History of the Bible历史的圣经

Septuagint, LXX septuagint , lxx

General Information 一般资料

The Septuagint, commonly designated LXX, is the oldest Greek version of the Old Testament of the Bible , the title "seventy" referring to the tradition that it was the work of 70 translators (or 72 in some traditions). 该septuagint ,常见的指定lxx ,是最古老的希腊版本的旧约的圣经 ,题目是“ 70 ”指的传统,这是工作的70名笔译员(或72 ,在一些传统) 。 The translation was made from the Hebrew Bible by Hellenistic Jews during the period 275 - 100 BC at Alexandria.翻译是由希伯来文的圣经希腊犹太人期间, 275 -1 00年在亚历山大。 Initially the Septuagint was widely used by Greek - speaking Jews, but its adoption by the Christians, who used it in preference to the Hebrew original, aroused hostility among the Jews, who ceased to use it after about 70 AD. It is still used by the Greek Orthodox church.最初septuagint被广泛使用的希腊-在谈到犹太人,但其通过的基督徒,谁用它在优先希伯来文原,引起的敌意之间的犹太人,谁停止使用它后,约7 0的广告,这是仍在使用希腊东正教教堂。

The Septuagint contains the books of the Hebrew Bible, the deuterocanonical books - that is, those not in the Hebrew version but accepted by the Christian church - and the Apocrypha. Ancient manuscripts from Qumran suggest that the Septuagint often followed a Hebrew text different from the present authoritative Hebrew text. Thus its value for textual criticism has been enhanced.该septuagint包含书籍的希伯来文圣经,次经的书籍-这是,那些没有在希伯来文版本,但所接受的基督教教堂-和a p ocrypha。古代手稿从库姆兰认为se ptuagint之后往往是一希伯来语的文字不同,从目前权威的希伯来文,因此其价值为考据学有了较大的提高。 The Septuagint provides an understanding of the cultural and intellectual settings of Hellenistic Judaism.该septuagint提供了一个了解的文化和知识的设置希腊犹太教。

BELIEVE 相信
Religious 宗教
Information 信息
Source 来源
web-site 网址:
Our List of 1,000 Religious Subjects 我们所列出的1000名宗教科目
E-mail 电子邮箱
Norman K Gottwald诺曼k gottwald

Bibliography 参考书目
CH Dodd, The Bible and the Greeks (1935); S Jellicoe, The LXX and Modern Studies (1968).的CH多德,圣经和希腊( 1935年) ; s jellicoe , lxx和现代研究( 1968年) 。


Septuagint septuagint

General Information 一般资料

Septuagint is the name given the ancient Greek translation of the Hebrew Old Testament. septuagint的名称是由于古希腊的翻译希伯来文的旧约。 The term is derived from the Latin word septuaginta ("seventy"; hence, the customary abbreviation LXX), which refers to the 70 (or 72) translators who were once believed to have been appointed by the Jewish high priest of the time to render the Hebrew Bible into Greek at the behest of the Hellenistic emperor Ptolemy II.这个词是来自拉丁词septuaginta ( “ 70 ” ;因此,习惯的缩写, lxx ) ,是指以70 (或72 )笔译谁一度被认为已被任命的犹太大祭司的时间内使希伯来文圣经到希腊在遗志,希腊托勒密二世皇帝。

The legend of the 70 translators contains an element of truth, for the Torah (the five books of Moses-Genesis to Deuteronomy) probably had been translated into Greek by the 3rd century BC to serve the needs of Greek-speaking Jews outside Palestine who were no longer able to read their Scriptures in the original Hebrew.传说70 ,翻译包含的一个组成部分真理,为犹太教律法(五本书的摩西-成因,以申命记) ,可能已经被翻译成希腊由第三世纪公元前服务的需要,希腊为母语的犹太人以外的巴勒斯坦人谁不再能读经文,他们在原来的希伯来文。 The translation of the remaining books of the Hebrew Old Testament, the addition to it of books and parts of books (the Apocrypha), and the final production of the Greek Old Testament as the Bible of the early Christian church form a very complicated history.翻译的书籍,其余的希伯来文旧约,除了它的书籍和部分书籍( apocrypha ) ,以及最后的生产,希腊作为旧约圣经的早期基督教教堂的形式一个非常复杂的历史。 Because the Septuagint, rather than the Hebrew text, became the Bible of the early church, other Jewish translations of the Hebrew Bible into Greek were made by the 3rd century; these are extant only in fragments, and their history is even more obscure than that of the Septuagint.因为septuagint ,而不是希伯来语文本,成为圣经初期教会,其他的犹太翻译的希伯来语圣经成希腊提出了由第三世纪,这是现存的只有在片段,和他们的历史,更是模糊,比该septuagint 。

Rev. Bruce Vawter牧师布鲁斯vawter


.

Vulgate武加大

General Information 一般资料

Vulgate (Latin vulgata editio, "popular edition") is the edition of the Latin Bible that was pronounced "authentic" by the Council of Trent.武加大(拉丁语系vulgata editio , “流行版” )是版的拉丁语圣经,这是明显的“真实” ,由理事会特伦特。 The name originally was given to the "common edition" of the Greek Septuagint used by the early Fathers of the Church.名称原本是考虑到“共同版” ,希腊septuagint所使用的早期的父亲教会。 It was then transferred to the Old Latin version (the Itala) of both the Old Testament and the New Testament that was used extensively during the first centuries in the Western church.当时转移到旧拉丁美洲版(名单)双方的旧约和新约圣经,这是广泛使用在第一世纪在西方教会。 The present composite Vulgate is basically the work of St. Jerome, a Doctor of the Church.目前复合武加大,基本上是工作的圣杰罗姆,医生的教会。

At first St. Jerome used the Greek Septuagint for his Old Testament translation, including parts of the Apocrypha; later he consulted the original Hebrew texts. He produced three versions of the Psalms, called the Roman, the Gallican, and the Hebrew. The Gallican Psalter, based on a Greek transliteration of a Hebrew text, is now read in the Vulgate.在第一圣杰罗姆用希腊septuagint他旧约圣经的翻译,包括部分的apocrypha ;后来,他征询了原来的希伯来文, 他制作了三个版本的诗篇,被称为罗马, gallican ,和希伯来语。 gallican psalter的基础上,希腊译音一个希伯来语的文字,现正读,在武加大。 At the request of Pope Damasus I in 382, Jerome had previously undertaken a revision of the New Testament.在要求教宗达玛斯一世在382 ,杰罗姆先前曾承诺,修订新约圣经。 He corrected the Gospels thoroughly; it is disputed whether the slight revisions made in the remainder of the New Testament are his work.他纠正了福音彻底,这是有争议的,是否有轻微所作的修改,在余下的新约圣经是他的工作。

Through the next 12 centuries, the text of the Vulgate was transmitted with less and less accuracy.通过在未来的12世纪,文字的武加大转交与少的准确性。 The Council of Trent (around 1550) recognized the need for an authentic Latin text and authorized a revision of the extant corrupt editions. This revision is the basic Latin text still used by scholars. A modern reworking of it, called for by Pope Paul VI as a result of the Second Vatican Council, was largely completed in 1977.安理会的特伦特(约1550 )承认需要有一个真实的拉美文本,并授权修改现存的腐败版本, 这是修订的基本拉丁美洲文本仍在使用的学者。现代化改造的,所要求的保禄六世由于梵蒂冈第二次会议,主要是完成于1977年。 It was used in making up the new liturgical texts in Latin that were basic to the vernacular liturgies mandated by the council.它被用来在作出了新的礼仪文本在拉丁美洲被基本以白话文liturgies安理会授权。


Version version

Advanced Information 先进的信息

A Version is a translation of the holy Scriptures.一个版本是一个翻译圣经。 This word is not found in the Bible; nevertheless, as frequent references are made in this work to various ancient as well as modern versions, it is fitting that some brief account should be given of the most important of these.这两个字是没有发现在圣经中;不过,正如经常提到了在这方面的工作,以各种古代以及现代版本,它是恰当的一些简短的帐户应考虑的最重要的。 These versions are important helps to the right interpretation of the Word.这些版本是重要的帮助的权利一词的解释。 (See Samaritan Pentateuch article, below.) (见撒玛利亚pentateuch文章,下文) 。
.

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯顿说明字典)


Newer Popular English Versions新流行的中英文版本

General Information 一般资料

The American Standard Version (1901, 1946, 1957); The Holy Bible; Revised Standard Version (1946 [NT], 1952 [OT], 1971); the Living Bible (1971); the New International Version (NIV) (1973, 1978, 1984); the Simple English Version (1978, 1980); the New King James Version (1982); and the Micro Bible (1988), have all developed broad acceptance by various Christian Denominations and groups. 美国标准版 ( 1901年, 1946年, 1957年) ; 圣经;修订标准版 ( 1946年[ NT ]的, 1952年[酒店] , 1971年) ; 生活圣经 ( 1971年) ; 新国际版(证) ( 1973 , 1978年, 1984年) ; 简单的英语版 ( 1978年, 1980年) ; 新国王詹姆斯版 ( 1982年) ;和微型圣经 ( 1988年) ,所有发达国家广泛接受各基督教教派和团体。

Additionally, the Literal Translation of the Holy Bible (Young, 1887, reprinted 1953); The Twentieth Century New Testament (1901); The Historical New Testament (Moffatt, 1901); The New Testament in Modern Speech (Weymouth, 1903); The Holy Bible - An Improved Edition (Amer. Baptist Publication Society, 1913); The Bible - A New Translation (Moffatt, 1922); The New Testament, an American Translation (Goodspeed, 1923); The Bible, an American Translation (Goodspeed, 1931); The New Testament (Williams, 1937); Letters to Young Churches (Phillips, 1948) (paraphrases the New Testament Epistles); The Gospels (Phillips, 1953) (popular paraphrases among young people); The Berkeley Version of the Bible (Verkuyl, 1959); have popularity for various reasons, usually either common vocabulary or extremely careful translation.此外, 直译的圣经 (青年, 1887年, 1953年重印) ; 二十世纪的新约圣经 ( 1901 ) ; 历史新约圣经 ( moffatt , 1901 ) ; 新约圣经在现代的讲话 ( ∙威冒思, 1903 ) ;圣经-一种改进版( a mer.浸会出版的社会, 1 913年) ;圣经-一种新的翻译(m o ffatt,1 9 22);新约圣经,一名美国翻译(g o odspeed,1 9 23);圣经,一名美国翻译(g o odspeed, 1931年) ; 新约圣经 (威廉姆斯, 1937 ) ; 写信给年轻的教会 (菲利普斯, 1948年) ( paraphrases新约圣经书信) ; 福音 (菲利普斯, 1953 ) (流行paraphrases青少年人) ; 伯克利版本的圣经 ( verkuyl , 1959年) ;有人气,基于种种原因,通常不是共通的词汇或极为审慎的翻译。


.

Samaritan Pentateuch samaritan pentateuch

Advanced Information 先进的信息

On the return from the Exile, the Jews refused the Samaritans participation with them in the worship at Jerusalem, and the latter separated from all fellowship with them, and built a temple for themselves on Mount Gerizim.关于归还从流放,犹太人拒绝撒玛利亚会的参与与他们在崇拜在耶路撒冷,后者则脱离所有的奖学金和他们建立了一个庙,为自己对山盖里济姆。 This temple was razed to the ground more than one hundred years BC Then a system of worship was instituted similar to that of the temple at Jerusalem.这庙夷为平地以上的百年公元前然后制度崇拜是建立了类似的表示,在该庙在耶路撒冷。 It was founded on the Law, copies of which had been multiplied in Israel as well as in Judah.它成立于法律,副本已乘以在以色列,以及在犹大。

Thus the Pentateuch was preserved among the Samaritans, although they never called it by this name, but always "the Law," which they read as one book.因此, pentateuch保存之间的撒玛利亚会,虽然他们从来没有所谓的它的这个名字,但总是“法” ,作为他们阅读一本书。 The division into five books, as we now have it, however, was adopted by the Samaritans, as it was by the Jews, in all their priests' copies of "the Law," for the sake of convenience.该司到五本书,作为我们现在有它,但是,通过撒玛利亚,因为它是由犹太人,在其所有的神父'的副本“法” ,为方便起见。 This was the only portion of the Old Testament which was accepted by the Samaritans as of divine authority.这是唯一的部分旧约这是接受撒玛利亚作为神圣的权威。

The form of the letters in the manuscript copies of the Samaritan Pentateuch is different from that of the Hebrew copies, and is probably the same as that which was in general use before the Captivity.形式的信件在手稿的副本撒玛利亚pentateuch是不同的是希伯来文的副本,并可能是一样,即这是在一般使用前,圈养的。 There are other peculiarities in the writing which need not here be specified.还有其他的特殊性,在写作不必在这里被指定。 There are important differences between the Hebrew and the Samaritan copies of the Pentateuch in the readings of many sentences.有重要的分歧,希伯来语和撒玛利亚份的pentateuch ,在读许多服刑。 In about two thousand instances in which the Samaritan and the Jewish texts differ, the LXX agrees with the former.在大约2000个实例中,撒玛利亚和犹太文本的不同, lxx同意同前。 The New Testament also, when quoting from the Old Testament, agrees as a rule with the Samaritan text, where that differs from the Jewish.新约圣经此外,当引用旧约圣经,同意作为一项规则与撒玛利亚文本,其中不同的犹太人。 Thus Ex.因此,前。 12:40 in the Samaritan reads, "Now the sojourning of the children of Israel and of their fathers which they had dwelt in the land of Canaan and in Egypt was four hundred and thirty years" (comp. Gal. 3: 17). 12时40分在撒玛利亚的内容, “现在sojourning的儿童,以色列和他们父辈,他们已花了在土地的迦南,并在埃及是四百三十年” ( GAL的comp. 。 3 : 17 ) 。 It may be noted that the LXX has the same reading of this text.它可能需要指出的是, lxx具有相同的读的这个文本。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯顿说明字典)


.

Sinaiticus codex sinaiticus法典

Advanced Information 先进的信息

Sinaiticus codex, usually designated by the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, is one of the most valuable of ancient MSS of the Greek New Testament. sinaiticus食品法典委员会,通常是指定的第一个字母,希伯来文字母表,是其中一个最宝贵的古代支助的希腊新约圣经。 On the occasion of a third visit to the convent of St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, in 1859, it was discovered by Dr. Tischendorf.就之际,第三次访问,以修道院的圣凯瑟琳,在西奈山,在1859年,人们发现博士提申多夫。 He had on a previous visit in 1844 obtained forty-three parchment leaves of the LXX, which he deposited in the university library of Leipsic, under the title of the Codex Frederico-Augustanus, after his royal patron the king of Saxony.他曾在先前的访问在1844年获得43羊皮纸叶片的lxx ,这是他存放在大学图书馆的leipsic ,标题下的食品法典委员会frederico - augustanus后,他的皇家赞助国王萨克森州。 In the year referred to (1859) the emperor of Russia sent him to prosecute his search for MSS, which he was convinced were still to be found in the Sinai convent.在这一年中提到( 1859年)皇帝俄罗斯送他到起诉他的搜索和支助,他深信,仍有待发现,在西奈半岛的修道院。

The story of his finding the manuscript of the New Testament has all the interest of a romance.的故事,他找到了手稿的新约圣经的所有利益,一个浪漫的邂逅。 He reached the convent on 31st January; but his inquiries appeared to be fruitless.他所达成的修道院就1月31日;但他的调查似乎是徒劳的。 On the 4th February he had resolved to return home without having gained his object.对2月4日,他已经解决了返回家园而不必得到他的对象。 "On that day, when walking with the provisor of the convent, he spoke with much regret of his ill-success. Returning from their promenade, Tischendorf accompanied the monk to his room, and there had displayed to him what his companion called a copy of the LXX, which he, the ghostly brother, owned. The MS was wrapped up in a piece of cloth, and on its being unrolled, to the surprise and delight of the critic the very document presented itself which he had given up all hope of seeing. “这一天,走路时与provisor的修道院,他以非常遗憾,他虐待的成功。返回从他们的长廊,提申多夫的陪同下僧人到他的房间,并有显示他什么他的同伴所谓的副本该lxx ,而他,鬼怪的兄弟,国有。女士被包裹在一块布,并就其被unrolled ,向感到惊讶和喜悦的影评人非常的文件本身,他已经放弃了所有的希望看到。

His object had been to complete the fragmentary LXX of 1844, which he had declared to be the most ancient of all Greek codices on vellum that are extant; but he found not only that, but a copy of the Greek New Testament attached, of the same age, and perfectly complete, not wanting a single page or paragraph." This precious fragment, after some negotiations, he obtained possession of, and conveyed it to the Emperor Alexander, who fully appreciated its importance, and caused it to be published as nearly as possible in facsimile, so as to exhibit correctly the ancient handwriting.他的对象已完成零碎lxx的1844年,他被宣布为最古老的所有希腊codices对vellum是现存的;但他发现,不仅如此,但副本,希腊新约圣经的重视,该同样的年龄,和完美的完成,而不是要一个单一的网页或段“ ,这珍贵的片段,经过一番谈判,他获得了藏,并转达给皇帝亚历山大,谁充分体会到它的重要性,并造成它公布近尽可能在传真,以便为展览正确古代的笔迹。

The entire codex consists of 346 1/2 folios.整个食品法典委员会的组成346 1 / 2 folios 。 Of these 199 belong to the Old Testament and 147 1/2 to the New, along with two ancient documents called the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas.这些199属于旧约和147 1 / 2到新的,随着两个古老的文件,称为书信巴拿巴和牧人hermas 。 The books of the New Testament stand thus:, the four Gospels, the epistles of Paul, the Acts of the Apostles, the Catholic Epistles, the Apocalypse of John.书籍的新约圣经的立场,因此, : ,四福音,保罗书信,使徒行传,天主教书信,启示约翰。

It is shown by Tischendorf that this codex was written in the fourth century, and is thus of about the same age as the Vatican codex; but while the latter wants the greater part of Matthew and sundry leaves here and there besides, the Sinaiticus is the only copy of the New Testament in uncial characters which is complete.这是所显示的提申多夫,这是食品法典委员会的书面,在第四世纪,因此,约同一年龄作为梵蒂冈的法典,但后者则希望更大的一部分,马修和杂叶片在这里和那里此外, sinaiticus是只有副本,新约圣经在uncial字是完整的。 Thus it is the oldest extant MS copy of the New Testament.因此,它是最古老的现存女士的副本,新约圣经。 Both the Vatican and the Sinai codices were probably written in Egypt.无论是梵蒂冈和西奈codices大概书面在埃及。 (See Vaticanus article, below.) (见vaticanus文章,下文) 。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯顿说明字典)


Syriac syriac

Advanced Information 先进的信息

Syriac, (2 Kings 18:26; Ezra 4:7; Dan. 2:4), more correctly rendered "Aramaic," including both the Syriac and the Chaldee languages.叙利亚, ( 2国王18时26分;以斯拉4时07分;丹。 2:4 ) ,更准确地提供“阿拉姆语” ,既包括叙利亚和沙尔代语文。 In the New Testament there are several Syriac words, such as "Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani?"在新约圣经有几个叙利亚的话,如“ eloi , eloi ,达赖喇嘛sabachthani ” ? (Mark 15:34; Matt. 27:46 gives the Heb. form, "Eli, Eli"), "Raca" (Matt. 5:22), "Ephphatha" (Mark 7:34), "Maran-atha" (1 Cor. 16:22). (马克15时34分;马特。 27:46给heb 。形式, “礼,礼” ) , “ raca ” ( matt. 5时22分) , “ ephphatha ” (马克7时34分) , “马兰- atha ” ( 1肺心病。 16时22分) 。

A Syriac version of the Old Testament, containing all the canonical books, along with some apocryphal books (called the Peshitto, ie, simple translation, and not a paraphrase), was made early in the second century, and is therefore the first Christian translation of the Old Testament. 1叙利亚版本的旧约,包含所有典型的书籍,随着一些猜测书籍(称为peshitto ,即简单的翻译,而不是一个段) ,是早在第二世纪,因此,第一基督教翻译的旧约。 It was made directly from the original, and not from the LXX Version.它是直接从原来的,而不是从lxx版本。 The New Testament was also translated from Greek into Syriac about the same time.新约圣经的翻译也从希腊到叙利亚,大约同一时候。 It is noticeable that this version does not contain the Second and Third Epistles of John, 2 Peter, Jude, and the Apocalypse.值得注意的是,这个版本不包含第二次和第三次书信约翰, 2彼得,犹大书,和启示。 These were, however, translated subsequently and placed in the version.这些人,不过,翻译,其后并放置在版本。 (See Version article, above.) (见版的文章,以上) 。


.

Codex Vaticanus食品法典委员会vaticanus

Advanced Information 先进的信息

The Codex Vaticanus is said to be the oldest extant vellum manuscript.食品法典委员会vaticanus据说是最古老的现存vellum手稿。 It and the Codex Sinaiticus are the two oldest uncial manuscripts.资讯科技及食品法典委员会sinaiticus是两个最古老的uncial手稿。 They were probably written in the fourth century.他们可能以书面在第四世纪。 The Vaticanus was placed in the Vatican Library at Rome by Pope Nicolas V. in 1448, its previous history being unknown.该vaticanus被放置在图书馆,梵蒂冈在罗马教皇尼古拉斯五在1448年,其以往的历史被未知之数。

It originally consisted in all probability of a complete copy of the Septuagint and of the New Testament.它原本是构成在所有的概率的完整副本的septuagint和新约圣经。 It is now imperfect, and consists of 759 thin, delicate leaves, of which the New Testament fills 142.现在是不完善,组成759薄,微妙的叶片,其中新约圣经填补了142 。 Like the Sinaiticus, it is of the greatest value to Biblical scholars in aiding in the formation of a correct text of the New Testament.像sinaiticus ,这是最大的价值,以圣经学者在协助中,形成了正确的案文新约圣经。 It is referred to by critics as Codex B.这是所提到的批评者作为食品法典委员会乙

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯顿说明字典)


.

The Early Canon of the New Testament早期佳能的新约圣经

The following table indicates which Books of the New Testament were included in a number of early Versions, including several of the Manuscripts discussed above.下表说明了哪些书籍的新约圣经被包括在一些早期版本,其中包括几名的手稿上面所讨论。 See the legend at the bottom for descriptions of what the letters indicate.看到传说在底部的说明什么样的信件表明。

. Mar 3月
cion cion
c.140 c.140
Iren- iren -
aeus aeus
130-202 130-202
Old 老的
Latin 拉丁美洲
150-70 150-70
Murat- 穆拉特-
orian orian
c.170 c.170
Tertull tertull
.
150-220 150-220
Old 老的
Syriac 叙利亚
200 200
Origen 奥利
.
185-254 185-254
Hippo- 河马-
lytus lytus
200-25 200-25
Euse- euse -
bius bius
325-40 325-40
Codex 食品法典委员会
Vatic vatic
325-50 325-50
Codex 食品法典委员会
Sinai 西奈
325-425 325-425
Athan athan
asius asius
367 367
Amphi 露天
locius locius
380 380
Pesh- pesh -
itta 热带木材协定
375-400 375-400
Cart- 购物车-
hage3 hage3
c.397 c.397
Codex 食品法典委员会
Alex 徐家
425-75 425-75
Matthew 马修。 o o i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
Mark 马克 o o i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
Luke 路加福音 i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
John 约翰 o o i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
Acts 行为 o o i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i

Romans 罗马 i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
1 Cor 一肺心病 i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
2 Cor 2肺心病 i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
Galat galat i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
Ephes ephes i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
Philip i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
Coloss coloss i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
1 Thess 书一 i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
2 Thess 二thess i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i
1 Tim 一添 o o i i i i i i i i m i i i i i i
2 Tim 二添 o o i i i i i i i i m i i i i i i
Titus 提图斯 o o i i i i i i i i m i i i i i i
Philem philem i i i i i i i o o i i i i o o i i i

Hebrew 希伯来语 o o o o o o o o o o i d d o o i i i i o o i i i
James 詹姆斯 o o o o o o o o o o i d d o o d d m i i o o i i i
1 Pet 1聚酯 o o i o o o o i i i i i m i i o o i i i
2 Pet 2聚酯 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o d d m i i i o o i i
1 John 约翰一 o o i i i i i o o o o i m i i i i i i
2 John 2约翰 o o i i i o o o o d d o o d d m i i i o o i i
3 John 约翰三 o o o o i o o o o o o d d o o d d m i i i o o i i
Jude 裘德 o o o o i i i o o d d o o d d m i i i o o i i
Revel 狂欢 o o i i i i o o i i i m i i i o o i i

Hermas hermas o o i o o o o o o o o i o o r r m i o o o o o o o o o o
Barnabas 巴拿巴 o o o o o o o o o o o o i o o r r m i o o o o o o o o o o
Didache didache o o o o o o o o o o o o i o o r r m o o o o o o o o o o o o
ApocPet apocpet o o o o o o i o o o o o o o o o o m o o o o o o o o o o o o
1Clement 1clement o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o m o o o o o o o o o o i
2Clement 2clement o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o m o o o o o o o o o o i

i=included (canonicity definitely accepted) =包括: ( canonicity绝对接受)
o=omitted (canonicity doubted or denied) 0 =省略 ( canonicity质疑或否认)
m=missing (the codex omits the Pastorals and ends at Heb. 9:13) 米=失踪 (食品法典委员会忽略了pastorals结束heb 。 9时13分)
d=disputed (canonicity mentioned as being in doubt) =争议 ( canonicity提到,作为在疑点)
r=rejected (canonicity specifically denied) r =拒绝 ( canonicity具体否认)


Notes: 注释:
Marcion马吉安
Marcion was a heretic in Rome.马吉安是一个邪教组织在罗马。 He believed that the Church should eliminate all references to the Creator-God of the Old Testament.他认为,教会应该消除所有的提述,造物主神的旧约。 Therefore, he proposed rejecting the entire Old Testament as well as anything in the New Testament that seemed to him to be contaminated with Judaism.因此,他建议拒绝整个旧约,以及任何在新约圣经说,在他看来,受到污染,与犹太教。 Therefore, he eliminated everything but an edited version of Luke (written by the Gentile Luke) and ten of the Pauline Epistles.因此,他取消了一切,但一修改版本的卢克(书面由詹蒂莱卢克)和10的宝莲书信。 Marcion's list was definitely not the position of the Church at the time, but a deliberate variation from it.马吉安的名单是绝对不会的立场,教会在时间,但一种蓄意的变化,从它。 Actually, his efforts acted to inspire the orthodox Church to speed up their establishment of the true New Testament Canon.其实,他的努力采取行动,激励东正教教堂,以加快其建立真正的新约圣经佳能。

Muratorian Fragment穆拉多利残卷片段
Cardinal Muratori first published (in 1740) a list based on a document he studied that also came from around Rome.枢机主教muratori首次出版(在1740年)名单的基础上一份文件,他研究认为,也来自周围的罗马。 The beginning of the original document is mutilated, but it evidently included Matthew and Mark because it refers to Luke as the third Gospel.开始原始文件是被肢解,但它显然包括马修和马克,因为它是指路加福音作为第三个福音。 It included the Apocalypse of Peter (a Book later determined to be non Canonical) and it mentions that the Shepherd of Hermas as being worthy to be read in Church but not to be included among prophetic or apostolic writings.它包括的启示彼得(一本书,后来被确定为不典型)和它提到的牧人hermas作为值得读在教堂里,而不是被列入先知或使徒的著作。

The Gospel福音
Very early on, possibly soon after the writing of the Gospel according to John, the four Gospels appear to have been united.很早就,可能不久后以书面福音据约翰,四福音似乎已经美国。 The fourfold collection was originally known as "The Gospel" (singular) and this appears to be where the "according tos" were established.四收集,原本被称为“福音” (奇异)和这似乎是如“根据服务条款”成立。 This collection was designated by the Greek word Evangelion .这个集合被指定由希腊字福音战士

Tatian提安
Around 170 AD an Assyrian Christian (apparently in Rome) named Tatian combined the fourfold Gospel into a narrative "Harmony of the Gospels".约170个广告一亚述基督教(显然是在罗马)命名提安结合了四倍,成为一个福音叙事“和谐的福音” 。 This was long the favorite form of the Gospels in the Assyrian Church, and it was quite distinct from the four Gospels in the existing Old Syriac version also existant at the time.这是长期以来最喜爱的形式的福音,在亚述教会,这是截然不同的4个福音,在现有的旧版本,叙利亚也存在于时间。 Tatian's Harmony is usually known as the Diatessaron and it is thought that its original language was probably Greek, but later given to the Assyrian Christians in a Syriac form.提安的和谐是通常称为该diatessaron ,这是以为它的原文,可能是希腊语,但后来考虑到亚述人基督徒在一个叙利亚的形式。

Luke路加福音
When the four Gospels had become gathered together into one combined work, Luke's two contributions (Luke and Acts) thus became separated.当四福音已成为聚集成一个联合工作,卢克的两笔捐款(路加福音和行为) ,从而成为不可分割的。 Slight modifications were apparently then introduced into the text at the end of Luke and the beginning of Acts.略加修改,显然,然后引入到文字上月底的卢克和年初的行为。 (Luke 24:51 and Acts 1:2) Some scholars have been concerned about apparent inconsistencies regarding the Ascension in these two Books that this 'adjustment' might be responsible for that. (路加福音24:51和行为1:2 )一些学者一直关注明显不一致的关于阿森松岛,在这两本书,这'调整'可能会负责。

Corpus Paulinum语料库paulinum
At roughly the same time that the fourfold Gospel was collected together, the group of Paul's writings were assembled.在大致相同的时间,该四倍福音收集在一起,该集团的保罗的著作被组装。 It was designated by the Greek word Apostolos .被指定由希腊字的Apostolos Initially, this collection just included the letters "To the . . ."最初,这只是收集包括英文字母“向。 。 。 ” but Hebrews and Acts were soon bound up with them.但希伯来和行为的约束,尽快与他们。

Origen奥利
Origen mentioned that a number of Books were disputed by some: Hebrews, 2Peter, 2John, 3John, James, Jude, the Epistle of Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache, and the 'Gospel according to the Hebrews'.俄提到了一些书籍有争议的部分:希伯来人, 2peter , 2john , 3john ,詹姆斯,裘德,书信巴拿巴,牧人hermas , didache ,并切实遵守『福音根据希伯来人' 。 (This last greatly resembled Matthew and existed among a group called the Ebionites in Egypt and Transjordan. Jerome later identified it with the "Gospel of the Nazarenes".) It is not clear if Jerome was correct about that. (最后这极大地相似,马修和之间存在一组称为ebionites在埃及和transjordan 。杰罗姆后来发现它与“福音的nazarenes ” 。 ) ,目前尚不清楚,如果杰罗姆是正确的这一点。

Athanasius亚他那修
In 367 AD, Athanasius appears to have been the first to establish the specific New Testament Canon of 27 Books that became broadly accepted and which we follow today.在367的广告,亚他那修似乎已经率先建立了具体的新约圣经佳能公司27日的书籍,成为被广泛接受,而我们今天的后续。

Eastern Church东部教会
It took until around 508 AD that 2Peter, 2John, 3John, Jude and Revelation were included in a version of the Syriac Bible, adding to the earlier 22, to then agree with the same 27 Book New Testament Canon as in the West.花了,直到约508广告2peter , 2john , 3john ,裘德与启示被包含在一个版本的叙利亚文圣经,加入到22日早些时候,然后同意与上年27日预订新约圣经佳能作为在西部地区。

Hippo Regius (393) and Carthage (397)河马regius ( 393 )和迦太基( 397 )
These were the first two ecclesiastical Councils held specifically to classify the Canonical Books.这些都是头两家教会议会举行的特别分类,典型的书籍。 These both occurred in North Africa.这些都发生在北非。 They did not impose any 'new' list on Christians but rather codified the already generally recognized Canon.他们没有施加任何'新'名单上的基督徒,而是编纂已经普遍公认的佳能。


Septuagint Version septuagint版本

Catholic Information 天主教信息

The first translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, made into popular Greek before the Christian era.首次翻译希伯来文旧约,成为受欢迎的希腊之前,基督教的时代。 This article will treat of:本文将对待:

I. Its Importance;一,它的重要性;

II.二。 Its Origin:其资料来源:

A. According to tradition;答:按照传统;

B. According to the commonly accepted view;乙根据普遍接受的观点;

III.三。 Its subsequent history, recensions, manuscripts, and editions;随后的历史, recensions ,手稿,和版本;

IV.四。 Its critical value; Language.其临界值;语言。

I. HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE SEPTUAGINT一,历史重要性,该septuagint

The importance of the Septuagint Version is shown by the following considerations:的重要性,该septuagint版本已经呈现出来,考虑到下列因素:

A. The Septuagint is the most ancient translation of the Old Testament and consequently is invaluable to critics for understanding and correcting the Hebrew text (Massorah), the latter, such as it has come down to us, being the text established by the Massoretes in the sixth century AD Many textual corruptions, additions, omissions, or transpositions must have crept into the Hebrew text between the third and second centuries BC and the sixth and seventh centuries of our era; the manuscripts therefore which the Seventy had at their disposal, may in places have been better than the Massoretic manuscripts.答: septuagint是最古老的翻译旧约,因此是非常宝贵的批评,为了解和纠正希伯来文( massorah ) ,后者,例如,它已降低,我们正在建立的文本由massoretes在六世纪的广告,许多文本贪污,增补,遗漏,或transpositions必须有中出现的希伯来文文本之间的第三和第二世纪和公元前第六和第七世纪的我们这个时代;手稿因此,其中70已在他们的处置,可能在地方已优于massoretic手稿。

B. The Septuagint Version accepted first by the Alexandrian Jews, and afterwards by all the Greek-speaking countries, helped to spread among the Gentiles the idea and the expectation of the Messias, and to introduce into Greek the theological terminology that made it a most suitable instrument for the propagation of the Gospel of Christ.乙septuagint版本接受首先由亚历山大的犹太人,然后由所有希腊为母语的国家,帮助蔓延之间的外邦人的想法和期望的messias ,并引入希腊神学术语作出最合适的工具,传播福音的基督。

C. The Jews made use of it long before the Christian Era, and in the time of Christ it was recognised as a legitimate text, and was employed in Palestine even by the rabbis.三,犹太人利用它早在基督教时代,并在基督的时间,这是公认的一个合法的文本,并聘请在巴勒斯坦,甚至由拉比。 The Apostles and Evangelists utilised it also and borrowed Old Testament citations from it, especially in regard to the prophecies.使徒和福音利用它也和借来的旧约引文它,尤其是在方面的预言。 The Fathers and the other ecclesiastical writers of the early Church drew upon it, either directly, as in the case of the Greek Fathers, or indirectly, like the Latin Fathers and writers and others who employed Latin, Syriac, Ethiopian, Arabic and Gothic versions.父亲和其他教会作家早期教会的借鉴,无论是直接,如在案件希腊的父亲,或间接的,如拉美的父亲和作家及其他谁雇用拉丁美洲,叙利亚,埃塞俄比亚,阿拉伯语和哥特式版本。 It was held tin high esteem by all, some even believed it inspired.这是举行的田崇高的敬意所有,有些甚至认为它的启发。 Consequently, a knowledge of the Septuagint helps to a perfect understanding of these literatures.因此,一个以知识的septuagint有助于一个完美的了解,这些文献。

D. At the present time, the Septuagint is the official text in the Greek Church, and the ancient Latin Versions used in the western church were made from it; the earliest translation adopted in the Latin Church, the Vetus Itala, was directly from the Septuagint: the meanings adopted in it, the Greek names and words employed (such as: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers [Arithmoi], Deuteronomy), and finally, the pronunciation given to the Hebrew text, passed very frequently into the Itala, and from it, at times, into the Vulgate, which not rarely gives signs of the influence of the Vetus Itala; this is especially so in the Psalms, the Vulgate translation being merely the Vetus Itala corrected by St. Jerome according to the hexaplar text of the Septuagint. d.在目前的时间, septuagint是正式文本,在希腊教会,和古代拉丁美洲的版本中使用的西方教会发了言,从它;最早的翻译通过,在拉丁美洲教会,老名单,是直接从septuagint :含义通过在它,希腊的姓名和受雇的话(如:成因,出埃及记,利未记,号码[ arithmoi ] ,申命记) ,以及最后,读音给予希伯来文的文字,通过已非常频密纳入名单,从它,有时甚至到武加大,这并非罕见的迹象,给人的影响,该老的名单,这是尤其如此,在诗篇,武加大翻译正在只是老名单更正圣杰罗姆根据该hexaplar文本该septuagint 。

II.二。 ORIGIN OF THE SEPTUAGINT原产地的septuagint

A. According to Tradition答:按照传统

The Septuagint Version is first mentioned in a letter of Aristeas to his brother Philocrates.该septuagint版本是第一次提到在一个信aristeas ,以他的兄弟philocrates 。 Here, in substance, is what we read of the origin of the version.在这里,在实质内容,是我们读到的起源版本。 Ptolemy II Philadelphus, King of Egypt (287-47 BC) had recently established a valuable library at Alexandria.托勒密二世philadelphus ,埃及王(公元前287-47 )最近设立了一个宝贵的图书馆在亚历山大。 He was persuaded by Demetrius of Phalarus, chief librarian, to enrich it with a copy of the sacred books of the Jews.他说服demetrius的phalarus ,图书馆馆长,以丰富它的副本的神圣书籍的犹太人。 To win the good graces of this people, Ptolemy, by the advice of Aristeas, an officer of the royal guard, an Egyptian by birth and a pagan by religion, emancipated 100,000 slaves in different parts of his kingdom.赢得良好的青睐这个人,托勒密,由aristeas的意见,官员的皇家卫队,埃及出生和异教的宗教,解放了十万奴隶在不同的部分,他的英国。 He then sent delegates, among whom was Aristeas, to Jerusalem, to ask Eleazar, the Jewish high-priest, to provide him with a copy of the Law, and Jews capable of translating it into Greek.然后,他派代表,其中被aristeas ,耶路撒冷,请问埃莱亚萨,犹太人的高神父,向他提供一份副本的法律,和犹太人能够翻译成希腊文。 The embassy was successful: a richly ornamented copy of the Law was sent to him and seventy-two Israelites, six from each tribe, were deputed to go to Egypt and carry out the wish of the king.使馆是成功的:一个富有装饰的副本法律,被送往他和72以色列人,六从每个部落,被deputed去埃及和贯彻落实的愿望国王。 They were received with great honor and during seven days astonished everyone by the wisdom they displayed in answering seventy-two questions which they were asked; then they were led into the solitary island of Pharos, where they began their work, translating the Law, helping one another and comparing translations in proportion as they finished them.他们共收到与很大的荣誉,并在七天惊讶,大家所表现出的智慧,他们在回答72问题,他们被要求;然后,他们被带往到孤岛的航标,他们在那里开始他们的工作,翻译,法律,帮助一,相互比较,翻译的比例,因为他们完成了他们。 At the end of seventy-two days, their work was completed, The translation was read in presence of the Jewish priests, princes, and people assembled at Alexandria, who all recognized and praised its perfect conformity with the Hebrew original.在去年底72天,他们的工作已经完成,翻译是在阅读在场的犹太祭司,王子,和人民聚集在亚历山大,谁所有的承认和赞扬其完善的符合原来的希伯来语。 The king was greatly pleased with the work and had it placed in the library.国王非常高兴与工作,并已它放置在图书馆。

Despite its legendary character, Aristeas' account gained credence; Aristobulus (170-50 BC), in a passage preserved by Eusebius, says that "through the efforts of Demetrius of Phalerus a complete translation of the Jewish legislation was executed in the days of Ptolemy"; Aristeas's story is repeated almost verbatim by Flavius Josephus (Ant. Jud., XII, ii) and substantially, with the omission of Aristeas' name, by Philo of Alexandria (De vita Moysis, II, vi).尽管其传奇性的性格, aristeas '帐户取得的国书;阿里斯托布鲁斯(公元前170-50 ) ,在一个通道保存尤西比乌斯说, “通过努力demetrius的phalerus一个完整的翻译犹太法例被处决,在天的托勒密“ ; aristeas的故事,几乎是逐字反复由flavius约瑟夫( ant. jud ,第十二, II )和大幅,与遗漏aristeas的姓名,由斐洛在亚历山大(德简历moysis ,二,六) 。 the letter and the story were accepted as genuine by many Fathers and ecclesiastical writers till the beginning of the sixteenth century; other details serving to emphasize the extraordinary origin of the version were added to Aristeas's account" The seventy-two interpreters were inspired by God (Tertullian, St. Augustine, the author of the "Cohortatio ad Graecos" [Justin?], and others); in translating they did not consult with one another, they had even been shut up in separate cells, either singly, or in pairs, and their translations when compared were found to agree entirely both as to the sense and the expressions employed with the original text and with each other (Cohortatio ad Graecos, St. Irenæus, St. Clement of Alexandria). St. Jerome rejected the story of the cells as fabulous and untrue ("Praef. in Pentateuchum";"Adv. Rufinum", II, xxv). likewise the alleged inspiration of the Septuagint. Finally the seventy two interpreters translated, not only the five books of the Pentateuch, but the entire Hebrew Old Testament. The authenticity of the letter, called in question first by Louis Vivès (1492-1540), professor at Louvain (Ad S. August. Civ. Dei, XVIII, xlii), then by Jos. Scaliger (d. 1609), and especially by H. Hody (d. 1705) and Dupin (d. 1719) is now universally denied.信和的故事,被接纳为真正由许多做父亲的和教会的作家,直到开始16世纪;的其他细节服务,以强调不平凡的起源的版本,增加了aristeas的帐户“ 72口译受到启发神(德尔图良,圣奥古斯丁,作者“ cohortatio广告graecos ” [贾斯汀? ] ,及其他) ;翻译,他们没有彼此协商,他们甚至被关闭了在不同的细胞,单独,或在对,和他们的翻译时相比,结果发现完全同意双方以意识和表现形式受雇于与原始文本和与对方( cohortatio广告graecos ,圣irenæus ,圣克莱门特在亚历山大) 。圣杰罗姆拒绝的故事该细胞作为丰富和不真实的( “ praef 。在pentateuchum ” ; “副rufinum ” ,第二章,二十五) 。同样指控的灵感的septuagint最后72口译翻译,不仅五本书的pentateuch ,但整个希伯来语旧约。的真实性,信中,呼吁在问题首先由Louis vivès ( 1492年至1540年) ,教授,在鲁汶(广告第8月。 civ 。 dei ,十八, XLII )号决议,然后由jos.凯利格(四1609年) ,特别是__________________________________________________________________________ hody (四1705年)和dupin (四1719年)是现在人们普遍否认。

Criticism批评

(1) The letter of Aristeas is certainly apocryphal. ( 1 )信aristeas当然是猜测。 The writer, who calls himself Aristeas and says he is a Greek and a pagan, shows by his whole work that he is a pious, zealous Jew: he recognizes the God of the Jews as the one true God; he declares that God is the author of the Mosaic law; he is an enthusiastic admirer of the Temple of Jerusalem, the Jewish land and people, and its holy laws and learned men.作家,谁自称aristeas和说,他是一个希腊和异教的,显示他的整个工作,他是一个虔诚,热心的犹太人:他承认上帝的犹太人作为一的真神;他宣称,上帝是作者镶嵌法;他是一个热心钦佩庙耶路撒冷,犹太人的土地和人民,其神圣的法律和教训的男子。

(2) The account as given in the letter must be regarded as fabulous and legendary, at least in several parts. ( 2 )帐户,作为给在信中必须被视为精彩和传奇,至少在几部分组成。 Some of the details, such as the official intervention of the king and the high priest, the number of the seventy-two translators, the seventy-two questions they had to answer, the seventy-two days they took for their work, are clearly arbitrary assertions; it is difficult, moreover, to admit that the Alexandrian Jews adopted for their public worship a translation of the Law, made at the request of a pagan king; lastly, the very language of the Septuagint Version betrays in places a rather imperfect knowledge both of Hebrew and of the topography of Palestine, and corresponds more closely with the vulgar idiom of Alexandria.一些细节,如以官方干预的国王和大祭司,数量的72位译员, 72问题,他们不得不回答,七二天,他们采取了对他们的工作,显然是任意断言,它是困难的,此外,为了承认这亚历山大的犹太人通过他们的公众崇拜的翻译法,的要求而作出的一个异教的国王;最后,非常语言的版本septuagint出卖的地方相当不完善知识都希伯来语和地形,巴勒斯坦,和对应的更密切地与庸俗的成语的亚历山大。 Yet it is not certain that everything contained in the letter is legendary, and scholars ask if there is not a historic foundation underneath the legendary details.然而,这是不能肯定一切的信中所载的是传说中,学者提出,如果没有一个历史性的基础下,传说中的细节。 Indeed it is likely -- as appears from the peculiar character of the language, as well as from what we know of the origin and history of the version -- that the Pentateuch was translated at Alexandria.事实上,这是有可能-作为看来,从独特的性格的语言,以及从我们所知道的起源和历史的版本-该p e ntateuch被翻译在亚历山大。 It seems true also that it dates from the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and therefore from the middle of the third century BC For if, as is commonly believed, Aristeas's letter was written about 200 BC, fifty years after the death of Philadelphus, and with a view to increase the authority of the Greek version of the Law, would it have been accepted so easily and spread broadcast, if it had been fictitious, and if the time of the composition did not correspond with the reality?似乎也是如此,它的日期从时间的托勒密philadelphus ,因此,从中东的公元前三世纪,如果,是普遍认为, aristeas的信写约200年,五十年去世后, philadelphus ,并与以期增加的权威,希腊版本的法,将它已被接纳这么容易和蔓延播出,如果它一直虚构的,如果时间的组成不符合现实? Moreover, it is possible that Ptolemy had something to do with the preparation or publishing of the translation, though how and why cannot be determined now.此外,它可能是托勒密有一些东西需要与准备或出版的翻译,但如何及为何不能确定现在。 Was it for the purpose of enriching his library as Pseudo-Aristeas states?是它的目的,丰富他的图书馆作为伪aristeas国家? This is possible, but is not proven, while, as will be shown below, we can very well account for the origin of the version independently of the king.这是可能的,但是却没有证明,同时,由于将如下图所示,我们可以很清楚的帐户,为的起源的版本,独立的国王。

(3) The few details which during the course of ages have been added to Aristeas's account cannot be accepted; such are the story of the cells (St. Jerome explicitly rejects this); the inspiration of the translators, an opinion certainly based on the legend of the cells; the number of the translators, seventy-two (see below); the assertion that all the Hebrew books were translated at the same time. ( 3 )一些细节,其中的过程中,年龄已添加到aristeas的帐户是不能接受的;这些都是故事的细胞(圣杰罗姆明确拒绝这) ;的启示,翻译,一项民意肯定的基础上,传说中的细胞;数目,翻译, 72 (见下文) ;断言所有希伯来文的书籍被翻译在同一时间内。 Aristeas speaks of the translation of the law (nomos), of the legislation (nomothesia), of the books of the legislator; now these expressions especially the last two, certainly mean the Pentateuch, exclusive of the other Old Testament books: and St. Jerome (Comment. in Mich.) says: "Josephus writes, and the Hebrews inform us, that only the five books of Moses were translated by them (seventy-two), and given to King Ptolemy." aristeas谈到翻译法( nomos ) ,立法( nomothesia ) ,书籍的立委,现在这些表现形式,尤其是近两年,当然是指pentateuch ,独家的其他旧约的书籍:和St 。杰罗姆( comment.在密歇根州)说: “约瑟夫写道,和希伯来可否告诉我们,只有五本书的郑慕智被翻译他们( 72 ) ,并考虑到王托勒密” 。 Besides, the versions of the various books of the Old Testament differ so much in vocabulary, style, form, and character, sometimes free and sometimes extremely literal, that they could not be the work of the same translators.此外,该版本的各种书籍的旧约不同,这么多的词汇,风格,形式,和性格,有时免费,有时甚至非常字面,他们无法工作,同时翻译。 Nevertheless, in spite of these divergencies the name of the Septuagint Version is universally given to the entire collection of the Old Testament books in the Greek Bible adopted by the Eastern Church.不过,尽管有这些分歧的名称,该septuagint版本是普遍给予整个收集旧约圣经的书籍,在希腊圣经所通过的东部教会。

B. Origin according to the commonly accepted view.乙原产地,根据普遍接受的看法。

As to the Pentateuch the following view seems plausible, and is now commonly accepted in its broad lines: The Jews in the last two centuries BC were so numerous in Egypt, especially at Alexandria, that at a certain time they formed two-fifths of the entire population.作为向pentateuch以下的看法似乎是合理的,和现在普遍接受的,在其广泛的线路:犹太人在过去的两个世纪,公元前如此众多的在埃及,特别是在亚历山德里亚,即在某一个时间,他们成立了两个五分之四的整个人口。 Little by little most of them ceased to use and even forgot the Hebrew language in great part, and there was a danger of their forgetting the Law.点点,他们大多停止使用,甚至忘记了希伯来文中的很大一部分,且有一种危险,他们忘记了法律。 Consequently it became customary to interpret in Greek the Law which was read in the synagogues, and it was quite natural that, after a time, some men zealous for the Law should have undertaken to compile a Greek Translation of the Pentateuch.因此,它成为习惯来解释,在希腊的法律是阅读,在犹太教堂,这是很自然的,经过一段时间,一些男子热心为法律应着手编制一个希腊翻译的pentateuch 。 This happened about the middle of the third century BC As to the other Hebrew books -- the prophetical and historical -- it was natural that the Alexandrian Jews, making use of the translated Pentateuch in their liturgical reunions, should desire to read the remaining books also and hence should gradually have translated all of them into Greek, which had become their maternal language; this would be so much the more likely as their knowledge of Hebrew was diminishing daily.这件事约中的第三个世纪公元前至于其他希伯来语的书籍-p rophetical和历史-这是很自然的说,亚历山大的犹太人,利用翻译pe ntateuch在他们的礼仪相逢,应该阅读的欲望,其余书籍也因此,应逐步有翻译他们都到希腊,这已经成为母亲的语言;这将是这么多,越有可能作为他们的知识,希伯来语,是减少每日。 It is not possible to determine accurately the precise time or the occasions on which these different translations were made; but it is certain that the Law, the Prophets, and at least part of the other books, that is, the hagiographies, existed in Greek before the year 130 BC, as appears from the prologue of Ecclesiasticus, which does not date later than that year.它是不可能的,以确定准确的确切时间或场合上,这些不同的翻译发了言,但可以肯定的是,法律,先知,和至少一部分其他书籍,那就是, hagiographies ,存在于希腊之前,公元前130年,似乎从序幕的ecclesiasticus ,这并不日期不迟于该年。 It is difficult also to say where the various translations were made, the data being so scanty.这是困难的,也说,那里的各种翻译发了言,数据既然如此太少。 Judging by the Egyptian words and expressions occurring in the version, most of the books must have been translated in Egypt and most likely in Alexandria; Esther however was translated in Jerusalem (XI, i).从埃及的字和词句中出现的版本,大部分的书籍,必须已经被翻译在埃及和最有可能在亚历山大;埃丝特,但被翻译在耶路撒冷(十一,我) 。

Who were the translators and how many?谁被翻译和多少? Is there any foundation for their number, seventy or seventy-two, as given in the legendary account (Brassac-Vigouroux, n. 105)?是否有任何的基础,他们的人数, 70或72 ,给出了著名的帐户( brassac - vigouroux , 12月31日105 ) ? It seems impossible to decide definitely; the Talmudists tell us that the Pentateuch was translated by five interpreters (Sopherim, ci).它似乎是不可能的决定肯定; talmudists告诉我们,该pentateuch被翻译由5名口译员( sopherim , CI )的。 History gives us no details; but an examination of the text shows that in general that the authors were not Palestinian Jews called to Egypt; and differences of terminology, method, etc. prove clearly that the translators were not the same for the different books.历史给了我们没有详细说明,但考试的文字表明,在一般认为,作者并没有所谓的巴勒斯坦犹太人在埃及;和分歧的术语,方法等,证明明确表示,翻译并不相同,为不同的图书。 It is impossible also to say whether the work was carried out officially or was merely a private undertaking, as seems to have been the case with Ecclesiasticus; but the different books when translated were soon put together -- the author of Ecclesiasticus knew the collection -- and were received as official by the Greek-speaking Jews.这是不可能也说,工作是否进行了正式或只是一个私人的事业,作为似乎已如此ecclesiasticus ;但不同的图书时,翻译很快放在一起-作者e cclesiasticus知道收集- -共收到作为正式由希腊为母语的犹太人。

III.三。 SUBSEQUENT HISTORY随后的历史

Recensions recensions

The Greek version, known as the Septuagint, welcomed by the Alexandrian Jews, spread quickly throughout the countries in which Greek was spoken; it was utilized by different writers, and supplanted the original text in liturgical services.希腊的版本,称之为septuagint ,欢迎由亚历山大的犹太人,迅速蔓延,整个国家,在希腊是口语,这是利用不同的作家,和supplanted原文,在礼仪服务。 Philo of Alexandria used it in his writings and looked on the translators as inspired Prophets; it was finally received even by the Jews of Palestine, and was employed notably by Josephus, the Palestinian Jewish historian.斐洛在亚历山大用它在他的著作,并期待对翻译为先知的启发,这是最后收到的,甚至是由犹太人的巴勒斯坦,并聘请显着约瑟夫,巴勒斯坦的犹太历史学家。 We know also that the writers of the New Testament made use of it, borrowing from it most of their citations; it became the Old Testament of the Church and was so highly esteemed by the early Christians that several writers and Fathers declared it to be inspired.我们也知道作家的新约圣经利用它,借款从它大部分的引文;成为旧约圣经的教会是如此高度评价,由初期基督徒的几个作家和父亲宣布它要得到启发。 The Christians had recourse to it constantly in their controversies with the Jews, who soon recognized its imperfections, and finally rejected it in favour of the Hebrew text or of more literal translations (Aquila, Theodotion).基督徒求助于它不断在他们的争议,与犹太人,谁尽快承认其不完善的,最后拒绝了它在赞成,希伯来文的文字或更多的字面翻译( Aquila ) , theodotion ) 。

Critical corrections of Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius关键更正,俄,卢西安,赫西基奥斯

On account of its diffusion alone the hellenizing Jews and early Christians, copies of the Septuagint were multiplied; and as might be expected, many changes, deliberate as well as involuntary, crept in. The necessity of restoring the text as far as possible to its pristine purity was felt.考虑到其扩散,仅hellenizing犹太人和初期基督徒,该septuagint分别乘以;正如大家可以预料,许多变化,蓄意以及自愿,逐步英寸的必要性恢复文本尽量其精粹的纯洁性有人认为。 The following is a brief account of the attempted corrections:以下是简短的帐户的企图更正:

A. Origen reproduced the Septuagint text in the fifth column of his Hexapla; marking with obeli the texts that occurred in the Septuagint without being in the original; adding according to Theodotion's version, and distinguishing with asterisks and metobeli the texts of the original which were not in the Septuagint; adopting from the variants of the Greek Version the texts which were closest to the Hebrew; and, finally, transposing the text where the order of the Septuagint did not correspond with the Hebrew order.答:奥利地再现了septuagint案文中的第五纵队,他hexapla ;标记与obeli的案文表示,事件发生在septuagint而不在原来的;加入根据theodotion的版本,并区分与星号和metobeli文本原其中而不是在septuagint ;采用由来自希腊的版本的文本,其中最接近的希伯来文和,最后,移调文本的地方,以便该septuagint不符合希伯来语秩序。 His recension, copied by Pamphilus and Eusebius, is called the hexaplar, to distinguish it from the version previously employed and which is called the common, vulgate, koine, or ante-hexaplar.他recension ,抄pamphilus和尤西比乌斯,被称为hexaplar ,区分它从先前雇用的版本,这是所谓的共同,武加大, koine ,或前厅hexaplar 。 It was adopted in Palestine.它是通过在巴勒斯坦。

B. St. Lucien, priest of Antioch and martyr, in the beginning of the fourth century, published an edition corrected in accordance with the hebrew; this retained the name of koine, vulgate edition, and is sometimes called Loukianos, after its author.二圣。吕西安,牧师及安提阿烈士,在年初四世纪,出版了一版纠正,按照希伯来文,这保留的名称koine ,武加大版,有时也被称为路吉阿诺斯后,其作者。 In the time of St. Jerome it was in use at Constantinople and Antioch.在的时候,圣杰罗姆这是在使用于君士坦丁堡和安提阿。 C. Finally, Hesychius, an Egyptian bishop, published about the same time, a new recension, employed chiefly in Egypt.长最后,赫西基奥斯,埃及主教,发表了大约同一时间,一个新的recension ,雇用,主要是在埃及。

Manuscripts手稿

The three most celebrated manuscripts of the Septuagint known are the Vatican, "Codex Vaticanus" (fourth century); the Alexandrian, "Codex Alexandrinus" (fifth century), now in the British Museum, London; and that of Sinai, "Codex Sinaiticus" (fourth century), found by Tischendorf in the convent of St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, in 1844 and 1849, now part at Leipzig and in part in St. Petersburg; they are all written in uncials.三个最著名的手稿的septuagint已知的是,梵蒂冈, “食品法典委员会vaticanus ” (第四世纪) ;亚历山大, “食品法典委员会alexandrinus ” (第五世纪) ,现在在大英博物馆,伦敦,以及西奈, “食品法典委员会sinaiticus “ (四世纪) ,发现提申多夫,在修道院的圣凯瑟琳,在西奈山,在1844年和1849年,现在的一部分,在莱比锡和部分发生在圣彼得堡,他们都是在书面uncials 。

The "Codex Vaticanus" is the purest of the three; it generally gives the more ancient text, while the "Codex Alexandrinus" borrows much from the hexaplar text and is changed according to the Massoretic text (The "Codex Vaticanus" is referred to by the letter B; the "Codex Alexandrinus" by the letter A, and the "Codex Sinaiticus" by the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet Aleph or by S). “食品法典委员会vaticanus ”是最纯净的三个;普遍给出了更古老的文字,而“法典alexandrinus ”借用了很多从hexaplar文字和改变是根据该massoretic文( “法典vaticanus ”是指由信B组; “法典alexandrinus ”的信,和“食品法典委员会sinaiticus ”的第一个字母,希伯来文的字母列或用S ) 。 The Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris possesses also an important palimpsest manuscript of the Septuagint, the "Codex Ephraemi rescriptus" (designated by the letter C), and two manuscripts of less value (64 and 114), in cursives, one belonging to the tenth or eleventh century and the other to the thirteenth (Bacuez and Vigouroux, 12th ed., n. 109).该图书馆国家在巴黎拥有也是一个重要的palimpsest手稿的septuagint , “食品法典委员会ephraemi rescriptus ” (指定的信中c )项和2手稿的价值( 64和114段) ,在cursives ,一个属于第十届或11世纪和其他到第十三( bacuez和vigouroux ,第12版, 12月31日109 ) 。

Printed Editions印刷版

All the printed editions of the Septuagint are derived from the three recensions mentioned above.所有印刷版的septuagint是来自三recensions上述。

The editio princeps is the Complutensian or that of Alcalá.该editio princeps是complutensian或认为alcalá 。 It was from Origen's hexaplar text; printer in 1514-18, it was not published till it appeared in the Polyglot of Cardinal Ximenes in 1520.这是从俄的hexaplar文本;印表机在1514年至1518年,这是没有公布,直至它出现在该polyglot的枢机主教希梅内斯在1520年。

The Aldine edition (begun by Aldus Manucius) appeared at Venice in 1518.该aldine版(开始aldus manucius )出现在威尼斯,在1518年。 The text is purer than that of the Complutensian edition, and is closer to Codex B. The editor says he collated ancient manuscripts but does not specify them.案文是纯比的complutensian版,是密切法典乙编辑说,他整理古代手稿,但没有指明他们。 It has been reprinted several times.它已重印多次。

The most important edition is the Roman or Sixtine, which reproduces the "Codex Vaticanus" almost exclusively.最重要的版本是罗马或sixtine ,抄录了“食品法典委员会vaticanus ”几乎完全是。 It was published under the direction of Cardinal Caraffa, with the help of various savants, in 1586, by the authority of Sixtus V, to assist the revisers who were preparing the Latin Vulgate edition ordered by the Council of Trent.这是出版的指导下,枢机主教卡拉法,借助各种savants ,在1586年,由权威sixtus五,协助审校谁准备的拉丁语武加大版由理事会特伦特。 It has become the textus receptus of the Greek Old Testament and has had many new editions, such as that of Holmes and Pearsons (Oxford, 1798-1827), the seven editions of Tischendorf, which appeared at Leipzig between 1850 and 1887, the last two, published after the death of the author and revised by Nestle, the four editions of Swete (Cambridge, 1887-95, 1901, 1909), etc.它已成为Web网站receptus的希腊旧约,并有许多新的版本,例如像对霍姆斯和pearsons (牛津, 1798年至1827年) ,七版提申多夫,出现在莱比锡之间的1850年和1887年,最后二,出版去世后,作者和订正,雀巢,四版swete (剑桥, 1887年至1895年, 1901年, 1909年)等。

Grabe's edition was published at Oxford, from 1707 to 1720, and reproduced, but imperfectly, the "Codex Alexandrinus" of London. grabe的版本是在牛津大学出版,从1707年至1720年,并转载,但不完善, “食品法典委员会alexandrinus ”伦敦。 For partial editions, see Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", 1643 sqq.部分版本,请参阅vigouroux , “翻译字典德拉圣经” , 1643 sqq 。

IV.四。 CRITICAL VALUE AND LANGUAGE临界值和语言

Critical Value临界值

The Septuagint Version, while giving exactly as to the form and substance the true sense of the Sacred Books, differs nevertheless considerably from our present Hebrew text.该septuagint版本,同时也让正是以形式和实质真正意义上的神圣的书籍,相当不同,不过从我们目前的希伯来文。 These discrepancies, however, are not of great importance and are only matters of interpretation.这些差异,不过,不是非常重要,只有事项的解释。 They may be thus classified: Some result from the translators having had at their disposal Hebrew recensions differing from those which were know to the Massoretes; sometimes the texts varied, at others the texts were identical, but they were read in different order.他们可能会因此分类:一些结果,从翻译过,在他们的处置希伯来语recensions不同的那些人知道向massoretes ;有时文本不尽相同,在别人的案文相同,但他们在不同的阅读秩序。 Other discrepancies are due to the translators personally; not to speak of the influence exerted on their work by their methods of interpretation, the inherent difficulties of the work, their greater or less knowledge of Greek and Hebrew, they now and then translated differently from the Massoretes, because they read the texts differently; that was natural, for, Hebrew being written in square characters, and certain consonants being very similar in form, it was easy to confound them occasionally and so give an erroneous translation; moreover, their Hebrew text being written without any spacing between the various words, they could easily make a mistake in the separation of the words; finally, as the Hebrew text at their disposal contained no vowels, they might supply different vowels from those used later by the Massoretes.其他的差异是由于翻译亲自;不要说的影响对他们的工作由他们的方法解释,固有困难的工作,他们的更大的或更少的认识,希腊和希伯来语,他们现在和当时的翻译不同,从massoretes ,因为他们阅读的文本有不同的,这是自然,为文,希伯来文写在方字,和某些辅音正在非常相似的形式,它是很容易混淆,他们偶尔会等,让一个错误的翻译;此外,他们的希伯来语文本正在写入没有任何间隔各部门之间,换句话说,他们可以很容易作出错误的,在分离的话;最后,由于希伯来文在其所载的处置没有元音,他们可能会供应不同的元音从这些使用后,由massoretes 。 Again, we must not think that we have at present the Greek text exactly as it was written by the translators; the frequent transcriptions during the early centuries, as well as the corrections and editions of Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius impaired the purity of the text: voluntarily or involuntarily the copyists allowed many textual corruptions, transpositions, additions, and omissions to creep into the primitive text of the Septuagint.再次,我们绝不能认为我们目前希腊的文字,正是因为它是由书面翻译;频繁抄录在早数百年,以及作为惩戒和版本的奥利,卢西安,赫西基奥斯受损纯度的文字:自愿或非自愿的copyists让许多词句贪污, transpositions ,增补,及遭剔除者,以蠕变到原始文本的septuagint 。 In particular we may note the addition of parallel passages, explanatory notes, or double translations caused by marginal notes.特别是我们可以注意,除了平行通道,解释性说明,或双重翻译所造成的旁注。 On this consult Dict.就这谘询翻译字典。 de la Bible, art.德香格里拉圣经,艺术。 cit., and Swete, "An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek".引文中,和swete “ ,介绍了旧约在希腊” 。

Language语言

Everyone admits that the Septuagint Version was made in popular Greek, the koine dislektos.大家都承认该septuagint版本是在流行的希腊, koine dislektos 。 But is the Greek of the Old Testament a special idiom?但是,希腊的旧约一个特别的成语? Many authorities assert that it is, though they disagree as to its real character.许多当局声称,这是,虽然他们不同意,以它的真正性质。 The "Dict. de la Bible", sv Grec biblique, asserts that it was "the hebraicizing Greek spoken by the Jewish community at Alexandria", the popular Greek of Alexandria "with a very large admixture of Hebraicisms". “翻译字典德拉圣经” , sv grec biblique ,声称它是“ hebraicizing希腊所讲的犹太社区在亚历山大” ,流行的希腊亚历山德里亚“与一个非常大的外加剂的hebraicisms ” 。 The same dictionary, sv Septante, mentions the more recent opinion of Deissmann that the Greek of the Septuagint is merely the ordinary vernacular Greek, the pure koine of the time.同时字典, sv septante ,提到最近的民意更多的戴斯曼说,希腊的septuagint只是普通的白话希腊文,纯koine的时间。 Deissmann bases his theory on the perfect resemblance of the language of the Septuagint and that of the papyri and the inscriptions of the same age; he believes that the syntactical peculiarities of the Septuagint, which at first sight seem to favour the theory of a special language, a hebraicizing Greek, are sufficiently explained by the fact that the Septuagint is a Greek translation of Hebrew books.戴斯曼基地,他的理论对完美的相似语言的septuagint和该papyri和题字,同一年龄;他认为,句法的特殊性,该septuagint ,这乍看起来似乎是赞成的理论,一个特殊的语言, hebraicizing希腊语,有足够的解释的事实,即septuagint是一个希腊的翻译希伯来语的书籍。

Publication information Written by A. Vander Heeren.出版的资料,写的答: vander heeren 。 Transcribed by Nick Austriaco.转录由Nick austriaco 。 Dedicated with gratitude to God to the Catholic Fellowship of MIT The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.专责与感谢上帝,以天主教团契的MIT天主教百科全书,货量十三。 Published 1912. 1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. nihil obstat , 1912年2月1日。 Remy Lafort, DD, Censor.的Remy lafort ,房屋署副署长,检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教,大主教,纽约


The Authorized Version授权版本

Catholic Information 天主教信息

Name given to the English translation of the Bible produced by the Commission appointed by James I, and in consequence often spoken of as "King James's Bible".名义给予的英文翻译圣经所产生的委员会所委任的詹姆士一世,并在发言的后果,往往被视为“国王詹姆斯的圣经” 。 It is in general use among English-speaking non-Catholics.这是在一般使用英语为母语的非天主教徒。 In order to understand its origin and history, a brief survey is necessary of the earlier English translations of the Scriptures.在以了解它的起源和历史,一个简短的调查是必要的较早的英语翻译的圣经。 From very early times portions of the Bible have been translated into English.从很早就倍的部分,圣经已经被翻译成英语。 It is well known that Venerable Bede was finishing a translation of St. John's Gospel on his deathbed.这是人所共知的老贝德是整理翻译圣约翰的福音,他临终前。 But the history of the English Bible as a whole does not go back nearly so far; it dates from the so-called Wyclif Version, believed to have been completed about the year 1380.但历史的英文圣经作为一个整体,不回去了近到目前为止,它的日期从所谓wyclif版本,相信已经完成,关于1380年。 The translation was made from the Vulgate as it then existed, that is before the Sixtine and Clementine revisions, and was well and accurately done.翻译是从武加大,因为它当时的存在,这是前sixtine和克莱门汀的修改,并于良好,并准确地这样做。 Abbot Gasquet contends confidently (The Old English Bible, 102 sqq.) that it was in reality of Catholic origin, and not due to Wyclif at all; at any rate it seems fairly certain that he had no share in any part of it except the Gospels, even if he had in these; and there is evidence that copies of the whole were in the hands of good Catholics, and were read by them.住持赛争辩信心十足(旧的英语圣经, 102 sqq ) ,这是在现实中的天主教的起源,而不是由于wyclif在所有;在任何率似乎相当肯定,他没有在任何份额的一部分,它除福音,即使他在这些;及有证据表明,副本,整个人在手中,良好的天主教徒,并宣读了他们。 The version, however, undoubtedly derived its chief importance from the use made of it by Wyclif and the Lollards, and it is in this connection that it is chiefly remembered.版本,但是,毫无疑问,源自其行政的重要性,从使用了它的wyclif和lollards ,正是在这方面,这是主要的记忆中。 During the progress of the Reformation a number of English versions appeared, translated for the most part not from the Vulgate, but from the original Hebrew and Greek.期间的进展改革的一些中英文版本出现,翻译为最的一部分,而不是从武加大,但是从原来的希伯来文和希腊。 Of these the most famous were Tyndale's Bible (1525); Coverdale's Bible (1535); Matthews' Bible (1537); Cromwell's, or the "Great Bible" (1539), the second and subsequent editions of which were known as Cranmer's Bible; the Geneva Bible (1557-60); and the Bishop's Bible (1568).这些最著名的有丁道尔的圣经( 1525 ) ; coverdale的圣经( 1535 ) ;马修斯'圣经( 1537 ) ;克伦威尔的,或“伟大的圣经” ( 1539年) ,第二次及以后版本,其中被称为克兰默的圣经;在日内瓦圣经( 1557年至1560年) ;和辅理主教的圣经( 1568 ) 。 The art of printing being by this time known, copies of all these circulated freely among the people.艺术印刷正在这个时候,众所周知,副本分发给所有这些自由的人民内部。 That there was much good and patient work in them, none will deny; but they were marred by the perversion of many passages, due to the theological bias of the translators; and they were used on all sides to serve the cause of Protestantism.有很多好的和耐心的工作在他们,没有人会否认,但他们受到了反常的许多段落,由于神学的偏见,翻译;和他们使用的对各方面的事业服务的基督教。

In order to counteract the evil effects of these versions, the Catholics determined to produce one of their own.在以抵制邪恶的影响,这些版本,天主教徒,决心要产生一个他们自己。 Many of them were then living at various centres on the Continent, having been forced to leave England on account of the Penal Laws, and the work was undertaken by the members of Allen's College, at Douai, in Flanders, which was for a time transferred to Reims.他们中的许多人的生活,然后在各中心对大陆后,被迫离开英格兰对帐户的刑法,和工作是由成员李鹏飞的大学生,在杜埃,在佛兰德,这是今后一个时期转移以兰斯。 The result was the Reims New Testament (1582) and the Douay Bible (1609-10).其结果是兰斯新约圣经( 1582年)和douay圣经( 1609年至1610年) 。 The translation was made from the Vulgate, and although accurate, was sadly deficient in literary form, and so full of Latinisms as to be in places hardly intelligible.翻译是从武加大,虽然准确,是可悲的不足,在文学的形式,所以充满latinisms ,要在地方很难理解。 Indeed, a few years later, Dr. William Fulke, a well-known Puritan controversialist, brought out a book in which the text of the Bishops' Bible and the Reims Testament were printed in parallel columns, with the sole purpose of discrediting the latter.事实上,数年后,博士威廉弗尔科,一家著名的清教徒controversialist ,带出了一本书,在其中的文本主教团圣经和兰斯证明印制在平行栏目,与唯一的目的是抹黑,后者。 In this he did not altogether succeed, and it is now generally conceded that the Douay Bible contained much excellent and scholarly work, its very faults being due to over-anxiety not to sacrifice accuracy.在这方面他并没有完全得逞,这是现在人们普遍承认, douay圣经载有许多优秀的学术著作,其非常故障是由于过度焦虑,不牺牲精度。 In the meantime the Protestants were becoming dissatisfied with their own versions, and soon after his accession King James I appointed a commission of revision--the only practical outcome of the celebrated Hampton Court Conferences.在这段期间,新教徒正在成为不满意自己的版本,以及后不久,他加入国王詹姆斯一世任命了一个委员会修订-唯一可行的结果,著名的汉普顿法院会议。 The commissioners, who numbered forty-seven, were divided into six companies, two of which sat at Oxford, Cambridge, and Westminster, respectively; each company undertook a definite portion of the Bible, and its work was afterwards revised by a select committee chosen from the whole body.专员,谁编号47 ,分为6个公司,其中有两个星期六在牛津,剑桥,和西敏寺,分别为;每家公司承诺在一个明确的部分圣经,其工作是修订后,由专责委员会选择从全身。 The instructions for their procedure were, to take the Bishops' Bible, which was in use in the churches, as their basis, correcting it by a comparison with the Hebrew and Greek texts.指示其程序,采取主教团圣经,这是在使用的教会,因为他们的基础上,纠正了它的比较与希伯来文和希腊文。 They were also given a list of other English versions which they were to consult.他们还获得一份列出的其他中英文版本,他们谘询。 The commissioners set to work in 1607, and completed their labours in the short period of two years and nine months, the result being what is now known as the "Authorized Version".专员的设置工作,在1607年,并完成了他们的劳动,在短期内两年零九个月,结果是什么,现在被称为“授权版本” 。 Although at first somewhat slow in gaining general acceptance, the Authorized Version has since become famous as a masterpiece of English literature.虽然在第一有些缓慢,在获得普遍接受,认可的版本以来,已成为著名的杰作英语文学。 The first edition appeared in 1611, soon after the Douay Bible; and although this latter was not one of the versions named in the instructions to the revisers, it is understood that it had considerable influence on them (see Preface to Revised Version, i, 2. Also, JG Carleton, "Rheims and the English Bible").首版出现在1611年后不久, douay圣经;虽然这后者是没有一个版本,名单中,指示有关审校,据了解,它有相当的影响力对他们(见序的修订版本,我, 2 。此外, jg卡尔顿, “兰斯和英文圣经” ) 。

The Authorized Version was printed in the usual form of chapters and verses, and before each chapter a summary of its contents was prefixed.授权版印刷,在一般形式的章节和诗词,和之前每章的摘要,其内容是前缀。 No other extraneous matter was permitted, except some marginal explanations of the meaning of certain Hebrew or Greek words, and a number of cross-references to other parts of the Scripture.没有其他不相干的问题是允许的,除了一些边缘的解释的含义某些希伯来文或希腊换言之,以及若干交叉参考其他部分的经文。 At the beginning was placed a dedication to King James and a short "Address to the Reader".在开始时是放在一种奉献国王詹姆斯和短期“地址给读者” 。 Books such as Ecclesiasticus, and Machabees, and Tobias, which are considered by Protestants to be apocryphal, were of course omitted.书籍,如ecclesiasticus , machabees ,和托拜厄斯,这被认为是由新教徒要猜测,当然省略。 Although it was stated on the title-page that the Authorized Version was "appointed to be read in the Churches", in fact it came into use only gradually.虽然有人对标题-网页认可的版本是“委任读,在教堂” ,在事实上它投入使用,才逐渐。 For the Epistles and Gospels, it did not displace the Bishops' Version until the revision of the Liturgy in 1661; and for the Psalms, that version has been retained to the present day; for it was found that the people were so accustomed to singing it that any change was inadvisable, if not impossible.为书信和福音,它没有取代主教团的版本,直到修改礼仪,在1661年;为诗篇,该版本一直保留到现在的天;结果发现,该人,所以习惯了歌唱它认为,任何改变,是不可取的,如果不是不可能的。 Considerable changes were made, from time to time, in the successive editions of the Authorized Version, in the notes and references, and some even in the text.相当大的变化发了言,从时间,以时间,在历次版本的授权版本,在注释和参考文献,有些甚至在文本中。 A system of chronology based chiefly on the calculations of Archbishop Ussher was first inserted in 1701; but in many later editions both the dates and many, or even all, of the references or verbal notes have been omitted. 1系统的年表,主要是基于对计算大主教厄舍尔首次插入在1701年,但在许多后来的版本,双方的日期和许多人,或什至全部,参考或口头注意到,已经省略。

It is generally admitted that the Authorized Version was in almost every respect a great improvement on any of its predecessors.这是普遍承认授权版本是几乎在每一个方面的一大进步就任何其前任。 So much was this the case that when Bishop Challoner made his revision of the Douay Bible (1749-52), which is now commonly in use among English-speaking Catholics, he did not scruple to borrow largely from it.这么多这是个案,当主教challoner作了修订了douay圣经( 1749年至1752年) ,这是现在普遍使用的,其中以英语为母语的天主教徒,他没有,不惜以借贷主要来自它。 Indeed, Cardinal Newman gives it as his opinion (Tracts Theol. and Eccles., 373) that Challoner's revision was even nearer to the Authorized Version than to the original Douay, "not in grammatical structure, but in phraseology and diction".事实上,红衣主教纽曼赋予它作为他的意见(大片theol 。和埃克勒斯, 373 ) challoner的修订,甚至接近核定的版本比原来的douay “ ,而不是在语法结构,但在用字和词” 。 Nevertheless, there remained in the Authorized Version here and there traces of controversial prejudice, as for example, in the angel's salutation to the Blessed Virgin Mary, the words "highly favoured" being a very imperfect rendering of the original.不过,仍然存在着在授权版在这里和那里的痕迹,具争议性的偏见,例如,在天使的称呼神圣的圣母玛利亚,改为“高度赞同”是一个非常完美的绘制原。 In such cases, needless to say, Challoner adhered to the Douay.在这种情况下,不用说, challoner ,坚持以douay 。 Moreover, while in the Authorized Version the names of persons and places were usually given in an anglicized form already in use, derived from the Hebrew spelling, Challoner nearly always kept the Vulgate names, which come originally from the Septuagint.此外,虽然在授权版本的人的姓名和地方通常是在一anglicized形式已经在使用中,来自希伯来语的拼写, challoner几乎始终保持武加大的名字,这原本是来从septuagint 。 It is partly due to this that the Authorized Version has an unfamiliar sound to Catholic ears.这是部分原因是由于这个授权版本有一个陌生的声音天主教的耳朵。 The Authorized Version remained in undisputed possession for the greater part of three centuries, and became part of the life of the people.授权版本仍然留在不争的藏有大部份的三个世纪,成为部分市民的生活。 In the latter half of the nineteenth century, however, it began to be considered that the progress of science called for a new version which should embrace the results of modern research.在后者的十九世纪下半叶,但是,它开始被认为,科技进步要求的新版本,其中应包括的结果,现代研究。 The work was set on foot by Convocation in 1870, and a Committee was formed, in which the Americans co-operated, resulting in the issue of the Revised Version (1881-84).这项工作是定于足的召开,在1870年,和委员会成立,在这种美国人的合作经营,从而在问题的修订版本( 1881年至1884年) 。 The Revised Version has never received any definite ecclesiastical sanction, nor has it been officially introduced into church use.修订版本,从未收到任何明确的教会制裁,它也没有被正式引入教会使用。 It has made its way simply on its merits.它做出了自己的方式,根本就其可取之处。 But although at the present day it is much used by students, for the general public (non-Catholic) the Authorized Version still holds its ground, and shows no sign of losing its popularity.不过,尽管目前天,这是很多学生所用的,为一般市民(非天主教)授权的版本仍持有其地面,并没有迹象表明失去其受欢迎程度。

Publication information Written by Bernard Ward.出版的资料,撰写的伯纳德病房。 Transcribed by Janet Grayson.转录由珍妮特格雷森。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume II.天主教百科全书,第二卷。 Published 1907. 1907年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, 1907. nihil obstat , 1907 。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ,性病,检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰米farley ,大主教of New York所


Bible Manuscripts圣经手稿

Jewish Viewpoint Information 犹太人的观点,信息

By this term are designated handwritten copies and codices of the Hebrew Bible as a whole, or of several books arranged in groups according to a certain order (see Bible Canon), or of single books.由这个名词是指定的手写副本和codices的希伯来文圣经作为一个整体,或几本书安排在团体根据一定的秩序(见圣经佳能) ,或单一的图书。 Sometimes, though not often, they contain collections of detached prophetic selections (see Hafṭarah), generally in connection with the Pentateuch (see Strack, "Zeitschrift für die Gesammte Lutherische Theologie und Kirche," 1875, p. 594).有时候,即使不是,他们往往包含集合超脱的预言的选择(见hafṭarah ) ,一般在涉嫌与pentateuch (见strack , “ zeitschrift f黵die gesammte lutherische theologie und kirche , ” 1875年, 594页) 。 A distinction is made between manuscripts intended for use in the synagogue and in public reading and those for private purposes. 1区分手稿打算用于在犹太教堂和在公众阅读和那些为私人目的。 Originally both the sacred or public copies and the private or profane were in the shape of scrolls, this being the only style of book-making known to antiquity.原本双方的神圣的副本或公共和私营或亵渎的人,形状,春联,这是唯一的作风,图书决策已知文物。 After the leaved form of books came into vogue (from the fourth century of the common era), adherence to the ancestral model was insisted on in the case of those reserved for holy uses at public worship.后阔叶形式的书籍生效时尚(从四分之一世纪的共同时代) ,坚持以祖先的模型,坚持在案件那些预留作神圣的用途,在公众的崇拜。 While demanded only for the Pentateuch and the Book of Esther, this conformity must, as the name indicates, have been at one time exacted also for the four remaining Megillot, read as lessons on certain festivals.同时,要求只为pentateuch和这本书的埃丝特,这必须符合,由于名称所示,已在同一时间exacted ,也为4 ,其余megillot ,阅读的经验教训对某些节日。 Why they and the collections of the Hafṭarot ceased to conform to the historical model can not be ascertained.他们为什么和收藏的hafṭarot不再是顺应历史模型不能确定。

Rules for Writing.规则写作。

The Pentateuch and Esther, when designated for synagogal use, are required to be written with scrupulous attention to rules laid down in the Law (see Soferim).该pentateuch和Esther ,当指定为synagogal使用,均须以书面与谨慎,注意规则所订下的法律(见soferim ) 。 They must be written in square characters (, also known as ; see Alphabet), without vowel-points and accents, on parchment made from the hides of "clean" animals, which, when duly prepared, are sewn together by threads of the same origin.他们必须以书面在广场字符(也称为;见字母) ,没有元音点和口音,就羊皮纸从隐藏的“干净”的动物,其中,当妥为准备,缝在一起,由线程同时原产地。 If four mistakes are found in one column, or a single error is discovered in the "open" and "closed" sections of the Law, or in the arrangements of the metrical portions, the whole copy is rendered unfit for use () and must be buried.四,如果发现错误,在一栏,或一个单一的错误是,发现在“打开”和“封闭”路段的法律,或在安排计量部分,整个复制变得不宜使用( ) ,而且必须被掩埋。 Great age-through long use, and exposure to climatic and other influences involving decay and other imperfections-is among the causes which render a copy unserviceable; and this circumstance explains why very old copies are not found.伟大时代-经过长期的使用,并接触到气候和其他的影响,涉及的衰变和其他不完善的-是原因之一,这令的副本,无法使用;这种情况下解释了为什么很旧的副本是没有发现。 The manuscripts intended for private use vary considerably in size, material, and character.手稿打算作私人用途,有很大的差别,在尺寸,材料,和性格。 They are in rolls, and in book form-folio, quarto, octavo, and duodecimo.他们是在卷,并以图书形式-对开,季刊,八开,并duodecimo 。 Some are written on parchment, some on leather, others on paper; some in square characters, others in rabbinical (the latter only in modern times).有些是写在羊皮纸,一些对皮革,别人在纸上,有的在广场上的字符,其他人在犹太教(后者只有在现代倍) 。 They are usually provided with vowel-points, written in a different color from the consonants, which-are always in black.他们通常是提供与元音点,写在不同的颜色从辅音,其中-都是为黑色。 Initial words or letters are often in gold and silver; some, indeed, are artistically illuminated.初步的字词或字母往往是在黄金和白银;一些,事实上,是艺术照明。 Sometimes on the inner margins of the columns are given Masoretic notes; the outer ones are reserved for scholia and, in more modern manuscripts, for rabbinical commentaries.有时对党内的边缘栏给出了masoretic债券;外层的是预留作scholia ,并在更现代的手稿,为犹太教评论。 Yemenite manuscripts have usually no columns; and each verse is accompanied by the corresponding verse from the Targum Onkelos and the Arabic translation by Saadia.也门手稿通常没有列;每首诗是伴随着相应的诗从尔昂克罗斯和阿拉伯文翻译由saadia 。 The space at the bottom of the pages is sometimes occupied by the commentary of Rashi.空间在底部的网页,有时是被评rashi 。

Colophons and Inscriptions. colophons和题字。

Generally, the manuscripts are provided with inscriptions giving the name of the copyist and the dates of writing.一般来说,手稿提供给题字的名称,该复制和日期的书面答复。 Several eras are used in the computation of these dates: that of the creation of the world; that of the Seleucids; that of the destruction of the Temple; and, finally, that of the Babylonian exile (see Era).几个时代中使用的计算这些日期:即创建世界;的塞留西士;的破坏庙; ,最后,就是巴比伦的流亡(见时代) 。 The age of undated manuscripts is approximatively determined by the ink, the quality of the parchment, the presence or absence of Masoretic notes, and by paleographic signs (See Paleography).岁未注明日期的手稿是近似确定的墨水,高质量的羊皮纸,存在或没有masoretic注意到,由paleographic的迹象(见paleography ) 。

As indicated above, extant manuscripts are not of very great antiquity.如上所示,现存的手稿是不是具有十分重大的古物。 In addition to the explanation already given, this phenomenon, all the more curious because, according to Jewish law, every Jew ought to have at least one copy in his house, is very plausibly accounted for on the theory advanced by Brian Walton; namely, that with the definitive settlement of the Masorah in the seventh century, many copies must have been discarded because of their infractions of the established Masoretic rules.此外,该解释已经作出,这种现象,都更好奇,因为,根据犹太人的法律,每一个犹太人应该有至少一个副本在他的房子,是很振振有词,占对理论的先进由Brian沃尔顿,即随着最终解决该masorah在第七世纪,许多副本,必须有被抛弃,因为他们违反既定的masoretic规则。 If Talmud Yerushalmi (Ta'anit lxviii. 1) is to be credited, while the Temple was still standing, standard codices of the Pentateuch were officially recognized.如果塔木德yerushalmi ( ta'anit lxviii 。 1 )是要记入,而庙仍常委会,标准codices的pentateuch被正式承认。 These were deposited in the court of the Temple and served as models for accuracy.这些都是存放在法院的庙宇,并担任模型的准确性。 According to the passage quoted, three were known by the following names respectively: "Sefer Me'on," so called on account of its reading instead of (Deut. xxxiii. 27); "Sefer Za'aṭuṭe," because of its reading instead of (Ex. xxiv. 5); and "Sefer Hi," because of its reading with a yod in nine passages instead of eleven.根据通过的引述, 3人被称为由下列名称分别是: “ sefer me'on , ”所谓的对帐户其读而不是(申命记三十三27条) ; “ sefer za'aṭuṭe , ”因为它的读而不是(例如: 24 。 5 ) ;及“ sefer喜, ”因为它的读与yod在9通道,而不是11 。 The Masorites, too, seem to have consulted standard manuscripts celebrated for their accuracy in the redaction of the text and in the compilation of the Masoretic glosses.该masorites ,也似乎已征询标准手稿为庆祝其准确性,在节录的文字,并在汇编的masoretic美化。 Though none of these has been preserved, the following are referred to as authorities in almost every manuscript of importance:虽然这些都不一直保存,以下是被称为当局几乎在每一个手稿的重要性:

Codex Muggeh,食品法典委员会muggeh ,

ie, the corrected Codex: Quoted by the Masorites either by its full title () or simply as "Muggeh" ().也就是说,纠正法典:引述由masorites无论其全称( )或干脆为“ muggeh ” ( ) 。

Codex Hilleli ():食品法典委员会hilleli ( ) :

The origin of its name is not known.起源其名称是不知道。 According to Zacuto, this codex was written by a certain Hillel at about 600 of the common era.据zacuto ,这是食品法典委员会的书面某一个希勒尔约600人共同的时代。 In his Chronicle, compiled about 1500, Zacuto expresses himself as follows:在他的纪事,编制约1500年, zacuto表示自己如下:

"In the year 4957, on the twenty-eighth of Ab (Aug. 14, 1197), there was a great persecution of the Jews in the kingdom of Leon at the hand of the two kingdoms that came to besiege it. At that time they removed thence the twenty-four sacred books which were written about 600 years before. They were written by R. Hillel ben Moses ben Hillel, and hence his name was given to the codex, which was called 'Hilleli.' “在4957年,就20 -第八AB法( 1197年8月14日) ,是一位伟大的迫害犹太人,在英国的里昂在手,这两个王国,来到围攻。在那个时间他们拆除再在24神圣的书籍,其中的书面约600年前,他们分别以书面的R.希勒尔本郑慕智本希勒尔,因此他的名字是考虑到食品法典委员会,这是所谓' hilleli 。 It was exceedingly correct; and all other codices were revised after it. I saw the remaining two parts of it, containing the Former and Latter Prophets, written in large and beautiful characters; these had been brought by the exiles to Portugal and sold at Bugia in Africa, where they still are, having been written about 900 years ago. Kimḥi in his grammar on Num. x. 4 says that the Pentateuch of the Hillel Codex was extant in Toledo."这是非常正确的;和所有其他codices修订后,我看到了,其余的两部分,载有前任和后者的先知,写在大和美丽的字;这些已所带来的流亡者,以葡萄牙和出售布希亚在非洲,那里仍然是,经过书面约900年前。 kimḥi在他的语法就NUM个。十,四指出, pentateuch的希勒尔食品法典委员会是现存在Toledo “ 。

Codex Sanbuki:食品法典委员会sanbuki :

Frequently quoted in the Masorah Parva, and highly praised for its accuracy by Menahem de Lonzano in his "Or Torah."经常引用,在masorah parva ,并高度赞扬,其准确性由menahem德lonzano在他的“或诵读经文” 。 According to Christian D. Ginsburg, the name of this codex is derived from "Zambuki" on the Tigris, to which community it belonged.根据基督教四金斯伯格,名称,这个法典是来自“ zambuki ”对底格里斯河,而它属于社会。

Codex Yerushalmi:食品法典委员会yerushalmi :

As attested by Ḳimḥi ("Miklol," ed. Fürth, 1793, p. 184b), the codex was for many years in Saragossa, and was extensively used by the grammarian and lexicographer Ibn Janaḥ.作为核签ḳimḥi ( “ miklol , ”教育署。菲尔特, 1793年,第184b ) ,食品法典委员会是多年来在萨拉戈萨,并广泛使用由grammarian和lexicographer的Ibn janaḥ 。 It is often quoted in the Masorah as exhibiting a different orthography from that of the Codex Hilleli.这是经常引用,在masorah作为参展不同的拼写法,即从食品法典委员会hilleli 。

Codex Jericho, also called Jericho Pentateuch ():食品法典委员会杰里科,也称为杰里科pentateuch ( ) :

The name seems to imply that the manuscript embraced only the Pentateuch.名称似乎暗示手稿拥抱,只有pentateuch 。 It is mentioned by Elijah Levita, in "Shibre Luḥot," as most reliable for the accents.这是所提到的以利亚莱维塔,在“ shibre luḥot , ”作为最可靠的,为的口音。

Codex Sinai ():食品法典委员会西奈( ) :

Many opinions exist as to the derivation of its name.很多意见存在,以推导其名称。 The most plausible is that it was derived from "Mount Sinai," just as the codices Jericho and Yerushalmi denote the places of their origin.最合理的是,这是来自“西奈山” ,正如codices杰里科和yerushalmi指的地方,其原产地。 It is mentioned in the Masorah, and is also cited by Elijah Levita in his work quoted above.这是提到,在masorah ,又是所列举的以利亚莱维塔在他的工作上面引述的。

Codex Great Maḥzor ():食品法典委员会的伟大maḥzor ( ) :

This probably contained the annual or triennial cycle ("Maḥzor") of lessons to be read on week-days, Sabbaths, feasts, and fasts; hence its name.这可能载有年度或三年周期( “ maḥzor ” )的教训,读对为期一周的天,安息日,节日, fasts ;因此,它的名称。

Codex Ezra:食品法典委员会以斯拉:

Quoted in the Masorah Parva.引述,在masorah parva 。 A manuscript professing to be a copy of this codex is in the possession of Christian D. Ginsburg.手稿自称是一个复制此食品法典委员会是在拥有基督教四金斯伯格。

Codex Babylon ():食品法典委员会巴比伦( ) :

Differences (, "ḥillufin") existed between the Western schools (), the chief seat of which was Tiberias, and the Eastern (), the principal centers of which were Nehardea and Sura, in the reading of many passages; this codex gives the Eastern recension (see Masorah).差异( “ ḥillufin ” )之间存在着西方学校( ) ,行政议席,其中巴,和东区( ) ,主要中心,其中nehardea和苏拉,在读了许多通道,这给食品法典委员会东部recension (见masorah ) 。 Another standard codex which served as a model at the time of Maimonides was that written in the tenth century by the renowned Masorite Aaron ben Moses ben Asher of Tiberias (compare Maimonides, "Yad," Sefer Torah, viii. 4).另一个标准法典,其中担任模式的时候,迈蒙尼德是书面,在10世纪由著名masorite阿伦本郑慕智本阿谢尔的太巴列(比较迈蒙尼德, “亚得, ” sefer诵读经文,第八条第四款) 。 This codex was for a long time believed to be identical with that preserved in the synagogue at Aleppo (Jacob Saphir, , i. 12b; Grätz, in "Monatsschrift," 1871, p. 6; 1887, p. 30; Strack, "Prolegomena Critica," pp. 44-46).这个法典是相当长的时间,相信是相同的,与保存在犹太教堂在阿勒颇(雅各布saphir , ,一12 B条; grätz ,在“ monatsschrift , ” 1871年,第6页; 1887年,第30页; strack “绪论critica , “第44-46段) 。 [EN Adler ("Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," p. 130) argues that the Aleppo Codex is a copy, not the original; but Wickes ("Hebrew Accentuation," Preface, p. vii., Oxford, 1887) makes it clear that "the statement assigning the codex to (Aaron ben Moses) Ben-Asher is a fabrication." [英文阿德勒( “考夫曼gedenkbuch , ”第130页)认为,阿勒颇食品法典委员会是一个副本,而不是原来的;但威克斯( “希伯来语重读, ”前言,第七。牛津大学, 1887 )很清楚“声明指派食品法典委员会(阿伦本郑慕智)本阿谢尔是捏造的“ 。 EGH欧洲加沙医院

Two celebrated manuscripts believed to be very ancient are still extant in Syria. 2庆祝手稿相信是非常古老的仍然是现存的在叙利亚。 One of these, the Damascus Codex, which, according to the inscription on its title-page (added, however, by a later hand), was written in the third century of the common era, belongs to a Jewish family of Damascus named Parḥi, and is exhibited to the inhabitants on feast-days.一这些,大马士革食品法典委员会,其中,根据碑文上其标题页(补充说,不过,稍后手) ,写在第三个世纪的共同的时代,属于一个犹太家庭在大马士革命名parḥi ,并展示给居民对盛宴-天。 The other is kept in a grotto by the inhabitants of Jobar near Damascus.另一种是存放在一个石窟由居民jobar大马士革附近。

Number of MSS.若干支助。

The number of Hebrew Bible manuscripts found in European libraries is considerable.人数希伯来语圣经手稿发现,在欧洲图书馆相当可观。 The oldest collection is that in the Imperial Library, St. Petersburg, formerly in the Odessa Biblical Society's library.最古老的收集,就是在帝国图书馆,圣彼得堡,以前在敖德萨圣经社会的图书馆。 A description of some of these manuscripts was given by Ephraim Moses Pinner in a pamphlet entitled "Prospectus der Alten Hebräischen und Rabbinischen Manuscripte," etc., Odessa, 1845.说明一些这些手稿是由ephraim郑慕智pinner在一本小册子,题为“的招股章程,明镜alten hebräischen und rabbinischen manuscripte ”等,敖德萨, 1845 。 A full description by Strack and Harkavy is given in their catalogue.充分说明,由strack和harkavy是由于在他们的目录。 The oldest manuscript of this valuable collection is a Pentateuch brought from Derband (Daghestan), written before 604 of the common era.最古老的手稿,这宝贵的收集是一个pentateuch带来了从derband (达格斯坦) ,书面前604的共同的时代。 It consists of forty-five skins having 226 columns, and is composed of six pieces: (1) Gen. i.-xlvi.它的45皮肤有226个栏目,并组成六件: ( 1 )将军一-四十六。 25, end (9 skins, 52 columns, 51 lines; Taggin by a later hand). 25 ,年底( 9皮, 52个栏目, 51线; taggin由稍后手) 。 (2) Gen. xlvi. ( 2 )将军四十六。 26-Numbers (24 skins, 134 columns, 50 lines, without Taggin). 26 -号码( 24皮, 134个栏目, 50行,没有taggin ) 。 (3) Deut. ( 3 ) deut 。 i.-xvii.一-十七。 (4 skins, 21 columns, 51 lines, without Taggin). (四皮, 21个栏目, 51线,没有taggin ) 。 (4) Deut. ( 4 ) deut 。 xvii.-xxi. xvii. -二十一。 4 (1 skin, 3 columns, 51 lines). 4 ( 1皮肤, 3栏, 51条线) 。 (5) Deut. ( 5 ) deut 。 xxi.二十一。 5-xxiii. 5 -二十三。 23 (1 skin, 3 columns, 51 lines). 23 ( 1皮肤, 3栏, 51条线) 。 (6) Deut. ( 6 ) deut 。 xxiii.二十三。 24-end of Deut. 24月底, deut 。 (4 skins, 13 columns, 51 lines). (四皮, 13个栏目, 51条线) 。

The oldest manuscript in book form at the library of St. Petersburg dates from 916.最古老的手稿,以图书形式在图书馆圣彼得堡的日期从916 。 It consists of 225 folios, each folio divided lengthwise into two columns with 21 lines to the column, with the exception of folio 1a and folio 224a-b, which exhibit epigraphs.它的225 folios ,每对开分为纵向分成两列,与21日线栏,除对开1A和对开224a - B的,其中展览epigraphs 。 It contains the Latter Prophets.它包含后者先知。 Two lines of Masorah Magna appear in the lower margin of each page; while the Masorah Parva occupies the center space between the columns.两行masorah玛格纳出现在较低的保证金的每一页,而masorah parva中占有中心之间的空间列。 The vowel-points are superlinear in the so-called Babylonian system.元音点是超在所谓的巴比伦的制度。 The total number of the Bible manuscripts in the St. Petersburg library is 146.总数的圣经手稿在圣彼得堡图书馆是146 。

In Libraries.在图书馆。

The British Museum possesses 165 Bible manuscripts, the oldest of which is the Masoretic Bible written about 820-850.大英博物馆拥有165圣经手稿,历史最悠久的其中最重要的是masoretic圣经的书面约820-850 。 This contains the Pentateuch and consists of 186 folios, 55 of which were at one time missing, but have been added by a later hand.这包含pentateuch和组成186 folios , 55 ,其中在同一时间失踪,但已被列入由稍后的手。 The Bodleian Library, Oxford, possesses 146 Bible manuscripts, the oldest of which dates from 1104.该包德利图书馆图书馆,牛津大学,拥有146圣经手稿,历史最悠久,其中的日期从1104年。 Cambridge counts 32, the oldest believed to be of the tenth century.剑桥计数32 ,最古老的,相信会有十世纪。 Bible manuscripts in goodly numbers are also to be found in private libraries in England, the most important collection being that of EN Adler.圣经手稿在goodly号码也将被发现在私人图书馆在英格兰,最重要的就是收集的英文阿德勒。 This contains about 100 codices, the oldest dating from the ninth century.这包含约100 codices ,最古老的约会从第九世纪。 The Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, has 132 Bible manuscripts, the oldest with the date 1286.在国家图书馆,巴黎,有132圣经手稿,历史最悠久的日期是同一天1286 。 The number of Bible manuscripts in the Vienna Library is 24.有多少圣经手稿在维也纳的图书馆是24 。 The oldest (given by Kennicott under No. 126) contains the Latter Prophets and the Hagiographa, written in the tenth century.最古老的(所给予的肯尼科特根据第126号)包含后者先知和hagiographa ,书面,在十世纪。 Steinschneider describes 14 Bible manuscripts in the Royal library of Berlin; none of them is very old. steinschneider介绍了14圣经手稿,在皇家图书馆的柏林;他们都不是很旧的。 De Rossi describes 848 manuscripts (now at Parma), the oldest of which is No. 634, containing Lev.德罗西介绍了848手稿(现在在帕尔马) ,最古老的是634号,载有列弗。 xxi.二十一。 19-Num. 19 NUM个。 i.我。 50, written in the eighth century. 50 ,书面,在第八世纪。 The Vatican Library possesses 39 Bible manuscripts, which have been described by Joseph Simon Assemani and Stephen Ephodius Assemani.梵蒂冈的图书馆拥有39圣经手稿,其中有被称为约瑟夫西蒙assemani和Stephen ephodius assemani 。

Several Bible manuscripts are in the libraries of Leipsic, Munich, and Leyden.几个圣经手稿是在图书馆leipsic ,慕尼黑,和雷登。

Some Bible manuscripts have been brought from China.一些圣经手稿已带来了来自中国。 They are partly synagogue rolls, partly private copies, whose text does not differ from the Masoretic Bibles.他们是部分犹太教堂卷,部分私人的副本,其文并无不同,从masoretic圣经。 A Pentateuch of the Malabar Jews is now in England. 1 pentateuch的马拉巴犹太人,现在在英格兰。 It resembles, on the whole, the usual synagogue rolls, except that it is written on red skin.它类似于,就整体而言,一般的犹太教堂万卷,除这是写在红色的皮肤。

Samaritan manuscripts of the Pentateuch are to be found in the British Museum, the Bodleian, St. Petersburg, Parma, and the Vatican libraries; for a description of them, the respective catalogues may be consulted.撒玛利亚手稿的pentateuch是要发现在大英博物馆,包德利图书馆,圣彼得堡,帕尔马,以及梵蒂冈图书馆;说明他们各自的目录可能会征询市民的意见。

As curiosities may be mentioned a Hebrew Pentateuch in Arabic characters, now in the British Museum; the Pentateuch in Latin characters in the Bodleian Library; and, finally, the fragments of the Pentateuch written in inverted alphabet discovered lately in the Cairo genizah.作为求知可能会提到希伯来语pentateuch在阿拉伯语字符,现在在大英博物馆; pentateuch在拉丁字符,在包德利图书馆图书馆;以及最后,片段的pentateuch书面倒在字母表发现,最近在开罗genizah 。

Emil G. Hirsch, Isaac Broydé埃米尔g.赫希,艾萨克broydé
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书, 1901年至1906年之间出版的。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
Kennicott, Dissertatio Generalis; Walton, Prolegomena to the Polyglot; S. Davidson, Treatise on Biblical Criticism; Strack, Prolegomena Critica in Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum; Christian D. Ginsburg, Introduction to the Masoretico-Critical Edition of the Hebrew Bible, pp.肯尼科特, dissertatio generalis ;沃尔顿,绪论向polyglot ;美国戴维森,伤寒论圣经批评; strack ,绪论critica在老testamentum hebraicum ;基督教四金斯伯格,引进到masoretico关键版的希伯来语圣经,聚丙烯。 421 et seq. 421条及以下各条。


Bible Translations圣经翻译

Jewish Viewpoint Information 犹太人的观点,信息

The Targums.该targums 。

Jewish translations of the Old Testament were made from time to time by Jews, in order to satisfy the needs, both in public service and in private life, of those that had gradually lost the knowledge of the ancient national tongue.犹太人的翻译旧约发了言不时由犹太人,为了满足需要,无论是在公共服务和私人生活中,那些已逐渐失去了知识的古代民族母语。 In Palestine itself, Hebrew was driven out first by Aramaic, then by Greek, and finally by Arabic.在巴勒斯坦本身,希伯来语被赶出首先由阿拉姆语,然后由希腊,最后由阿拉伯语。 Portions of the Bible itself (in Daniel and Ezra) are written in Aramaic; and there is no consensus of opinion among scholars as to whether these parts were originally written in that tongue or were translated from the Hebrew.部分圣经本身(在丹尼尔和以斯拉)是在书面阿拉姆语;有没有共识的意见,学者至于是否这些零件原本在这方面的书面母语或翻译,从希伯来文。 Though Hebrew remained the sacred and the literary language, the knowledge of it must have faded to such a degree in the second century preceding the common era that it became necessary for a "meturgeman" to translate the weekly Pentateuch and prophetic lessons as read in the synagogue (Berliner, "Onkelos," p. 7; Friedmann, "Akylos und Onkelos," p. 58).虽然希伯来语仍然是神圣和文学语言,知识,必须有褪色到这种程度,在第二世纪前的共同的时代,它成为必要的“ meturgeman ”翻译每周pentateuch和先知的教训,作为阅读,在犹太教堂(柏林, “昂克罗斯, ”第7页;弗里德曼, “ akylos und昂克罗斯, ”第58条) 。 The assertion made by the two scholars just cited, that the Targums date from the time of Ezra, is unwarranted; since they are written in a West-Aramaic dialect.断言是由两位学者刚才提到的,即targums日期从时间,以斯拉,是不必要的;因为他们是在一个书面西-阿拉姆语方言。 The authorities of the synagogue did not willingly allow such translations to be written down.当局犹太教堂并没有心甘情愿地让这些翻译被写下来。 They felt that this would be putting a premium upon ignorance of the text, and that the Biblical word would be in danger of being badly interpreted or even misunderstood.他们认为,这将是把保费后,无知的文字,以及圣经字会的危险,正在急切的解释,甚至被误解。 They sought to minimize the danger by permitting only one verse to be read and translated at a time in the case of the Law, and three in the case of the Prophets (Meg. iv. 4).他们要求,以尽量减少危险,由只允许一首诗,以阅读和翻译在一个时间内,案件的法律,和三,在案件先知( meg.四。 4 ) 。 Certain passages were never to be translated publicly; eg, Gen. xxxv.某些段落从来没有被翻译公开;例如,将军三十五。 22; Ex. 22 ;特惠。 xxxii.三十二。 21-25; Num. 21日至25日; NUM个。 vi.六。 23-26; Lev. 23日至26日;列弗。 xviii.十八。 21 (Meg. iv. 10; see. Berliner, lcp 217; Ginsburger, "Monatsschrift," xliv. 1). 21 ( meg.四,第10条;见。柏林, LCP的217 ;金斯布格尔, “ monatsschrift , ”四十四1款) 。 These passages are to be found in Pseudo-Jonathan and in the Midrashim for private use.这些通道都可以发现在伪乔纳森,以及在米大示作私人用途。 It is distinctly stated that no written copy of the Targum was to be used in the public service (Yer. Meg. iv. 1); though for private purposes copies were allowed to be made.这是明显指出,没有任何书面的副本,该尔是用在公共服务( yer.梅格。四, 1 ) ;虽然为私人目的的副本被允许作出。 The Talmud, it is true, mentions a written Targum to the Book of Job which was in the possession of Rabban Gamaliel I. during the Second Temple, about 20-40 CE (Tosef., Shab. xiv. 2; Bab. Shab. 115a; Soferim xv. 2; compare Berliner, lcp 90), and which was then buried by order of Gamaliel.犹太法典,这是事实,提到的书面尔向约伯记这是在藏rabban加马利亚一,在第二圣殿,约20-40行政长官( tosef. ,的Shab 。十四。 2 ;巴布。的Shab 。 115a ; soferim十五。 2 ;比较,柏林, LCP的90 ) ,和当时埋葬的顺序加马利亚。 In Yer.在yer 。 Shab.的Shab 。 xvi.十六。 1 a variant tradition tells of such a Targum having been in the hands of both the elder and the younger Gamaliel.一的一个变种,传统,讲述了这样一个尔已在手中,双方的老和年轻加马利亚。 Though this tradition is accepted even by Bacher (see Aramaic Language), there are no means of verifying this statement, the existing Targum to that book being of a much later date.虽然这是传统的接纳,甚至由bacher (见阿拉姆语的语言) ,有没有办法核实该声明中,现有尔,以这本书的福祉,更较后的日期。 The tradition certainly can not refer to a Greek translation, as Grätz ("Monatsschrift," xxvi. 87)holds.传统,当然不能指的是希腊的翻译,作为grätz ( “ monatsschrift , ” 26 。 87 )举行。

According to Blau ("Einleitung," p. 79) the reference is to a copy written in the Old Hebrew script.根据布劳( “ einleitung , ”第79页)参考,是一份书面在旧希伯来语脚本。 The Targum is largely a paraphrase, reproducing the rabbinical tradition as regards the meaning of the text.该尔,主要是段,复制犹太教的传统,至于意义的文本。 For a history of this Targum see Targum.对于历史,这尔见尔。 In passing a word should be said about the Samaritan version of the Pentateuch in the West-Aramaic dialect, which the Samaritans at one time spoke.在通过了一个字,应该说对撒玛利亚版本的pentateuch在西-阿拉姆语方言,撒玛利亚会在同一时间发言。 It is as yet not possible to say in which century this version was made.这是尚未可能说,在世纪的这个版本。 Even though the citations under the caption τὸ Σαμαρειτικόυ, which are found in the scholia to Origen's Hexapla, refer to it, Kohn believes that they are drawn from a Greek translation of the Samaritan made in Egypt.即使根据引文来源τὸ σαμαρειτικόυ ,这是发现,在scholia到俄的hexapla ,是指它,科恩认为,他们是来自希腊的翻译撒玛利亚取得了在埃及。 The text has been edited in Samaritan characters by H. Petermann and K. Vollers (Berlin, 1872-91), and in Hebrew characters by A. Brüll (1873-75), from the London Polyglot.案文已编辑在撒玛利亚字符__________________________________________________________________________ petermann和K vollers (柏林, 1872年至1891年) ,和希伯来文字符由甲brüll ( 1873年至1875年) ,从伦敦polyglot 。 M. Heidenheim's edition in Hebrew characters, of which Genesis only has appeared ("Bibliotheca Samaritana," i., Leipsic, 1884), has been very severely criticized (see Nestle, "Uebersetzungen der Bibel," p. 205).米海登海姆奇摩版在希伯来语字符,其中的成因,只有出现了( “图书馆samaritana , ”一, leipsic , 1884年) ,一直非常严厉的批评(见雀巢, “ uebersetzungen明镜bibel , ”第205页) 。

Influence of Hellenism.希腊的影响。

The settlement of large numbers of Jews in various parts of the Greek world, the Hellenization of Palestine, and the presence in Jerusalem of Jews from all countries, especially from those under Greek influence, in course of time forced the Rabbis to treat the question more liberally.解决大批犹太人在各个部分的希腊世界, hellenization的巴勒斯坦,和在场的在耶路撒冷的犹太人从所有国家,特别是从那些希腊的影响下,在过程中的时间被迫拉比对待的问题更多宽松。 According to Meg.据梅格。 ii.二。 1, it was forbidden to read the Megillah in Aramaic or in any other non-Hebrew language, except for the foreign Jews () in Jerusalem (compare the Baraita in Bab. Meg. 18a; Shab. 115b); and that such foreign Jews were in the city in large numbers is seen from Acts ii. 1 ,它被禁止阅读megillah在阿拉姆语,或以任何其他非希伯来文,除外国的犹太人( )在耶路撒冷(比较baraita在巴布。梅格。 18A条;的Shab 。 115b ) ;并且这种外国的犹太人人在这个城市,在大量被认为是从行为二。 5-11. 5月11日。 So, also, it is found, according to another tradition (Meg. i. 8), that it was permitted to write the Biblical books in any language (); though R. Simon ben Gamaliel would restrict this permission to Greek (Yer. Meg. i. 1): "After careful examination it was found that the Pentateuch could be adequately translated only into Greek").因此,此外,它发现,根据另一种传统( meg.一8 ) ,这是允许的写圣经的书籍,在任何语言( ) ;虽然r.西蒙本加马利亚将限制这个权限希腊语( yer.梅格:一, 1 ) : “经过仔细检查,结果发现该pentateuch可以得到充分的翻译,只有到希腊” ) 。

Evidence exists of the fact that in the synagogue of the Greek was freely used (Tosef., Meg. iv. 13).证据存在的事实,即在犹太教堂的希腊是自由使用( tosef. ,梅格四。 13 ) 。 There is even a tradition that Greek letters were engraven upon the chest in the Temple in which the shekels were kept (Sheḳ. iii. 2); and there is also Christian testimony to this effect (Justin, "Cohortatio ad Græcos," xiii.; Tertullian, "Apologia," xviii.; Frankel, "Vorstudien," p. 56).甚至还有一个传统,希腊字母被engraven后,公益金在该庙在其中谢克尔则留( sheḳ.三, 2 ) ;也有基督教就证明了这一点效应(贾斯汀, “ cohortatio广告græcos , ”十三。 ;良, “纵容”十八。 ;弗兰克尔, “ vorstudien , ”第56页) 。 It is reported that in Asia Minor R. Meïr was unable to find a Megillah written in Hebrew (Tosef., Meg. ii. 4); and the weekly lessons both from the Law and the Prophets were at an early date read in Greek in Alexandria ("Jew. Quart. Rev." ix. 730).据报道,在小亚细亚r. meïr是找不到的书面megillah在希伯来文( tosef. ,梅格。二,四) ;和每周的教训,无论从律法和先知分别在早日在阅读希腊在亚历山大( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师”九。 730 ) 。 This makes comprehensible the statement that "the Law can be read in any language" (Soṭah 33a; Meg. 17b).这使得可以理解的声明说: “法律可以看到,在任何语言” ( soṭah 33A条;梅格。 17B条) 。 The well-known passage in the Mishnah (Yad. iv. 5) which mentions the Levitical impurity occasioned by touching Biblical books, and which especially excepts the Targum from these provisions, has been very properly explained by Blau as referring to different degrees of sanctity only: no translation could, of course, be put upon the same level with the original Hebrew.著名的通过,在米示拿( yad.四,五)其中提到利杂质因在谈到圣经的书籍,其中特别是excepts该尔从这些规定,已经非常妥善的解释,由布劳是指不同程度的神圣性只有:没有翻译,当然,提出后,同一水平与原来的希伯来文。

At a later time-perhaps in the second century ofthe present era-a different view seems to have prevailed; and it was said that the day on which the Law was translated into Greek was as unfortunate for the Jews as that on which the Golden Calf was made (Soferim i. 8, 9).在稍后的时间,也许在第二个世纪之目前的时代有不同的看法似乎占了上风;据指出,天就其中法律被翻译成希腊是作为不幸的犹太人,因为对其中的黄金小牛发了言( soferim一, 8 , 9 ) 。 Even to teach children Greek was forbidden (Soṭah ix. 14); though it was still permitted to teach a girl Greek, as a knowledge of that language was considered to be an accomplishment.甚至教导儿童希腊被禁止( soṭah九, 14 ) ;尽管它仍然允许教导一个女孩希腊语,作为一个知识的语言被认为是一种成就。 Evidently this change of view was occasioned by the rise of the Christian Church, which used the Bible only in the Septuagint Version.显然这种变化的看法是,因崛起的基督教教堂,使用圣经,只有在septuagint版本。 It will be seen that in the Middle Ages the desire to please the women during the service and to instruct them led to the introduction of the vernacular, especially for the prophetical lessons.它将会看到,在中世纪的愿望,请妇女在服务,并指导他们,导致引进白话,特别是为prophetical教训。 The treatise Soferim even makes it a duty "to translate, for the women, the weekly readings from the Pentateuch and the Prophets before the close of the service. The translation was not read verse by verse after the Hebrew, but as one continuous passage" (Abrahams, "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages," p. 345).该论文soferim ,甚至使它成为税“翻译,为妇女,每周读从pentateuch和先知结束前的服务。翻译是没有读过诗,由诗后,希伯来语,但作为一个连续的通道” (亚伯拉罕, “犹太人生活在中世纪, ”第345页) 。

The Septuagint.该septuagint 。

The oldest and most important of all the versions made by Jews is that called "The Septuagint" ("Interpretatio septuaginta virorum" or "seniorum").最古老和最重要的是所有版本所作出的犹太人,就是所谓的“ septuagint ” ( “ interpretatio septuaginta virorum ”或“ seniorum ” ) 。 It is a monument of the Greek spoken by the large and important Jewish community of Alexandria; not of classic Greek, nor even of the Hellenistic style affected by Alexandrian writers.这是一个丰碑,希腊所讲的大国和重要的犹太社区的亚历山大;不是经典希腊,甚至也不对希腊风格的影响,亚历山大作家。 If the account given by Aristeas be true, some traces of Palestinian influence should be found; but a study of the Egyptian papyri, which are abundant for this particular period, is said by both Mahaffy and Deissmann to show a very close similarity between the language they represent and that of the Septuagint, not to mention the Egyptian words already recognized by both Hody and Eichhorn.如果该帐户所给予的aristeas属实,一些痕迹,巴勒斯坦的影响力应该发现,但研究埃及papyri ,这是丰富,这为特定时期,是说,双方mahaffy和戴斯曼显示了非常密切的相似性之间的语言他们所代表的和该septuagint ,更遑论埃及的话已经承认双方hody和艾希霍恩。 These papyri have in a measure reinstated Aristeas (about 200 BC) in the opinion of scholars.这些papyri已在一项措施,恢复aristeas (约200 BC )的,在学者的意见。 Upon his "Letter to Philocrates" the tradition as to the origin of the Septuagint rests.当他“信philocrates ”的传统,以原产地的septuagint休息。 It is now believed that even though he may have been mistaken in some points, his facts in general are worthy of credence (Abrahams, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." xiv. 321).现在是认为,即使他可能已被误以为在一些点,他在一般的事实,是值得信任(亚伯拉罕,在“犹太人。夸脱。牧师”十四。 321 ) 。 According to Aristeas, the Pentateuch was translated at the time of Philadelphus, the second Ptolemy (285-247 BC), which translation was encouraged by the king and welcomed by the Jews of Alexandria.据aristeas , pentateuch是翻译的时候, philadelphus ,第二托勒密一世(公元前285-247 ) ,其中翻译是鼓励由国王和欢迎犹太人的亚历山大。 Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," 3d ed., iii. 615) stands alone in assigning it to the reign of Philometor (181-146 BC). grätz ( “ gesch 。明镜juden , ”三维版,三, 615 )的立场,仅在分配给统治philometor (公元前181-146 ) 。 Whatever share the king may have had in the work, it evidently satisfied a pressing need felt by the Jewish community, among whom a knowledge of Hebrew was rapidly waning before the demands of every-day life.无论分享国王可能有在工作中,它显然是满意的迫切需要,所感受到的犹太社区,其中一个以知识的希伯来语被迅速减弱之前,要求每一天的生活。

It is not known when the other books of the Bible were rendered into Greek.这是不知道,当其他书籍的圣经被提供到希腊。 The grandson of Ben Sira (132 BC), in the prologue to his translation of his grandfather's work, speaks of the "Law, Prophets, and the rest of the books" as being already current in his day.孙子本特希拉( 132 BC )的,在序幕,他的翻译他的祖父的工作,谈到“法,先知,和其余的书” ,作为目前已经在他那一天。 A Greek Chronicles is mentioned by Eupolemus (middle of second century BC); Aristeas, the historian, quotes Job; a foot-note to the Greek Esther seems to show that that book was in circulation before the end of the second century BC; and the Septuagint Psalter is quoted in I Macc.一名希腊方志是所提到的eupolemus (中西元前二世纪) ; aristeas ,历史学家,寻获工作;一英尺注意向希腊埃丝特似乎表明这本书是在流通年底前西元前二世纪;该septuagint psalter是引述在I排雷。 vii.七。 17. 17 。 It is therefore more than probable that the whole of the Bible was translated into Greek before the beginning of the Christian era (Swete, "An Introduction to the OT in Greek," ch. i.).因此,这是更可能比整个圣经被翻译成希腊开始前基督教时代( swete , “介绍到城市旅游局在希腊语, ”你一) 。 The large number of Greek-speaking Jewish communities in Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, and northern Africa must have facilitated its spread in all these regions.大批希腊为母语的犹太社区在巴勒斯坦,叙利亚,美索不达米亚,小亚细亚,非洲北部,必须有利于它的扩散,在所有这些地区。 The quotations from the Old Testament found in the New are in the main taken from the Septuagint; and even where the citation is indirect the influence of this version is clearly seen.报价从旧约发现新的是在主要采取从septuagint ;即使在引文是间接的影响,这个版本是看得很清楚。 This will also explain in a measure the undoubted influence of the Septuagint upon the Syriac translation called the "Peshiṭta."这也将解释在一项措施,无疑影响了septuagint后,叙利亚文翻译称为“ peshiṭta ” 。

Being a composite work, the translation varies in the different books.作为一个综合的工作,翻译不同,在不同的书籍。 In the Pentateuch, naturally, it adheres most closely to the original; in Job it varies therefrom most widely.在pentateuch ,当然,坚持最密切的到原来的;的就业不同,因而最广泛的。 In some books (eg, Daniel) the influence of the Jewish Midrash is more apparent than in others.在一些书籍(例如,丹尼尔)的影响,犹太人米德拉士是更加明显比在其他国家。 Where it is literal it is "intolerable as a literary work" (Swete, ib. p. 22).它是从字面上,这是“不能容忍的,作为文学作品” ( swete ,兴业。第22页) 。 The translation, which shows at times a peculiar ignorance of Hebrew usage, was evidently made from a codex which differed widely in places from the text crystallized by the Masorah.翻译,这表明在时代的一种特殊的无知,希伯来语的使用,明显作出了从食品法典委员会,其中大不相同的地方,从文本的结晶,由masorah 。 Its influence upon the Greek-speaking Jews must have been great.其影响力后,希腊为母语的犹太人必须有很大的。 In course of time it came to be the canonical Greek Bible, as Luther's translation became the German, and the Authorized Version the English.在过程中的时间来加以规范希腊圣经,路德的翻译成了德语,和授权版的英语。 It is the version used by the Jewish Hellenistic writers, Demetrius, Eupolemus, Artabanus, Aristeas, Ezekiel, and Aristobulus, as well as in the Book of Wisdom, the translation of Ben Sira, and the Jewish Sibyllines.这是版本所用的犹太希腊作家, demetrius , eupolemus , artabanus , aristeas ,以西结书,和阿里斯托布鲁斯,以及在这本书中的智慧,翻译本缺陷,和犹太sibyllines 。 Hornemann, Siegfried, and Ryle have shown that Philo bases his citations from the Bible on the Septuagint Version, though he has no scruple about modifying them or citing them with much freedom. hornemann ,齐格弗里德,并ryle表明,斐洛基地,他的引文从圣经上septuagint版本,虽然他没有不惜关于修改它们或引用他们与自由。 Josephus follows this translation closely (Freudenthal, "Hellenistische Studien," ii. 171; Siegfried, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," iii. 32).约瑟夫如下这个翻译密切(弗赖登塔尔, “ hellenistische studien , ”二171 ;齐格弗里德,在比赛的“ zeitschrift , ”三。 32 ) 。 It became part of the Bible of the Christian Church.它的一部分,成为圣经的基督教教堂。

Aquila. Aquila ) 。

Two things, however, rendered the Septuagint unwelcome in the long run to the Jews.两件事,不过,令septuagint不受欢迎,在长远而言,向犹太人。 Its divergence from the accepted text (afterward called the Masoretic) was too evident; and it therefore could not serve as a basis for theological discussion or for homiletic interpretation.其分歧,从接受的案文(后称为masoretic )太明显;因此,它不能以此为基础的神学思想建设的讨论或为homiletic解释。 This distrust was accentuated by the fact that it had been adopted as Sacred Scripture by the new faith.这种不信任是加速这一事实,它已获得通过,成为神圣的经文,由新的信仰。 A revision in the sense of the canonical Jewish text was necessary.在修订的意识,典型的犹太文本是必要的。 This revision was made by a proselyte, Aquila, who lived during the reign of Hadrian (117-138).这一修改是由一proselyte , Aquila ) ,谁住统治期间,哈德良( 117-138 ) 。 He is reported to have been a pupil of R. Akiba and to have embodied in his revision the principles of the strictest literal interpretation of the text; certainly his translation is pedantic, and its Greek is uncouth.他报告说,已经是小学生钢筋混凝土秋叶,并有体现在他修订的原则,严格的字面解释的文本;当然,他的翻译是书卷气,其希腊是uncouth 。 It strove only to reproduce the text word for word, and for this reason it grew rapidly in favor in strictly Jewish circles where Hebrew was yet understood.它竭力只复制文本逐字逐句地,基于这个原因,它快速增长,有利于在严格的犹太各界哪里希伯来语尚未理解的。 Not only in the days of Origen was it thus popular, but, according to the testimony of Jerome and Augustine, down to the fourth and fifth centuries.不仅是在天的俄因此,它是流行,但是,根据证词,杰罗姆和奥古斯丁,下降至第四和第五世纪。 Of this translation a few fragments have come down to us, together with many citations made by Christian writers from Origen's Hexapla.本翻译的几个片段来给我们,再加上许多引文所作的基督教作家,从俄的hexapla 。 In the middle ofthe sixth century a certain section of the Jews in Byzantium wished to read the Sabbath lections in Greek as well as in Hebrew; but the Rabbis and authorities desired that only Hebrew should be read.在中东之六世纪的某一段犹太人在拜占庭希望阅读安息日lections在希腊,以及在希伯来语;但拉比和当局的理想,只有希伯来语应该阅读。 The discussion came before the emperor, Justinian, who in the year 553 issued a novella in which it was expressly stated that "the Hebrews are allowed to read the Holy Writ in their synagogues in the Greek language"; and the emperor advised them to use either the Septuagint or the version of Aquila (Grätz, "Gesch. der Juden," v. 435).讨论开始之前,皇帝,查士丁尼,谁在这一年发表了553中篇小说在它明确指出: “希伯来人是不准阅读圣地令状,在他们的犹太教堂,在希腊语言” ;和皇帝建议他们使用无论是septuagint或版本Aquila ) ( grätz , “ gesch 。明镜juden , ”诉435 ) 。

Theodotion and Symmachus. theodotion和马初斯。

A second revision of the Septuagint was made by one Theodotion, perhaps a native of Ephesus, who may have lived toward the end of the second century.第二次修改的septuagint是由一theodotion ,或许土生土长的以弗所,谁可能有生活对年底的第二个世纪。 He is sometimes said to have been a convert to Judaism.他有时说已皈依犹太教。 His revision, also, is in the nature of a recurrence to the Hebrew text, but he avoids entirely the pedantry of Aquila, and his Greek gives a readable text; the only evidences of pedantry are his transliterations of a number of Hebrew words.他的修订,也就是在性质上重演,以希伯来文的文字,但他避免了完全pedantry的Aquila ) ,和他的希腊提供了可读文本;唯一的证据pedantry是他的transliterations了一些希伯来文的话。 Strange to say, his version of Daniel entirely displaced that of the Septuagint; and in other portions his translations are occasionally found in ordinary Septuagint manuscripts.说也奇怪,他的版本的丹尼尔完全流离失所时表示,在该septuagint ;而在其他部分的翻译,他偶尔发现在普通septuagint手稿。 For this fact no sufficient reason has yet been given.对于这个事实,没有充足的理由,至今仍未得到。 Fragments of his work are also found in the remains of Origen's Hexapla.片段,他的工作也发现了遗骸俄的hexapla 。 A third translator, Symmachus, whose date is not known, tried to smooth down Aquila's un-Grecian Greek by the use of both the Septuagint and Theodotion.第三个翻译,马初斯,其日期是不知道,试图平稳下来Aquila )的联合国希腊希腊通过使用双方的septuagint和theodotion 。 He seems to be the best stylist of all.他似乎是最好的设计师所有。 According to Epiphanius, he was a Samaritan convert to Judaism; but Eusebius and Jerome make him out an Ebionite.据埃皮法尼乌斯,他是一个撒玛利亚转换为犹太教,但尤西比乌斯和杰罗姆,使他一ebionite 。 Of the three other fragmentary translations into Greek used by Origen in compiling his Hexapla, very little is known.上述三个其他零碎的翻译成希腊用俄在编制他的hexapla ,很少是众所周知的。 It is not even certain that they are the work of Jews.它甚至不能肯定他们工作的犹太人。

Toward the end of the fourteenth century or at the beginning of the fifteenth another translation ofthe Bible into Greek was made, of which the portion covering the Pentateuch, Ruth, Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, Lamentations, and Daniel is still preserved in manuscript (MS. Gr., No. vii.) in the library of St. Mark's, Venice.对年底前十四世纪或在开始的第十五另一个之圣经翻译成希腊发了言,其中部分涉及pentateuch ,罗思,谚语, canticles ,传道书,悲叹,和丹尼尔仍然保存在手稿(女士。遗传资源,第七。 ) ,在图书馆的圣马克,威尼斯。 It has been edited in a final form by Oscar von Gebhardt ("Græcus Venetus," Leipsic, 1875), with a preface by Franz Delitzsch.它已编辑在最后的形式,由奥斯卡冯gebhardt ( “ græcus venetus , ” leipsic , 1875 ) ,前言由弗朗茨delitzsch 。 According to Von Gebhardt, Delitzsch, and Freudenthal ("Hellenistische Studien," p. 129), the author was a Jew, who for some reason or other preferred the commentary of David Ḳimḥi to that of Rashi.据冯gebhardt , delitzsch ,弗赖登塔尔( “ hellenistische studien , ” 129页) ,作者是犹太人,谁出于某种原因或其他的首选评大卫ḳimḥi ,以即rashi 。 The author has also used the former Greek versions.作者还使用了前希腊的版本。 The body of the work is done into Attic Greek; the Aramaic portions of Daniel are rendered into Doric.该机构的工作是到阁楼希腊;阿拉姆语的部分,丹尼尔已变得成多利安。 Delitzsch has tried to identify the author with a certain Eliseus, a learned Jew at the court of Murad I. (see "Theol. Lit. Zeit." i. 107; Swete, lcp 56; Nestle, lcp 84). delitzsch曾试图找出作者与某eliseus ,据悉,犹太人在原讼法庭穆拉德一(见“ theol 。发亮。特。 ”一107 ; swete , LCP的56个;雀巢, LCP的84条) 。 On the other hand, P. Frankl has tried to show that the translator was a Christian and not a Jew ("Monatsschrift," xxiv. 372).在另一方面,体育佛兰克曾试图表明,译者是一个基督徒,而不是犹太人( “ monatsschrift , ”二十四。 372 ) 。 According to Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," vii. 318), Shemariah of Negroponte (1328-46) rendered the Book of Genesis into Greek, in an attempt to bridge over the cleft separating Karaites from Rabbinites.据grätz ( “ gesch 。明镜juden , ”七。 318 ) , shemariah的内格罗蓬特( 1328年至1346年)所提供的这本书的成因到希腊,在设法弥合超过裂分离karaites从rabbinites 。 But Shemariah's work was a commentary and not a translation (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Bibl." xv. 39).但shemariah的工作是一个评论,而不是一个翻译( steinschneider , “黑布尔。 bibl 。 ”十五39 ) 。 On translations of the Hafṭarot into Greek see "Magazin," ii.对翻译的hafṭarot成希腊见“杂志, ”二。 5. 5 。

Modern Greek.现代希腊。

The first attempt to translate the Bible into modern Greek was made by a monk of the island of Crete, Agapiou by name.第一次尝试翻译圣经到现代希腊是由一名僧人的克里特岛, agapiou的名字。 In 1543 he published a rendering of the Psalms which followed closely the Septuagint translation.在1543年,他出版了一绘制的诗篇,其中紧随septuagint翻译。 This preceded the first Jewish translation by only a few years.这之前,第一犹太翻译,只有几年。 One column of the Polyglot Pentateuch (Constantinople, 1547) contained a Neo-Greek version in Hebrew characters.一栏的polyglot pentateuch (君士坦丁堡, 1547年)载有新版本,希腊在希伯来语字符。 The dialect used is that of Epirus; and no single word of Turkish is to be found in it.方言使用,就是对伊皮鲁斯;没有一字一句的土耳其是要发现在它。 Though full of Hebraisims, it is said to be of importance for the study of Greek linguistics.虽然充满hebraisims ,据说这是具有重要意义,为研究希腊语言学。 The few copies of this edition which are now known to exist do not agree; and it has been suggested that corrections were made in the text during printing.少数的副本,这版是目前已知存在的不同意;及曾有人建议,更正发了言,在文本在印刷。 In the "Revue des Etudes Grecques" (iii. 288 et seq.) Belleli has reprinted the first four chapters of Genesis; and a facsimile of the whole has been published by DC Hesseling, "Les Cinq Livres de la Loi" (Leyden, 1897; compare the discussion in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxxv. 132, 314).在“杂志万grecques练习曲” ( iii. 288条及以下各条) 。 belleli已重印了前四章的成因;及传真的整个经已出版直流hesseling , “就业辅导组五首livres德香格里拉意向书” (雷登, 1897年;比较,讨论在“牧师练习曲juives , ”三十五。 132 , 314 ) 。 A translation of Jonah into modern Greek is found in a manuscript volume of prayers in the library of the University of Bologna; and it is known, from R. Meïr Katzenellenbogen, that in his day (1470-1565) it was customary in Padua to read the Hafṭarah of the Atonement Day in the vernacular; this was also the case in Candia (Kapsali, ed. Lattes, p. 22).翻译约拿到现代希腊发现在手稿货量祈祷,在图书馆的波洛尼亚大学;这是众所周知的,从r. meïr katzenellenbogen ,即在他的天( 1470年至1565年) ,这是习惯在帕多瓦,以阅读hafṭarah的赎罪日,在白话文;这也是此案在candia ( kapsali ,教育署。 lattes ,第22页) 。 L. Modena has shown ("Cataloghi dei Codici Orientali," p. 335, Florence, 1876) that this thirteenth-century manuscript, which came originally from Canea, is similar to MS.摩德纳的研究已经显示( “ cataloghi dei codici orientali , ”页335 ,佛罗伦斯, 1876 )表示,这第十三世纪的手稿,来到原本从卡内亚,是类似的女士。 No. 1144 in the Bodleian collection (Neubauer, "Cat. Bodl. Hebr. MSS." col. 333; "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxiii. 135). 1144号,在包德利图书馆收集(纽鲍尔, “猫。 bodl 。黑布尔。支助” 。中校333 “ ;牧师练习曲juives , ”二十三, 135 ) 。 In 1576 Moses ben Elijah Phobian, or Popian, published at Constantinople a Neo-Greek translation of Job for the express purpose of facilitating the teaching of Hebrew (Belleli, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxii. 250; compare ib. xxiii. 136, xxiv. 160, and Güdemann, "Quellen'" pp. 239-289).在1576年郑慕智本利亚phobian ,或波皮安,发表在君士坦丁堡一种新希腊的翻译工作,为表达的目的,促进教学的希伯来文( belleli ,在“牧师练习曲juives , ”二十二。二百五;比较兴业。二十三。 136 ,二十四。 160 ,和güdemann , “ quellen ”页239-289 ) 。

The Peshiṭta.该peshiṭta 。

The Syriac translation of the Old Testament was undoubtedly made directly from the Hebrew; though at Antioch, during the third century of the present era and at later periods, it was revised so as to make it conform to the Septuagint.叙利亚语翻译旧约,无疑是直接从希伯来语;虽然在安提阿,在第三世纪的当今时代,并在稍后时期,这是修订,以便使其成为符合该septuagint 。 The history of its origin is obscure; but it was probably made in Mesopotamia during the first century.历史上它的起源是模糊的,但它可能是取得了在美索不达米亚在第一世纪。 As with most of the older translations, various hands have been at work here.由于大部分的老年人翻译,各种手已在这里工作。 Perles ("Meletemata Peschittoniana," Breslau, 1859), Prager ("De Veteris, Testamenti Versione Peschitto," Göttingen, 1875), and Bacher (see Aramaic Language) believe it is the work of Jews: but this has not yet been proved; and the view of Dathe, Eichhorn, Hitzig, Nöldeke, and Renan, that it owes its origin to Judæo-Christians, seems more probable. perles ( “ meletemata peschittoniana , ”布雷斯劳, 1859 ) ,普拉格( “时点veteris , testamenti versione peschitto , ”哥廷根, 1875 ) ,和bacher (见阿拉姆语的语言)相信这是工作的犹太人说:不过,这尚未得到证实;和看法dathe ,艾希霍恩,希齐格, nöldeke ,任南,它欠其原产地judæo基督徒,似乎更多的可能。 Perles, however, has shown that there are unmistakable evidences in the Peshiṭta of the influence of the Targum, especially in Genesis. perles ,不过,已表明,有明确无误的证据,在peshiṭta的影响,该尔,特别是在成因。 This has been confirmed for Ezekiel by Cornill ("Das Buch Ezekiel," p. 154), for Chronicles by S. Fränkel (in "Jahrb. für Protestantische Theologie," 1879), and for Job by Stenig ("De Syriaca Libri Jobi Interp." Helsingfors, 1887), Mandl ("Peschitto zu Hiob," Leipsic, 1892), and Hauman (in Stade's "Zeitschrift," xix.29).这已被证实为以西结书由cornill ( “之buch以西结书” ,页154 ) ,方志由美国fränkel (在“ jahrb 。 f黵protestantische theologie , ” 1879 ) ,并为求职由stenig ( “时点syriaca图书jobi interp “ 。 helsingfors , 1887 ) , mandl ( ” peschitto祖约布, “ leipsic , 1892 ) ,和hauman (在比赛的” zeitschrift , “ xix.29 ) 。 The closest agreement between the two versions is found in the Book of Proverbs; but it is now generally held that in this case the Targum reflects the Peshiṭta and not vice versa, as Maybaum contends (Merx, "Archiv," vol. ii.).最接近之间的协议有两个版本,是发现在这本书中的谚语,但它是现在人们普遍认为,在这种情况下,尔反映peshiṭta ,而不是反之亦然,作为maybaum争辩( merx , “ archiv , ”第二卷) 。 。 This view is upheld by a consideration of the general character of the translation (Pinkuss, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," xiv. 101; see also Duval, "Littérature Syriaque," 1899, pp. 31 et seq.).这种观点是坚持由大会审议的性质翻译( pinkuss ,在比赛的“ zeitschrift , ”十四。 101 ;也见杜瓦尔, “ littérature syriaque ” , 1899年,第31条及以下各条) 。

Arabic Versions.阿拉伯语的版本。

It is impossible to tell at how early a time the Jews commenced to translate the Bible into Arabic.这是不可能告诉如何在早期的时候,犹太人开始翻译圣经成阿拉伯文。 After the early victories of the Mohammedans, Arabic civilization and Arabic surroundings brought the Jews into very close connection with the Arabic language.后早期胜利的mohammedans ,阿拉伯语文明和阿拉伯语的环境所带来的犹太人到非常紧密结合阿拉伯语的。 Even where Hebrew was still kept up, the Hebrew alphabet must at times have gone out of fashion; for there exist some Karaite manuscripts of the tenth century, giving the Hebrew text in Arabic characters and with the letters used as vowel-signs (R. Hörning, "British Museum Karaite MSS." London, 1889; Margoliouth, "Cat. Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." i., Nos. 103, 104).即使在希伯来语仍是不断,希伯来文字母表,必须在时代已经走出去的时装;存在着一些karaite手稿十世纪,让希伯来文在阿拉伯语字符,并与字母作为元音-迹象( r. hörning , “大英博物馆karaite支助。 ”伦敦, 1889年;马戈柳思, “猫。黑布尔。撒玛利亚和支助。英国人。毛里求斯。 ”一,第103 , 104 ) 。 That the Jews had little scruple in reading the Bible in Arabic may be seen from Judah ibn Tibbon's advice to his son to read the Sabbath lections in that tongue ("Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 484).认为犹太人不大,不惜在阅读圣经在阿拉伯语,可视为从犹大的Ibn tibbon的意见,他的儿子读安息日lections在这舌头( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师”十二。 484 ) 。 There are no facts, however, which prove that the early Jews of Arabia possessed any Arabic translation of the Bible.有没有任何事实,不过,这证明早期犹太人的阿拉伯拥有任何阿拉伯语翻译圣经。 There is a tradition, going back to Abu Huraya, a contemporary of Mohammed, that "The People of the Book used to read the Taurah [Torah] in Hebrew and interpret it in Arabic to the followers of Islam"; which tradition is the basis of the polemics of Abu Mohammed ibn Ḥazm (d. 1064).有一个传统,回到阿布huraya ,当代穆罕默德,即“人民的这本书用来阅读taurah [圣经]在希伯来文和解释在阿拉伯语向信徒对伊斯兰教的” ;哪些传统是基础该论战的阿布穆罕默德伊本ḥazm (四1064 ) 。 Another tradition says that "Ka'ab the rabbi brought a book ["sifr"] to Omar the calif and said, 'Here is the Torah, read it'" (Goldziher, in "ZDMG" xxxii. 344).另一个传统说: “ ka'ab该拉比所带来的一本书, [ ” sifr “ ]奥马尔在加州和说, '这里是诵读经文,读” ( goldziher ,在“ zdmg ”三十二。 344 ) 。 The evidence is insufficient; and thereis even less warrant for Sprenger's idea that apocryphal writings were current in Arabia during Mohammed's days (see Kuenen, "Volksreligion," p. 297).证据是不够的; thereis更手令sprenger的想法猜测的著作被目前在阿拉伯期间,穆罕默德的天(见kuenen , “ volksreligion , ” 297页) 。 At a later time, however, such translations must have existed, even though little credence can be placed upon the assurances of the polemical writers that they had "read this in the Torah" or "in the Zabur [Psalms]" (ib. p. 351; compare Stade's "Zeitschrift," xiii. 315).在稍后的时间,然而,这种翻译必须已经存在,即使没有轻信可以放在后,保证该polemical作家说,他们“读这方面的诵读经文”或“ ,在zabur [诗篇] ” ( ib. p 。 351 ;比较比赛的“ zeitschrift , ”十三。 315 ) 。 The Fihrist (ed. Flügel, i. 22) of Al-Nadim mentions an Aḥmad ibn Abd Allah ibn Salam who translated the Bible into Arabic, at the time of Harun al-Rashid.该fihrist (编flügel ,一22 )对Al - nadim提到一aḥmad的Ibn Abd Allah的伊本萨拉姆谁圣经翻译成阿拉伯文,在时间,哈伦基地-拉希德。 Faḥr al-Din al-Razi mentions a translation of Habbakuk by the son of Rabban al-Ṭabari ("ZDMG" xlii. 645). faḥr al - Din的铝- razi提到翻译哈巴库克由儿子rabban基地- ṭabari ( “ zdmg ”四十二。 645 ) 。 Many of the Arabic historians, as Al-Ṭabari, Mas'udi, Ḥamza, and Biruni, cite passages and recount the early history of the Jews in a most circumstantial manner.许多阿拉伯语的历史学家,作为基地- ṭabari , mas'udi , ḥamza ,比鲁尼,举通道和重新的早期历史,犹太人在一个最客观的方式。 Ibn Ḳutaibah, the historian (d. 889), says that he read the Bible; and he even made a collection of Biblical passages in a work which has been preserved by Ibn Jauzi of the twelfth century (see Haupt and Delitzsch, "Beiträge zur Assyriologie," iii. 46; Stade's "Zeitschrift," xv. 138).伊本ḳutaibah ,历史学家(四889 )说,他阅读圣经;他甚至提出了收集圣经通道,在一个工作已保存的Ibn jauzi的12世纪(见豪普特和delitzsch , “ beiträge zur assyriologie , “三。 46 ;比赛的” zeitschrift , “十五138段) 。 Saadia Gaon. saadia gaon 。

The first important Arabic translation is that of Saadia Gaon (892-942).第一重要的阿拉伯文翻译是指saadia gaon ( 892-942 ) 。 The influence of this translation was in its way as great as that of the gaon's philosophical work.的影响,这个翻译是在其方式为伟大的,因为该gaon的哲学工作。 It has remained to this day the version for the Jews in Arabic-speaking countries: it is dignified by the name "Targum"; and in many of the South Arabian Bible manuscripts it follows the Aramaic verse by verse, as the Aramaic follows the Hebrew.它一直维持到这一天的版本为犹太人在讲阿拉伯语的国家:它是有尊严的名称由“尔” ;而且在许多的南方阿拉伯圣经手稿它遵循阿拉姆语诗,由诗,作为阿拉姆语如下希伯来文。 Saadia in the main takes the Targum as his guide, especially in doing away with all anthropomorphisms. saadia在主要采取尔作为他的指导,特别是在取消所有anthropomorphisms 。 His chief thought, however, is to produce a readable and intelligible translation.他的主要思想,然而,就是要产生一个可读的理解和翻译。 In this sense his translation may be called free; he was evidently working for a general reading public, both Jewish and Mohammedan, and not for scholars.在这个意义上他的翻译可能是所谓的自由,他是很明显的工作,为一般公众阅读,无论是犹太人和穆罕默德,而不是学者。 Ibn Ezra blames him for the apparent case with which he passes over difficulties.伊本以斯拉指责他为明显的情况下与他经过的困难。 But, in calling this translation a "tafsir" (explanation), he meant to indicate that he aimed to present the simple sense ("basiṭ"="peshaṭ") of the Biblical text; and Abu al-Walid looks upon him as the chief representative of this method.但是,在调用这个翻译“塔费尔” (解释) ,他的意思,以表明他的目的是,目前简单的常识( “ basiṭ ” = “ peshaṭ ” ) ,圣经的文字;和Abu沃利德期待后,他作为总代表,这种方法。 His fervent belief in the verbal inspiration of the Biblical text kept him free, on the one hand, from the influence of his rationalistic philosophy and, on the other, from the allegorical method of the Talmud (Editio Derenbourg, vx; Bacher in Winter and Wünsche, "Jüdische Litteratur," iii. 244).他热切的信念,口头的启示圣经的文字把他的自由,一方面,从影响他的理性主义哲学,另一方面,从寓言的方法,该塔木德( editio德朗堡, VX的; bacher在冬季和wünsche , “ jüdische litteratur , ”三。 244 ) 。 When no word in Arabic will exactly express his meaning, he uses the Hebrew word or adopts the Hebrew construction.当没有一个字阿拉伯语会,正是表达他的意思,他用希伯来语单词或采用希伯来语建设。 In addition, he attempts to reproduce Hebrew words by Arabic words with a similar sound (Munk, in Cahen's "Bible," ix. 127).此外,他还试图重现希伯来语的话由阿拉伯语的话了类似的声音( munk ,在cahen的“圣经” ,第九127段) 。 Saadia, in the introduction to the commentary on the Pentateuch, states that he translated it twice: once with a diffuse commentary; the second time without the commentary. saadia ,在引言中评就pentateuch ,国,他翻译了两次:一次与弥漫性的评论;第二次没有评论。 Of the first translation only a few fragments and citations by Abraham ibn Ezra, Baḥya ben Asher, Abraham Maimonides, etc., have been preserved (Derenbourg's ed. of the Pentateuch, Hebrew part, p. vii.; "Monatsschrift," xli. 205; "Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 536).对首次翻译,只有少数的碎片和引文由石礼谦伊本以斯拉, baḥya本阿谢尔,石礼谦迈蒙尼德等,已保存(德朗堡的对外债务。的pentateuch文,希伯来文的一部分,第七。 ; “ monatsschrift , ”四十一。 205 “ ;犹太人。夸脱。牧师”十二。 536 ) 。 Of this work, at one time complete, only the Pentateuch, Isaiah, Minor Prophets, portions of Judges, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, and Daniel are now extant.这方面的工作,在同一时间完成,只有pentateuch ,以赛亚书,小先知,部分法官,诗篇,工作,谚语,和丹尼尔现在现存的。

Saadia's translation was first printed in the Polyglot Pentateuch, Constantinople, 1546. saadia的翻译是第一次印刷,在polyglot pentateuch ,君士坦丁堡, 1546 。 It was reproduced in Arabic characters in the Paris and London Polyglots (1645-57).这是转载于阿拉伯语字符在巴黎和伦敦polyglots ( 1645年至1657年) 。 From time to time more or less critical editions of various portions have been published; a complete list of these editions as well as of the extant manuscripts is given by Steinschneider in the "Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," pp.从不时更多或更少的关键版本的各部分,已出版;的完整列表,这些版本,以及作为现存的手稿是由steinschneider在“考夫曼gedenkbuch , ”页。 153 et seq. 153条及以下各条。 (see also "Monatsschrift," xli. 124, and Engelkemper, "De Saadiæ Gaonis Vita, Bibliorum Versione, etc.," Münster, 1897). (也见“ monatsschrift , ”四十一。 124 ,和engelkemper , “德saadiæ gaonis简历, bibliorum versione等, ”明斯特, 1897 ) 。 A definite edition of the translation and commentaries was commenced by the late Joseph Derenbourg, "Œuvres Complètes de R. Saadia," Paris, 1893 et seq., and is being carried on by Hartwig Derenbourg and Mayer Lambert; the Pentateuch, Isaiah, Proverbs, and Job have appeared (1902).一个明确的版的翻译和评论是展开,由已故的约瑟夫德朗堡, “ œuvres complètes德r. saadia , ”巴黎, 1893等法律,并且正在继续进行,由hartwig德朗堡和迈耶兰伯特; pentateuch ,以赛亚书,谚语,和就业已经出现( 1902 ) 。

Other Arabic Versions.其他阿拉伯语的版本。

A number of other translations into Arabic must have existed.其他一些翻译成阿拉伯文,必须有存在的。 Abu al-Walid mentions some of them, though it can hardly be determined to-day to which translations he refers (Bacher, "Leben und Werke des Abulwalid," p. 99).阿布沃利德提到,他们中的一些,但也难以下定决心,天,其中翻译,他是指( bacher , “ leben und werke万abulwalid , ”第99条) 。 Some of them, though bearing no direct relation to that of Saadia, show evident traces of his influence.他们中的一些,虽然轴承并无直接关系,即saadia ,显示明显的痕迹,他的影响力。 This is true at least of a translation of the Minor Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, found in Codex Huntington (No. 206 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford).这是事实,至少有一个翻译的未成年人的先知以赛亚书,耶利米,以西结书,发现在食品法典委员会亨廷顿(第206号,在包德利图书馆图书馆,牛津大学) 。 From this manuscript Hosea was published by R. Schröter in Merx, "Archiv," i.从这个手稿何西阿发表的R. schröter在merx , “ archiv , ”一。 28 et seq. 28条及以下各条。 M. Peritz has edited "Zwei Alte Uebersetzungen des Buches Ruth," Berlin, 1900 ("Monatsschrift," 1899, pp. 49 et seq.).米peritz编辑“ zwei更改及uebersetzungen万buches罗思, ”柏林, 1900年( “ monatsschrift , ” 1899年,第49条及以下各条) 。 The second of these, from a manuscript in the British Museum, though it shows most of the peculiarities of Saadia's translation, is not by him (see also Poznanski, in "Zeit. für Hebr. Bibl." iv. 167).第二,这些,从手稿在大英博物馆,但它表明,大部分的特殊性saadia的翻译,是不是由他(也见poznanski ,在“特。 f黵黑布尔。 bibl ” 。四, 167段) 。 Nothing is known of the fragments of the Arabic version of the Pentateuch found in the twelfth-century manuscript, St. Petersburg, Nos. 137 and 138 (Harkavy-Strack, "Catalog," p. 164).什么是已知的碎片,阿拉伯文版的pentateuch发现,在第十二世纪的手稿,圣彼得堡,第137和138 ( harkavy - strack , “目录” , 164页) 。 Another translation of the Five Scrolls is found in British Museum MSS., Nos. 146, 147 (Poznanski, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xli. 302).另一个翻译五个春联是发现在大英博物馆的支助, 146号, 147 ( poznanski ,在“牧师练习曲juives , ”四十一。 302 ) 。 A rimed version of the Psalms was made by one Ḥafẓ al-Ḳuṭi (tenth century), which is contained in a manuscript of the Ambrosian Library in Milan (Hammer-Purgstall in "Bibl. Ital. di Letteratura," civ. 36), copied in 1625 from a manuscript in the Escurial, which has since been lost. 1带冠版本的诗篇是由一ḥafẓ基地- ḳuṭi (十世纪) ,这是载于一份手稿的安布罗西安图书馆在米兰(锤-普格施塔尔在“ bibl 。瑞典。娣letteratura , ” civ 。 36 ) ,复制在1625年从手稿,在escurial ,这已被遗失。 It is cited by Moses ibn Ezra in his "Poetics"; but it is evident that this translation was made by one who was not even, as has been supposed, a baptized Jew ("Hebr. Bibl." x. 26).这是所列举的郑慕智伊本以斯拉在他的“诗学” ,但很显然,这个翻译是由一个谁甚至没有,因为已经假定,一个洗礼的犹太人( “黑布尔。 bibl 。 ”十26 ) 。 Neubauer has pointed out ("Rev. Etudes Juives," xxx. 65) that it contains Christian quotations; and the term "the Goth" (ib. p. 318) would sufficiently indicate that the author was a Christian.纽鲍尔指出, ( “牧师练习曲juives ,的” XXX 。 65 ) ,它包含了基督教的报价和长远的“哥特” ( ib.页318 )将充分表明,作者是一个基督徒。 A version of Ecclesiastes by Judah ibn Ghayyat has been published by J. Löwy, Leyden, 1884 (see Rahmer's "Jüdisches Litteratur-Blatt," May 29, 1884, p. 88).某个版本的传道书由犹大的Ibn ghayyat已经出版,由J. löwy ,莱登, 1884年(见rahmer的“ jüdisches litteratur - blatt , ” 1884年5月29日,第88段) 。 In the thirteenth century a translation of the Pentateuch was made by an African Jew, who also based his work on that of Saadia.在13世纪翻译的pentateuch是由一个非洲的犹太人,谁也基于他的工作就是saadia 。 It is known as the "Arabs Erpenii" ("Pent. Mosis Arabice," Lug.-Bat. MS., No. 1622).这是被称为“阿拉伯人erpenii ” ( “被压抑。 mosis arabice , ” lug. -蝙蝠。女士,第1622 ) 。 (On a supposed translation ofthe Psalms by Saadia ben Levi Azankot see Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." col. 2227.) In modern times several Arabic translations of the Bible have been published in India; eg, by Ezekiel Shem-Ṭob David, Bombay, 1889, and the Apocrypha by Joseph David, Bombay, 1895. (在假定的翻译之诗篇由saadia本利维azankot见steinschneider , “猫。 bodl ” 。中校2227 )在现代时代的几个阿拉伯语翻译的圣经已发表在印度;例如,以西结书shem - ṭob国宝,孟买, 1889年,和apocrypha由约瑟夫大卫,孟买, 1895 。

Karaite Versions. karaite版本。

It was natural that the Karaites should refuse to make use of the version in Arabic made by their arch-enemy, Saadia.这是很自然的说, karaites应该拒绝使用该版本在阿拉伯语所作的其头号敌人, saadia 。 Only two or three of their attempts to replace it have come down; and even these have been preserved in a most fragmentary form only.只有两个或三个,他们试图取代它开始下降;即使这些已被保存在一个最零碎的形式而已。 One of the earliest of these attempts was that made by Joshua b.其中最早的这些企图是,所作出的约书亚乙 Ari, or, to give him the name by which he is better known, Abu al-Faraj Furḳan ibn Asad, a learned Jerusalem Karaite of the middle of the eleventh century.急性呼吸道感染,或者,给他的名义由他更好地了解,基地阿布-法拉杰furḳan伊本阿萨德,据悉,耶路撒冷karaite的中间11世纪。 A portion of his Arabic translation of the Pentateuch is to be found in MS.一部份,他阿拉伯语翻译的pentateuch是要发现在MS 。 Or.或。 2491 of the British Museum. 2491年的大英博物馆。 It shows occasionally a decided rationalistic tendency, explanatory glosses being introduced here and there into the text (G. Margoliouth, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." xi. 190).它表明,偶尔一决定的理性主义倾向,解释性美化正在这里介绍的有到文本( g.马戈柳思,在“犹太人。夸脱。牧师”十一。 190 ) 。 Whether Japheth ha-Levi (Ibn Ali al-Baṣri) really translated any parts of the Bible (Margoliouth, "Descriptive List," pp. 25 et seq.), is undetermined; but it is known that he had the ambitious desire to write an extensive commentary upon the whole Bible (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Uebers." p. 941).是否雅弗公顷-列维(伊本阿里基地- baṣri )真的翻译的任何部分圣经(马戈柳思, “描述的名单, ”第25条及以下各条) ,是未确定,但据了解,他有雄心勃勃的愿望写一个广泛的评论后,整个圣经( steinschneider , “黑布尔。 uebers ” 。页941 ) 。 According to Margoliouth ("Cat. Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." p. 71), MS.据马戈柳思( “猫。黑布尔。撒玛利亚和支助。英国人。毛里求斯。 ”第71页) ,女士。 Brit.英国。 Mus.毛里求斯。 101 (Or. 2481) contains an Arabic translation of the Pentateuch based upon that of Japheth. 101 ( or. 2481 )载有阿拉伯语翻译的pentateuch基于指出,雅弗。

Samaritan Revision of Saadia.撒玛利亚修订saadia 。

The translation of Saadia, as is said above, had become a standard work in Egypt, Palestine, and Syria.翻译saadia ,是说,上述情况,已成为一个标准的工作,在埃及,巴勒斯坦和叙利亚。 But to the Samaritans it was as distasteful (Harkavy, "Ḥadashim," No. 7, p. 22) as it no doubt had been to the Karaites, because of the rabbinical interpretations which it represented.但撒玛利亚这是作为distasteful ( harkavy , “ ḥadashim , ”第7号,第22页) ,因为它毫无疑问已到karaites ,因为犹太教的解释,它的代表。 At some time, perhaps during the thirteenth century, it was revised by a Samaritan with the express purpose of adapting it to the use of his coreligionists.在一些时间,也许在13世纪,这是修订后由撒玛利亚与表达的目的,适应它的使用,他coreligionists 。 This revision is usually held to have been made by Abu Sa'id ibn abu al-Ḥusain ibn abu Sa'id, and has claimed the attention of European scholars such as De Sacy ("Mémoires de l'Académie," 1808, xlix. 1 et seq.), Gesenius ("De Pentateuchi Samaritani Origine, Indole et Auctoritate," p. 120, Halle, 1815), and Juynboll ("Commentatio de Versione Arabico-Samaritana," Amsterdam, 1846).这次修改通常是举行已取得阿布塞伊德的Ibn阿布基地- ḥusain伊本阿布塞伊德,并声称注意欧洲学者,如德萨赛( “ mémoires德l' académie , ” 1808年, xlix 。 1等及以下各段) ,格泽纽斯( “时点pentateuchi萨马里塔尼origine ,吲哚等auctoritate , ”第120页,哈勒, 1815 ) ,和juynboll ( “ commentatio德versione arabico - samaritana , ”阿姆斯特丹, 1846 ) 。 Of it Genesis, Ezodus, and Leviticus have been edited by A. Kuenen (Leyden, 1851-54; see Kohn, "Zur Sprache der Samaritaner," p. 134; Nestle, lcp 153).它的成因, ezodus ,利未记已编辑答: kuenen (莱登, 1851年至1854年;见科恩, “ zur sprache明镜samaritaner , ” 134页;雀巢, LCP的153 ) 。 Abu Sa'id was supposed to have lived about the year 1070; but Wreschner ("Samaritanische Tradition," 1888, p. xix.) has shown that he flourished in the thirteenth century.阿布塞伊德是要住了关于1070年;但wreschner ( “ samaritanische传统, ” 1888年,第19条) 。表明,蓬勃发展,他在十三世纪。 According to Joseph Bloch, "Die Samaritanisch-Arabische Pentateuch Uebersetzung," p.根据约瑟夫布洛赫, “模具samaritanisch - arabische pentateuch uebersetzung , ”体育 16, Berlin, 1901, the real translator is perhaps the Tyrian, Abu al-Ḥasan, and Abu Sa'id is only a scholiast. 16日,柏林, 1901年,真正的翻译,也许是tyrian ,阿布基地- ḥasan ,和Abu塞伊德只是一个scholiast 。 If this be true, it was not the first translation; for one was made in the twelfth century by Ṣadaḳa ibn Munajja of Damascus, a physician in the service of Sultan Malik al-Ashraf (Haji Khalifah, ii. 402; Neubauer, "Chronique Samaritaine," p. 112).如果这是真的,这是不是第一次翻译;之一是在12世纪由ṣadaḳa的Ibn munajja大马士革,一名医生在服务莱苏丹马利克基地-阿什拉夫(哈吉khalifah ,二402 ;纽鲍尔, “ chronique samaritaine , “第112条) 。

Persian Versions.波斯的版本。

It is not known at what time the first translations of the Bible were made into Persian.这是不知道在什么时候第一次翻译圣经制成波斯语。 From quotations in the "Dinkard" and the "Shikand Gumanik Vijar" (theological works of the Sassanian period), James Darmesteter has supposed that one existed in Pahlavi ("Rev. Etudes Juives," xviii. 5); but the supposition is unsupported by any real evidence.从报价,在“ dinkard ”和“ shikand gumanik vijar ” (神学思想建设工程的波斯萨珊期) ,詹姆斯达梅斯特泰已假定一中存在的巴列维( “牧师练习曲juives , ”十八。 5 ) ;但假设是不受支持由任何实质的证据。 Blau also ("Einleitung," p. 95) seems to incline to this opinion, because Bab.布劳也( “ einleitung , ”第95页) ,似乎倾向于这种看法,因为巴布。 Meg.梅格。 18a speaks of a scroll of Esther in the Elamite and Median languages. 18A条讲一个滚动的埃丝特,在埃兰文和中位数的语言。 According to Maimonides, the Pentạteuch was translated into Persian many hundred years previous to Mohammed (Zunz, "GV" 2d ed., p. 9).据迈蒙尼德, pentạteuch被翻译成波斯语许多百年前,以穆罕默德(聪茨, “货车”二维版,第9页) 。 This statement also can not be further substantiated.这项声明也不能进一步充实。 The earliest version of which we have any knowledge is that made by Jacob ben Joseph Tawus, and printed in Hebrew characters in the Polyglot Pentateuch, Constantinople, 1546.最早的版本,其中我们有任何的知识是所作出的雅各布本约瑟夫tawus ,和印刷希伯来文字符,在polyglot pentateuch ,君士坦丁堡, 1546 。 This was transcribed into Persian characters and translated into Latin by Thomas Hyde, in which form it was published in the London Polyglot.这是转录到波斯字符并翻译成拉丁语由托马斯海德,在这种形式,它也被登载在伦敦polyglot 。 Kohut ("Beleuchtung der Persischen Pentateuch-Uebersetzung," 1871) places Tawus in the first half of the sixteenth century (compare also Zunz, "GS" iii. 136).科胡特( “ beleuchtung明镜persischen pentateuch - uebersetzung , ” 1871年)的地方tawus在上半年的16世纪(比较也聪茨, “一般事务”三136段) 。 According to Steinschneider ("Jewish Literature," p. 321), Tawus made use of an earlier translation made in the thirteenth century (see Munk, in Cahen's "Bible," vol. ix.), which followed the Targum and the commentary of David Ḳimḥi.据steinschneider ( “犹太文学” ,页321 ) , tawus利用较早的翻译取得了十三世纪(见munk ,在cahen的“圣经” ,第二卷第九) ,之后尔和评论朱ḳimḥi 。 A number of translations into Persian are to be found in the various collections of manuscript, of which the following is a partial list:一些翻译成波斯语是要发现在各种收藏的手稿,其中的部分清单如下:

Pentateuch: pentateuch :

Vatican MS.梵蒂冈女士。 61 (Guidi, in "Rendiconti . . . dei Lincei," 1885, p. 347). 61 (桂帝,在“ rendiconti 。 。 。 dei lincei , ” 1885年,页347 ) 。 Codex Adler B. 63, written in 1776 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 596).食品法典委员会阿德勒乙63 ,在1776年的书面( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师的” X 596 ) 。 Codex St. Petersburg 141 (not by Tawus; Harkavy-Strack, "Cat." p. 166).食品法典委员会圣彼得堡141 (而不是由tawus ; harkavy - strack , “猫” ,第166页) 。

Psalms: Vatican MS.诗篇:梵蒂冈女士。 37; Bodleian MS. 37 ;包德利图书馆女士。 1830. 1830 。 Vatican MS.梵蒂冈女士。 42; Bodleian MS. 42 ;包德利图书馆女士。 1827 (Jewish? Horn, in "ZDMG" li. 7). 1827年(犹太?非洲之角,在“ zdmg ”李7段) 。 Codex Adler B. 27 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 592).食品法典委员会阿德勒乙27日( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师的” X 592 ) 。 Brit.英国。 Mus.毛里求斯。 MSS.支助。 159, 160 (transl. about 1740 by Baba b. Nuriel of Ispahan; Margoliouth, "Cat. of Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." p. 120). 159 , 160 ( transl.约1740年由巴巴乙nuriel的ispahan ;马戈柳思, “猫的黑布尔。撒玛利亚和支助。英国人。毛里求斯。 ”第120页) 。 Brit.英国。 Mus.毛里求斯。 MS.女士。 Or.或。 4729 (dated 1822; "Jew. Quart. Rev." vii. 119). 4729 (完1822 “ ;犹太人。夸脱。牧师”七。 119 ) 。 Proverbs, Canticles, Ruth, Ecclesiastes: Paris MS.谚语, canticles ,罗思,传道书:巴黎女士。 116 ("Cat. des MSS. Héb. de la Bibl. Nat."). 116 ( “猫。支助万。 héb德拉bibl 。 NAT的。 ” ) 。

Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes: Codex Adler B. 46 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 595).谚语, canticles ,传道书:食品法典委员会阿德勒乙第46条第( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师的” X 595 ) 。 Paris MS.巴黎女士。 117 ("Cat. des MSS. Héb. de la Bibl. Nat."). 117 ( “猫。支助万。 héb德拉bibl 。 NAT的。 ” ) 。 Proverbs: On a translation now lost, see Lagarde, "Symmicta," ii.谚语:对一个翻译,现在失去了,见•拉嘉德, “ symmicta , ”二。 14. 14 。

Job and Lamentations: Codex de Rossi 1093 (Zunz, "GS" iii. 135).就业和悲叹:食品法典委员会德罗西1093 (聪茨, “一般事务”三135段) 。 Paris MS.巴黎女士。 118 ("Cat. des MSS. Hébreux de la Bibl. Nat."). 118 ( “猫。支助万。 hébreux德香格里拉bibl 。 NAT的。 ” ) 。

Job: Codex St. Petersburg 142 (Harkavy-Strack, p. 167.).就业:食品法典委员会圣彼得堡142 ( harkavy - strack ,第167页) 。 Paris MSS.巴黎支助。 120, 121 ("Catalogue," etc.). 120 , 121 ( “目录” ,等等) 。 Song of Songs: Codex Adler B. 12 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 589).宋歌:食品法典委员会阿德勒乙12 ( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师的” X 589 ) 。

Daniel: Paris MSS.丹尼尔:巴黎和支助。 128, 129 ("Catalogue," etc.). 128 , 129 ( “目录” ,等等) 。

Esther: Codex Adler T. 16 and 27 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 598, 599).埃丝特:食品法典委员会阿德勒汤匙, 16日和27日( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师的” X 598 , 599 ) 。 Paris MS.巴黎女士。 127 ("Catalogue," etc.). 127 ( “目录” ,等等) 。

Tobit, Judith, Bel and Dragon, Antiochus: Codex Bodleian 130. Tobit回归,尤迪特,比利时和舞龙,安提奥:法典包德利图书馆130 。 Minor Prophets: Codex St. Petersburg 139 and Codex B. 18 (Harkavy-Strack, pp. 165, 262).小先知:食品法典委员会圣彼得堡139和食品法典委员会二18 ( harkavy - strack ,第165 , 262 ) 。

Hafṭarot: Codex St. Petersburg 140 (Harkavy-Strack, p. 166). hafṭarot :食品法典委员会圣彼得堡140 ( harkavy - strack ,第166页) 。 There are also some quite modern translations into Persian, as , Vienna, 1883 (transl. by Benjamin Cohen of Bokhara; see "Lit.-Blatt für Or. Phil." i. 186); , Jerusalem, 1885; Job, ib.; the latter two also translated by Benjamin Cohen.也有不少现代翻译成波斯语,作为,维也纳, 1883 ( transl.由Benjamin科恩的博卡拉;见“ lit. - blatt f黵或。菲尔。 ”一186 ) ; ,耶路撒冷, 1885年;就业,兴业。 ;后者双方还翻译本杰明科恩。

Tatar Versions.鞑靼的版本。

For the use of the Karaites in the Crimea and Turkey, a translation has been made into the Tshagatai-Tatar dialect.为使用该karaites在克里米亚和土耳其,翻译已经取得了进入tshagatai -鞑靼语方言。 The Pentateuch was printed (text and Tshagatai in Hebrew characters) by 'Irab Ozlu & Sons, Constantinople, 1836, with the title ; on the margin are the ; and acrostic poems are added by Abraham ben Samuel, Simḥah ben Joseph (Chages?), Isaac Cohen, and Isaac ben Samuel Cohen of Jerusalem.该pentateuch印刷(纯文字和tshagatai希伯来文字符) ' irab厄兹吕& Sons的,君士坦丁堡, 1836年,与职称;关于保证金是; acrostic诗说,由石礼谦本萨穆埃尔, simḥah本约瑟夫( chages ? ) ,艾萨克科恩,和伊萨克本塞缪尔科恩在耶路撒冷。 The whole Bible was printed in Tshagatai by Mordecai Trishkin (4 vols., Goslov, 1841-42; see "Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 686).整个圣经是印刷在tshagatai由mordecai特里什金( 4卷, goslov , 1841年至1842年;见“犹太人。夸脱。牧师”十二。 686 ) 。 Extracts are also to be found in the of Musafia, printed at Ortaköi (Constantinople), 1825, and published by the same firm that edited the Pentateuch of 1836 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." xiii. 549).提取物也将被发现,在对穆萨菲亚,印在ortaköi (君士坦丁堡) , 1825年,并出版了由同一公司编辑pentateuch的1836年( “犹太人。夸脱。牧师”十三。 549 ) 。 Manuscripts of such translations exist also in the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg (Nos. 143-146; Harkavy-Strack, "Cat." pp. 167-170).手稿,如翻译,也存在在帝国图书馆在圣彼得堡(第143-146段; harkavy - strack , “猫” 。页。 167-170 ) 。

Coptic and Hungarian.科普特和匈牙利。

Talmud tradition expressly speaks of a Coptic translation of the Bible (Meg. 18a; Shabbat 115a).塔木德传统,明确讲了一个科普特翻译圣经( meg. 18A条;安息日115a ) 。 Cornill, in his examination of the Coptic text of Ezekiel, finds the one published by Tattam to be of composite character and not simply a translation of the Septuagint. cornill ,在他考试的科普特文以西结书,找到一出版的塔塔姆要复合的性质和不是一个简单的翻译的septuagint 。 Blau believes that it was made directly from the Hebrew text ("Einleitung," p. 91; "Jew. Quart. Rev." ix. 728).布劳认为,它是直接从希伯来文( “ einleitung , ”第91页“ ;犹太人。夸脱。牧师”九。 728 ) 。

No Jewish translation into Hungarian was made until quite recently, the Jews of Hungary making use of the Catholic and Protestant versions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.没有犹太翻译成匈牙利发了言,直到最近,匈牙利的犹太人,利用该天主教和新教版本的第十六和第十七世纪。 About the middle of the nineteenth century M. Bloch (Ballaghi) attempted such a rendering; but he was not successful.关于十九世纪中叶米布洛赫( ballaghi )企图这样一个绘制;但他没有成功。 His plan has recently (1902) been carried out; and the Pentateuch (by M. Bernstein and M. Blau), Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings (by Julius Fischer, Bánóczi, Bacher, and Krauss) have appeared (see "Rev. Etudes Juives," xliii. 158).他的计划是最近( 1902 )已进行;和pentateuch (由M.伯恩斯坦和M.布劳) ,约书亚,法官,萨穆埃尔,和国王(由朱利菲舍尔, bánóczi , bacher ,克劳斯)已经出现(见“牧师练习曲juives , “第四十三158段) 。

Judæo-German. judæo -德语。

The translation of the Bible into the German dialect spoken by the Jews of middle Europe was commenced at an early date.翻译圣经到德语方言发言,由犹太人中,欧洲展开,在早日实现。 A manuscript in the collection of De Rossi, dated Mantua, 1421, contains a Judæo-German translation of Joshua, Judges, Jonah, and four of the Megillot.手稿在收集德罗西,过时的曼图亚, 1421年,包含一个judæo -德语翻译约书亚,法官,约拿,及四本megillot 。 De Rossi supposed them to be written in Polish because they were brought to Italy by Polish Jews (Neubauer, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." iv. 703).德罗西假定他们写在波兰,因为他们被带到意大利,由波兰犹太人(纽鲍尔,在“犹太人。夸脱。牧师”四。 703 ) 。 Such translations were technically known as "Teutsch-Ḥummash."这种翻译在技术上称为“托伊奇- ḥummash ” 。 A printer had innocently placed the words (Cant. iii. 11) on the title-page of such a translation made by Jacob ben Isaac of Janow (Lublin, 17th century?), from which they became familiarly called "Ze'enah U-re'ennah"; and down to the time of Mendelssohn's translation they were popular reading-books, especially for women on Saturdays.打印机已置于无辜的话( cant.三。 11 )上的标题页,这样的翻译所作的雅各布本艾萨克的janow (卢布林, 17世纪呢? ) ,从他们成为familiarly所谓的“ ze'enah U型re'ennah “ ;下达至的时候,孟德尔逊的翻译,他们受欢迎的阅读书籍,尤其是妇女,星期六。 They were embellished with all manner of explanations, legends, and moral sayings, which were inserted into the text (Steinschneider, "Volkslitteratur der Juden," p. 17).他们美化与所有方式的解释,传说,和道德的说法,这是插入到文本( steinschneider , “ volkslitteratur明镜juden , ”第17页) 。 The first rendering of this kind was made by a convert, Michael Adam, the translator of Yosippon into Judæo-German.首次绘制了这种发了言一转换,迈克尔亚当,翻译yosippon到judæo -德语。 It was published by Paulus Fagius, Constance, 1543-44 (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." Nos. 1187, 4333; Perles, in "Monatsschrift," xxv. 361; id. "Aramäische Studien," p. 167; "Rev. Etudes Juives," v. 143, 315), and was reprinted at Basel in 1583 and 1607.这是出版的保禄fagius ,康斯坦茨湖, 1543年至1544年( steinschneider , “猫。 bodl ”号1187 , 4333 ; perles ,在“ monatsschrift , ”二十五。 361 ;编号“ 。 aramäische studien , ”第167页“ ;牧师练习曲juives , “五143 , 315 ) ,并转载于巴塞尔在1583年和1607年。 It has nothing in common with Luther's translation, as Wolf ("Bibl. Hebr." iv. 198) supposes.它无关,在共同与路德的翻译,正如狼来了( “ bibl 。黑布尔” 。四。 198 )支撑。 This Pentateuch was reprinted at Cremona, 1560 (ed. Judah ben Moses Naphtali); Basel, 1583; ib.这pentateuch被转载在克雷莫纳, 1560 (编犹大本摩西拿弗) ;巴塞尔, 1583年;兴业。 1603; Prague, 1608, 1610; Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1687. 1603年;布拉格, 1608年, 1610年;法兰克福-对- -主要是1687年。 A rimed version of it appeared at Fürth, 1692, and Wilmersdorf, 1718; and a second rimed version of Genesis was made by a certain Aaron of Prague during the seventeenth century. 1带冠的版本,它出现在菲尔特, 1692年, wilmersdorf , 1718年;和第二带冠版本的成因作了一定的阿伦,布拉格在17世纪。 In 1543-44 Paulus Æmilius published a similar translation of the Pentateuch (Augsburg, 1544).在1543年至1544年保禄æmilius发表了一份类似翻译的pentateuch (奥格斯堡, 1544年) 。 It is uncertain whether Æmilius simply copied the edition of Adam or not (Steinschneider, in "Zeit. für Gesch. der Juden in Deutschland," i. 286).这是未知数æmilius简单复制版的亚当或不( steinschneider ,在“特。 f黵gesch 。明镜juden在德国, ”一286 ) 。 Æmilius also edited at Ingolstadt (1562) the Judæo-German rimed translation of Samuel in German characters. æmilius也编辑在英戈尔斯塔特( 1562 ) judæo -德语带冠的翻译,黄秉槐在德国字符。 This was a mere copy of the edition in Hebrew characters by Ḥayyim ben David Schwartz, Augsburg, 1544 (ib. i. 285).这是一个纯粹的副本,该版在希伯来文字符由ḥayyim本大卫施瓦兹,奥格斯堡, 1544 ( ib.一285 ) 。 It was called the ("Samuel Book").它被称为( “塞缪尔书” ) 。 This was reprinted at Mantua about 1562; Cracow, 1593; Prague, 1609; Basel, 1612.这是转载在曼图亚约1562年;克拉科夫, 1593年;布拉格, 1609年;巴塞尔, 1612 。 Schwartz also published a rimed translation of Kings, , Augsburg, 1543; Prague, 1607.施瓦兹还出版了带冠翻译的国王, ,奥格斯堡, 1543年;布拉格, 1607 。 A translation of Judges (rimed) appeared at Mantua in 1561; one of Joshua, "derneut in teutscher Sprach, wol gereimt . . . hübsch mit Midraschim," at Cracow in 1588 or 1594; one of Canticles, by Isaac Sulkes, at Cracow in 1579; another by Moses Särtels, Prague, 1604; one of Jeremiah, ib.翻译的法官(带冠)出现在曼图亚在1561年;之一,约书亚, “ derneut在teutscher sprach , wol gereimt 。 。 。 hübsch麻省理工学院midraschim , ”在克拉科夫,在1588年或1594年;之一canticles ,由艾萨克sulkes ,在克拉科夫在1579年;另一名由郑慕智särtels ,布拉格, 1604年;之一耶利米,兴业。 1602; one of Ezekiel (rimed), ib. 1602年;之一,以西结书(带冠) ,兴业。 1602; and one of Jonah, " mit viel und alle Midraschim" (rimed), Prague, before 1686. 1602年;之一约拿, “麻省理工学院viel und alle midraschim ” (带冠) ,布拉格, 1686年前。

The first Judæo-German translation of the Psalms was that of Elijah Levita (Venice, 1545; Zurich, 1558, etc.); it was arranged in the order of the psalms said on each day of the week.第一judæo -德语翻译的诗篇,是对以利亚莱维塔(威尼斯, 1545年;苏黎世, 1558等) ;被安排在该命令的诗篇说,一周的每一天。 A rimed by Moses Stendal appeared at Cracow in 1586. 1带冠由郑慕智施滕达尔出现在克拉科夫,在1586年。 Proverbs was translated by Mordecai ben (Isaac) Jacob Töplitz, Cracow, 1582 (a version also appeared at Amsterdam, 1735); and Job by the same (?), Prague, 1597.谚语是翻译mordecai本(艾萨克)雅各布töplitz ,克拉科夫, 1582年(一版也出现在阿姆斯特丹, 1735 ) ;和就业由同一( ? ) ,布拉格, 1597 。 A translation of Kings appeared at Cracow in 1583 (Neubauer, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," v. 144); one of Esther, ib.翻译国王出现在克拉科夫,在1583年(纽鲍尔,在“牧师练习曲juives , ”诉144 ) ;之一埃丝特,兴业。 1596; and one of Daniel, " in teutscher Sprach hübsch und bescheidlich, gar kurzweilig darin zu leien Weiber und Meidlich," Cracow, 1588. 1596年;之一丹尼尔, “在teutscher sprach hübsch und bescheidlich ,明嘉kurzweilig达林祖leien weiber und meidlich , ”克拉科夫, 1588 。 These editions of Cracow came from the press of Isaac ben Aaron Prossnitz, whose intention it was to publish the whole Bible in Judæo-German in order that "women and children might be able to read without the help of a teacher" (Perles, in "Monatsschrift," xxv. 353).这些版本的克拉科夫来自新闻界,以撒本亚伦prossnitz ,其意图是为了公布整体的圣经judæo -德语,以“妇女和儿童可能无法读取,没有帮助教师” ( perles ,在“ monatsschrift , ”二十五。 353 ) 。 Isaac Blitz's Bible.艾萨克突击的圣经。

The first complete Bible in Judæo-German was that of Isaac Blitz, Amsterdam, 1676-78.第一次完全的圣经judæo -德语是以撒突击,阿姆斯特丹, 1676年至1678年。 It was for the use of the Polish Jews who had fled thither a few years previously because of the Chmielnicki persecutions.这是为使用的波兰犹太人谁逃离thither几年前,因为该chmielnicki迫害。 It must have been the intention of the translator to push its sale in Poland also; for letters patent were granted for it by John Sobieski III.它必须一直打算翻译,以推动其出售在波兰还;英皇制诰批出它由约翰sobieski三。 This translation exercised very little influence, as the Judæo-German in which itwas written contained many Dutch words and expressions (Wiener, "Yiddish Literature," p. 19).这翻译行使很小的影响,作为judæo -德语,其中itwas书面载有许多荷兰的字和词句(维纳, “意第绪语文献” ,第19页) 。 A second translation, in opposition to that of Blitz, was published in Amsterdam in 1679 by Joseph Witzenhausen, formerly a compositor in the employ of Uri Phoebus, the printer of the former edition.第二个翻译,在反对,即突击,是在阿姆斯特丹出版的1679年由约瑟夫witzenhausen ,以前是作曲家在聘用的URI phoebus ,印表机的前版。 Witzenhausen was able to secure the approbation of the Council of the Four Lands, and his attempt to make the Athias edition supersede that of Phoebus occasioned much bad blood (see Joseph Athias). witzenhausen是能够争取到认同该会的4个地,和他的企图,使阿蒂亚斯版取代,即phoebus occasioned很多坏血(见约瑟夫阿蒂亚斯) 。 A second edition of this last translation was published at Amsterdam in 1687, and a third, in German characters, at Wandsbeck in 1711.第二版,这在过去翻译出版了在阿姆斯特丹,在1687年,和一个第三,在德国的字符,在wandsbeck在1711年。 A third translation, by Süssman Rödelheim and Menahem Man Levi, under the title , appeared at Amsterdam in 1725-29.第三个翻译,由süssman rödelheim和menahem男子利维,标题下,出现在阿姆斯特丹,在1725年至1729年。 At the same place in 1735 there was published an edition of Proverbs ("Cat. Rosenthal. Bibl." i. 207).在同一地点,在1735年出版的有一版的谚语( “猫。罗森塔尔。 bibl 。 ”一207 ) 。 It was more than one hundred years before another complete German translation was published, namely, at Prague, 1833-37; but this was of a composite character, as its editor, W. Meyer, made use of various translations (in general, compare Grünbaum, "Jüdisch-Deutsche Chrestomathie," Leipsic, 1882).这是多百年前的另一个完整的德语翻译出版,即在布拉格, 1833年至1837年;但这是一个综合的性质,作为其编辑器,瓦特迈耶,利用各种翻译(在一般,比较grünbaum , “ jüdisch -德意志chrestomathie , ” leipsic , 1882 ) 。

German Translation-Mendelssohn.德语翻译-门德尔松。

The growing acquaintance of the Jews with German literature soon produced a marked discontent with these Judæo-German translations.越来越多的熟人的犹太人与德语文学,尽快产生了显着的不满,这些judæo -德语翻译。 This discontent was voiced by the rabbis of Berlin, Mecklenburg, and Courland (Zunz, "GV" 2d ed., p. 467).这不满,有人表示由拉比的柏林,梅克伦堡,和库尔兰(聪茨, “货车”二维版, 467页) 。 To meet this want Mendelssohn stepped into the breach; and his translation of the Pentateuch is worthy of more than a passing notice.以应付这要孟德尔逊步入违反;和他的翻译的pentateuch是值得以上通过,恕不另行通知。 It had a special importance in that it not only aroused an esthetic interest in literature on the part of those who read it, but also paved the way for a more general use of High German among the Jews of Germany, among whom it may be said to have introduced a new literary era (Kayserling, "Moses Mendelssohn," p. 286; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 320; Auerbach, in "Zeitschrift für Gesch. der Juden in Deutschland," i. 25; Wogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'Exégèse," p. 329).它有一个特殊的重要性,因为它不仅引起了审美兴趣在文学上的部分,那些谁读,但也铺平了道路,更普遍地利用高德国之间的犹太人,德国人,其中可以说,已引入了新的文学时代( kayserling , “摩西门德尔松, ”体育286 “ ; literaturblatt万定位, ” 1840年, 320页;奥尔巴赫,在“ zeitschrift f黵gesch 。明镜juden在德国, ”一二五; wogue “历史德拉圣经等德l' exégèse , ” 329页) 。 Mendelssohn undertook the work for the instruction of his own children; but upon the advice of Solomon Dubno, consented to its publication on condition that Dubno should write a commentary explaining the reasons why Mendelssohn chose his various renderings.孟德尔逊承诺工作的指示,他自己的子女,但意见后,所罗门杜布诺,同意其出版的条件是杜布诺应该写评注,解释为何孟德尔逊的选择,他的各种透视图。 A specimen, "'Alim li-Trufah," was edited by Dubno (Amsterdam, 1778), and aroused the liveliest interest on the part of Christians as well as of Jews.标本, “ ' alim李- trufah , ”编辑杜布诺(阿姆斯特丹, 1778 ) ,并引起了生动的利息部分基督徒,以及作为犹太人。 It was natural that it should also evoke strenuous opposition, especially on the part of those Jews who feared that the reading of High German would cause the Jewish youth to neglect their Hebrew studies.这是自然,它也应引起艰苦的反对,尤其是那些犹太人,恐怕谁该读高德语会导致犹太青年忽视他们的希伯来语研究。 Foremost in this opposition were the rabbis Ezekiel Landau (d. 1793) of Prague, Raphael ha-Kohen (1722-1803), of Hamburg, Altona, and Wandsbeck, Hirsch Janow (1750-85) of Fürth, and Phineas Levi Horwitz (1740-1803) of Frankfort-on-the-Main.在这方面首要的反对派拉比以西结书朗(四1793 )布拉格,拉斐尔公顷- kohen ( 1722年至1803年) ,汉堡,阿, wandsbeck ,赫希janow ( 1750年至1785年)菲尔特,菲尼亚斯利维horwitz ( 1740年至1803年)法兰克福-对- -主要。

In June, 1799, the proposed translation was put under the ban at Fürth.今年6月, 1799年,拟议的翻译下,禁止在菲尔特。 It was also forbidden in some cities of Poland, and is said even to have been publicly burned.它也禁止在一些城市,波兰,并说,即使已公开烧毁。 An additional ban was laid upon it by Raphael ha-Kohen (July 17, 1781; see Grätz, "Gesch. der Juden," xi. 585, note 1).额外的禁令是奠定了它的拉斐尔公顷- kohen ( 1781年7月17日;见grätz , “ gesch 。明镜juden , ”十一。 585 ,注1 ) 。 Work on it was, however, continued with the assistance of Solomon Dubno, Hertz Homberg, and Aaron Jaroslav.工作,但是,它继续与协助所罗门杜布诺,赫兹homberg ,和亚伦jaroslav 。 Dubno became frightened at the continued opposition, and retired, forcing Mendelssohn himself to do an additional share of the work.杜布诺成为害怕在继续反对,和离退休,迫使孟德尔逊自己做额外的股份的工作。 Though the translation was in High German, it was printed in Hebrew characters under the title , with a Hebrew commentary or "biur," the commentaries of Rashi, etc., and an introduction by Naphtali Hertz Wessely.虽然翻译是在高德语,这是印在希伯来文字符的标题下,与希伯来语的评论或“ biur , ”评论rashi等,并介绍了由拿弗赫兹wessely 。 It appeared in parts-Genesis, Berlin, 1780; Exodus, ib.它出现在部分成因,柏林, 1780年;外流,兴业。 1781; Leviticus, ib. 1781年;利未记,兴业。 1782; Numbers and Deuteronomy, ib. 1782年;号码和申命记,兴业。 1783-and has often been republished both in German and in Hebrew characters. 1783年和经常被重新无论是在德国和希伯来文字符。 An attempt was made in Mendelssohn's time to issue an edition in German characters; but the German Jews at that time looked upon the work as so exceptionally strange that its publication had to be suspended (Bernfeld, "Juden im 19 Jahrhundert," p. 9).试图取得的孟德尔逊的时间,问题一版在德国字;但德国犹太人在当时的期待后的工作,所以特别奇怪的是,其出版不得不暂停(贝恩菲尔德, “ juden即时通讯19 jahrhundert , ”第9页) 。 Mendelssohn also published (Berlin, 1783) a translation of the Psalms (which, however, follows closely that of Luther; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 320) and one of the Song of Solomon (ib. 1788).门德尔松还出版(柏林, 1783 )翻译的诗篇(其中,不过,紧跟即路德“ ; literaturblatt万定位, ” 1840年,页320 )和其中的所罗门之歌( ib. 1788 ) 。 These translations attempted a conscientious reproduction of the text, and sought to make the pathos of the original felt in the German; and they were followed by a large school of translators (see Biurists).这些翻译企图良心的复制文本,并设法使悲情的原认为,在德国的;他们,然后由大学校译员(见biurists ) 。 CEJ Bunsen ("Vollständiges Bibelwerk," I. xvii.) calls these and similar translations "Synagogenbibeln." cej本生( “ vollständiges bibelwerk , ”一,十七)呼吁这些和其他类似的翻译“ synagogenbibeln ” 。 He says "they do not speak in the historical German language, but in the Hebræo-rabbinical Judæo-German"; a verdict which is wholly one-sided, if one excepts the proper names, where an attempt was made to reproduce the Hebrew originals ("Monatsschrift," ix. 156).他说: “他们不发言,在历史的德语语言,但在hebræo -犹太教judæo -德语” ;作出判决,这是完全是片面的,如果一excepts适当的名称,凡企图作出重现希伯来语正本( “ monatsschrift , ”九。 156 ) 。 Only a few of Mendelssohn's followers can be mentioned here.只有极少数孟德尔逊的追随者,可这里所说的。 His translation of the Song of Solomon was published after his death by Joel Löwe and Aaron Wolfson.他翻译的所罗门之歌发表在他死后由的Joel löwe和亚伦沃尔夫森。 The first of these also published a translation of Jonah (Berlin, 1788); while the second translated Lamentations, Esther, and Ruth (Berlin, 1788), Job (ib. 1788; Prague, 1791; Vienna, 1806), and Kings (Breslau, 1809).第一,这些还出版了翻译约拿(柏林, 1788 ) ;而第二次翻译悲叹,埃丝特,并鲁斯(柏林, 1788年) ,就业( ib. 1788年;布拉格, 1791年;维也纳, 1806 ) ,和国王(布雷斯劳, 1809 ) 。 Isaac Euchel translated Proverbs (Berlin, 1790; Dessau, 1804), introducing, however, philosophical expressions into the text, thereby often clouding the meaning.艾萨克euchel翻译谚语(柏林, 1790年;德绍, 1804年) ,引进,不过,哲学表达到文本,从而往往是混浊的意义。 David Friedländer, who translated Ecclesiastes (in German characters, Berlin, 1788), wrote in a belletristic style.朱friedländer ,谁翻译传道书(在德国的字符,柏林, 1788 ) ,写在一个belletristic作风。 Meïr Obernik translated Joshua, Judges, and Samuel, and, together with Samuel Detmold, the Second Book of Samuel (), Vienna, 1792). meïr obernik翻译约书亚,法官,和黄秉槐,并连同黄秉槐代特莫尔特,第二本书的塞缪尔( ) ,维也纳, 1792 ) 。 M. Philippson, Joseph Wolf, Gotthold Salomon, Israel Neumann, and J. Löwe were the translators of the Minor Prophets published in Dessau, 1805, under the title (stereotyped as early as 1837).米philippson ,约瑟夫狼来了, gotthold所罗门,以色列诺依曼,和J. löwe被翻译该未成年人的先知发表在德绍, 1805年,标题下(定型,早在1837年) 。 Wolf also published a translation of Daniel (Dessau, 1808); David Ottensosser one of Job (Offenbach, 1807), Isaiah (Fürth, 1807), and Lamentations (ib. 1811), and together with SJ Kohn, of Jeremiah (ib. 1810).狼来了还出版了翻译丹尼尔(德绍, 1808 ) ;国宝ottensosser一就业(奥芬巴赫, 1807年) ,以赛亚书(菲尔特, 1807 ) ,和悲叹( ib. 1811 ) ,连同律政司司长科恩,耶利米( ib. 1810年) 。 A translation of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles by Ottensosser, Kohn, and Schwabacher appeared at Fürth, 1807-23.翻译以赛亚书耶利米,以西结书,丹尼尔,以斯拉,尼希米记,和方志由ottensosser ,科恩, schwabacher出现在菲尔特, 1807年至1823年。 Isaiah was also translated by Isaiah Hochstetter (Winter and Wünsche, "Die Jüdische Litteratur," iii. 744), Jeremiahby Heinemann (Berlin, 1842), Job by Beer Blumenfeld (Vienna, 1826), and Psalms by Shalom Kohn (Hamburg, 1827).以赛亚书也翻译以赛亚书hochstetter (冬季和wünsche , “模具jüdische litteratur , ”三。 744 ) , jeremiahby海涅曼(柏林, 1842年) ,就业啤酒布鲁门菲尔德(维也纳, 1826 ) ,和诗篇由沙洛姆科恩(汉堡, 1827 ) 。 The period of the Mendelssohnian biurists may be fittingly said to end with the Bible published by Moses Landau (20 parts, Prague, 1833-37, mentioned above. Of this work the translations of the Pentateuch, Psalms, and Five Scrolls were those of Mendelssohn; the translations of the other books were contributed by Moses Landau, J. Weisse, S. Sachs, A. Benisch, and W. Mayer; and the Minor Prophets were reprinted from the edition of Dessau, 1805 (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 972). It may also be added here that an edition of Proverbs, Job, and the Five Scrolls, with translations by Obernik, Euchel, Wolfson, Mendelssohn, and Friedländer, had already appeared at Vienna in 1817-18; and in Hebrew characters at Basel in 1822-27.期间,该mendelssohnian biurists可能恰当地说,以结束与圣经出版的郑慕智朗( 20部分,布拉格, 1833年至1837年,上述这项工作的翻译的pentateuch ,诗篇,和五春联被那些孟德尔逊;翻译的其他书籍的贡献,郑慕智朗女士, weisse ,美国高盛,甲师贝尼斯,瓦特迈尔和轻微的先知被转载自版德绍, 1805 ( steinschneider , “猫。 bodl “第972号) 。它也可以说,这里一版的谚语,工作,和五春联,与翻译由obernik , euchel ,沃尔夫森,孟德尔逊, friedländer ,已出现了在维也纳举行的1817年至1818年;和希伯来文字符在巴塞尔在1822年至1827年。

Other German Versions.其他德语版本。

Other German Versions.其他德语版本。

The translation of Mendelssohn threatened to become canonical: but the German Jews had tasted of modern learning; and toward the latter end of the first half of the nineteenth century various individual attempts were made to provide better translations for the general public, which should reflect the progress then already made in Biblical science.翻译孟德尔逊的威胁,成为典型:但德国犹太人已经尝到了现代学习;和对后者的年底第一十九世纪下半叶的各种个别的企图作出了提供更好的翻译,为广大市民,应反映进展已经取得,然后在圣经的科学。 The first in the field was Joseph Johlson (Asher ben Joseph of Fulda), whose attempt, though worthy of notice here, was not successful, notwithstanding the fact that the text was accompanied by learned philological notes (Minor Prophets, Carlsruhe, 1827; Pentateuch, ib. 1831; the historical books, ib. 1836).第一次在外地的约瑟夫johlson (阿谢尔本约瑟夫富尔达) ,其企图,但值得公告在这里,没有成功,尽管事实上,案文的陪同下据悉,语言学笔记(小先知, carlsruhe , 1827年; pentateuch ,兴业。 1831年;历史书籍,兴业。 1836 ) 。 Bunsen (lcp xvii.) even declares his work to be "geistreich und scharfsinnig" (compare Geiger's "Zeitschrift," 1836, p. 442; 1837, p. 121).本生( LCP的十七) ,甚至宣布他的工作是“ geistreich und scharfsinnig ” (比较盖格尔的“ zeitschrift , ” 1836年, 442页; 1837年,页121 ) 。 Mention may also be made of AA Wolff's double translation (word for word and metrical) of Habakkuk; Phœbus Philippsohn's "Hosea, Joel, Jonah, Obadiah und Nahum in Metrisch-Deutscher Uebersetzung," Halle, 1827; A. Rebenstein's (Bernstein's) sentimental translation of the Song of Solomon (Berlin, 1834; compare "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 324); SH Auerbach's Ecclesiastes (Breslau, 1837), into which he reads his own philosophy; and Michael Sachs's Psalms (Berlin, 1835).提及也可机管局沃尔夫的双重翻译(逐字逐句和计量)哈巴谷书; phœbus philippsohn的“何西阿,约珥,约拿,俄巴底亚书und nahum在metrisch -德国uebersetzung , ”哈莱, 1827年;甲rebenstein ' S (下伯恩斯坦的)情感翻译的所罗门之歌(柏林, 1834年;比较“ literaturblatt万定位, ” 1840年,页324 ) ;的SH奥尔巴赫的传道书(布雷斯劳, 1837年) ,到他的内容,他自己的哲学;和迈克尔萨克斯的诗篇(柏林, 1835 ) 。 The last was a clear protest against previous attempts, which reflected too much the individuality of the translators.最后一个明确的抗议前的企图,它反映了太多的个性,翻译。 Sachs tried to give "a purely scientific and philological" rendering of the original, taking Rückert as his guide, whose translation of Ps.高盛试图让“纯粹的科学和语言学”绘制原,以rückert作为他的指导,其翻译的PS 。 lxviii. lxviii 。 he inserted bodily (see Zunz, in Geiger's "Wiss. Zeit. Jüd. Theol." ii. 499, and in "GS" iii. 116, who characterizes the work as "somewhat stiff and awkward").他插入身体(见聪茨,在盖格尔的“ wiss 。特。 jüd 。 theol ” 。二, 499 ,并在“人”三116 ,谁特点的工作作为“有点僵硬和尴尬” ) 。 It was reprinted in the edition of the Prophets and the Hagiographa , Fürth, 1842-47 (Zedner, "Cat. Hebr. Books Brit. Mus." p. 119), and was revised for Zunz's Bible ("Monatsschrift," xxxviii. 507).这是转载,在版的先知和hagiographa ,菲尔特, 1842年至1847年( zedner , “猫。黑布尔。书籍英国。毛里求斯。 ”第119页) ,并修改为聪茨的圣经( “ monatsschrift , ”三十八。 507 ) 。 This protest was carried to excess by Gotthold Salomon, who, in addition to his work on the Dessau edition of the Minor Prophets (see above), translated the Pentateuch (Krotoschin, 1848-49; see the criticism of Hess in "Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1839, p. 80, and of L. Skreinka in "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, pp. 468 et seq.).这次抗议进行了过剩,由gotthold索罗门,谁,除了他的工作,对在德绍版的小先知(见上文) ,翻译pentateuch ( krotoschin , 1848年至1849年;见的批评,赫斯在“ allg 。特。 jud万。 “ 1839年,第80页,和叶skreinka在” literaturblatt万定位, “ 1840年,第468条及以下各条) 。 The translations of Job (Glogau, 1836) and of the Pentateuch (ib. 1840) by Heimann Arnheim, though in Hebrew characters and intended chiefly for use as part of the ritual, show good judgment and philological schooling ("Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 641).翻译工作(格洛高, 1836年)和该pentateuch ( ib. 1840 )海曼阿恩海姆,虽然在希伯来文字符,并打算,主要是用作部分的仪式,显示良好的判断力和语言学教育( “ literaturblatt万定位, ” 1840年,第641页) 。 Only a mere mention can be made of L. Herzberg's Ecclesiastes (Brunswick, 1838; see Zunz, in Jost's "Annalen," 1839, p. 102) and of LH Löwenstein's metrical translation of Proverbs and Lamentations (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1837-38).只有可以提及所作的研究赫茨伯格奇摩传道书(不伦瑞克, 1838年;见聪茨,在jost的“ annalen , ” 1839年,页102 )和黄体生成素löwenstein的计量翻译谚语和悲叹(法兰克福-对- -主要, 1837年至1838年) 。 Gotthold Salomon's "Deutsche Volks- und Schul-Bibel" (Altona, 1837) was the first translation of the entire Old Testament in German characters made by a Jew. gotthold所罗门的“德意志volks - und schul - bibel ” (阿, 1837年)是第一家翻译整个旧约在德国的字符所作出的犹太人。 It was stereotyped and was intended to be sold so cheaply that every one could afford to buy it (see the correspondence in Jost's "Annalen," 1839, Nos. 12 et seq.).这是定型,并打算出售,所以便宜,每个人可以买得起它(见书信往来, jost的“ annalen , ” 1839年,第12条及以下各条) 。

Zunz's Bible.聪茨的圣经。

More important was the attempt made by L. Zunz to provide a Bible for school and home.更重要的是,企图所作的研究聪茨提供一本圣经,为学校和家庭。 As editor, he translated only the books of Chronicles, the rest of the work being done by H. Arnheim, Julius Fürst, and M. Sachs (Berlin, 1838).作为编辑,他翻译的唯一的帐簿方志,其余的正在做的工作__________________________________________________________________________阿恩海姆,朱利fürst ,和M.高盛(柏林, 1838年) 。 Zunz succeeded in a large measure in producing a translation which, while it kept strictly to the Masoretic text, was abreast of the scholarship of his day and free from the circumlocutions and idiotisms of previous translators, though it still preserved the transliteration of the Hebrew names (Nestle, "Bibel-Uebersetzungen," p. 142).聪茨成功地在一个大的举措,产生了翻译,虽然它一直严格按照masoretic的案文,被跟上的奖学金,他每天免费从circumlocutions和idiotisms以前的翻译,虽然它仍然保留了音译希伯来文的名字(雀巢, “ bibel - uebersetzungen , ” 142页) 。 Mendelssohn had translated neither Prophets nor Hagiographa; and it is therefore no wonder that the Zunz Bible passed through at least six editions up to 1855 and twelve up to 1889 (see Rosin, in "Monatsschrift," xxxviii. 512).孟德尔逊的翻译既不是先知,也不hagiographa ;因此,这是怪不得认为聪茨圣经通过至少有六个版本,直至1855年和12至1889年(见松香,在“ monatsschrift , ”三十八。 512 ) 。 Only a few years later another popular translation was produced by Solomon Herxheimer (Berlin, 1841-48; 3d ed. of the Pentateuch, 1865), to which an explanatory and homiletic commentary was added.仅仅在几年后,另一个受欢迎的翻译是由所罗门herxheimer (柏林, 1841年至1848年;三维教育署。的pentateuch , 1865 ) ,其中一份解释性和homiletic评论。 Though evidently meant to take the place of Mendelssohn's biur, Herxheimer expressly states that his work was done "for Jews and Christians" (Jost's "Annalen," 1839, pp. 312 et seq.; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 513).虽然很明显是指采取的地方孟德尔逊的biur , herxheimer明确指出,他的工作是做“犹太人和基督徒” ( jost的“ annalen , ” 1839年,第312条及以下各条。 ; “ literaturblatt万定位, ” 1840年,第513 ) 。

A still more ambitious attempt was that of Ludwig Philippson.一个更加雄心勃勃的企图是的路德维希philippson 。 He translated the text anew, aiming to include the latest assured results of criticism and to produce what in every sense might be called a family Bible.他翻译的文本重新,以包括最新的保证,结果,批评和生产什么,在每一个意义上可称为一个家庭圣经。 For this reason for the first time illustrations were added, together with introductions and an extensive commentary intended for the intelligent layman.基于这个原因,为第一次插图增加了,再加上引进和广泛的评论打算为智能门外汉。 This work occupied Philippson for eighteen years, and was published at Leipsic, 1839-56; 2d ed., 1858-59; 3d ed., 1862.这项工作被占领philippson为十八年,并发表在leipsic , 1839年至1856年;二维版, 1858年至1859年;三维版, 1862 。 His translation was then published, together with the Doré illustrations, by the Israelitische Bibel-Anstalt, revised by W. Landau and SI Kämpf (Stuttgart, 1875).他的翻译,当时发表后,联同doré插图,由israelitische bibel - anstalt ,修订瓦特朗和Si kämpf (斯图加特, 1875年) 。 Of this translation separate editions of the Pentateuch, the Psalms, and of the Pentateuch together with Isaiah, were published (see M. Philippson, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xlii. 30).本翻译单独版本的pentateuch ,诗篇,和该pentateuch连同以赛亚书,出版了(见米philippson ,在“牧师练习曲juives , ”四十二30段) 。 But even the slight concessions made in these translations to the modern exegetical spirit gave offense in some quarters; a rival Bible-house, the Orthodoxe Israelitische Bibel-Anstalt, was established, which, on the basis of JZ Mecklenburg's "Ha-Ketab we-haḲabbalah" (Leipsic, 1839), produced a translation of the Bible strictly on the lines of Jewish traditional exegesis (ib. 1865).不过,即使轻微的让步,在这些翻译到现代训诂学了进攻的精神,在一些宿舍;对手圣经所, orthodoxe israelitische bibel - anstalt ,成立,其中,在此基础上jz梅克伦堡的“房委会- ketab我们- haḳabbalah “ ( leipsic , 1839年) ,制作了翻译圣经上严格按照犹太传统的注释( ib. 1865 ) 。 The Pentateuch translation byJ.该pentateuch翻译byj 。 Kosmann (Königsberg, 1847-52) had a similar end in view. kosmann ( königsberg , 1847年至1852年)也有类似的在年底的看法。 Still further in this direction, and in evident protest against modern Christian radical exegesis, which he entirely ignores, went Samuel Raphael Hirsch.还有进一步在这个方向走,并在明显的抗议,现代基督教激进的注释,这是他完全不理会,到黄秉槐拉斐尔赫希。 In his translation of the Pentateuch (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1867; 3d ed., 1899) and of the Psalms (1882), as well as in the translation of the Minor Prophets by his son, M. Hirsch (ib. 1900), a return is seen to the "derash," from which the whole school of Mendelssohn and his followers had tried to free themselves (see "Zeit. für Heb. Bibl." v. 78).在他翻译的pentateuch (法兰克福-对- -主要, 1867年;三维版, 1899年)和该诗篇( 1882 ) ,以及在翻译未成年人的先知,他的儿子米赫希方案( IB 。 1900年) ,回报率被认为是向“ derash , ”从整个学校的门德尔松和他的追随者曾试图免费自己(见“特。 f黵heb 。 bibl 。 ”五78 ) 。 Of LJ Mandelstamm's "Die Bibel Neu Uebersetzt," partly with the assistance of M. Kirchstein, only Genesis and the Song of Solomon seem to have appeared (Berlin, 1862-64).的LJ , mandelstamm的“模具bibel神经uebersetzt , ”部分的协助下与米kirchstein ,只有成因和所罗门之歌,似乎已出现(柏林, 1862年至1864年) 。 In 1901 a new translation by S. Bernfeld was commenced.在1901年一个新的翻译由美国贝恩菲尔德是展开。 It keeps strictly to the Masorah and preserves the Hebrew form of the proper names.它一直严格按照masorah并保留了希伯来语的形式,适当的名称。

During all this time many translations of individual books appeared, of which the following is a partial list, cited under the names of their respective authors:在这一切的时候,很多翻译的个别书籍的出现,其中以下是部分清单,列举名单下各自作者:

Israel ben Abraham, Job, in Hebrew characters, Prague, 1791.以色列本石礼谦,工作,在希伯来文字符,布拉格, 1791 。 Shalom Kohn, Psalms, Hamburg, 1827.沙洛姆科恩,诗篇,汉堡, 1827 。 Mendel Stern, Proverbs, in Hebrew characters, Presburg, 1833.孟德尔斯特恩,谚语,在希伯来文字符, presburg , 1833 。 J. Wolfson, "Das Buch Hiob. . . . Neu Uebersetzt . . .," Breslau-Leipsic, 1843. j.沃尔夫森“之buch约布。 。神经uebersetzt 。 。 。 ”布雷斯劳- leipsic , 1843 。 EJ Blücher, "Ruth, mit Deutscher Uebersetzung," Lemberg, 1843. ej blücher , “罗思,麻省理工学院德国uebersetzung , ”伦贝格, 1843 。 M. Löwenthal, " . . . Nebst Uebersetzung . . . ," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1846.米löwenthal , “ … … 。 nebst uebersetzung 。 。 。 ”法兰克福-对- -主要是1846年。 "Das Hohe Lied . . . Neue Deutsche Uebersetzung," Vienna, 1847. “之hohe说谎。 。 。 neue德意志uebersetzung , ”维也纳, 1847 。 Samuel Aschkenazi, (Song of Solomon, in Hebrew characters), Presburg, 1847.黄秉槐aschkenazi , (所罗门之歌,在希伯来文字符) , presburg , 1847 。 (A new translation of the Pentateuch, in Hebrew characters), Königsberg, 1856. (新翻译的pentateuch ,在希伯来文字符) , königsberg , 1856 。 "Odiosus," "Das Buch Ijob im Engeren Anschluss an den Mass. Urtext" (see "Hebr. Bibl." vi. 101). “ odiosus ” , “之buch ijob即时通讯恩厄伦湖anschluss一书斋马萨诸塞州urtext ” (见“黑布尔。 bibl 。 ”六。 101 ) 。 S. Horwitz, "Das Hohe-Lied, das Aelteste Dramatische Gedicht," Vienna, 1863 (see ib. vi. 62).第horwitz “之hohe -说谎,之aelteste dramatische gedicht , ”维也纳, 1863年(见兴业。六, 62 ) 。 Adolph Brecher, "Die Psalmen Nebst Uebersetzung," Vienna, 1864.阿brecher , “模具psalmen nebst uebersetzung , ”维也纳, 1864 。 Israel Schwarz, "Tikwat Enosh" (Job, in German characters), Berlin, 1868.以色列施瓦茨, “ tikwat挪士” (就业,在德国的字符) ,柏林, 1868 。 Sänger, Maleachi, 1868. sänger ,马勒阿希, 1868 。 Benjamin Holländer, Das Hohelied, Budapest, 1871.本杰明holländer ,之hohelied ,布达佩斯, 1871 。 Hermann Tietz, Das Hohelied, 1871.赫尔曼tietz ,之hohelied , 1871 。 M. Levin, (with Judæo-German translation), Odessa, 1873.米文, (与judæo -德语翻译) ,敖德萨, 1873 。 H. Grätz, "Krit. Commentar zu den Psalmen, Nebst . . . Uebersetzung," Breslau, 1882 (compare his Kohelet, 1871, and Song of Songs, 1871).每小时grätz , “ krit 。 commentar祖书斋psalmen , nebst 。 。 。 uebersetzung , ”布雷斯劳, 1882 (比较他kohelet , 1871年,宋歌, 1871年) 。 SI Kämpf, Das Hohelied, Prague, 1877; 3d ed., 1884.硅kämpf ,之hohelied ,布拉格, 1877年;三维版, 1884 。 K. Kohler, Das Hohelied, Chicago, 1878. k.科勒,之hohelied ,芝加哥, 1878 。 Hermann Tietz, "Das Buch der Elegien Metrisch Uebersetzt," Schrimm, 1881.赫尔曼tietz , “明镜之buch elegien metrisch uebersetzt , ” schrimm , 1881 。 J. Landsberger, Das Buch Hiob, Darmstadt, 1882. j. landsberger ,之buch约布,达姆施塔特, 1882 。 D. Leimdörfer, "Kohelet . . . Nebst Uebersetzung," Hamburg, 1892.四leimdörfer , “ kohelet 。 。 。 nebst uebersetzung , ”汉堡, 1892 。 Herman Rosenthal, "Worte des Sammlers (Kohelet) . . . in Deutsche Reime Gebracht," New York, 1885; 2d ed., 1893.赫尔曼罗森塔尔, “ worte万sammlers ( kohelet ) 。 。 。在德意志reime gebracht , ”纽约, 1885年;二维版, 1893 。 Idem, "Das Lied der Lieder, in Neue Deutsche Reime Gebracht," New York, 1893.同上, “说谎之明镜艺术歌曲,在neue德意志reime gebracht , ”纽约, 1893 。 M. Jastrow, "Der Neunzigste Psalm; Uebersetzt," Leipsic, 1893.米jastrow , “明镜neunzigste诗篇; uebersetzt , ” leipsic , 1893 。 Salomon Plessner (transl. of Nahum, in his "Biblisches und Rabbinisches," pp. 29 et seq.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1897.所罗门普列斯讷( transl.的nahum ,在他的“ biblisches und rabbinisches , ”第29条及以下各条) ,法兰克福-对- -主要是1897年。

English Translation.英语翻译。

It was not before the forties of the nineteenth century that the desire made itself really felt among the English Jews for a Bible translation of their own in the vernacular, though David Levi had in 1787 (London) produced an English version of the Pentateuch (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 926).这不是前40的第十九世纪的愿望作出自己真的觉得其中英语犹太人为圣经的翻译自己在白话文,虽然大卫利维曾在1787年(伦敦)制作了英语版的pentateuch ( steinschneider , “猫。 bodl ” 926号) 。 Wherever an English Bible was needed by them, they had freely used the King James Version; as is seen in the Pentateuch (including Hafṭarot and Scrolls) which was published in London, 1824, under the title .而一英语圣经所需要的,他们有自由使用的国王詹姆斯版本;作为被认为是在该pentateuch (包括hafṭarot和春联)发表在伦敦, 1824年,标题下。 But the impropriety of the use of this version, with its Christian headings and its Messianic interpretations, did in the end impress itself upon the English Jews (see, for example, S. Bennett, "Critical Remarks on the Authorized Version," London, 1834; Seelig Newman, "Emendations of the Authorized Version of the OT" London, 1839; Benjamin Marcus, " (Fountain of Life): Mistranslations and Difficult Passages of the OT Corrected and Explained," Dublin, 1854).但不当使用这个版本,与基督教的标题和其弥赛亚的解释,并在结束后,留下深刻的印象本身的英语犹太人(见,例如,美国班尼特, “关键的言论,对授权的版本, ”伦敦, 1834年; seelig纽曼, “ emendations的授权版本的酒店”伦敦, 1839年;本杰明马库斯, “ (喷泉的生活) :误译和困难的通道,该酒店纠正和解释说: ”都柏林, 1854 ) 。

The veneration for this masterpiece of English literature had impressed itself upon the Jews also.该崇拜这一杰作英语文学本身已留下深刻印象后,犹太人也。 When the Revised Version was published (May 17, 1881) it was eagerly seized upon as being much more suitable for Jewish readers, since in it the headings had been removed and the Christology of many passages toned down.当修订版出版( 1881年5月17日)这是热切地检获后,作为更适合读者的犹太人,因为在它的标题已被拆掉和christology许多通道,淡化。 The Revised Version is used as a basis for such books as CG Montefiore's "Bible for Home Reading," London, 1896, 1901.修订版本,是用来作为基础,这样的书籍作为的CG montefiore的“圣经回国读, ”伦敦, 1896 , 1901 。 That the revision is not complete from the Jewish point of view can be seen from the leaflet issued by the Jewish Religious Education Board, "Appendix to the Revised Version" (London, 1896), which sets forth the "alterations deemed necessary with a view to placing the Revised Version in the hands of members of the Jewish faith."该修订是不完整的从犹太人的角度来看,可以看出,从单张,所发出的犹太宗教教育委员会, “附录的修订版本” (伦敦, 1896年) ,其中提出了“改建认为有必要,以期把修订版本,在手中的成员信仰犹太教“ 。 These alterations were limited to the following sets of cases: viz., "where the RV departs from the Masoretic text," and "where the RV is opposed to Jewish traditional interpretation or dogmatic teaching."这些改动仅限于下列套案件:即, “那里的RV偏离masoretic文本” , “那里的RV是反对犹太传统的解释或教条式的教学” 。 Isa.伊萨。 lii.崇礼。 13-liii. 13 liii 。 12 is there reprinted in full. 12 ,是有转载足额发放。 The first to attempt to produce an independent Jewish translation was DA de Sola of London, who in 1840 issued a "Prospectus of a New Edition of the Sacred Scriptures, with Notes Critical and Explanatory."第一,试图产生一个独立的犹太翻译是大德索拉的伦敦,谁在1840年发出了“招股章程的一个新版本的神圣经文,与债券的关键和解释性说明” 。 Morris J. Raphall and JL Lindenthal were associated with him in the work.莫里斯j. raphall和的JL lindenthal人与他有联系的在工作。 Only one volume, Genesis, appeared (London, 1841; 2d ed., 1843).只有一个卷,成因,出现了(伦敦, 1841年;二维版, 1843 ) 。 Of a similar attempt by S. Bennett, "The Hebrew and English Holy Bible," only Gen. i.-xli.一个类似的企图,美国班尼特“ ,希伯来文和英文圣经, ”只有将军一-四十一。 appeared (1841); though in the same year Francis Barham published "The Hebrew and English Holy Bible," which contained Bennett's revision of the English and a revision of the Hebrew by HA Henry.出现了( 1841 ) ;虽然在同一年弗朗西斯barham出版的“希伯来文和英文圣经” ,其中载有Bennett的修改英文和修订希伯来文,由房委会亨利。 Another translation was published by A. Benisch, "Jewish School and Family Bible" (1851-56); and still another by M. Friedländer, ", The Jewish Family Bible" (1884).另一个翻译出版了由甲师贝尼斯, “犹太学校和家庭的圣经” ( 1851年至1856年) ;和还有一个由M. friedländer “ ,犹太家庭圣经” ( 1884 ) 。 This last has had the sanction of the chief rabbi of the British Jews.最后这已制裁的首席拉比的英国犹太人。 A. Elzas has published translations of Proverbs (Leeds and London, 1871), Job (1872), Hosea and Joel (1873), in an attempt "to put the English reader, at least in some degree, in the position of one able to read the Hebrew text."答: elzas已出版的翻译谚语(利兹和伦敦, 1871年) ,就业( 1872 ) ,何西阿和Joel ( 1873 ) ,在企图“把英语阅读,至少在一定程度上,在立场一能读希伯来文的文字“ 。 None of these versions, however, can be said to have replaced either the Authorized or the Revised Version in the esteem of the Jewish Bible-reading public.没有这些版本,不过,可以说是已取代了,无论是授权或修订版本,在自尊,犹太圣经读的市民。

The United States.美国。

In the United States the same feeling as in England had been engendered against the headings of the Authorized Version.在美国,同样的感觉,因为在英格兰已产生了对标题授权版本。 Isaac Leeser attempted to rectify this and at the same time so to translatethe Bible as to make it represent the best results of modern study.艾萨克利泽企图以纠正这种和在同一时间,因此, translatethe圣经,以使它所代表的最好的结果,现代研究。 The Prophets, Psalms, and Job are practically new versions.先知,诗篇,和就业实际上是新版本。 In the other parts, the Authorized Version is very closely followed; and though in most cases the changes Leeser made bring the translation nearer to the Masoretic text, the beauty of the English was often sacrificed.在其他部分,授权版本是非常紧随其后;虽然在大多数情况下的变化,利泽作出带来的翻译更接近该masoretic文字,美丽的英语往往被牺牲。 A quarto edition was published in 1854, and a duodecimo edition in 1856.一季刊版出版于1854年,和duodecimo版在1856年。 Despite its insufficiencies, the smaller edition has had a wide circulation, due especially to the development of Jewish religious school instruction in the United States.尽管它的不足,规模较小的版本已广泛流通,由于特别是要发展的犹太宗教学校教学在美国。 The inadequacy of Leeser's translation has, however, been felt; and the Jewish Publication Society of America in 1898 took in hand the preparation of a complete revision.不足之处,利泽的翻译,不过,被认为和犹太出版协会,美国在1898年发生在手编写一份完整的修订。 This is now (1902) being made by a number of scholars, with M. Jastrow, Sr., as editor-in-chief, and K. Kohler and F. de Sola Mendes as associate editors (see Reports of the Jewish Publication Society of America, 1898 et seq.).这是现在( 1902年)所提出的一些学者,与M. jastrow ,老,人兼总编辑,和K科勒和F德索拉门德斯担任副编辑(见报告犹太出版社会美利坚合众国, 1898条及以下各条) 。

Spanish Versions.西班牙语版本。

Nowhere in Europe is the history of the translation of the Bible into the vernacular so interesting as it is in Spain.无处在欧洲是历史上的翻译圣经成白话文,所以有趣的,因为这是在西班牙。 Translations were here made as early as the thirteenth century, despite the fact that in 1234 Jaime I., by means of secular legislation, prohibited their use (Lea, "History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages," i. 324).翻译在这里作出的,早在13世纪,尽管事实上在1234年的Jaime一,手段世俗法律,禁止其使用(李, “历史的宗教裁判在中世纪, ”一324 ) 。 As Berger has shown, the earliest Castilian renderings, even when made by Christians, stand much closer to the Hebrew original than do those of any other country.作为伯杰显示,最早的卡斯蒂利亚透视图,甚至当所作出的基督徒,立场更接近希伯来文原比那些任何其他国家。 This seems to have been due to the early and intense influence of the Jews in the peninsula and to the Oriental coloring of its whole culture.这似乎已是由于早期和激烈的影响,犹太人在朝鲜半岛和东方色彩,其整体文化。 This similarity is seen even in the outward form.这被认为是相似,甚至在离港的形式。 The Spanish translations follow the Hebrew division of the Bible into three great parts; and it is significant that the first polyglot (Complutensian) saw the light of day in Spain.该西班牙语翻译按照分工,希伯来语圣经分为三个伟大的零件;及重要的是,第一polyglot ( complutensian )看到,根据天在西班牙。 In the production of these translations both Jews and converts took a laudable part.在生产这些翻译都犹太人,并将其转换了值得称道的一部分。 One of the earliest of such Castilian translations is found in the Aragonese MS.其中最早的此类卡斯蒂利亚翻译被发现在该阿拉贡女士。 i.我。 j, 8 in the Escurial Library, Madrid. J以来, 8日在escurial图书馆,马德里。 The Psalms in this manuscript are distinctly said to be the translation "que fizo Herman el Aleman, segund cuemo esta en el ebraygo."该诗篇在这方面有明显的手稿说是翻译“阙fizo赫尔曼下午阿雷曼, segund cuemo esta恩下午ebraygo ” 。 Herman must undoubtedly have known Hebrew, though Berger thinks that he made use of Jerome's "Psalterium Hebraicum" and not of the "Psalterium Gallicum."赫尔曼必须毫无疑问,众所周知,希伯来语,虽然伯杰认为他利用了杰罗姆的“ psalterium hebraicum ”而不是“ psalterium gallicum ” 。 This Herman the German is the well-known Latin translator of Aristotle, and lived between 1240 and 1256.这赫尔曼,德国是著名的拉丁语翻译亚里士多德,和生活之间的1240年和1256年。

In the fifteenth century several revisions of these older translations were made, but always according to the Hebrew text.在15世纪的几次修改这些年纪较大的翻译发了言,但总是根据希伯来文的文字。 Such a revision is represented by MSS.这样的修改是所代表的支助。 i.我。 j, 5 and i. J以来,五和一。 j, 3 in the Escurial and MS. J以来, 3个在escurial和MS 。 cxxiv. cxxiv 。 1, 2 (dated 1429) in the Library of Evora. 1 , 2 (完1429 )在图书馆的埃武拉。 In a number of places these translations ostentatiously follow the Hebrew original and run counter to the usual Church tradition.在一些地方,这些翻译ostentatiously按照原希伯来语和适得其反一般教会的传统。 MS.女士。 i.我。 j, 3 of the Escurial is richly illuminated with miniatures, which may perhaps have been the work of Hebrew miniaturists. J以来, 3的escurial拥有丰富的照明与微缩模型,这也许已工作希伯来语miniaturists 。 In this manuscript not only is the order of the books in the Canon the same as in the Hebrew, but the Pentateuch is divided into sections which agree with the parashiyot and sedarim.在这方面的手稿,不仅是秩序的书籍,在佳能一样,在希伯来文,但pentateuch分为条文,同意与parashiyot和sedarim 。 The proper names also follow the Hebrew and not the ordinary Latin version.适当的名称也按照希伯来语,而不是普通的拉美版本。 Berger thinks that this manuscript may be the work of the baptized Jew, Juan Alfonso de Buena, who was in the service of Jaime II.伯杰认为,这手稿可能是工作的洗礼,犹太人,胡安阿方索德buena ,谁是在服务的Jaime二。 (1416-54). ( 1416年至1454年) 。 An additional interest attaches to these revisions, as they formed the basis for the Spanish of the Constantinople Pentateuch of 1547 and for the Ferrara Bible; the Ferrara Bible, in its turn, was the basis for the Protestant Bible translation by Cassidoro de Reina (1569); for the revision by Cyprian de Valera (1602), the "Psalterio de David Conforme a la Verdad Hebraica" (Lyons, 1550), and the Psaltér of Juan Perez (Venice, 1557; see Samuel Berger, in "Romania," xxviii.).额外利益的重视,这些修改,因为它们形成的基础上为西班牙的君士坦丁堡pentateuch的1547年,为费拉拉圣经;费拉拉圣经,在其反过来,是依据基督教圣经翻译由cassidoro德reina ( 1569 ) ;为修订,由塞浦路斯德瓦莱拉( 1602 ) , “ psalterio德朱conforme 1香格里拉verdad hebraica ” (里昂, 1550 ) ,和psaltér胡安佩雷斯(威尼斯, 1557年;见伯杰,在“罗马尼亚”二十八) 。 A still further revision, again upon the basis of the Hebrew, was made by Rabbi Moses Arragel (1430) for Don Luis de Guzman, master of the Order of Calatrava. 1 ,仍然作进一步修改,再次呼吁的基础上希伯来语,是由拉比郑慕智arragel ( 1430 )唐路易斯德古兹曼,硕士秩序的卡拉特拉瓦。 According to Berger, this revision was made on MS.据伯杰,这个修订是在MS 。 Escurial i. escurial一。 j, 3. J以来, 3 。 It is provided with a commentary, and profusely illustrated, perhaps by Jewish artists.它是提供了一个评论, profusely说明,也许犹太艺术家。 A manuscript of the Prophets, in two languages, in the library of the Academy of History in Lisbon follows Arragel's translation so closely that it may possibly represent the first attempt of Arragel.手稿的先知,在两种语言,在图书馆学院的历史在里斯本如下arragel的翻译如此密切,它可能代表首次尝试arragel 。

This Castilian translation (or revision) was carried by the Spanish exiles into Italy and Turkey.这卡斯蒂利亚翻译(或修订)进行了由西班牙流亡到意大利和土耳其。 It also became the Bible of the Spanish Jews in the Netherlands.它也成为圣经,西班牙犹太人在荷兰。 It appears first in Hebrew characters in the Polyglot Pentateuch (Hebrew, Onkelos, Rashi, Neo-Greek, and Spanish), published at Constantinople by Eliezer Bekor Gerson Soncino (see Belleli, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxii. 250; Grünbaum, "Jüd.-Span. Chrestomathie," p. 6).它首先出现在希伯来文字符,在polyglot pentateuch (希伯来文,昂克罗斯, rashi ,新希腊语和西班牙语) ,出版于君士坦丁堡由埃利泽bekor格尔松soncino (见belleli ,在“牧师练习曲juives , ”二十二。二百五; grünbaum “ jüd.跨度。 chrestomathie , ”第6页) 。 The Neo-Greek represents a different translation from that of the Spanish.新希腊代表不同的翻译从该西班牙语。 From this polyglot it found its way into the celebrated Ferrara Bible of 1553, which bears the title "Biblia en Lengua Española, Traduzida Palabra por Palabra de la Verdad Hebrayca por Muy Excellentes Letrados, Vista y Examinada por el Oficio de la Inquisicion. Con Privilegio del Ylustrissimo Señor Duque de Ferrara."从这个polyglot它找到了自己的方式进入庆祝费拉拉圣经的1553年,熊,题目是“圣经英文lengua西班牙, traduzida palabra每间房palabra德香格里拉verdad hebrayca每间房muy excellentes letrados , Vista的y examinada每间房下午oficio德香格里拉inquisicion 。结论privilegio删除ylustrissimo señor杜克德费拉拉“ 。 Two editions seem to have been published: one, for Jews, signed by Abraham Usque; the other, for Christians, signed by Jerome of Vargas (De los Rios, "Juifs d'Espagne," p. 432).这两个版本似乎已经出版: 1 ,为犹太人,签署了由石礼谦usque ;另一方面,为基督教徒,签署了由Jerome的瓦加斯(德洛杉矶里奥斯, “ juifs -e spagne, ” 4 32页) 。 De los Rios (lcp 436) thinks that the author of "Retratos o Tablas de las Historias del Testamento Viejo," Lyons, 1543, a popular exposition of the Bible, was a Marano; but this does not seem to have been proved.德洛杉矶里奥斯( LCP的436 )认为,作者“ retratos o tablas德拉斯维加斯historias删除testamento viejo , ”里昂, 1543年,一个受欢迎的论述,圣经,是一个玛拉诺;不过,这并不似乎已得到证实。

The Ferrara Bible of 1553 became the basis for the Spanish and Ladino translations which were published at Salonica and Amsterdam.该费拉拉圣经成为1553年的基础上为西班牙语和拉迪诺翻译出版了在萨洛尼卡和阿姆斯特丹。 This is seen also in the title, which usually runs "Biblia en Lengua Española, Traduzida Palabra por Palabra de la Verdad Hebrayca."这也被认为是在标题中,通常运行“圣经英文lengua西班牙, traduzida palabra每间房palabra德香格里拉verdad hebrayca ” 。 This is also true of the " con Ladino y Agora Nos a Parecedo Comenzar de los ," etc., published by Joseph b.这也是真正的“结论拉迪诺y键数一parecedo comenzar德洛杉矶”等,出版了由约瑟夫乙 Isaac b.艾萨克乙 Joseph Jabez in 1568, as Kayserling (lcp 28) has clearly shown.约瑟夫老板在1568年,作为kayserling ( LCP的28 )清楚地表明了。 In Amsterdam the translation remained substantially the same, though it was often revised ("reformada"): 1611; 1630 and 1646, Gillis Joost; corrected by Samuel de Caceres and printed by Joseph Athias (1661);corrected by Isaac de Abraham Dias and printed by David Fernandes (1726); "con las annotaciones de Or Torah," Proops, 1762.在阿姆斯特丹的翻译仍大致相同,虽然它往往是订正( “ reformada ” ) : 1611 ; 1630年和1646年, Gillis的joost ;更正塞缪尔德卡塞雷斯和印刷由约瑟夫阿蒂亚斯( 1661 ) ;更正艾萨克德石礼谦迪亚斯和印由David费尔南德斯( 1726 ) ; “结论拉斯维加斯annotaciones德或诵读经文, ” proops , 1762 。 This translation also appeared in Venice, 1730; Constantinople, 1739-43; idem, 1745; Vienna (ed. by Israel Bahor Haim and Aaron Pollak), 1813-16; and Smyrna, 1838.这翻译也出现在威尼斯, 1730年;君士坦丁堡, 1739年至1743年;同上, 1745年;维也纳(编由以色列bahor海姆和亚伦pollak ) , 1813年至1816年;士麦那, 1838 。 A Ladino translation, in Rashi script, was published at Vienna, 1841 (2d ed., 1853), by WS Schauffler for the American Bible Society (see Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the society, 1842, p. 120). 1拉迪诺翻译,在rashi脚本,发表在维也纳, 1841年(第2版, 1853 ) ,由被肖夫勒为美国圣经协会(见20 -第六次年度报告,社会, 1842年,第120页) 。 According to Grünbaum, it bears many points of resemblance to the Pentateuch of 1547 and to the Ferrara Bible.据grünbaum ,它有许多相似点,向pentateuch的1547年和到费拉拉圣经。 Various portions of this translation appeared separately, an edition of the Pentateuch appearing in the same year (1553) and at Ferrara.各部分的翻译,这似乎是分开,一版的pentateuch出现在同一年( 1553年)和费拉拉。

To this may be added the following:这可能会增加以下内容:

"Humas de Parasioth y Aftharoth," ed. “ humas德parasioth y aftharoth , ”教育署。 Manasseh ben Israel, Amsterdam, 1627; ed.玛本以色列,阿姆斯特丹, 1627年;海关。 Ymanuel Benveniste, ib. ymanuel本韦尼斯特,兴业。 1643; another edition was published by Manasseh himself, ib. 1643年;另一个版本是出版的玛自己,兴业。 1655 (though he says of it, "Obra nueva y de mucha utilidad"); "Parafrasis Comentada sobre el Pentateucho," ed. 1655年(虽然他说的, “合同的新国家y德木栅utilidad ” ) ; “ parafrasis comentada关于下午pentateucho , ”教育署。 Isaac da Fonseca Aboab, ib.艾萨克达丰塞卡aboab ,兴业。 1681; "Cinco Libros de la Ley Divina . . . de Nuevo Corrigidos," by David Tartas, ib. 1681年“ ;五月五日libros德香格里拉ley divina 。 。 。德新corrigidos , ”由David塔尔塔斯,兴业。 1691; "Los Cinco Libros . . . Interpretados en Lengua Española," ed. 1691年“ ;洛杉矶五月五日libros 。 。 。 interpretados恩lengua西班牙, ”教育署。 Joseph Franco Serrano, ib.约瑟夫佛朗哥塞拉诺,兴业。 1695; 1705 and 1724 (Isaac de Cordova); "Cinco Libros," corrected by David de Elisha Pereyra, ib. 1695 ; 1705年和1724年(艾萨克德科尔多瓦) ; “五月五日libros , ”更正大卫德以利沙pereyra ,兴业。 1733; "El Libro de la Ley," published in Constantinople in 1873, is, according to Grünbaum (lc 12), a different translation. 1733年; “下午libro德香格里拉ley ,发表的”君士坦丁堡在1873年,是根据grünbaum (立法会12 ) ,不同的翻译。

The Psalms were reprinted: Ferrara, 1553; Salonica, 1582; Amsterdam, 1628, 1730; Vienna, 1822; Constantinople, 1836.该诗篇均转载:费拉拉, 1553年;萨洛尼卡, 1582年;阿姆斯特丹, 1628年, 1730年;维也纳, 1822年;君士坦丁堡, 1836 。 Several other translations of the Psalms were produced during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.其他几个翻译的诗篇制作期间,第十七和第十八世纪。 David Abenatar Melo, a Marano who escaped the Inquisition at Madrid and became a Jew again in 1611, published in 1626 ("En Franquaforte") "Los CL Psalmos de David, en Lengua Española, en Varias Rimas."朱abenatar甜瓜,玛拉诺谁逃脱探讨在马德里,并成为犹太人再次在1611年,发表在1626年( “英文franquaforte ” ) “洛杉矶多款psalmos德,朱,英文lengua西班牙,英文varias rimas ” 。 In these Psalms he has inserted, when appropriate, an account of his own and his people's sufferings (De los Rios, lc pp. 468 et seq.; Kayserling, "Bibl. Esp.-Port.-Jud." pp. 67, 68).在这些诗篇,他插入,在适当时,交代他自己和他的人民的苦难(德洛杉矶里奥斯,立法会页。 468等法律。 ; kayserling , “ bibl 。 English ) - port. - jud ” 。页。 67 , 68 ) 。 A prose translation was made by Ephraim Bueno and Jonah Abravanel (Amsterdam, 1650; 2d edition, 1723; see De los Rios, lcp 498).散文翻译是由ephraim布埃诺和约拿abravanel (阿姆斯特丹, 1650年;二维版, 1723年;见德洛杉矶里奥斯, LCP的498 ) 。 A third translation was made by Jacob Judah Leon Templo (, "Las Alabancas de Santidad," Amsterdam, 1671)-a verbatim prose translation of the original (De los Rios, lcp 570; Kayserling, lcp 58).第三个翻译是由雅各布犹大里昂模板( “拉斯维加斯alabancas德santidad , ”阿姆斯特丹, 1671 ) -逐字翻译散文原(德洛杉矶里奥斯, LCP的570 ; kayserling , LCP的58 ) 。

Of all the Biblical books, Canticles was most frequently reprinted.所有圣经的书籍, canticles是最常见的转载。 A translation was published in Hamburg, 1631, by David Cohen Carlos "de lengua Caldayca"; but the favorite rendering was that of Abraham de Isaac Lañado, published in Hebrew characters at Venice, 1619, 1654, 1655, 1672, 1716, 1721, 1739, 1805; Leghorn, 1769, 1787; Vienna, 1820.翻译出版了在汉堡, 1631年,由大卫科恩卡洛斯“德lengua caldayca ” ;但最喜爱的绘制是亚伯拉罕的德艾萨克lañado ,刊登在希伯来语的字符在威尼斯, 1619年, 1654年, 1655年, 1672年, 1716年, 1721年, 1739年, 1805年;莱航, 1769年, 1787年;维也纳, 1820 。 The Venice edition was published in Roman characters by Moses Belmonte, Amsterdam, 1644, and was reprinted at Amsterdam, 1664, 1683, 1701, 1712, 1724, and 1766.在威尼斯版出版在罗马字符由郑慕智贝尔蒙特,阿姆斯特丹, 1644年,并转载于阿姆斯特丹, 1664年, 1683年, 1701年, 1712年, 1724年和1766年。 An edition of the Megillot appeared at Constantinople in 1813 (see Kayserling, lcp 30); a Megillah in Spanish, dating from the early part of the eighteenth century, exists in the British Museum ("Jewish Chron." March 21, 1902, p. 24); but the provenience of the translation is unknown (on such Megillot see Abrahams, "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages," p. 345).一版的megillot出现在君士坦丁堡在1813年(见kayserling , LCP的30 ) ; megillah在西班牙语,约会从早期的一部分,十八世纪,存在于大英博物馆( “犹太慢性。 ” 1902年3月21日,磷。 24 ) ;但provenience的翻译是未知的(对等megillot看到亚伯拉罕, “犹太人生活在中世纪, ”第345页) 。 A Portuguese translation of the Psalms, under the title "Espejo Fiel de Vidas," by Daniel Israel Lopez Laguna, appeared in London, 1720 (Kayserling, lcp 55). 1葡萄牙语翻译的诗篇,标题下的“ espejo觉得德vidas , ”丹尼尔以色列洛佩兹丽港城,出现在伦敦, 1720 ( kayserling , LCP的55段) 。

Italian Versions.意大利的版本。

Both Zunz ("GV" 2d ed., p. 457) and Güdemann ("Erziehungswesen in Italien," p. 206) refer to early translations of the Bible into Italian; the latter even speaks of their existence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.双方聪茨( “货车”二维版,第457号)和güdemann ( “ erziehungswesen在意大利, ”页206 )是指早期的翻译圣经到意大利;后者甚至说,他们的存在,在第十三和第十四世纪。 Steinschneider has shown ("Monatsschrift," xlii. 117) that this is an error. steinschneider已经显示( “ monatsschrift , ”四十二。 117 )认为,这是一个错误。 It is true that some of the authorities (such as Zedekiah ben Abraham and Isaiah de Trani, the younger) laid stress upon the necessity of translating the Bible into the speech of the country; but Judah 'Azahel del Bene (Ferrara, c. 1650) advised against the practise of teaching girls Italian, as he feared they would conceive a love for amorous poetry (Vogelstein and Rieger, "Juden in Rom," ii. 300).这是事实的一些有关当局(如泽德基亚本亚伯拉罕和以赛亚书德trani ,年轻的)奠定了压力的必要性,翻译圣经到讲话的国家,但犹大' azahel删除好处(费拉拉,长1650 )建议对实践教学的意大利女孩,因为他担心他们会设想爱amorous诗歌(沃格尔斯坦和丽格, “ juden在ROM , ”二。 300 ) 。 It was not before the sixteenth century that attempts were made to produce versions of portions of the Bible in Italian.这不是前十六世纪,试图作出生产版本的部分圣经在意大利。 Steinschneider (lcp 318) has given a list of the existing manuscript translations. steinschneider ( LCP的318 )已获得一份列出的现有手稿翻译。 It was toward the end of that century that the first translations were published.这是对年底这世纪第一次翻译出版。 David de Pomis (died after 1593) brought out an edition of Ecclesiastes with Italian translation at Venice in 1571.大卫德pomis (后死亡1593 )带出了一版传道书与意大利语翻译在威尼斯,在1571年。 It was dedicated to Cardinal Grimani of Aquileja (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 218).这是致力于枢机主教格里马尼的aquileja ( steinschneider , “猫。 bodl 。 ”第218号) 。 He also translated Job and Psalms, but never published them ("Monatsschrift," xliii. 32).他还翻译工作和诗篇,但从来没有发表他们的( “ monatsschrift , ”四十三32段) 。 Hezekiah Rieti published (Venice, 1617) the text of Proverbs with Italian translation ("Cat. Bodl." No. 418); but no reliable account can be found of a translation of Job (Rome, 1773) mentioned by Zunz. hezekiah经济产业研究所出版(威尼斯, 1617年)的案文谚语与意大利语翻译( “猫。 bodl 。 ”第418号) ;但没有可靠的帐户中可以找到一个翻译的工作(罗马, 1773年)所提到的聪茨。 The translations made in the nineteenth century were all more or less under the influence of Mendelssohn's biur.翻译取得了在19世纪都更多或更少的影响下,孟德尔逊的biur 。 In 1818 IS Reggio published at Vienna, as a specimen, ten verses of Genesis.在1818年是勒佐卡拉发表在维也纳,作为一个标本, 10诗的成因。 He then brought out the whole Pentateuch ( "colla Traduzione Italiana"), Vienna, 1821; and ten years later "Il Libro d'Isaia, Versione Poetica" (Udine, 1831).然后,他带出了整个pentateuch ( “ colla traduzione意大利” ) ,维也纳, 1821年和10年后的“白细胞介素libro -i saia, v ersionep oetica” (乌迪内, 1 831年) 。 Severe criticism was passed upon this version, because it seemed to weaken the force of many of the Messianic prophecies (see Fürst, "Bibl. Jud." iii. 140).严厉批评后,通过这个版本,因为它似乎削弱了力量,很多的弥赛亚的预言(见fürst , “ bibl 。 jud ” 。三, 140段) 。 In 1844 there appeared at Leghorn () an Italian translation of Job (Fürst, "Bibl. Jud." ii. 282, says it is by Luzzatto); and in 1872 a "Pentateuch, rev. von Letteris, mit Ital. Uebersetzung von Diodati" (Vienna; perhaps also London, 1836, 1864).在1844年出现在莱航( ) 1意大利语翻译工作( fürst , “ bibl 。 jud ” 。二, 282 ,说这是由luzzatto ) ;和在1872年“ pentateuch ,冯智活。冯letteris ,麻省理工学院瑞典。 uebersetzung冯迪奥达蒂“ (维也纳,或许也伦敦, 1836年, 1864年) 。 Lelio della Torre of Padua translated the Psalms (Vienna, 1845). lelio德拉托瑞的帕多瓦翻译诗篇(维也纳, 1845 ) 。 But these were completely overshadowed by the exact and careful versions of SD Luzzatto, whose poetical and literary judgment made him an excellent stylist (see "Hebr. Bibl." vi. 99; Elbogen, in "Monatsschrift," xliv. 460).但这些都完全蒙上阴影,确实和审慎版本的SD luzzatto ,其诗学和文学作出的判断,他一个很好的设计师(见“黑布尔。 bibl 。 ”六。 99 ;埃尔博根,在“ monatsschrift , ”四十四。 460 ) 。 He translated the greater part of the Old Testament: Isaiah ("Il Profeta Isaia Volgarizzato"), Padua, 1855-63; Pentateuch, Rovigo, 1860, Padua, 1876; Prophets, Rovigo, 1868; Isaiah, Padua, 1867; Job, Triest, 1853; generally with a valuable Hebrew commentary.他翻译了大部份的旧约圣经:以赛亚书( “白细胞介素profeta isaia volgarizzato ” ) ,帕多瓦, 1855年至1863年; pentateuch ,戈, 1860年,帕多瓦, 1876年;先知,戈, 1868年;以赛亚书,帕多瓦, 1867年;就业, triest , 1853年;普遍了一个宝贵的希伯来语评论。 Other Italian translations were produced: by Giuseppe Barzilai, "El Cantico dei Cantici" (Triest, 1865) in dramatic form, following Mandelstamm's and Horowitz's German translations; Lamentations (Trieste, 1867); by David Castelli, Ecclesiastes (Pisa, 1866); by Benjamin Consolo, Lamentations, Job, and Psalms (Florence?);by Gino Morpurgo, Ecclesiastes (Padua, 1898), and Esther (1899).其他意大利语翻译制作:由朱塞佩barzilai , “下午cantico dei cantici ” ( triest , 1865年)在戏剧的形式,以下mandelstamm的和霍洛维茨的德语翻译;悲叹(的里雅斯特, 1867 ) ;大卫castelli ,传道书(比萨, 1866 ) ;由Benjamin consolo ,悲叹,工作,和诗篇(佛罗伦斯? ) ;由吉诺Morpurgo ) ,传道书(帕多瓦, 1898 ) ,和Esther ( 1899年) 。

French Translations.法语翻译。

Translations of the Old Testament into French were not made by Jews prior to the first half of the nineteenth century.翻译的旧约圣经翻译成法文不作出犹太人之前,第一十九世纪下半叶。 In 1831 Samuel Cahen began a monumental work, "La Bible, Traduction Nouvelle" (Paris, 1833-46, in 18 volumes), to which were added many essays by Munk, Zunz, Dukes, and others, and also a somewhat rationalistic commentary.在1831年,黄秉槐cahen开始了气壮山河的工作, “香格里拉圣经, traduction nouvelle ” (巴黎, 1833年至1846年,在18卷) ,其中增加了许多散文munk ,聪茨,杜克斯,和其他人,也是一个有点理性的评论。 This work was somewhat severely criticized (Abbé BMB, "Quelques Mots sur la Traduction Nouvelle," etc., Paris, 1835; "Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1839, p. 30; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, pp. 368 et seq.; Wogue, "Hist. de la Bible," p. 342); but it held the field for many years.这项工作是有点严厉的批评( abbé bmb , “ quelques mots sur香格里拉traduction nouvelle ”等,巴黎, 1835年“ ; allg 。特。 jud万。 ” 1839年,第30页“ ; literaturblatt万定位, ” 1840年,聚丙烯。 368等法律。 ; wogue , “历史德拉圣经” ,页342 ) ;但它举行的领域很多年。 A more faithful version of the Pentateuch was published in 1860 by Lazare Wogue.一个更忠实版本的pentateuch发表在1860年由Lazare火车站wogue 。 Among other translators may be mentioned A. ben Baruch Créhange (Psalms), and B. Mossé of Avignon (Psalms).除其他译员可能会提到答:本baruch créhange (诗篇) ,和B mossé的亚维侬(诗篇) 。 But a popular and cheap Bible in French was sorely needed by the French Jews.但流行和廉价的圣经,在法语是急需的由法国犹太人。 Such a work has been taken in hand by the present chief rabbi of France, Zadok Kahn, and the other members of the French rabbinate.这样的工作,已采取在手,由目前的首席拉比法国,扎多克卡恩,和其他成员的法语rabbinate 。 Wogue's translation was employed as the basis for the Pentateuch. wogue的翻译是受雇为基础,为pentateuch 。 The author himself made the necessary corrections; and before his death he was able to finish the translation of the prophetical books down to the First Book of Kings (vol. i., Paris, 1899).作者自己作出必要的更正;和在他死之前,他能够完成翻译的prophetical书籍到的第一本书的国王(第一卷一,巴黎, 1899年) 。 At the same time and under the same auspices, a children's Bible ("Bible de la Jeunesse") is being brought out.在同一时间,并根据相同的主持下,一个儿童的圣经( “圣经德香格里拉青年” )是被带出来。

Dutch Translations.荷兰语翻译。

Few translations have been attempted by the Dutch Jews into their vernacular: the Spanish and Portuguese Jews in Holland made use of Spanish; the Ashkenazic Jews, of the Judæo-German version.数翻译已试图由荷兰犹太人到他们的白话:西班牙语和葡萄牙语的犹太人在荷兰取得使用西班牙语; ashkenazic犹太人,该judæo -德语版本。 The version of the Psalms in Dutch printed by Joseph Athias was made by Johann Leusden.该版本的诗篇在荷兰印刷约瑟夫阿蒂亚斯是由约翰leusden 。 During the nineteenth century translations were made by Samuel J. Mulder (see his "Tets over de Vertalingen der Heilige Schrift," Amsterdam, 1859): Pentateuch, 1826-42; Major Prophets, 1827; Five Scrolls, 1835, 3d ed.在十九世纪的翻译发了言,黄秉槐j.穆德(见他的“ tets超过德vertalingen明镜heilige schrift , ”阿姆斯特丹, 1859年) : pentateuch , 1826年至1842年;主要先知, 1827 ; 5卷, 1835年,三维教育署。 1859; Proverbs, 1836; Psalms, 1838; all published in Amsterdam. 1859年;谚语, 1836年;诗篇, 1838年;所有在阿姆斯特丹出版。 He also published a "Bijbel voor de Israel. Jeugd," Leyden, 1843-54.他还发表了“ bijbel荷兰荷兰由以色列。 jeugd , ”莱登, 1843年至1854年。 In 1844 Gabriel J. and MS Polak published a Dutch translation of Job, which was to have been followed by a translation of the Prophets and the Hagiographa.在1844年加布里埃尔J.和普勒女士出版了荷兰语的翻译工作,这是已被随后进行了翻译的先知和hagiographa 。 This seems never to have been completed.这似乎是永不已经完成。 A translation of Isaiah by GA Parsen also exists; while a new translation of the Pentateuch, together with Targum and Rashi, was brought out by AS Ondervijser in 1901.翻译以赛亚书由遗传算法parsen也存在,而一个新的翻译的pentateuch ,连同尔和rashi ,是带出了由作为ondervijser于1901年。

Jewish translations into Russian are of very recent date.犹太翻译成俄文是非常最近的日期。 The writer knows only of LI Mandelstamm's Psalms (Berlin, 1864; 3d ed. 1872), Pentateuch (, 3d ed., Berlin, 1872); Aaron Pumpiansky's Psalms (Warsaw, 1871); J. Cylkow's Psalms (1883); and a version of Esther in German (Hebrew characters) and Russian (Warsaw, 1889).笔者只知道李mandelstamm的诗篇(柏林, 1864年;三维教育署。 1872 ) , pentateuch ( ,三维版,柏林, 1872 ) ;阿伦pumpiansky的诗篇(华沙, 1871年)的J. cylkow奇摩诗篇( 1883 ) ;和版本的埃丝特在德国(希伯来文字符)和俄罗斯(华沙, 1889年) 。 A Polish translation has been published by D. Neufeld. 1波兰语翻译已出版四neufeld 。

Crawford Howell Toy, Richard Gottheil克劳福德霍维尔玩具,理查德戈特海尔
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书, 1901年至1906年之间出版的。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
See especially Steinschneider, Cat.尤其见steinschneider ,猫。 Bodl. bodl 。 cols.列。 1-198; 1-198 ;

idem, Jewish Literature, pp.同上,犹太文学,聚丙烯。 232 et seq.; Jost, Neuere Gesch. 232条及以下各条。 ; jost , neuere gesch 。 der Israeliten, iii.明镜israeliten ,三。 37, 139, 161; Kayserling, in Winter and Wünsche, Die Jüdische Literatur, iii. 37 , 139 , 161 ; kayserling ,在冬季和wünsche ,模具jüdische文学,三。 751 et seq.; Jacobs and Wolf, Bibl.第751条