Pelagianism佩拉纠

General Information一般信息

Pelagianism is the name given to the teachings of Pelagius, a British Christian active in Rome in the late 4th and early 5th centuries.佩拉纠学派是5世纪初的姓名和给予的教诲的贝拉基英国人,一个基督徒在罗马活跃在晚第四。Often identified as a monk but probably a layman, Pelagius was a biblical interpreter (he wrote a commentary on Paul's letters) and theologian who stressed the human ability to fulfill the commands of God. In Rome he became the center of a largely aristocratic group whose aim was to pursue the most rigorous form of the religious life in contrast to the indifferent morality of other Christians.通常一般人认定为僧,但可能一,伯拉纠是一个圣经翻译(他写了一信评注保罗)和神学家,谁强调人类有能力履行上帝的命令。在罗马,他成为其中心的一个主要的贵族集团目的是追求其他基督徒最严格的道德冷漠形式的宗教生活中的对比。 Pelagianism may thus be considered a reform movement within late Roman Christianity. Its doctrine, however, was condemned as heresy.佩拉纠可能因此被认为是改革运动在后期罗马基督教。及其学说,但是,被谴责为异端。

Under the threat of the Goths' invasion (410) of Italy, Pelagius joined other Roman refugees who traveled to North Africa.根据意大利的哥特威胁的入侵(410),贝拉基加入其他难民谁罗马前往北非。 There his teaching was opposed by Augustine, the leading figure in the North African church.有他的教学,是奥古斯丁反对,非洲教会领袖人物在北方。In claiming that humans can do what God requires, Pelagius had emphasized the freedom of the human will and the ability to control one's motives and actions under the guidance of God's law.在声称,人类可以做什么上帝需要, 伯拉纠强调意志的自由,人与控制能力指导上帝的法律人的动机和行动的根据。In contrast, Augustine insisted that no one can control his or her own motivation and that person requires the assistance of God's Grace if he or she is to will and to do good. Only with the help of divine grace can an individual overcome the force of sin and live rightly before God. 与此相反,奥古斯丁坚持认为,没有人可以控制他或她自己的动机,而该人需要援助,她是意志和做好。只有帮助神恩典的,或雍容,如果他能1个人通过的力量罪恶和正确的生活上帝面前。 In the resulting controversy Augustine's views prevailed and became dominant in Christian teaching.在出现的争议奥古斯丁的观点占了上风,成为教学的主导在基督教。

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Pelagius was in Jerusalem in 415, but there is no reason to suppose that he spent the latter part of his life there.贝拉基在耶路撒冷的415,但没有理由认为他度过了他生命的一部分,后者那里。He was excommunicated (417) by Pope Innocent I, and his views were condemned by a series of church councils.他被逐出教会(417)由诺森我,他的意见议会谴责教会的一系列。For another century, however, his theology found support in areas of North Africa, Italy, southern France, and Britain; and the issues of human freedom and divine grace have remained central topics of debate throughout the history of Christian theology.一个世纪,然而,他的神学发现法国南部地区的支持北非,意大利和英国;和神圣的宽限期问题的人的自由,至今仍然维持中央的基督教神学的历史课题,在整个辩论。

William S Babcock威廉S巴布科克

Bibliography 书目
R Evans, Pelagius: Inquiries and Reappraisals (1968); J Ferguson, Pelagius: A Historical and Theological Study (1956); BR Rees, Pelagius (1988). ṛ埃文斯,贝拉基:咨询和重新评价(1968年); J弗格森,贝拉基:历史与神学研究(1956年);无线电通信里斯,伯拉纠(1988)。


Pelagius, Pelagianism伯拉纠,佩拉纠

Advanced Information先进的信息

Pelagianism is that teaching, originating in the late fourth century, which stresses man's ability to take the initial steps toward salvation by his own efforts, apart from special grace. It is sharply opposed by Augustinianism, which emphasizes the absolute necessity of God's interior grace for man's salvation. 佩拉纠学派,是教学,宽限期原产于晚四世纪,它强调人的能力,除了特殊努力,采取了初步措施对自己的拯救他。这是尖锐的反对奥古斯丁,它强调的内饰绝对必要的神的恩典人的得救。

Pelagius was an eminently moral person, who became a fashionable teacher at Rome late in the fourth century.伯拉纠是一个极有道德的人,谁成为一个时髦的老师在罗马世纪后期在第四位。British by birth, he was a zealous ascetic.英国出生的,他是一个狂热的苦行。Whether he was a monk or not we cannot say, but he clearly supported monastic ideals.无论他是一个和尚或不,我们不能说,但他明确支持寺院的理想。In his early writings he argued against the Arians but fired his big guns against the Manichaeans.在他的早期著作,他认为对阿里安斯对摩尼教徒,但他发射大炮。Their dualistic fatalism infuriated the moralist in him其二元宿命论激怒了他在道德

While in Rome, Pelagius studied Augustine's anti - Manichaean writings, particularly On Free Will.虽然在罗马,贝拉基研究摩尼教的著作,特别是在自由意志奥古斯丁的反- 。He came to oppose passionately Augustine's quietism, reflected in his prayer in the Confessions: "Give what thou commandest, and command what thou wilt" (X,31,45).他热情地来反对奥古斯丁的清静无为,忏悔反映在他的祈祷中:“给你吩咐什么,你是什么病和命令”(十,31,45)。

When the Visigoths surged upon Rome in 410 / 411, Pelagius sought refuge in Africa.当西哥特人在罗马时上升四百十一分之四百十,伯拉纠非洲寻求避难研究。After avoiding an encounter with Augustine, he moved on to Jerusalem, where he gained a good reputation.后避免了奥古斯丁遇到,他转移到耶路撒冷,在那里他获得了良好的声誉。No one took offense at his teaching.没有人教了他的罪行。

Meanwhile in Africa, Pelagius's pupil Coelestius, a less cautious and more superficial man, had pointedly drawn out the consequences of Pelagius's teaching on freedom.与此同时,在非洲,伯拉纠的学生Coelestius,一个不太谨慎,更肤浅的人,有针对性地制定出对自由的后果教学贝拉基的。 Churchmen in the area of Carthage solemnly charged him with heresy.迦太基牧师在该地区的严正指控他的异端邪说。According to Augustine, Coelestius did not accept the "remission of sins" in infant baptism.据奥古斯丁,Coelestius不接受的罪孽“缓解”婴儿洗礼。Such an assertion of "innocence" of newborn babies denied the basic relationship in which all men stand "since Adam."婴儿的这种说法“新生无罪”的关系,否认所有的人的立场“,因为亚当的基础。”It was claiming that unredeemed man is sound and free to do all good.有人声称未兑换的人是健全的,自由地做一切有益的。It was rendering salvation by Christ superfluous.这是由基督救恩渲染多余。

Augustine sent his own disciple Orosius to the East in an attempt to gain the condemnation of Pelagius.奥古斯丁派遣自己的弟子Orosius到东,企图获得贝拉基谴责。But in the East churchmen were unable to see anything more than an obstinate quarrel about trivialities.但东方牧师在看不到任何一个多顽固约小事争吵。They acquitted Pelagius, a decision that infuriated the Africans, who turned toward Rome and compelled Pope Innocent I to expressly condemn the new heresy.他们被宣告无罪贝拉基,这一决定激怒了非洲人,谁转向罗马,迫使诺森一明确谴责新的异端邪说。

The keystone of Pelagianism is the idea of man's unconditional free will and his moral responsibility. In creating man God did not subject him, like other creatures, to the law of nature but gave him the unique privilege of accomplishing the divine will by his own choice. 在佩拉纠基石的就是责任的思想人的无条件的自由意志和他的道德。在创造人类的上帝并没有受到他,像其他生物,对自然规律的,但给了他神圣的唯一特权完成将他自己的选择。 This possibility of freely choosing the good entails the possibility of choosing evil.这很有可能的自由选择需要的罪恶的可能性选择。

According to Pelagius there are three features in human action: power (posse), will (velle), and the realization (esse).据贝拉基有3人的行为特点:功率(波西),将(韦勒)和实现(埃塞)。The first comes exclusively from God; the other two belong to man.第一个完全由神来,另外两个属于男子。Thus, as man acts, he merits praise or blame.因此,作为人的行为,他值得赞扬或指责。Whatever his followers may have said, Pelagius himself held the conception of a divine law proclaiming to men what they ought to do and setting before them the prospect of supernatural rewards and punishments.不管他的追随者可能会说,伯拉纠自己举行的男子构想,以神圣的法律,宣布他们应该做的和他们之前设定的惩罚和奖励超自然的前景。 If man enjoys freedom of choice, it is by the express bounty of his Creator; he ought to use it for those ends that God prescribes.如果人享有选择的自由,,它是由他的创造者表达的奖金,他应该有这样的规定对于那些使用完上帝。

The rest of Pelagianism flows from this central thought of freedom. First, it rejects the idea that man's will has any intrinsic bias in favor of wrongdoing as a result of the fall.思想的自由休息的佩拉纠这个中心流量。首先,它拒绝下跌的想法,人的意志结果有任何内在的偏见,赞成对不法行为的。 Since each soul is created immediately by God, as Pelagius believed, then it cannot come into the world soiled by original sin transmitted from Adam. Before a person begins exercising his will, "there is only in him what God has created."由于每个灵魂是由上帝创造即时,如伯拉纠认为,世界就不能生效的亚当脏罪被传染原。前一个人开始行使他的意愿,“有他在什么只有上帝创造。” The effect of infant baptism, then, is not eternal life but "spiritual illumination, adoption as children of God, citizenship of the heavenly Jerusalem."影响婴儿的洗礼,那么,是不是永恒的生命,但“精神光照,上帝通过儿童,耶路撒冷公民权的天堂。”

Second, Pelagius considers grace purely an external aid provided by God. He leaves no room for any special interior action of God upon the soul. 第二,伯拉纠认为宽限期纯属上帝所提供的外部援助。灵魂,他没有留下任何的余地特别行动后,室内上帝。By "grace" Pelagius really means free will itself or the revelation of God's law through reason, instructing us in what we should do and holding out to us eternal sanctions.所谓“宽限期”伯拉纠真正意义的自由意志本身或理由启示上帝的法律通过,指导我们在做什么,我们应该和我们举行了永恒的制裁。 Since this revelation has become obscured through evil customs, grace now includes the law of Moses and the teaching and example of Christ.由于这已成为海关模糊启示通过邪恶,宽限期现在包括摩西和教学规律和基督的例子。

This grace is offered equally to all.这是提供宽限期一律平等。God is no respecter of persons.神是不待人的。By merit alone men advance in holiness.男子单按功绩圣德前进。God's predestination operates according to the quality of the lives God foresees men will lead.神的宿命运作按照领导的生活质量神预见男人的意志。

Theologians often describe Pelagianism as a form of naturalism.神学家经常描述为一种自然的形式佩拉纠。 But this label scarcely does justice to its religious spirit.但这个标签几乎不正义的宗教精神。Defective though the system is in its recognition of man's weakness, it does reflect an awareness of man's high calling and the claims of the moral law.虽然该系统有缺陷的弱点是在对人的承认,它确实反映了人类认识要求的高道德要求的法律。Yet Pelagianism's one - sidedness remains an inadequate interpretation of Christianity.然而佩拉纠学派的一-片面性不足仍然是一个基督教的解释。This was especially so after Coelestius pushed into the foreground the denial of original sin, the teaching that Adam was created mortal, and the idea that children are eligible for eternal life even without baptism.这是尤其如此后Coelestius前景推到了罪恶拒绝正本,亚当是致命的教学方式,是创建,孩子们的思想洗礼,即使没有生命永恒的资格。 This rosy view of human nature and inadequate understanding of divine grace was finally condemned in 431 at the Council of Ephesus.这神圣的恩典乐观看法的人认识自然和不足,终于在431谴责安理会的以弗所。

BL Shelley基本法雪莱
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (埃尔韦尔福音字典)

Bibliography 书目
G Bonner, Augustine and Modern Research on Pelagianism; P Brown, Religion and Society in the Age of St. Augustine; RF Evans, Pelagius: Inquiries and Reappraisals; J Ferguson, Pelagius.Ğ邦纳,奥古斯丁和现代佩拉纠学派研究; P布朗,宗教与社会的圣奥古斯丁的时代;射频埃文斯,贝拉基:咨询和重新评价; J弗格森,伯拉纠。


Pelagius and Pelagianism伯拉纠和佩拉纠

Catholic Information天主教信息

Pelagianism received its name from Pelagius and designates a heresy of the fifth century, which denied original sin as well as Christian grace.佩拉纠收到伯拉纠其名称,并指定一个宽限期异端的第五世纪,否认原罪以及基督教。

Life and Writings of Pelagius生活与创作贝拉基

Apart from the chief episodes of the Pelagian controversy, little or nothing is known about the personal career of Pelagius.除了伯拉纠争论的主要情节的,很少或没有什么是伯拉纠所知的个人职业生涯。 It is only after he bade a lasting farewell to Rome in AD 411 that the sources become more abundant; but from 418 on history is again silent about his person.只有到罗马后,他吩咐在公元411持久告别的来源变得更加丰富,但在历史上是从418人再次对他的沉默。As St. Augustine (De peccat. orig., xxiv) testifies that he lived in Rome "for a very long time", we may presume that he resided there at least since the reign of Pope Anastasius (398-401).正如圣奥古斯丁(德peccat。原始。,24)证明,他住在罗马“”在很长一段时间,我们可以推测,他在那里定居,因为至少)统治的达西(398-401。 But about his long life prior to the year 400 and above all about his youth, we are left wholly in the dark.但是,关于他的寿命长前一年400及以上的青年都对他,我们却完全在黑暗中。Even the country of his birth is disputed.就连他的出生国是有争议的。While the most trustworthy witnesses, such as Augustine, Orosius, Prosper, and Marius Mercator, are quite explicit in assigning Britain as his native country, as is apparent from his cognomen of Brito or Britannicus, Jerome (Praef. in Jerem., lib. I and III) ridicules him as a "Scot" (loc. cit., "habet enim progeniem Scoticae gentis de Britannorum vicinia"), who being "stuffed with Scottish porridge" (Scotorum pultibus proegravatus) suffers from a weak memory.而最值得信赖的证人,如奥古斯丁,Orosius,繁荣,马吕斯墨卡托,是相当明确的国家在英国本土分配作为他的,因为很明显他从耶雷姆cognomen的布里托或布里塔尼古斯,Praef.杰罗姆(。,lib中。我和三)嘲弄他引为“苏格兰人”(如上。“habet enim progeniem Scoticae gentis德Britannorum vicinia”),谁是“塞满了苏格兰粥”(Scotorum pultibus proegravatus)内存患有弱。Rightly arguing that the "Scots" of those days were really the Irish, H. Zimmer ("Pelagius in Ireland", p.20, Berlin, 1901) has advanced weighty reasons for the hypothesis that the true home of Pelagius must be sought in Ireland, and that he journeyed through the southwest of Britain to Rome.正确地辩称,“苏格兰天”这些是真正的爱尔兰人,阁下齐默(“爱尔兰在伯拉纠”,20页,柏林,1901年)必须寻求在拥有先进的贝拉基重要理由假设,对于真正的家爱尔兰和罗马行路,他通过英国的西南部。 Tall in stature and portly in appearance (Jerome, loc. cit., "grandis et corpulentus"), Pelagius was highly educated, spoke and wrote Latin as well as Greek with great fluency and was well versed in theology.高大的身材和肥胖的外观(杰罗姆,同上。同上。“桉等corpulentus”),伯拉纠是受过高等教育,以写拉丁美洲以及希腊非常流利,并精通神学和研究。 Though a monk and consequently devoted to practical asceticism, he never was a cleric; for both Orosius and Pope Zosimus simply call him a "layman".虽然一个和尚,因此致力于实际禁欲主义,他从来没有一个教士,为Orosius和教皇卓西姆只是称他为“门外汉”。 In Rome itself he enjoyed the reputation of austerity, while St. Augustine called him even a "saintly man", vir sanctus: with St. Paulinus of Nola (405) and other prominent bishops, he kept up an edifying correspondence, which he used later for his personal defence.在罗马,他本身享有声誉的紧缩,而圣奥古斯丁甚至称他是“品德高尚的人”,维尔桑克蒂斯:与圣保林的诺拉(405)和其他著名的主教,他保持了一个有启发性的信件,他用后来他的个人自卫。

During his sojourn in Rome he composed several works: "De fide Trinitatis libri III", now lost, but extolled by Gennadius as "indispensable reading matter for students"; "Eclogarum ex divinis Scripturis liber unus", in the main collection of Bible passages based on Cyprian's "Testimoniorum libri III", of which St. Augustine has preserved a number of fragments; "Commentarii in epistolas S. Pauli", elaborated no doubt before the destruction of Rome by Alaric (410) and known to St. Augustine in 412.在罗马逗留期间他创作几部作品:“德真正Trinitatis利博利三”,现在失去了,但烟粉虱赞颂作为“问题学生不可错过”,“Eclogarum前divinis Scripturis或函联合国大学”,在圣经段落主要收集根据塞浦路斯的“Testimoniorum利博利三”,其中圣奥古斯丁保留了若干片段,“Commentarii在epistolas南保利”,阐述了圣奥古斯丁毫不怀疑在破坏罗马阿拉里克(410)和已知412。 Zimmer (loc. cit.) deserves credit for having rediscovered in this commentary on St. Paul the original work of Pelagius, which had, in the course of time, been attributed to St. Jerome (PL, XXX, 645-902). A closer examination of this work, so suddenly become famous, brought to light the fact that it contained the fundamental ideas which the Church afterwards condemned as "Pelagian heresy".齐默(如上。)值得了信贷重新发现圣因对本评论保罗,而原来的工作贝拉基,在时间过程中,被归因于圣杰罗姆(特等,三十,645-902)。阿仔细审查这项工作的,所以突然成名,揭示了一个事实,它包含的异端邪说“的基本思路是事后的伯拉纠教会谴责为”。 In it Pelagius denied the primitive state in paradise and original sin (cf. PL, XXX, 678, "Insaniunt, qui de Adam per traducem asserunt ad nos venire peccatum"), insisted on the naturalness of concupiscence and the death of the body, and ascribed the actual existence and universality of sin to the bad example which Adam set by his first sin.在它贝拉基否认在天堂的原始状态和原罪(参见特等,十卷,678,“Insaniunt,夸德亚当每traducem asserunt广告数venire peccatum”),坚持自然的concupiscence和死亡的尸体的,并归咎于实际存在的普遍性的和罪恶的坏榜样亚当罪成立由他的第一次。 As all his ideas were chiefly rooted in the old, pagan philosophy, especially in the popular system of the Stoics, rather than in Christianity, he regarded the moral strength of man's will (liberum arbitrium), when steeled by asceticism, as sufficient in itself to desire and to attain the loftiest ideal of virtue.他所有的想法是主要植根于旧的,异教的哲学,特别是在对斯多噶流行的系统的基督教,而不是,他把人的道德意志的力量(liberum独断),当锻炼的禁欲主义,足够本身要实现愿望和崇高理想的美德。 The value of Christ's redemption was, in his opinion, limited mainly to instruction (doctrina) and example (exemplum), which the Saviour threw into the balance as a counterweight against Adam's wicked example, so that nature retains the ability to conquer sin and to gain eternal life even without the aid of grace.赎回价值基督的意见,在他的,主要限于指示(doctrina)和(例如exemplum),而救世主的例子投入恶人的平衡作为抗衡对亚当,让大自然保留能力征服罪恶和即使没有获得永生的恩典援助。 By justification we are indeed cleansed of our personal sins through faith alone (loc. cit., 663, "per solam fidem justificat Deus impium convertendum"), but this pardon (gratia remissionis) implies no interior renovation of sanctification of the soul.通过我们的理由确实是我们个人的罪孽清洗仅通过信仰(如上。,663,“每就业服务处fidem justificat迪乌斯impium convertendum”),但这个赦免(特惠remissionis)意味着没有灵魂的内部更新的成圣。How far the sola-fides doctrine "had no stouter champion before Luther than Pelagius" and whether, in particular, the Protestant conception of fiducial faith dawned upon him many centuries before Luther, as Loofs ("Realencyklopädies fur protest. Theologie", XV, 753, Leipzig, 1904) assumes, probably needs more careful investigation.多远的索拉,惹人学说“没有比贝拉基要强路德冠军”之前,是否,特别是信仰新教的基准后,他恍然大悟观念路德许多世纪以前,由于卢夫斯(“Realencyklopädies毛皮抗议。神学”,十五, 753,莱比锡,1904年)假定,可能需要更仔细的调查。For the rest, Pelagius would have announced nothing new by this doctrine, since the Antinomists of the early Apostolic Church were already familiar with "justification by faith alone" (cf. JUSTIFICATION); on the other hand, Luther's boast of having been the first to proclaim the doctrine of abiding faith, might well arouse opposition.在其他方面,贝拉基将宣布什么新的学说,因为使徒教会的Antinomists早期已经单独熟悉信仰“的理由是”(见理由);另一方面,路德的吹嘘已被第一宣布遵守主义的信仰,很可能会引起反对。 However, Pelagius insists expressly (loc. cit. 812), "Ceterum sine operibus fidei, non legis, mortua est fides".然而,贝拉基坚持明确(如上。812),“Ceterum正弦operibus信德奥迹,非立法理由,mortua预测惹人”。 But the commentary on St. Paul is silent on one chief point of doctrine, ie the significance of infant baptism, which supposed that the faithful were even then clearly conscious of the existence of original sin in children.但保罗评注圣是在一个无声的主要理论问题,即,婴儿洗礼的意义应该是忠实,甚至儿童则显然意识到在原罪存在。

To explain psychologically Pelagius's whole line of thought, it does not suffice to go back to the ideal of the wise man, which he fashioned after the ethical principles of the Stoics and upon which his vision was centred.为了解释心理上贝拉基的整体思想路线,但这不足以回到它理想的聪明人,他塑造的原则后,道德斯多噶,并呼吁他的远见为中心的。 We must also take into account that his intimacy with the Greeks developed in him, though unknown to himself, a one-sidedness, which at first sight appears pardonable. The gravest error into which he and the rest of the Pelagians fell, was that they did not submit to the doctrinal decisions of the Church.我们还必须考虑到,他的亲密与发达希腊人在他,但不知他自己,一个片面性,这乍一看似乎情有可原。成的最严重的错误,他和其余的pelagians的下跌,是因为他们不服从教会的教义的决定。 While the Latins had emphasized the guilt rather than its punishment, as the chief characteristic of original sin, the Greeks on the other hand (even Chrysostom) laid greater stress on the punishment than on the guilt.尽管拉丁人强调其有罪,而不是惩罚,因为原罪主要特征的,手希腊人对其他(即使金口)奠定了更大的压力就有罪的惩罚比。 Theodore of Mopsuestia went even so far as to deny the possibility of original guilt and consequently the penal character of the death of the body.摩普绥提亚西奥多了这么远,甚至否认有罪的可能性,因此对原刑法的身体特征死亡。Besides, at that time, the doctrine of Christian grace was everywhere vague and undefined; even the West was convinced of nothing more than that some sort of assistance was necessary to salvation and was given gratuitously, while the nature of this assistance was but little understood.此外,在那个时候,基督教的教义的宽限期到处是模糊的,不确定的,甚至西方没有什么比这更确信某种形式的援助是必要的救助,并无偿给予,而援助的性质,但知之甚少,这是。 In the East, moreover, as an offset to widespread fatalism, the moral power and freedom of the will were at times very strongly or even too strongly insisted on assisting grace being spoken of more frequently than preventing grace (see GRACE).在东方,而且,作为抵消广泛宿命论,道德力量和意志自由的人有时非常强烈,甚至过于强烈重力坚持协助宽限期看到更经常被谈及比防止宽限期()。 It was due to the intervention of St. Augustine and the Church, that greater clearness was gradually reached in the disputed questions and that the first impulse was given towards a more careful development of the dogmas of original sin and grace.这是因为清晰的干预圣奥古斯丁和教会,这是更大的问题逐渐达成的有争议的,第一个冲动就是恩典对原罪和教条的发展,更谨慎。

Pelagius and Caelestius (411-415)贝拉基和Caelestius(411-415)

Of far-reaching influence upon the further progress of Pelagianism was the friendship which Pelagius contracted in Rome with Caelestius, a lawyer of noble (probably Italian) descent.具有深远的影响后,佩拉纠学派的进一步进展是友谊贝拉基罗马承包与Caelestius,一个律师出身贵族(可能是意大利人)。 A eunuch by birth, but endowed with no mean talents, Caelestius had been won over to asceticism by his enthusiasm for the monastic life, and in the capacity of a lay-monk he endeavoured to convert the practical maxims learnt from Pelagius, into theoretical principles, which successfully propagated in Rome.一个太监诞生了,但不意味着赋予了人才,Caelestius已经赢得了他的生命,以禁欲主义热情的寺院,在一个和尚能力裁员,他努力汲取贝拉基转换理论,原则,切实把格言,成功地罗马传播研究。 St. Augustine, while charging Pelagius with mysteriousness, mendacity, and shrewdness, calls Caelestius (De peccat. orig., xv) not only "incredibly loquacious", but also open-hearted, obstinate, and free in social intercourse.圣奥古斯丁,而充电谎言贝拉基与神秘性,并精明,呼吁Caelestius(德peccat。原始。,15)不仅是“难以置信的贫嘴”,但也打开心肠,顽固,在社会交往的自由。 Even if their secret or open intrigues did not escape notice, still the two friends were not molested by the official Roman circles.即使他们的秘密或公开的阴谋没有逃过通知,仍然是两个朋友没有猥亵的正式各界罗马。But matters changed when in 411 they left the hospitable soil of the metropolis, which had been sacked by Alaric (410), and set sail for North Africa.但是,事情发生变化时,他们离开411 410)热情好客的土的大都会,而被解雇阿拉里克(非洲的航行,并设置为北。When they landed on the coast near Hippo, Augustine, the bishop of that city, was absent, being fully occupied in settling the Donatist disputes in Africa.当他们降落在城市海岸附近河马,奥古斯丁,即主教,缺席,被占领的多纳充分非洲在解决争端。Later, he met Pelagius in Carthage several times, without, however, coming into closer contact with him.后来,他遇到了在迦太基时代贝拉基几个,但不,他的未来与更密切的接触。After a brief sojourn in North Africa, Pelagius travelled on to Palestine, while Caelestius tried to have himself made a presbyter in Carthage. But this plan was frustrated by the deacon Paulinus of Milan, who submitted to the bishop, Aurelius, a memorial in which six theses of Caelestius -- perhaps literal extracts from his lost work "Contra traducem peccati" -- were branded as heretical.经过短暂停留在北非,贝拉基前往到巴勒斯坦,而Caelestius试图使自己发了迦太基长老英寸,但这一计划被挫败执事保林纪念碑由米兰,谁向主教,奥里利厄斯,在其中6论文的Caelestius - traducem peccati“也许他失去了文字摘录工作”魂斗罗-被打成邪教。These theses ran as follows:这些论述归纳为如下:

Even if Adam had not sinned, he would have died.即使亚当没有犯过罪,他会死亡。

Adam's sin harmed only himself, not the human race.亚当的罪只伤害自己,而不是人类。

Children just born are in the same state as Adam before his fall.刚刚出生的儿童都在同一个州的亚当在他倒台之前。

The whole human race neither dies through Adam's sin or death, nor rises again through the resurrection of Christ.整个人类都死于通过亚当的罪或死亡,也再次上升通过基督的复活。

The (Mosaic Law) is as good a guide to heaven as the Gospel.该(镶嵌法)是一个很好的福音天堂作为指导。

Even before the advent of Christ there were men who were without sin.即使在基督的来临有男人谁没有罪的人。

On account of these doctrines, which clearly contain the quintessence of Pelagianism, Caelestius was summoned to appear before a synod at Carthage (411); but he refused to retract them, alleging that the inheritance of Adam's sin was an open question and hence its denial was no heresy.论佩拉纠到这些学说,这显然包含的精髓,Caelestius被传唤出庭一迦太基主教在(411),但他拒绝收回他们,声称罪继承亚当的是一个开放的问题,因此它拒绝没有异端邪说。 As a result he was not only excluded from ordination, but his six theses were condemned.作为一个协调的结果,他不只是从排斥,但他的6篇被谴责。He declared his intention of appealing to the pope in Rome, but without executing his design went to Ephesus in Asia Minor, where he was ordained a priest.他宣布,他有意的罗马教皇呼吁在,但没有执行他的设计去小调以弗所在亚洲,他被任命一名神父。

Meanwhile the Pelagian ideas had infected a wide area, especially around Carthage, so that Augustine and other bishops were compelled to take a resolute stand against them in sermons and private conversations.与此同时,伯拉纠想法已经感染范围广,特别是围绕迦太基,让奥古斯丁和其他主教被迫采取坚决的立场私人谈话中对他们的说教和。 Urged by his friend Marcellinus, who "daily endured the most annoying debates with the erring brethren", St. Augustine in 412 wrote the famous works: "De peccatorum meritis et remissione libri III" (PL, XLIV, 109 sqq.) and "De spiritu et litera" (ibid., 201 sqq.), in which he positively established the existence of original sin, the necessity of infant baptism, the impossibility of a life without sin, and the necessity of interior grace (spiritus) in opposition to the exterior grace of the law (litera).412敦促他的朋友利努斯,谁“每天,圣奥古斯丁在经历了最讨厌的辩论犯错误的弟兄们”与写的著名作品:“德peccatorum meritis等remissione利博利Ⅲ”(特等,四十四,109时12 sqq。)和“德spiritu等德利特拉“(同上,201时12 sqq。),他在积极建立了罪恶的存在原,婴儿的洗礼的必要性,没有罪的生命不可能的,而醑必要性内部宽限期(反对派)在到(德利特拉外观优雅的法律)。 When in 414 disquieting rumours arrived from Sicily and the so-called "Definitiones Caelestii" (reconstructed in Garnier, "Marii Mercatoris Opera", I, 384 sqq., Paris, 1673), said to be the work of Caelestius, were sent to him, he at once (414 or 415) published the rejoinder, "De perfectione justitiae hominis" (PL, XLIV, 291 sqq.), in which he again demolished the illusion of the possibility of complete freedom from sin.当工作Caelestius 414令人不安的谣言从抵达西西里岛和所谓的“”Definitiones Caelestii(重建的歌剧院,“默里Mercatoris歌剧”,我,384时12 sqq。,巴黎,1673年),应该说,被送往他说,他在一次(414或415)公布了反驳,“德perfectione justitiae人型”(特等,四十四,291时12 sqq。),其中他再次摧毁了罪恶的幻觉从完全自由的可能性。Out of charity and in order to win back the erring the more effectually, Augustine, in all these writings, never mentioned the two authors of the heresy by name. Meanwhile Pelagius, who was sojourning in Palestine, did not remain idle; to a noble Roman virgin, named Demetrias, who at Alaric's coming had fled to Carthage, he wrote a letter which is still extant (in PL, XXX, 15-45) and in which he again inculcated his Stoic principles of the unlimited energy of nature.出于慈善,为了赢回更有效地犯错误,这些著作奥古斯丁,在所有的名字从来没有提到这两个异端的作者。与此同时伯拉纠,谁是旅居在巴勒斯坦,没有闲着;在一个崇高的罗马处女,命名德梅特里亚斯,谁在阿拉里克的未来已逃往迦太基,他写了一封信,这仍然是现存15-45(在特等,三十,)和他再次灌输他的斯多葛自然能源的无限原则。 Moreover, he published in 415 a work, now lost, "De natura", in which he attempted to prove his doctrine from authorities, appealing not only to the writings of Hilary and Ambrose, but also to the earlier works of Jerome and Augustine, both of whom were still alive.此外,他还出版了415的工作,现在失去了,“德的Natura”,他在试图证明他的学说从机关,呼吁不仅要和刘汉铨的著作的希拉里,但也杰罗姆和奥古斯丁早期作品,他们两人都还活着。 The latter answered at once (415) by his treatise "De natura et gratia" (PL, XLIV, 247 sqq.).后者马上回答说:(415)在他的论文“德纳特拉等特惠”(特等,四十四,247时12 sqq。)。Jerome, however, to whom Augustine's pupil Orosius, a Spanish priest, personally explained the danger of the new heresy, and who had been chagrined by the severity with which Pelagius had criticized his commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, thought the time ripe to enter the lists; this he did by his letter to Ctesiphon (Ep. cxxliii) and by his graceful "Dialogus contra Pelagianos" (PL, XXIII, 495 sqq.).杰罗姆,但是,谁奥古斯丁的学生Orosius,一名西班牙神父,亲自解释了邪教危害的新,谁曾以弗所懊恼的严重性与该伯拉纠评上曾批评他的书信向,认为时机已经成熟到进入名单;这一点,他也由他信泰西封(插曲cxxliii)和他的优美“Dialogus潮水Pelagianos”(特等,二十三,495时12 sqq。)。He was assisted by Orosius, who, forthwith accused Pelagius in Jerusalem of heresy.他协助Orosius,谁随即指责伯拉纠异端在耶路撒冷。Thereupon, Bishop John of Jerusalem "dearly loved" (St. Augustine, "Ep. clxxix") Pelagius and had him at the time as his guest.于是,耶路撒冷主教约翰内啡肽“的爱”(圣奥古斯丁,“。clxxix”)伯拉纠,并在他的客户他的时间。He convoked in July, 415, a diocesan council for the investigation of the charge.他在7月召集415,一个教区的主管为调查委员会。The proceedings were hampered by the fact that Orosius, the accusing party, did not understand Greek and had engaged a poor interpreter, while the defendant Pelagius was quite able to defend himself in Greek and uphold his orthodoxy. However, according to the personal account (written at the close of 415) of Orosius (Liber apolog. contra Pelagium, PL, XXXI, 1173), the contesting parties at last agreed to leave the final judgment on all questions to the Latins, since both Pelagius and his adversaries were Latins, and to invoke the decision of Innocent I; meanwhile silence was imposed on both parties.该诉讼受到阻碍的事实,Orosius,党的指责,不理解,并已聘请了一位希腊翻译不佳,而被告贝拉基相当能够保卫自己在希腊和维护自己的正统。然而,根据个人帐户(写在关闭415)的Orosius(利贝apolog。禁忌Pelagium,特等,三十一,1173),争端各方最后同意离开的拉丁人的最后判决对所有对手的问题,因为这两个贝拉基和他的拉丁人,并调用我无辜的决定,同时沉默是强加给双方当事人。

But Pelagius was granted only a short respite.但贝拉基获得只是短期喘息。For in the very same year, the Gallic bishops, Heros of Arles and Lazarus of Aix, who, after the defeat of the usurper Constantine (411), had resigned their bishoprics and gone to Palestine, brought the matter before Bishop Eulogius of Caesarea, with the result that the latter summoned Pelagius in December, 415, before a synod of fourteen bishops, held in Diospolis, the ancient Lydda.在同一年,在高卢主教,英雄的阿尔勒和撒利亚拉撒路埃克斯,谁后到击退逆贼君士坦丁(411),辞去了他们的主教和巴勒斯坦,Eulogius带来主教问题之前,其结果是后者召见贝拉基12月,415之前,主教会议的14岁,小迪奥斯举行,古利达。 But fortune again favoured the heresiarch. About the proceedings and the issue we are exceptionally well informed through the account of St. Augustine, "De gestis Pelagii" (PL, XLIV, 319 sqq.), written in 417 and based on the acts of the synod.不过,命运再一次青睐关于诉讼程序的异教。,这个问题我们是圣奥古斯丁出色帐户通知通过,“德gestis Pelagii”(特等,四十四,319时12 sqq。),写在417和基于行为的主教会议。Pelagius punctually obeyed the summons, but the principal complainants, Heros and Lazarus, failed to make their appearance, one of them being prevented by ill-health.贝拉基准时服从传票,但主要投诉,英雄和拉撒路,未能使他们的外表,其中一人被健康阻止虐待。And as Orosius, too, derided and persecuted by Bishop John of Jerusalem, had departed, Pelagius met no personal plaintiff, while he found at the same time a skillful advocate in the deacon Anianus of Celeda (cf. Hieronym., "Ep. cxliii", ed. Vallarsi, I, 1067).而作为Orosius,也嘲笑和迫害耶路撒冷的主教,已离开,伯拉纠原告没有遇到任何个人,而他Hieronym发现在同一时间(参见在执事善于主张Anianus的切莱达。“内啡肽。cxliii “版。Vallarsi,我,1067)。The principal points of the petition were translated by an interpreter into Greek and read only in an extract.呈请书的主要内容是由希腊文翻译和翻译成只读的摘录。Pelagius, having won the good-will of the assembly by reading to them some private letters of prominent bishops among them one of Augustine (Ep. cxlvi) -- began to explain away and disprove the various accusations.伯拉纠,赢得了善意的插曲cxlvi)的突出主教奥古斯丁(其中一集的阅读给他们一些私人信件-开始去解释和反驳的各项指控。 Thus from the charge that he made the possibility of a sinless life solely dependent on free will, he exonerated himself by saying that, on the contrary, he required the help of God (adjutorium Dei) for it, though by this he meant nothing else than the grace of creation (gratia creationis).因此,从他的指控将一个无罪的可能性完全取决于自由生活,他自己被无罪棣说,相反,他要求(帮助神adjutorium)的话,虽然由这一点,他没有别的意思比创造宽限期(特惠creationis)。 Of other doctrines with which he had been charged, he said that, formulated as they were in the complaint, they did not originate from him, but from Caelestius, and that he also repudiated them.被指控的其他学说,使他有,他说,他们制定了投诉人的,他们并非源自他,而是从Caelestius,他还否定他们。After the hearing there was nothing left for the synod but to discharge the defendant and to announce him as worthy of communion with the Church.在听证会后有没有离开的主教,但履行被告,并宣布教会的共融与他的价值。 The Orient had now spoken twice and had found nothing to blame in Pelagius, because he had hidden his real sentiments from his judges.东方现在已经两次发言,并没有发现任何责怪在伯拉纠,因为他从他的法官隐藏他的真实感情。

Continuation and End of Controversy (415-418)继续和争议的结束(415-418)

The new acquittal of Pelagius did not fail to cause excitement and alarm in North Africa, whither Orosius had hastened in 416 with letters from Bishops Heros and Lazarus.新无罪的贝拉基没有失败导致兴奋和非洲报警北,何处Orosius了416加速与主教的信从英雄和拉撒路。To parry the blow, something decisive had to be done.到帕里的冲击,一些决定性不得不这样做。In autumn, 416, 67 bishops from Proconsular Africa assembled in a synod at Carthage, which was presided over by Aurelius, while fifty-nine bishops of the ecclesiastical province of Numidia, to which the See of Hippo, St. Augustine's see belonged, held a synod in Mileve.在秋天,416,67非洲主教从Proconsular聚集在一个在迦太基主教,这是由主持奥里利厄斯以上,而59主教教会的努米底亚省,对此,圣奥古斯丁的河马看的见属于举行在optatus的主教。 In both places the doctrines of Pelagius and Caelestius were again rejected as contradictory to the Catholic faith. However, in order to secure for their decisions "the authority of the Apostolic See", both synods wrote to Innocent I, requesting his supreme sanction.在这两个地方的伯拉纠主义的再次拒绝与Caelestius作为矛盾的天主教信仰。然而,为了争取他们的决定“的”权威的使徒看,都主教会议致函无辜的我,要求自己的最高处分。 And in order to impress upon him more strongly the seriousness of the situation, five bishops (Augustine, Aurelius, Alypius, Evodius, and Possidius) forwarded to him a joint letter, in which they detailed the doctrine of original sin, infant baptism, and Christian grace (St. Augustine, "Epp. clxxv-vii").另外,为了对他印象更强烈了局势的严重性,5主教(奥古斯丁,奥里利厄斯,艾里帕斯,Evodius和Possidius)转发给他的联名信,他们在详细的和教条的原罪,婴儿的洗礼,基督教恩典(圣奥古斯丁,“资源增值计划。clxxv - 7”)。In three separate epistles, dated 27 Jan., 417, the pope answered the synodal letters of Carthage and Mileve as well as that of the five bishops (Jaffé, "Regest.", 2nd ed., nn. 321-323, Leipzig, 1885).在三个不同的书信,日期为1月27日,417,教皇回答了迦太基主教会议和optatus的字母以及Regest的五名主教(谢斐“。”第二版。,神经网络。321-323,莱比锡, 1885年)。Starting from the principle that the resolutions of provincial synods have no binding force until they are confirmed by the supreme authority of the Apostolic See, the pope developed the Catholic teaching on original sin and grace, and excluded Pelagius and Caelestius, who were reported to have rejected these doctrines, form communion with the Church until they should come to their senses (donec resipiscant).见起价的原则省主教会议的各项决议没有约束力,直到他们都证实了使徒的最高权威,教皇开发和恩典天主教教学原罪,并排除贝拉基和Caelestius,谁被举报有驳回了这些交流与教会教义,直到他们应该形成自己的感觉(donec resipiscant)。In Africa, where the decision was received with unfeigned joy, the whole controversy was now regarded as closed, and Augustine, on 23 September, 417, announced from the pulpit (Serm., cxxxi, 10 in PL, XXXVIII, 734), "Jam de hac causa duo concilia missa sunt ad Sedem apostolicam, inde etiam rescripta venerunt; causa finita est". (Two synods having written to the Apostolic See about this matter; the replies have come back; the question is settled.) But he was mistaken; the matter was not yet settled.在非洲,那里的决定是喜悦收到慥,整个争论是现在被视为封闭的,和奥古斯丁,9月23日,417,宣布从讲坛(Serm.,cxxxi,10个特等,三十八,734)“果酱代醋酸考萨两人concilia弥撒必须遵守广告Sedem apostolicam,不知疲倦etiam rescripta venerunt;荣誉博士finita预测“。(书面见有两个主教会议对此事的使徒,有回来的答复,问题得到解决。)但他错了,这个问题还没有解决。

Innocent I died on 12 March, 417, and Zosimus, a Greek by birth, succeeded him. Before his tribunal the whole Pelagian question was now opened once more and discussed in all its bearings.我死无辜3月12日,417,和卓西姆,希腊出生的,他成功。法庭之前,他的整个伯拉纠的问题,现在再次开放和轴承的所有讨论。 The occasion for this was the statements which both Pelagius and Caelestius submitted to the Roman See in order to justify themselves.对于这一次的声明是两个贝拉基和Caelestius提交给罗马教廷为了自圆其说。Though the previous decisions of Innocent I had removed all doubts about the matter itself, yet the question of the persons involved was undecided, viz.虽然以前的决定是无辜的,我已经拆除事件本身有关的所有疑虑,但所涉及的问题是犹豫不决的人的,即。Did Pelagius and Caelestius really teach the theses condemned as heretical? Zosimus' sense of justice forbade him to punish anyone with excommunication before he was duly convicted of his error.难道真的贝拉基和Caelestius教授论文谴责为异端邪说?卓西姆'正义感的惩罚罚禁止他与任何人之前,他受到了应有的错误裁定他。 And if the steps recently taken by the two defendants were considered, the doubts which might arise on this point were not wholly groundless.如果最近考虑采取的步骤是由两名被告,其中可能出现的疑问在这一点上没有完全没有根据的。 In 416 Pelagius had published a new work, now lost, "De libero arbitrio libri IV", which in its phraseology seemed to verge towards the Augustinian conception of grace and infant baptism, even if in principle it did not abandon the author's earlier standpoint.在416贝拉基发表了一份新的工作,现在失去了,“德自由人阿尔比特里奥利博利四”,即在其措辞似乎婴儿洗礼边缘的优雅和对奥古斯丁观念,即使在原则上并没有放弃作者的早期立场。 Speaking of Christian grace, he admitted not only a Divine revelation, but also a sort of interior grace, viz. an illumination of the mind (through sermons, reading of the Bible, etc.), adding, however, that the latter served not to make salutary works possible, but only to facilitate their performance.宽限期谈到基督教,他承认不仅是神的启示,也是一个样的宽限期内,即。一个头脑照明的(通过说教,读的圣经等),添加,但后者不能送达有益的工作,使可能的,但只为方便他们的表现。 As to infant baptism he granted that it ought to be administered in the same form as in the case of adults, not in order to cleanse the children from a real original guilt, but to secure to them entrance into the "kingdom of God".至于婴儿的洗礼,他理所当然地认为它应该是在案件管理的成年人同样的形式在,不是为了净化孩子们从原来的有罪实际的,而是要确保他们“入口进入王国的”神。 Unbaptized children, he thought, would after their death be excluded from the "kingdom of God", but not from "eternal life".经洗礼的孩子,他认为,在他们去世后会被排除在“上帝的王国”,但不能从“永恒的生命”。

This work, together with a still extant confession of faith, which bears witness to his childlike obedience, Pelagius sent to Rome, humbly begging at the same time that chance inaccuracies might be corrected by him who "holds the faith and see of Peter".这项工作,连同招供的信仰仍然现存的,这证明他的孩子服从,伯拉纠送往罗马,虚心“乞讨在同一时间,机会可能会逐渐得到纠正错误由他谁”拥有的信心和看到。 All this was addressed to Innocent I, of whose death Pelagius had not yet heard.这一切是给无辜的我,对他的死还没有听说贝拉基。 Caelestius, also, who meanwhile had changed his residence from Ephesus to Constantinople, but had been banished thence by the anti-Pelagian Bishop Atticus, took active steps toward his own rehabilitation. Caelestius,同时,谁同时改变了他的住所从以弗所君士坦丁堡,但被放逐那里的反伯拉纠主教阿提卡斯,采取积极步骤自己对他的康复。In 417 he went to Rome in person and laid at the feet of Zosimus a detailed confession of faith (Fragments, PL, XLV, 1718), in which he affirmed his belief in all doctrines, "from the Trinity of one God to the resurrection of the dead" (cf. St. Augustine, "De peccato orig.", xxiii).在417他到罗马人的脚和复活奠定在卓西姆供认了详细的信仰(片段,特等,第四十五,1718),其中他从一个三位一体的肯定了他的信念,“所有的教义,上帝给死者“(见圣奥古斯丁,”德peccato原始。“二十三)。

Highly pleased with this Catholic faith and obedience, Zosimus sent two different letters (PL, XLV, 1719 sqq.) to the African bishops, saying that in the case of Caelestius Bishops Heros and Lazarus had proceeded without due circumspection, and that Pelagius too, as was proved by his recent confession of faith, had not swerved from the Catholic truth.非常高兴地服从这个天主教信仰,并派了两个1719年时12 sqq卓西姆不同的字母(特等,第四十五。)向非洲主教,主教说,在案件Caelestius英雄和拉撒路也没有进行应有的谨慎,而且也伯拉纠,为证明他最近的供认的信仰,没有真理越过从天主教。 As to Caelestius, who was then in Rome, the pope charged the Africans either to revise their former sentence or to convict him of heresy in his own (the pope's) presence within two months.至于Caelestius,谁是罗马然后,教宗收取的非洲人要么修改其前一句或罪犯的)的存在他的异端在他自己的(教皇在2个月。 The papal command struck Africa like a bomb-shell.罗马教皇的命令外壳袭击非洲象炸弹。In great haste a synod was convened at Carthage in November, 417, and writing to Zosimus, they urgently begged him not to rescind the sentence which his predecessor, Innocent I, had pronounced against Pelagius and Caelestius, until both had confessed the necessity of interior grace for all salutary thoughts, words, and deeds.在匆匆召开了一个在迦太基主教在11月,417,并书面向卓西姆,他们迫切恳求他不要撤销Caelestius一句他的前任,我无辜的,并已宣布反对伯拉纠,直到两人都承认内地的必要性宽限期为所有有益的思想,言论和行动。 At last Zosimus came to a halt.最后卓西姆停下。By a rescript of 21 March, 418, he assured them that he had not yet pronounced definitively, but that he was transmitting to Africa all documents bearing on Pelagianism in order to pave the way for a new, joint investigation.明确诏书由3月21日,418,他向他们保证,他尚未宣布,但他对非洲的所有传输文件轴承佩拉纠,以联合调查铺平了道路一新。 Pursuant to the papal command, there was held on 1 May, 418, in the presence of 200 bishops, the famous Council of Carthage, which again branded Pelagianism as a heresy in eight (or nine) canons (Denzinger, "Enchir.", 10th ed., 1908, 101-8).根据教皇的命令,但5月1日举行,418,在主教在场的200,“Enchir著名的迦太基理事会,其中,再次打成佩拉纠学派为异端8(或9)炮(登青格。”第10版。,1908,101-8)。 Owing to their importance they may be summarized:由于其重要性,他们可以归纳:

Death did not come to Adam from a physical necessity, but through sin.死神没有来到亚当从物理的必要性,而是通过罪恶。

New-born children must be baptized on account of original sin.新出生的儿童必须受洗的原罪帐户。

Justifying grace not only avails for the forgiveness of past sins, but also gives assistance for the avoidance of future sins.不仅借此理由宽限期为过去的罪孽赦免,但也给未来的罪孽协助避免。

The grace of Christ not only discloses the knowledge of God's commandments, but also imparts strength to will and execute them.基督的恩典,不仅揭示了知识的上帝诫命的,而且还赋予的力量,意志和执行它们。

Without God's grace it is not merely more difficult, but absolutely impossible to perform good works.如果没有上帝的恩典它不只是变得更加困难,但绝对不可能履行好作品。

Not out of humility, but in truth must we confess ourselves to be sinners.不是出于谦虚,但说实话,我们必须承认自己是罪人。

The saints refer the petition of the Our Father, "Forgive us our trespasses", not only to others, but also to themselves.圣人指的是我们的父亲请愿书,“请原谅我们的过失”,不仅给他人,但也给自己。

The saints pronounce the same supplication not from mere humility, but from truthfulness.圣人发音相同的祈求而不是仅仅来自谦卑,而是来自真实性。

Some codices containing a ninth canon (Denzinger, loc. cit., note 3): Children dying without baptism do not go to a "middle place" (medius locus), since the non reception of baptism excludes both from the "kingdom of heaven" and from "eternal life".有些古抄本包含第九佳能(登青格,同上。同上。,注3):儿童死亡的洗礼没有不去“中间的地方”(臀中位点),因为非接待的洗礼,既排除来自天堂的王国“ “和”永生“。

These clearly worded canons, which (except the last-named) afterwards came to be articles of faith binding on the universal Church, gave the death blow to Pelagianism; sooner or later it would bleed to death.这些清楚的大炮,其中(除最后命名)后来就被教会的文章普遍约束力的信心,给了致命打击佩拉纠;迟早会流血过多死亡。

Meanwhile, urged by the Africans (probably through a certain Valerian, who as comes held an influential position in Ravenna), the secular power also took a hand in the dispute, the Emperor Honorius, by rescript of 30 April, 418, from Ravenna, banishing all Pelagians from the cities of Italy.同时,呼吁有影响力的位置由非洲人在拉文纳(可能是通过一定的缬草,谁持有的作为来),世俗的权力也参加了这一争端插手,皇帝诺,由,诏书4月30日,418从拉文纳,从意大利驱逐的所有城市Pelagians。 Whether Caelestius evaded the hearing before Zosimus, to which he was now bound, "by fleeing from Rome" (St. Augustine, "Contra duas epist. Pelag.", II, 5), or whether he was one of the first to fall a victim to the imperial decree of exile, cannot be satisfactorily settled from the sources.无论Caelestius回避卓西姆听证会之前,以他现在的约束,“由罗马逃离”(圣奥古斯丁,“魂斗罗杜阿斯epist。Pelag。”第一,二,五),或者他是否属于一率先一个流亡受害者的帝国法令,不能从源头上解决好。 With regard to his later life, we are told that in 421 he again haunted Rome or its vicinity, but was expelled a second time by an imperial rescript (cf. PL, XLV, 1750).至于他以后的生活,我们被告知,他又在421闹鬼的罗马或附近,但被驱逐第四十五,1750年第二次由帝国诏书(参见特等)。 It is further related that in 425 his petition for an audience with Celestine I was answered by a third banishment (cf. PL, LI, 271).这是进一步的相关,在其271 425请愿,一位听众与塞莱斯蒂纳李我回答了三分之一流放(参见特等)。He then sought refuge in the orient, where we shall meet him later.然后,他在寻求避难的东方后,我们将在那里迎接他。Pelagius could not have been included in the imperial decree of exile from Rome.贝拉基不能列入从罗马帝国的流亡法令。For at that time he undoubtedly resided in the Orient, since, as late as the summer of 418, he communicated with Pinianus and his wife Melania, who lived in Palestine (cf. Card. Rampolla, "Santa Melania giuniore", Rome, 1905).对于在这个东方的时候,他无疑是居住在,因为迟至418夏天,他和他的沟通Pinianus妻子梅拉尼亚,谁住在巴勒斯坦(见卡。兰波拉,“圣诞老人梅拉尼亚giuniore”,罗马,1905年)。 But this is the last information we have about him; he probably died in the orient.但是,这是最后的信息,我们对他,他可能死在东方。Having received the Acts of the Council of Carthage, Zosimus sent to all the bishops of the world his famous "Epistola tractoria" (418) of which unfortunately only fragments have come down to us. This papal encyclical, a lengthy document, gives a minute account of the entire "causa Caelestii et Pelagii", from whose works it quotes abundantly, and categorically demands the condemnation of Pelagianism as a heresy.收到的迦太基的行为会的,卓西姆发送到所有的tractoria主教世界著名的“书信集”(418),其中只有不幸片段已回落到我们。这教皇通谕,一个冗长的文件,给一分钟占整个“荣誉博士Caelestii等Pelagii”,从他们的作品也大量引用,并坚决要求佩拉纠异端作为的谴责。 The assertion that every bishop of the world was obliged to confirm this circular by his own signature, cannot be proved, it is more probable that the bishops were required to transmit to Rome a written agreement; if a bishop refused to sign, he was deposed from his office and banished.签名断言,每个主教世界不得不自己证实这一通告,不能被证明,这是更可能的主教都必须传送到罗马的书面协议;如果主教拒绝签字,他被废黜从他的办公室和流放。 A second and harsher rescript, issued by the emperor on 9 June, 419, and addressed to Bishop Aurelius of Carthage (PL, XLV, 1731), gave additional force to this measure.第二个和更严厉的诏书,发出的,皇帝于6月9日,419,和给主教奥雷利厄斯的迦太基(特等,第四十五,1731)提供了额外的力量,这项措施。 Augustine's triumph was complete.奥古斯丁的胜利已经完成。In 418, drawing the balance, as it were, of the whole controversy, he wrote against the heresiarchs his last great work, "De gratia Christi et de peccato originali" (PL, XLIV, 359 sqq.).在418,绘画的平衡,因为它被争论,对整体而言,他说他最后对heresiarchs伟大的工作,“德特惠斯蒂等德peccato originali”(特等,四十四,359时12 sqq。)。

The Disputes of St. Augustine with Julian of Eclanum (419-428)在与Eclanum朱利安(419-428纠纷圣奥古斯丁)

Through the vigorous measures adopted in 418, Pelagianism was indeed condemned, but not crushed.通过采取有力措施,在418,佩拉纠确实谴责,但不是粉碎。Among the eighteen bishops of Italy who were exiled on account of their refusal to sign the papal decree, Julian, Bishop of Eclanum, a city of Apulia now deserted, was the first to protest against the "Tractoria" of Zosimus.在主教荒废,18个意大利普利亚现在谁在帐户被流放他们拒绝签署法令,教皇城,朱利安,Eclanum主教,一个是第一个以抗议“Tractoria”的卓西姆。 Highly educated and skilled in philosophy and dialectics, he assumed the leadership among the Pelagians.受过高等教育和技术哲学和辩证法,他担任领导的pelagians之间。But to fight for Pelagianism now meant to fight against Augustine.但是,为了争取佩拉纠现在为了打击奥古斯丁。The literary feud set in at once.文学争执设置一次。It was probably Julian himself who denounced St. Augustine as damnator nupitarum to the influential comes Valerian in Ravenna, a nobleman, who was very happily married. To meet the accusation, Augustine wrote, at the beginning of 419, an apology, "De nuptiis et concupiscentia libri II" (PL, XLIV, 413 sqq.) and addressed it to Valerian.这可能是他自己谁朱利安谴责有影响的圣奥古斯丁作为damnator nupitarum到来自缬草在拉文纳,一个贵族,谁是非常愉快地结婚了。为了满足这一指控,奥古斯丁说nuptiis,开始在419道歉,“德等concupiscentia利博利Ⅱ“(特等,四十四,413时12 sqq。)缬草和处理它。Immediately after (419 or 420), Julian published a reply which attacked the first book of Augustine's work and bore the title, "Libri IV ad Turbantium".后立即(419或420),朱利安出版了答复,攻击工作的第一本书奥古斯丁和承担的标题,“四利博利广告Turbantium”。 But Augustine refuted it in his famous rejoinder, written in 421 or 422, "Contra Iulianum libri VI" (PL, XLIV, 640 sqq.).但奥古斯丁驳斥反驳它在其著名的,书面或421 422,“魂斗罗Iulianum利博利六”(特等,四十四,640时12 sqq。)。When two Pelagian circulars, written by Julian and scourging the "Manichaean views" of the Antipelagians, fell into his hands, he attacked them energetically (420 or 421) in a work, dedicated to Boniface I, "Contra duas epistolas Pelagianorum libri IV" (PL, XLIV, 549 sqq.).当两个伯拉纠通告,朱利安书面和scourging的“摩尼教意见Antipelagians”的,手落入他的,他攻击他们大力(420或421)在工作中,致力于博尼法斯我,“魂斗罗杜阿斯epistolas Pelagianorum利博利四” (特等,四十四,549时12 sqq。)。Being driven from Rome, Julian had found (not later than 421) a place of refuge in Cilicia with Theodore of Mopsuestia.被赶出罗马,朱利安发现(不晚于421)一摩普绥提亚的地方避难基利家中与西奥多。Here he employed his leisure in elaborating an extensive work, "Libri VIII ad Florum", which was wholly devoted to refuting the second book of Augustine's "De nuptiis et concupiscentia".在这里,他雇用他的书休闲拟订一项广泛的工作,“利博利第八广告Florum”,这是完全致力于驳斥第二奥古斯丁的“德nuptiis等concupiscentia”。 Though composed shortly after 421, it did not come to the notice of St. Augustine until 427.虽然组成后不久,421,它没有来通知427圣奥古斯丁,直到到。The latter's reply, which quotes Julian's argumentations sentence for sentence and refutes them, was completed only as far as the sixth book, whence it is cited in patristic literature as "Opus imperfectum contra Iulianum" (PL, XLV, 1049 sqq.).后者的答复,其中报价朱利安的论证刑罚并驳斥了他们,才完至于第六本书,何处是引用教父文学作为“一部imperfectum潮水Iulianum”(特等,第四十五,1049年时12 sqq。)。A comprehensive account of Pelagianism, which brings out into strong relief the diametrically opposed views of the author, was furnished by Augustine in 428 in the final chapter of his work, "De haeresibus" (PL, XLII, 21 sqq.).21时12 sqq一个综合帐户佩拉纠学派,同时带出截然相反的意见强救济的作者,是由奥古斯丁章提供的最后在428他的工作,“德haeresibus”(特等,四十二。)。 Augustine's last writings published before his death (430) were no longer aimed against Pelagianism but against Semipelagianism.奥古斯丁的最后著作出版之前,他的死亡(430)已不再Semipelagianism旨在反对佩拉纠学派,但反对。

After the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia (428), Julian of Eclanum left the hospitable city of Cilicia and in 429 we meet him unexpectedly in company with his fellow exiles Bishops Florus, Orontius, and Fabius, and the Court of the Patriarch Nestorius of Constantinople, who willingly supported the fugitives.死亡后摩普绥提亚西奥多(428),Eclanum朱利安离开了基利家好客的城市,在429我们满足他意外地在公司与他的同胞流亡主教弗洛鲁斯,Orontius和法比尤斯,法院和君士坦丁堡主教聂斯脱利的,谁愿意支持逃犯。 It was here, too, in 429, that Caelestius emerged again as the protégé of the patriarch; this is his last appearance in history; for from now on all trace of him is lost.正是在这里,也是在429,这Caelestius再次出现元老作为的徒弟的,这是他最后一次出现在历史上,从现在起他所有的痕迹都将丢失。 But the exiled bishops did not long enjoy the protection of Nestorius.但是,没有长期流亡主教聂斯脱里享受保护。When Marius Mercator, a layman and friend of St. Augustine, who was then present in Constantinople, heard of the machinations of the Pelagians in the imperial city, he composed towards the end of 429 his "Commonitorium super nomine Caelestii" (PL, XLVIII, 63 sqq.), in which he exposed the shameful life and the heretical character of Nestorius' wards.当马吕斯墨卡托,和一个门外汉,朋友圣奥古斯丁,谁是目前在当时君士坦丁堡Pelagians听取了纠缠不清的皇城,他创作了429最终实现他的“Commonitorium超级诺米Caelestii”(特等,48 63时12 sqq。),其中他揭露了可耻的生活和'邪教性质的聂斯脱里病房。The result was that the Emperor Theodosius II decreed their banishment in 430.其结果是,皇帝狄奥多西二世下令在其驱逐430。When the Ecumenical Council of Ephesus (431) repeated the condemnation pronounced by the West (cf. Mansi, "Concil. collect.", IV, 1337), Pelagianism was crushed in the East. According to the trustworthy report of Prosper of Aquitaine ("Chronic." ad a. 439, in PL, LI, 598), Julian of Eclanum, feigning repentance, tried to regain possession of his former bishopric, a plan which Sixtus III (432-40) courageously frustrated.当以弗所大公会议(431)多次“促进会,谴责明显的西(参见曼西。搜集。”四,1337),佩拉纠学派是在东粉碎。根据阿基坦值得信赖的普罗斯珀报告( “慢性。”广告答:439 598,在特等,李),朱利安Eclanum,假装忏悔,试图恢复他的前任主教拥有一个计划,西斯三世(432-40)勇敢地感到沮丧。The year of his death is uncertain.他的死亡是不确定的一年。He seems to have died in Italy between 441 and 445 during the reign of Valentinian III.他似乎已经死亡,445间在意大利441三世统治期间的瓦伦蒂安。

Last Traces of Pelagianism (429-529)最后一点痕迹的佩拉纠(429-529)

After the Council of Ephesus (431), Pelagianism no more disturbed the Greek Church, so that the Greek historians of the fifth century do not even mention either the controversy of the names of the heresiarchs.会后以弗所(431),佩拉纠没有更多的不安希腊教会,使五世纪的希腊历史学家甚至没有提及任何的heresiarchs争议的名称。 But the heresy continued to smoulder in the West and died our very slowly.但是,异端继续闷烧在西方和死亡的速度非常缓慢。The main centres were Gaul and Britain.主要中心,高卢和英国。About Gaul we are told that a synod, held probably at Troyes in 429, was compelled to take steps against the Pelagians.关于高卢人告诉我们,一个主教,大概在429举行的特鲁瓦,被迫采取步骤对Pelagians。It also sent Bishops Germanus of Auxerre and Lupus of Troyes to Britain to fight the rampant heresy, which received powerful support from two pupils of Pelagius, Agricola and Fastidius (cf. Caspari, "Letters, Treatises and Sermons from the two last Centuries of Ecclesiastical Antiquity", pp. 1-167, Christiana, 1891).它还派出主教特鲁瓦Germanus的欧塞尔和狼疮英国争取支持两名学生的伯拉纠和布道,阿格里科拉和Fastidius(参见卡斯帕里,“快报,论文从最后两个世纪的教会猖獗的异端收到的强大,这古代“,页。1-167,克里斯蒂,1891年)。 Almost a century later, Wales was the centre of Pelagian intrigues.将近一个世纪之后,威尔士的阴谋中心伯拉纠。For the saintly Archbishop David of Menevia participated in 519 in the Synod of Brefy, which directed its attacks against the Pelagians residing there, and after he was made Primate of Cambria, he himself convened a synod against them.对于圣洁的大主教大卫Menevia参加了在那里的519名主教的Brefy,其中Pelagians指示其居住的攻击,之后他写了坎布里亚灵长类动物的,他自己召开了他们的主教反对。 In Ireland also Pelagius's "Commentary on St. Paul", described in the beginning of this article, was in use long afterwards, as is proved by many Irish quotations from it.在爱尔兰还贝拉基的“圣保罗述评”一文中这样描述在开始的时候,是在长期使用后,因为它证明了爱尔兰人的报价是由许多。Even in Italy traces can be found, not only in the Diocese of Aquileia (cf. Garnier, "Opera Marii Mercat.", I, 319 sqq., Paris, 1673), but also in Middle Italy; for the so-called "Liber Praedestinatus", written about 440 perhaps in Rome itself, bears not so much the stamp of Semipelagianism as of genuine Pelagianism (cf. von Schubert, "Der sog. Praedestinatus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pelagianismus", Leipzig, 1903).即使在意大利的痕迹可以发现,不仅在教区阿奎(参见卡尼尔,“歌剧默里巯基。”我,319时12 sqq。,巴黎,1673年),而且在中东意大利的所谓“利贝Praedestinatus“,写了440本身也许在罗马,熊没有这么多(参见冯舒伯特的邮票,作为真正的Semipelagianism佩拉纠学派,”明镜索。Praedestinatus,艾因Beitrag祖尔历史馆万Pelagianismus“,莱比锡,1903年)。 A more detailed account of this work will be found under the article PREDESTINARIANISM.这项工作的更详细的帐户将被发现在文章PREDESTINARIANISM。It was not until the Second Synod of Orange (529) that Pelagianism breathed its last in the West, though that convention aimed its decisions primarily against Semipelagianism.但直到第二次主教会议的西方奥兰治(529)表示,佩拉纠学派在其最后一口气,虽然该公约的目的主要是针对Semipelagianism其决定。

Publication information Written by Joseph Pohle.出版信息波勒撰稿约瑟夫。Transcribed by Anthony A. Killeen.转录由安东尼基林。Aeterna non caduca The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.依特钠非caduca天主教百科全书,卷席。Published 1911.1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor. Imprimatur.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


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