Paulinism, Theology of Paul保罗神学

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The term is used to describe the type of theology which looks to Paul, rather than to other NT authors, for its chief inspiration. The Reformation was essentially a revival of Paulinism, for the distinctive Pauline doctrine of justification by faith was and has remained for all Protestant churches "the article of faith by which the Church stands or falls" (Luther). In broader terms, however, the whole Western church may be regarded as "Pauline," over against the Orthodox churches of the East, which look rather to John for the NT foundation of their theology.这个术语是用来描述作家类型的神学看似新台币保罗,而不是其他,为它的主要灵感。 制度的改革基本上是一个Paulinism复苏的信仰,为了与众不同by宝莲学说的理由是,它一直为所有新教教会“的文章,其中信仰教会的立场或跌倒”(路德)。在更广泛的方面,但是,整个西方教会可能比较视为“保利娜”结束了,这看起来对东正教教堂的东约翰的神学为基础的新台币。 Here Augustine's influence has meant that the Western churches, Catholic and Protestant alike, are partners in a theological tradition which values legal categories of thought and metaphors as the most fruitful way of talking about the relationship between God and the world, and which therefore regards justification as the central soteriological issue, even if Catholic and Protestant interpret Paul's teaching differently.这里奥古斯丁的影响,这意味着西方教会,天主教和新教一样,都是理由伙伴在神学的传统,于是,对于世界,它的价值观法律神和类别之间的思想和隐喻的最富有成效的方式谈论关系作为中央救世问题,即使天主教和新教的解释保罗的教学有所不同。

Lutheran theologians have generally been conscious of the priority they give to Paul, but recently three factors have contributed to a growing feeling that this exaltation is questionable. Ecclesiastically, the ecumenical movement has made Western theologians more aware of the Eastern theological tradition with its very different approach to justification and Pauline theology generally.路德神学家一般都优先意识到他们给保罗,但最近三个因素促成了越来越觉得这个提高是有问题的。教规,合一运动取得了西方神学家更了解东方的传统神学,它有着不同的方法的理由和宝莲神学普遍。 Theologically, the awareness has grown that religious language can only hint and suggest, never describe, so that perhaps legal language is only one of several possible metaphor groups that may validly be used to talk about God and the world.神学,意识已经成长,宗教语言只能暗示和建议,从来没有描述,也许法律语言,使世界上只有一个比喻的几个可能的团体,可以有效地用来谈论上帝和。 And in NT scholarship a sharper awareness of the parallel but distinct historical development of the different theological streams within the NT (Pauline, Johannine, Synoptic, etc,) has led to a desire to interpret each within its own terms and not to seek out a "canon within the canon" on the basis of which the rest of the Bible can be interpreted.而在不同的神学奖学金新台币清晰的认识平行的,但不同的历史发展溪流内新台币(宝莲,johannine的,天气等)导致了各方面的愿望来解释自己的范围内,而不是寻求一“佳能在解释经典”能够在此基础上休息其中的圣经。 Ecumenical conversations are therefore found to be mirrored within the NT itself, so that the issue of diversity and unity in the NT has tremendous modern relevance.因此,基督教交谈发现,反映在NT本身,因此,新界问题的多样性和团结在有着巨大的现代意义。

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Several approaches to this problem are available today.这个问题的几个方法目前已经上市。The traditional Lutheran - Protestant solution is still well represented: it distinguishes an original, pure, Pauline gospel from "Early Catholicism," a term used to describe the earliest movements, traceable in the NT itself, toward a Catholic emphasis on the sacraments, ordered ministry, and an ethical Christianity (regarded as a degeneration from the truth).传统的路德-新教的解决方案仍然是很好的代表:它的区别,从保罗的福音“早期天主教原始,纯净,”一个术语,用来描述运动的最早的,本身可追溯在新台币下令,对天主教的一个重点,圣礼部和基督教的道德(真理视为一个变性从)。 Some scholars even find this degeneration in Paul himself, and so locate pure Paulinism only in the earliest epistles.有些学者甚至认为这自己变性保罗等找到最早的书信只在纯Paulinism。Another approach identifies a common denominator between Paul and the other NT authors and questions the possibility of finding theological harmony outside this center. For Dunn, the NT authors agree in identifying Jesus of Nazareth with the risen and exalted Christ, but beyond that show very substantial diversity of thought, so that Paulinism is simply one version of Christianity, inevitably existing in tension with other versions.另一种方法来识别分母之间的可能性保罗和其他NT的作者和查找问题的神学中心。和谐外面邓恩一个共同的,新台币作者同意在确定拿撒勒的耶稣与复活的基督和崇高的,但除此之外,显示非常可观思想的多样性,使Paulinism仅仅是一个版本的基督教,不可避免地存在其他版本的张力。

Recently a third approach has appeared, associated particularly with the German scholars Martin Hengel and Peter Stuhlmacher, which asserts a substantial unity between the main NT streams by finding in them the same central theological ideas differently expressed and applied.最近,第三种方法已经出现,特别是与新台币相关主体的德国学者马丁亨格尔和彼得施图尔马赫,团结之间的主张大幅流他们发现,在相同的神学思想的核心差异表达和运用。 The heart of Pauline as of Johannine theology is thus the proclamation of Jesus as the messianic Reconciler who dies a sacrificial death for the people of God.神学心脏宝莲作为johannine的,因此是上帝宣布耶稣作为救世主协调器谁死为人民的牺牲。

NT scholarship is in a considerable state of flux, matching that in the parallel area of ecumenism.新台币的奖学金是在一个相当大的流量状态,匹配,在平行区合一。Whatever the outcome, we must affirm that those for whom, like Luther, the Epistle to the Romans contains "the purest gospel" have not misplaced their faith.无论结果如何,我们必须肯定,这些对他们来说,像路德,罗马人书信向有“最纯净的福音”没有错他们的信仰。

S MotyerS Motyer
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)(埃尔韦尔福音字典)

Bibliography 书目
JDG Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the NT; E Kasemann, "The Problem of a NT Theology," NTS 19; JW Drane, "Tradition, Law and Ethics in Pauline Theology," NovT 16; M Hengel, The Atonement.jdg邓恩,统一性和多样性的新台币,电子商务凯士曼“的神学问题的新台币,”国税19; JW德雷恩,“传统,法律和道德在宝莲,神学,”NovT 16,间亨格尔,赎罪。


Saul of Tarsus扫罗的塔尔苏斯

Jewish Viewpoint Information犹太观资料

The actual founder of the Christian Church as opposed to Judaism; born before 10 CE; died after 63.基督教教会的实际创始人,作为反对犹太教;行政长官之前出生的10岁;死亡63。The records containing the views and opinions of the opponents of Paul and Paulinism are no longer in existence; and the history of the early Church has been colored by the writers of the second century, who were anxious to suppress or smooth over the controversies of the preceding period, as is shown in the Acts of the Apostles and also by the fact that the Epistles ascribed to Paul, as has been proved by modern critics, are partly spurious (Galatians, Ephesians, I and II Timothy, Titus, and others) and partly interpolated.这些记录包含的意见和Paulinism意见的对手保罗和不再存在;和教会的早期历史一直是彩色的争议由作家的第二个世纪,谁急于压制或顺利通过前段时期,作为显示在使徒行传的,也是由以弗所事实归功于保罗的书信,因为已经证明了现代的批评,是部分杂散(加拉太书,我和提摩太,提多,和其他人)和部分插值。

Not a Hebrew Scholar; a Hellenist.不是希伯来语学者,一个hellenist希腊人。

Saul (whose Roman cognomen was Paul; see Acts xiii. 9) was born of Jewish parents in the first decade of the common era at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts ix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3).扫罗(其罗马cognomen保罗;见行为十三。九日)出生的犹太父母在第一个十年的共同行为九时代在塔尔苏斯在基利家(。11,21。39,22。3)。 The claim in Rom.在ROM中的索赔。xi.十一。1 and Phil.1,菲尔。iii.三。5 that he was of the tribe of Benjamin, suggested by the similarity of his name with that of the first Israelitish king, is, if the passages are genuine, a false one, no tribal lists or pedigrees of this kind having been in existence at that time (see Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." i. 7, 5; Pes. 62b; M. Sachs, "Beiträge zur Sprach- und Alterthumsforschung," 1852, ii. 157).五,他是本杰明的部落,建议由国王他的名字Israelitish相似与港第一,是,如果通道是真实的,一个false 1,no部落lists or kind家系的这是因为我一直在AT existence那个时候(见尤西比乌斯,“历史。传道书。”岛7,5;瘟。62b;米萨克斯,“文集祖尔施普拉赫-北达科Alterthumsforschung,”1852年,二。157)。 Nor is there any indication in Paul's writings or arguments that he had received the rabbinical training ascribed to him by Christian writers, ancient and modern; least of all could he have acted or written as he did had he been, as is alleged (Acts xxii. 3), the disciple of Gamaliel I., the mild Hillelite.我们也没有任何迹象显示在保罗的著作作家或论点,他收到了犹太教的基督教的培训,他归因于古代和现代,至少都能他行事或书面像他那样了,他被作为被指控(徒二十二。3),Hillelite弟子加马利亚一,温和的。 His quotations from Scripture, which are all taken, directly or from memory, from the Greek version, betray no familiarity with the original Hebrew text.他的报价从经文,都是采取直接或从记忆体,从希腊的版本,背叛没有文本的熟悉与原来的希伯来文。The Hellenistic literature, such as the Book of Wisdom and other Apocrypha, as well as Philo (see Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," ii. 18-27; Siegfried, "Philo von Alexandria," 1875, pp. 304-310; Jowett, "Commentary on the Thessalonians and Galatians," i. 363-417), was the sole source for his eschatological and theological system.古希腊文学,如伪经书和其他智慧,以及斐洛(见豪斯拉特,“Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte,”二。18-27;齐格弗里德,“亚历山大冯斐洛,”1875年,页。304-310;乔伊特,“评上帖和加拉太,”一363-417),是神学系统的唯一来源和他的末世论。

Notwithstanding the emphatic statement, in Phil.尽管有力的声明,菲尔。iii.三。5, that he was "a Hebrew of the Hebrews"-a rather unusual term, which seems to refer to his nationalistic training and conduct (comp. Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2), since his Jewish birth is stated in the preceding words "of the stock of Israel"-he was, if any of the Epistles that bear his name are really his, entirely a Hellenist in thought and sentiment. 5,说他是“一个”希伯来文希伯来人,一不寻常的任期,这似乎是指他的民族主义的培训和行为(comp.行为21。40,22。2)的诞生,是因为他的犹太人说在前面以色列的话“股票的”,他是,如果名称的任何书信而承受他真的是他的,完全是在思想和情绪hellenist希腊人。 As such he was imbued with the notion that "the whole creation groaneth" for liberation from "the prison-house of the body," from this earthly existence, which, because of its pollution by sin and death, is intrinsically evil (Gal. i. 4; Rom. v. 12, vii. 23-24, viii. 22; I Cor. vii. 31; II Cor. v. 2, 4; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," iii. 75; idem, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 17; idem, "De Ebrietate," § 26; and Wisdom ii.24).因此,他被赋予了概念,即“整个创作groaneth”解放从“监狱内部的机构,”从这个尘世的存在,其中,因为它的死亡罪和污染,在本质上是邪恶的(加拉太书一,四;光盘。诉12,七。23-24日,八。22;我肺心病。七。31;二,肺心病。五,二,四,可比。斐洛,“德Allegoriis利格姆,”三。75;同上,“德维塔莫西斯,”三。17;同上,“德Ebrietate,”§ 26;与智慧二.24)。As a Hellenist, also, he distinguished between an earthly and a heavenly Adam (I Cor. xv. 45-49; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," i. 12), and, accordingly, between the lower psychic.作为一个hellenist,犹太人也,他区分了一个人间天堂和亚当(我肺心病。十五。45-49;可比。斐洛,“德Allegoriis利格姆,”岛12),并据此,低之间的心灵。 life and the higher spiritual life attained only by asceticism (Rom. xii. 1; I Cor. vii. 1-31, ix. 27, xv. 50; comp. Philo, "De Profugis," § 17; and elsewhere).生活和精神生活达到较高的只有禁欲主义(罗马书十二。1,我肺心病。七。1-31,九。27十五。50;可比。斐洛,“德Profugis,”§ 17;以及其他地方)。His whole state of mind shows the influence of the theosophic or Gnostic lore of Alexandria, especially the Hermes literature recently brought to light by Reizenstein in his important work "Poimandres," 1904 (see Index, sv "Paulus," "Briefe des Paulus," and "Philo"); hence his strange belief in supernatural powers (Reizenstein, lc pp. 77, 287), in fatalism, in "speaking in tongues" (I Cor. xii.-xiv.; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 58; Dieterich, "Abraxas," pp. 5 et seq.; Weinel, "Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister," 1899, pp. 72 et seq.; I Cor. xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-6; Eph. iii. 3), and in mysteries or sacraments (Rom. xvi. 25; Col. i. 26, ii. 2, iv. 3; Eph. i. 9, iii. 4, vi. 19)-a term borrowed solely from heathen rites.他心系国家显示了亚历山大的影响或诺斯底传说的theosophic,特别是爱马仕文学最近揭示了重要工作Reizenstein在他的“Poimandres,”1904年(见指数,希沃特“保卢斯”,“书信德保卢斯, “和”斐洛“),因此他的立法会第奇怪Reizenstein,信仰神通(。77,287),在宿命论,在”说方言的“(我肺心病。xii.至十四。;可比。Reizenstein,LCP的58 ;迪特里克,“卫矛尺,”页。5起。;韦内尔,“模具Wirkungen德Geistes und明镜Geister,”1899年,页。72起。,我肺心病。十五。八,二肺心病。十二。1-6 ;弗。三。三),并在神秘或圣礼(罗马书十六。25;上校一26,二。二,四。三;弗。岛9,三。四,六。19)- 1长期借款单从异教徒仪式。

His Epilepsy.他的癫痫。

There is throughout Paul's writings an irrational or pathological element which could not but repel the disciples of the Rabbis. Possibly his pessimistic mood was the result of his physical condition; for he suffered from an illness which affected both body and mind.目前整个保罗的著作不合理或病理元素可能不得不击退拉比的弟子。悲观情绪可能是他的条件result是他的身体,因为他mind饱受疾病的affected身体和。 He speaks of it as "a thorn in the flesh," and as a heavy stroke by "a messenger of Satan" (II Cor. xii. 7), which often caused him to realize his utter helplessness, and made him an object of pity and horror (Gal. iv. 13).他谈到了它作为“眼中钉,肉中刺的”,是一个沉重的中风由撒旦的使者“1”(二肺心病。十二。七),这往往使他实现他说出的无奈,使他的对象怜悯和恐惧(加拉太书4。13)。 It was, as Krenkel ("Beiträge zur Aufhellung der Geschichte und Briefe des Apostels Paulus," 1890, pp. 47-125) has convincingly shown, epilepsy, called by the Greeks "the holy disease," which frequently put him into a state of ecstasy, a frame of mind that may have greatly impressed some of his Gentile hearers, but could not but frighten away and estrange from him the Jew, whose God is above all the God of reason (comp. II Cor. v. 13; x. 10; xi. 1, 16; xii. 6).这是,作为克伦克尔(“文集祖尔Aufhellung明镜历史馆北达科书信德Apostels保卢斯,”1890年,页。47-125)令人信服地表明,癫痫,国家所要求的希腊人“神圣的疾病”,这常常让他成为一个狂喜,一个听众的心理状态,可能已大大詹蒂莱他印象深刻一些,但不能不吓走和疏远他的犹太人,他们的神肺心病首先是神的原因(可比二。诉13人;十,10;十一。一,16;十二。6)。 The conception of a new faith, half pagan and half Jewish, such as Paul preached, and susceptibility to its influences, were altogether foreign to the nature of Jewish life and thought.鼓吹概念的一个新的信仰,一半一半异教徒和犹太人的保罗,例如,它的影响和易感性,是完全陌生的生活和思想的性质犹太人。 For Judaism, religion is the hallowing of this life by the fulfilment of its manifold duties (see Judaism): Paul shrank from life as the domain of Satan and all his hosts of evil; he longed for redemption by the deadening of all desires for life, and strove for another world which he sawin his ecstatic visions.对于犹太教,宗教是其职责的履行多方面哈洛宁波恩这辈子的(见犹太教):保罗邪恶的萎缩,从生活领域作为他的所有主机和撒旦,他的生活向往的赎回欲望由所有隔音,努力为另一个世界,他索温他欣喜若狂的愿景。 The following description of Paul is preserved in "Acta Pauli et Theclæ," an apocryphal book which has been proved to be older and in some respects of greater historic value than the canonical Acts of the Apostles (see Conybeare, "Apollonius' Apology and Acts, and Other Monuments of Early Christianity," pp. 49-88, London, 1894): "A man of moderate stature, with crisp [scanty] hair, crooked legs, blue eyes, large knit brows, and long nose, at times looking like a man, at times like an angel, Paul came forward and preached to the men of Iconium: 'Blessed are they that keep themselves chaste [unmarried]; for they shall be called the temple of God. Blessed are they that mortify their bodies and souls; for unto them speaketh God. Blessed are they that despise the world; for they shall be pleasing to God. Blessed be the souls and bodies of virgins; for they shall receive the reward of their chastity.'"保罗的下面的说明是保存在“文献泡利等Theclæ”一书的猜测已被证明是老年人和在某些方面的历史价值大于宗徒们的典型行为(见科尼比尔,“阿波罗尼奥斯的道歉和行为,和早期基督教的其他古迹,“页。49-88,伦敦,1894年):”一个人的身材适中,具有清晰[少]头发,弯曲的腿,蓝眼睛,大针织眉毛,长鼻子,有时看上去像一个人,在天使有时像保罗出面和鼓吹的科尼姆男子:'这是有福的,他们保持自己纯洁的[未婚];因为他们必称为神的寺庙。有福的,他们认为他们的苦恼身体和灵魂,为给他们讲说神。有福的,他们是藐视世界,因为他们要讨好上帝。有福是灵魂和身体的处女,因为他们将得到奖励的贞操。“

It was by such preaching that "he ensnared the souls of young men and maidens, enjoining them to remain single "(Conybeare, lc pp. 62, 63, 67; comp. ib. pp. 24-25; Gal. iii. 38; I Cor. vii. 34-36; Matt. xix. 12; Clement of Rome, Epistle ii. § 12).它是由这种鼓吹“他陷入少女的灵魂和青年男子,责令他们继续留单”(科尼比尔,立法会页。62,63,67;可比。兴业。页。24-25;半乳糖。三。38 ,我肺心病。七。34-36;马特。十九。12;克莱门特的罗马,书信二。§ 12)。

Anti-Jewish Attitude.反犹太人的态度。

Whatever the physiological or psychological analysis of Paul's temperament may be, his conception of life was not Jewish.无论保罗的气质生理或心理分析可能是,他的生活观念是不是犹太人。 Nor can his unparalleled animosity and hostility to Judaism as voiced in the Epistles be accounted for except upon the assumption that, while born a Jew, he was never in sympathy or in touch with the doctrines of the rabbinical schools.也可以他无与伦比的仇恨和敌视犹太教作为书信表示在被占后,一个犹太人除外假设,虽然出生,他从来没有同情或接触犹太教教义的学校。 For even his Jewish teachings came to him through Hellenistic channels, as is indicated by the great emphasis laid upon "the day of the divine wrath" (Rom. i. 18; ii. 5, 8; iii. 5; iv. 15; v. 9; ix. 22; xii. 19; I Thess. i. 10; Col. iii. 6; comp. Sibyllines, iii. 309 et seq., 332; iv. 159, 161 et seq.; and elsewhere), as well as by his ethical monitions, which are rather inconsistently taken over from Jewish codes of law for proselytes, the Didache and Didascalia.因为即使他的教诲来他的犹太希腊通过渠道,以表示对神的愤怒的高度重视后,奠定天“的”(罗马书一18;二。五,八,三。五,四。15;五,9;九。22;十二。19,我帖。岛10;上校三。六;可比。sibyllines,三。309起。,332;四。159,161起。以及其他地方) ,以及他的道德monitions,这是相当多的代码不一致采取proselytes从犹太法律,didache和Didascalia。It is quite natural, then, that not only the Jews (Acts xxi. 21), but also the Judæo-Christians, regarded Paul as an "apostate from the Law" (see Eusebius, lc iii. 27; Irenæus, "Adversus Hæreses," i. 26, 2; Origen, "Contra Celsum," v. 65; Clement of Rome, "Recognitiones," i. 70. 73).这是很自然的,那么,不仅犹太人(使徒21。21),而且犹太基督徒,把保罗作为一个法律“叛教者,由”(见尤西比乌斯,立法会三。27;依,“Adversus Hæreses ,“一26,二,奥利,”魂斗罗Celsum,“诉65;克莱门特的罗马,”Recognitiones,“岛70。73)。

His Personality.他的个性。

To judge from those Epistles that have all the traits of genuineness and give a true insight into his nature, Paul was of a fiery temper, impulsive and impassioned in the extreme, of ever-changing moods, now exulting in boundless joy and now sorely depressed and gloomy. Effusive and excessive alike in his love and in his hatred, in his blessing and in his cursing, he possessed a marvelous power over men; and he had unbounded confidence in himself.判断这些书信有所有性状的真实性和给予他的本性真正洞察,保罗是一个火热的脾气,冲动和激情的极端情绪,不断变化的,现在在无限的喜悦而感到欣喜,现在非常沮丧和悲观。热情洋溢的和过度都在他的爱和他的仇恨,在他的祝福,并在他的咒骂,他拥有神奇的力量超过男性,而他自己无限的信心英寸 He speaks or writes as a man who is conscious of a great providential mission, as the servant and herald of a high and unique cause.他讲或写的任务作为一个男人谁天赐是一个伟大的意识,作为仆人和预示着一个高和独特的原因。The philosopher and the Jew will greatly differ from him with regard to every argument and view of his; but both will admit that he is a mighty battler for truth, and that his view of life, of man, and of God is a profoundly serious one.哲学家和犹太人将大大不同于他对于每一个论点,并认为他的真理,但双方都承认他是一个伟大的勇士,他的人生观,人,神是一个深刻严重1。 The entire conception of religion has certainly been deepened by him, because his mental grasp was wide and comprehensive, and his thinking bold, aggressive, searching, and at the same time systematic.整个的宗教观念无疑是加深了他,因为他的心理把握是广泛和全面的,他的思想大胆,积极,搜索,并在同一时间系统。 Indeed, he molded the thought and the belief of all Christendom.事实上,他塑造了思想和信仰基督教的一切。

Jewish Proselytism and Paul.犹太人改变宗教信仰和保罗。

Before the authenticity of the story of the so-called conversion of Paul is investigated, it seems proper to consider from the Jewish point of view this question: Why did Paul find it necessary to create a new system of faith for the admission of the Gentiles, in view of the fact that the Synagogue had well-nigh two centuries before opened its door to them and, with the help of the Hellenistic literature, had made a successful propaganda, as even the Gospels testify?前保罗真实性的故事所谓的转换进行了研究,似乎考虑从犹太人的角度来看这个问题:为什么保罗觉得有必要建立一个新的系统外邦人入学的信心在世纪鉴于这一事实的犹太教堂已得到较为2之前向他们敞开了大门,并与古希腊文学的帮助,作出了成功的宣传,因为即使是福音作证? (Matt. xxiii. 15; see Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 102-135, 420-483; J. Bernays, "Gesammelte Abhandlungen," 1885, i. 192-282, ii. 71-80; Bertholet, "Die Stellung der Israeliten und Juden zu den Fremden," 1896, pp. 257-302.) Bertholet (lc pp. 303-334; but see Schürer, lci 126) and others, in order that they may reserve the claim of universality for Christianity, deny the existence of uncircumcised proselytes in Judaism, and misconstrue plain Talmudic and other statements referring to God-fearing Gentiles (Bertholet, lc pp. 338-339); whereas the very doctrine of Paul concerning the universal faith of Abraham (Rom. iv. 3-18) rests upon the traditional interpretation of Gen. xii. (太二十三。15见斯许雷尔,“格希。”三维版。,三。102-135,420-483的J.伯奈斯,“Gesammelte Abhandlungen,”1885年,岛192-282,二。71-80 ;贝尔托莱,“模具Stellung明镜Israeliten北达科贾登族巢穴Fremden,”1896年,页。257-302)。贝尔托莱(立法会页。303-334,但看到斯许雷尔,国际狮子总会126)和其他秩序,他们可能会保留基督教索赔的普遍性,否认存在proselytes在犹太教的割包皮,误解和平原塔木德和其他声明指敬畏上帝外邦人(贝尔托莱,立法会页。338-339),而保罗的非常普遍的信仰教义有关的亚伯拉罕(罗马书四。3-18)休息后,将军第十二传统解释。 3 (see Kuenen, "Prophets and Prophecy in Israel," pp. 379, 457) and upon the traditional view which made Abraham the prototype of a missionary bringing the heathen world under the wings of the Shekinah (Gen. R. xxxix., with reference to Gen. xii. 5; see Abraham; Judaism; Proselyte). 3(见Kuenen,“先知和预言在以色列,”页。379,457),并呼吁它的传统观点提出的异教徒(世界机翼下的希金亚伯拉罕传教士带来的原型一个将军河第39届。,参照将军十二。五,见亚伯拉罕,犹太教,改宗)。 As a matter of fact, only the Jewish propaganda work along the Mediterranean Sea made it possible for Paul and his associates to establish Christianity among the Gentiles, as is expressly recorded in the Acts (x. 2; xiii. 16, 26, 43, 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7); and it is exactly from such synagogue manuals for proselytes as the Didache and the Didascalia that the ethical teachings in the Epistles of Paul and of Peter were derived (see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 1-44).作为一个事实上的,只有地中海的犹太宣传工作沿着使得保罗和他的同事建立基督教之间的外邦人,为明确记录在行为2(x的;十三。16,26,43, 50; 12.2。14;十七。四,17;十八。七);和正是从这样的十二使徒遗训和Didascalia手册proselytes作为犹太教认为书信保罗的教义和伦理的彼得,推导出(见西贝尔格,“明镜Katechismus明镜Urchristenheit,”1903年,页。1-44)。

The answer is supplied by the fact that Jewish proselytism had the Jewish nation as its basis, as the names "ger" and "ger toshab" for "proselyte" indicate.答案是所提供的事实,改变宗教信仰的犹太人有犹太人的国家作为它的基础,因为名称“蒙古包”和“蒙古包toshab”“为”改变信仰注明。 The proselyte on whom the Abrahamic rite was not performed remained an outsider.谁在改变信仰亚伯拉罕的成年礼,是没有执行仍然是一个局外人。It was, therefore, highly important for Paul that those who became converted to the Church should rank equally with its other members and that every mark of distinction between Jew and Gentile should be wiped out in the new state of existence in which the Christians lived in anticipation. The predominating point of view of the Synagogue was the political and social one; that of the Church, the eschatological one.据,因此,非常重要的,那些保罗谁成为转换到教会应该平等地级位,而其它标志,每一个非犹太人的区别between of be消灭犹太人应在出在基督信徒生活的新的状态存在于其中的期待。一种普遍的犹太教堂点的看法是政治和社会之一; 1,该教会,末世论。May such as do not bear the seal of Abraham's covenant upon their flesh or do not fulfil the whole Law be admitted into the congregation of the saints waiting for the world of resurrection?5,如不承担亚伯拉罕肉的公约后,其印章或不履行法律是整个复活获准进入世界会众为圣人的等待?This was the question at issue between the disciples of Jesus and those of Paul; the former adhering to the view of the Essenes, which was also that of Jesus; the latter taking an independent position that started not from the Jewish but from the non-Jewish standpoint.这是保罗的问题争论的弟子之间的耶稣,前者坚持认为永久的爱色尼,那就是耶稣;后者以一个独立的立场,即不从犹太人开始,但来自非犹太人的立场。 Paul fashioned a Christ ofhis own, a church of his own, and a system of belief of his own; and because there were many mythological and Gnostic elements in his theology which appealed more to the non-Jew than to the Jew, he won the heathen world to his belief.保罗基督ofhis塑造了自己,他的一个自己的教堂,和自己的系统,他的信仰,并且因为有很多的犹太人,而不是神话和诺斯底元素更多的非犹太人的神学,其中呼吁,他赢得了异教徒的世界,他的信念。

Paul's Christ.保罗的基督。

In the foreground of all of Paul's teaching stands his peculiar vision of Christ, to which he constantly refers as his only claim and title to apostleship (I Cor. ix. 1, xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-7; Phil. iii. 9; Gal. i. 1, 12, 16, on which see below).在教学前景的所有保罗站在他的基督独特眼光,因为他不断肺心病,是指作为他唯一的要求和所有权使徒(我。九。一,十五。八,二肺心病。十二。1-7;菲尔。三。九;半乳糖。一,1,12,16,上见下文)。 The other apostles saw Jesus in the flesh; Paul saw him when, in a state of entrancement, he was carried into paradise to the third heaven, where he heard "unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter" (II Cor. xii. 2-4).其余的使徒看见耶稣在肉体;保罗看到他时,在一入迷状态,他被带进天堂,第二,第三天堂,在那里他听到了“无法形容的话,它是不合法的,男人说出”(肺心病。十二。2-4段)。 Evidently this picture of Christ must have occupied a prominent place in his mind before, just as Meṭaṭron (Mithra) and Akteriel did in the minds of Jewish mystics (see Angelology; Merkabah).没错,这基督的照片必须在他的心目中占有突出的地位之前,正如梅塔特隆(密特拉)和Akteriel犹太神秘主义者却在心中(见天使论; Merkabah)。To him the Messiah was the son of God in a metaphysical sense, "the image of God" (II Cor. iv. 4; Col. i. 15), "the heavenly Adam" (I Cor. xv. 49; similar to the Philonic or cabalistic Adam Ḳadmon), the mediator between God and the world (I Cor. viii. 6), "the first-born of all creation, for by him were all things created" (Col. i. 15-17), identical also with the Holy Spirit manifested in Israel's history (I Cor. x. 4; II Cor. iii. 17; comp. Wisdom x. 1.-xii. 1; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat," § 30; see also Jew. Encyc. x. 183b, sv Preexistence of the Messiah).对他的弥赛亚是在意义上的形而上学的儿子,上帝,“上帝形象”(二肺心病。四。四;上校一15),“天堂的亚当”(我肺心病。十五。49;相似在Philonic或卡巴拉亚当Ḳadmon),调解员之间的上帝和世界(我肺心病。八。六),“第一次出生的所有创作,都是由他创造的东西”(西岛15-17) ,也表现出相同的圣灵在以色列的历史(我肺心病。十4;二肺心病。三。17;可比。智慧十1. - 12。1;斐洛,“德御狴Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat” § 30,还见犹太人。Encyc。十,183b,希沃特弥赛亚的前身)。

It is, however, chiefly as "the king of glory" (I Cor. ii. 8), as ruler of the powers of light and life eternal, that Christ is to manifest his cosmic power.它是,但是,主要是为“国王的荣耀”(我肺心病。二。8),光,为生命的统治者的权力是永恒的,基督是要体现他的宇宙力量。 He has to annihilate Satan or Belial, the ruler of this world of darkness and death, with all his hosts of evil, physical and moral (I Cor. xv. 24-26).他要消灭这个世界的统治者主机黑暗和死亡,与所有的撒旦或恶魔,邪恶,身体和道德的(我肺心病。十五。24-26)。 Paul's "gnosis" (I Cor. viii. 1, 7; II Cor. ii. 14; I Tim. vi. 20) is a revival of Persian dualism, which makes of all existence, whether physical, mental, or spiritual, a battle between light and darkness (I Thess. v. 4-5; Eph. v. 8-13; Col. i. 13), between flesh and spirit (I Cor. xv. 48; Rom. viii. 6-9), between corruption and life everlasting (I Cor. xv. 50, 53).保罗的“灵知”(我肺心病。八。一,七;二肺心病。二。14,我添。六。20)是,复兴波斯二元论,所有这使得存在无论是身体,心理或精神,一(光明与黑暗之间的战斗我帖。诉4-5;弗。诉8-13;上校一13),肉体和精神之间(我肺心病。十五。48;光盘。八。6-9) ,腐败与生命永恒的(我肺心病。十五。50,53)。The object of the Church is to obtain for its members the spirit, the glory, and the life of Christ, its "head," and to liberate them from the servitude of and allegiance to the flesh and the powers of earth.教会反对的是获得其成员的精神,荣耀,基督的生命,它的“头”,为地球解放他们从奴役和效忠的肉和权力。 In order to become participants in the salvation that had come and the resurrection that was nigh, the saints were to cast off the works of darkness and to put on the armor of light, the breastplate of love, and the helmet of hope (Rom. xiii. 12; II Cor. x. 4; Eph. vi. 11. I Thess. v. 8; comp. Wisdom v. 17-18; Isa. lix. 17; "the weapons of light of the people of Israel," Pesiḳ, R. 33 [ed. Buber, p. 154]; Targ. Yer. to Ex. xxxiii. 4; "the men of the shields" ["ba'ale teresin"], a name for high-ranking Gnostics, Ber. 27b; also "the vestiture of light" in Mandæan lore, "Jahrbuch für Protestantische Theologie," xviii. 575-576).为了成为几乎成了参与者,是拯救那些已经和复活的,圣人要摆脱黑暗的作品,并放在轻甲的,爱的胸甲,头盔和希望的(罗马书十三。第12条;二,肺心病。十4;弗。六。11。我帖。诉8;可比。智慧诉17-18;伊萨。lix。17,“以色列人民的轻武器, “佩希克河33 [版。布伯,第154页];塔尔格。也门里亚尔。前。三十三。四,”男人的盾牌的“[”ba'ale teresin“],一个诺斯替名高级,误码率。27B条,也是“光vestiture的十八”在曼达传说,“Jahrbuch献给新教神学”。575-576)。

The Crucified Messiah.被钉十字架的弥赛亚。

How then can this world of perdition and evil, of sin and death, be overcome, and the true life be attained instead?那么,这世界的灭亡和死亡与邪恶,罪恶,被克服,才能达到真正的生活呢?This question, which, according to a Talmudic legend (Tamid 32a), Alexander the Great put to the wise men of the South, was apparently the one uppermost also in the mind of Paul (see Kabisch,"Die Eschatologie des Paulus," 1893); and in the form of a vision of the crucified Christ the answer came to him to "die in order to live."这个问题,而根据一项talmudic传说(Tamid 32A条),亚历山大大帝付诸南方智者,显然是一个最主要的保罗也心(见卡比施,“模具末世德保卢斯,”1893年);和答案形式的钉在十字架上的基督的梦想,来到他的“死在为了生活。” This vision, seen in his ecstatic state, was to him more than a mere reality: it was the pledge ("'erabon" of the resurrection and the life of which he was in quest. Having seen "the first-born of the resurrection" (I Cor. xv. 20-24; the Messiah is called "the first-born" also in Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxxix. 28, and in Ex. R. xix. 7), he felt certain of the new life which all "the sons of light" were to share. No sooner had the idea taken hold of him that the world of resurrection, or "the kingdom of God," had come, or would come with the speedy reappearance of the Messiah, than he would invest with higher powers "the elect ones" who were to participate in that life of the spirit. There can be no sin or sensual passion in a world in which the spirit rules. Nor is there need of any law in a realm where men live as angels (comp. "The dead is free from all obligations of the Law," Shab. 30a, 151b; Niddah 61b). To bring back the state of paradise and to undo the sin of Adam, the work of the serpent, which brought death into the world-this seems to have been the dream of Paul. The baptism of the Church, to which sinners and saints, women and men, Jews and Gentiles, were alike invited, suggested to him the putting off of the earthly Adam and the putting on of the heavenly Adam (Rom. vi.). He was certain that by the very power of their faith, which performed all the wonders of the spirit in the Church (I Cor. xii., xv.), would the believers in Christ at the time of his reappearance be also miraculously lifted to the clouds and transformed into spiritual bodies for the life of the resurrection (I Thess. iv.; I Cor. xv.; Rom. viii.). These are the elements of Paul's theology-a system of belief which endeavored to unite all men, but at the expense of sound reason and common sense.这个理想,他的状态出现在欣喜若狂,更是他不仅仅是一个现实:这是承诺(“'erabon”的复活和生命,而他的追求是英寸看过“头生的复活“(我肺心病。十五。20-24;被叫弥赛亚是”头生“也Midr。的。以聚苯乙烯。lxxxix。28日,在惠。河十九。七),他感到了某种新的生活,所有的“光明之子”是分享。迟早有没有对他进行思想的理解是复活的世界,或“神的国度的,”来了,还是会来的弥赛亚迅速再现,比他将投资与higher权力“the选出的”谁是参与这种精神life评析。不可能有一个感性的罪恶or激情在这个世界中,精神的规则。Nor的有need any law is境界的人居住的天使法(comp.的“死者是免费的,从所有的义务”,沙巴。30A条,151b; Niddah 61B条)。带回天堂状态,并撤消亚当罪的,对工作蛇,这使保罗死亡融入世界,这似乎一直是梦想。的,洗礼的教会的罪人和圣人,妇女和男子,犹太人和非犹太人,都被邀请,建议他推迟亚当的地上和天上把对亚当(罗马书六)。。他肯定了我肺心病非常权力的信仰,这表现(所有教会奇迹的精神在。十二。,十五。),将再现他的时候,在基督信徒也奇迹般地在被提升到了云和(转化成精神的复活机构的生活中,我帖。四。,我肺心病。十五。;光盘。八。) 。这些都是男人的元素保罗的神学团结,制度的信仰而努力,但在意义上牺牲的原因和共同的声音。

Paul's Conversion.保罗的转换。

There is possibly a historical kernel to the story related in the Acts (vii. 58-ix. 1-31, xxii. 3-21, xxvi. 10-19), that, while on the road to Damascus, commissioned with the task of exterminating the Christian movement antagonistic to the Temple and the Law (ib. vi. 13), Paul had a vision in which Jesus appeared to him, saying, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?"有可能是一个历史的内核,九58的故事有关的行为(vii.。1-31,22。3-21,26目。10-19),虽然在大马士革的道路,与委托的任务基督教运动是消灭对立的圣殿与法(ib.六。13),保罗有一个梦想出现在耶稣对他说:“扫罗,扫罗,你为什么逼迫我?” (comp. I Sam. xxvi. 18); that in consequence of this vision he became, with the aid of Ananais, one of the Christian seers, "a chosen vessel unto me [Christ], to bear my name before the Gentiles." (可比我心。26目。18);,在先知的后果,他的这一设想成为基督徒,与援助的Ananais,一,“我所拣选的器皿[基督],承担外邦人我之前的名字。 “According to the Acts (vii. 58; ix. 2; xxii. 5; xxv. 1, 10-12), Paul was a young man charged by the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem with the execution of Stephen and the seizure of the disciples of Jesus.根据行为(vii. 58;九。2; 22。五,二十五。1,10-12),保罗是一名年轻男子被控耶路撒冷由公会与斯蒂芬执行和扣押了耶稣的门徒。The statement, however (ib. xxii. 8-9), that, being a zealous observer of the law of the Fathers, "he persecuted the Church unto death," could have been made only at a time when it was no longer known what a wide difference existed between the Sadducean high priests and elders, who had a vital interest in quelling the Christian movement, and the Pharisees, who had no reason for condemning to death either Jesusor Stephen.声明,但是,(ib.第22。8-9),即,作为一个父亲热心观察员的法律,“他迫害教会,以至于死,”本来只,当时它已不再知道什么是大的差异之间存在Sadducean高牧师和长老,谁了基督教运动的切身利益在镇压,和法利赛人,谁没有理由谴责反死刑或者Jesusor。 In fact, it is derived from the Epistle to the Galatians (i. 13-14), the spuriousness of which has been shown by Bruno Baur, Steck, and most convincingly by Friedrich Maehliss ("Die Unechtheit des Galaterbriefs," 1891).事实上,它是来自书信向加拉太书(一13-14),在1891年的虚假,其中已(被证明由布鲁诺鲍尔,施特克,Maehliss和最令人信服的弗里德里希“死Unechtheit德Galaterbriefs,”)。 The same is the case with Phil.同样是与菲尔的情况。iii.三。5.5。Acts xxii.行为二十二。17-18 speaks of another vision which Paul had while in the Temple, in which Jesus told him to depart from Jerusalem and go with his gospel to the Gentiles. 17-18谈到了另一个视野,保罗,而在寺庙,其中耶稣告诉他离开耶路撒冷前往与他的福音的外邦人。Evidently Paul entertained long before his vision those notions of the Son of God which he afterward expressed; but the identification of his Gnostic Christ with the crucified Jesus of the church he had formerly antagonized was possibly the result of a mental paroxysm experienced in the form of visions.显然保罗受理的儿子早在他的眼光神的概念,他事后表示,但他的拮抗鉴定基督教诺斯底以前,他钉在十字架上的耶稣教会的作用,可能是导致形成经历了一个精神病发作愿景。

Barnabas and Other Hellenists.巴拿巴和其他Hellenists。

Whether the Hellenists in Jerusalem, at the head of whom stood Stephen, Philip, and others named in Acts vii.无论是在耶路撒冷Hellenists,在头部,其中站在斯蒂芬,菲利普,和七行为人名为研究。 1-5, exerted an influence upon Paul, can not be ascertained: that Barnabas, who was a native of Cyprus, did, may be assumed with certainty.1-5,保罗一施加影响,不能确定:巴拿巴,谁是塞浦路斯本地的,也可能是确定性与假设。 He was Paul's older companion, apparently of a more imposing stature (Acts xiv. 12); and, according to ib.他是保罗的老伙伴,显然更十斤(徒十四。12);,据兴业。ix.九。27, he introduced Paul to the apostles and induced him (xi. 25) to cooperate with him in the church of Antioch. 27日,他介绍了保罗在使徒和诱导他(xi. 25)与他合作,在安提阿教会的。The two traveled together as collectors of charity for the poor of the Jerusalem church (ib. xi. 30, xv. 2; see Apostle), and as preachers of the gospel (ib. xiii. 3, 7, 13, 14, 43, 46, 50; xiv. 14, 20; xv. 2, 12, 22, 35), Paul soon becoming the more powerful preacher.两人相伴作为慈善收藏家为第十一穷人的耶路撒冷教会(ib.第。30十五。二,见使徒),并作为第十三传教士的福音(ib.第。3,7,13,14,43 ,46,50;十四。14,20;十五。2,12,22,35),保罗很快成为更强大的布道者。Finally, on account of dissensions, probably of a far more serious nature than stated either in Acts xv.最后,在纠纷帐户,可能是一个更为严重的行为表示无论是在比十五。36-39 or Gal.36-39或半乳糖。 ii.二。13, they separated. 13日,他们分开。That both Paul and Barnabas held views different from those of the other apostles may be learned from I Cor.保罗和巴拿巴双方所持的不同意见使徒从这些不同的其他的可能是肺心病教训我。ix.九。6.6。Paul's relation to Apollos also was apparently that of a younger colaborer to an older and more learned one (I Cor. i. 10, iii. 5-23, xvi. 12).保罗的关系阿波罗也是显然是一个年轻的colaborer到老学到一多(我肺心病。一10,三。5-23,十六。12)。

His Missionary Travels.他的传教旅行。

According to Acts xiii., xiv., xvii-xviii.根据行为十三。,14。,十七,十八。(see Jew. Encyc. ix. 252-254, sv New Testament), Paul began working along the traditional Jewish line of proselytizing in the various synagogues where the proselytes of the gate and the Jews met; and only because he failed to win the Jews to his views, encountering strong opposition and persecution from them, did he turn to the Gentile world after he had agreed at a convention with the apostles at Jerusalem to admit the Gentiles into the Church only as proselytes of the gate, that is, after their acceptance of the Noachian laws (Acts xv. 1-31). (见犹太人。Encyc。九。252-254,希沃特新约),保罗开始犹太教堂的各项工作沿着传统的犹太线从事传教活动的地方proselytes的大门和犹太人的会见,并不仅是因为他没能赢得犹太人对他的看法,他们遇到了强烈的反对和迫害,当时他谈谈詹蒂莱世界后,他曾商定在耶路撒冷的使徒公约,承认教会的外邦人进入只作为proselytes的大门,即后他们接受法律的Noachian(徒十五。1-31)。 This presentation of Paul's work is, however, incompatible with the attitude toward the Jews and the Law taken by him in the Epistles.这项工作的保罗介绍的是,然而,不符合书信的态度对他在犹太人和法中所采取的。Nor can any historical value be attached to the statement in Gal.也不能附加任何历史价值的Gal声明英寸ii.二。1-10 that, by an agreement with the seeming pillars of the Church, the work was divided between Peter and Paul, the "gospel of circumcision" being committed to the one, and the "gospel of uncircumcision" to the other; as the bitter and often ferocious attacks against both the Jews and the apostles of the Judæo-Christian Church (in Phil. iii. 2 he calls them "dogs") would then have been uncalled for and unpardonable. 1月10日,通过一堂协议支柱与表面,这项工作是彼得和保罗之间的分歧,割礼的“福音”被提交到一个,以及未受割礼“福音”的除外;作为苦,往往既凶猛攻击犹太人和菲尔的使徒的犹太一基督教堂(。三。二,他呼吁他们“狗”),然后将多余的了不可饶恕的和。 In reality Paul had little more than the name of apostle in common with the actual disciples of Jesus.保罗在现实中很少有共同的耶稣与门徒的实际名称使徒更比。His field of work was chiefly, if not exclusively, among the Gentiles; he looked for a virgin soil wherein to sow the seeds of the gospel; and he succeeded in establishing throughout Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Minor churches in which there were "neither Jews nor Gentiles," but Christians who addressed each other as "brethren" or "saints."他的工作领域主要是,如果不是全部,在外邦人中,他就寻找一个处女土壤其中播种福音的种子,他成功地建立在整个希腊,马其顿,和小亚细亚的教会,其中有“不外邦人还是犹太人“,但基督徒谁处理”圣人对方为“兄弟”或“。 Regarding his great missionary journeys as described in the Acts after older documents, see Jew. Encyc.关于他的伟大的传教行程中所述的行为后,旧文件,看到犹太人。Encyc。lc pp. 252-254.立法会页。252-254。As to the chronology, much reliance can not be placed either on Gal.至于年代,许多依赖不能置于要么半乳糖。i.17-ii.17二。3 or on the Acts with its contradictory statements.3或矛盾的言论,其行为。

From II Cor.从二肺心病。xi.十一。24-32 (comp. ib. vi. 4; I Cor. iv. 11) it may be learned that his missionary work was beset with uncommon hardships. He labored hard day and night as a tent-maker for a livelihood (Acts xviii. 3; I Thess ii. 9; II Thess, iii. 8; I Cor. iv. 12, ix. 6-18). He says (II Cor. ix.) that more frequently than any other apostle he was imprisoned, punished with stripes, and in peril of death on land and sea; five times he received the thirtynine stripes in the synagogue, obviously for some public transgression of the Law (Deut. xxv. 3); three times was he beaten with rods, probably by the city magistrates (comp. Acts xvi. 22); once he was stoned by the people; and thrice he suffered shipwreck, being in the water a night and a day. 24-32(可比兴业。六。四,我肺心病。四。11)可以得知,他的传教工作的困难与困扰罕见。辛苦辛苦的一天,他和第十八晚帐篷行为制造者的生活( 。三,我帖前二。九,二帖,三。八,我肺心病。四。12日,九。6-18)。他说,(二肺心病。九。)更多的频率比其他任何使徒,他被监禁,处以条纹,并在海难和死亡的土地,5倍,他收到的犹太教堂的瑟尔廷恩条纹25,显然(申命记一些公共侵法律。3),3次被殴打,他可能与棒,由城裁判(comp.行为十六。22),一旦他被人用石头打死了,他和3次遭受海难,水是在一昼一夜。 In Damascus he was imprisoned by King Aretas at the instigation, not of the Jews, as is stated by modern historians, but of the Jerusalem authorities; and he escaped through being let down in a basket from a window (II Cor. xi. 24-32; comp. Acts xxvii. 41). He was besides this constantly troubled with his disease, which often made him "groan" for deliverance (I Thess. ii. 2, 19-iii. 1; II Cor. i. 8-10, iv. 7-v. 5, xii. 7; Gal. iv. 14).他被囚禁在大马士革国王阿雷塔斯在煽动下,不是犹太人,正如历史学家所指出的现代化,但对耶路撒冷当局;,他被换下来,通过让篮子从一个窗口(二肺心病。十一。24 -32;可比。行为二十七。41)。他除了这个不断困扰他的疾病帖,这往往使他“呻吟”解脱(我。二。二,19三。1;二肺心病。岛8 -10,四。七五。五,十二。七;半乳糖。四。14)。

In Greece.在希腊。

Corinth and Ephesus, the two great centers of commerce, with their strangely mixed and turbulent as well as immoral population, offered to Paul a large field for his missionary work; and, because the Jews there were few and had little influence, he had free scope and ample opportunity to build up a church according to his plans.科林斯和以弗所的两位伟大的商业中心,与他们的奇怪混合,湍流以及不道德population,提供给保罗一大领域的传道工作,而且,由于那里的犹太人数量少,影响不大,他free范围和充分的机会,建立一个教会根据他的计划。 He was greatly aided therein by the Roman protection which he enjoyed (Acts xviii. 12-17, xix. 35-40).他是其中的大力协助,他所享有的保护罗马(徒十八。12-17,十九。35-40)。Yet as long as the church at Jerusalem was in his way he found little comfort and satisfaction in his achievements, though he proudly recounted the successes which marked his journeys throughout the lands.然而,只要是在耶路撒冷的教堂在途中,他发现在他的成就感到满意和舒适的小,但他自豪地讲述了成功,这标志着他的行程整个土地。 It was to Rome that his efforts gravitated.这是罗马,他的努力所吸引。Not Athens, whose wisdom he decried as "folly" (I Cor. i. 17-24), but Rome's imperial city, whose administrative system he had learned to admire, attracted and fascinated his mind by its world-wide horizon and power.不是雅典,他的智慧,他心病谴责为“愚蠢”(我。一17-24),但罗马帝国城市,其行政制度,他学会了欣赏,吸引和迷住了,他心里的权力由世界各地的视野。 Consciously or unconsciously, he worked for a church with its world-center in Rome instead of in Jerusalem.自觉或不自觉地,他曾在耶路撒冷的一个教堂,它的世界中心的罗马,而不是研究。A prisoner in the years 61-63 (Phil. i. 7, 16), and probably also a martyr at Rome, he laid the foundation of the world-dominion of pagan Christianity.阿囚犯在61-63岁(腓一7,16),可能也是一个烈士在罗马,他奠定了基督教世界的基础,统治异教徒。 (For futher biographical details, which form the subject of much dispute among Christians, but are of no special interest for Jewish readers, see the article "Paul" in Hauck,"Real-Encyc.," in Hastings, "Dict. Bible," and similar works.) (进一步详细履历,形成了基督徒之间的争端议题不多,但读者对犹太人没有特别的兴趣,看到的。圣经的文章“保罗”在豪克,“实时Encyc。”在黑斯廷斯,“字典, “等类似的作品。)

Paul's Church versus the Synagogue.圣保罗教堂与犹太教堂。

In order to understand fully the organization and scope of the Church as mapped out by Paul in his Epistles, a comparison thereof with the organization and the work of the Synagogue, including the Essene community, seems quite proper.为了充分了解的组织和教会的范围作为映射出保罗在他的书信,其中一个比较厄色尼社会的组织和工作的犹太教堂,其中包括,似乎很合适。 Each Jewish community when organized as a congregation possessed in, or together with, its synagogue an institution (1) for common worship, (2) for the instruction of young and old in the Torah, and (3) for systematic charity and benevolence.每个犹太社区,与有组织的教会作为一个拥有,或一起,一个机构的犹太教堂(1)共同的崇拜,(2)为教学年轻人和老年人,在诵读经文,及(3)系统的慈善和爱心。 This threefold work was as a rule placed in charge of men of high social standing, prominent both in learning and in piety.这三个方面的工作是在虔诚和学习规则放置在负责人都很高的社会地位,突出。The degree of knowledge and of scrupulousness in the observance of the Torah determined the rank of the members of the Synagogue.知识程度的严密性和托拉在遵守确定的犹太教堂职级的成员。Among the members of the Essene brotherhood every-day life with its common meals came under special rules of sanctity, as did their prayers and their charities as well as their visits to the sick, the Holy Spirit being especially invoked by them as a divine factor, preparing them also for the Messianic kingdom of which they lived in expectation (see Essenes).其中厄成员的兄弟情谊与普通餐每一天生命的神圣规则根据特别来到一样,他们的祈祷和他们的慈善机构,以及他们访问病人,特别是圣灵被引用,作为他们神圣的因素,他们还准备为他们的弥赛亚王国期望住在(见爱色尼)。 The Christian Church, in adopting the name and form of the Essene Church (Εκκλησία; see Congregation), lent to both the bath (see Baptism) and the communion meals (see Agape) a new character.基督教教会Εκκλησία,采用的名称(与形式的厄色尼教会,见众),借给两个浴(见洗礼)和餐(圣餐见阿加佩)一个新的角色。

Influence of the Greek Mysteries.希腊的影响之谜。

Paul, the Hellenist, however, knowingly or unknowingly, seems to have taken the heathen cult associations as his pattern while introducing new features into the Church (see Anrich, "Das Antike Mysterienwesen in Seinem Einfluss auf das Christenthum," 1894; Wobbermin, "Religionsgeschichtliche Studien zur Frage der Beeinflussung des Urchristenthums Durch das Antike Mysterienwesen," 1896, p. 153; Hatch, "Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church," 1890, pp. 281-296; Cumont, "Die Mysterien des Mithra, Deutsch von Gehrich," 1903, pp. 101, 118-119; Anz, "Ursprung des Gnosticismus," 1897, pp. 98-107; Reizenstein and Kabisch, lc). To him baptism is no longer a symbolic rite suggestive of purification or regeneration, as in Jewish and Judæo-Christian circles (see Baptism), but a mystic rite by which the person that enters the water and emerges again undergoes an actual transformation, dying with Christ to the world of flesh and sin, and rising with him to the world of the spirit, the new life of the resurrection (Rom. vi. 1-10).保罗,hellenist,犹太人然而,知情或不知情,似乎已经为他的格局异教徒邪教教会协会在引进新的特点为:(见Anrich Seinem Einfluss卜拉欣奥夫达斯Christenthum,“达斯Antike Mysterienwesen在”1894年; Wobbermin“ Religionsgeschichtliche家庭研究祖尔的联系问题Beeinflussung德Urchristenthums第三人以达斯Antike Mysterienwesen,“1896年,第153页;哈奇,”希腊思想的影响和用法后,基督教堂,“1890年,页。281-296;库蒙特,”模具Mysterien德密特拉,德语冯Gehrich,“1903年,页。101,118-119;安茨,”乌尔施普龙德Gnosticismus,“1897年,页。98-107; Reizenstein和卡比施,立法会)。为了他的洗礼,已经不再是一个象征性的仪式的启发净化或再生,在犹太人和犹太基督教界(见洗礼),但一个神秘的仪式,其中的人,入水和出现再次经历了一个实际的转换,基督的死亡与罪恶的肉体和世界,和上升与他的精神的世界,在罗马书六新生活的复活(。1-10)。

Still more is the partaking of the bread and the wine of the communion meal, the so-called "Lord's Supper," rendered the means of a mystic union with Christ, "a participation in his blood and body," exactly as was the Mithraic meal a real participation in the blood and body of Mithra (see Cumont, lc).不过更多的是面包意旨的和餐酒的共融,所谓的“主的晚餐”提供的基督是指一个神秘联盟与“一个机构参与他的血和”完全一样,是密特拉一顿真正参与的密特拉在身体和血液(见库蒙特,立法会)。 To Paul, the Holy Spirit itself is not an ethical but a magic power that works sanctification and salvation.保罗,圣灵本身不是一个合乎道德,而是一个神奇的力量,工程成圣和拯救。It is a mystic substance permeating the Church as a dynamic force, rendering all the members saints, and pouring forth its graces in the various gifts, such as those of prophesying, speaking in tongues, and interpreting voices, and others displayed in teaching and in the administration of charity and similar Church functions (Rom. xii. 4-8; I Cor. xii., xiv.; see Kabisch, lc pp. 261-281).这是一个神秘的物质渗透力教会作为一个充满活力,使所有成员圣人,浇注出其青睐的预言在这些不同的礼物作为,因此,说方言的,和解释的声音,和其他人显示在教学和第十二届管理教会的慈善和类似的功能(罗马书。4-8,我肺心病。十二。,14。见卡比施,立法会页。261-281)。 The Church forms "the body of Christ" not in a figurative sense, but through the same mystic actuality as that by which the participants of heathen cults become, through their mysteries or sacraments, parts of their deities.教会形式“,”一个没有身体的比喻意义上的基督,而是通过相同的现状,通过神秘的异教徒邪教的参与者成为神,他们的奥秘,或通过他们的圣礼,地区。 Such is the expressed view of Paul when he contrasts the "table of Christ" with the "table of the demons" (I Cor. x. 20-21).这就是保罗表达的观点时,他对比了基督的“魔表”与“表”(我肺心病。十20-21)。While Paul borrows from the Jewish propaganda literature, especially the Sibyllines, the idea of the divine wrath striking especially those that commit the capital sins of idolatry and incest (fornication) and acts of violence or fraudulence (Rom. i. 18-32; I Thess. iv. 5), and while he accordingly wishes the heathen to turn from their idols to God, with desire of being saved by His son (I Thess. i. 9-10), his Church has by no means the moral perfection of the human race for its aim and end, as has Judaism.虽然保罗借用犹太文学的宣传,特别是Sibyllines的(想法神圣愤怒的欺骗性,尤其是打击那些暴力或犯下资本罪和偶像崇拜和乱伦(私通)行为罗马书一18-32;我帖。四。五),同时相应地祝愿他把异教徒从他们的偶像神(儿子的愿望,他被我救了帖。岛9-10),他的教会并不意味着道德的完善结束了与人类为目的,有犹太教。 Salvation alone, that is, redemption from a world of perdition and sin, the attainment of a life of incorruption, is the object; yet this is the privilege only of those chosen and predestined "to be conformed to the image of His [God's] son" (Rom. viii. 28-30).救世军单,即罪赎回从与世界的灭亡,在清廉程度的生命,是对象,不过,这是选择的特权,只有那些和命中注定“要顺应]形象,他的[上帝的儿子“(罗马书八。28-30)。 It is accordingly not personal merit nor the greater moral effort that secures salvation, but some arbitrary act of divine grace which justifies one class of men and condemns the other (ib. ix.).因此,这是不是个人的好处,也没有更大的道德努力,保证了救赎,但有些ib.九任意行事,上帝的恩典证明一类的男性和谴责其他(。)。 It is not righteousness, nor even faith-in the Jewish sense of perfect trust in the all-loving and all-forgiving God and Father-which leads to salvation, but faith in the atoning power of Christ's death, which in some mystic or judicial manner justifies the undeserving (Rom. iii. 22, iv., v.; comp. Faith; for the mystic conception of faith, πίστις, in Hellenism alongside of gnosis, see Reizenstein, lc pp. 158-159).这不是正义,甚至也不是信仰的信任犹太意识完善所有爱好和全原谅上帝和父亲,导致得救,但信仰死亡,赎罪权力基督在一些神秘的或司法地证明了不配(罗马书三。22四。诉;可比。信仰;为感悟的神秘观念的信念,πίστις在希腊一起,见reizenstein,立法会页。158-159)。

The Mystery of the Cross.十字架的奥秘。

Heathen as is the conception of a church securing a mystic union with the Deity by means of sacramental rites, equally pagan is Paul's conception of the crucifixion of Jesus.异教徒的仪式是由概念的圣教会手段确保神一神秘联盟与同样异教徒是保罗的耶稣受难的构想。While he accepts the Judæo-Christian view of the atoning power of the death of Jesus as the suffering Messiah (Rom. iii. 25, viii. 3), the crucifixion of Jesus as the son of God assumes for him at the very beginning the character of a mystery revealed to him, "a stumbling-block to the Jews and folly to the Greeks" (I Cor. i. 23-ii. 2, ii. 7-10).虽然他接受了耶稣的苦难犹太,基督教认为死亡的赎罪权力弥赛亚(罗马书三。25八。三),一开始就对耶稣受难的上帝的儿子为他的假设在一个神秘人物向他透露,“一个绊脚石向犹太人和愚蠢的希腊人”(我肺心病。岛23 - 2。二,二。7-10)。It is to him a cosmic act by which God becomes reconciled to Himself.这对他来说是一个宇宙行为就是上帝成为调和自己。God sent "his own son in the likeness of sinful flesh" in order to have His wrath appeased by his death.上帝派来的“罪孽深重的肉他的儿子在自己的肖像”,以安抚了他的愤怒他的死亡。"He spared not his own Son, but delivered him up," so that by his blood all men might be saved (Rom. v. 8; viii. 3, 32).“他不遗余力不是他自己的儿子,但他发表了”,让所有的人用自己的血可能得救(罗马书五8;八。三,32)。To a Jewish mind trained by rabbinical acumen this is not pure monotheistic, but mythological, thinking.一个犹太拉比的训练,头脑敏锐,这不是纯粹的一神教,而是神话,思考。Paul's "Son of God" is, far more than the Logos of Philo, an infringement of the absolute unity of God.保罗的“上帝之子”的,远远超过神的斐洛的逻各斯团结,一绝对侵犯。While the predicate "God" applied to him in Titus ii.而上游的“神”适用于他在提图斯二。13 may be put to the account of Paul's school rather than to his own, throughout all the Epistles a share in the divinity is ascribed to Jesus in such a manner as to detract from the glory of God.5月13日付诸学校帐户保罗的,而不是他自己的神,在各地都有书信一个是归因于对耶稣的方式,如以无损于上帝的荣耀。He is, or is expected to be, called upon as"the Lord" (I Cor. i. 2; Rom. x. 13; Phil. ii. 10-11).他是,或预计,所谓的上帝在为“”(我肺心病。一,二,光盘。十13;菲尔。二。10-11)。Only the pagan idea of the "man-God" or "the second God," the world's artificer, and "son of God" (in Plato, in the Hermes-Tot literature as shown by Reizenstein, lc), or the idea of a king of light descending to Hades, as in the Mandæan-Babylonian literature (Brandt, "Die Mandäische Religion," 1889, pp. 151-156), could have suggested to Paul the conception of a God who surrenders the riches of divinity and descends to the poverty of earthly life in order to become a savior of the human race (I Cor. xv. 28, with ref. to Ps. viii. 6-7; Phil. ii. 6-10).只有为上帝异教思想的“人”或“第二个神,”世界的技工,和“上帝的儿子”(柏拉图,在赫尔墨斯,托特文学作为立法会表现出Reizenstein),或思想轻型王降在阴间,如曼达巴比伦文学(勃兰特,“模具Mandäische宗教,”1889年,页。151-156),可建议和构想,以保罗的上帝谁投降的神的财富降临到尘世生活贫困,才能成为一个心病救世主人类(我。十五。28,与参考。以聚苯乙烯。八。6-7;菲尔。二。6-10)。 Only from Alexandrian Gnosticism, or, as Reizenstein (lc pp. 25-26; comp. pp. 278, 285) convincingly shows, only from pagan pantheism, could he have derived the idea of the "pleroma," "the fulness" of the Godhead dwelling in Christ as the head of all principality and power, as him who is before all things and in whom all things consist (Col. i. 15-19, ii. 9).只有从亚历山大诺斯底主义,或者作为Reizenstein(立法会页。25-26;可比。页。278,285)令人信服地表明,只有从异教的泛神论,他有可能产生的Pleroma思想的“,”“的”丰满住在基督神性的动力头的所有公国之前,由于他是谁所有的东西和所有的东西包括在其中(西岛15-19,二。9)。

Paul's Opposition to the Law.保罗反对该法。

Paul's attitude toward the Law was by no means hostile from the beginning or on principle, as the interpolated Epistle to the Romans and the spurious one to the Galatians represent it.保罗的态度对待它代表法是指敌对或没有原则上从一开始,由于插值书信向罗马和杂散之一,加拉太书。Neither is it the legalistic (nomistic) character of Pharisaic Judaism which he militates against, as Jesus in the Gospels is represented as doing; nor was he prompted by the desire to discriminate between the ceremonial and the moral laws in order to accentuate the spiritual side of religion.无论是它的法律性(nomistic)字符pharisaic的犹太教的反对,他militates耶稣,是因为在福音派做,也不是他的愿望促成的法律区别对待的礼仪和道德,以突出的精神方宗教。 Still less was he prompted by that allegorizing method of which Philo ("De Migratione Abrahami," § 16) speaks as having led many to the disregard of certain ceremonial laws, such as circumcision (M. Friedländer, "Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Christenthums," pp. 149, 163, Vienna, 1894).更是他讲的方法促使该寓言的斐洛(“时点Migratione受神”,§ 16)具有使许多人无视某些法律,如割礼仪式(米弗雷兰德,“祖尔Entstehungsgeschichte德Christenthums”页。149,163,维也纳,1894年)。 All such interpretations fail to account for Paul's denunciation of all law, moral as well as ceremonial, as an intrinsic evil (Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," 2d ed., iii. 14).所有这些解释未能,占保罗仪式的谴责所有法律,道德以及作为一种内在的邪恶(豪斯拉特,“Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte,”2版。,三。14)。According to his arguments (Rom. iii. 20, iv. 15, vii-viii.), it is the Law that begets sin and works wrath, because without the Law there is no transgression.根据他的论点(罗马书三。20四。15,七,八。),它是罪恶和工程的愤怒,因为没有律师的法律有没有一见侵。 "I had not known lust, except the Law had said, Thou shalt not covet" (ib. vii. 7). “我不知道法律的欲望,除有说,你不可贪图”(ib.七。七)。He has no faith in the moral power of man: "I know that in me (that is, in my flesh) dwelleth no good thing" (ib. vii. 18).他没有信仰的人的精神力量:“我知道,在我(即在我的肉体)住没有一件好事”(ib.七。18)。What he is aiming at is that state in which the sinfulness of the flesh is entirely overcome by the spirit of Christ who is "the end of the Law" (ib. x. 4), because he is the beginning of the resurrection.他是针对什么是国家,其中肉罪恶的完全克服了基督精神,谁是“法结束了”(ib.十4),因为他是复活的开始。 For Paul, to be a member of the Church meant to be above the Law, and to serve in the newness of the spirit under a higher law (ib. vii. 4-6, 25).保罗,是教会成员,意味着是凌驾于法律之上,并在服务精神的新奇下一个更高的法律(ib.七。4-6,25)。For in Christ, that is, by the acceptance of the belief that with him the world of resurrection has begun, man has become "a new creature: the old things are passed away . . . all things have become new" (II Cor. v. 17).对于基督,即由开始接受具有他相信,世界上的复活,人已成为“一个新的动物:旧事都过去了。。。都变成新的”(二肺心病。五,17)。 For Paul, the world is doomed: it is flesh beset by sin and altogether of the evil one; hence home, family life, worldly wisdom, all earthly enjoyment are of no account, as they belong to a world which passes away (I Cor. vii. 31).对于保罗,世界是注定的:它是罪恶的肉和一所困扰完全的邪恶,所以家务,家庭生活,世俗的智慧,世间的一切享受帐户是否定的,因为它们属于一个世界上去世(我肺心病。七。31)。 Having at first only the heathen in view, Paul claims the members of the Church for Christ; hence their bodies must be consecrated to him and not given to fornication (ib. vi. 15).认为只有在经过最初的异教徒,保罗宣称基督的教会的成员,因此他们的尸体必须奉献给他,不给通奸(ib.六。15)。In fact, they ought to live in celibacy; and only on account of Satan's temptation to lust are they allowed to marry (ib. vi. 18-vii. 8).事实上,他们应该住在单身,并且只在欲望帐户撒旦的诱惑,不允许他们结婚(ib.六。18七。8)。As regards eating and drinking, especially of offerings to idols, which were prohibited to the proselyte of the gate by the early Christians as well as by the Jews (comp. Acts xv. 29), Paul takes the singular position that the Gnostics, those who possess the higher knowledge ("gnosis"; I Cor. viii. 1, xiii. 2, xiv. 6; II Cor. iv. 6; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 158), are "the strong ones" who care not for clean and unclean things and similar ritualistic distinctions (Rom. xiv. 1-23; I Cor. viii. 1-13).至于饮食,特别是祭祀偶像,其中禁止改变信仰的门由早期的基督徒,以及由犹太人(comp.行为十五。29),保罗采取的立场是奇异的Gnostics,那些谁拥有更高的知识(“灵知”,我肺心病。八。一,十三。2,14。六,二肺心病。四。六;可比。Reizenstein,LCP的158),是“强者”谁不关心清洁和不洁的东西,类似的仪式性的区别(罗马书十四。1-23,我肺心病。八。1-13)。 Only those that are "weak in faith" do care; and their scruples should be heeded by the others.只有那些有“信心薄弱,”做护理,他们的顾忌,应听取别人的。The Gnostic principle enunciated by Porphyrius ("De Abstinentia," i. 42), "Food that enters the body can as little defile free man as any impurity cast into the sea can contaminate the ocean, the deep fountain of purity" (comp. Matt. xv. 11), has in Paul's system an eschatological character: "The kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost" (Rom. xiv. 17; comp. Ber. 17a; Jew. Encyc, v. 218, sv Eschatology).诺斯底原则波菲利阐述由(“德Abstinentia,”岛42),“食品进入体内可以作为小海玷污自由人丢在任何杂质会污染海洋,纯洁深喷泉”(可比马特。十五。11),在保罗的系统性质的末世论:“神的国是不能吃,喝,而是正义与和平与喜悦的圣灵”(罗马书十四。17;可比。误码率。17A条;犹太人。Encyc,诉218,希沃特末世)。 As he stated in I Cor.正如他说在我肺心病。ix.九。20-22: "And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews; to them that are under the law, as under the law, that I might gain them that are under the law; to them that are without law, as without law (being not without law to God, but under the law to Christ), that I might gain them that are without law. To the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak: I am made all things to all men, that I might by all means save some." 20-22日:“和你们犹太人,我就作为一个犹太人,我可能会得到犹太人;向他们表示是根据法律规定,因为根据法律规定,我可以得到他们是根据法律,他们是没有法律,因为没有法律(该法律上帝不是没有,而是在基督的法律),我可能会得到他们的法律都没有。向软弱成了我的软弱,我可能获得的薄弱:我提出所有的人所有的东西,那我可能会采用一切手段救些人。“

The original attitude of Paul to the Law was accordingly not that of opposition as represented in Romans and especially in Galatians, but that of a claimed transcendency.保罗的原有法律的态度是不是在加拉太相应的反对派代表,特别是在罗马,但一个声称超越。He desired "the strong ones" to do without the Law as "schoolmaster" (Gal. iii. 24).他希望“强”做三无法为“校长”(加拉太书。24)。The Law made men servants: Christ rendered them "sons of God."该法律使人们公务员:基督他们提供“上帝的儿子。”That is, their nature was transformed into an angelic, if not altogether divine, one (Rom. viii. 14-29; I Cor. vi. 1-3).也就是说,它们的性质转化为一个天使,如果不是完全的神,一(罗马书八。14-29;我肺心病。六。1-3)。

Law for the Proselyte.法的改宗。

Only in admitting the heathen into his church did he follow the traditional Jewish practise of emphasizing at the initiation of proselytes "the law of God," consisting in "Love thy neighbor as thyself," taken from Lev.只有在承认他的教会的异教徒到他是否遵循传统的proselytes犹太人发起的做法,强调在“神法”组成的“来自列夫在”爱你的邻舍如同你自己。 xix.十九。18 (Rom. xiii. 8-10 contains no allusion to Jesus' teaching).18(罗马书十三。8-10包含没有提到耶稣的教学)。Also in the mode of preparing the proselyte-by specifying to him the mandatory and prohibitive commandments in the form of a catalogue of virtues or duties and a catalogue of sins, making him promise to practise the former, and, in the form of a "widdui" (confession of sins), to avoid the latter-Paul and his school followed, in common with all the other apostles, the traditional custom, as may be learned from I Thess. iv.另外,在准备模式的改变信仰,并通过指定一个目录给他的罪孽强制性义务和禁止性或命令的形式对美德目录,这使他的承诺,实践前,和,在形成一个“ widdui“(罪孽忏悔的),以避免后者,保罗和他的学校遵循共同的,与所有其他使徒,传统习俗,因为我可以学到帖。四。1-10; Col. iii.1-10;上校三。 5-14; Rom.5-14;光盘。i: 29 (comp. J. Rendel Harris, "The Teaching of the Apostles," 1887, pp. 82-84; Gal. v. 13-23, copied from Rom. lc; so also Eph. ii.-vi.; I Peter ii-iii.; I John iii.-iv.; Heb. xiii.; see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 9-22, and Didache).我:29(可比j的伦德尔哈里斯说:“使徒教学的”1887年,页。82-84;半乳糖。诉13-23,复制从ROM。立法会,所以也弗。ii.-vi. ;彼得第二和第三节。;我约翰iii.-iv.;河北。十三。见西贝尔格,“明镜Katechismus明镜Urchristenheit,”1903年,页。9-22,和十二使徒遗训)。 A comparison of the "Didascalia"with Paul's various admonitions in the Epistles likewise shows how much he was indebted to Essene teachings (See Jew. Encyc. iv. 588-590, sv Didascalia, where it is shown in a number of instances that the priority rests with the Jewish "Didascalia" and not, as is generally believed, with Paul). A说的比较研究“Didascalia的各种告诫在”与保罗的书信同样显示了他是多么的感激厄的教诲(见犹太人。Encyc。四。588-590,希沃特Didascalia,它显示的数字是在一个情况下,重点在于犹太人“didascalia”的,而不是象一般认为保罗,同)。 Also "turning from darkness to light" (I Thess. v. 4-9; Rom. xiii. 12; Eph. v. 7-11; and elsewhere) is an expression borrowed from Jewish usage in regard to proselytes who "come over from the falsehood of idolatry to the truth of monotheism" (see Philo, "De Monarchia." i. 7; idem, "De Pœnitentia," §§ 1-2; comp. "Epistle of Barnabas," xix. 1-xx. 1).还“从黑暗转向曝光”(我帖。诉4-9;光盘。十三。第12条;弗。诉7-11;和其他地方)的时候到了从借来的犹太人使用的表达式就proselytes谁“从偶像崇拜到一神教的假真理“(见斐洛,”德Monarchia。“一7;同上,”德Pœnitentia,“§ § 1-2;可比。”坟墓的石碑,“十九。1 - XX条。1)。It is rather difficult to reconcile these moral injunctions with the Pauline notion that, since law begets sin, there should be no law ruling the members of the Church.这是很难调和的宝莲这些道德观念与该禁令,因为法律由此引发的罪,应该没有法治教会的成员。It appears, however, that Paul used frequently the Gnostic term τέλειος= "perfect," "mature" (I Thess. v. 4, 10; Phil. iii. 12, 15; I Cor. ii. 6, xiii. 12 et seq., xiv. 20; Eph. iv. 13; Col. i. 28).看来,不过,保罗经常使用的诺斯底任期τέλειος=“完美”,“成熟”(我帖。五,四,10;菲尔。三。12,15,我肺心病。二。六,十三。12等起。,14。20;弗。四。13;上校一28)。 This term, taken from Grecian mysteries (see Light-foot, "Epistles to the Colossians," ad loc.), and used also in Wisdom iv.这个术语,神秘取自希腊(见轻脚,“书信向歌罗西书,”广告同上。),并用四也智慧。13, ix.13,九。6, suggested an asceticism which in some circles of saints led to the unsexing of man for the sake of fleeing from lust (Wisdom iii. 13-14; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiatur," § 48; Matt. xix. 12; see Conybeare, lcp 24).六,建议1 3禁欲主义的圈子,在一些圣徒逃离智慧欲望(导致了人类为了unsexing为。13-14;斐洛,“德御狴Deterius Potiori Insidiatur,”§ 48;马特。十九。 12,见科尼比尔,LCP的24)。For Paul, then, the Christian's aim was to be mature and ready for the day when all would be "caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air" and be with Him forever (I Thess. iv. 16-17).对于保罗,那么,基督教的目的是要为一天成熟,当所有准备将“陷入云在空中的,以满足主的”,并与他永远(我thess。四。16-17) 。To be with Christ, "in whom dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead," is to become so "complete" as to be above the rule of heavenly bodies, above the "tradition of men," above statutes regarding circumcision, meat and drink, holy days, new moon, and Sabbath, all of which are but "a shadow of the things to come"; it is to be dead to the world and all things of the earth, to mortify the members of the flesh, to "put off the old man" with his deeds and passions, and put on the new man who is ever renewed for the highest knowledge of God (gnosis), so that there is "neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but Christ is all and in all" (Col. ii. 9-iii. 11; comp. I Cor. v. 7: "Purge out therefore the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump").为了与基督,“住在他们所有的神体丰满的,”是如此“完整的人”,以天上的规则之上的机构,“传统之上,”上述有关法规割礼,肉类和饮料,圣天,新的月亮,安息日,所有这些都只不过是“一个东西来的影子”,它是死了的世界和地球上所有的东西,到腐坏的肉的成员,以“脱下事迹和激情的老男人“的,和感悟,对新的男子是谁(不断更新知识的最高神),所以有”希腊也没有犹太人,受割礼也未受割礼,野蛮,西徐亚,债券,也没有免费的,但基督是所有人,所有“(西二。9 3。11;可比。我肺心病。五,七:”清除了旧酵,因此,你们可能是一个新团“)。

Conflict with Judaism and the Law.冲突与犹太教和法律。

Far then from making antagonism to the Law the starting-point of his apostolic activity, as under the influence of the Epistle to the Romans is assumed by almost all Christian theologians, except the so-called Dutch school of critics (see Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl." sv "Paul and Romans, Epistle to the"), there is intrinsic evidence that Paul's hostile attitude to both the Law and the Jews was the result of his conflicts with the latter and with the other apostles.远东然后作出对立到该法的出发点,他使徒的活动,根据影响的书信向罗马人是承担几乎所有的基督教神学家,除了所谓的批评荷兰学校(见进益和黑色, “Encyc。Bibl。”希沃特“保罗和罗马人的书信”),有内在的证据表明,保罗的敌对态度,香港律师和犹太人是使徒的结果,他的其他冲突,并与后者。 There is no bitter hostility or antagonism to the Law noticeable in I Thessalonians (ii. 14b-16 is a late interpolation referring to the destruction of the Temple), Colossians, I Corinthians (xv. 56 is obviously interpolated), or II Corinthians (where iii. 6-iv. 4, on closer analysis, also proves to be a late addition disturbing the context); and so little opposition to the Law does Paul show in those epistles first addressed to the Gentiles, that in I Cor.没有痛苦的敌意或对立的法显在我帖16(白介素14B条,是一晚插指圣殿被毁的),歌罗西书,我哥林多前书(xv. 56显然是插值),或哥林多后书(其中三。6四。四分析,对密切,也被证明是一个令人不安的后期除上下文);和这么少反对这项法律并显示在这些书信保罗首先给外邦人,在我肺心病。 xiv.十四。21 he quotes as the "law"-that is, Torah in the sense of Revelation-a passage from Isa.他引用21 - 1通过从伊萨为“法律的启示”,那就是圣经中的意义。xxviii.二十八。11; whereas he avoids the term "law" (νόμος) elsewhere, declaring all statutes to be worthless human teaching (Col. ii. 22).11;而他避免了“法律”一词(νόμος)其他地区,宣布所有章程的规定,是毫无价值的人教学(上校2。22)。

Antinomianism and Jew-Hatred.律法主义和犹太人的仇恨。

His antinomian theology is chiefly set forth in the Epistle to the Romans, many parts of which, however, are the product of the second-century Church with its fierce hatred of the Jew, eg, such passages as ii.他唯信仰论神学,主要是提出一套书信在向罗马人,其中许多地方,但是,是犹太人的产品在激烈的仇恨与它的第二个世纪的教会,例如,作为二通道等。 21-24, charging the Jews with theft, adultery, sacrilege, and blasphemy, or ix. 21日-24日,收费,亵渎犹太人偷窃,通奸,亵渎,或九。22 and xi.22日和十一。28 (comp. iii. 2). 28(comp.三。2)。The underlying motive of Paul-the tearing down of the partition-wall between Jew and Gentile-is best expressed in Eph.背后的动机保,该拆除的分区,弗犹太人和非犹太人之间的墙,是最好的表达。ii.二。14-22, where it is declared that the latter are no longer "gerim" and "toshabim" (AV "strangers" and "foreigners"), but "fellow citizens with the saints" of the Church and fully equal members "of the household of God." 14-22,在那里被宣布,后者不再是“热林”和“toshabim”(著名的“陌生人”和“外国人”),但“的”完全平等成员的同胞与圣徒“的教会和神家里的。“ In order to accomplish his purpose, he argues that just as little as the heathen escapes the wrath of God, owing to the horrible sins he is urged to commit by his clinging to his idols, so little can the Jew escape by his Law, because "the law worketh sin and wrath" (Rom. iv. 15).为了达到他的目的,他认为像少逃脱神的异教徒愤怒的,由于这项法律,可怕的罪,他是由他的要求作出承诺抱住他的偶像,所以很少被他的才能,因为犹太人逃脱“法律13:10罪和愤怒”(罗马书四。15)。 Instead, indeed, of removing the germ of death brought into the world by Adam, the Law was given only to increase sin and to make all the greater the need of divine mercy which was to come through Christ, the new Adam (ib. v. 15-20).相反,事实上,死亡的细菌消除世界带进了亚当,法律是只给予增加罪,并作出一切必要的更大的基督是神的慈悲才能通过,新的亚当(ib.第v 。15-20)。By further twisting the Biblical words taken from Gen. xv.通过进一步扭曲圣经创十五所采取的话。 6, which he interprets as signifying that Abraham's faith became a saving power to him, and from Gen. xvii. 6,他解释为意味着,亚伯拉罕的信仰成为他省电,从将军十七。5, which he takes as signifying that Abraham was to be the father of the Gentiles instead of nations, he argues that the saving grace of God lies in faith (that is, blind belief) and not in the works of the Law. 5,这意味着他以亚伯拉罕就是该国的父亲的外邦人相反,他认为,可取的上帝的信仰是在(即盲目信仰),而不是在该法的工程。And so he declares faith in Jesus' atoning death to be the means of justification and salvation, and not the Law, which demands servitude, whereas the spirit of Christ makes men children of God (Rom. iv.-viii.).因此,他宣布死亡的信念在耶稣的赎罪和拯救的是手段的理由,而不是法律,它要求奴役基督,而男性的精神,使儿童的神(罗马书iv.至第八章。)。 The Pauline Jew-hatred was ever more intensified (see ib. ix.-xi., and comp. ix. 31)-which is clear evidence of a later origin-and culminates in Gal. iii., where, besides the repetition of the argument from Gen. xv.宝莲犹太人的仇恨更加激化(参见兴业。ix.-xi.,可比。九。31),这是明显的证据表明,更高的起源和达到高潮的女人。三。,其中,除了重复从将军十五论点。 6 and xvii.6和十七。5, the Law is declared, with reference to Deut.5,法律声明,参照申命记。xxviii.二十八。26 and Hab.26和哈。ii.二。4 (comp. Rom. i. 17), to be a curse from which the crucified Christ-himself "a curse" according to the Law (Deut. xxi. 23; probably an argument taken up from controversies with the Jews)-was to redeem the believer. 4(可比光盘。岛17),是一个诅咒从中钉在十字架上基督自己是“诅咒”根据法(申命记21。23;可能是犹太人的论点,采取从争议),是赎回的信徒。 Another sophistic argument against the Law, furnished in Gal.另一位律师狡辩的理由反对,加尔布置研究。iii.三。19-24, and often repeated in the second century (Heb. ii. 2; Acts vii. 38, 53; Aristides, "Apologia," xiv. 4), is that the Law was received by Moses as mediator from the angels-a quaint notion based upon Deut. 19-24,并经常反复在第二世纪(希伯来书二。2;行为七。38,53;阿里斯蒂德,“纵容”,十四。四),是,该法是从收到摩西作为调解人的天使,一个精巧的概念后,申命记基础。 xxxiii.三十三。2, LXX.; comp. Josephus, "Ant." 2,LXX的。;可比。约瑟夫,“蚂蚁”。xv.十五。5, § 3-and that it is not the law of God, which is a life-giving law of righteousness.5,§ 3,它不是法律正义的上帝,这是─给予法律的生活。Furthermore the laws of the Jews and the idolatrous practises of the heathen are placed equally low as mere servitude of" the weak and beggarly elements" (="planets"; Gal. iv. 8-11), whereas those that have put on Christ by baptism have risen above alldistinctions of race, of class, and of sex, and have become children of God and heirs of Abraham (ib. iii. 26-29; what is meant by the words" There shall be neither male nor female" in verse 28 may be learned from Gal. v. 12, where eunuchism is advised; see B. Weiss's note ad loc.).此外,犹太人的法律和异教徒的偶像崇拜的做法是把同样内容仅仅是低乞丐奴役的“弱者”(=“行星”,半乳糖。四。8-11),而那些已经把基督由洗礼已经远远超过了比赛alldistinctions的,阶级和性别,并已成为亚伯拉罕的神的儿女和继承人(ib.三。26-29;是什么意思的单词“应设立或男或女” 5月28日将在诗学从加尔。诉12个,其中eunuchism是建议;见B.魏斯的注意广告同上。)。

The Old Testament and the New.旧约和新的。

The Pauline school writing under Paul's name, but scarcely Paul himself, worked out the theory, based upon Jer.宝莲,学校名称写在保罗的,但几乎保罗自己,计算出理论,耶依据。xxxi.三十一。30-31, that the Church of Christ represents the new covenant (see Covenant; New Testament) in place of the old (Rom. xi. 27; Gal. iv. 24; Heb. viii. 6-13, ix. 15-x. 17; and, following these passages, I Cor. xi. 23-28). 30-31日,该教会的代表新盟约(见公约;新约十一)罗马书代替旧的(。27;半乳糖。四。24;希伯来书。八。6-13,九。15 -十,17岁,跟着这些通道,我肺心病。十一。23-28)。Similarly the interpolator of II Cor.同样的二,肺心病插。iii.三。6-iv.6四。4, in connection with ib. 4,在IB连接的。iii.三。3, contrasts the Old Testament with the New: the former by the letter of the Law offering but damnation and death because "the veil of Moses" is upon it, preventing God's glory from being seen; the latter being the life-giving spirit offering righteousness, that is, justification, and the light of the knowledge (gnosis) of the glory of God as reflected in the face of Jesus Christ. 3,对比旧新约圣经的:前者从信律师提供,但诅咒和死亡,因为“面纱的摩西在”是它,防止上帝的荣耀被看作;后者是赋予生命的精神产品义,即是理由,荣耀之光的知识(即灵知)的上帝反映在基督耶稣的脸。 It is superfluous to state that this Gnostic conception of the spirit has nothing to do with the sound religious principle often quoted from I Cor.它是多余的精神状态,这是诺斯底观念无关,与健全宗教肺心病的原则,我经常引用。iii.三。6: "The letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life."6:“信killeth,但精神给予的生活。”The privilege of seeing God's glory as Moses did face to face through a bright mirror held out in I Cor. xiii.有幸看到的荣耀神的作为摩西面对面透过明亮的镜子伸出在我肺心病。十三。12 (comp. Suk. 45b; Lev. R. i. 14) to the saints in the future is claimed in II Cor. 12(可比淑。45B条;列弗。传译一14),以在未来的圣人是声称在二肺心病。iii.三。18 and iv.18和4。4 as a power in the actual possession of the Christian believer.四是在基督教信徒权力的实际拥有。The highest hope of man is regarded as realized by the writer, who looks forward to the heavenly habitation as a release from the earthly tabernacle (II Cor. v. 1-8).人类最大的希望是被视为心病实现由作家,谁期待(二天上的帐幕居住作为脱离尘世。五1-8)。

Spurious Writings Ascribed to Paul.归功于保罗杂散写作。

This unhealthy view of life maintained by Paul and his immediate followers was, however, changed by the Church the moment her organization extended over the world.这不健康的追随者,他立即和人生观维护保罗,但是,世界改变了教会的时刻她扩大了该组织。Some epistles were written in the name of Paul with the view of establishing more friendly relations to society and government than Paul and the early Christians had maintained.一些书信写于保罗的名字继续维持与建立更加友好的关系,以社会和政府比保罗和早期的基督徒。While Paul warns his church-members not to bring matters of dispute before "the unjust," by which term he means the Gentiles (I Cor. vi. 1; comp. Jew. Encyc. iv. 590), these very heathen powers of Rome are elsewhere praised as the ministers of God and His avengers of wrong (Rom. xiii. 1-7); and while in I Cor.而保罗警告他的教会成员不要携带不公正问题的争议“之前,”他的意思,其中长期的外邦人(我肺心病。六。1;可比。犹太人。Encyc。四。590),这些非常异教徒的权力罗马的其他地方被誉为部长上帝和他的罗马书十三复仇者的错误(。1-7),但另一方面,我肺心病。 xi.十一。5 women are permitted to prophesy and to pray aloud in the church provided they have their heads covered, a later chapter, obviously interpolated, states, "Let your women keep silence in the churches" (ib. xiv. 34). 5名妇女被允许预言到教堂祈祷,并大声地提供他们在他们头上盖,后面的章节,显然插值,状态,“让你们的妇女保持沉默的教堂”(ib.第十四。34)。 So celibacy (ib. vii. 1-8) is declared to be the preferable state, and marriage is allowed only for the sake of preventing fornication (Eph. v. 21-33), while, on the other hand, elsewhere marriage is enjoined and declared to be a mystery or sacrament symbolizing the relation of the Church as the bride to Christ as the bridegroom (see Bride).因此,独身(ib.七。1-8)被宣布为可取的状态,婚姻只允许为)为了防止私通(以弗所书五21-33,同时,另一方面,在其他地方的婚姻责成并宣布是一个谜,或圣礼象征,以基督为新郎为新娘的关系,教会(见新娘)。

A still greater change in the attitude toward the Law may be noticed in the so-called pastoral epistles.一个对法律的态度变化更大的可能,可以看到在所谓的农牧书信。Here the Law is declared to be good as a preventive of wrong-doing (I Tim. i. 8-10), marriage is enjoined, and woman's salvation is declared to consist only in the performance of her maternal duty (ib. ii. 12, 15), while asceticism and celibacy are condemned (ib. iv. 3).在这里,法律被宣布为一个好添预防做错事(我。岛8-10),婚姻是责成,和女人的救恩是宣布由二只表现在她母亲的责任(ib.第。 12,15),而禁欲主义和独身是谴责(ib.第4。3)。So all social relations are regulated in a worldly spirit, and are no longer treated, as in Paul's genuine epistles, in the spirit of otherworldliness (ib. ii.-vi.; II Tim. ii. 4-6; Titus. ii.-iii.; comp. Didascalia). Whether in collecting alms for the poor of the church on Sundays (I Cor. xvi. 2) Paul instituted a custom or simply followed one of the early Christians is not clear; from the "We" source in Acts xx.因此,所有社会关系的规管在一个世俗化的精神,不再处理,在保罗的真正的书信,在来世精神(ib.第ii.-vi.;二添。二。4-6;提图斯。二。三型。;可比。Didascalia)。不管是我收集的施舍(星期日穷人的教会对肺心病。十六。二)保罗建立一个自定义或只是遵循一个早期的基督徒是不明确;从“我们”源,在行为二十。 7 it appears, however, that the church-members used to assemble for their communion meal in memory of the risen Christ, the Lord's Supper, on the first day of the week-probably because they held the light created on that day to symbolize the light of the Savior that had risen for them (see the literature in Schürer," Die Siebentägige Woche," in "Zeitschrift für Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft," 1905, pp. 1-2). 7出现,但是,教会成员用来组装为他们的记忆共融膳食中复活的基督,是上帝的晚餐,在第一天的星期,可能是因为他们认为象征着对光照创建的一天鉴于他们的救主复活,民政事务总署(见斯许雷尔文学,“模具Siebentägige周报”,在“科学杂志Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft,”1905年,第1-2页。)。Little value can be attached to the story in Acts xviii. 18 that Paul brought a Nazarite sacrifice in the Temple, since for him the blood of Christ was the only sacrifice to be recognized.小值可以附加到十八故事行为。在寺庙,因为血液中的基督为他带来了18个保罗牺牲拿细耳人是唯一的牺牲予以承认。

Only at a later time, when Pauline and Judean Christianity were merged, was account again taken, contrary to the Pauline system, of the Mosaic law regarding sacrifice and the priesthood; and so the Epistle to the Hebrews was written with the view of representing Jesus as "the high priest after the order of Melchizedek" who atoned for the sins of the world by his own blood (Heb. iv. 14-v. 10, vii.-xiii.).只有在稍后时间,当保罗和犹太基督教合并,被送往帐户再次违反宝莲系统神职人员,在镶嵌法和关于牺牲,所以书信向希伯来人写的是耶稣的代表的观点为“麦基洗德大祭司命令后,”谁在为世界赎罪的罪过由他自己的血(希伯来书四。14 - V的。10,vii. -十三。)。However, the name of Paul, connected with the epistle by Church tradition, was not attached to it in writing, as was the case with the other epistles.然而,保罗的名字,传统与教会的书信联系的,不重视它在写作,因为是书信与其他案件。

Paul and Paulinism.保罗和Paulinism。

How far, after a careful analysis discriminating between what is genuine in Paul's writings and what is spurious and interpolated, he may yet be regarded as "the great religious genius" or the "great organizer" of the Christian Church, can not be a matter for discussion here.多远,经过仔细分析判别之间是什么著作真正在保罗的,什么是虚假和内插,他还可能被视为“伟大的宗教天才”或“伟大的组织者教会”的基督徒,不能成为问题在这里讨论。 Still the credit belongs to him of having brought the teachings of the monotheistic truth and the ethics of Judaism, however mixed up with heathen Gnosticism and asceticism, home to the pagan world in a form which appealed most forcibly to an age eager for a God in human shape and for some means of atonement in the midst of a general consciousness of sin and moral corruption. Different from Simon Magus, his contemporary, with whom he was at times maliciously identified by his opponents, and in whose Gnostic system sensuousness and profanity predominated, Paul with his austerity made Jewish holiness his watch word; and he aimed after all, like any other Jew, at the establishment of the kingdom of God, to whom also his Christ subordinated himself, delivering up the kingdom to the Father when his task of redemption was complete, in order that God might be all in all (I Cor. xv. 28).仍属于他的信用有揭示真相的一神教教义和犹太教的伦理,但混合使用,异教徒诺斯替主义和禁欲主义,家庭对异教世界的形式,呼吁最强行向一个年龄渴望为神对一些人的形状和赎罪的手段在中间的腐败和道德的一般意识的罪恶。为主不同于西蒙贤者,他的当代,和谁在一起,他通过他的鉴定有时恶意对手,并在其诺斯底系统感性和亵渎,紧缩保罗与他的圣洁,他观看了犹太人的话,以及他所有的目的后,像任何其他犹太人,在上帝的王国建立,又为他基督的服从自己,提供了王国的父亲时,他的任务赎回已经完成,为了使上帝可能是肺心病所有的所有(我。十五。28)。 He was an instrument in the hand of Divine Providence to win the heathen nations for Israel's God of righteousness.他是一个神圣的普罗维登斯文书手赢得上帝公义的异教徒国家对以色列。

His System of Faith.他的体系的信仰。

On the other hand, he construed a system of faithwhich was at the very outset most radically in conflict with the spirit of Judaism: (1) He substituted for the natural, childlike faith of man in God as the ever-present Helper in all trouble, such as the Old Testament represents it everywhere, a blind, artificial faith prescribed and imposed from without and which is accounted as a meritorious act. (2) He robbed human life of its healthy impulses, the human soul of its faith in its own regenerating powers, of its belief in its own self and in its inherent tendencies to goodness, by declaring Sin to be, from the days of Adam, the all-conquering power of evil ingrained in the flesh, working everlasting doom; the deadly exhalation of Satan, the prince of this world, from whose grasp only Jesus, the resurrected Christ, the prince of the other world, was able to save man.另一方面,他解释1 faithwhich系统是在一开始就犹太教:最根本的冲突与精神(1)他对上帝的作为取代目前的助手不断的自然,天真信仰的人在所有麻烦如旧约代表它无处不在,一个盲人,人工信念,没有强加的规定,哪些是作为一个占立功行为。(2)他抢人的生命健康的冲动,对自己的人类灵魂中的信仰再生的权力,它的信仰在其自身,并在其固有的倾向善善,宣称是从肉体毁灭的日子,亚当在根深蒂固的邪恶,权力无坚不摧的,工作永恒的;致命的呼气撒旦,王子的这个世界,从他们掌握只有耶稣,基督的复活,世界其他王子,能够拯救人类。 (3) In endeavoring to liberate man from the yoke of the Law, he was led to substitute for the views and hopes maintained by the apocalyptic writers the Christian dogma with its terrors of damnation and hell for the unbeliever, holding out no hope whatsoever for those who would not accept his Christ as savior, and finding the human race divided between the saved and the lost (Rom. ii. 12; I Cor. i. 18; II Cor. ii. 15, iv. 3; II Thess. ii. 10). (3)在努力从解放人的法律枷锁,他被带到替代的意见,并希望异教徒的维护与地狱的启示与作家的基督教教条恐怖的诅咒,举行了没有任何希望的这些谁不接受他的救世主基督,并寻找人类12分之间的保存和丢失(罗马书二。,我肺心病。岛18;二肺心病。二。15日,四。三,二帖。 2。10)。(4) In declaring the Law to be the begetter of sin and damnation and in putting grace or faith in its place, he ignored the great truth that duty, the divine "command," alone renders life holy; that upon the law of right-cousness all ethics, individual or social, rest. (4)在宣布该法律是地方begetter罪恶和诅咒和将其宽限期或信仰,他忽略了伟大的真理,即责任,神圣的“命令”,仅呈现生命神圣,这在法律的权利- cousness所有道德,个人或社会,休息。(5) In condemning, furthermore, all human wisdom, reason, and common sense as "folly," and in appealing only to faith and vision, he opened wide the door to all kinds of mysticism and superstition. (5)在谴责,此外,所有人类的智慧,理性,常识和远见为“愚蠢”,并呼吁只有在信仰,他敞开了大门,各种迷信和神秘主义。(6) Moreover, in place of the love greatly extolled in the panegyric in I Cor.(6)此外,在爱有何大大赞扬了我颂在肺心病。 xiii.-a chapter which strangely interrupts the connection between ch.xiii.,这奇怪的一章之间的联系中断通道。xii.十二。and xiv.-Paul instilled into the Church, by his words of condemnation of the Jews as "vessels of wrath fitted for destruction" (Rom. ix. 22; II Cor. iii. 9, iv. 3), the venom of hatred which rendered the earth unbearable for God's priest-people.和xiv.保灌输到教会,他的话,犹太人的谴责为“破坏船只配备的愤怒”(罗马书九。22;二肺心病。三。九,四。三),仇恨的毒液这就使地球无法承受上帝的牧师的人。 Probably Paul is not responsible for these outbursts of fanaticism; but Paulinism is.也许保罗并不狂热负责为这些爆发,但Paulinism的。It finally led to that systematic defamation and profanation of the Old Testament and its God by Marcion and his followers which ended in a Gnosticism so depraved and so shocking as to bring about a reaction in the Church in favor of the Old Testament against the Pauline antinomianism.它最终导致了该系统的诽谤和亵渎的antinomianism在旧约宝莲和上帝的马吉安结束他的追随者,并处于诺斯替主义如此堕落等令人震惊的是教会反对,赞成的旧约,以实现在一个反应。

Protestantism revived Pauline views and notions; and with these a biased opinion of Judaism and its Law took possession of Christian writers, and prevails even to the present (comp., eg, Weber, "Jüdische Theologie," 1897, where Judaism is presented throughout simply as "Nomismus"; Schürer's description of the life of the Jew "under the law" in his "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 464-496; Bousset, "Religion des Judenthums in Neu-Testamentlichen Zeitalter," 1903, p. 107; and the more popular works by Harnack and others; and see also Schechter in "JQR" iii. 754-766; Abrahams, "Prof. Schürer on Life Under the Jewish Law," ib. xi. 626; and Schreiner, "Die Jüngsten Urtheile über das Judenthum," 1902, pp. 26-34).新教恢复波林的看法和观念,以及与这些偏颇的意见和犹太教有关法律拥有了作家的基督徒,甚至盛行到现在(可比,如韦伯,“Jüdische神学,”1897年,在犹太教,提出了整个仅仅是“Nomismus”;斯许雷尔的描述犹太人生活的“,”根据法律规定在他的“格希。”三维版。,二。464-496; Bousset,“宗教德Judenthums在纽- Testamentlichen Zeitalter,”1903年,第107页;和哈纳克和其他更受欢迎的作品,以及又见三Schechter已在“JQR”。754-766;亚伯拉罕,“生命斯许雷尔教授就在犹太法”,兴业。十一。626;和施赖纳,“模具Jüngsten Urtheile黚er达斯Judenthum,”1902年,页。26-34)。

For other Pauline doctrines see Atonement; Body in Jewish Theology; Faith; Sin, Original.至于其他宝莲学说见赎罪;犹太神学体;信仰;仙,原始。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
Cheyne and Black, Encyc.进益和黑色,Encyc。Bibl.Bibl。sv Paul, where the main literature is given; Eschelbacher, Das Judenthum und das Wesen des Christenthums, Berlin, 1905; Grätz, Gesch.希沃特保罗,其中主要是由于文学;埃舍尔巴赫,达斯Judenthum北达科达斯Wesen德Christenthums,柏林,1905年,格拉茨,格希。 4th ed., iii.第四版。,三。 413-425; Moritz Loewy, Die Paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz, in Monatsschrift, 1903-4; Claude Monteflore, Rabbinic Judaism and the Epistles of Paul, in JQR xiii. 413-425;莫里茨洛伊,模具沃姆Gesetz,在月刊Paulinische莱勒,1903-4;克劳德Monteflore,拉比犹太教和保罗的书信,在JQR十三。 161.161。


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