Oxford movement, Tractarians牛津运动

General Information一般信息

A movement to reform the Church of England begun at Oxford University in 1833, the Oxford movement was led by John Keble, John Henry Newman, and Richard Hurrell Froude.一个运动改革英国教会在1833年开始在英国牛津大学,牛津运动是福禄领导约翰基布尔,纽曼和理查德赫雷尔。All were fellows of Oriel College, Oxford, passionately loyal to the church, and deeply disturbed by the British government's interference in its affairs.都是事务的奥丽尔学院研究员,牛津大学,热情地忠于教会的,并深感不安,英国政府的干预的。In addition, they were influenced by the patristic writings and attracted to the ritual and worship of the early and medieval church.此外,他们受到了教父的著作,并吸引了仪式和崇拜的早期和中世纪教堂。

Newman believed the movement began when, on July 14, 1833, Keble preached on "National Apostasy," a sermon prompted by an attempt in Parliament to suppress ten Irish bishoprics. More important was the publication of Tracts for the Times by Newman.纽曼认为,运动开始时,于1833年7月14日,基布尔宣扬“民族变节,”布道主教提示,企图压制10爱尔兰议会。更重要的是为大港时代出版由纽曼。 The first three were published on Sept. 9, 1833; and the last, Tract 90, which aroused a storm of controversy, in 1841.前三个分别发表了1833年9月9日,而最后,道90,这引起了在争议,1841年1风暴。The tracts aimed at recalling the English to true churchmanship, to an understanding of the church as an organic, independent body, not a creature of the state, and to a sacramental ministry and life.真正churchmanship到的小册子旨在回顾了英语,到教堂了解作为一个有机的,独立的机构,不是一个国家的生物,并在圣事部和生活。 The Tractarians, as they came to be called, envisioned the movement as a middle way between Roman Catholicism and evangelicalism.该Tractarians,因为他们后来被称为,所设想的福音派运动,天主教和罗马之间的中间道路。

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The movement was soon under attack.这个运动很快就受到攻击。Liberals protested its dogmatism and evangelicals its Roman tendencies.自由派抗议其教条主义和福音派的罗马倾向。Gradually some of its members, including William Ward and Henry Manning, joined the Roman Catholic church.逐步曼宁它的一些成员,包括威廉沃德和亨利,加入了罗马天主教教堂。In 1845, Newman was converted and the movement came to a point of crisis.1845年,纽曼被转换和运动来到了一个危机点。Leadership passed to Keble, Edward Pusey, and Charles Marriott.领导交给基布尔,爱德华皮塞,和查尔斯万豪。The movement's principles were maintained by Anglo - Catholics who were much influenced by ritualism, Christian Socialism, and liberalism. In 1889 the heirs of the Tractarians, led by Charles Gore, published Lux Mundi, a book that attempted to reconcile the Catholic faith of the Church of England with modern intellectual and moral positions.该运动的原则是维护盎格鲁-天主教徒谁明显自由主义影响仪式主义,基督教社会主义和。1889年的继承人的Tractarians的领导查尔斯戈尔发表世界之光,一书,试图天主教信仰调和英格兰教会与现代知识和道德立场。 The Oxford movement had a strong influence on the doctrines, spirituality, and ritual of the established church, and its principles continue to inform the entire Anglican Communion.牛津运动有一,精神强大影响力的学说,教会礼仪的建立,其原则继续向整个英国圣公会。

John E Booty约恩E布蒂

Bibliography 书目
O Chadwick, The Mind of the Oxford Movement (1960); R Chapman, Faith and Revolt (1970); R Church, The Oxford Movement: Twelve Years, 1833 - 1845 (1970); E Fairweather, ed., The Oxford Movement (1964); J Griffin, The Oxford Movement, 1833 - 1983: A Revision (1984); MR O'Connell, The Oxford Conspirators: A History of the Oxford Movement 1833 - 45 (1969); G Rowell, ed., Tradition Renewed (1986). Ø查德威克的)心的牛津运动(1960年与r查普曼,信仰与抗争(1970)与r教会,牛津运动:12年,1833年至1845年(1970年),电子商务费尔韦瑟,编辑。,牛津运动( 1964年); J格里芬,牛津运动,1833至1983年:版本(1984年);议员奥康内尔,牛津鬼:甲1833年历史的牛津运动- 45(1969年); Ğ罗厄尔,编辑。,传统重新(1986年)。


Oxford Movement牛津运动

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Oxford Movement was an important religious development within the Church of England in the nineteenth century in response to the critical rationalism, skepticism, lethargy, liberalism, and immorality of the day. Emphasizing a return to the traditions of the church, the leaders of the movement longed for a higher standard of worship, piety, and devotion among clergy and church members.牛津运动是一个重要的宗教发展的英国教会之内,在19世纪的回应批判理性主义,怀疑主义,嗜睡,自由主义,以及天不道德的。强调教会返回到传统的领导人运动渴望一,虔诚礼拜更高的标准,成员之间的神职人员和教会奉献。

Guided by and receiving its impetus from Oxford University men, the movement also protested state interference in the affairs of the church.指导,并接受大学男篮其动力来自牛津大学,运动也抗议教会干涉国家事务的。On July 14, 1833, in response to the English government's bill reducing bishoprics in Ireland, John Keble preached the sermon "National Apostacy" from the university pulpit. 7月14日1833年,针对英国政府的条例草案降低爱尔兰主教在约翰讲道基布尔鼓吹“全国Apostacy大学讲坛”从。He accused the government of infringing on "Christ's Church" and of disavowing the principle of apostolic succession of the bishops of the Church of England.他被指控的教会是基督的政府侵犯“,”和原则,摒弃英格兰教会主教的使徒继承的。Insisting that salvation was possible only through the sacraments, Keble defended the Church of England as a divine institution.坚持救恩是可能只有通过圣礼,基布尔捍卫了英格兰教会作为一个神圣的机构。During the same year John Henry Newman began to publish Tracts for the Times, a series of pamphlets by members of the University of Oxford that supported and propagated the beliefs of the movement.在同年纽曼运动开始发表大港为时报,一系列的小册子,以信念成员牛津大学的支持和宣传的。They were widely circulated, and the term "Tractarianism" has often been used for the early stages of the Oxford Movement or, indeed, as a synonym for the movement itself.他们被广为流传,以及长远的“Tractarianism”的确经常被使用的牛津运动的早期阶段,或者作为自己的运动的代名词。

It is ironic that these tracts (which were supposed to argue "against Popery and Dissent") would lead some of the writers and readers into embracing the Roman Catholic Church.具有讽刺意味的是,这些小册子(这是应该说异议“对Popery和”)会导致教会成为罗马天主教拥抱一些作家和读者。 These men found it increasingly impossible to adhere to church polity and practice on Protestant terms.这些人发现越来越不可能坚持和实践条件,新教教会的政体。When Newman argued in Tract 90 (1841) that the Thirty - nine Articles of the Church of England were in harmony with genuine Roman Catholicism, he was attacked with such furor that the series of tracts was brought to an end.当纽曼争论道90(1841)表示,30 - 9条的英格兰教会是罗马天主教在和谐与真实,他狂热的攻击,最终这种系列的小册子被送到。Early in 1845, realizing that they would never be allowed to be Anglicans while holding Roman Catholic views, several Oxford reformers joined the Roman Catholic Church.早在1845年,意识到他们将永远不会被允许持有罗马天主教圣公会的意见,同时,一些牛津改革者加入罗马天主教会。 Newman defected later that year, and by 1864 nearly one thousand ministers, theological leaders, and Anglican church members followed his lead.纽曼叛逃后这一年,由1864年的近1000部长,神学领袖和英国圣公会教会成员随后他的领先地位。In 1864 Newman's Apologia pro Vita Sua was published, explaining his departure from the Church of England and defending his choice of the Roman Church as the one true church. 1864年纽曼的纵容亲维塔苏阿公布,解释他离开了英格兰教会和教会的捍卫教会的一个真正的自己选择了罗马。Newman was made a Roman Catholic cardinal in 1879.纽曼被任命为罗马天主教枢机主教在1879年。

After the defections in 1845 the movement was no longer dominated by Oxford men and became more fragmented in its emphases.在1845年叛逃后的运动是男人占主导地位的不再牛津大学和重点更加分散在。Edward B Pusey, professor of Hebrew at Oxford and a contributor to Tracts, emerged as the leader of the Anglo - Catholic party, which continued to push for doctrinal modifications and a reunion between the Anglican and Roman churches.爱德华乙皮塞,希伯来文教授在牛津大学和大港贡献者,成为英美的领导人-天主教党,继续推动理论的修改和教会之间的团聚圣公会和罗马。 Other groups sought to promote High Church ritual within Anglicanism.其他团体寻求促进仪式在英国国教高教会。Many of the sympathizers the Oxford Movement had gained at its inception (before anti - Reformation tendencies were observed) continued to uphold the primary goals and spiritual fervor of the movement.许多运动的同情者牛津运动获得在其初始(抗战前-改革趋势观察)继续坚持主要目标的热情和精神。This has had a great significance upon the theological development, polity, and religious life of the Church of England for over a century. Anglican eucharistic worship was transformed, spiritual discipline and monastic orders were revived, social concern was fostered, and an ecumenical spirit has developed in the Church of England.这有神学的发展具有重要意义后,政体和英国教会的宗教生活超过一世纪。圣公会圣体崇拜,转化,精神纪律和寺院订单复苏,社会关注的是培养,以及基督教精神发达国家在英格兰教会。

While the Oxford Movement was opposed in print by traditional churchmen as well as liberal academic thinkers, perhaps no one group matched the evangelicals in their enormous output of literature, printed sermons, tracts, articles, books, and pamphlets against the Tractarians.虽然牛津运动是反对的,印刷传统教士以及学术自由的思想家,也许没有一组相匹配文学,福音派教徒在他们的巨大输出印布道,小册子,文章,书籍,小册子和Tractarians反对。 These dissenting "peculiars," as some Oxford reformers called them, believed that the Oxford "heresy" was both anti - Reformation and antiscriptural.这些反对“peculiars,”牛津改革者因为一些所谓的他们,相信牛津“异端”既反-改革与antiscriptural。 They fought to ensure that the English church would maintain the Protestant character of its theology.他们战斗,以确保英国教会将保持它的新教神学性质。And yet even evangelical writers in England at the end of the nineteenth century noted that the Oxford Movement also brought positive contributions to English Christianity, contributions that could not be disregarded.在英格兰和福音派作家然而,即使在19世纪结束时指出,牛津运动也带来了积极的贡献,英国基督教,贡献不能忽视。

DA Rausch多巴胺劳施
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃尔韦尔福音字典)

Bibliography 书目
RW Church, The Oxford Movement, 1833 - 1845; E Fairweather, ed., The Oxford Movement; P Toon, Evangelical Theology, 1833 - 1856: A Response to Tractarianism; T Dearing, Wesleyan and Tractarian Worship. RW光碟教会,牛津运动,1833年至1845年,电子商务费尔韦瑟,编辑。,牛津运动; P香椿,基督教神学,1833年至1856年:阿Tractarianism回应; Ŧ蒂厄林,卫斯理大学和牛津运动崇拜。


Oxford Movement牛津运动

Listing of Tracts for the Times大港上市的时代

by John Henry Newman由纽曼


The Oxford Movement (1833-1845)牛津运动(1833至1845年)

Catholic Information天主教信息

The Oxford Movement may be looked upon in two distinct lights.牛津运动可以被看作两个不同的灯光。"The conception which lay at its base," according to the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline, 1906, "was that of the Holy Catholic Church as a visible body upon earth, bound together by a spiritual but absolute unity, though divided into national and other sections. This conception drew with it the sense of ecclesiastical continuity, of the intimate and unbroken connection between the primitive Church and the Church of England, and of the importance of the Fathers as guides and teachers. It also tended to emphasize points of communion between those different branches of the Church, which recognize the doctrine or fact of Apostolic Succession" (Report, p. 54). “基地的构想,奠定其”根据1906年“,到皇家委员会关于教会的纪律是神圣天主教教会作为一个在地球上可见的身体,必将团结在一起的一种精神,但绝对的,虽然分为国家和部分。其他这个概念与它的连续性提请感英格兰教会,和教会的亲密和教会之间的联系从未间断原始,和教师的重要性,指导和父亲的。它也往往强调共融点使徒的继承者之间的不同分支教会,这实际上承认学说或“(报告第54页)。 That is the point of view maintained in the "Tracts for the Times" from 1833 to 1841, which gave its familiar name to the "Tractarian" Movement.这是观点的维持“,”从1833年的大港时代的到1841年,这使得其熟悉的名字为“牛津运动”运动。They originated and ended with John Henry Newman. But a second, very unlike, account of the matter was put forward by Newman himself in his "Lectures on Anglican Difficulties" of 1850.他们起源和纽曼结束约翰亨利。但是,第二个,很不像,交代问题,提出了他的“讲座由纽曼本人在1850年对英国圣公会的困难”的。 There he considers that the drift or tendency of this remarkable change was not towards a party in the Establishment, or even towards the first place in it, but away from national divisions altogether.在那里,他认为,漂移或改变这种趋势的一个显着的并不是对的一方的建立,甚至对放置在第一,但离完全的国家分裂。 It was meant ultimately to absorb "the various English denominations and parties" into the Roman Church, whence their ancestors had come out at the Reformation.这是为了最终吸收“和政党”到罗马教会的各种面额的英语,他们的祖先从那里来到了在改革。And as Newman had been leader in the Anglican phase of the movement, so he opened the way towards Rome, submitted to it in 1845, and made popular the reasoning on which thousands followed his example.随着纽曼运动领导人曾在英国圣公会的阶段,所以他打开了对罗马的方式,在1845年提交给它,使流行的推理上成千上万遵循他的榜样。 There seems no other instance adducible from history of a religious thinker who has moulded on permanent lines the institution which he quitted, while assigning causes for its abandonment.似乎没有,他辞去其他机构例如adducible从历史上,有宗教的思想家谁塑造了永久线,而指派其放弃的原因。 But this result was in some measure a consequence of the "anomalous and singular position", as Dean Church allows, held by the English Establishment, since it was legally set up under Elizabeth (Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity, 8 May, 1559).但是,这一结果在一定程度上“后果的”反常和独特的地位,作为院长教会允许,确立举行的英语,因为这是法律下成立伊丽莎白(使徒霸权和统一性,1559年5月8日)。

Lord Chatham brought out these anomalies in a famous epigram.主漆咸带出了一个著名的警句这些异常。 "We have", he remarked, "a Popish Liturgy, Calvinistic articles, and an Arminian clergy." “我们”,他说:“一波皮什礼仪,加尔文文章和1的arminian神职人员。”Such differences were visible from the first.这种差异是第一个可见的。"It is historically certain," says JA Froude, "that Elizabeth and her ministers intentionally framed the Church formulas so as to enable every one to use them who would disclaim allegiance to the Pope." “这是历史上一些,说:”司法机构政务长佛洛德,“伊丽莎白和她的部长们故意框架教会公式,使每个人都使用他们谁将会放弃效忠教皇。”When the Armada was scattered and broken, many adherents of the old faith appear to have conformed; and their impetus accounts for the rise of a High Anglican party, whose chief representative was Launcelot Andrewes, Bishop of Winchester (1555-1626).当舰队分散和破碎,许多老信徒的信仰似乎顺应和温切斯特(1555年至1626年的帐目,其动力上升的高圣公会党,其主要代表安德鲁斯是劳斯洛,主教)。 The Anglo-Catholic school was continued by Laud, and triumphed after the Restoration.盎格鲁天主教学校继续由劳德,并取得了胜利后的恢复。In 1662 it expelled from the Church, Baxter and the Presbyterians.在1662年它被驱逐出教会,巴克斯特和长老会。But from the Revolution in 1688 it steadily declined.但是从它在1688年革命的稳步下降。The non-juring bishops were wholly in its tradition, which, through obscure by-ways, was handed on from his father to John Keble and so to Hurrell Froude and Newman.非朱灵主教们完全在它的传统,其中,通过模糊按方式,交给他的父亲从约翰基布尔和所谓赫雷尔弗罗德和纽曼。

However, the Laudian or Carolinian divines must not be supposed to have ever succeeded in driving out their Calvinistic rivals, so powerful when the Thirty-Nine Articles were drawn up, and known from Shakespeare's time as Puritans (see Malvolio in "Twelfth Night").然而,Laudian或卡罗林安迪维尼斯不得应该过对手成功地将他们的加尔文,如此强大时36九条的制订,时间已知莎士比亚的作为清教徒(见夜马尔沃利在“第十二届”) 。Andrewes himself, though taking St. Augustine and St. Thomas for his masters, did not admit the sacerdotal doctrine of the Eucharist.安德鲁斯本人,但以他的主人圣托马斯圣奥古斯丁,并没有承认圣体sacerdotal学说。At every period Baptismal Regeneration, Apostolic Succession, and the Real Presence were open questions, not decided one way or another by "the stammering lips of ambiguous Formularies."在每一个时期领洗再生,使徒传承,与实际存在的悬而未决的问题,而不是决定嘴唇含糊处方集单向“的结巴或另一个。” If there was a High Church in power, and if what the Arminians held, as it was wittily said, were all the best livings in England, yet Calvin's theology, whether a little softened by Archbishop Whitgift or according to the text of the "Institutes", never did involve deprivation.如果有一个在电力高教会,如果什么阿敏念派举行,因为它是风趣地说,都是在英格兰最好的生计,但加尔文的神学,是否有点软化,大主教惠特吉夫特或按院校文本的“ “从来没有涉及剥夺。It was sheltered by the Articles, as Catholic tradition was by the Prayer Book; and the balance was kept between contending schools of opinion by means of the Royal Supremacy.这是庇护所章程,作为天主教的传统图书是由祈祷,以及被认为保持平衡学校之间争夺霸权的手段由皇家。

Suggested by Thomas Cromwell, asserted in Parliamentary legislation under Henry VIII (1534), this prime article of Anglicanism made the king supreme head of the English Church on earth, and his tribunal the last court of appeal in all cases, spiritual no less than secular.托马斯克伦威尔建议,英国国教条所称在立法议会下亨利八世(1534年黄金),地球上的国王最高元首英国教会的,最后法院对所有案件在法庭的上诉,精神没有世俗小于。 It has been said of Henry, and is equally true of Edward VI, that he claimed the whole power of the keys.有人说,亨利,同样真实的爱德华六世,他声称,整个权力的关键。Elizabeth, while relinquishing the title of Head and the administration of holy rites, certainly retained and exercised full jurisdiction over "all persons and all causes" within the realm.伊丽莎白而放弃头标题和管理的神圣的仪式,当然保留的领域充分行使管辖权“各种原因”内人士及所有。She extinguished the ancient hierarchy "without any proceeding in any spiritual court", as Macaulay observes, and she appointed the new one. She "turned the pulpit", admonished archbishops, and even supplied by her own legal authority defects in the process of episcopal consecration.她熄灭任何精神法庭“,在古代等级制度”没有任何法律程序,如麦考利指出,她任命了新的。她“把讲坛”,告诫大主教,主教,甚至由她提供自己的法律的过程中权威的缺陷奉献。 The Prayer Book itself is an Act of Parliament.祈祷书本身是一个议会法案。"The supreme tribunal of appeal, in ecclesiastical causes, from 1559 to 1832," we are told, "was that created by 25 Hen. VIII, c. 19, which gave an appeal from the Church Courts to the King in Chancery for lack of justice" (Dodd, Hist. Canon Law, 232). “最高上诉法庭,1559年在教会的原因,从到1832年,”我们被告知:“是的缺乏,造成了25母鸡。第八角19个,其中上诉法院从教会国王在发表了衡平为司法“(多德,组织胺。教会法,232)。 These powers were exercised by the court of delegates; in 1832 they were transferred to the judicial committee of the privy council, whose members may all be laymen; and, if bishops, they do not sit by virtue of their episcopal office but as the king's advisers.这些权力行使代表法院,在1832年他们被转移到被外行人枢密院司法委员会,其成员都可能;,如果主教,他们不坐在办公室凭借他们的主教,但作为国王的顾问。 Contrast will drive the matter home.相比之下,将推动此事的家。The constituent form of the Catholic Church is the pope's universal jurisdiction (see Florence, Council of; Vatican Council).天主教会的组成形式,是教宗的普遍管辖权(见佛罗伦萨,理事会;梵蒂冈理事会)。But the constituent form of the English Church, as established by Parliament, is the universal jurisdiction of the Crown.但英国教会成分构成,如议会成立,是官方的普遍管辖权。In either case there is no appeal from the papal or the royal decision.在这两种情况下有任何决定提出上诉的教皇或皇家。When Elizabeth broke with the Catholic bishops who would not acknowledge her spiritual headship, and when William III deprived Sancroft and his suffragans who refused the oath of allegiance, a test was applied, dogmatic in 1559, perhaps not less so in 1690, which proves that no cause of exemption can be pleaded against the king when he acts as supreme governor of the Church.当伊丽莎白效忠打破天主教主教谁不承认她的精神校长,当威廉三世和他suffragans剥夺桑克罗夫特拒绝谁的誓言,是一个测试应用,在1559教条,或许不是没有那么在1690年,这证明没有豁免事业可以承认时,他对国王担任教会最高的州长。

Such is the doctrine often called Erastian, from Erastus, a Swiss theologian (1524-83), who denied to the clergy all power of excommunication.这就是通常被称为Erastian学说,从伊拉斯塔斯,瑞士神学家(1524年至1583年),谁剥夺了所有神职人员罚权力。 In England the course of events had run on before Erastus could publish its philosophy. Politicians like Burghley and Walsingham acted on no theory, but drew their inspiration from Henry VIII.在英国发生的事件已经运行过程中可以发布之前伊拉斯塔斯它的哲学。沃尔辛厄姆政治家们喜欢伯利和理论没有采取行动,但提请他们的灵感来自亨利八世。 The abstract statement of a view which identifies the Church with the nation and subjects both equally to the king, may be found in Hooker, "The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity" (1594-97).王抽象的陈述,以便用来标识教会与国家,同样的科目,也可以一并胡克发现的,“教会的政体的法律”(1594年至1597年)。 It was vigorously asserted by Selden and the lawyers at all times.这是大力主张通过塞尔登和律师在任何时候。During the critical years of the nineteenth century, Arnold, Stanley and Kingsley were its best known defenders among clergymen.在斯坦利和金斯利的关键年,在19世纪,阿诺德,是其最知名的神职人员之间的维护者。Stanley declared that the Church of England "is by the very conditions of its being neither High nor Low, but Broad" ("Ed. Rev.", July, 1850).斯坦利宣布英国教会“的条件是非常其既不高也不低,但广泛的”(“埃德。启示录”,7月,1850年)。In coarser but equally practical terms men said, "The Church was grafted upon the State, and the State would remain master."在同样条件粗糙但实际男子说,“教会是嫁接后的国家,国家将继续主人。”No ruling, in fact, of bishop or convocation need be regarded by Anglicans, lay or clerical, unless it implies, at all events tacitly, the consent of the Crown, ie of Parliament.没有裁决,在事实上,主教或必要时召开由圣公会认为,打牢或文书,除非它意味着事件,在所有默许,议会同意的冠,IE浏览器。

So long as the State excluded Dissenters and Catholics from its offices, the system, in spite of the Great Rebellion, nay after the more truly disastrous Revolution of 1688, worked as well as could be expected.只要排除异己和国家,天主教徒从办事处,该系统在预期尽管大起义的,不仅如此,更能真正灾难性的是1688年革命后,工作以及可能。 But in 1828 the Test Act was repealed; next year Catholic Emancipation was passed into law.但在1828年测试法被废除,明年天主教解放是通过成为法律。In 1830 the French drove out their Bourbon dynasty; Belgium threw off the yoke of Holland. 1830年法国驱逐了他们的波旁王朝,比利时,荷兰挣脱的枷锁。In 1832 came the Reform Bill, which Tories construed into an attack on the church.在1832年出现了改革法案,其中保守党教会解释到1攻击。What would the Royal Supremacy mean if Parliament was no longer to be exclusively Anglican?皇家至尊什么意思,如果国会不再是只限于圣公会?Lord Grey told the bishops to set their house in order; ten Irish bishoprics were suppressed.格雷勋爵告诉主教设置,以便他们的房子; 10爱尔兰主教受到打压。Arnold wrote in 1832, "The Church, as it now stands, no human power can save."阿诺德1832年写道,“教会,因为它目前停留,没有人的力量可以挽救。”Whately thought it difficult to "preserve the Establishment from utter overthrow."特莱利认为难以“保彻底推翻的建立。”Alexander Knox, a far-seeing Irish writer, said, "The old High Church race is worn out."亚历山大诺克斯,一个有远见的爱尔兰作家,说:“旧高教会比赛是精疲力竭。”The "Clapham" sect of Evangelicals, who came down from Calvin, and the "Clapton sect", otherwise called High and Dry, who had no theology at all, divided "serious" people among them.该“克拉珀姆”教派的福音,谁下来,从卡尔文和“克莱普顿节”,又称高,干,谁也根本没有神学,分为“严重”他们的人之间。 Bishops were great persons who amassed wealth for their families, and who had attained to place and influence by servile offices or by editing Greek plays.主教是伟大的人谁的家庭财富的积累,谁把已达到奴役和影响力的办事处或编辑希腊戏剧。In the presence of threatened revolution they sat helpless and bewildered.在革命的存在受到威胁,他们坐在无助和迷惘。 From them neither counsel nor aid was to be expected by earnest churchmen.从他们身上既没有辩护律师,也不是牧师的援助是真诚的期望。 Arnold would have brought in Dissenters by a "comprehension" which sacrificed dogma to individual judgment.阿诺德在反对者会带来由“理解”的教条而牺牲个人的判断。Whateley protested against "that double usurpation, the interference of the Church in temporals, of the State in spirituals."惠特利抗议“的双重侵占,干扰了颞在教会灵,在该国。”A notable preacher and organizer, Dr. Hook, "first gave body and force to Church theology, not to be mistaken or ignored."一个值得注意的牧师和组织者,胡克博士,“首先介绍了身体和力量,教会的神学,而不是被错误或忽视。”But it was from Oxford, "the home of lost causes", always Cavalier at heart, still "debating its eternal Church question as in the days of Henry IV", that salvation came. Oriel, once illustrated by Raleigh and Butler, was now the most distinguished college in the university.然而,从牛津大学“的”家丢失的原因,心里总是骑士,仍然是“辩论的亨利四世”的永恒的日子在教会的问题,即救赎来了。奥丽尔,一旦巴特勒和罗利说明了,现在在大学最杰出的大学。 For some thirty years it had welcomed original thinkers, and among its fellows were or had been, Copleston, Whateley, Hawkins, Davison, Keble, Arnold, Pusey, and Hurrell Froude.对于一些30年来它已欢迎的思想家,并在其研究人员都是或曾经是科普尔斯顿,惠特利,霍金斯,戴维森,基布尔,阿诺德,皮塞,并赫雷尔弗劳德。 "This knot of Oriel men", says Pattison, "was distinctly the product of the French Revolution." “这个男人结了奥丽尔”帕蒂森说,“是明显的法国革命的产物。”Those among them who indulged in "free inquiry" were termed "Noetics"; they "called everything in question; they appealed to first principles, and disallowed authority in intellectual matters."问题是其中谁沉迷于“免费查询”被称为“Noetics”,他们一切“要求,他们呼吁第一的原则,不允许在知识产权事务的权力。” The university, which Pattison describes as "a close clerical corporation", where all alike had sworn to the Prayer Book and Articles, had thus in its bosom a seed of "Liberalism", and was menaced by changes analogous to the greater revolution in the State itself.这所大学,其中帕蒂森的描述为“紧密文书法团”,所有的都已经宣誓就职的祈祷书和文章,它的种子就这样在怀里的“自由主义”,并威胁到更大的革命,类似的变化国家本身。 Reaction came, as was to be expected, in the very college that had witnessed the provocation. Oxford, of all places, would surely be the last to accept French and democratic ideas.反应来了,正如所预期的地方,在很学院,目睹了挑衅。牛津,所有,一定会是最后一次接受法国和民主思想。

John Keble (1792-1865) was the leading fellow of Oriel.约翰基布尔(1792年至1865年)是奥丽尔领先的家伙。As a mere boy, he had carried off the highest honours of the university.作为一个单纯的男孩,他带走了大学的最高荣誉。In 1823 he became his father's curate at Fairford, and in 1827 he published "The Christian Year", a cycle of poems or meditations in verse, refined, soothing, and akin to George Herbert's "The Temple", by their spiritual depth and devout attachment to the English Church. 1823年,他成为他父亲的费尔福德副牧师时,与1827年他出版了“基督教年”作为一个修炼的周期诗歌或沉思,诗歌,舒缓,及类似乔治赫伯特的“庙”,由他们的精神深度和虔诚附件英国教会。 They have gone through innumerable editions.他们经历了无数的版本。Keble, though a scholarly mind, had no grasp of metaphysics.基布尔,虽然是学术思想,没有形而上学把握。An ingrained conservative, he took over the doctrines, and lived on the recollection of the Laudian school.一种根深蒂固的保守,他接手的学说,和学校住在Laudian的回忆的。Without ambition, he was inflexible, never open to development, but gentle, shrewd, and saintly.没有野心,他不灵活,不开放的发展,而且温和,精明,和圣洁。His convictions needed an Aaron to make them widely effective; and he found a voice in his pupil, the "bright and beautiful" Froude, whose short life (1802-36) counts for much in the Oxford Movement.他的信念需要一个亚伦,使其广泛有效;,他发现了一个运动的声音在他的学生中,“明亮美丽的”福禄,其短暂的一生(1802年至1836年)计数多在牛津。 Froude was the connecting link between Keble and Newman.福禄和纽曼是承上启下基布尔之间。His friendship, at the moment when Newman's Evangelical prejudices were fading and his inclination towards Liberalism had received a sharp check by "illness and bereavement", proved to be the one thing needful to a temper which always leaned on its associates, and which absorbed ideas with the vivacity of genius.他的友谊的时刻,在当纽曼的基督教偏见的衰落和他的思想倾向自由主义收到丧“急剧检查”疾病,并证明是一件事情需要的,以一个脾气是其一直靠在联营公司,并吸收与天才的活泼。 So the fusion came about.因此,融合来的。Elsewhere (see JOHN HENRY NEWMAN) is related the story of those earlier years in which, from various sources, the future Tractarian leader gained his knowledge of certain Catholic truths, one by one.在其他地方(见约翰亨利纽曼)是一个相关的故事之一,其中的前几年,从各种来源,未来的经验,他的知识对某些天主教真理牛津运动的领导者。 But their living unity and paramount authority were borne in upon him by discussions with Froude, whose teacher was Keble.但是他们的生活和最权威的统一承担了他在经基布尔商讨佛洛德,他的老师。Froude, says Newman, "professed openly his admiration for the Church of Rome, and his hatred of the Reformers. He delighted in the notion of an hierarchical system, of sacerdotal power, and of full ecclesiastical liberty. He felt scorn of the maxim, 'the Bible and the Bible only is the religion of Protestants'; and he gloried in accepting tradition as a main instrument of religious teaching. He has a high severe idea of the intrinsic excellence of virginity . . . He delighted in thinking of the saints . . . He embraced the principle of penance and mortification. He had a deep devotion to the Real Presence in which he had a firm faith. He was powerfully drawn to the Medieval Church, but not to the Primitive."佛洛德,纽曼说,“公开宣称他的钦佩的罗马教会的,他仇恨的改革者。他很高兴在系统中的一个层次的概念,对sacerdotal力量,充分宗教的自由。他感到轻蔑的格言, '圣经和圣经不仅是宗教的基督教,以及他在宗教教学gloried接受传统文书为主要。他具有很高的贞操观念的内在卓越严重的。。。他圣徒欣喜的是,在思想。。。他接受了屈辱的原则和忏悔。他有一个深深热爱的真实存在,他有一个坚定的信念。他有力地吸引到中世纪教会,而不是原始。“ ("Apol.", p. 24) (“Apol。”,第24页)

These, remarkably enough, are characteristics of the later phases of the Movement, known as Ritualism, rather than of its beginning.这些,明显不足,已开始特性比其对运动阶段后期,被称为礼教,而不是。Yet Newman's friendship with Froude goes back to 1826; they became very intimate after the rejection of Peel by the university in 1829; and the Roman tendencies, of which mention is made above, cannot but have told powerfully on the leader, when his hopes for Anglicanism were shattered by the misfortunes of "Tract 90".然而,纽曼的福禄友谊与可追溯到1826年,他们变得非常亲密后,1829年拒绝皮尔在大学和罗马的趋势,其中提到了以上,不能不说,有力的领导人时,他的希望英国国教破灭了以“道90”的不幸。 Keble, on the other hand, had "a great dislike of Rome", as well as of "Dissent and Methodism."基布尔一方面,另一方面,有“罗马的伟大不喜欢”,以及“不同政见和循道。”The first years of the revival were disfigured by a strong anti-Roman polemic, which Froude, on his death-bed, condemned as so much "cursing and swearing."在复苏的最初几年经历了一个强烈的反毁容由罗马论战,而福禄,在他临终时,更谴责如此“诅咒和咒骂。”But Newman had been as a youth "most firmly convinced that the Pope was the Antichrist predicted by Daniel, St. Paul and St. John." His imagination was stained by the effects of this doctrine as late as the year 1843.但是纽曼已作为一个青年和圣约翰“最坚定地相信,教皇保罗丹尼尔反基督者预测,圣。”他的想像这是1843年由染色的影响迟至今年的学说。 In consequence, his language towards the ancient Church only just fell short of the vituperation lavished on it by the Puritans themselves.结果,他的教会对古代语言才刚刚低于清教徒自己慷慨的谩骂它由。The movement, therefore, started, not on Roman ground, but in a panic provoked by the alliance of O Connell with the Whigs, of Dissenters with Benthamites, intent on destroying all religious establishments.这一运动,因此,开始,而不是罗马的地面,但在辉格党与康奈尔引起恐慌由联盟的O,与Benthamites的反对者,机构意图摧毁所有宗教。 How could they be resisted?他们怎么能够抗拒?Newman answers in his opening tract, addressed to the clergy by one of themselves, a fellow-presbyter, "I fear", he tells them, "we have neglected the real ground on which our authority is built, our Apostolical descent."纽曼回答道在开幕式讲话,长老,牧师一到自己,一个家伙说:“我害怕”,他告诉他们,“我们忽略了真正的地面上,我们的权力是建造的,使徒的后裔。” And he made his appeal to the ordination service in other words, to the Prayer Book and the sacramental system, of which the clergy were the Divinely appointed ministers.他使他呼吁换句话说协调服务,对祈祷书和圣制,其中神职人员的神圣任命的部长。

The first three tracts are dated 9 September, 1833.前三个域的日期为1833年9月9日。Newman and Froude, after their voyage to the Mediterranean in Dec. 1832, had returned in the midst of an agitation in which they were speedily caught up.纽曼和弗劳德1832年,当他们在地中海航行到12月,已恢复,正处在一个躁动中捕获的,他们被迅速。Keble's sermon in itself not very striking on "National Apostasy", had marked 14 July, 1833, as the birthday of a "second Reformation."基布尔的布道在本身并不十分引人注目的“国家叛教”,标志着1833年7月14日,作为改革的一个生日“第二”。 At Hadleigh, HJ Rose and three other clergymen had met in conference, 25 29 July, and were endeavoring to start a society of Church defence, with machinery and safeguards, as befitted responsible persons.在哈德利,黄建忠玫瑰和其他三名神职人员已举行了会议,25日7月29日开始,并正在努力辩护社会保障的教会,以机械,并负责人躲开。 But Newman would not be swamped by committees.但是纽曼不会被淹没的委员会。"Luther", he wrote, "was an individual."“路德”,他写道,“是个人。”He proposed to be an Apostolical Luther.他建议是一个使徒的路德。He was not now tutor of Oriel.他现在不能奥丽尔1146604。Hawkins had turned him out of office a curious acknowledgement of the vote by which he had made Hawkins provost instead of Keble.霍金斯把他赶出了办公室的基布尔好奇承认,而不是投票,其中他提出了霍金斯教务长。But he was Vicar of St.但他的圣牧师Mary's a parish dependent on Oriel, and the university church.玛丽是一个依赖于奥丽尔教区和教会大学。His pulpit was one of the most famous in England.他的讲坛是英国其中一个最有名。He knew the secret of journalism, and had at his command a stern eloquence, barbed by convictions, which his reading of the Fathers and the Anglican folios daily strengthened.他知道新闻秘密,并在他的指挥严峻的口才,加强带刺的信念,他的父亲和读的圣公会开本每天。He felt supreme confidence in his position.他觉得他的地位至高无上的信心英寸But he was not well read in the history of the Anglican origins or of the Royal Supremacy.但他没有很好霸权阅读皇家历史的起源或英国国教。His Church was an ideal; never, certainly, since the legislation of Henry and Elizabeth had the English Establishment enjoyed the freedom he sought.他的教会是一种理想;从来没有,当然,由于立法的亨利和伊丽莎白有英文的建立所享有的自由,他要求。It had issued articles of faith imposed by political expediency; it had tolerated among its communicants Lutherans, Calvinists, Erastians, and in the persons of high dignitaries like Bishop Hoadley even Socinians.它发出了政治上的权宜之计文章信仰罚款;它,容忍在其圣餐路德加尔文教派,Erastians,并在主教霍德利甚至苏西尼派人士的贵宾一样。 It had never been self-governing in the past any more than it was now.它从来没有自我现在执政的过去任何超过它。If the "idea or first principle" of the movement was "ecclesiastical liberty", it must be pronounced a failure; for the Royal Supremacy as understood by lawyers and lamented over by High Church divines is still intact.如果“第一原则的想法或运动”的是“教会自由”,它必须宣告失败,为皇家至尊律师所理解和哀叹神学家以上的高教会仍然完好无损。

On that side, therefore, not a shadow of victory appears.在这一方面,因此,不是胜利的影子出现。 Anyone may believe the doctrines peculiar to Tractarian theology, and any one may reject them, without incurring penalties in the Church Establishment.任何人都可以相信的教义神学特有的牛津运动,任何人不得拒绝他们,而不会建立在教会的惩罚。They are opinions, not dogmas, not the exclusive teaching that alone constitutes a creed.他们的意见,而不是教条,不是排他性的教学,仅仅构成一个信条。Fresh from Aristotle's "Ethics", where virtue is said to lie in a mean, the Oriel scholar termed his position the Via Media; it was the golden mean that avoided papal corruptions and Protestant heresies.新鲜的意思从亚里士多德的“伦理学”,其中德是在撒谎说,他的奥丽尔学者称为通过媒体的立场,它是罗马教皇的黄金意味着避免腐败和新教异端。 But did it exist anywhere except in books? Was it not "as a doctrine, wanting in simplicity, hard to master, indeterminate in its provisions, and without a substantive existence in any age or country?" Newman did not deny that "it still remains to be tried whether what is called Anglo-Catholicism, the religion of Andrewes, Laud, Hammond, Butler, and Wilson, is capable of being professed, acted on, and maintained . . . or whether it be a mere modification or transition-state of Romanism or of popular Protestantism." The Via Media was an experiment.但我们是否存在任何地方,除了书籍吗?难道不是“作为一个原则,希望在简单,难以掌握,在其规定的不定,没有一个国家或实体的存在,任何年龄的?”纽曼并没有否认,“它仍然仍然受到审判是否是所谓盎格鲁天主教,卫奕信宗教的安德鲁斯,劳德,哈蒙德,巴特勒,而且是能够被宣称,采取行动,和维修保养。。。还是仅仅是一个修改或过渡国家流行的浪漫主义或新教。“电台广播是一个实验。 Perhaps the Established Church "never represented a doctrine at all . . . never had an intellectual basis"; perhaps it has "been but a name, or a department of State" (Proph. Office, Introd.).也许成立教会“绝不代表了所有的学说在。。。从来没有一个知识分子的基础”,也许它已经“被而是一个名字,一个国家或部门的”(Proph.办公室,Introd。)。 To this second conclusion the author finally came; but not until during eight years he had made trial of his "middle way" and had won to it a crowd of disciples. The Tractarian Movement succeeded after his time in planting among the varieties of Anglican religious life a Catholic party.这个第二个结论笔者终于来到,但不是在8年,直到他作出了“审讯他的”中间道路,并给它一个弟子赢得观众的。成功的牛津运动运动时间后,他种植的品种间圣公会宗教生命的天主教政党。 It failed altogether in making of the Establishment a Catholic Church.它没有完全的建立作出了一个天主教教堂。

Palmer, of Worcester College, and his clerical associates presented an address in 1834, signed with 10,000 names, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, defending the imperilled interests.帕尔默的伍斯特学院,他的同伙提交了一份1834年的文书处理,签署了10000名,到坎特伯雷大主教,捍卫岌岌可危的利益。 Joshua Watson, a leading layman, brought up one more emphatic, to which 230,000 heads of families gave their adhesion.约书亚沃森领先的门外汉,提出了一个更有力的,对此230,000一家之主了他们的附着力。But of these collective efforts no lasting results came, although they frightened the Government and damped its revolutionary zeal.但这些成果的集体努力来没有持久的,尽管他们害怕政府和阻尼的革命热情。Mr. Rose, a man of high character and distinction, had started the "British Magazine" as a Church organ; the conference at Hadleigh was due to him; and he seemed to be marked out as chief over "nobodies" like Froude and Newman.罗斯先生,一人高的区别的,并已经开始了“英国杂志”作为一个教会机构;的哈德利招待会上,是由于他和他似乎被标记出来作为主要对“小人物纽曼”像弗罗德和。 His friends objected to the "Tracts" which were the doing of these free lances.他的朋友们反对“大港”,这是长矛做这些免费。 Newman, however, would not give way. His language about the Reformation offended Mr. Rose, who held it to be a "deliverance"; and while Froude was eager to dissolve the union of Church and State, which he considered to be the parent or the tool of "Liberalism" in doctrine, he called Rose a "conservative."纽曼,但是,不会让步。语言对他的改革得罪罗斯先生,谁认为这是一个“解脱”,虽然弗劳德急于解散父教会与国家联盟,他认为是或工具主义“的自由主义”,他呼吁玫瑰的“保守”。 Between minds thus drawing in opposite directions any real fellowship was not likely to endure.因此,方向相反的思想之间在任何真正的金画是不可能持久。Rose may be termed an auxiliary in the first stage of Church defence; he never was a Tractarian; and he died in 1839.玫瑰可称为一个防御辅助在教会的第一阶段,他从来没有一个牛津运动,以及他1839年死去。His ally, William Palmer, long survived him. Palmer, an Irish Protestant, learned and pompous, had printed his "Origines Liturgicae" in 1832, a volume now obsolete, but the best book for that period on the Offices of the Church of England.他的盟友,威廉帕尔默,他长期存活。帕尔默,爱尔兰新教徒,教训和华而不实,共印制他的“origines Liturgicae”于1832年,一量现在已经过时,但英格兰最好的书教会了这一时期两个办事处。His later "Treatise on the Church", of 1838, was purely Anglican and therefore anti-Roman; it so far won the respect of Father Perrone, SJ, that he replied to it.他后来的“伤寒论教会”1838年的,纯粹是英国圣公会,因此反罗马,它迄今赢得了尊重父亲佩罗内,律政司司长,他回答到它。

Palmer was no Tractarian either, as his "Narrative of Events", published in 1843, sufficiently proves.帕尔默要么没有牛津运动,因为他的“证明叙事的事件”,发表于1843年,充分。The difference may be sharply stated.差异可能会急剧说。Genuine Anglicans identified the Catholic Church once for all with the local body of which they were members, and interpreted the phenomena whether of medieval or reformed Christianity on this principle; they were Englishmen first and Catholics after.真正的圣公会教堂一旦确定为所有天主教与当地的机构,其中,他们的成员,并解释了中世纪的现象是否就此基督教改革的原则,他们是英国人先和天主教徒后。 Not so with Newman, who tells us, "I felt affection for my own Church, but not tenderness . . . if Liberalism once got a footing within her, it was sure of the victory in the event. I saw that Reformation principles were powerless to rescue her. As to leaving her, the thought never crossed my imagination; still I ever kept before me that there was something greater than the Established Church, and that was the Church Catholic and Apostolic, set up from the beginning, of which she was but the local presence and the organ." These divergent views went at last asunder in 1845.纽曼不如此,谁告诉我们,“我觉得我自己的教会的感情,但不是温柔。。。自由主义,如果有一次,在她的地位,这是肯定的事件的胜利。我看到改革的原则是无能为力救她。至于离开她,想到从没想过我的想象,但我永远保存在我之前,有一些教会高于规定,这是天主教教会和使徒,设置,从一开始,她的只不过是当地的存在和器官。“这些不同的意见在1845年到去年四分五裂。

"The new Tracts," says Dean Church, "were received with surprise, dismay, ridicule, and indignation. But they also at once called forth a response of eager sympathy from numbers."“新大港,说:”院长教会“,共收到惊奇,惊愕,嘲笑和愤怒。但他们也提出了要求立即响应人数从渴望同情。” An active propaganda was started all over the country.宣传是一个积极的开始在全国各地。Bishops were perplexed at so bold a restatement of the Apostolic Succession, in which they hardly believed.主教们感到困惑如此大胆继承重述的使徒,在他们自己都不相信。Newman affirmed the principle of dogma; a visible Church with sacraments and rites as the channels of invisible grace; a Divinely ordained episcopal system as inculcated by the Epistles of St. Ignatius.纽曼肯定了教条的原则,一个有形无形的恩典教会与圣礼仪式的渠道和作为;一个神圣的圣依纳爵主教祝圣的系统灌输的书信。 But the Erastian or Liberal did not set store by dogma; and the Evangelical found no grace ex opere operato in the sacraments.但Erastian或自由没有设置存储的教条,以及福音没有发现在宽限期前opere operato圣礼。 Episcopacy to both of them was but a convenient form of Church government, and the Church itself a voluntary association.主教对他们都只不过是一堂,方便政府的形式,教会本身就是一个自愿联合。Now the English bishops, who were appointed by Erastians ("an infidel government" is Keble's expression), dreaded the power of Evangelicals.现在,英国主教,谁被任命Erastians(“一个异教徒政府”是基布尔的表达式),可怕的福音派权力。 At no time could they dare to support the "Tracts."在任何时间可不敢支持“大港”。Moreover, to quote Newman, "All the world was astounded at what Froude and I were saying; men said that it was sheer Popery."此外,引用纽曼,“全世界都在说什么吃惊福禄和我,男人说,这是纯粹的Popery。”There were searchings of heart in England, the like of which had not been felt since the non-jurors went out.在英国有谋的心,像这些没有感觉,因为非陪审员走了出去。Catholics had been emancipated; and "those that sat in the reformers seats were traducing the Reformation."天主教徒被解放,以及“那些坐在观众席中的改革者traducing的改革。”To add to the confusion, the Liberalizing attack on the university had now begun.为了增加混乱,该大学已自由化攻击对现在开始。In 1834 Dr. Hampden wrote and sent to Newman his pamphlet, in which he recommended the abolition of tests for Dissenters, or technically, of subscription to the Articles by undergraduates. 1834年博士汉普登纽曼说,被送往他的小册子,其中他建议取消或测试技术上的反对者,认购,向以大学生的文章。On what grounds?基于什么理由? Because, he said, religion was one thing, theological opinion another.因为,他说,宗教是一回事,另一神学意见。The Trinitarian and Unitarian doctrines were merely opinions, and the spirit of the English Church was not the spirit of dogma.三位一体的教义和寻道只是意见,并教会精神的英语是不是教条精神。Hampden did little more than repeat the well-known arguments of Locke and Chillingworth; but he was breaking open the gates of Oxford to unbelief, as Newman foresaw, and the latter answered wrathfully that Hampden's views made shipwreck of the Christian faith.汉普登做多一点不是重复论点洛克与齐灵渥斯众所周知的,但他砸开牛津的大门不信,作为纽曼预见,后者怒火中烧地回答说汉普登的意见作出了沉船的基督教信仰。 "Since that time", says the "Apologia", "Phaethon has got into the chariot of the sun; we, alas, can only look on, and watch him down the steep of heaven." “从那时起”说,“纵容”,“法厄同的太阳钻进了战车的,我们,唉,只能在一旁观望,看他沿着陡峭的天堂。”In Mark Pattison's phrase, the University has been secularized.帕蒂森在马克的话说,该大学已被世俗化。The Noetics of Oriel were followed by the Broad Churchmen of Balliol, and these by the agnostics of a more recent period.该奥丽尔Noetics的随访由巴利奥尔宽牧师,而这些最近一个时期的不可知论者更多。From Whateley and Arnold, through the stormy days of "Tract 90" and Ward's "degradation" we come down to the Royal Commission of 1854, which created modern Oxford.从惠特利和阿诺德,通过暴风雨天的“道90”和沃德的“退化”我们下降到1854年的皇家委员会,造成现代牛津大学。 Subscription to the Articles was done away; fellowships ceased to be what some one has styled "clerical preserves"; there was an "outbreak of infidelity", says Pattison with a sneer, and names like Arthur Clough, Matthew Arnold, JA Froude, Jowett, and Max Müller triumphantly declare that the Liberals had conquered.认购公司章程就完全破灭了;奖学金不再是有些人自称“文书保存”,即是不忠“,”爆发,帕蒂森说,冷笑了,像阿瑟克拉夫和名称,马修阿诺德,司法机构政务长佛洛德,乔伊特和缪勒宣布,自由党胜利地征服了。

Newman lost the university, but he held it entranced for years by his visible greatness, by his preaching, and by his friendships.纽曼失去了大学,但他认为这几年他迷上可见伟大的说教,他和他的友谊。The sermons, of which eight volumes are extant, afforded a severe yet most persuasive commentary upon tracts and treatises, in themselves always of large outlook and of nervous though formal style.布道,其中8卷是现存的,应提供有说服力的评论和论文一大片但最严重的,总是在自己的大视野和紧张,但正式的风格。These, annotated after 1870 from the Catholic point of view, were reprinted in "Via Media", "Historical Sketches", "Discussions and Arguments", and two volumes of "Essays" (see popular editions of his Works, 1895).这些,从1870年以后注明的观点天主教点,被媒体转载的“通过”,“历史素描”,“讨论和争论”,并两册“散文”(见,1895年他的作品受欢迎的版本)。 Keble republished Hooker as if an Anglo-Catholic Aquinas (finished 1836); and from the chair of poetry were delivered his graceful Latin "Prælections", deeply imbued with the same religious colouring.基布尔再版胡克,犹如一盎格鲁天主教阿奎那(完1836年),并从诗主持了优美的拉丁发表“Prælections”,充满了深深着色相同的宗教。 Hurrell Froude attempted a sketch of his own hero, St. Thomas à Becket, pattern of all anti-Erastians.赫雷尔福禄企图英雄素描自己,圣托马斯贝克特,Erastians模式的所有反。Bowden compiled the life of Pope Gregory VII, evidently for the like motive.鲍登编制了教皇格雷戈里第七生活,显然对等的动机。Nor were poetical manifestos wanting.宣言也没有想诗意。To the "Lyra Apostolica" we may attribute a strong influence over many who could not grasp the subtle reasoning which filled Newman's "Prophetic Office."对于“天琴座阿波斯托利克”的原因可能很多强大的影响力超过谁不能把握微妙的推理填补纽曼的“先知办公室。”Concerning the verses from his pen, AJ Froude observes that, in spite of their somewhat rude form, "they had pierced into the heart and mind and there remained."关于他的诗笔从,欧塞尔弗劳德注意到,尽管他们在形式上有点粗鲁,“他们已经穿到心脏和头脑依然存在。”"Lead, Kindly Light", he adds, "is perhaps the most popular hymn in the language." “铅,请光”,他补充说,“也许是最流行的语言赞美。”Here, indeed, "were thoughts like no other man's thoughts, and emotions like no other man's emotions."在这里,真的,“人的思想没有其他人的想法一样的,一样的情感和情绪没有其他人的。”To the "Lyra", Keble and others also contributed poems.对于“天琴座”,基布尔和其他人也作出贡献的诗篇。And High Anglican stories began to appear in print.高圣公会的故事开始出现在打印。

But inspiration needed a constant power behind it, if the tracts were not to be a flash in the pan.但是,需要灵感的背后恒功率,如果没有大片是昙花一现的。It was given in 1834 and 1835 by the accession to the movement of EB Pusey, Canon of Christ Church and Hebrew professor.这是由于在1834年和1835年加入该运动的电子束皮塞教授希伯来语,基督教会和佳能。Pusey had enormous erudition, gained in part at German universities; he was of high social standing (always impressive to Englishmen), and revered as a saint for his devout life, his munificence, his gravity.皮塞了巨大的博学,大学获得了部分在德国,他是社会地位高(总是令人印象深刻的英国人),生活被尊为圣人为他虔诚,他的慷慨大方,他的重力。 Though a "dull and tedious preacher", most confused and unrhetorical, the weight of his learning was felt.虽然是“沉闷和乏味的牧师”,最困惑和unrhetorical,学习他的体重是感觉。He took the place that Mr. Rose could not have occupied long.他把长罗斯先生的地方,不能住人。At once the world out of doors looked up to him as official head of the movement.在一次世界走出门抬起头对他的运动官方487。 It came to be known as "Puseyism" at home and abroad.它后来被称为“Puseyism”在国内和国外。University wits had jested about "Newmaniacs" and likened the Vicar of St. Mary's to the conforming Jew, Neander; but "Puseyite" was a serious term even in rebuke.大学玛丽jested束手无策了关于“Newmaniacs”的牧师和圣的比喻,而向符合犹太人,尼安德,但“Puseyite”是一个严重的长期甚至指责。 The Tractarian leader showed a deference to this "great man" which was always touching; yet they agreed less than Pusey understood.在牛津运动领导人表现出感人的尊重,这种“伟人”,这是永远,但他们同意小于皮塞理解。 Towards Rome itself the latter felt no drawing; Newman's fierceness betrayed the impatience of a thwarted affection.通向罗马本身,后者认为没有图纸;纽曼的凶猛背叛了感情不耐烦的挫败。"O that thy creed were sound, thou Church of Rome!"“啊,你的信条都是健全的,罗马教会你!”he exclaimed in the bitterness of his heart.他喊道在他的仇恨之心。Pusey, always mild, has none of that "hysterical passion."皮塞,总是温和,具有热情都不是“歇斯底里”。Neither did he regard the judgment of bishops as decisive, nor was he troubled by them if they ran counter the Fathers teaching, so intimately known to this unwearied student.他也没有把决定性判断的主教,他也不是他们的困扰,如果他们违背了父亲的教学,如此密切知道这个孜孜不倦的学生。

He was "a man of large designs", confident in his position, "haunted by no intellectual perplexities."他是“一个”人大型设计的,在他的位置很有信心,“没有知识分子的困惑所困扰。”He welcomed responsibility, a little too much sometimes; and now he gave the tracts a more important character.他欢迎责任,有时候有点太多,现在他给了大片更重要的性质。His own in 1835 on Holy Baptism was an elaborate treatise, which led to others on a similar model.他自己在1835年于圣洗礼非常复杂的论文,从而导致对他人类似的模型上。In 1836 he advertised his great project for a translation or "library" of the Fathers, which was executed mainly in conjunction with the pious and eccentric Charles Marriot.他在1836年公布的偏心查尔斯万豪他的伟大工程的一个翻译,或“图书馆”虔诚的父亲,这是执行的主要联同。The republication of Anglican divines, from Andrewes onwards, likewise owed its inception to Pusey.再版的英国圣公会的神学家,从安德鲁斯起,同样欠其成立至皮塞。The instauratio magna of theology and devotion, intended to be purely Catholic, thus made a beginning.麦格纳和献身精神instauratio的神学,拟纯粹的天主教,从而使一个开始。It has taken on it since the largest dimensions, and become not only learned but popular; Anglican experts have treated the liturgy, church history, books for guidance in the spiritual life, hymnology, architecture and ritual with a copious knowledge and remarkable success.它采取了它,因为最大的尺寸,不仅成为教训,但流行,英国圣公会的专家指导,接受治疗的精神文化生活的成功,出色的赞美诗学,建筑,礼仪与丰富知识和礼仪,教会历史,书籍。 Of these enterprises Dr. Pusey was the source and for many years the standard.这些企业是博士皮塞来源和多年的标准。

In 1836 Hurrell Froude, returning from Barbadoes in the last stage of weakness, died at his father's house in Devonshire. 1836年赫雷尔佛洛德,返回软弱的最后阶段,从巴巴多斯的,死在他父亲的德文郡家研究。His "Remains", of which we shall speak presently, were published in 1837.他的“遗迹”,其中目前我们将发言,发表在1837年。Newman's dearest friend was taken from him just as a fresh scene opened, with alarums and excursions to be repeated during half a century -- legal "persecutions", acts of reprisals, fallings away on the right hand and the left.纽曼的最亲爱的朋友是从他就像打开一个新的场景“,与alarums迫害和游览”将在50世纪的重复-法律,报复行为,距离塌在右边和左边。 Froude died on 28 February, 1836.福禄死于1836年2月28日。In May Dr. Hampden -- who had been appointed, thanks to Whateley, Regius Professor of Divinity on 7 Feb.在5月博士汉普登-谁被任命,2月由于惠特利,雷吉乌什7教授神-- was censured by the heads of houses, the governing board of the university, for the unsound doctrine taught in his "Bampton Lectures".-是房子的首脑谴责,大学理事会的教义,教的不健全在他的“班普顿讲座”。All the Oxford residents at this time, except a handful, were incensed by what they considered the perils to faith which Dr. Hampden's free-thought was provoking. But it was Newman who, by his "Elucidations", pointed the charge, and gave to less learned combatants an excuse for condemning what the had not read.所有的这一次牛津少数居民,除一,被激怒了他们所认为的危险,以博士汉普登信仰的自由的思想,发人深省。纽曼,但它是谁,他的“阐发”,指明了费用,并给据悉,以减少战斗人员没有看过一借口谴责了什么。 Nemesis lay in wait on his threshold.克星躺在门槛上等待他。The Evangelicals who trooped into Convocation to vote against Hampden "avowed their desire that the next time they were brought up to Oxford, it might be to put down the Popery of the Movement."评议会成群的福音派谁把反对汉普登“公开宣称他们希望下一次,他们被带到了牛津大学,它可能是放下运动Popery的。”

At this date even Pusey celebrated the Reformers as "the founders of our Church"; and that largely fabulous account of the past which Newman calls "the Protestant tradition" was believed on all sides.在这一天也皮塞庆祝纽曼呼吁改革者过去这为“我们的教会创办人占了”,并认为主要是神话般的“基督教传统”,是双方认为所有。 Imagine, then, how shocked and alarmed were old-fashioned parsons of every type when Froude's letters and diaries upset "with amazing audacity" these "popular and conventional estimates"; when the Reformation was described as "a limb badly set", its apologist Jewel flung aside as "an irreverent Dissenter", its reasoning against the Catholic mysteries denounced as the fruit of a proud spirit which would make short work of Christianity itself.想象一下,那么,如何震惊和恐慌的“,其代言人老式帕森斯每个类型时流行的福禄”的信件和日记不高兴“以惊人的力量”这和常规估计“,”当形容改革是一个肢体严重集宝石扔“一边为”无礼的异议者,其奥秘推理反对天主教谴责水果本身的一个值得骄傲的精神,将基督教作简短的工作。 Froude, in his graphic correspondence, appeared to be the enfant terrible who had no reserves and no respect for "idols" whether of the market-place or the theatre.佛洛德,在他的图形对应,似乎是坏孩子谁没有储备,也没有“尊重”偶像剧市场是否就地或。Friends were pained, foes exultant; "sermons and newspapers", says Dean Church, "drew attention to Froude's extravagances with horror and disgust."朋友们心疼,敌人欢欣鼓舞,“说教和报纸”说,院长会,“提请注意恐怖和厌恶弗劳德的奢侈的。”The editors, Keble no less than Newman, had miscalculated the effect, which was widely irritating and which increased the suspicion their own writings had excited of some deep-laid plot in favour of Rome (Letter to Faussett, June, 1835).编辑,基布尔不低于纽曼,打错了算盘的效果,被广泛刺激性并增加了)怀疑自己的著作1835年曾兴奋的一些深赞成在罗马奠定阴谋(信福西特,6月,。 To be at once imprudent and insidious might seem beyond man's power; but such was the reputation Tractarians bore from that day.为了在一次轻率的阴险和似乎超出人的权力,但这种声誉Tractarians一天是从该孔。Froude's outspoken judgments, however, marked the turning of the tide in ecclesiastical history.福禄的直言不讳的判断,然而,历史的转折,标志着教会潮流研究。"The divines of the Reformation", continues Dean Church, "never can be again, with their confused Calvinism, with their shifting opinions, their extravagant deference to the foreign oracles of Geneva and Zurich, their subservience to bad men in power, the heroes and saints of Churchmen." “改造”的神学家的,继续迪恩丘奇,“绝不可再与他们的混淆加尔文,他们转移的意见,他们的奢侈顺从,英雄的外国签日内瓦和苏黎世,他们屈从坏人当权和牧师圣人。“ Since Cobbet's indictment of the Reformation no language had so stirred the rage of "general ignorance", long content to take its legends on trust.由于Cobbet的起诉已经没有语言的改革,以便挑起的“愤怒”一般无知,长期的内容采取信任的传说。Froude's "Remains" were a challenge to it in one way, as the "Library of the Fathers" was in another, and yet again the ponderous "Catenas" of High Church authorities, to which by and by the "Parker Society" answered with its sixty-six volumes, mostly unreadable, of the Cranmer, Bullinger and Zurich pattern.福禄的“遗迹”是一个以某种方式挑战它,因为父亲“图书馆”于他人,再次沉重“Catenas,”高教会当局的通过,由“帕克社会”回答其66册,其中大部分是不可读的,在克兰默,布凌格和苏黎世的模式。 The Reformation theology was doomed.宗教改革神学是注定要失败。What the "Anglican regiment" has accomplished, JA Froude proclaims, "is the destruction of the Evangelical party in the Church of England."什么是“圣公会团”已经完成,司法机构政务长佛洛德宣称,“是英国破坏党的福音教会。”

When Samson pulled down the temple of the Philistines, he was buried in its ruins.当参孙推倒非利士庙,他被安葬在其废墟。Newman did not shrink from that sacrifice; he was ready to strike and be stricken.纽曼没有不惜牺牲,他准备罢工,并不已。Though Hampden's condemnation would never have been carried by the Tractarians alone, they gave it a force and an edge in the very spirit of Laud. To put down false teachers by authority, to visit them with penalties of censure and deprivation, they held was the duty of the Church and of the State as God's minister.虽然汉普登的谴责就不会被单独进行的Tractarians,他们给它的力量和歌唱力,精神非常。为了平息被权威假教师,参观剥夺他们与刑罚的责难,他们举行的是责任的教会和国家作为上帝的部长。 They would have repealed Catholic Emancipation.他们将废除天主教解放。They resisted the grant to the College of Maynooth.他们抵制授予的梅努斯学院。They had saved the Prayer Book from amendments, and frightened politicians, who would have distributed the spoils of the Church among more or less "Liberal" schemes.他们挽救了从修订祈祷书,政治家和害怕,谁也散发“计划的战利品自由教会之间或多或少”。By the year 1838 they had won their place in Oxford; the "Times" was coming over to their side; Bampton Lectures were beginning to talk of Catholic tradition as the practical rule of faith; and Evangelicals, infuriated if not dismayed, were put on their defence. Whateley from Dublin, Hawkins, Faussett, Hampden, Golightly, in Oxford, were calling up a motley array, united on one point only, that Tractarians must be handled as the emissaries of Rome.到了1838年他们赢得了他们的牛津举行的;在“时代”即将到他们一边,班普顿讲座已开始谈论传统的天主教信仰的实际统治;及福音,如果不激怒惊惶,被放在他们的辩护。惠特利来自都柏林,霍金斯,福西特,汉普登,戈莱特利牛津,在被调用了五花八门的数组,着眼点和着力点上只有一个,那Tractarians必须处理罗马使节作为。 Dr. Arnold in the Edinburgh launched an invective against the "Oxford Malignants", accusing them of "moral dishonesty." Newman's former friend, Whateley, shrieked over "this rapidly increasing pestilence", and transfixed its leaders with epithets; they were "veiled prophets"; their religion was "Thuggee"; they were working out "infidel designs."爱丁堡阿诺德博士在启动的一对不诚实谩骂“牛津Malignants”,指责他们的道德“。”纽曼的前朋友,惠特利,尖叫对“这一迅速增长的瘟疫”,并呆若木鸡的称呼它的领导人,他们是“面纱先知“,他们的宗教是”Thuggee“,他们制定了”异教徒的设计。“ Lord Morpeth in the House of Commons trampled on "a sect of damnable and detestable heretics lately sprung up at Oxford", and mentioned Newman by name.主异端摩佩斯在可恨的和该死的下议院的践踏“最近涌现出一个教派在牛津大学”,并提到纽曼的名字。From every quarter of the compass a storm was blowing up; but it moved round a thunder cloud called "Rome".从每季度的指南针了风暴吹,但它提出的全面积雨云称为“罗马”。

"Just at this time, June, 1838", says Newman, "was the zenith of the Tract Movement." “就在这个时候,6月,1838年”,纽曼说,“是运动的最高境界的道。”A change of fortune began with his bishop's charge, animadverting lightly on its Roman tendencies, to which the answer came at once from Newman, that if it was desired he would suppress the tracts.发财开始改变他的主教的指控,批判,轻轻的罗马倾向的答案来一次从纽曼,如果它想要的,他将镇压大片。It was not asked of him; but he had written to Bowden the significant words, "I do not see how the bishop can materially alter his charge or how I can bear any blow whatever."这不是问他,但他已写信给鲍登重大的话,“我看不出他的主教,会大大改变收费或如何,我可以承受任何打击什么。” Some of his friends objected to publishing the tract on the Roman Breviary; for it was not then realized how much the Anglican Prayer Book owes to Catholic, ie to Latin and papal sources.他的一些朋友反对出版的breviary道的罗马,因为它不是那么实现多少,欠英国国教天主教祈祷书,即拉丁文和罗马教皇的来源。 Newman impatiently rejoined that they must have confidence in him.纽曼不耐烦地反驳说,他们必须信任他英寸To Keble he disclosed his idea of giving up the tracts, the "British Critic", and St. Mary's.为了基布尔他透露,他的思想,放弃大片,“英国评论”,和圣母。For while preaching High Anglican doctrine, he said, "one cannot stop still. Shrewd minds anticipate conclusions, oblige one to say yes or no."而对于高圣公会传教的教义,他说:“一仍不能停止。精明的头脑预期的结论,迫使一说是或不是。”He collected in January, 1839, "all the strong things" which he and others had flung out against the Church of Rome, and made of them "advertisements" to the Puseyite publications.他收集的今年1月,1839年,“所有的强烈的东西”,他和其他人扔到了罗马教会的反对,并“使他们”广告的Puseyite出版物。 By way of protest on the Low Church side, bishops, clergy, and laity united in the Martyrs Memorial to Cranmer and Latimer, set up near the spot where they suffered, in front of Balliol College.通过抗议的方式对低教会方面,主教,神职人员,和俗人团结在烈士纪念碑克兰默和拉蒂默,设置在现场附近遭到他们,在前面的巴利奥尔学院。

But the tracts were selling faster than the printers could meet the demand.但是,大片的销售速度比打印机可满足需求。In July, Newman, taking up again his always projected and never issued edition of Dionysius of Alexandria, plunged into the record of the Monophysites and the Council of Chalcedon.今年7月,纽曼,再次以他那永远永远不会发出的预计和亚历山大版的修斯,卡尔西陷入了创纪录的基督一性和安理会。 In September he wrote to F. Rogers, "I have had the first real hit from Romanism"; an allusion to Wiseman's telling article on the Donatist schism in the "Dublin" for August.他在9月至F罗杰斯说,“我已经从浪漫主义的第一个真正的打击”,就在8月多纳分裂“都柏林”的典故,以怀斯曼的文章说。 Walking with H. Wilberforce in the New Forest he made to him the "astounding confidence" that doubt was upon him, thanks to "the position of St. Leo in the Monophysite controversy, and the principle 'Securis judicat orbit terrarum' in that of the Donatists."散步与H.威尔伯福斯在他的新森林向他提出的“过分自信”的怀疑他是应,争议由于“圣基督一的位置在狮子座,和原则的轨道terrarum'在这Securis judicat的该多纳徒。“A vista had opened to the end of which he did not see.阿远景已开了三年,他没有看到。His mind was never settled again in Anglicanism.他的心从来没有解决再次在英国国教。"He has told the story with so keen a feeling of its tragic and pathetic character", as Dean Church truly says, "that it will never cease to be read where the English language is spoken." “他告诉字符”的故事有这么一种感觉敏锐可怜的悲剧,并在教会真正院长说,“它永远不会停止在那里读英语是口头的。”It was the story of a deliverance.这是一个解脱的故事。But still Samson paid for it with all he held dear. Parallels from antiquity might affect a student like Newman.但它仍然萨姆森支付他举行的所有亲爱的。古老的Parallels可能影响纽曼从学生喜欢。To the many, inside or beyond Oxford, they meant nothing.对于许多人来说,内部或超越牛津,他们意味着什么。The live question always was, how to combat Rome, which appeared at the end of every vista as the goal of Tractarian reasoning.本次现场问题始终是,如何消除罗马,而推理,最终出现在牛津运动的每一个目标的远景。The "shrewd minds" which now harried and drove on their leader did not take to any "middle way"; these men cut into the movement at right angles and sang loudly Tendimus in Latium, they were pilgrims to St. Peter's shrine. JB Morris, Dalgairns, Oakeley, Macmullen (converts in the sequel), came round Newman while his older associates had not advanced.在“精明的头脑”现在掠夺和领导撞在他们没有采取任何“中间道路”,这些人的角度切入右侧运动在唱大声拉丁姆Tendimus中,他们神社朝圣者前往圣彼得。巴顿莫里斯,Dalgairns,Oakeley,Macmullen(转换的续集),纽曼,而他的初衷并没有先进的老同事。 But the captain of the band was WG Ward, lecturer at Balliol, a friend of Stanley's and for a time attracted by Arnold, then suddenly changed for the good by the sermons at St. Mary's, with his one sole article of faith, Credo in Newmannum.但是乐队队长的是工作组病房,巴利奥尔讲师,A的朋友斯坦利和阿诺吸引了时间,然后突然改变了说教的好由圣母,与他的一个唯一的文章的信仰,信条中Newmannum。 Ward, a strange, joyous, provoking figure, pervading the university with his logic and his jokes,was the enfant terrible of this critical time as Froude had been previously.沃德,一个奇怪的,快乐的,发人深省的数字,大学普遍存在的玩笑,他的逻辑和他的,是一次可怕的儿童剧团这个关键的福禄先前已经。 They differed in a hundred ways; but both certainly urged Newman forward at a pace he would not have chosen.他们在1 100不同方式,但都肯定会敦促选择了纽曼前进的步伐,他不是一个会。Froude "did not seem to be afraid of inferences"; Ward revelled in them.福禄“似乎并不害怕被推论”;沃德他们沉迷研究。It was Froude who first taught Newman "to look with admiration towards the Church of Rome."这是福禄谁第一个教纽曼“羡慕地看着罗马对教会的。”Ward, of all men the least inclined to compromise, did not care one jot for the Church of England, except insofar as it could be proved Catholic, by which he understood, as Protestants and Liberals did before him, the doctrine and discipline of the papal communion. He had "the intellect of an archangel", as he said ingenuously; his acuteness and audacity were a continual challenge to Newman, who partly resented but still more yielded to them; and so the problem took a formidable shape: how much on "infused Catholicism" would the Establishment bear.沃德妥协,所有男人最不倾向,并教会英格兰一记不关心,除了因为它可以证明天主教,其中他的理解,因为新教徒和自由党却在他面前的原则和纪律的教宗的共融。他“的”智慧的天使,因为他率直地说,他的尖锐性和Audacity是一个持续的挑战,纽曼,部分原因是不满,但谁更取得了他们;等问题采取了强大的形状:有多少关于“灌输天主教”将承担的建立。 It was "like proving cannon."这是大炮“像证明。”The crucial test was applied in "Tract 90", which came out on 27 February, 1841.关键的考验是适用于“道90”,其中1841年就来到2月27日。Once more, as in the case of Froude's "Remains", Newman miscalculated.再次,如“案件福禄的”遗迹,纽曼打错了算盘。He had drifted so far that he lost sight of the ever-enduring Protestantism which, to this day, is the bulwark of the national feeling against Rome.他漂流,以至于他失去了罗马的视线不断持久新教的,这一天,是对民族感情的堡垒。He thought his peace-offering would not cause offence.他认为他的和平祭不会引起反感。But Ward prophesied, and his instinct proved true, that it would "be hotly received."但沃德预言,他的本能属实,这将“热烈欢迎。”A lively epistle from Church (afterwards Dean of St. Paul s) to F. Rogers at Naples shows the storm raging early in March.阿保罗S活泼书信从教会圣(事后院长)罗杰斯在那不勒斯至F显示了风暴肆虐3月初。What "Tract 90" affirmed was that the Thirty-Nine Articles might be signed in a Catholic, though not in a Roman sense; that they did not condemn the Council of Trent, which in 1562, the date of their publication, was not ended; and that a distinction must be drawn between the corruptions of popular religion and the formal decrees approved by the Holy See.什么样的“道90”肯定的是,第三九条可能签署一个天主教的感觉,虽然不是在罗马,他们没有谴责安理会的遄达的结束,而在1562年,他们的出版日期,是不是,并认为,必须区分见得出的神圣与腐败的法令正式批准的民间信仰和。 It is now admitted, in the language of JA Froude, that "Newman was only claiming a position for himself and his friends which had purposely left open when the constitution of the Anglican Church was framed."现在是承认,在福禄语言的司法机构政务长,说:“纽曼是一个朋友的立场,声称只为他自己和这有故意留下了当教会圣公会是宪法框架”。 But he appeared to be an innovator and, in that excited season, a traitor.但他似乎是一个创新和季节,在这激动,一个叛徒。The Philistines held him bound by his own cords; Erastians or Evangelicals, they well knew that his bishop would not shield him from attack.非利士人认为他绳约束自己; Erastians或福音派,他们也知道,他的主教不会攻击他的挡箭牌。Four leading tutors, egged on by the fanatical Golightly, and including AC Tait, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, demanded the writer's name and charged him with dangerous tendencies.四家领先的导师,就怂恿狂热的戈莱特利,包括交流塔特,事后坎特伯雷大主教,要求作家的名字和他被控以危险的倾向。 The hebdomadal board now retorted on Newman the "persecution" dealt out on Hampden.现在的hebdomadal董事会上反驳纽曼的“迫害”就处理汉普登。They would not wait even twelve hours for his defence.他们不会等待他的辩护,甚至12小时。They resolved on 15 March, that "modes of interpretation such as are suggested in the said Tract, evading rather than explaining the sense of the Thirty-nine Article, and reconciling subscription to them with the adoption of errors, which they were designed to counteract, defeat the object, and are inconsistent with the due observance of the above mentioned Statutes." This anathema was posted up on every buttery hatch, or public board, of the colleges, as a warning to undergraduates.他们决心在3月15日,即“反制方式来解释,例如在上述的建议道,而不是回避,解释意义上的有39条,他们设计并协调它们与通过订阅的错误, ,失败的对象,并且不符合上述规程应有的尊重。“这是诅咒张贴在每个黄油孵化,或公开板,学院本科生,以警告。Newman acknowledged his authorship in a touching letter, perhaps too humble; and a war of pamphlets broke out.纽曼承认感人的信,他的作者在一,或许过于谦虚;和小册子战争的爆发。Keble, Palmer, and Pusey stood up for the tract, though Pusey could not bring himself to approve of its method unconditionally.基布尔,帕尔默和皮塞站起来为道,虽然皮塞不能让自己的方式批准其无条件。But Ward, with great effect, hurled back the charge of "insincerity" on those who made it.但沃德,以极大的影响,它投掷回来负责“没有诚意作出了”对那些谁。How could Whateley and Hampden use the services for baptism, visitation of the sick, or ordination, all dead against their acknowledged principles?怎么能惠特利和汉普登用于洗礼的服务,原则探视病人,或协调,承认对他们都死了?But neither did Ward follow Newman. Later on, he described the articles as "patient of a Catholic but ambitious of a Protestant meaning."但也没有后续纽曼病房。后来,他描述了一个天主教的文章,作为“病人,但雄心勃勃的一个新教的意义。”Whatever their logic, their rhetoric was undoubtedly Protestant.不管他们的逻辑,他们的言论无疑是新教徒。For himself, in subscribing them, he renounced no Roman doctrine. This, like all Ward's proceedings, was pouring oil on fire.对于自己,他们在签署时,他没有放弃罗马的教义。这就像所有病房的程序,是油浇火。Newman had made the mistake of handling an explosive matter without precaution, in the dry legal fashion of an advocate, instead of using his his incomparable gift of language to persuade and convince.纽曼做出了错误的爆炸性物质防范未经处理的,在干燥的时尚主张的法律,而不是用他自己的语言无法比拟的规劝和说服的礼物。 His refinements were pilloried as "Jesuitism", and his motive was declared to be treason.他改进的嘲笑为“Jesuitism”,他的动机被宣布为叛国罪。An immense commotion followed.随后的一个巨大的骚动。The "Apologia" describes it, "In every part of the country, and every class of society, through every organ and opportunity of opinion, in newspapers, in periodicals, at meetings, in pulpits, at dinner-tables, in coffee-rooms, in railway-carriages, I was denounced as a traitor who had laid his train, and was detected in the very act of firing it against the time-honoured Establishment."在“纵容”描述的那样,“在每一个国家的一部分的,每一个社会阶层的意见,通过各种器官和机会,在报纸,期刊,在会议上,在讲坛,在晚宴桌厅,咖啡在铁路,车,我被指责为叛徒谁列车奠定了他,并建立检测,时间非常荣幸射击的行为是违反。“ His place in the movement was gone.他的运动场所,就消失了。

He would not withdraw the tract; he reiterated its arguments in a Letter to Dr. Jeff; but at his bishop's request he brought the series to an end, addressing him in a strikingly beautiful pamphlet, which severed his own connection with the party he had led.他不会撤回道,他重申了它的参数的信中杰夫博士,但在他的主教的要求,他带来了一系列的结束,解决了他在一个非常漂亮的小册子,其中他自己割断党与连接领导。 He retired to Littlemore; and there, he says, "between July and November I received three blows that broke me."他退休后到利特尔莫尔,和那里,他说:“我7月至11月共接获三打击,打破了我。”First, in translating St.首先,在翻译街Athanasius, he came on the Via Media once more; but it was that of the heretical Semi-Arians.亚他那修,他就通过媒体来一次,但它是对邪教半阿里安斯。Second, the bishops, contrary to an "understanding" given him, began to charge violently, as of set purpose, against "Tract 90", which they accused of Romanizing and dishonesty.第二,主教,违反了“理解”给了他,开始收取猛烈,作为集的目的,对“道90”,这是他们的罗马化和不诚实的指控。 Last came the unholy alliance between England and Prussia by which an Anglican Bishop was appointed at Jerusalem over a flock comprising, it would appear, not only Lutherans but Druses and other heretics.最后到了邪恶同盟和普鲁士之间的英国圣公会主教,其中一个是耶路撒冷任命一个包括超过羊群,看来,不仅路德但Druses和其他异教徒。 The "Confession of Augsburg" was to be their standard.在“奥格斯堡自白”就是他们的标准。Now, "if England could be in Palestine, Rome might be in England."现在,“如果英格兰队能在巴勒斯坦,罗马可能是在英国。”The Anglican Church might have the Apostolical Succession; so had the Monophysites; but such acts led Newman to suspect that since the sixteenth century it had never been a Church at all.圣公会可能有使徒的继承,因此有基督一性,但这种行为导致纽曼怀疑自16世纪,它从来不是一个教会的。

Now then he was a "pure Protestant", held back from Rome simply by its apparent errors and idolatries.现在,然后他是一个“纯粹的基督教”,从单纯回罗马举行其明显的错误和拜偶像。Or were these but developments, after all of the primitive type and really true to it?或者是这些事态发展,但毕竟是原始类型,它真的?He had converted Ward by saying that "the Church of the Fathers might be corrupted into Popery, never into Protestantism." Did not living institutions undergo changes by a law of their being that realized their nature more perfectly?他皈依基督教沃德说,“在父亲的教会可能将被损坏Popery,从来没有到。”难道不是生活的机构依法进行的改变是一个正在实现他们的性质更加完美? and was the Roman Church an instance?而且是罗马教会一个实例?At Littlemore the great book was to be composed "On the Development of Christian Doctrine", which viewed this problem in the light of history and philosophy. Newman resigned St. Mary's in September, 1843.在利特尔莫尔伟大的书是组成哲学“论基督教教义的发展”,并认为这是历史问题在光明。纽曼辞职圣玛丽在9月,1843年。 He waited two years in lay communion before submitting to Rome, and fought every step of the journey. Meanwhile the movement went on.他等了两年才奠定提交给罗马的共融,并争取在每一步历程。与此同时,运动继续进行。Its "acknowledged leader" according to Dean Stanley was now WG Ward.它的“公认的领导”,按院长斯坦利现在病房工作组。On pure Anglicans a strong influence was exerted by JB Mozley, Newman's brother-in-law.论法纯圣公会一个强大的影响力是施加巴顿莫兹利,纽曼的兄弟。Keble, who was at odds with his bishop, vacated the chair of poetry; and the Tractarian candidate, Isaac Williams, was defeated in January, 1842.基布尔,谁是他在主教同赔率,腾出的诗主持,以及牛津运动候选人,艾萨克威廉姆斯,在1月被击败,1842年。Williams had innocently roused slumbering animosities by his "Tract 80", on "Reserve in communicating religious knowledge", a warning, as ever since, Low Church partisans have maintained, that the Establishment was to be secretly indoctrinated with "Romish errors."唤醒沉睡的威廉姆斯曾天真地“仇视他的”道80,关于“在传播宗教知识储备”,一个警告,因为从那时起,一直保持着低教会游击队,该机构是被灌输错误的秘密“Romish。” The heads of houses now proposed to repeal their censure of 1836 on Hampden, though he withdrew not a line of his Bampton Lectures.现在的房子元首提出的1836年废除对汉普登谴责,但他不是一个讲座线撤回他的班普顿。It was too much.这是太多了。 Convocation threw out the measure by a majority of three to two.评议会抛出两项措施三个一大部分。Hampden, by way of revenge, turned the formal examination of a Puseyite, Macmullen of Corpus, for the BD into a demand for assent to propositions which, as he well knew, Macmullen could not sign.汉普登报复,受的方式,把考试的正式一Puseyite,Macmullen语料库屋宇署,为使一个信号的需求,以命题的同意,因为他深知,Macmullen不能。 The vice-chancellor backed up Hampden; but the Delegates reversed that iniquitous judgment and gave the candidate his degree.副校长备份汉普登,但代表们认为极不公正的判决,推翻了他的候选人程度。The spirit of faction was mounting high.该派的精神,是越来越高。Young men's testimonials for orders were refused by their colleges.年轻男子的命令,拒绝他们的推荐院校。A statute was brought up in February, 1844, to place the granting of all divinity degrees under a board in conjunction with the vice-chancellor, which would mean the exclusion from them of Tractarians.一个章程是在2月提出,1844年,把他们排除在Tractarians的给予都意味着神度下板联同副会,其中校长。 This, indeed, was rejected by 341 votes to 21.确实,这是341票赞成,否决了21个。But Newman had said a year earlier, that the authorities were bent on exerting their "more than military power" to put down Catholicism.但是纽曼曾表示去年同期比较,说,当局对他们施加弯“更不是军事实力”放下天主教。RW Church calls them an irresponsible and incompetent oligarchy.RW光碟教会称他们是不负责任和不称职的寡头政治集团。Their chiefs were such as Hawkins, Symons, and Cardwell, bitterly opposed to the movement all through.他们的首领,如霍金斯,西蒙斯和卡德威尔,尖锐地反对所有的运动通过。As Newman had retired, they struck at Pusey; and by a scandalous inquisition of "the six doctors" they suspended him, without hearing a word of his defence, from preaching for two years, 2 June, 1843.正如纽曼已退休,他们袭击了皮塞,并以可耻的文字狱的“六医生”,他们暂停他,没有听到他的辩护词,从1843年说教两年,6月2日。 His crime consisted in a moderate Anglican sermon on the Holy Eucharist.他的罪行包括在一个温和的布道圣公会圣体圣事上。

Espionage, delation, quarrels between heads and tutors, rejection of Puseyites standing for fellowships, and a heated suspicion as though a second Popish Plot were in the air, made this time at Oxford a drama which Dean Church likens to the Greek faction-fights described by Thucydides.间谍,delation,金头和导师之间争吵的,站在Puseyites拒绝,并波皮什情节激烈的怀疑,就像第二次是在空中,使这一时间在牛津大学戏剧学院院长的教会比喻为希腊派系斗争描述由修昔底德。 The situation could not last. A crisis might have been avoided by good sense on the part of the bishops outside, and the ruling powers within the university.这种情况可能不会持续太久。一个危机可能已经避免了外界的感觉很好主教的一部分,而执政的权力范围内的大学。 It was precipitated by WG Ward.这是沃德沉淀工作组。Ejected from his lectureship at Balliol, he wrote violent articles between 1841 and 1843 in the "British Critic", no longer in Newman's hands.巴利奥尔逐出他的讲师,他说1843年和1841年之间的暴力文章在“英国评论”,没有手再在纽曼的。His conversation was a combat; his words of scorn for Anglican doctrines and dignitaries flew round the colleges.他的谈话是一个打击,他的话和要人的蔑视圣公会教义飞到轮学院。In 1843 Palmer of Worcester in his dreary "Narrative of Events" objected strongly to Ward's "Romanizing" tendencies.伍斯特帕尔默在1843年在他的沉闷的“倾向叙事事件”强烈反对沃德的“罗马化”。The "British Critic" just then came to an end.“英国批评家”就在这时,来结束。Ward began a pamphlet in reply; it swelled to 600 pages, and in the summer of 1844 burst on an irritated public as "The Ideal of a Christian Church."沃德开始了答复小册子中,它膨胀到600页,1844年爆裂市民在夏季恼火的是“教会基督徒的理想。”

Its method was simple.它的方法很简单。The writer identified all that was Roman with all that was Catholic; and proceeded to apply this test to the Church of England, which could ill bear it.笔者发现这一切是与所有的罗马天主教,并着手实施这一考验,英格兰教会,这可能生病忍受。Rome satisfied the conditions of what a Church ought to be; the Establishment shamefully neglected its duties as a "guardian of morality" and a "teacher of orthodoxy."罗马满意的条件什么是教会应该的设置可耻忽略了正统的职责“作为一种道德卫士”,“老师和一个。”It ignored the supernatural; it allowed ethics to be thrown overboard by its doctrine of justification without works; it had no real Saints because it neither commended nor practised the counsels of perfection; it was a schismatic body which ought humbly to sue for pardon at the feet of the true Bride of Christ.它忽略了超自然的,它可以引发道德理由是由于其学说舷外没有作品,它没有真正的圣人,因为它既不赞扬也不完善律师实行的,它是一个分裂的机构,应该虚心向在赦免控告脚的基督真正的新娘。 To evade the spirit of the Articles while subscribing them, where necessary, in a "non-natural" sense, was the only alternative Ward could allow to breaking with Anglicanism altogether.为了逃避章程的精神,同时订阅了他们,在必要时,在“非天然”的感觉,是唯一的选择可能允许病房与英国国教完全打破。 Unlike Newman, who aimed at reconciling differences, and to whom the Lutheran formula was but "a paradox or a truism", Ward repudiated the "solifidian" view as an outrage on the Divine sanctity; it was "a type of Antichrist", and in sound reason no better than Atheism.不像纽曼,谁旨在调和的分歧,以及向谁路德公式,而是“一个悖论或真理”,沃德否定了“solifidian神圣尊严”认为,作为一种不能容忍的,它是“反基督型”,和在没有充分的理由比无神论。 So his "relentless and dissolving logic" made any Via Media between Catholics and Protestants impossible.因此,他的“无情和化解逻辑”作出的任何通过媒体和新教徒之间的天主教徒不可能的。The very heart of the Elizabethan compromise he plucked out.本想出来的核心,他的伊丽莎白妥协。His language was diffuse, his style heavy, his manner to the last degree provoking.他的语言是弥漫,他的风格沉重,他的态度到最后程度发人深思。But whereas "Tract 90" did not really state, and made no attempt to resolve, the question at issue, Ward's "Ideal" swept away ambiguous terms and hollow reconcilements; it contrasted, however clumsily, the types of saintliness which were in dispute; it claimed for the Catholic standard not toleration, but supremacy; and it put the Church of England on its knees before Rome.但是,而“道90”并没有真正的状态,并没有试图解决的问题提问时,沃德的“理想”冲走含糊其词和空心reconcilements,它对比,但笨拙,在争议的类型是圣洁的;它声称对天主教的标准不宽容,但至高无上的地位;以及把膝盖的罗马教会的前英格兰。

How could Oxford or the clergy endure such a lesson?牛津怎么能忍受这样或神职人员的教训?So complete a change of attitude on the part of Englishmen, haughtily erect on the ruins of the old religion, was not to be dreamt of.因此,完成部分英国人对改变态度,傲慢地竖立在废墟上的旧宗教的,并没有被梦想。This, then, was what "Tract 90" had in view with its subtleties and subterfuges a second Cardinal Pole absolving the nation as it lay in the dust, penitent.这一点,那么,是什么“道90”曾在细微之处,以便按照其第二个红衣主教和托辞北极国家,因为它免除忏悔者躺在尘土。 The result, says Dean Stanley, was "the greatest explosion of theological apprehension and animosity" known to his time. Not even the tract had excited a more immediate or a more powerful sensation. Ward's challenge must be taken up.结果,院长斯坦利说,是“他的时代最伟大的神学逮捕爆炸和仇恨”的称号。就连道激起了更直接或更强大的轰动。沃德的挑战,必须采取行动。 He claimed, as a priest in the Church of England, to hold (though not as yet to teach) the "whole cycle of Roman doctrine."他声称,作为一个在英国牧师的教会,持有(虽然尚未教)的“罗马学说整个周期的影响。”Newman had never done so; even in 1844 he was not fully acquiescent on all the points he had once controverted.纽曼从来没有这样做,甚至在1844年他并没有完全有争议的默许对他的各点一次。He would never have written the "Ideal"; much of it to him read like a theory.他决不会写的“理想”;大部分是他理论看像一个。But in Oxford the authorities, who were acting as if with synodical powers, submitted to Convocation in Dec. 1844, three measures:但当局在牛津,如果谁被作为权力与synodical在提交的3项措施,以评议会在1844年12月:

to condemn Ward's book;谴责沃德的书;

to degrade the author by taking away his university degrees; and以降解带走他的大学学位课程的作者,以及

to compel under pain of expulsion, every one who subscribed the Articles to declare that he held them in the sense in which "they were both first published and were now imposed by the university."强制驱逐疼痛下,每一个谁签署的章程,宣布他举行的意识他们在其中“,他们都是首次发表,被现在的大学实行的。”

Had the penalty on Ward, vindictive and childish as it now appears, stood alone, few would have minded it.假如单处罚病房,报复和幼稚,因为现在看来,站着,很少有人会介意它。Even Newman wrote in January, 1845, to JB Mozley, "Before the Test was sure of rejection, Ward had no claims on anyone."纽曼说,即使在1月,1845年至JB莫兹利,“以前的测试是拒绝相信,沃德对任何人没有任何要求。”But over that "Test" a wild shriek arose.但在这“测试”野生尖叫起来。Liberals would be affected by it as surely as Tractarians.自由党是受它的影响是肯定的Tractarians。Tait, one of the "Four Tutors", Maurice, the broadest of Broad Churchmen, Professor Donkin, most intellectual of writers belonging to the same school, came forward to resist the imposition and to shield "Tract 90", on the principle of "Latitude".塔特,“一”四导师,莫里斯,学校最宽牧师,教授登金,同大多数知识分子作家属于出面抵制征收和盾牌“道90”的,原则上的“纬度“。 Stanley and another obtained counsel's opinion from a future lord chancellor the Test was illegal.斯坦利和另一个获得律师的意见,从未来大法官测试是非法的。On 23 January, they published his conclusion, and that very day the proposal was withdrawn. 1月23日,他们出版了他的结论,那一天的提案被撤回。But on 25 January, the date in 1841 of "Tract 90" itself, a formal censure on the tract, to be brought up in the approaching Convocation, was recommended to voters by a circular emanating from Faussett and Ellerton.但在1月25日,日期在1841年道的“道90”本身的严重谴责,正式提出了要在即将来临的评议,建议和埃勒顿从福西特向选民发出的一个通告。 This anathema received between four and five hundred signatures in private, but was kept behind the scenes until 4 Feb. The hebdomadal board, in a frenzy of excitement, adopted it amid protests from the Puseyites and from Liberals of Stanley's type.这诅咒收到4至500私人签字,但饲养的幕后,直到2月4日的hebdomadal板,在疯狂的兴奋,在抗议声中通过了斯坦利它从Puseyites和自由党。 Stanley's words during the tumult made a famous hit.在骚乱斯坦利的话作出了著名的打击。In a broadside he exclaimed, "The wheel is come full circle. The victors of 1836 are the victims of 1845. The victims of 1845 are the victors of 1836. The assailants are the assailed. The assailed are the assailants. The condemned are the condemners. The condemners are the condemned. The wheel is come full circle. How soon may it come round again?"在舷侧,他喊道:“来的车轮是一圈。1836年的胜利者是1845年的受害者。1845年的受害者是1836年的胜利者。袭击者是无懈可击。袭击者的攻击是。该谴责是condemners。condemners是谴责的。轮子是兜了个圈子。多久可能它来圆了吗?“ A comment on this "fugitive prophecy" was to be afforded in the Gorham case, in that of "Essays and Reviews," in the dispute over Colenso, and in the long and vexatious lawsuits arising out of Ritualism.一个“对此有何评论”逃犯预言将在戈勒姆案件提供的,在这“散文和评论,”在科伦索争议,并在长期和无理取闹的诉讼所产生的礼教。 The endeavour was made to break every school of doctrine in succession on this wheel, but always at length in vain.在努力打破继承了这轮每所学校的学说,但总是徒劳长度研究。

Convocation met in a snowstorm on 13 February, 1845.评议会举行了一次关于1845年2月13日暴风雪。It was the last day of the Oxford Movement.这是牛津运动的最后一天。Ward asked to defend himself in English before the vast assembly which crowded into the Sheldonian Theatre.沃德要求捍卫自己在英国剧院前的广大大会谢尔多尼亚挤在其中。He spoke with vigour and ability, declaring "twenty times over" that he held all the articles of the Roman Church.他说话时的活力和能力,宣称“教会20倍”,他持有的所有罗马的文章的。Amid cries and counter-cries the votes were taken.在一片哭声和反的呼声采取了票。The first, which condemned his "Ideal", was carried by 777 to 386.第一,谴责他的“理想”,是由777至386。The second, which deprived him of university standing, by 569 to 511.第二,剥夺站在他的大学,由569至511。When the vice-chancellor put the third, which was to annihilate Newman and "Tract 90", the proctors rose, and in a voice that rang like a trumpet Mr. Guillemard of Trinity, the senior, uttered their "Non placet".当副总理提出的第三个原则,即以消灭纽曼与“道90”,在监考上升,并在声音,像一个喇叭响了三位一体的高级吉尔马德先生,说出他们的“非普拉塞”。 This was fatal to the decree, and in the event to that oligarchy which had long ruled over Oxford.这是致命的法令,并在该事件已超过牛津寡头政治的长期统治。Newman gave no sign.纽曼没有透露。But his reticence boded nothing good to the Anglican cause.但他的沉默预示着什么好结果的圣公会事业。The University repudiated his followers and they broke into detachments, the many lingering behind with Keble or Pusey; others, and among them Mark Pattison, a tragic instance, lapsing into various forms of modern unbelief; while the genuine Roman group, Faber, Dalgairns, Oakeley, Northcote, Seager, Morris and a long stream of successors, became Catholics.大学推翻他的追随者,他们分队闯入,背后有许多挥之不去的基布尔或皮塞,其他人,其中马克帕蒂森,一个悲惨的实例,陷入到现代的各种形式的不信,而真正的罗马集团,辉,Dalgairns, Oakeley,罗富国,西格,莫里斯和长流的接班人,成为天主教徒。They left the Liberal party to triumph in Oxford and to remould the University.他们离开了自由党在牛津的胜利,并改造了大学。 If 13 February, 1845 was the "Dies Irae" of Tractarian hopes, it saw the final discomfiture of the Evangelicals.如果1845年2月13日是“最后审判日的希望”的牛津运动,它看到了福音派最终尴尬的。Henceforth, all parties in the National Church were compelled to "revise the very foundations of their religion."今后,国家会在所有各方都不得不“修改对他们宗教的根本基础。”Dogma had taken refuge in Rome.教条已在罗马避难。

In April, 1845, the country was excited by Sir R. Peel's proposals for the larger endowment of Maynooth (see Macaulay's admirable speech on the occasion). In June, Sir H. Jenner Fust, Dean of Arches, condemned Oakeley of Margaret Street chapel for holding the like doctrines with Ward, who was already married and early in September was received into the Church.今年4月,1845年,该国是激发了更大的养老梅努斯锡尔河的提议皮尔'(见麦考利的场合令人钦佩的讲话)。今年6月,主席先生阁下詹纳富斯特,拱门院长,谴责教堂Oakeley玛格丽特街9月初举行类似的学说与病房,谁是已经结婚,并于收到到教会。 Newman resigned his Oriel fellowship, held since 1822, at the beginning of October.纽曼辞去奥丽尔奖学金,1822年以来举行,在10月开始的。He did not wait to finish the "Development"; but on the feast of St. Denys, 9 October, made his profession of the Catholic Faith to Father Dominic at Littlemore.他没有等待完成,“发展”,但在10月的节日圣罗弼时,由9信仰天主教神父到多米尼克在利特尔莫尔他的职业。 The Church of England "reeled under the shock."英格兰教会的“缠绕下的冲击。”Deep silence, as of stupor, followed the clamours and long agonies of the past twelve years.深沉默,作为昏迷,随后12年的叫嚣,并长期痛苦的过去。The Via Media swerved aside, becoming less theoretical and less learned, always wavering between the old Anglican and the new Roman road, but gradually drawing nearer to the Roman.电台广播的突然转向一边,变得越来越少的理论和经验教训,始终道路之间摇摆不定的旧圣公会和新罗马,但罗马的绘画逐渐接近的。 Its headquarters were in London, Leeds and Brighton, no longer in Oxford.其总部设在伦敦,利兹和布莱顿,牛津没有再研究。

But an "aftermath" of disputes, and of conversions in the year 1851, remains to be noticed.但是一个“后发”的纠纷,1851年和今年的转换中,仍然需要注意。On 15 November, 1847, the Prime Minister, Lord John Russell, nominated to the See of Hereford, the "stormy petrel" of those controversies, Dr. 11月15日,1847年总理,主约翰罗素,提名的医生见赫里福德的“暴风雨,海燕”这些争议Hampden.汉普登。He did so "to strengthen the Protestant character of our Church, threatened of late by many defections to the Church of Rome."他这样做“,以加强教会,新教性质的威胁许多叛逃到晚期的罗马教会。”The "Times" expresses amazement; Archbishop Howley and thirteen other bishops remonstrated; but Dr. Pusey was "the leader and oracle of Hampden's opponents."在“泰晤士报”表示惊讶;大主教豪利和其他13个主教谏,但博士皮塞是“领导者和反对者甲骨文的汉普登的。” At Oxford the Heads of Houses were mostly in favour of the nominee, though lying under censure since 1836.在牛津两院首脑,也多半是被提名人赞成的,但自1836年在谴责说谎。An attempt was made to object at Bow Church when the election was to be confirmed; but the Archbishop had no freedom, and by congé d'élire and exercise of the Royal Supremacy a notoriously unsound teacher became Bishop of Hereford, It was the case of Hoadley in a modern form.试图向教会对象在弓当选举确定;但大主教没有自由,和康杰德élire和霸权行使皇家不健康老师成了一个臭名昭著的海福特主教,这是个案霍德利在现代形式。

Almost at the same date (2 November, 1847) the Rev. GC Gorham, "an aged Calvinist", was presented to the living of Brampton Speke in Devonshire.几乎在同一日期(1847年11月2日)牧师的GC戈勒姆,“一岁的加尔文主义”,提交给了德文郡生活普顿斯皮克研究。 "Henry of Exeter", the bishop, holding High Anglican views, examined him at length on the subject of baptismal regeneration, and finding that he did not believe in it, refused to induct Mr. Gorham.“埃克塞特亨利”,主教,高举圣公会的意见,他在检查长在再生课题洗礼,并裁定他不相信它,拒绝导入先生戈勒姆。 The case went to the Court of Arches - a spiritual court where Sir H. Jenner Fust decided against the appellant, 2 August, 1849.这一案件在法院的拱门-精神法庭,主席先生阁下詹纳富斯特1849年决定对上诉人,8月2日。Mr. Gorham carried a further appeal to the judicial committee, the lay royal tribunal, which reversed the decision of the spiritual court below. Dr.戈勒姆先生进行进一步上诉的司法委员会,躺在王室法庭,扭转了决定。博士精神下级法院Philpotts, the Bishop of Exeter, refused to institute; and the dean of arches was compelled to do so instead.菲尔波茨,在埃克塞特主教,拒绝学会及拱门院长不得不这样做,而不是。The bishop tried every other court in vain; for a while he broke off communion, so far as he dared, with Canterbury. As Liberalism had won at Hereford, so Calvinism won at Brampton Speke.主教法庭受审徒劳每隔;了一会儿,他断绝了交流,只要他敢,与坎特伯雷。由于自由主义在赫里福德赢得了,所以加尔文斯皮克赢得布兰普顿。

These decisions of the Crown in Council affected matters of doctrine most intimately.官方的会议决定的原则,这些受影响最密切的问题。Newman's lectures on "Anglican Difficulties" were drawn forth by the Gorham judgment.纽曼的讲座“圣公会难”的制定提出了戈勒姆判断。But Pusey, Keble, Gladstone, and Anglo-Catholics at large were dumbfounded.但皮塞,基布尔,格莱斯顿,和盎格鲁天主教徒在逃目瞪口呆。Manning, Archdeacon of Chichester, had neither written tracts nor joined in Newman's proceedings.曼宁,奇切斯特副主教的,既没有书面传单或加入诉讼程序中纽曼的。He did not scruple to take part with the general public though in measured terms, against "Tract 90".他不惜采取“栏目与广大市民道90尽管在衡量方面,反对”。He had gone so far as to preach an out-and-out Protestant sermon in St. Mary's on Guy Fawkes day, 1843. In 1845 he "attacked the Romanizing party so fiercely as to call forth a remonstrance from Pusey."他竟然鼓吹一个不折不扣新教布道在圣玛丽整日的盖伊福克斯,1843。1845年他“袭击了罗马化这么激烈,以党的召唤一个皮塞谏的。” And then came a change.而后又改变。He read Newman's "Development," had a serious illness, travelled in Italy, spent a season in Rome, and lost his Anglican defences.他读纽曼的发展“,”得了一场重病,在前往意大利,在罗马度过一个赛季,失去了他的圣公会抗辩。 The Gorham judgment was a demonstration that lawyers could override spiritual authority, and that the English Church neither held nor condemned baptismal regeneration.该戈勒姆判决是一个示范,律师可以凌驾于精神权威,既不是英国教会举行洗礼,也不谴责再生。This gave him the finishing stroke.这给了他整理中风。In the summer of 1850, a solemn declaration, calling in the Church to repudiate the erroneous doctrine thus implied, was signed by Manning, Pusey, Keble and other leading High Anglicans; but with no result, save only that a secession followed on the part of those who could not imagine Christ's Church as tolerating heresy.On 6 April, 1851, Manning and JR Hope Scott came over. Allies, a scholar of repute, had submitted in 1849, distinctly on the question now agitated of the royal headship.在1850年夏天,一个庄严的宣言,呼吁教会在否定错误的理论从而暗示,签署了曼宁,皮塞,基布尔等领导圣公会高,但没有结果,只保存一个分裂国家的一部分后的这些谁也无法想象斯科特过来基督的教会作为容忍heresy.On 1851年4月6日,曼宁和JR的希望。盟国,声誉的学者,曾在1849年提出的问题,现在明显的校长激动的皇室。Maskell, Dodsworth, Badeley, the two Wilberforces, did in like manner.马斯克尔,兹沃思,Badeley,两个Wilberforces,并在喜欢的方式。Pusey cried out for freedom from the State; Keble took a non-juring position, "if the Church of England were to fail, it should be found in my parish."皮塞大声对国家自由的;基布尔采取了非朱灵的立场,“如果英格兰教会的失败,应该教区找到我的。”Gladstone would not sign the declaration; and he lived to write against the Vatican decrees.格拉德斯通将不会签署声明,以及他对生活写梵蒂冈的法令。

Surveying the movement as a whole we perceive that it was part of the general Christian uprising which the French Revolution called forth.测绘第四运动作为一个整体,我们知道,这所谓的一部分,一般是基督教起义的法国大革命。It had many features in common with German Romanticism; and, like the policy of a Free Church eloquently advocated by Lamennais, it made war on the old servitude to the State and looked for support to the people.它与德国浪漫主义的许多共同特征,并像Lamennais政策的一所雄辩地主张自由教会,它使国家的战争的老劳役和支持寻找人民。 Against free-thought, speculative and anarchic, it pleaded for Christianity as a sacred fact, a revelation from on high, and a present supernatural power.对自由的思想,投机和无政府状态,它承认,作为一个基督教神圣的事实,从一个高的启示,与现实超自然的力量。Its especial task was to restore the idea of the Church and the dignity of the sacraments, above all the Holy Eucharist.它的特殊任务是恢复教会的思想和尊严的圣体圣事,最重要的是圣灵。In the Laudian tradition, though fearfully weakened, it sought a fulcrum and a precedent for these happier changes.在Laudian的传统,虽然害怕削弱,它寻求一个支点和一个先例,对这些变化更快乐。

Joseph de Maistre, in the year 1816, had called attention to the English Church, designating it as a middle term between Catholic unity and Protestant dissent; with an augury of its future as perhaps one day serving towards the reunion of Christendom.约瑟夫德梅斯特尔1816年,在这一年中,呼吁重视英文的教会,它作为指定异议和新教之间的一个中间长期天主教的统一,与1天占卜作为其未来可能实现的一个基督教服务的团聚。 Alexander Knox foretold a like destiny, but the Establishment must be purged by suffering.亚历山大诺克斯预言一样的命运,但苦难的建立必须清除的。Bishop Horsley, too, had anticipated such a time in remarkable words.主教霍斯利,也设想了一个词的时间显着。But the most striking prophecy was uttered by an aged clergyman, Mr. Sikes of Guilsborough, who predicted that, whereas "the Holy Catholic Church" had long been a dropped article of the Creed, it would by and by seem to swallow up the rest, and there would be an outcry of "Popery" from one end of the country to another (Newman's "Correspondence", II, 484).但最引人注目的预言是牧师说出了一岁,赛克斯先生的吉尔斯伯勒,谁预测,而“罗马天主教会”长期以来一直是下降的信条条的时候,它就和似乎要吞下了其余,而且将成为呼声“Popery”从一国到另一端(纽曼的“通讯”,第二章,484)。 When the tracts began, Phillips de Lisle saw in them an assurance that England would return to the Holy See.当大片开始,菲利普斯代利勒看到他们保证,英国将重返罗马教廷。And JA Froude sums it all up in these words, "Newman has been the voice of the intellectual reaction of Europe", he says, "which was alarmed by an era of revolutions, and is looking for safety in the forsaken beliefs of ages which it had been tempted to despise."和JA弗劳德词来概括所有这些,“纽曼一直是”声音的反应欧洲的知识分子,他说:“这是革命震惊的一个时代,并正在寻找安全的信念被遗弃的年龄它已被诱惑鄙视。“

Later witnesses, Cardinal Vaughan or WE Gladstone, affirm that the Church of England is transformed.后来证人,红衣主教沃恩或我们格莱斯顿,确认,英格兰教会的转化。Catholic beliefs, devotions, rites, and institutions flourish within it.天主教信仰,灵修,礼仪,并在其中蓬勃发展的机构。But its law of public worship is too narrow for its religious life, and the machinery for discipline has broken down (Royal Commission on Discipline, concluding words).但其崇拜法律的公共生活是过于狭隘的宗教,和纪律机械打破了纪律委员会(皇家,结束语)。The condemnation of Anglican Orders by Pope Leo XIII in the Bull "Apostolicae Curae", 13 September, 1896, shuts out the hope entertained by some of what was termed "corporate reunion", even if it had ever been possible, which Newman did not believe.公牛谴责教皇利奥十三圣公会订单增加的“Apostolicae Curae”,1896年9月13日,关闭了团圆“公司的”希望欣赏一些被称为什么,即使它曾经是可能的,这不纽曼相信。But he never doubted that the movement of 1833 was a work of Providence; or that its leaders, long after his own departure from them, were "leavening the various English denominations and parties (far beyond their own range) with principles and sentiments tending towards their ultimate absorption into the Catholic Church."但他从来没有怀疑,1833年运动的是一个普罗维登斯工作;或它的领导人,不久后他从他们自己的离开,是“发酵各方(远远超出自己的范围内,各教派和英语)的原则和感情越来越倾向于他们的最终吸收到天主教教会。“

Publication information Written by William Barry.出版信息巴里写威廉。Transcribed by Ann Waterman. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.转录由安沃特曼。天主教百科全书,卷席。Published 1911.1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


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