca to those found in the libraries of Turin, Florence, Venice, Oxford, Moscow, etc.; and he adds that these copies also contain the so-called apostolic canons, and those of the most ancient councils.副本其中许多已经下降到我们,许多图书馆拥有的副本,因此蒙福孔列举了几个在他的藏书法氏囊Coisliniana。藏书Groeca作出了类似的目录的副本到牛津,那些在图书馆找到威尼斯都灵,佛罗伦萨,莫斯科等;他补充说,这些副本还包含了所谓的使徒大炮,以及政局的最古老的。 The French bishop John Tilius presented to Paris, in 1540, a MS.法国主教约翰Tilius提交给巴黎,1540年,一个MS。of one of these Greek collections as it existed in the ninth century.这些收藏品之一,因为它存在于希腊第九世纪。It contains exactly our twenty canons of Nicaea, besides the so-called apostolic canons, those of Ancyra, etc. Elias Ehmger published a new edition at Wittemberg in 1614, using a second MS.它包含除了让使徒所谓大炮正是我们的20门炮的尼西亚,安该拉那些等埃利亚斯Ehmger发表版本在Wittemberg一个新的1614年,使用第二个硕士学位。 which was found at Augsburg; but the Roman collection of the Councils had before given in 1608, the Greek text of the twenty canons of Nicaea.该产品被发现在奥格斯堡,但安理会罗马收集了1608年之前给予,希腊的尼西亚的20门炮文本。This text of the Roman editors, with the exception of some insignificant variations, was exactly the same as that of the edition of Tilius.本编辑文本的罗马化差异,一些微不足道的例外,也就是Tilius作为该版本相同的。 Neither the learned Jesuit Sirmond nor his coadjutors have mentioned what manuscripts were consulted in preparing this edition; probably they were manuscripts drawn from several libraries, and particularly from that of the Vatican.无论是耶稣会西尔蒙也不知道他什么也提到coadjutors手稿版征询编写本,大概他们是来自手稿图书馆数,特别是来自梵蒂冈的。 The text of this Roman edition passed into all the following collections, even into those of Hardouin and Mansi; while Justell in his Bibliotheca juris Canonici and Beveridge in his Synodicon(both of the eighteenth century), give a somewhat different text, also collated from MSS., and very similar to the text given by Tilius.该版本的文字传递到这个罗马以下所有收藏品,甚至把那些Hardouin和曼西,而在他的藏书贝弗里奇Justell法学卡诺尼奇并在他的Synodicon(均在18世纪),给一个有点不同的文字,也散见于MSS的。,非常类似于Tilius给予文本。 Bruns, in his recent Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, compares the two texts.布伦斯,在他最近的藏书Ecclesiastica,比较两个文本。Now all these Greek MSS, consulted at such different times, and by all these editors, acknowledge only twenty canons of Nicaea, and always the same twenty which we possess.现在,所有这些希腊MSS的,在征询这些不同的时间,和所有这些编辑,承认只有20尼西亚大炮的,始终是我们拥有相同的20。

The Latin collections of the canons of the Councils also give the same result--for example, the most ancient and the most remarkable of all, the Prisca, and that of Dionysius the Less, which was collected about the year 500.对安理会的拉丁珍藏的大炮也给予同样的结果-例如,最古老和最显着的一切,在普里斯卡马,和修斯说的少,这是收集了500年。 The testimony of this latter collection is the more important for the number twenty, as Dionysius refers to the Groeca auctoritas.收集证言后者是更重要的是20号,作为狄奥尼指Groeca auctoritas。

f. Among the later Eastern witnesses we may further mention Photius, Zonaras and Balsamon.在后来的东方证人,我们可能会进一步提Photius,Zonaras和Balsamon。Photius, in his Collection of the Canons, and in his Nomocanon, as well as the two other writers in their commentaries upon the canons of the ancient Councils, quote only and know only twenty canons of Nicaea, and always those which we possess. Photius,在他收集的大炮,并在他的Nomocanon,以及两个其他作家在他们的评论后,古老的议会的大炮,报价只有20只知道尼西亚大炮的,始终是我们拥有的。

g. The Latin canonists of the Middle Ages also acknowledge only these twenty canons of Nicaea.中世纪的拉丁canonists人也只承认这20门炮的尼西亚。We have proof of this in the celebrated Spanish collection, which is generally but erroneously attributed to St. Isidore(it was composed at the commencement of the seventh century), and in that of Adrian(so called because it was offered to Charles the Great by Pope Adrian I).我们已经收集证明这个西班牙著名的,这是一般,但错误地归因于圣伊西多尔(这是在十七世纪由生效的),并在阿德里安认为(如此命名是因为它是提供给查尔斯大教皇阿德里安一)。 The celebrated Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, the first canonist of the ninth century, in his turn attributes only twenty canons to the Council of Nicaea, and even the pseudo-Isidore assigns it no more.著名安克马尔,兰斯大主教,第九世纪前的canonist世纪之交,在他的属性,只有20门炮的尼西亚议会,甚至伪伊西多尔它没有更多的分配。

I add for the convenience of the reader the captions of the Eighty Canons as given by Turrianus, translating them from the reprint in Labbe and Cossart, Concilia, Tom.我添加为方便读者的大炮为标题的80给予Turrianus,他们从翻译汤姆,在拉贝的转载和科萨尔特,Concilia。 II.二。col.山口。291.291。The Eighty-four Canons as given by Echellensis together with numerous Constitutions and Decrees attributed to the Nicene Council are likewise to be found in Labbe(ut supra, col. 318).归因于尼西亚安理会4 85大炮作为给予Echellensis连同众多的宪法和法令也同样被发现在拉贝(UT斯达康前山口。318)。

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THE CAPTIONS OF THE ARABIC CANONS ATTRIBUTED TO THE COUNCIL OF NICE.牊大炮的标题作者归功于纳爱斯会。

CANON I. (1)佳能一(1)

Insane persons and energumens should not be ordained精神失常者和energumens不应受戒

CANON II.佳能二。

Bond servants are not to be ordained.债券公务员不被祝圣。

CANON III.佳能三。

Neophytes in the faith are not to be ordained to Holy Orders before they have a knowledge of Holy Scripture.信仰新手在不被祝圣的圣令他们之前有一个神圣的圣经知识。And such, if convicted after their ordination of grave sin, are to be deposed with those who ordained them.而这样,如果被定罪后,严重的罪过的协调,将被废黜他们与那些谁受戒。

CANON IV.佳能四。

The cohabitation of women with bishops, presbyters, and deacons prohibited on account of their celibacy.主教,长老同居的妇女,和单身的执事禁止帐户。

We decree that bishops shall not live with women; nor shall a presbyter who is a widower; neither shall they escort them; nor be familiar with them, nor gaze upon them persistently.我们的法令,主教不得住在一起的妇女,也不得一长老谁是鳏夫,他们也不再护送他们,也不是他们熟悉的,他们的目光也不应坚持。 And the same decree is made with regard to every celibate priest, and the same concerning such deacons as have no wives.和相同的法令提出的关于每一个独身牧师,和相同的关于这种没有妻子的执事。And this is to be the case whether the woman be beautiful or ugly, whether a young girl or beyond the age of puberty, whether great in birth, or an orphan taken out of charity under pretext of bringing her up.这是这样的话是否是美丽或丑陋的女人,无论是年轻女孩或超出了青春期的年龄,是否生育伟大的,或者孤儿采取行动使她脱离了慈善下的借口。 For the devil with such arms slays religious, bishops, presbyters, and deacons, and incites them to the fires of desire.对于这样过关斩魔武器宗教,主教,长老,和执事,并煽动他们的欲望之火。But if she be an old woman, and of advanced age, or a sister, or mother, or aunt, or grandmother, it is permitted to live with these because such persons are free from all suspicion of scandal.(2)但是,如果她是一个老太婆,以及先进的年龄,或姐妹或母亲,或姑姑或祖母,这是允许的生活与这些丑闻,因为这些人摆脱了所有的怀疑。(2)

CANON V.佳能五

Of the election of a bishop and of the confirmation of the election.对主教的选举和确认选举结果。

CANON VI.佳能六。

That those excommunicated by one bishop are not to be received by another; and that those whose excommunication has been shown to have been unjust should be absolved by the archbishop or patriarch.这被逐出教会的主教之一是不能接收的另一;而那些已被证实罚已不公正的,应免除由族长或大主教。

CANON VII.佳能七。

That provincial Councils should be held twice a year, for the consideration of all things affecting the churches of the bishops of the province.这省级议会应每年举行两次,为全省审议这个事物的全体主教教会的影响。

CANON VIII.佳能八。

Of the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, and of their jurisdiction.在亚历山大和安提的元老,他们的管辖范围。

CANON IX.佳能九。

Of one who solicits the episcopate when the people do not wish him; or if they do desire him, but without the consent of the archbishop.一个谁唆使主教当人们不希望他,或者如果他们真的想要他,但没有大主教同意的。

CANON X.佳能十

How the bishop of Jerusalem is to be honoured, the honour, however, of the metropolitan church of Caesarea being preserved intact, to which he is subject.如何在耶路撒冷主教是兑现,荣誉,然而,完整,都会被保存教会的恺撒到他是受。

CANON XI.佳能十一。

Of those who force themselves into the order of presbyters without election or examination.这些谁检查自己的力量把该命令没有选举或长老。

CANON XII.佳能十二。

Of the bishop who ordains one whom he understands has denied the faith; also of one ordained who after that he had denied it, crept into orders.谁的主教祝圣一人,他明白否认的信念;也是一个注定谁之后,他已经否认它,命令悄悄进入。

CANON XIII.佳能十三。

Of one who of his own will goes to another church, having been chosen by it, and does not wish afterwards to stay there.一个谁,他自己的意志去另一所教堂,它已被选定的,不希望以后呆在那里。

Of taking pains that he be transferred from his own church to another.采取将他从他自己的教会转移到另一个痛苦。

CANON XIV.佳能十四。

No one shall become a monk without the bishop's license, and why a license is required.任何人不得成为和尚没有主教的许可,以及为什么需要许可。

CANON XV.佳能十五。

That clerics or religious who lend on usury should be cast from their grade.这神职人员或宗教高利贷借给谁应该对他们投等级。

CANON XVI.佳能十六。

Of the honour to be paid to the bishop and to a presbyter by the deacons.在荣幸地成为支付给主教和一个长老的执事。

CANON XVII.佳能十七。

Of the system and of the manner of receiving those who are converted from the heresy of Paul of Samosata.该系统和萨莫萨塔地接受那些谁的转换保罗从异端。

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CANON XVIII.佳能十八。

Of the system and manner of receiving those who are converted from the heresy the Novatians.系统和Novatians地接受那些谁是转换的异端邪说。

CANON XIX.佳能十九。

Of the system and manner of receiving those who return after a lapse from the faith, and of receiving the relapsed, and of those brought into peril of death by sickness before their penance is finished, and concerning such as are convalescent.该系统和信仰者的方式接受谁返回后失效,并接受复发的疾病,以及进入危险的死亡带来了他们的忏悔之前完成,并正在康复等方面。

CANON XX.佳能二十。

Of avoiding the conversation of evil workers and wizards, also of the penance of them that have not avoided such.避免邪恶的巫师交谈工人,也是他们的忏悔有没有避免这样的。

CANON XXI.佳能二十一。

Of incestuous marriages contrary to the law of Spiritual relationship, and of the penance of such as are in such marriages.乱伦的婚姻关系违背了法律的精神,以及婚姻忏悔等,如在。

[The time of penance fixed is twenty years, only godfather and godmother are mentioned, and nothing is said of separation.] [忏悔的固定时间是20年来,只有教父和教母被提到,并没有什么分离说。]

CANON XXII.佳能二十二。

Of sponsors in baptism.在洗礼提案国。

Men shall not hold females at the font, neither women males; but women females, and men males.男子不得在持有字体女性,无论男性女性,但女性女性和男性的男性。

CANON XXIII.佳能二十三。

Of the prohibited marriages of spiritual brothers and sisters from receiving them in baptism.兄弟和洗礼禁止结婚的精神姊妹接受他们。

CANON XXIV.佳能24条。

Of him who has married two wives at the same time, or who through lust has added another woman to his wife; and of his punishment.谁娶了他的时间,两个妻子在相同或谁通过欲望增加了另一名女子,他的妻子和他的惩罚。

Part of the canon.佳能部分。If he be a priest he is forbidden to sacrifice and is cut off from the communion of the faithful until he turn out of the house the second woman, and he ought to retain the first.如果他是一个牧师,他是被禁止的牺牲和被切断了从忠实的共融,直到他变成房子的第二个女人,他应该保留第一。

CANON XXV.佳能二十五。

That no one should be forbidden Holy Communion unless such as are doing penance.没有人应该被禁止,除非圣餐如正在做忏悔。

CANON XXVI.佳能十六。

Clerics are forbidden from suretyship or witness-giving in criminal causes.从保证的神职人员是禁止或证人,在刑事诉讼中的原因。

CANON XXVII.佳能二十七。

Of avoiding the excommunicate, and of not receiving the oblation from them; and of the避免了破门,而没有接受他们的祭品;及

excommunication of him who does not avoid the excommunicated.他罚谁不避免驱逐。

CANON XXVIII.佳能二十八。

How anger, indignation, and hatred should be avoided by the priest, especially because he has the power of excommunicating others.如何愤怒,愤怒和仇恨,应避免由牧师,特别是因为他有其他权力excommunicating。

CANON XXIX.佳能第29届。

Of not kneeling in prayer.不跪在祈祷。

CANON XXX.佳能三十。

Of giving[only] names of Christians in baptism, and of heretics who retain the faith in the Trinity and the perfect form of baptism; and of others not retaining it, worthy of a worse name, and of how such are to be received when they come to the faith.给予[只]洗礼名的基督徒和异教徒谁留在三位一体的信仰和形式完美的洗礼,以及其他不保留它,名副其实的恶化,以及如何将收到这样的当他们来的信念。

CANON XXXI.佳能三十一。

Of the system and manner of receiving converts to the Orthodox faith from the heresy of Arius and of other like.类似的制度和方式接受皈依其他信仰东正教从异端的阿里乌斯和。

CANON XXXII.佳能三十二。

Of the system of receiving those who have kept the dogmas of the faith and the Church's laws, and yet have separated from us and afterwards come back.在收到这些法律制度都保持了谁的教条的信仰和教会的,但我们已经分开,后来回来。

CANON XXXIII.佳能三十三。

Of the place of residence of the Patriarch, and of the honour which should be given to the bishop of Jerusalem and to the bishop of Seleucia.在主教的地方居住的,以及塞琉西亚的荣誉,应给予耶路撒冷的主教和主教的。

CANON XXXIV.佳能三十四。

Of the honour to be given to the Archbishop of Seleucia in the Synod of Greece.在有幸成为给予塞琉西亚大主教在希腊主教的。

CANON XXXV.佳能三十五。

Of not holding a provincial synod in the province of Persia without the authority of the patriarch of Antioch, and how the bishops of Persia are subject to the metropolitans of Antioch.对未持有省波斯的一个省主教在未经安提阿权威的元老,以及如何波斯主教是受安提阿的大都市。

CANON XXXVI.佳能三十六。

Of the creation of a patriarch for Ethiopia, and of his power, and of the honour to be paid him in the Synod of Greece.在埃塞俄比亚设立的一个元老,他的权力,并荣幸地支付他在希腊的主教。

CANON XXXVII.佳能三十七。

Of the election of the Archbishop of Cyprus, who is subject to the patriarch of Antioch.在安提阿选举塞浦路斯大主教,谁是受元老到。

CANON XXXVIII.佳能三十八。

That the ordination of ministers of the Church by bishops in the dioceses of strangers is forbidden.这是陌生人的统筹部长教会的教区主教,是被禁止的。

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CANON XXXIX.佳能第39。

Of the care and power which a Patriarch has over the bishops and archbishops of his patriarchate; and of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome over all.的关怀和权力,拥有一个东正教宗主教的主教和大主教,他的和至高无上的罗马的主教在所有。

Let the patriarch consider what things are done by the archbishops and bishops in their provinces; and if he shall find anything done by them otherwise than it should be, let him change it, and order it, as seemeth him fit: for he is the father of all, and they are his sons.让老人家考虑什么事情是省所进行的大主教和主教的,如果他会发现它们是什么做的比它应该否则,让他改变它,为了它,他作为seemeth适合:因为他是父亲所有,他们是他的儿子。 And although the archbishop be among the bishops as an elder brother, who hath the care of his brethren, and to whom they owe obedience because he is over them; yet the patriarch is to all those who are under his power, just as he who holds the seat of Rome, is the head and prince of all patriarchs; in-asmuch as he is first, as was Peter, to whom power is given over all Christian princes, and over all their peoples, as he who is the Vicar of Christ our Lord over all peoples and over the whole Christian Church, and whoever shall contradict this, is excommunicated by the Synod.(1)虽然大主教是其中的兄弟,主教作为一个老谁作的弟兄们照顾他的,他们向谁欠他们服从,因为他已经结束,但所有这些元老是谁的权力没有受到他的,正如他谁罗马举行的座位,是头部和元老王子的一切;在,及引擎,因为他是第一,正如彼得,权力是谁给了所有基督教首领,超过所有的人民,谁是他的牧师基督我们的上帝对所有人民和在整个基督教教会,谁应违背这一点,是由主教逐出教会。(1)

[I add Canon XXXVII.[我想补充佳能三十七。of Echellensis's Nova Versio LXXXIV.对Echellensis的新星Versio LXXXIV。Arabic. Canonum Conc.阿拉伯语。Canonum浓。Nicoeni, that the reader may compare it with the foregoing.]Nicoeni,读者可以比较它与上述情况。]

Let there be only four patriarchs in the whole world as there are four writers of the Gospel, and four rivers, etc. And let there be a prince and chief over them, the lord of the see of the Divine Peter at Rome, according as the Apostles commanded.只有让有四个世界元老的整体,有四位作家的福音,和四水,等等,要有一个王子和他们的首席结束,罗马主神圣的看到彼得了,正如使徒指挥。 And after him the lord of the great Alexandria, which is the see of Mark.马克和他的主人后,伟大亚历山大,这是看到的。And the third is the lord of Ephesus, which is the see of John the Divine who speaks divine things.三是主的事以弗所,这是约翰看到神的神圣谁说话。And the fourth and last is my lord of Antioch, which is another see of Peter.而第四个和最后一个是我的彼得主安提,这是另一个看到。 And let all the bishops be divided under the hands of these four patriarchs; and the bishops of the little towns which are under the dominion of the great cities let them be under the authority of these metropolitans.让所有的主教被分为四个元老根据手中;和伟大城市的主教的统治的小城镇是在让他们根据这些权威的国际大都市。 But let every metropolitan of these great cities appoint the bishops of his province, but let none of the bishops appoint him, for he is greater than they.但是,让每一个城市都会对这些伟大的主教任命他省的,但没有让主教的任命他,因为他是他们大于。Therefore let every man know his own rank, and let him not usurp the rank of another.因此,让每个人知道自己的排名,让他不要再篡夺职级。And whosoever shall contradict this law which we have established the Fathers of the Synod subject him to anathema.(2)人若违背这一规律诅咒他,我们已经建立了神父的主教会议的主题。(2)

CANON XL.佳能XL。

Of the provincial synod which should be held twice every year, and of its utility; together with the excommunication of such as oppose the decree.省级主教应每年举行两次,而其效用;连同法令罚,如反对。

CANON XLI.佳能四十一。

Of the synod of Archbishops, which meets once a year with the Patriarch, and of its utility; also of the collection to be made for the support of the patriarch throughout the provinces and places subject to the patriarch.在大主教的主教,牧首举行一次会议,每年的,和它的效用;也被收集为各省支持整个元老和地点接受的元老。

CANON XLII.佳能四十二。

Of a cleric or monk who when fallen into sin, and summoned once, twice, and thrice, does not present himself for trial.教士或僧侣的罪恶落入谁当,并且传唤一次,两次,三次,并没有自己的审判。

CANON XLIII.佳能四十三。

What the patriarch should do in the case of a defendant set at liberty unpunished by the decision of the bishop, presbyter, or even of a deacon, as the case may be.什么应该做的元老执事案件甚至是一个或被告集,在自由受到惩罚的决定长老主教,视情况而定。

CANON XLIV.佳能第四十四。

How an archbishop ought to give trial to one of his suffragan bishops.如何让一个大主教应该审判他的辅佐主教之一。

CANON XLV.佳能第四十五。

Of the receiving of complaints and condemnation of an archbishop against his patriarch.的元老,他接到的投诉和谴责针对一个大主教。

CANON XLVI.佳能四十六。

How a patriarch should admit a complaint; or judgment of an Archbishop against an Archbishop.如何元老应该承认投诉;或大主教的判决是对一个大主教。

CANON XLVII.佳能四十七。

Of those excommunicated by a certain one, when they can be and when they cannot be absolved by another.可那些被驱逐的某一个1,当他们时,他们不能再赦免。

CANON XLVIII.佳能48。

No bishop shall choose his own successor.没有主教应选择自己的接班人。

CANON XLIX.第四十九章佳能。

No simoniacal ordinations shall be made.没有simoniacal祝应当。

CANON L.佳能属

There shall be but one bishop of one city, and one parochus of one town; also the incumbent, whether bishop or parish priest, shall not be removed in favour of a successor desired by some of the people unless he has been convicted of manifest crime.但应当有一个主教的一个城市,一个小镇parochus一,也是现任教区主教或神父是否,不得拆除,在一些人所预期的支持,除非他的继任者已被定罪的表现。

CANON LI.佳能议员。

Bishops shall not allow the separation of a wife from her husband on account of discord--[in American, "incompatibility of temper"].主教不得允许丈夫不和有关帐户的分离,她的妻子从-美国[中,脾气“不兼容”]。

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CANON LII.佳能吕氏。

Usury and the base seeking of worldly gain is forbidden to the clergy, also conversation and fellowship with Jews.高利贷和底座增益寻求世俗禁止神职人员,也交谈和犹太人相交。

CANON LIII.佳能53号。

Marriages with infidels to be avoided.婚姻与异教徒要避免。

CANON LIV.佳能丽芙。

Of the election of a chorepiscopus, and of his duties in towns, and villages, and monasteries.在chorepiscopus选举一,在城镇和他的职责,村庄,寺庙。

CANON LV.佳能低压。

How a chorepiscopus should visit the churches and monasteries which are under his jurisdiction.如何chorepiscopus应该访问的教堂和修道院在他的管辖范围之内。

CANON LVI.佳能LVI。

Of how the presbyters of the towns and villages should go twice a year with their chorepiscopus to salute the bishop, and how religious should do so once a year from their monasteries, and how the new abbot of a monastery should go thrice.如何和村庄长老的城镇应每年两次的chorepiscopus与慰问主教,以及如何宗教应该这样做每年一次从他们的寺庙,以及如何对一个寺院的住持新应该三思。

CANON LVII.佳能第五十七。

Of the rank in sitting during the celebration of service in church by the bishop, the archdeacon and the chorepiscopus; and of the office of archdeacon, and of the honour due the archpresbyter.职级的chorepiscopus在托管服务在庆祝活动期间在教堂的主教,副主教及;及副主教办公室,以及适当的archpresbyter荣誉。

CANON LVIII.佳能第五十八号。

Of the honour flue the archdeacon and the chorepiscopus when they sit in church during the absence of the bishop, and when they go about with the bishop.烤烟的荣誉副主教和chorepiscopus当他们坐在教堂的主教期间缺乏的,而当他们去主教有关的。

CANON LIX.佳能LIX。

How all the grades of the clergy and their duties should be publicly described and set forth.如何所有等级的神职人员和职责应公开说明和规定。

CANON LX.佳能开关管。

Of how men are to be chosen from the diocese for holy orders, and of how they should be examined.男人是如何从被选择的命令教区为圣洁的,他们应该如何进行审查。

CANON LXI.佳能LXI的。

Of the honour due to the deacons, and how the clerics must not put themselves in their way.由于该荣誉的执事,以及如何不把神职人员必须在他们自己的方式。

CANON LXII.佳能第六十二号。

The number of presbyters and deacons is to be adapted to the work of the church and to its means.众长老和执事人数要适应工作的教会和它的手段。

CANON LXIII.佳能63号。

Of the Ecclesiastical Economist and of the others who with him care for the church's possessions.在教会的经济学家和其他人与他谁照顾教会的财产。

CANON LXIV.佳能LXIV。

Of the offices said in the church, the night and day offices, and of the collect for all those who rule that church.该办事处说,在教堂,昼夜办事处,以及收集所有这些规则,谁教会。

CANON LXV.佳能第六十五。

Of the order to be observed at the funeral of a bishop, of a chorepiscopus and of an archdeacon, and of the office of exequies.该命令会观察到一个主教葬礼,一个chorepiscopus和1副主教,以及exequies办公室。

CANON LXVI.佳能第六十六号。

Of taking a second wife, after the former one has been disowned for any cause, or even not put away, and of him who falsely accuses his wife of adultery.采取事业,甚至否定了任何的第二任妻子,前一后,并没有放好,和他谁虚假指控他的妻子通奸。

If any priest or deacon shall put away his wife on account of her fornication, or for other cause, as aforesaid, or cast her out of doors for external good, or that he may change her for another more beautiful, or better, or richer, or does so out of his lust which is displeasing to God; and after she has been put away for any of these causes he shall contract matrimony with another, or without having put her away shall take another, whether free or bond; and shall have both equally, they living separately and he sleeping every night with one or other of them, or else keeping both in the same house and bed, let him be deposed.如果任何牧师或执事会放下其他原因他的妻子对她的私通帐户,或如上述,或投她走出门对外好,或者说,他可能会改变她的另一个更丰富更美丽,或更好,或者这样做了他的欲望是不高兴的神,之后她一直放好的,任何这些原因,他与婚姻应委托他人,或把她带走,而不必再考虑是否应免费或债券,并应都同样,他们分居,他每天晚上睡觉被废黜与其他一个或几个,或家中其他人都保持一样的床,让他。 If he were a layman let him be deprived of communion.如果他是个门外汉,让他被剥夺的共融。But if anyone falsely defames his wife charging her with adultery, so that he turns her out of doors, the matter must be diligently examined; and if the accusation was false, he shall be deposed if a cleric, but if a layman shall be prohibited from entering the church and from the communion of the faithful; and shall be compelled to live with her whom he has defamed, even though she be deformed, and poor, and insane; and whoever shall not obey is excommunicated by the Synod.但是,如果有人错误地诋毁他的妻子与她通奸的收费,使他原来她走出门,这个问题必须认真审查;,如果指控是虚假的,他应被废黜,如果一个教士,但如果一个门外汉,均应予以禁止进入教堂和信徒的共融,并被迫与她同住的人诋毁他,即使她是变形,贫,精神失常,以及谁不服从,是由主教逐出教会。

[Note.--The reader will notice that by this canon a husband is deposed or excommunicated, as the case may be, if he marry another woman, after putting away his wife on account of her adultery. [注.--读者会发现,这个被开除的佳能丈夫是被废黜,或视情况而定,如果他娶她的另一名女子通奸,妻子把有关帐户后,离开他的。It is curious that in the parallel canon in the collection of Echellensis, which is numbered LXXI., the reading is quite different, although it is very awkward and inconsequent as given.奇怪的是,在编号LXXI平行佳能在收集Echellensis,这。,读的是完全不同的,虽然这是非常尴尬和不一致的是既定的。 Moreover, it should be remembered that in some codices and editions this canon is lacking altogether, one on the right of the Pope to receive appeals taking its place.此外,应该记住,在一些古抄本和版本这是佳能完全缺乏,地方上的一个正确的教皇接收到其上诉。As this canon is of considerable length, I only quote the interesting parts.]由于这是佳能的长度相当,我只引述有趣的部分。]

Whatever presbyter or deacon shall put away his wife without the offence of fornica-无论长老或执事会放下妻子的罪行没有掘,

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tion, or for any other cause of which we have spoken above, and shall east her out of doors .和灰,或任何其他原因,是我们上述所说,她的门,并应东出。..such a person shall be east out of the clergy, if he were a clergyman; if a layman he shall be forbidden the communion of the faithful.这样的人应是神职人员东出,如果他是一个牧师,如果一个门外汉,他应被禁止的共融的忠实 ..But if that woman[untruly charged by her husband with adultery], that is to say his wife, spurns his society on account of the injury he has done her and the charge he has brought against her, of which she is innocent, let her freely be put away and let a bill of repudiation be written for her, noting the false accusation which had been brought against her.但是,如果那个女人[untruly]收取通奸丈夫的,那就是他的妻子说,摈弃了社会对他的伤害,他做了她的帐户和收费让他提起她,她是无辜的,她自由被收起,让一个否定草案,是她写的,注意到诬告已被她提起。 And then if she should wish to marry some other faithful man, it is right for he; to do so, nor does the Church forbid it; and the same permission extends as well to men as to women, since there is equal reason for it for each.然后,如果她想嫁给其他一些忠实的人,他是正确的,这样做,也没有禁止它的教会,以及相同的权限扩展以及妇女与男子的,因为它是平等的原因每个。 But if he shall return to better fruit which is of the same kind, and shall conciliate to himself the love and benevolence of his consort, and shall be willing to return to his pristine friendship, his fault shall be condoned to him after he has done suitable and sufficient penance.但如果他将回到更好的水果种类是相同的,应当调解,以自己的爱心和仁慈,他的配偶,并愿意回到他原始的友谊,应宽恕他的过错给他后,他的所作所为适当和足够的忏悔。 And whoever shall speak against this decree the fathers of the synod excommunicate him.不管是谁发言反对这项法令将他逐出教会的主教的父亲。

CANON LXVII.佳能LXVII。

Of having two wives at the same time, and of a woman who is one of the faithful marrying an infidel; and of the form of receiving her to penance.[Her reception back is conditioned upon her leaving the infidel man.]有两个妻子在同一时间,和一个女人谁是忠实之一嫁给异教徒,和忏悔的形式接收她。[她接待返回的条件是她离开异教徒的人。]

CANON LXVIII.佳能LXVIII。

Of giving in marriage to an infidel a daughter or sister without her knowledge and contrary to her wish.给予在婚姻或姐妹没有她的知识和违背一个异教徒的女儿对她的愿望。

CANON LXIX.佳能LXIX。

Of one of the faithful who departs from the faith through lust and love of an infidel; and of the form of receiving him back, or admitting him to penance.在异教徒的一个忠实的谁从信仰出发,通过爱和欲望,以及对,形式接受他领回或承认他忏悔。

CANON LXX.佳能LXX的。

Of the hospital to be established in every city, and of the choice of a superintendent and concerning his duties.该医院必须建立在每个城市,并选择一个院长和有关他的职责。[It is interesting to note that one of the duties of the superintendent is--"That if the goods of the hospital are not sufficient for its expenses, he ought to collect all the time and from all Christians provision according to the ability of each."] [它是有趣地注意到,院长一对的职责是- “那如果医院的货物是不是支出足够的,他应该收集所有的时间和从所有基督徒准备按each的能力。“]

CANON LXXI.佳能LXXI。

Of the placing a bishop or archbishop in his chair after ordination, which is enthronization.在放置一个主教或大主教在椅子后的协调,这是enthronization。

CANON LXXII.佳能报告LXXII。

No one is allowed to transfer himself to another church [ie, diocese] than that in which he was ordained; and what is to be done in the case of one cast out forcibly without any blame attaching to him.任何人不得转移到另一个教会他[即,被祝圣主教]比他和他该怎么做的重视案件责怪任何一个投出无强迫。

CANON LXXIII.佳能LXXIII。

The laity shall not choose for themselves priests in the towns and villages without the authority of the chorepiscopus; nor an abbot for a monastery; and that no one should give commands as to who should be elected his successor after his death, and when this is lawful for a superior.俗人不得自行选择祭司在城镇和村庄没有chorepiscopus权威的,也不是为一个寺院的住持,并认为没有人应该死命令就谁应该当选,他继任后,当这合法的上级。

CANON LXXIV.佳能LXXIV号。

How sisters, widows, and deaconesses should be made to keep their residence in their monasteries; and of the system of instructing them; and of the election of deaconesses, and of their duties and utility.如何姐妹,寡妇,和执事应保持其在寺院的住所,以及他们系统的指示,和执事选举,他们的职责和效用。

CANON LXXV.佳能LXXV。

How one seeking election should not be chosen, even if of conspicuous virtue; and how the election of a layman to the aforesaid grades is not prohibited, and that those chosen should not afterward be deprived before their deaths, except on account of crime.选举应如何寻求一个不能选择,即使突出的美德,以及如何选举的门外汉到上述成绩是不被禁止,而那些选择不应该被剥夺后死亡的罪行之前,除帐户。

CANON LXXVI.佳能LXXVI。

Of the distinctive garb and distinctive names and conversation of monks and nuns.的独特装束和独特的名称和僧侣和尼姑的交谈。

CANON LXXVII.佳能第七十七号。

That a bishop convicted of adultery or of other similar crime should be deposed without hope of restoration to the same grade; but shall not be excommunicated.这一位主教被定罪的通奸或其他类似的犯罪,应无希望废黜级恢复到相同的,但不应被开除教籍。

CANON LXXVIII.佳能LXXVIII。

Of presbyters and deacons who have fallen only once into adultery, if they have never been married; and of the same when fallen as widowers, and those who have fallen, all the while having their own wives.长老和执事的通奸谁曾一度下降到只有,如果他们从来没有结过婚,和同为鳏夫下降时,那些谁也下降,而同时拥有自己的妻子。 Also of those who return to the same sin as well widowers as those having living wives; and which of these ought not to be received to penance, and which once only, and which twice.这些谁也返回相同的罪,以及那些有老婆的鳏夫生活,以及其中哪些不应该收到的忏悔,并一度只,其中两次。

CANON LXXIX.佳能第七十九号法令。

Each one of the faithful while his sin is yet not public should be mended by private exhortation and admonition; if he will not profit by this, he must be excommunicated.每一个忠实的,而他的罪恶而不是公众应该由私人规劝告诫和修补,如果他不会利润这一点,他必须被开除教籍。

CANON LXXX.佳能八十号。

Of the election of a procurator of the poor, and of his duties.对一个贫困检察大选,他的职责。

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PROPOSED ACTION ON CLERICAL CELIBACY.拟议行动文员独身。

[The Acts are not extant.][现存的行为是不。]

NOTES.注。

Often the mind of a deliberative assembly is as clearly shown by the propositions it rejects as by those it adopts, and it would seem that this doctrine is of application in the case of the asserted attempt at this Council to pass a decree forbidding the priesthood to live in the use of marriage.通常,一个审议大会记为所表明的明确主张采用它拒绝为这些,现在,它似乎是这一学说的申请个案中,在这个所称的尝试会通过了一项法令,禁止神职人员在婚姻生活使用。 This attempt is said to have failed.这种企图是说有失败。The particulars are as follows:的详情如下:

HEFELE.黑弗勒。

(Hist. Councils, Vol. I., pp. 435 et seqq.) Socrates, Sozomen, and Gelasius affirm that the Synod of Nicaea, as well as that of Elvira(can. 33), desired to pass a law respecting celibacy. (Hist.议会,卷。第一页。435等seqq。)苏格拉底,Sozomen和格拉西申明尼西亚主教会议的,以及33个的埃尔维拉(can.),期望通过一项法律,尊重独身。 This law was to forbid all bishops, priests and deacons(Sozomen adds subdeacons), who were married at the time of their ordination, to continue to live with their wives.这项法律是为了阻止所有的主教,神父和执事(Sozomen增加修士),谁是他们结婚的协调时间,继续他们的妻子生活在一起。 But, say these historians, the law was opposed openly and decidedly by Paphnutius, bishop of a city of the Upper Thebais in Egypt, a man of a high reputation, who had lost an eye during the persecution under Maximian.但是,这些史学家说,法律是公开和坚决反对由Paphnutius,Thebais主教上的一个城市,在埃及,一个人的声誉高,谁失去了一只眼睛的迫害下玛西缅期间。 He was also, celebrated for his miracles, and was held in so great respect by the Emperor, that the latter often kissed the empty socket of the lost eye.他还为他庆祝的奇迹,并就举行如此之大的皇帝,后者常常亲吻失去的眼睛空的插座。Paphnutius declared with a loud voice, "that too heavy a yoke ought not to be laid upon the clergy; that marriage and married intercourse are of themselves honourable and undefiled; that the Church ought not to be injured by an extreme severity, for all could not live in absolute continency: in this way(by not prohibiting married intercourse) the virtue of the wife would be much more certainly preserved(viz the wife of a clergyman, because she might find injury elsewhere, if her husband withdrew from her married intercourse). The intercourse of a man with his lawful wife may also be a chaste intercourse. It would therefore be sufficient, according to the ancient tradition of the Church, if those who had taken holy orders without being married were prohibited from marrying afterwards; but those clergymen who had been married only once as laymen, were not to be separated from their wives(Gelasius adds, or being only a reader or cantor)." Paphnutius宣布,大声说:“这太沉重的枷锁,因此不应受到神职人员奠定后,这婚姻和已婚交往是自己的光荣而玷污;,教会不应该由一个极端严重受伤,对所有可能生活在绝对不continency:以这种方式(未禁止结婚的性交)的妻子凭借的将是更加肯定保藏(即牧师的妻子,因为她可能会发现其他损伤,如果她的丈夫性交退出她结婚)。妻子性交的男子与他的合法的也可能是一个纯洁的交往。因此,有足够的,按照古老的教会传统,如果那些谁已结婚神圣的命令后没有被禁止结婚,但那些)牧师谁已经结婚只有一次作为外行,是不是领唱脱离自己的妻子(格拉西增加,或仅为读者或。“ This discourse of Paphnutius made so much the more impression, because he had never lived in matrimony himself, and had had no conjugal intercourse.这Paphnutius话语做了这么多的更多的印象,因为他从来没有对自己婚姻生活,并没有夫妻性交。Paphnutius, indeed, had been brought up in a monastery, and his great purity of manners had rendered him especially celebrated.Paphnutius,事实上,已经提出了在一个修道院,他的举止使他有很大的纯度,尤其是庆祝。Therefore the Council took the serious words of the Egyptian bishop into consideration, stopped all discussion upon the law, and left to each cleric the responsibility of deciding the point as he would.因此,安理会采取主教考虑到埃及的话严重的,依法停止所有的讨论后,留下的将每一个教士的责任,因为他决定了这一点。

If this account be true, we must conclude that a law was proposed to the Council of Nicaea the same as one which had been carried twenty years previously at Elvira, in Spain; this coincidence would lead us to believe that it was the Spaniard Hosius who proposed the law respecting celibacy at Nicaea.如果此帐户是真的,我们必须得出结论,提出了一项法律,向理事会的尼西亚同是一份已经进行了二十多年埃尔维拉以前,在西班牙,这巧合会导致我们相信,这是西班牙人侯休斯谁建议在法律尊重尼西亚独身。 The discourse ascribed to Paphnutius, and the consequent decision of the Synod, agree very well with the text of the Apostolic Constitutions, and with the whole practice of the Greek Church in respect to celibacy.到Paphnutius的话语归因,以及随之而来的主教会议的决定,同意得很顺利,宪法文本的使徒,并与希腊教会整体的做法,在尊重独身。 The Greek Church as well as the Latin accepted the principle, that whoever had taken holy orders before marriage, ought not to be married afterwards.希腊教会以及拉丁接受的原则,即凡已结婚前神圣的命令,不应当结婚之后。In the Latin Church, bishops, priests, deacons.在拉丁美洲教会,主教,神父,执事。and even subdeacons, were considered to be subject to this law, because the latter were at a very early period reckoned among the higher servants of the Church, which was not the case in the Greek Church.甚至修士,被认为是受这项法律,因为后者在教会的情况下,希腊在哪个不是很早期计算中更高,公务员的教会。The Greek Church went so far as to allow deacons to marry after their ordination, if previously to it they had expressly obtained from their bishop permission to do so. The Council of Ancyra affirms this(c. 10).希腊教会竟然允许执事结婚后的协调,如果此前他们已明确向它从他们的主教,以便获得许可。目前安该拉理事会确认了这一点(约10)。 We see that the Greek Church wishes to leave the bishop free to decide the matter; but in reference to priests, it also prohibited them from marrying after their ordination.我们看到,要离开希腊教会主教自由决定的事情,但在提到祭司,但他们的配合也禁止从结婚后。Therefore, whilst the Latin Church exacted of those presenting themselves for ordination, even as subdeacons, that they should not continue to live with their wives if they were married, the Greek Church gave no such prohibition; but if the wife of an ordained clergyman died, the Greek Church allowed no second marriage.因此,虽然拉丁美洲教会付出的协调那些表现自我,甚至修士,他们不应该继续他们的妻子生活在一起,如果他们结婚后,希腊教会了没有这样的禁令,但如果牧师死了妻子的一受戒,希腊教会不允许有任何的第二次婚姻。 The Apostolic Constitutions decided this point in the same way.使徒宪法同样的方式决定这一点的。To leave their wives from a pretext of piety was also forbidden to Greek priests; and the Synod of Gangra(c. 4) took为了给自己的妻子借口的虔诚还禁止从希腊祭司和4主教的冈格拉(角)注意到

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up the defence of married priests against the Eustathians.了针对Eustathians已婚神父辩护。 Eustathius, however, was not alone among the Greeks in opposing the marriage of all clerics, and in desiring to introduce into the Greek Church the Latin discipline on this point.欧斯塔修斯,不过,不是仅在各希腊人神职人员结婚,反对一切,和渴望引入希腊教会在这一点上拉丁纪律。St. Epiphanius also inclined towards this side. The Greek Church did not, however, adopt this rigour in reference to priests, deacons, and subdeacons, but by degrees it came to be required of bishops and of the higher order of clergy in general, that they should live in celibacy.圣埃皮法尼乌斯也倾向这一边。希腊教会没有,但是,采取这种严格执事在提到祭司,和修士,而是由它来度要求较高的主教和神职人员一般秩序的,他们应该住在单身。 Yet this was not until after the compilation of the Apostolic Canons(c. 5) and of the Constitutions; for in those documents mention is made of bishops living in wedlock, and Church history shows that there were married bishops.然而,这并不是直到5编制的使徒大炮(长)和宪法;在这些文件提到了非婚生子女在主教的生活,和教会的历史表明,结婚主教。 for instance Synesius, in the fifth century.例如西内西乌斯,在第五世纪。But it is fair to remark, even as to Synesius, that he made it an express condition of his acceptation, on his election to the episcopate, that he might continue to live the married life.但它是公平的话,甚至以西内西乌斯,他做了它一个明确的验收条件,对他当选的主教,他可能继续过着婚姻生活。Thomassin believes that Synesius did not seriously require this condition, and only spoke thus for the sake of escaping the episcopal office; which would seem to imply that in his time Greek bishops had already begun to live in celibacy.汤玛森认为西内西乌斯没有认真要求这个条件,只说了这样的主教的办公室为了逃避的,这似乎暗示,在他那个时代的希腊主教已经开始在独身生活。 At the Trullan Synod(c. 13.) the Greek Church finally settled the question of the marriage of priests.在Trullan主教(约13。)希腊教会神职人员的问题终于解决了的婚姻。Baro-nius, Valesius, and other historians, have considered the account of the part taken by Paphnutius to be apocryphal.巴洛- nius,Valesius和其他历史学家,曾考虑Paphnutius考虑采取部分是猜测。Baronius says, that as the Council of Nicaea in its third canon gave a law upon celibacy it is quite impossible to admit that it would alter such a law on account of Paphnutius.巴若尼说,由于其第三佳能会在尼西亚了独身后的法律,是完全不可能承认它会改变占Paphnutius这样一个法律。 But Baronius is mistaken in seeing a law upon celibacy in that third canon; he thought it to be so, because, when mentioning the women who might live in the clergyman's house- -his mother, sister, etc.--the canon does not say a word about the wife. It had no occasion to mention her, it was referring to the但巴若尼是错误的,看到第三佳能独身后的法律在这,他认为如此,因为,当提及妇女谁可能住在牧师的家,,他的母亲,姐姐等-佳能不妻子说一句话有关。它没有提及她的机会,它指的是 suneisaktoisuneisaktoi whilst these而这些suneisaktoisuneisaktoi and married women have nothing in common.和已婚妇女没有任何共同之处。Natalis Alexander gives this anecdote about Paphnutius in full: he desired to refute Ballarmin, who considered it to be untrue and an invention of Socrates to please the Novatians. Natalis亚历山大给这个充满故事约Paphnutius:他想要反驳Ballarmin,谁认为这是不真实的和苏格拉底发明的,以取悦Novatians。 Natalis Alexander often maintains erroneous opinions, and on the present question he deserves no confidence.Natalis亚历山大经常保持错误的意见,并就当前的问题,他不值得信任。If, as St. Epiphanius relates, the Novatians maintained that the clergy might be married exactly like the laity, it cannot be said that Socrates shared that opinion, since he says, or rather makes Paphnutius say, that, according to ancient tradition, those not married at the time of ordination should not be so subsequently.如果像圣埃皮法尼乌斯关乎的Novatians认为,可能是神职人员和平信徒结婚完全一样,不能说,苏格拉底赞同这个意见,因为他说,或者更确切地说,使Paphnutius说,根据古老的传统,这些不结婚的协调时间不应该这么其后。 Moreover, if it may be said that Socrates had a partial sympathy with the Novatians, he certainly cannot be considered as belonging to them, still less can he be accused of falsifying history in their favour.此外,如果可以说,苏格拉底有一个局部的Novatians同情,他当然不能被认为是属于他们,更不能指责他是赞成他们篡改历史的研究。 He may sometimes have propounded erroneous opinions, but there is a great difference between that and the invention of a whole story.他有时可能propounded错误的意见,但有一个很大的差异,这与整个故事的发明。Valesius especially makes use of the argument ex silentio against Socrates.(a) Rufinus, he says, gives many particulars about Paphnutius in his History of the Church; he mentions his martyrdom, his miracles, and the Emperor's reverence for him, but not a single word of the business about celibacy.(b) The name of Paphnutius is wanting in the list of Egyptian bishops present at the Synod. Valesius特别是使苏格拉底使用参数对前silentio。(1)Rufinus,他说,给教会的历史,许多细节他对Paphnutius中,他提到他的牺牲,他的奇迹,和皇帝的他的崇敬,而不是一一个字的独身业务有关。(二)Paphnutius名称是希望在主教会议的主教出席名单埃及。 These two arguments of Valesius are weak; the second has the authority of Rufinus himself against it, who expressly says that Bishop Paphnutius was present at the Council of Nicaea.论点Valesius这两个薄弱,第二有Rufinus自己反对权威,明确指出谁是尼西亚主教Paphnutius出席了会议。 If Valesius means by lists only the signatures at the end of the acts of the Council, this proves nothing; for these lists are very imperfect, and it is well known that many bishops whose names are not among these signatures were present at Nicaea.如果Valesius签名是指只列出了在安理会结束的行为,这证明什么,这些名单是非常不完善,这是众所周知的,在尼西亚许多主教之间的名称不这是目前的签名。 This argument ex silentio is evidently insufficient to prove that the anecdote about Paphnutius must be rejected as false, seeing that it is in perfect harmony with the practice of the ancient Church, and especially of the Greek Church, on the subject of clerical marriages.这个论点显然是前silentio不足以证明Paphnutius轶事约必须拒绝为虚假,看到它教会是古老的完美和谐与实践,特别是希腊教会的婚姻,对文书的课题。 On the other hand, Thomassin pretends that there was no such practice, and endeavours to prove by quotations from St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome, Eusebius, and St.另一方面,汤玛森假装不存在这种做法和努力,以证明圣报价从圣埃皮法尼乌斯,圣杰罗姆,尤西比乌斯,和John Chrysostom, that even in the East priests who were married at the time of their ordination were prohibited from continuing to live with their wives.约翰金口,即使在他们的协调东祭司谁是结婚时妻子在被禁止继续与他们的生活。The texts quoted by Thomassin prove only that the Greeks gave especial honour to priests living in perfect continency, but they do not prove that this continence was a duty incumbent upon all priests; and so much the less, as the fifth and twenty-fifth Apostolic canons, the fourth canon of Gangra, and the thirteenth of the Trullan Synod, demonstrate clearly enough what was the universal custom of the Greek Church on this point.由汤玛森引用的文字证明只是希腊人给祭司continency特殊荣幸地生活在完美的,但他们不节制证明这是一个所有祭司的责任义不容辞,和这么多的越少,作为第五和第二十五届使徒大炮,第四的冈格拉佳能,和主教会议第十三次Trullan,足以清楚显示了这一点,什么是教会的普遍习俗对希腊。 Lupus and Phillips explained the words of Paphnutius in another sense.狼疮性和菲利普斯解释Paphnutius在另一意义上的词语。 According to them, the Egyptian bishop was not speaking in a general way; he simply desired that the contemplated law should not include the subdeacons.据他们说,埃及主教不是在一般意义上说,他只是希望,该法应考虑不包括修士。But this explanation does not agree with the extracts quoted from Socrates, Sozomen, and Gelasius, who believe Paphnutius intended deacons and priests as well.但这种解释并不认同,以及神职人员的提取物引述苏格拉底,Sozomen和格拉西,谁相信Paphnutius打算和执事。

[53] [53]

THE SYNODAL LETTER.主教会议的信。

(Found in Gelasius, Historia Concilii Nicaeni, lib. II, cap. xxxiii. ; Socr., HE, lib. I., cap. 6; Theodor., HE, lib. I., cap. 9.)(格拉西中发现,史记Concilii Nicaeni,lib中。二,帽。三十三。; Socr。,他,lib中。一,帽。6;西奥多。,他,lib中。一,帽。9。)

To the Church of Alexandria, by the grace of GOD, holy and great; and to our well-beloved brethren, the orthodox clergy and laity throughout Egypt, and Pentapolis, and Lybia, and every nation under heaven, the holy and great synod, the bishops assembled at Nicea, wish health in the LORD.对于亚历山大教会,由主教恩典,神圣和伟大,以及我们良好的亲爱的弟兄们,东正教神职人员和信徒遍及埃及,五城,和利比亚,并根据每个国家的天堂,神圣和伟大,聚集在尼西亚主教,希望在耶和华健康。

FORASMUCH as the great and holy Synod, which was assembled at Niece through the grace of Christ and our most religious Sovereign Constantine, who brought us together from our several provinces and cities, has considered matters which concern the faith of the Church, it seemed to us to be necessary that certain things should be communicated from us to you in writing, so that you might have the means of knowing what has been mooted and investigated, and also what has been decreed and confirmed. forasmuch作为伟大和神圣的主教,这是尼斯通过聚集在基督的恩典和我们最宗教君主君士坦丁,谁把我们的城市和我们一起从几个省,有否考虑事项关注教会的信仰,它似乎我们需要某些事情应该由我们以书面形式传达给你,让你有可能知道什么手段证实已酝酿和调查,并已颁布和什么。

First of all, then, in the presence of our most religious Sovereign Constantine, investigation was made of matters concerning the impiety and transgression of Arias and his adherents; and it was unanimously decreed that he and his impious opinion should be anathematized, together with the blasphemous words and speculations in which he indulged, blaspheming the Son of God, and saying that he is from things that are not, and that before he was begotten he was not, and that there was a time when he was not, and that the Son of God is by his free will capable of vice and virtue; saying also that he is a creature.首先,然后,在君士坦丁宗教存在的最主权,调查是由信徒事宜不虔诚他和海侵的阿里亚斯和,并颁布了一致,他和他的大不敬认为应诅咒,连同亵渎文字和猜测中,他沉迷,亵渎神的儿子,并说他不从事情是,这之前,他是造物主,他是不是,有一段时间他没有,而且上帝的儿子是他的自由意志的美德能够色情及;也说,他是一个生物。 All these things the holy Synod has anathematized, not even enduring to hear his impious doctrine and madness and blasphemous words.所有这些东西的圣主教的诅咒,甚至没有听到他的大不敬持久的学说和疯狂和亵渎的话。And of the charges against him and of the results they had, ye have either already heard or will hear the particulars, lest we should seem to be oppressing a man who has in fact received a fitting recompense for his own sin.和他们对他的指控和结果,你们不是已经听到或将听到的资料,否则我们应该压迫似乎是一个男人谁,其实他自己的罪恶得到一个合适的报答。 So far indeed has his impiety prevailed, that he has even destroyed Theonas of Marmorica and Secundes of Ptolemais; for they also have received the same sentence as the rest.到目前为止,的确有他的不虔诚占了上风,他甚至摧毁托勒梅斯Theonas的Marmorica和Secundes,因为他们也收到相同的句子的其余部分。

But when the grace of God had delivered Egypt from that heresy and blasphemy, and from the persons who have dared to make disturbance and division among a people heretofore at peace, there remained the matter of the insolence of Meletius and those who have been ordained by him; and concerning this part of our work we now, beloved brethren, proceed to inform you of the decrees of the Synod.但是,当亵渎神的恩典,并发表了埃及从异端,并从人谁也不敢在此以前作出的和平干扰和分工1人,仍然存在Meletius事项的傲慢和那些谁已颁布了他,以及关于这个工作的一部分,我们用现在,亲爱的弟兄们,请继续告知你的世界主教会议的法令。 The Synod, then, being disposed to deal gently with Meletius(for in strict justice he deserved no leniency), decreed that he should remain in his own city, but have no authority either to ordain, or to administer affairs, or to make appointments; and that he should not appear in the country or in any other city for this purpose, but should enjoy the bare title of his rank; but that those who have been placed by him, after they have been confirmed by a more sacred laying on of hands, shall on these conditions be admitted to communion: that they shall both have their rank and the right to officiate, but that they shall be altogether the inferiors of all those who are enrolled in any church or parish, and have been appointed by our most honourable colleague Alexander.主教会议,然后,轻轻地来处理处置与Meletius(在严格的正义,他不配受到宽大处理),下令他应该留在自己的城市,但没有权力要么阿拉维,或管理的事务,或预约,并认为他不应该出现在任何其他国家或城市在这方面,而应享受他的职级裸称号,但那些谁被他放在了后,他们已经证实了一个更神圣的铺设手,应当就这些条件被接纳共融:他们双方都有自己的地位,有权主持,但他们应完全谁是下级所有这些教区教堂或参加任何,并已委任我们最可敬的同事亚历山大。 So that these men are to have no authority to make appointments of persons who may be pleasing to them, nor to suggest names, nor to do anything whatever, without the consent of the bishops of the Catholic and Apostolic Church, who are serving under our most holy colleague Alexander; while those who, by the grace of God and through your prayers, have been found in no schism, but on the contrary are without spot in the Catholic and Apostolic Church, are to have authority to make appointments and nominations of worthy persons among the clergy, and in short to do all things according to the law and ordinance of the Church.因此,这些人是没有权力,使他们任命的人谁可能是令人高兴的,也不是建议的名字,也没有做任何事情,是没有根据的同意现任主教的天主教和使徒教会,谁是我们的亚历山大最神圣的同事,而那些谁,由神的恩典,并通过你们的祈祷,都没有发现被分裂,反而是没有当场在天主教教会和使徒,是有权力作出的任命和提名值得人之间的神职人员,并在短期内做一切事情教会根据法律和条例。 But, if it happen that any of the clergy who are now in the Church should die, then those who have been lately received are to succeed to the office of the deceased; always provided that they shall appear to be worthy, and that the people elect them, and that the bishop of Alexandria shall concur in the election and ratify it.但是,如果它发生的任何死者的神职人员谁是目前在教会应该死了,那么那些谁最近已收到的继承了办公室的,始终是他们应提供似乎是值得的,而人选举他们,而亚历山大主教应同意在选举和批准。 This concession has been made to all the rest; but, on account of his disorderly conduct from the first, and the rashness and precipitation of his character, the same decree was not这项宽减措施已取得了所有休息,但他的帐户上进行无序的,从第一和草率和他的性格沉淀,同样的法令是不

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made concerning Meletius himself, but that, inasmuch as he is a man capable of committing again the same disorders, no authority nor privilege should be conceded to him.提出的关于Meletius自己,但,因为他是男人的特权能够再次犯同样的病,没有权力也不应该承认他。

These are the particulars, which are of special interest to Egypt and to the most holy Church of Alexandria; but if in the presence of our most honoured lord, our colleague and brother Alexander, anything else has been enacted by canon or other decree, he will himself convey it to you in greater detail, he having been both a guide and fellow-worker in what has been done.这些都是细节,这是特别关心和对埃及的亚历山大教会最神圣的,但如果在亚历山大的存在是我们最荣幸的主,我们的同事和兄弟,任何其他人都颁布法令,由他或其他佳能将自己更详细地传达给你,他已被工在什么都做了指导和研究员。

We further proclaim to you the good news of the agreement concerning the holy Easter, that this particular also has through your prayers been rightly settled; so that all our brethren in the East who formerly followed the custom of the Jews are henceforth to celebrate the said most sacred feast of Easter at the same time with the Romans and yourselves and all those who have observed Easter from the beginning.我们还传给你们神圣的复活节好消息,该协议有关,那这也是你的祈祷已经通过被正确地解决,因此,在东方的所有兄弟谁以前遵循犹太人的习俗是说,从今以后,以庆祝最神圣的节日复活节在同一时间开始与罗马人与自己和所有那些谁从观察到的复活节。

Wherefore, rejoicing in these wholesome results, and in our common peace and harmony, and in the cutting off of every heresy, receive ye with the greater honour and with increased love, our colleague your Bishop Alexander, who has gladdened us by his presence, and who at so great an age has undergone so great fatigue that peace might be established among you and all of us.人哪,在这欢乐健康的结果,在我们共同的和平与和谐,并在每一个异端切断,得到爱你们的更大的荣誉和增加,我们的同事亚历山大的主教,我们谁也欢喜他的存在,在如此之大,谁的年龄发生了如此巨大的疲劳感,可能是我们建立和平你们中间和所有。 Pray ye also for us all, that the things which have been deemed advisable may stand fast; for they have been done, as we believe, to the well-pleasing of Almighty God and of his only Begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Ghost, to whom be glory for ever.愿你们也都对我们来说,快速的东西有可能被认为可取的立场,因为他们已经这样做,因为我们相信,在完善和全能的上帝的喜悦和他唯一的儿子,我们的主耶稣基督,的圣灵,谁是永远光荣。 Amen.阿门。

ON THE KEEPING OF EASTER.关于复活节的一致。

From the Letter of the Emperor to all those not present at the Council. (Found in Eusebius, Vita Const., Lib. iii., 18-20.)从皇帝的信给所有那些没有出席会议。(尤西比乌斯中发现,维他常量。,利布。三。,18-20。)

When the question relative to the sacred festival of Easter arose, it was universally thought that it would be convenient that all should keep the feast on one day; for what could be more beautiful and more desirable, than to see this festival, through which we receive the hope of immortality, celebrated by all with one accord, and in the same manner?当问题相对于神圣的节日复活节出现,人们普遍认为,这将是方便,都应该保持一天的盛宴上,对什么可以更美丽,更可取的,而不是看到这个节日,我们透过收到的不朽希望,所有庆祝共同协商,并以同样的方式? It was declared to be particularly unworthy for this, the holiest of all festivals, to follow the custom[the calculation] of the Jews, who had soiled their hands with the most fearful of crimes, and whose minds were blinded.它被宣布为特别不值得为这一点,最神圣的节日,我要按照习惯[犹太人的计算]的,谁沾了他们的双手犯罪最可怕的,其思想被蒙蔽。 In rejecting their custom,(1) we may transmit to our descendants the legitimate mode of celebrating Easter, which we have observed from the time of the Saviour's Passion to the present day[according to the day of the week].在驳回他们的习惯,(1)我们可以向我们的子孙至今合法方式庆祝复活节,我们的救主的时间观察到的激情到[按]星期几。 We ought not, therefore, to have anything in common with the Jews, for the Saviour has shown us another way; our worship follows a more legitimate and more convenient course(the order of the days of the week); and consequently, in unanimously adopting this mode, we desire, dearest brethren, to separate ourselves from the detestable company of the Jews, for it is truly shameful for us to hear them boast that without their direction we could not keep this feast.我们不应该,因此,有共同的东西,与犹太人的救世主告诉我们另一种方式,我们的崇拜如下一个更合理和更方便的课程(一周秩序的天);而因此,在一致采用这种模式下,我们的愿望,最亲爱的弟兄们,以自己独立的犹太人从该公司的可恨,因为它是真正为我们听到他们可耻,没有夸耀自己的方向,我们不能让这个节日。 How can they be in the right, they who, after the death of the Saviour, have no longer been led by reason but by wild violence, as their delusion may urge them?如何才能在正确的,他们谁后,死亡的救主,已不再被领导的道理,但是,由野生暴力,因为他们的妄想可能会促使他们呢?They do not possess the truth in this Easter question; for, in their blindness and repugnance to all improvements, they frequently celebrate two passovers in the same year.他们不具备在复活节这问题的真相,因为,在他们的盲目性和厌恶所有的改进,他们经常庆祝同年2 passovers在。 We could not imitate those who are openly in error.我们无法模仿的谁是错误公开研究。How, then, could we follow these Jews, who are most certainly blinded by error?那么,我们可以按照这些犹太人,谁是最肯定错误蒙蔽的? for to celebrate the passover twice in one year is totally inadmissible.为庆祝一年两度的逾越节是完全不可接受的。But even if this were not so, it would still be your duty not to tarnish your soul by communications with such wicked people[the Jews].但即使不是这样,它始终是你的责任不损害犹太人]你的灵魂邪恶的人[由通信这样。Besides, consider well, that in such an important matter, and on a subject of such great solemnity, there ought not to be any division.此外,考虑好,庄严,在这样一个重要事项,以及大的课题,因此,不应当有任何分裂。Our Saviour has left us only one festal day of our redemption, that is to say, of his holy passion, and he desired[to establish] only one Catholic Church.我们的救主为我们留下的只有1天的赎回节日,这就是说,他的神圣的激情,他想要的[确定]只有一个天主教教堂。Think, then, how unseemly it is, that on the same day some should be fasting whilst others are seated at a banquet; and that after Easter, some should be rejoicing at feasts, whilst others are still observing a strict fast.想想,那么,它是如何得体,即在同一天,一些应禁食,其余则坐在一个宴会,并认为复活节后,有的要在节日欢乐,而其他人仍在观察严格快。 For this reason, a Divine Providence wills that this custom should be rectified and regulated in a uniform way; and everyone, I hope, will agree upon this point.基于这个原因,一个神圣的普罗维登斯遗嘱,这习惯应予以纠正,并以统一的方式来规管,以及每一个人,我希望会同意这点。 As, on the one hand, it is our duty not to have anything in common with the murderers of our Lord; and as, on the other, the custom now followed by the Churches of the West, of the South, and of由于,一方面,它是我们的责任不是我们有什么勋爵共同的杀人犯;及作为,另一方面,自定义现在南其次是教会西,在和

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the North, and by some of those of the East, is the most acceptable, it has appeared good to all; and I have been guarantee for your consent, that you would accept it with joy, as it is followed at Rome, in Africa, in all Italy, Egypt, Spain, Gaul, Britain, Libya, in all Achaia, and in the dioceses of Asia, of Pontus, and Cilicia.北方,一些人来说,那些由东是最容易被接受,它已经出现好一切,而我已同意你的保证,你会接受它与喜悦,因为它是遵循在罗马非洲,在所有意大利,埃及,西班牙,高卢,英国,利比亚,在所有亚该亚,以及在亚洲教区的本都,对,和基利家。 You should consider not only that the number of churches in these provinces make a majority, but also that it is right to demand what our reason approves, and that we should have nothing in common with the Jews.你应该考虑不仅在于一些省份在这些教会作出了绝大多数,而且它有权要求什么是我们的理性认同,而且我们应该有犹太人与毫无共同之处。 To sum up in few words: By the unanimous judgment of all, it has been decided that the most holy festival of Easter should be everywhere celebrated on one and the same day, and it is not seemly that in so holy a thing there should be any division.在总结词数:由所有一致的判断,它已决定,最神圣的节日复活节的一天应该庆祝到处是同一个,是不是得体,在如此神圣的东西应该有任何分裂。 As this is the state of the case, accept joyfully the divine favour, and this truly divine command; for all which takes place in assemblies of the bishops ought to be regarded as proceeding from the will of God.由于这是国家的情况,高兴地接受了神圣的赞成票,这真正神圣的命令,为所有需要的地方主教集会的应该视为上帝作为出发会从。 Make known to your brethren what has been decreed, keep this most holy day according to the prescribed mode; we can thus celebrate this holy Easter day at the same time, if it is granted me, as I desire, to unite myself with you; we can rejoice together, seeing that the divine power has made use of our instrumentality for destroying the evil designs of the devil, and thus causing faith, peace, and unity to flourish amongst us.下令让人们了解了什么是你的弟兄们,保持这个最神圣的一天按照规定的模式,我们可以这样庆祝这个神圣的复活节在同一时间,如果它被授予我,我的愿望,团结与你自己;我们可以一起欢乐,看到了神圣的权力作出了魔鬼设计的使用消灭邪恶的工具性为,从而导致信仰,和平,繁荣和团结,我们中间。 May God graciously protect you, my beloved brethren.愿上帝慷慨地保护你,我亲爱的弟兄们。

EXCURSUS ON THE SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF THE EASTER QUESTION.附录关于复活节问题的以后的历史中。

(Hefele: Hist. of the Councils, Vol. I., pp. 328 et seqq.) The differences in the way of fixing the period of Easter did not indeed disappear after the Council of Nicea. (黑弗勒:组织胺政局。的,卷。第一页。328等seqq。)的区别在尼西亚的方式固定在复活节期间的确没有消失后的安理会。Alexandria and Rome could not agree, either because one of the two Churches neglected to make the calculation for Easter, or because the other considered it inaccurate.亚历山大和罗马可能不同意,或者是因为它不准确的另外一个考虑的两个教会的忽视,使计算复活节,或因为。It is a fact, proved by the ancient Easter table of the Roman Church, that the cycle of eighty-four years continued to be used at Rome as before. Now this cycle differed in many ways from the Alexandrian, and did not always agree with it about the period for Easter--in fact(a), the Romans used quite another method from the Alexandrians; they calculated from the epact, and began from the feria prima of January.(b.) The Romans were mistaken in placing the full moon a little too soon; whilst the Alexandrians placed it a little too late.(c.) At Rome the equinox was supposed to fall on March 18th; whilst the Alexandrians placed it on March 21st.(d.) Finally, the Romans differed in this from the Greeks also; they did not celebrate Easter the next day when the full moon fell on the Saturday.这是一个事实,证明了古老的复活节教会的罗马表,即年周期的84继续用在罗马以前一样。现在,这个周期在不同的亚历山大许多方面,并没有总是同意约过了复活节期间-事实上(1),罗马人使用了亚力山大又是另一套方法,他们计算出的能源政策法案,并开始从元月费里亚表面。(二)罗马人是在把错误满月有点太快;虽然亚力山大放在它有点为时已晚。(公元前罗马)在春分是应该落在3月18日,虽然亚力山大它放在21年3月。(四)最后,罗马人在这不同的希腊人也,他们没有庆祝复活节的第二天,满月落在星期六。

Even the year following the Council of Nicea--that is, in 326--as well as in the years 330, 333, 340, 341, 343, the Latins celebrated Easter on a different day from the Alexandrians.即使是一年后的尼西亚理事会-也就是说,在326 -以及在未来的330,333,340,341,343,拉丁人庆祝复活节亚力山大从一个不同的日子。In order to put an end to this misunderstanding, the Synod of Sardica in 343, as we learn from the newly discovered festival letters of S. Athanasius, took up again the question of Easter, and brought the two parties(Alexandrians and Romans) to regulate, by means of mutual concessions, a common day for Easter for the next fifty years.为了制止这种误解,在343萨尔迪卡主教会议的,因为我们学习的新发现的南亚他那修信的节日,再次拿起复活节的问题,并带来了两个政党(亚力山大和罗马),以规范,就是通过多年的相互让步,未来50天为一个共同的复活节。 This compromise, after a few years, was not observed.这一妥协,几年后,并没有观察到。The troubles excited by the Arian heresy, and the division which it caused between the East and the West, prevented the decree of Sardica from being put into execution; therefore the Emperor Theodosius the Great, after the re-establishment of peace in the Church, found himself obliged to take fresh steps for obtaining a complete uniformity in the manner of celebrating Easter.阿里安异端的兴奋的麻烦,而造成分裂,它与西方和东方,防止萨尔迪卡法令被执行的投入,因此,皇帝狄奥多西大帝,后重新建立和平的,在教会,发现自己不得不采取新的步骤,为庆祝复活节的方式,获得完整均匀性研究。 In 387, the Romans having kept Easter on March 21st, the Alexandrians did not do so for five weeks later--that is to say, till April 25th--because with the Alexandrians the equinox was not till March 21st.在387,罗马人有保持21年3月的复活节,亚力山大并没有这样做五个星期之后-也就是25日至4月21日-因为与亚力山大的春分至3月没有。 The Emperor Theodosius the Great then asked Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria for an explanation of the difference.皇帝狄奥多西大又问解释不同,西奥菲勒斯,亚历山大的主教。The bishop responded to the Emperor's desire, and drew up a chronological table of the Easter festivals, based upon the principles acknowledged by the Church of Alexandria.主教回应对皇帝的愿望,并制定了节日复活节时间顺序表,亚历山大基于教会原则的承认。Unfortunately, we now possess only the prologue of his work.不幸的是,我们现在拥有的只是他工作的序幕。

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Upon an invitation from Rome, S. Ambrose also mentioned the period of this same Easter in 387, in his letter to the bishops of AEmilia, and he sides with the Alexandrian computation.来自罗马的邀请后,一,第387刘汉铨也提到同样在复活节期间阿伊米力阿会堂,在他的信的主教,他和亚历山大计算双方的。 Cyril of Alexandria abridged the paschal table of his uncle Theophilus, and fixed the time for the ninety-five following Easters--that is, from 436 to 531 after Christ.西里尔亚历山大叔叔的合力将他西奥菲勒斯逾越表,并规定伊斯特斯时间为95以下-也就是说,从436到531后,基督。 Besides this Cyril showed, in a letter to the Pope, what was defective in the Latin calculation; and this demonstration was taken up again, some time after, by order of the Emperor, by Paschasinus, Bishop of Lilybaeum and Proterius of Alexandria, in a letter written by them to Pope Leo I. In consequence of these communications, Pope Leo often gave the preference to the Alexandrian computation, instead of that of the Church of Rome.除此之外西里尔表明,在计算写信给教皇,拉丁美洲是什么缺陷的,而这次的展示被再度上升,以后相当一段时间,由皇帝的命令,由Paschasinus亚历山大主教的利利巴厄姆和Proterius在狮子座一,写了一封信给教宗的后果,这在通信,教皇利奥往往倾向于给亚历山大计算,而不是罗马的教会的。 At the same time also was generally established, the opinion so little entertained by the ancient authorities of the Church--one might even say, so strongly in contradiction to their teaching--that Christ partook of the passover on the 14th Nisan, that he died on the 15th(not on the 14th, as the ancients considered), that he lay in the grave on the 16th, and rose again on the 17th.在普遍建立,同时也认为这么少的款待古老的教会当局-甚至可以说,如此强烈的矛盾,他们的教学-即基督,友人尼散月14日的逾越节,他第15届第14次死亡的(不是,因为古人认为),他在第16躺在坟墓上,并再次在第17次上升。 In the letter we have just mentioned, Proterius of Alexandria openly admitted all these different points.在亚历山大信,就在刚才提到,Proterius公开承认所有这些不同点。

Some years afterwards, in 457, Victor of Aquitane, by order of the Roman Archdeacon Hilary, endeavoured to make the Roman and the Alexandrian calculations agree together.几年之后,在457,维克多的Aquitane希拉里,副主教发出命令,罗马,努力使罗马和亚历山大一起计算的同意。 It has been conjectured that subsequently Hilary, when Pope, brought Victor's calculation into use, in 456--that is, at the time when the cycle of eighty-four years came to an end.据推测,希拉里后来,当教皇,计算到使用维克托带来的,在456 -也就是说,在多年的时间周期时的84来结束。In the latter cycle the new moons were marked more accurately, and the chief differences existing between the Latin and Greek calculations disappeared; so that the Easter of the Latins generally coincided with that of Alexandria, or was only a very little removed from it.在后一种循环的新卫星被标记更准确,计算和行政之间存在分歧的拉丁文和希腊文消失,从而使拉丁复活节这正好与普遍认为的亚历山德里亚,或只是从一个非常小删除。 In cases when the在情况下,当 id编号fell on a Saturday, Victor did not wish to decide whether Easter should be celebrated the next day, as the Alexandrians did, or should be postponed for a week.落在星期六,维克多不想来决定是否应该庆祝复活节的第二天,当时的亚力山大,或应推迟一个星期。He indicates both dates in his table, and leaves the Pope to decide what was to be done in each separate case.他表示在他的桌子首尾,叶教宗决定什么是可以做的每一个单独的案件。Even after Victor's calculations, there still remained great differences in the manner of fixing the celebration of Easter; and it was Dionysius the Less who first completely overcame them, by giving to the Latins a paschal table having as its basis the cycle of nineteen years.即使在维克多的计算,仍然存在着复活节的巨大差异庆祝的方式是固定;和它修斯为基础的周期19年的减谁第一个完全克服了这些后,给该表拉丁1逾越节。 This cycle perfectly corresponded to that of Alexandria, and thus established that harmony which had been so long sought in vain.这个周期完全对应亚历山大认为,因此而建立的和谐已被这么长时间徒劳的要求研究。He showed the advantages of his calculation so strongly, that it was admitted by Rome and by the whole of Italy; whilst almost the whole of Gaul remained faithful to Victor's canon, and Great Britain still held the 'cycle of eighty-four years, a little improved by Sulpicius Severus. When the Heptarchy was evangelized by the Roman missionaries, the new converts accepted the calculation of Dionysius, whilst the ancient Churches of Wales held fast their old tradition.他表明他的计算优势如此强烈,这是承认了罗马,由意大利整体;而几乎高卢整体仍然忠实于维克多的佳能和英国仍举行了',周期八十四年1小改善sulpicius塞维鲁。当传教士传教的七国时代是由罗马,新的转换计算狄奥尼修斯接受了,而威尔士的古老教堂坚守自己的传统。 From this arose the well-known British dissensions about the celebration of Easter, which were transplanted by Columban into Gaul.从这个由隆庞出现移植到高卢良好的纠纷被英国著名的复活节庆祝活动有关的,这。In 729, the majority of the ancient British Churches accepted the cycle of nineteen years.在729,绝大多数的教堂古老的英国接受了19年的周期。It had before been introduced into Spain, immediately after the conversion of Reccared.它被引入到西班牙之前,后立即Reccared转换。Finally, under Charles the Great, the cycle of nineteen years triumphed over all opposition; and thus the whole of Christendom was united, for the Quartodecimans had gradually disappeared.(1)最后,根据查尔斯大,周期19年战胜了所有反对的声音,从而为整个基督教团结,为Quartodecimans已逐渐消失。(1)

SOURCE: Henry R. Percival, ed., _The Seven Ecumenical Councils of the Undivided Church_, Vol XIV.消息来源:亨利河波斯富街,编辑。,两队的7卷第14合一议会的不可分割的Church_。


Second Council of Nicaea (787)第二届理事会的尼西亚(787)

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(787) (787)

The Second Council of Nicaea was the seventh ecumenical council provided the climax (though not yet the end) of the iconoclastic controversy by decisively authorizing the veneration of images of various sorts but especially those of Christ, Mary, the holy angels, and the saints.第二届理事会的尼西亚大公会议是第七届提供了高潮(虽然尚未结束和圣人的天使)的反传统的敬仰果断授权的争议,由神圣的形象,特别是各类但那些基督,圣母玛利亚,。 The controversy had begun when the emperors Leo III (beginning in 725) and his son after him, Constantine V, tried to abruptly end the practice of worshiping images, which had been growing in the church for over three centuries.这场争论开始时,他在皇帝利奥三世(725开头)和他的儿子后,康斯坦丁五,试图突然结束了百年的实践崇拜的图像,其中有在教会增长超过三个。 This seems to have been partly in response to the threat of Islam, which attributed its success to an unidolatrous monotheism.这似乎已部分一神教回应unidolatrous伊斯兰的威胁,这归功于其成功的一个。Constantine V convened a council in 754 that rendered an iconoclastic definitio based on the second commandment, the earliest fathers, and the concern that images were attempts to circumscribe the divine nature.康斯坦丁V召开一个会,在754呈现一反传统的definitio戒律的基础上,第二次是最早的父亲,并担心图像试图限定的神性。

These actions were opposed by certain influential figures in the East, including Germanus of Constantinople and John of Damascus, and also by the Roman popes Gregory II, Gregory III, and Hadrian I. After the death of Constantine V his wife, Irene, reversed his policies while acting as regent for their son, Leo IV (whom she later murdered).这些行动是反对约翰大马士革某些有影响力的人物中,东,包括君士坦丁堡Germanus的,并且是由罗马教皇格雷戈里二,格雷戈里第三,和哈德良一后,死亡的君士坦丁V部提出的妻子艾琳改变了他政策,同时)担任摄政杀害他们的儿子利奥四(她后来人。 She convened the council which met at Nicaea in 787, attended by over three hundred bishops.她尼西亚召开的议会,它在787举行,主教出席超过300。At this council the iconoclasts were anathematized and the worship of images upheld.在本局的反传统主义者的诅咒和图像崇拜的坚持。But a distinction was drawn between worship defined as proskynesis, which was to be given to images or rather more properly through the images to their prototypes, and worship defined as latria, which was to be given to God alone.但是,区别对待的崇拜proskynesis定义为,这是给予,而他们的原型图像或更恰当地通过图像和latria作为崇拜的定义,这是上帝给予单。 The authority for image worship was considered to be the worship of the angel of the Lord in the OT and the incarnate Christ in the NT, the teaching and practice of the latter fathers, and the practice of venerating Mary and the saints that had become so established that not even the iconoclasts opposed it (they only opposed the worship of their images).崇拜权力的图像被认为是如此崇拜上帝的天使在加时赛,它已成为体现和基督在新台币实践中,教学与后者圣人的父亲,和实践的崇拜和玛丽确定,甚至不反对它的反传统主义者(他们只是反对崇拜的图像)。 Despite a brief outbreak of iconoclasm, the position of this council became standard orthodoxy in Greek and Roman churches.尽管短暂爆发的反传统,安理会的这一立场成为罗马教会的正统在希腊和标准。

The distinction between proskynesis and latria, or, as later put in the West, between dulia and latria, is so fine as to be imperceptible in common practice.这,区分proskynesis和latria,或稍后将在西方,与杜利亚和latria,是如此的罚款,必须在实践中潜移默化普遍。 As Calvin argued, the biblical usage of the words certainly does not recognize the distinction that Nicaea attempted to establish.正如卡尔文指出的,使用的圣经的话当然不承认尼西亚的区别,试图建立。Thus the Reformation rejected the decision of this council as encouraging idolatry.因此,改革的决定,拒绝了偶像崇拜,鼓励本会。

CA Blaising加州Blaising
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃尔韦尔福音字典)

Bibliography 书目
H. Bettenson, Documents of the Christian Church; J. Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion 1.11-12; J. Gonzalez, A History of Christian Thought, II; EJ Martin, A History of the Iconoclastic Controversy; P. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, IV.阁下Bettenson,基督教教会文件的J.卡尔文学院的基督教宗教1.11-12的J.冈萨雷斯,一个基督教思想史,二; Ej为马丁,争议的历史打破传统习俗;体育沙夫,历史基督教教会,四。


Second Council of Nicaea - 787 AD第二届理事会的尼西亚 - 公元787

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