Semi - Pelagianism半-佩拉纠 中文 - Zhong Wen

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Semi-Pelagianism involved doctrines, upheld during the period from 427 to 529, that rejected the extreme views both of Pelagius and of Augustine in regards to the priority of divine grace and human will in the initial work of salvation . 半佩拉纠学派所涉及的理论,在坚持从427至529,即拒绝和奥古斯丁的极端看法都贝拉基的问候和拯救人类将在最初工作的神圣恩典优先 The label "Semi - Pelagian," however, is a relatively modern expression, which apparently appeared first in the Lutheran Formula of Concord (1577), and became associated with the theology of the Jesuit Luis Molina (1535 - 1600).标签“ -半伯拉纠”,然而,是一个比较现代的表达,这显然出现)首次在一级方程式中的信义康科德(1577,成为)赞同1600耶稣会的神学路易斯莫利纳(1535 - 。The term, nevertheless, was not a happy choice, because the so-called Semi - Pelagians wanted to be anything but half - Pelagians.这个词,然而,是不是一个快乐的选择,因为所谓的半- Pelagians想成为什么,但一半- Pelagians。It would be more correct to call them Semi - Augustinians who, while rejecting the doctrines of Pelagius and respecting Augustine, were not willing to follow the ultimate consequences of his theology.这将是更正确的称呼他们半-奥古斯丁谁,而拒绝贝拉基奥古斯丁的教义和尊重,没有愿意跟随他的神学的最终后果。

Church councils condemned Pelagianism in 418 and again in 431, but this rejection did not mean the acceptance of everything in the Augustinian system. Augustine's teaching on grace may be summarized as follows: Humanity shared in Adam's sin and therefore has become a massa damnationis from which no one can be extricated save by a special gift of divine grace that cannot be merited; yet God in his inscrutable wisdom chooses some to be saved and grants graces that will infallibly but freely lead them to salvation. 教会议会谴责418佩拉纠并再次在431,但拒绝并不意味着一切都接受了奥古斯丁制度。奥古斯丁的恩典教学可归纳如下:人类社会的共同在亚当的罪,因此也成为马萨damnationis从中没有人能摆脱节省一个值得特别的礼物,是神的恩典,不能,然而上帝在他的高深莫测的智慧选择一些保存和赠款的青睐,将无误而是自由地带领他们得救。 The number of the elect is set and can be neither increased nor decreased. Nevertheless, Vitalis of Carthage and a community of monks at Hadrumetum, Africa (c. 427), contested these principles, asserting that they destroyed freedom of the will and all moral responsibility.在选举人数的设置,可以不增加或减少。然而,维塔利斯迦太基和僧侣社区在哈德鲁梅,非洲(约427),质疑这些原则,声称他们摧毁了道德自由的意志和所有责任。 They, in turn, affirmed that the unaided will performed the initial act of faith.与此同时,他们也申明,肉眼将进行初步的信仰行为。In response Augustine produced Grace and Free Will and Rebuke and Grace, which contain a resume of his arguments against the Semi - Pelagians, and stress the necessary preparation of the will by prevenient grace.在回答奥古斯丁生产恩典和自由意志和恩典和指责,其中包含一个半恢复对他的论点- Pelagians,和应力前的宽限期将在必要的准备。

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The issue became heated in the fifth century when some monks in southern Gaul, led by John Cassian, Hilary of Arles, Vincent of Lerins, and Faustus of Riez, joined in the controversy.这个问题成为在激烈的第五世纪时,一些僧人在南部高卢,率领由约翰卡西安的,希拉里的文森特阿尔勒,浮士德的勒兰,并参加了里耶兹争议。 These men objected to a number of points in the Augustinian doctrine of sin and grace, namely, the assertion of the total bondage of the will, of the priority and irresistibility of grace, and of rigid predestination.这些人反对,1分即数量在恩典中,奥古斯丁的学说罪,并断言该会的总的束缚,在优先和恩典不可抗拒的,刚性和宿命。 They agreed with Augustine as to the seriousness of sin, yet they regarded his doctrine of predestination as new, therefore in conflict with tradition and dangerous because it makes all human efforts superfluous.他们同意以奥古斯丁的罪的严重性,但他们把他作为新学说的宿命,因此在与传统和危险的冲突,因为它使人类的一切努力是多余的。 In opposition to Augustinianism, Cassian taught that though a sickness is inherited through Adam's sin, human free will has not been entirely obliterated.在反对奥古斯丁,卡西安告诉我们,虽然是病是通过继承亚当的罪孽,人类的自由意志并没有被完全抹去。Divine grace is indispensable for salvation, but it does not necessarily need to precede a free human choice, because, despite the weakness of human volition, the will takes the initiative toward God.神圣的恩典是救赎必不可少的,但自由人的选择,因为尽管它的意志软弱的人,并不一定需要先时,将主动向神。 In other words, divine grace and human free will must work together in salvation.换句话说,神的恩典与人的自由意志必须共同努力,拯救。In opposition to the stark predestinarianism of Augustine, Cassian held to the doctrine of God's universal will to save, and that predestination is simply divine foreknowledge.在反对奥古斯丁赤裸裸predestinarianism,卡西安举行的保存学说上帝的普遍意愿,这仅仅是神的预知宿命。

After Augustine's death, the controversy became more heated; and Prosper of Aquitaine became his champion, replying to the Gallic monks, including Vincent of Lerins.经过奥古斯丁死后,争论变得更加激烈和阿基坦繁荣成为他的冠军,回答了高卢僧侣,包括勒兰文森特。Vincent incorrectly understood Augustine's doctrines of perseverance and predestination to mean that God's elect cannot sin.文森特错误地理解毅力和宿命奥古斯丁的学说的理解为上帝的选择可以不犯罪。Nevertheless, he was not entirely wrong in recognizing the practical dangers inherent in Augustine's teaching on grace, and that this teaching deviated from Catholic tradition.然而,他并不完全承认错误宽限期教学的实际危险奥古斯丁固有的,而这偏离传统教学天主教。

Prosper appealed to Rome on behalf of his master, and though Celestine I praised Augustine, he gave no specific approval to the bishop's teachings on grace and predestination.普罗斯珀呼吁罗马大师代表他,虽然我称赞天青石奥古斯丁,他没有给出具体的批准,在宽限期和宿命主教的教导。 Hence, Semi - Pelagian beliefs continued to circulate in Gaul with Faustus of Riez as the outstanding spokesman.因此, -半伯拉纠信念继续散发里耶兹在浮士德高卢作为优秀的发言人。He condemned the heresy of Pelagianism, teaching instead that natural powers were not sufficient to attain salvation.他谴责佩拉纠异端邪说,教学上而不是自然力量不足以达到得救。The free will, while not extinct, was weak and could not be exercised for salvation without the aid of grace.自由意志,而不是灭绝,是弱的,不能行使无得救的恩典帮助的。Faustus, however, rejected the predestinarian conception of a divine monergism and taught that human will, by virtue of the freedom left in it, takes the beginning step toward God. Salvation, therefore, is accomplished by the cooperation of human and divine factors, and predestination is merely God's foreknowledge of what a person has freely decided.浮士德,然而,拒绝了神monergism宿命论者观念和教诲,一个人的意志,通过自由而离开了它,开始采取步骤走向神。救赎,因此,现在是,神圣的合作完成的人类和因素,宿命,只是上帝的预知一个怎样的人自由地决定。 Grace, to Faustus, meant the divine illumination of human will, and not, as it did to Augustine, the regenerative power of grace in the heart.宽限期,到浮士德,是指人的意志为神圣的光照,而不是如它确实给奥古斯丁,心脏再生能力的宽限期研究。

The debate about Semi - Pelagianism continued well into the sixth century, when Caesarius of Arles convened the Synod of Orange (529). Here Caesarius succeeded in dogmatizing a number of principles against the Semi - Pelagians.半辩论-佩拉纠一直持续到6世纪时,阿尔勒Caesarius的奥兰治主教会议的召开(529)。这里Caesarius Pelagians教条化原则成功地对一个数字-半。In doing so, however, the synod did not accept Augustine's full doctrine of grace, especially not his concept of divine grace that works irresistibly in the predestinated.这样做,但是,不接受主教奥古斯丁的学说的宽限期满,尤其是不是他的宿命的概念神圣恩典工程不可抗拒的。 In 531, Boniface II approved the acts of this council, thus giving it ecumenical authority.在531博尼法斯二世批准了这一理事会的行为,从而赋予它基督教的权威。Semi - Pelagianism, as a historical movement, subsequently declined, but the pivotal issue of Semi - Pelagianism, the priority of the human will over the grace of God in the initial work of salvation, did not die out.半-佩拉纠运动,作为一个历史的,随后有所下降,但关键的问题半-佩拉纠学派,在拯救人类将优先对上帝的恩典在初步工作,并没有消亡。

R Kyle ṛ凯尔
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)(埃尔韦尔福音字典)

Bibliography 书目
P DeLetter, Prosper of Aquitanine: Defense of St. Augustine; NK Chadwick, Poetry and Letters in Early Christian Gaul; E Amann, "Semi - Pelagiens," DTC, XIV, 1796 - 1850; L Duchesne, l'Eglise au VI siecleP DeLetter,Aquitanine繁荣的:圣奥古斯丁防御; NK细胞查德威克,诗歌和文学的早期基督教高卢,电子商务阿曼,“半- Pelagiens,”接受存款公司,十四,1896至50年的L德雷珀的L'埃格斯金六末世

Semipelagianism Semipelagianism

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A doctrine of grace advocated by monks of Southern Gaul at and around Marseilles after 428.宽限期主义主张和马赛后,周围428僧侣在南部高卢。It aimed at a compromise between the two extremes of Pelagianism and Augustinism, and was condemned as heresy at the Œcumenical Council of Orange in 529 after disputes extending over more than a hundred years.它着眼于Augustinism妥协的佩拉纠学派之间的两个极端,并于529谴责为异端乃众人理事会在奥兰治纠纷后延长了超过一百年。 The name Semipelagianism was unknown both in Christian antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages; during these periods it was customary to designate the views of the Massilians simply as the "relics of the Pelagians" (reliquiœ Pelagianorum), an expression found already in St. Augustine (Ep. ccxxv, n. 7, in PL, XXXIII, 1006).这个名字Semipelagianism不明无论是在古代基督教和整个中世纪,在此期间它是习惯指定的pelagians“遗物的意见,只是作为Massilians”(reliquiœ Pelagianorum),发现一个表达式已经在圣奥古斯丁(插曲ccxxv,7号1006,在特等,三十三)。The most recent investigations show that the word was coined between 1590 and 1600 in connexion with Molina's doctrine of grace, in which the opponents of this theologian believed they saw a close resemblance to the heresy of the monks of Marseilles (cf. "Revue des sciences phios. et théol.", 1907, pp. 506 sqq.). After this confusion had been exposed as an error, the term Semipelagianism was retained in learned circles as an apt designation for the early heresy only.最近的调查表明,这个词是1600年和1590年之间创造联接科学与莫利纳的学说的宽限期,在这其中的神学家认为,他们看到对手近似1-20马赛(异端的僧侣“歌剧德phios。等théol。“,1907年,页。506时12 sqq。)。后,这种混乱已经暴露的错误作为,术语Semipelagianism被保留在学习圈作为早期异端容易指定为唯一的。


In opposition to Pelagianism, it was maintained at the General Council of Carthage in 418 as a principle of faith that Christian grace is absolutely necessary for the correct knowledge and performance of good, and that perfect sinlessness is impossible on earth even for the justified.在反对佩拉纠学派,它是维持在总理事会的迦太基在418作为一种信仰原则,基督教恩典是绝对必要的好正确的知识和性能,完美的清白是地球上不可能即使是合理的。 Since these declarations coincided only with a portion of St. Augustine's doctrine of grace, the anti-Pelagians could without reproof continue their opposition to other points in the teaching of the African Doctor.由于这些声明恰逢宽限期只有一个部分圣奥古斯丁的教义的,反Pelagians可能没有责备继续其非洲医生反对其他教学点的。 This opposition Augustine was soon to encounter in his immediate neighbourhood.这种反对奥古斯丁很快遇到与他最接近的邻居。 In 420 he found himself compelled to direct to a certain Vitalis of Carthage, who was an opponent of Pelagius and recognized the Synod of Carthage (418), paternal instructions concerning the necessity of grace at the very beginning of the assent of the will in faith and concerning the absolute gratuity of grace (Ep. ccxvii in PL, XXXIII, 978 sqq.).在420,他发现自己不得不直接向一个信仰某种维塔利斯的迦太基,谁的对手是一个贝拉基主教会议和公认的迦太基(418的意愿)的同意的,关于父亲的指示,在最初的宽限期必要性以及有关的恩典绝对酬金(插曲时12 sqq ccxvii在特等,三十三,978。)。As is clear from the tenor of this writing, Vitalis was of the opinion that the beginning of faith springs from the free will of nature, and that the essence of "prevenient grace" consists in the preaching of the Christian doctrine of salvation.由于是明确的书面男高音如此,维塔利斯被认为是自由意志的性质开始从信仰弹簧,而“本质”前的恩典得救在于宣扬基督教的教义的。 On the basis of such faith man, as Vitalis held, attains justification before God.在这种信念的人的基础上,为维塔利斯举行,达到神面前的理由。This view was entirely "Semipelagian".这种观点是完全“Semipelagian”。To controvert it, Augustine pointed out that the grace preceding faith must be an interior enlightenment and strengthening, and that the preaching of the Word of God could not, unassisted, accomplish this; consequently the implanting of grace in the soul by God is necessary as a preliminary condition for the production of real faith, since otherwise the customary prayer of the Church for the grace of conversion for unbelievers would be superfluous.为了controvert它,奥古斯丁指出,宽限期前面必须有一个信念,加强内部启蒙,而词宣扬的上帝不能,硬朗,做到这一点,因此在植入的恩典上帝的灵魂,是必要的,因为一个真正的信仰初步的生产条件不信,因为否则的习惯转换为祈祷的教会的恩典是多余的。 Augustine also introduces his view of an absolute predestination of the elect, without however especially emphasizing it, by remarking: "Cum tam multi salvi non fiant, non quia ipsi, sed quia Deus non vult" (Since so many are not saved, not because they themselves do not will it, but because God does not will it).奥古斯丁还介绍了他的看法选出一个绝对的宿命,但没有特别强调它,说道:“谭多萨尔维暨非菲昂,非奎亚同侧,桑达奎亚迪乌斯非vult”许多(因为这样不保存,不是因为他们自己不将它,而是因为上帝没有将它)。 Vitalis seems to have acquiesced and to have disclaimed the "error of Pelagius".飞达力似乎已经默许,并有257对伯拉纠“错误”。

The second dispute, which broke out within the walls of the African monastery of Hadrumetum in 424, was not so easily settled.第二个争议,打破哈德鲁梅了寺院内的墙壁在非洲424,不是那么容易解决。A monk named Florus, a friend of St.一个和尚名叫弗洛鲁斯,一街的朋友Augustine, had while on a journey sent to his fellow-monks a copy of the long epistle which Augustine had addressed in 418 to the Roman priest, afterwards Pope Sixtus III (Ep. cxciv in PL, XXXIII, 874 sqq.).奥古斯丁曾旅行途中发送到他的同胞,僧侣们的副本时12 sqq长期书信的奥古斯丁在已解决418到罗马牧师,随后西斯三世(874插曲cxciv在特等,三十三。)。In this epistle all merit before the reception of grace was denied, faith represented as the most gratuitous gift of God, and absolute predestination to grace and glory defended.在此之前,书信都否认优点是,接待的恩典,信仰派神的恩赐,最无偿,绝对的宿命,以恩典和荣耀辩护。Aroused to great anger by this letter, "more than five monks" inflamed their companions to such an extent that the tumult seemed destined to overwhelm the good abbot, Valentinus.引起了极大的愤怒此信,“超过5和尚”发炎同伴到如此程度,瓦伦廷的骚动似乎注定要压倒良好住持。On his return, Florus was loaded with the most violent reproaches for sending such a present, and he and the majority, who were followers of Augustine, were accused of maintaining that free will was no longer of any account, that on the last day all would not be judged according to their works, and that monastic discipline and correction (correptio) were valueless. Informed of the outbreak of this unrest by two young monks, Cresconius and Felix, Augustine sent to the monastery in 426 or 427 the work, "De gratia et libero arbitrio" (PL, XLIV, 881 sqq.), in which he maintains that the efficacy of Divine grace impairs neither the freedom of the human will nor the meritoriousness of good works, but that it is grace which causes the merits in us.在他的回报,弗洛鲁斯是装有派遣这样一个目前最猛烈指责的,他和多数,谁是奥古斯丁的追随者,被指控将维持自由再没有任何帐户,这一切在最后一天不会按照他们的作品来判断,而寺院纪律和纠正(correptio)是毫无价值。知情,Cresconius奥古斯丁和Felix,在这个动乱爆发的两位年轻的僧侣送到,寺院在426或427的工作“德特惠等自由人阿尔比特里奥“(特等,四十四,881时12 sqq。),其中他认为,损害疗效既不神圣恩典的自由人的意志,也不是作品瑜良好,但它是恩典造成的优点在我们。The work exercised a calming influence on the heated spirits of Hadrumetum. Apprised of the good effect of this book by Florus himself, Augustine dedicated to the abbot and his monks a second doctrinal writing, "De correptione et gratia" (PL, XLIV, 915 sqq.), in which he explains in the clearest fashion his views upon grace.这项工作实行了哈德鲁梅平息激烈的精神影响。本人通报了由弗洛鲁斯施行本好书,奥古斯丁致力于住持和他的僧侣们的第二个理论写作,“德correptione等特惠”(特等,四十四,915时12 sqq。),其中他最清楚地说明了在宽限期后,他的意见。He informed the monks that correction is by no means superfluous, since it is the means by which God works.他告诉僧侣们就改正,绝不是多余的,因为它是手段,其中神的作品。As for the freedom to sin, it is in reality not freedom, but slavery of the will.至于自由的罪,它实际上是不自由,但奴役的。 True freedom of the will is that effected by grace, since it makes the will free from the slavery of sin.真正的自由意志的影响,是本乎恩,因为它使得将摆脱罪恶的奴役。Final perseverance is likewise a gift of grace, inasmuch as he to whom God has granted it will infallibly persevere.最后的毅力是同样的一个恩赐,因为他对神所赋予它无误坚持下去。Thus, the number of those predestined to heaven from eternity is so determined and certain that "no one is added or subtracted".因此,永恒的数目从天堂那些注定是如此决心和把握,“没有一个是增加或减少”。This second work seems to have been also received approvingly by the mollified monks; not so by subsequent ages, since this ominous book, together with other utterances, has given occasion to the most violent controversies concerning the efficacy of grace and predestination.这第二个工作似乎也已收到和尚赞许的消气,不使后来的年龄,因为这不祥的书,连同其他话语,给了一次最激烈的争论关于宿命的恩典和有效性。 All advocates of heretical predestinarianism, from Lucidus and Gottschalk to Calvin, have appealed to Augustine as their crown-witness, while Catholic theologians see in Augustine's teaching at most only a predestination to glory, with which the later "negative reprobation" to hell is parallel.所有predestinarianism主张邪教,从Lucidus和夏克加尔文,都呼吁奥古斯丁作为其冠的证人,而天主教神学家看到奥古斯丁的教学,最多只是一个宿命走向辉煌,并为后来的“消极非难”地狱平行。 Augustine is entirely free from Calvin's idea that God positively predestined the damned to hell or to sin. Many historians of dogma (Harnack, Loofs, Rottmanner, etc.) have passed a somewhat different censure on the work, maintaining that the Doctor of Hippo, his rigorism increasing with his age, has here expressed most clearly the notion of "irresistible grace" (gratia irresistibilis), on which Jansenism later erected, as is known, its entire heretical system of grace.奥古斯丁的想法是完全摆脱加尔文的上帝积极注定该死的地狱或罪恶。许多历史学家的教条(哈纳克,卢夫斯,Rottmanner等)已通过不同的工作有所非议,认为河马博士,他rigorism年龄的增长,他已经在这里表示,他们最清楚,概念的“不可抗拒的恩典”(特惠irresistibilis)上詹森后来竖立,众所周知,它的整个系统的宽限期邪教。 As the clearest and strongest proof of this contention, the following passage (De correptione et gratia, xxxviii) is cited: "Subventum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanæ, ut divina gratia indeclinabiliter et insuperabiliter ageretur et ideo, quamvis infirma, non tamen deficeret neque adversitate aliqua vincerctur."作为证明这一论点的明确和强烈的,下面的通道(德correptione等特惠,三十八)是引用:“Subventum预测igitur infirmitati自主选择humanæ,UT斯达康迪维纳特惠indeclinabiliter等insuperabiliter ageretur等IDEO公司,quamvis infirma,非塔门deficeret neque adversitate aliqua vincerctur。“Is this not clearly the "inevitable and unconquerable grace" of Jansenism?这不是明显的“必然和不可战胜的恩典詹森主义”呢?The mere analysis of the text informs us better.该文本只是告诉我们更好地分析。The antithesis and the position of the words do not allow us to refer the terms "inevitably and unconquerably" to the grace as such, they must be referred to the "human will" which, in spite of its infirmity, is, by grace, made "unyielding and unconquerable" against the temptation to sin.而这句话的对立面的位置不允许我们将有关条款“必然和unconquerably”到“恩典因此,他们必须提到”人的意志的,尽管其在体弱,是本乎恩,作出“强硬和不可征服”对罪恶的诱惑。 Again the very easily misunderstood term ageretur is not to be explained as "coercion against one's will" but as "infallible guidance", which does not exclude the continuation of freedom of will (cf. Mausbach, "Die Ethik des hl. Augustins", II, Freiburg, 1909, p. 35).此外,这很容易误解的术语ageretur是不可的解释为一个“胁迫的意愿”,而是“犯错指导”,不排除会继续进行自由(参见毛斯巴赫,“死一伦理学德升。奥古斯坦”第二,弗赖堡,1909年,第35页)。

The monks of Southern Gaul, who dwelt in peace at Marseilles and on the neighbouring island of Lerinum (Lérins), read the above-cited and other passages of Augustine with other and more critical eyes than the monks at Hadrumetum. Abbot John Cassian of the monastery of St. Victor at Marseilles, a celebrated and holy man, was, together with his fellow-monks, especially repelled by the arguments of St. Augustine.勒兰)僧侣南部高卢,谁住在和平在马赛和邻近岛屿上的Lerinum(阅读上述列举的奥古斯丁和其他段落与住持约翰卡西安其他挑剔的眼光和更比沙弥,哈德鲁梅。圣维克多修道院在马赛,著名和神圣的男子,是与他的同胞和尚,特别是击退圣奥古斯丁的论点。 The Massilians, as they were called, were known throughout the Christian world as holy and virtuous men, conspicuous for their learning and asceticism.该Massilians,因为它们被称为,被称为整个基督教世界的神圣和善良的男人,明显为他们的学习和禁欲主义。 They had heartily acquiesced in the condemnation of Pelagianism by the Synod of Carthage (418) and the "Tractoria" of Pope Zosimus (418), and also in the doctrines of original sin and grace.他们衷心佩拉纠默许在迦太基主教谴责了(418)和“Tractoria”教皇卓西姆(418),并在与恩典的教义原罪。 They were, however, convinced that Augustine in his teaching concerning the necessity and gratuity especially of prevenient grace (gratia prœcedens seu prœveniens) far overshot the mark.他们,但是,相信在他的教学奥古斯丁有关的必要性和特惠金,尤其是前的宽限期(prœcedens东南大学prœveniens)远远超越该商标。 Cassian had a little earlier expressed his views concerning the relation of grace and freedom in his "Conferences" (Collatio xxiv in PL, XLIX, 477 sqq.).卡西安早一点表示了他的看法与会议有关的恩典和自由在他的“”(Collatio时12 sqq 24条在特等,第四十九章,477。)。As a man of Eastern training and a trusted disciple of St. John Chrysostom, he had taught that the free will was to be accorded somewhat more initiative than he was accustomed to find in the writings of Augustine.由于东欧和训练人的信任约翰金口圣弟子,他告诉我们,自由意志是较为主动给予比他习惯于寻找在奥古斯丁的著作。 With unmistakable reference to Hippo, he had endeavoured in his thirteenth conference to demonstrate from Biblical examples that God frequently awaits the good impulses of the natural will before coming to its assistance with His supernatural grace; while the grace often preceded the will, as in the case of Matthew and Peter, on the other hand the will frequently preceded the grace, as in the case of Zacchæus and the Good Thief on the cross.有了明确无误的参考河马,他一直努力在其第十三次会议,从圣经的例子证明,神常常等待着他的超自然的宽限期,以协助其与善意,才冲动的自然,而之前的宽限期往往会如个案马太,彼得,另一方面频繁意志之前宽限期,如撒该案例和十字架上好的贼。 This view was no longer Augustinian; it was really "half Pelagianisin".这种观点已不再奥古斯丁,它是真的“半Pelagianisin”。 To such a man and his adherents, among whom the monk Hilarius (already appointed Bishop of Arles in 428) was conspicuous, the last writings from Africa must have appeared a masked reproof and a downright contradiction.对于这样一个男人和他的追随者,其中的希拉里乌斯(和尚已经任命428阿尔勒在主教)为突出,来自非洲的著作上必须出现一个蒙面谴责和彻头彻尾的矛盾。

Thus, from being half friendly, the Massilians developed into determined opponents of Augustine.因此,从目前的一半友好,Massilians发展成为奥古斯丁坚决反对者。Testimony as to this change of feeling is supplied by two non-partisan laymen, Prosper of Aquitaine and a certain Hilarius, both of whom in their enthusiasm for the newly-blossoming monastic life voluntarily shared in the daily duties of the monks.感情的证词,以提供这种变化是由两个非党派的外行,繁荣的阿基坦大区和一定希拉里乌斯,他们两人都在他们的僧人的热情为新开花寺院的日常工作生活中的自愿共享研究。 In two distinct writings (St. Augustine, Epp. ccxxv-xxvi in PL, XXXIII, 1002-12) they gave Augustine a strictly matter-of-fact report of the theological views of the Massilians.在两个1002至1012年)不同的著作(圣奥古斯丁,资源增值计划。三十三ccxxv - 26目在特等,他们给了奥古斯丁的,严格的物Massilians事实神学观点的报告。They sketched in the main the following picture, which we complete from other sources:他们在主要描绘下面的图片,这是我们完成从其他来源:

In distinguishing between the beginning of faith (initium fidei) and the increase of faith (augmentum fidei), one may refer the former to the power of the free will, while the faith itself and its increase is absolutely dependent upon God;在)区分的开始信仰(initium信德奥迹)和增加信仰(硕信德奥迹,可能是指前者的意志自由,而信仰本身和它的增幅是完全依赖于上帝;

the gratuity of grace is to be maintained against Pelagius in so far as every strictly natural merit is excluded; this, however, does not prevent nature and its works from having a certain claim to grace;宽限期酬金的是要保持贝拉基只要针对每一个严格的自然优点是排除在外;然而,这并不妨碍它的性质和某些声称对作品有一个宽限期;

as regards final perseverance in particular, it must not be regarded as a special gift of grace, since the justified man may of his own strength persevere to the end;至于特别是最后的毅力,它不能被视为一个特别的礼物的宽限期,因为合理的人可以坚持自己的实力到底;

the granting or withholding of baptismal grace in the case of children depends on the Divine prescience of their future conditioned merits or misdeeds.在依赖于他们的神圣预知未来或条件优劣的不当行为给予或扣留的儿童的洗礼的恩典的案件。

This fourth statement, which is of a highly absurd nature, has never been condemned as heresy; the three other propositions contain the whole essence of Semipelagianism.这是第四次声明,这自然是一个非常荒谬的,从来没有谴责为异端,其他三个命题包含Semipelagianism整体的本质。

The aged Augustine gathered all his remaining strength to prevent the revival of Pelagianism which had then been hardly overcome.老年人奥古斯丁聚集他所有的剩余强度,以防止佩拉纠复兴而当时已难以克服。He addressed (428 or 429) to Prosper and Hilarius the two works "De prædestinatione sanctorum" (PL, XLIV, 959 sqq.) and "De dono perseverantiæ" (PL, XLIV, 993 sqq.).他谈到(428或429)的繁荣和希拉里乌斯的两部作品“德prædestinatione桑克托鲁姆”(特等,四十四,959时12 sqq。)和“德殿perseverantiæ”(特等,四十四,993时12 sqq。)。In refuting their errors, Augustine treats his opponents as erring friends, not as heretics, and humbly adds that, before his episcopal consecration (about 396), he himself had been caught in a "similar error", until a passage in the writings of St. Paul (1 Corinthians 4:7) had opened his eyes, "thinking that the faith, by which we believe in God, is not the gift of God, but is in us of ourselves, and that through it we obtain the gifts whereby we may live temperately, justly, and piously in this world" (De prædest. sanct., iii, 7).在驳斥他们的错误,奥古斯丁对待他的对手犯错误的朋友,而不是为异端,并谦虚地补充说,在他的主教祝圣(约396),他本人也陷入了“类似的错误”的,直到著作中的一段话圣保罗(哥林多前书4:7)开启了他的眼睛,“思想的信仰,其中我们相信上帝,不是神的礼物,但我们是在自己,通过它,我们得到的礼物让我们生活节制,公正,并虔诚地在这个世界上“(德prædest。sanct。,三,七)。 The Massilians, however, remained unappeased, the last writings of Augustine making no impression upon them.该Massilians,但仍然unappeased,奥古斯丁的著作后,他们没有作最后的印象。Offended at this obstinacy, Prosper believed the time had arrived for public polemics.这个固执在心头,普罗斯珀相信的时候了论战抵达公众。He first described the new state of the question in a letter to a certain Rufinus (Prosper Aquit., "Ep. ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitrio", in PL, XLI 77 sqq.), lashed in a poem of some thousand hexameters (Peri achariston, "hoc est de ingratis", in PL, LI, 91 sqq.) the ingratitude of the "enemies of grace", and directed against an unnamed assailant - perhaps Cassian himself - his "Epigrammata in obtrectatorem Augustini" (PL, XLI, 149 sqq.), written in clegiacs.他首先描述了一个繁荣Aquit一定rufinus(简称新声明对这一问题的信件。“内啡肽。广告Rufinum德特惠等自由人阿尔比特里奥77时12 sqq”,在特等,四十一。)hexameters抨击以千计的一些诗(围achariston,“责预测德ingratis”,在特等,李,91时12 sqq。)的“忘恩负义敌人的恩典”,并针对一个不知名的袭击者-或许卡西安自己- Epigrammata在obtrectatorem他的“奥古斯蒂尼”(特等,四十一,149时12 sqq。)书面clegiacs。At the time of the composition of this poem (429-30), Augustine was still alive.在本诗的时间组成的(429-30),奥古斯丁还活着。


On 29 Aug., 430, while the Vandals were besieging his episcopal city, St. Augustine died.关于8月29日,430,而汪达尔人包围他的主教城,圣奥古斯丁死亡。As his sole champions, he left his disciples, Prosper and Hilarius, on the scene of conflict in Southern Gaul.随着他的唯一冠军,他离开了他的弟子,在南部高卢冲突和希拉里乌斯繁荣景象,在。Prosper, rightly known as his "best disciple", alone engaged in writing, and, immersed as he was in the rich and almost inexhaustible mind of the greatest of all the Doctors of the Church, he subsequently devoted the utmost pains to soften down with noble tact the roughness and abruptness of many of his master's propositions.普罗斯珀,正确地称为自己的“最好的弟子”,单独从事写作,并沉浸在他心里的丰富,几乎取之不尽,用之不竭的最伟大的教会所有的医生的,然后用他最痛苦软化打倒高尚机智的粗糙度和主张唐突的许多他的主人。 Filled with the conviction that they could not successfully engage such learned and respected opponents, Prosper and Hilary journeyed to Rome about 431 to urge Pope Celestine I to take official steps against the Semipelagians.从事充满信念,他们不能成功这样的教训和尊重对手,繁荣和希拉里的足迹遍及约431罗马教皇天青石我敦促采取措施打击该semipelagians官员。 Without issuing any definitive decision, the pope contented himself with an exhortation to the bishops of Gaul (PL, L, 528 sqq.), protecting the memory of Augustine from calumniation and imposing silence on the innovators.没有发出任何明确的决定,教宗满足自己与528 1时12 sqq主教告诫的高卢(特等,L时,。),保护毁谤奥古斯丁从内存和实施创新的沉默。On his return Prosper could claim henceforth to be engaging in the conflict "in virtue of the authority of the Apostolic See" (cf. PL, LI, 178: "ex auctoritate apostolicæ sedis). His war was "pro Augustino", and in every direction he fought on his behalf. Thus, about 431-32, he repelled the "calumnies of the Gauls" against Augustine in his "Responsiones ad capitula objectionum Gallorum" (PL, LI, 155 sqq.), defended temperately in his "Responsiones ad capitula objectionum Vincentianarum" (PL, LI 177 sqq.), the Augustinian teaching concerning predestination, and finally, in his "Responsiones ad excerpta Genuensium (PL, LI, 187 sqq.), explained the sense of excerpts which two priests of Genoa had collected from the writings of Augustine concerning predestination, and had forwarded to Prosper for interpretation.在他返回普罗斯珀可以声称今后要从事的冲突“中见凭借使徒的权威的”(参见特等,李,178:“当然auctoritate apostolicæ位置未定)。他的战争是”亲Augustino“,并在他每打方向,代表他。因此,有关431-32,他温和的排斥辩护。),155时12 sqq的“诽谤的高卢人”对奥古斯丁在他的“responsiones专案投降objectionum Gallorum”(特等,李其“ responsiones专案投降objectionum Vincentianarum“(特等,李177时12 sqq。),奥古斯丁教学有关的宿命,最后,在他的”responsiones专案文摘Genuensium(特等,李,187时12 sqq。)解释了其中两个片段感祭司热那亚收集了从奥古斯丁关于宿命的著作,并已转交解释繁荣。About 433 (434) he even ventured to attack Cassian himself, the soul and head of the whole movement, in his book, "De gratia et libero arbitrio contra Collatorem" (PL, LI, 213 sqq.).约433(434),他甚至大胆地攻击卡西安自己的灵魂和头部运动的整体时12 sqq,在他的著作,“德特惠等自由人阿尔比特里奥潮水Collatorem”(特等,李,213。)。The already delicate situation was thereby embittered, notwithstanding the friendly concluding sentences of the work.本已微妙的情况,从而苦,尽管友好结束工作的句子。Of Hilary, Prosper's friend, we hear nothing more.在希拉里,繁荣的朋友,我们听到而已。Prosper himself must have regarded the fight as hopeless for the time being, since in 434 - according to Loofs; other historians give the year 440 - he shook the dust of Gaul from his feet and left the land to its fate.普罗斯珀必须把自己作斗争,是没有希望的时候,因为在434 -根据卢夫斯,其他历史学家给予一年440 -他摇摇高卢从他的脚的灰尘和离开土地的命运。Settling at Rome in the papal chancery, he took no further part directly in the controversy, although even here he never wearied propagating Augustine's doctrine concerning grace, publishing several treatises to spread and defend it.罗马教皇在解决赞善,他没有进一步直接参与的争论,但即使在这里,他永远不会厌倦宣传奥古斯丁的教义有关的宽限期,出版的论文数来传播和捍卫它。 The Massilians now took the field, confident of victory.现在的Massilians了实地,胜利的信心。One of their greatest leaders, the celebrated Vincent of Lérins, under the pseudonym of Peregrinus made in 434 concealed attacks on Augustine in his classical and otherwise excellent work, "Commonitorium pro catholicæ fidei veritate" (PL, L, 637 sqq), and in individual passages frankly espoused Semipelagianism.他们最伟大的领导人之一,著名的勒兰文森特,根据,笔名L时,游隼434隐蔽在攻击奥古斯丁在他的经典和出色的工作,否则,“Commonitorium亲catholicæ信德奥迹veritate”(特等637时12 sqq),并在坦率地信奉Semipelagianism个别段落。This booklet should probably be regarded as simply a "polemical treatise against Augustine".这本小册子可能应该被视为只是一个“对奥古斯丁论战论文”。

That Semipelagianism remained the prevailing tendency in Gaul during the following period, is proved by Arnobius the Younger, so called in contrast to Arnobius the Elder of Sicca (about 303).这Semipelagianism仍然是当前的趋势在高卢在这期间,是年轻的证明亚挪比乌,左右)称为对比亚挪比乌303干眼症的长老(约。 A Gaul by birth, and skilled in exegesis, Arnobius wrote about 460 extensive explanations of the Psalms ("Commentarii in Psalmos" in PL, LIII, 327 sqq.) with a tendency towards allegorizing and open tilts at Augustine's doctrine of grace.一个出生高卢的,熟练的和注释,亚挪比乌说约460 327时12 sqq广泛的解释Psalmos“在53号特等,的诗篇(”Commentarii英寸开放)和对寓言倾斜的趋势在奥古斯丁的学说的宽限期。Of his personal life nothing is known to us.他的个人生活没有人知道我们。Certain works from other pens have been wrongly ascribed to him.其他钢笔某些作品被错误地归因于他。Thus, the collection of scholia ("Adnotationes ad quædam evangeliorum loca" in PL, LIII, 569 sqq.), formerly attributed to him, must be referred to the pre-Constantine period, as B. Grundl has recently proved (cf. "Theol. Quartalschr.", Tübingen, 1897, 555 sqq.).因此,scholia收集“的特等,53号,569时12 sqq(”Adnotationes广告quædam evangeliorum失水。)前身归咎于他,必须提交前君士坦丁时期,乙Grundl最近证明(参见“ Theol。Quartalschr。“,蒂宾根大学,1897年,555时12 sqq。)。Likewise, the work "Conflictus Arnobii catholici cum Serapione Ægyptio" (PL, LIII, 239 sqq.) cannot have been written by our Arnobius, inasmuch as it is entirely Augustinian in spirit. When Bäumer wished to assign the authorship to Faustus of Riez ("Katholik" II, Mainz, 1887, pp. 398 sqq.), he overlooked the fact that Faustus also was a Semipelagian (see below), and that, in any case, so dilettante a writing as the above could not be ascribed to the learned Bishop of Riez.同样,工作“Conflictus Arnobii catholici暨Serapione Ægyptio”(特等,53号,239时12 sqq。)不能被写入我们的亚挪比乌,因为它是完全的精神奥古斯丁英寸当巴默希望转让该著作以里耶兹浮士德的( “Katholik”二,美因茨,1887年,页。398时12 sqq。),他忽略了一个事实,也是一个Semipelagian浮士德(见下文),而且,在任何情况下,使业余爱好者,作为写作以上不能归因于在获悉里耶兹主教。 The true author is to be sought in Italy, not in Gaul.真正的作者是要寻求在意大利,高卢人不在。His chief object is to prove against Monophysitism, in the form of a disputation, the agreement in faith between Rome and the Greek champions of Orthodoxy, Athanasius and Cyril of Alexandria. Naturally Arnobius overcomes the Egyptian Serapion.他的主要目的是要证明对基督一性争论,在A的形式,亚历山大协议的信仰之间athanasius和西里尔罗马和希腊冠军,东正教。自然亚挪比乌克服了埃及谢拉皮翁。 One can therefore scarcely err in regarding the "Catholic Arnobius" as an obscure monk living in Rome. Until recent times the authorship of the work called the "Liber prædestinatus" was also commonly ascribed to our Arnobius.因此,人们可以在几乎不犯错就掩盖和尚住在罗马的“”作为一个天主教亚挪比乌。直到最近常用亚挪比乌归功于我们的著作权的工作被称为“书prædestinatus”也。 The sub-title reads:小组名称如下:

"Prædestinatorum hæresis et libri S. Angustino temere adscripti refutatio" (PL, LIII, 587 sqq.).“Prædestinatorum hæresis等利博利南Angustino氖temere adscripti refutatio”(特等,53号,587时12 sqq。)。Dating from the fifth century and divided into three parts, this work, which was first published by J. Sirmond in 1643, attempts under the mask of ecclesiastical authority to refute Augustine's doctrine of grace together with the heretical Predestinarianism of pseudo-Augustine.建于5世纪和奥古斯丁分为三个部分,这项工作,这是首次出版于1643年由J.西尔蒙-,企图掩盖下的伪宗教与邪教的权力Predestinarianism的宽限期驳斥奥古斯丁的学说。 As the third part is not merely Semipelagianism but undisguised Pelagianism, von Schubert has of late rightly concluded ("Der sog. Prædestinatus, ein Beitrag zur Gesch. des Pelagianismus", Leipzig, 1903) that the author wrote about 440 in Italy, perhaps at Rome itself, and was one of the associates of Julian of Eclanum (for further particulars see PREDESTINARIANISM).由于第三部分不只是Semipelagianism但露骨佩拉纠学派,冯舒伯特在已晚得出正确的结论(“明镜索。Prædestinatus,艾因Beitrag祖尔格希。德Pelagianismus”,莱比锡,1903年),撰文写到了440个在意大利,也许罗马本身,并Eclanum一朱利安对联营公司的详情(进一步见PREDESTINARIANISM)。

The most important representative of Semipelagianism after Cassian was undoubtedly the celebrated Bishop Faustus of Riez.该代表后的最重要的Semipelagianism卡西安无疑是著名的主教浮士德的里耶兹。When the Gallic priest Lucidus had drawn on himself, on account of his heretical predestinationism, the condemnation of two synods (Arles, 473; Lyons 474), Faustus was commissioned by the assembled bishops to write a scientific refutation of the condemned heresy; hence his work, "De gratia libri II" (PL, LVIII, 783 sqq.).当高卢祭司Lucidus借鉴了自己predestinationism,邪教对他的帐户,在473谴责两个主教会议(阿尔勒;里昂474),浮士德是委托组装主教谴责撰写科学驳斥异端,因此他工作,“德特惠利博利Ⅱ”(特等,第五十八号,783时12 sqq。)。Agreeing neither with the "pestifer doctor Pelagius" nor with the "error prædestinationis" of Lucidus, he resolutely adopted the standpoint of John Cassian.既不赞同Lucidus与“pestifer医生伯拉纠”,也不符合“错误的prædestinationis”,他坚决的立场,通过了卡西安约翰。 Like him, he denied the necessity of prevenient grace at the beginning of justification, and compares the will to a "small hook" (quædam voluntatis ansula) which reaches out and seizes grace.同他一样,他否认在合理的必要性开始前的宽限期,并比较,将在“小钩”(quædam自主选择ansula),其中伸出抓住宽限期。 Of predestination to heaven and final perseverance as a "special grace" (gratia specialis, personalis) he will not hear.的宿命作为“特殊的恩典天堂和最后的执着”(特惠特别,属人),他不听。That he sincerely believed that by these propositions he was condemning not a dogma of the Church, but the false private views of St. Augustine, is as certain in his case as in that of his predecessors Cassian and Hilary of Arles (see above). Consequently, their objectively reprehensible but subjectively excusable action has not prevented France from honouring these three men as Saints even to this day.他真诚地认为,这些主张,他谴责教会不是教条的,但虚假的私人圣奥古斯丁的看法,是因为在他的某些情况下(如在阿尔勒,他的前任希拉里卡西安和见上文)。因此,他们应该受到谴责,但客观主观情有可原的行动并没有阻止,甚至一天法国从这个纪念圣徒这三名男子。 The later Massilians were as little conscious as the earlier that they had strayed from the straight line of orthodoxy, and the infallible authority of the Church had not yet given a decision.后来Massilians作为一种自觉的小教堂以前,他们已经背离线直正统,以及犯错的权力尚未作出决定。

One should, however, speak only of a predominance, and not of a supremacy, of Semipelagianism at this period.每个人都应该,但是,说只有一个优势,以及优势不是一个Semipelagianism,对在此期间。In proof of this statement we may cite two anonymous writings, which appeared most probably in Gaul itself.在声明中证明这一点,我们可以举出两个匿名的著作,其中最有可能出现高卢本身研究。About 430 an unknown writer, recognized by Pope Gelasius as "probatus ecclesiæ magister", composed the epoch-making work, "De vocatione omnium gentium" (PL, LI, 647 sq.).关于430一个未知的作家,格拉西承认教皇为“probatus琤魔导师”,组成了具有划时代意义的工作,“德vocatione奥尼厄姆普肉体的”(特等,李,647平方米)。 It is an honest and skilful attempt to soften down the contradictions and to facilitate the passage from Semipelagianism to a moderate Augustinism.这是一个诚实的和干练的企图软化下来的矛盾和促进Semipelagianism通过从一个温和的Augustinism。 To harmonize the universality of the will of redemption with restricted predestination, the anonymous author distinguishes between the general provision of grace (benignitas generalis) which excludes no one, and the special care of God (gratia specialis), which is given only to the elect.为了协调宿命与普遍性的限制将赎回,匿名作者区分一般规定的宽限期(benignitas知通),其中不包括任何人,和上帝的特殊照顾(特惠特别),这是由于只对选举。 As suggestions towards this distinction are already found in St. Augustine, we may say that this work stands on Augustinian ground (cf. Loofs, "Dogmengesch.", 4th ed., Leipzig, 1906, p. 391).作为对这一建议的区别已经在圣奥古斯丁发现,我们可以说,这项工作地站在奥古斯丁(参见卢夫斯,“Dogmengesch。”第四版。,莱比锡,1906年,第391页)。 Another anonymous writing dating from the middle of the fifth century, reckoned among the works of Augustine, and edited by the Academy of Vienna, bears the title: "Hypomnesticon contra Pelagianos et Cœlestianos" (Corpus scriptor. ecclesiast. latin., X, 1611 sqq.).另一个匿名的写作年代从十五世纪的中,奥古斯丁的作品之间的计算,和维也纳主编由中国科学院,耐标题:“Hypomnesticon潮水Pelagianos等Cœlestianos”(语料库scriptor。ecclesiast。拉丁语。,十,1611年时12 sqq。)。It contains a refutation of Semipelagianism, as it condemns the foundation of predestination on the "faith foreseen" by God (fides prœvisa).它包含一个Semipelagianism反驳的,因为它谴责“,”信仰预见的宿命的基础上由神(惹人prœvisa)。 But it also sharply challenges the irresistibility of grace and predestination to hell.但它也急剧挑战地狱不可抗拒的恩典和宿命来。As the ground for eternal damnation the Divine foresight of sin is given, although the author cannot help seeing that eternal punishment as the consequence of sin is settled from all eternity.由于地面永恒的诅咒罪恶的神圣远见给出,但笔者不能不看到罪永恒的惩罚后果是永恒的所有解决。A third work deserves special attention, inasmuch as it reflects the views of Rome towards the end of the fifth century; it is entitled: "Indiculus seu præteritorum Sedis Apostolicæ episcoporum auctoritates" (in Denzinger-Bannwart, "Enchiridion", Freiburg, 1908, nn. 129-42), and emphasizes in twelve chapters the powerlessness of man to raise himself, the absolute necessity of grace for all salutary works, and the special grace-character of final perseverance.第三个工作值得特别注意,因为它反映的意见第五世纪罗马结束对,它的标题是:“Indiculus东南大学præteritorum位置未定Apostolicæ episcoporum auctoritates”(在登青格,Bannwart,“便览”,弗赖堡,1908年, nn的。129-42),并强调在男子12章节,以提高自己的无能为力,绝对必要的宽限期为所有有益的工作,和特别的恩典,性格坚毅的决赛。The "deeper and more difficult questions" concerning grace, as they emerged in the course of the discussion, were passed over as superfluous.在“更深入,更困难的问题”有关的恩典,因为他们讨论的过程中出现的,都过了是多余的。The Augustinian standpoint of the compiler is as unmistakable as the anti-Semipelagian tendency of the whole work.该编译器奥古斯丁的立场,是明白无误的工作作为整个趋势反Semipelagian。Regarded in earlier times and to some extent even today as a papal instruction sent by Celestine I to the bishops of Gaul together with the document mentioned above, this appendix, or "indiculus" is now considered unauthentic and its origin referred to the end of the fifth century.在较早时间,视为在一定程度上什至今天结束了教皇的指令发出塞莱斯蒂纳我到高卢主教连同上述文件,本附录,或“indiculus”目前被认为是不真实的,其原产地提到五世纪。 It is certain that about AD 500 this work was recognized as the official expression of the views of the Apostolic See.可以肯定的是,大约公元500年,这项工作见确认为使徒的意见正式表达了。


Not at Rome or in Gaul, but after a roundabout passage through Constantinople, the Semipelagian strife was to break out with new violence.不是在罗马或在高卢,但在通过君士坦丁堡迂回的推移,Semipelagian争斗是打破暴力出新。It happened in this wise: In 519, Scythian monks under Johannes Maxentius who was versed in Latin literature, appeared at Constantinople with the intention of having inserted in the symbol of the Council of Chalcedon (451) the Christological formula, "Unus de s. Trinitate in carne crucifixus est", in view of the Theopaschite quarrel, which was then raging.这事发生在这个明智的:在519,文学,西徐亚僧侣约翰内斯马克森提下在谁是精通拉丁美洲出现在君士坦丁堡打算与有第插入德的象征理事会的卡尔西(451)的基督公式“,联合国大学Trinitate在卡恩crucifixus预测“,在Theopaschite鉴于争吵,这是当时肆虐。 In this clause the fanatical monks saw the "standard of orthodoxy", and regarded the solemn reception of the same into the symbol as the most efficacious means of overthrowing Monophysitism.在本条款的狂热僧侣看到正统“,”标准,并把最有效的手段推翻基督一庄严的接待到符号作为相同。With their untimely proposition they importuned even the papal legates, who were entrusted with the negotiations for the re-establishment of official relations between Rome and Byzantium.他们用自己的不合时宜的主张纠缠甚至教皇使节,谁赋予了罗马和拜占庭与谈判之间的正式关系的重新建立。When Bishop Possessor from Africa approached the hesitating legates with quotations from the works of the recently-deceased Faustus of Riez, Maxentius did not hesitate to denounce Possessor and his abettors curtly as "partisans of Pelagius" (sectatores Pelagii; cf. Maxentius, "Ep. ad legatos" in PG, LXXXVI, 85).当非洲的主教由产权所有人接触浮士德的里耶兹死者犹豫最近使节从作品中的报价,马克森提毫不犹豫地谴责领主和他的教唆者贝拉基简短地为“游击队”(sectatores Pelagii;比照。马克森提,“内啡肽。广告legatos“在编号,捌拾,85)。Thus the question of the orthodoxy of Faustus suddenly arose, and simultaneously that of Semipelagianism in general; henceforth, the conflict never abated until its final settlement.因此,浮士德的问题突然出现的正统,并同时认为Semipelagianism一般,从今以后,这场冲突没有减弱,直至最终解决。 As no decision could be reached without the concurrence of Rome, Maxentius started for Rome in June, 519, with several fellow-monks to lay their petition before Pope Hormisdas. During their fourteen months' residence at Rome they left no means untried to induce the pope to recognize the Christological formula and to condemn Faustus. Hormisdas, however, refused to yield to either request.由于没有决定可能是罗马达成未经同意,马克森提开始为罗马6月,519,与几个同伴,僧侣,放下他们卡尔米斯达斯教皇前请愿。在其14个月'居住在罗马,他们没有留下好勇斗狠,促使教宗承认基督公式,并谴责浮士德。卡尔米斯达斯,但拒绝屈服于任何一方的要求。 On the contrary, in a reply to Bishop Possessor of 20 Aug., 520, he complains bitterly of the tactless and fanatical conduct of the Scythian monks at Rome (cf. A. Thiel, "Epistolæ Romanor. Pontif. genuinæ", I, Braunsberg, 1868, 929).相反,在我回答主教产权所有人的8月20日,520,他痛苦地抱怨,罗马(参见A的狂热沙弥,不得体和进行的西徐亚提尔,“Epistolæ Romanor。Pontif。genuinæ”,布劳恩斯贝格,1868年,929)。As for Faustus, Hormisdas declares in the same letter that his works certainly contain much that is distorted (incongrua) and is, moreover, not included among the recognized writings of the Fathers.至于浮士德,卡尔米斯达斯在同一封信中宣布,他的作品当然包含了许多被扭曲(incongrua),并,而且,没有父亲的著作中包含的认可。 The sound doctrine on grace and freedom could be taken from the writings of St. Augustine.健全和自由的原则上可采取的宽限期从圣奥古斯丁的著作。

This evasive answer of the pope, showing no inclination to meet their wishes, was far from pleasing to Maxentius and his companions.这是教皇回避回答,显示出没有兴趣,以满足他们的愿望,还远远取悦马克森提和他的同伴。Turning elsewhere for support Maxentius formed a league of the African bishops, who, in consequence of the Vandal persecution of the Catholics under King Thrasamund (496-523), were living in exile on the Island of Sardinia.谈到其他地方支持马克森提形成了撒丁岛的非洲联盟主教,谁在迫害后果的防暴天主教徒根据国王Thrasamund(496-523),住在流亡的岛。 Fulgentius of Ruspe, the most learned of the exiles, inquired into the matter on behalf of his fellow-bishops.傅箴修的Ruspe,最了解的流亡者,此事询问了关于主教代表他的同胞。In a long epistle (Fulgentius, Ep. xvii, "De incarnatione et gratia", in PL, LXV, 451 sqq.), he gratified the Scythian monks by approving the orthodoxy of the Christological formula and the condemnation of Faustus of Riez.在长期的书信(傅箴修,环保。十七,“德incarnatione等特惠”,在特等,第六十五号,451时12 sqq。)时,他感到欣慰的里耶兹浮士德的西徐亚僧侣由批准正统的基督谴责和公式。Unfortunately his polemical work in seven books against Faustus is lost, but in his numerous writings, which he composed partly during his exile in Sardinia and partly after his return to Africa, there breathes a spirit so truly Augustinian that he has been rightly called the "epitomized Augustine".遗憾的是他的七本书论战一起对浮士德丢失,但在他的许多著作,他在他组成的非洲部分流亡在撒丁岛和部分后,他返回,有呼吸的精神,以便真正奥古斯丁,他已被正确地称为“奥古斯丁的缩影“。 The blow dealt to Faustus had its effect both in Gaul and at Rome.对浮士德的打击,曾在罗马效力都在高卢和。Bishop Cæsarius of Arles, although a pupil of Lérins, subscribed to the Augustinian doctrine of grace, and his views were shared by many of the Gallic episcopate.主教Cæsarius的阿尔勒,虽然勒兰学生的,赞同奥古斯丁的学说的宽限期,并同意他的观点是主教的高卢很多。 Other bishops were indeed still inclined towards Semipelagianism.其他主教们确实仍然Semipelagianism倾向。At a Synod of Valence (528 or 529) Cæsarius was attacked on account of his teaching, but was able to reply effectively. Having been assured of the "authority and support of the Apostolic See", he summoned on 3 July, 529, the sharers of his views to the Second Synod of Orange, which condemned Semipelagianism as heresy.在一价的主教(528或529)Cæsarius遭到袭击,他对教学的帐户,但能有效地回答。“被保证的”权威见使徒和支持,他召集7月3日,529中,共享者的意见,以作为他的第二次主教会议的异端橙,Semipelagianism的谴责。 In twenty-five canons the entire powerlessness of nature for good, the absolute necessity of prevenient grace for salutary acts, especially for the beginning of faith, the absolute gratuity of the first grace and of final perseverance, were defined, while in the epilogue the predestination of the will to evil was branded as heresy (cf. Denzinger-Bannwart, nn. 174-200).在25门炮的定义了完整的,无能为力的性质,前的宽限期良好的必要性,绝对的有益的行为,特别是开始的恩典和信仰,绝对酬金第一最终毅力,而在尾声的宿命的意愿,邪恶是异端邪说品牌为(参见登青格,Bannwart,神经网络。174-200)。 As Pope Boniface II solemnly ratified the decrees in the following year (530), the Synod of Orange was raised to the rank of an œcumenical council.正如教宗博义二世批准了庄严的法令在一年以下(530),橙色的主教向安理会提出了一个等级乃众人。It was the final triumph of the dead Augustine, the "Doctor of Grace".这是恩典“最后的胜利,死者奥古斯丁,医生的”。

Publication information Written by J. Pohle.出版信息波勒书面由J.。Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.转录由道格拉斯波特。Dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.奉献给耶稣圣心天主教百科全书,卷十三。 Published 1912.1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年2月1日。Remy Lafort, DD, Censor. Imprimatur.人头马lafort,副署长,检查员。认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


SUAREZ, Proleg.苏亚雷斯,前脚。de gratia, V, v, Sqq.; ELEUTHERIUS (LIVINUS MEYER), De Pelagianis et Semipelag.德特惠,五,五,时12 sqq。; ELEUTHERIUS(LIVINUS迈耶),德Pelagianis等Semipelag。erroribus (Antwerp, 1705); GEFFKEN, Historia semipelagianismi (Göttingen, 1826); WIGGERS, Gesch. erroribus(安特卫普,1705); GEFFKEN,史记semipelagianismi(哥廷根,1826);威格斯,格希。des Pelagianismus (Hamburg, 1835) ; KOCH, Der hl.德Pelagianismus(汉堡,1835年),科克,德升。Faustus v. Riez (Stuttgart, 1893); ARNOLD, Cäsarius von Arelate (Leipzig, 1894); HOCH, Die Lehre des Joh.浮士德诉里耶兹(斯图加特,1893年);阿诺德,Cäsarius冯阿勒莱特(莱比锡,1894年);霍奇,模具莱勒德荷兰Joh。 Cassian von Natur u.卡西安冯下加快美国Gnade (Freiburg, 1895); SUBLET, Le semipélagianisme des origines dans ses rapports avec Augustin, le pélagianisme et l'église (Namur, 1897); WÖRTER, Beitrage zur Dogmengesch.与gnade(弗赖堡,1895年);转租,乐semipélagianisme德origines丹斯经济局局长rapports avec奥古斯丁,勒pélagianisme等l' Église的(那慕尔,1897年); WÖRTER,文集祖尔Dogmengesch。 des Semipelagianismus (Paderborn, 1898); IDEM, Zur Dogmengesch.德Semipelagianismus(帕德博恩,1898年);同上,祖尔Dogmengesch。des Semipelagianismus (Münster, 1900); HEFELE-LECLERCQ, Hist.德Semipelagianismus(明斯特,1900年);黑弗勒,勒克莱尔,组织胺。 des conciles, II (Paris, 1908); TIXERONT, Hist.德conciles,二(巴黎,1908年); TIXERONT,组织胺。des dogmes, II (2nd ed., Paris, 1909); HARNACK, Dogmengesch., III (4th ed., Freiburg, 1910).德dogmes,第二章(第2版。,巴黎,1909年);哈纳克,Dogmengesch。,第三章(第4版。,弗赖堡,1910年)。 On questions of literary history see BARDENHEWER, Patrologie (3rd ed., Freiburg, 1910), passim, tr.关于历史问题的文学看到巴登黑韦尔,Patrologie(第3版。,弗赖堡,1910年),各处,文。SHAHAN (St. Louis, 1908); on the Middle Ages cf.沙汉(圣路易斯,1908年),关于年龄比照中东。MINGES, Die Gnadenlehre des Duns Scotus auf ihren angeblichen Pelagianismus u.明杰斯,模具Gnadenlehre德邓司各脱卜拉欣奥夫ihren angeblichen Pelagianismus美国Semipelag.Semipelag。 geprüft (Münster, 1906); on the internal development of Augustine's teaching Consult WEINAND, Die Gottesidee der Grundzug der Weltanschauung des hl. geprüft(明斯特,1906年),关于咨询魏南德内部发展的奥古斯丁的教学,模具Gottesidee明镜Grundzug明镜世界观德升。 Augustinus (Paderborn, 1910).奥古斯丁(帕德博恩,1910年)。

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