Apostolic Fathers使徒教父

General Information一般资料

The Apostolic Fathers were authors of nonbiblical church writings of the 1st and early 2nd centuries.使徒的父亲都是第一届和第二世纪初nonbiblical教会著作的作者。These works are important because their authors presumably knew the Apostles or their associates.这些作品是重要的,因为它们的作者大概知道使徒或他们的联营公司。The first list of the Apostolic Fathers was made by 17th-century scholars; it comprised Clement I, Hermas, Ignatius of Antioch, Polycarp, and the author of the Epistle of Barnabas.在使徒的祖宗,初次名单是由17世纪的学者,它由克莱门特我,黑马,伊格内修的安提阿,波利卡普,以及巴拿巴书信。 Later, other writers such as Papias of Hierapolis and the authors of the Epistle to Diognetus and of the Didache were also considered Apostolic Fathers.后来,其他作家如希拉波利斯帕皮亚和书信的作者们Diognetus和十二使徒遗训也被认为使徒的父亲。Expressing pastoral concern, their writings are similar in style to the New Testament.田园表示关注,他们的著作是在风格类似的新约。Some of their writings, in fact, were venerated as Scripture before the official canon was decided.他们的一些著作,事实上,被尊崇为圣经正典之前,正式决定。

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Bibliography 参考书目
Staniforth, Maxwell, trans., Early Christian Writings: The Apostolic Fathers (1975); Willis, John R., A History of Christian Thought: From Apostolic Times to Saint Augustine (1976). Staniforth,麦克斯韦,反,早期基督教的著作:使徒父亲(1975年);威利斯,约翰R,一个基督教思想史:。从使徒时代的圣奥古斯丁(1976年)。


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The Patristic Era教父时代

General Information一般资料

This interval extended from about 100 to 170 AD, when the Apostolic Fathers had replaced the apostles.此间隔延长至约100至公元170,当使徒的父亲已取代使徒。This group of individuals included a number of teachers and bishops: eg Clement of Alexandria, Irenaeus, Origen, Polycarp, Tertullian.这一群人包括教师和主教人数:如亚历山大,爱任纽,俄,波利卡普,良克莱门特。

Early in this era, the church evolved into a more formal organization, the monarchial episcopate, in which bishops were recognized as having authority over the leaders of the individual congregations.早在这个时代,更教会正式组织演变成一个,在君主制主教,教区主教,其中确认为个人拥有的权力过的领导人。 The bishops decided matters of belief and practice within their jurisdiction.主教们决定其管辖范围内的信仰和实践问题。


Fathers of the Church父亲教会

General Information一般资料

During the first three centuries of Christian history, only bishops were called Fathers of the Church.在头三个世纪的基督教历史中,只有主教被称为教会的神父。The title was later extended to all learned church writers of antiquity recognized for their orthodoxy of doctrine and holiness of life.标题后来扩大到所有的古代教会为他们学习和生活圣洁教义的正统认可的作家。The last of the fathers are generally considered to be Saint Isidore of Seville (d. 636) in the West and Saint John Damascene (dc750) in the East.的父亲最后被普遍认为是圣伊西多尔的塞维利亚(四636)在西方和圣约翰大马士革(dc750)在东方。Some of the preeminent fathers have also been designated as Doctors of the Church, a title of later origin.在一些杰出的父亲也被指定为教会,医生后来的原产地称号。


Fathers of the Church父亲教会

General Information一般资料

Fathers of the Church, name given by the Christian church to the writers who established Christian doctrine before the 8th century.父亲的教会,由基督教教会的作家谁给前8世纪建立的基督教教义的名称。The writings of the Fathers, or patristic literature, synthesized Christian doctrine as found in the Bible, especially the Gospels, the writings of the Apostolic Fathers, ecclesiastical dictums, and decisions of church councils (see Council).的父亲,或教父文学著作,如合成基督教教义在圣经中找到,特别是福音,使徒的父亲,教会的格言的著作,并教会理事会(见理事会)的决定。 They provided a standardized body of Christian teaching for transmission to the peoples of the Roman Empire.他们提供了一个传播基督教教义的标准化机构的罗马帝国的人民。The so-called Doctors of the Church consist of four Western Fathers, including Saints Ambrose, Augustine, Pope Gregory I, and Jerome, and four Eastern Fathers, including Saints Athanasius, Basil, John Chrysostom, and Gregory of Nazianzus. The earlier Eastern Fathers, including Clement of Alexandria, St. Justin Martyr, and Origen, were strongly influenced by Greek philosophy.所谓的医生对教会的所谓包括四个西方的父亲,包括圣徒刘汉铨,奥古斯丁,教皇格里高利一世,杰罗姆和东部四个父亲,包括他那修圣人,罗勒,约翰金口,格雷戈里的nazianzus。较早的东部父亲包括克莱门特的亚历山德里亚,圣贾斯汀烈士,和奥利,强烈影响了希腊哲学。 The Western Fathers, however, including Tertullian and Saints Gregory I and Jerome, generally avoided the synthesis of pagan and Christian thought.西方的父亲,但是,包括良和圣格雷戈里我和杰罗姆,一般避免了异教徒和基督教思想的合成。

The church established four qualifications for bestowing the honorary title of church father on an early writer.教会成立初期给予的一个作家的父亲教会四个荣誉称号的资格。In addition to belonging to the early period of the church, a Father of the Church must have led a holy life.除了属于早期的教会,是教会的父亲必须有过着圣洁的生活。His writings must be generally free from doctrinal error and must contain an outstanding defense or explanation of Christian doctrine.他的著作,必须从理论上一般错误和必须包含一个杰出的国防或基督教的教义解释。Finally, his writings must have received the approval of the church.最后,他的作品必须接受教会的批准。


Fathers of the Church父亲教会

Advanced Information先进的信息

Ecclesiastically, the fathers are those who have preceded us in the faith, and are thus able to instruct us in it.教规,父亲是那些谁已经先于我们的信念,并因此能够用来指导我们。In this sense, ministers and particularly bishops are often referred to as fathers.在这个意义上说,部长们,尤其是主教通常被称为父亲。More particularly, however, the term has come to be applied to the first Christian writers of acknowledged eminence.尤其是,然而,这个词已经被应用到公认的卓越第一基督教作家。Already in the fourth century it was used in this way of the teachers of the preceding epoch, and later all the outstanding theologians of at least the first six centuries have come to be regarded as fathers.早在第四世纪,它被用来在这个时代的前面,老师的方式,后来所有的至少前六百年来被视为杰出的神学家认为父亲。This is the normal usage of the term today, although sometimes the patristic era is extended and Protestants may also speak of the Reformation fathers (eg, Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin).这是今天的正常使用的术语,尽管有时教父的时代是新教徒可能延长,也讲父亲的改革(例如,路德,茨温利和加尔文)。

The question arises how a given author may be classified as a father.问题在于如何给定的作者可能是作为一个父亲归类。The mere survival of his work is not enough, for many heretical writings have come down to us, together with others of doubtful value.他的工作仅仅生存是不够的,很多邪教的著作已回落到我们,与其他人一起可疑的价值。Four main characteristics have been suggested as necessary qualifications: first, substantial orthodoxy; second, holiness of life; third, widespread approval; and fourth, antiquity.四个主要特点已被建议作为必要的资格:第一,大量的正统;第二,圣洁的生活,三是广泛认可;第四,古老。It is allowed that fathers may be in error on individual points, as neccessitated by the many disagreements, but they can still be counted and read as fathers so long as they satisfy these general requirements (cf. esp. the cases of Origen and Tertullian).这是允许的,父亲可能是由上许多分歧neccessitated个别点,错误,但他们仍然可以被计算并作为父亲读了那么只要满足这些一般要求(见尤。奥利和良的案件) 。

Various answers may be given to the question of patristic authority.各种各样的回答可能是考虑到问题的教父的权威。From the Roman Catholic standpoint, the fathers are infallible where they display unanimous consent, although even in this regard Aquinas clearly ranks them below Scripture.从罗马天主教会的立场,父亲是万无一失的,他们甚至显示,虽然在这方面显然行列阿奎那以下经文他们一致同意。 Otherwise they may err, but are always to be read with respect.否则,他们可能会犯错,但总是要尊重阅读。Protestants naturally insist that the fathers too are subject to the supreme norm of Scripture, so that their statements or interpretations may call for rejection, correction, or amplification.新教徒自然坚持认为,父亲也受圣经的最高准则,因此,他们的发言或诠释可能要求排斥反应,纠正或放大。 On the other hand, they deserve serious consideration as those who have preceded us in faith and made a serious attempt to express biblical and apostolic truth.另一方面,他们应该为那些谁早于我们的信仰,并提出了认真的努力来表达圣经和使徒的真理认真考虑。Their support is thus valuable, their opinions demand careful study, they are to be set aside only for good reason, and their work constitutes no less a challenge to us than ours to them.因此,他们的支持是有价值的,他们的意见要求认真研究,他们将被搁置有很好的理由而已,他们的工作是不低于我们的挑战给我们给他们。

To list the fathers is hardly possible in so brief a compass, nor is it easy to classify them except perhaps in terms of the broad distinction between Greek and Latin.要列出的父亲是很难在如此短暂的指南针可能​​的,也不是容易的分类也许除了在希腊和拉丁美洲之间的广泛问题上为他们的区别。 Mention may be made of the immediate postapostolic fathers who have given us our earliest Christian literature outside the NT (eg, Clement of Rome, Ignatius of Antioch, and Polycarp).可以提到的是谁给了我们,我们最早新台币外(例如,罗马,安提阿的伊格克莱门特和波利卡普)基督教文学立即postapostolic父亲。 The Alexandrian school (Clement and Origen) at the end of the second and early in the third century deserves notice, as do such writers as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, and Cyprian.亚历山大学校在第二和第三世纪初结束值得的通知(克莱门特和奥利),如做依,良,西波吕,和塞浦路斯等作家。The fourth century, which was already referring to the fathers, provides us with some of the greatest of all in men like Athanasius, Hilary, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus, Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom, and Jerome.第四个世纪,这是已经提到父亲,提供了最伟大的一些像亚他那修,希拉里,罗勒,对果树,的nazianzus,刘汉铨,奥古斯丁,金口,杰罗姆格雷戈里格雷戈里男人我们。 Among others who may be mentioned are the Cyrils, Theodoret, the two popes Leo I and Gregory I, and at the very end of the patristic period John of Damascus and Isidore of Seville.谁是其中提到的其他可能的齐里尔斯,Theodoret,两个教皇利奥我和格里高利一世,并于教父期间大马士革和塞维利亚伊西多尔约翰到底。 But these are only a selection from the great company of writers who over a wide and complex front gave to the church its earliest magnificent attempt in theology.但这些都只是从作家谁在广泛和复杂的前送给教会在神学宏伟最早尝试伟大的公司的选择。

GW Bromiley毛重罗米立
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) (Elwell宣布了福音字典)

Bibliography 参考书目
LCCI-VIII; ANF and NPNF; GW Bromiley, Historical Theology, Pt.伦敦商会至第八; ANF和NPNF;毛重罗米立,历史神学,铂。I; GWH Lampe in A History of Christian Doctrine, ed.我;广东白马兰佩在基督教教义的历史,教育署。H. Cunliffe-Jones; JND Kelley, Early Christian Doctrines; B. Altaner, Patrology.阁下坎利夫琼斯; JND的凯利,早期基督教教义;乙Altaner,Patrology。


The Apostolic Fathers使徒的父亲

Catholic Information天主教新闻

Christian writers of the first and second centuries who are known, or are considered, to have had personal relations with some of the Apostles, or to have been so influenced by them that their writings may be held as echoes of genuine Apostolic teaching.第一次和第二次谁是已知的,或者被认为是几个世纪以来,基督教作家曾与一些个人的使徒关系,或已如此受到它们的影响,他们的著作可以被视为真正的使徒教学回声举行。 Though restricted by some to those who were actually disciples of the Apostles, the term applies by extension to certain writers who were previously believed to have been such, and virtually embraces all the remains of primitive Christian literature antedating the great apologies of the second century, and forming the link of tradition that binds these latter writings to those of the New Testament.虽然一些restricted to那些谁是真正的使徒弟子,延长的刑期以内to谁相信某些作家以前有过这样适用,而且几乎涵盖所有的遗体原始基督教antedating的第二个世纪的伟大apologies文学,并形成了传统的链接,后者结合这些著作的新约圣经的。

The name was apparently unknown in Christian literature before the end of the seventeenth century.这个名字显然是在基督教文学未知前十七世纪末。The term Apostolic, however, was commonly used to qualify Churches, persons, writings, etc. from the early second century, when St. Ignatius, in the exordium of his Epistle to the Trallians, saluted their Church "after the Apostolic manner."使徒一词,但是,常用的有资格的教堂,人,著作,从早期的第二个世纪时,圣依纳爵,在他的书信绪论到Trallians,赞扬他们的教堂等“之后的使徒的方式。” In 1672 Jean Baptiste Cotelier (Cotelerius) published his "SS. Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floruerunt opera", which title was abbreviated to "Bibliotheca Patrum Apostolicorum" by LJ Ittig in his edition (Leipzig, 1699) of the same writings.在1672年让巴蒂斯特Cotelier(Cotelerius)出版他的“党卫军。Patrum魁temporibus apostolicis floruerunt歌剧”,同著作的标题是由LJ Ittig简称为“书目Patrum Apostolicorum”在他的版本(莱比锡,1699)。Since then the term has been universally used.自那时起,任期已得到普遍使用。

The list of Fathers included under this title has varied, literary criticism having removed some who were formerly considered as second-century writers, while the publication (Constantinople, 1883) of the Didache has added one to the list.根据本题列入名单的父亲不同,文学批评已取消谁是前身为第二世纪的作家考虑到一些,而十二使徒遗训出版物(君士坦丁堡,1883年)增加了一到列表中。 Chief in importance are the three first-century Bishops: St. Clement of Rome, St. Ignatius of Antioch, and St. Polycarp of Smyrna, of whose intimate personal relations with the Apostles there is no doubt.其重要性主要有三个第一世纪的主教:圣克莱门特的罗马,圣依纳爵的安提阿,和圣波利卡普的士麦那,其亲密的个人关系与使徒这是毫无疑问。 Clement, Bishop of Rome and third successor of St. Peter in the Papacy, "had seen the blessed Apostles [Peter and Paul] and had been conversant with them" (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., III, iii, 3).克莱门特,罗马主教和圣彼得在罗马教皇的第三继承人,“看到了幸福使徒[彼得和保罗],并已与他们熟悉”(依,高级。Haer。,三,三,3)。 Ignatius was the second successor of St. Peter in the See of Antioch (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, 36) and during his life in that centre of Christian activity may have met with others of the Apostolic band.伊格是圣彼得的安提阿见第二继承人(尤西比乌斯,历史。传道书。,三,36岁)和他在这期间,基督教活动中心生命可能与其他人会面带使徒。 An accepted tradition, substantiated by the similarity of Ignatius's thought with the ideas of the Johannine writings, declares him a disciple of St. John.一个公认的传统,由伊格的思想与观念的相似性johannine著作属实,宣布他的圣约翰弟子。Polycarp was "instructed by Apostles" (Irenaeus, op. cit., III, iii, 4) and had been a disciple of St. John (Eusebius, op. cit., III, 36; V, 20) whose contemporary he was for nearly twenty years.波利卡普是“指示由使徒”,并曾担任圣约翰弟子(爱任纽,同上,三,三,四。。)(尤西比乌斯,前引书,三,36;。。五,20)他是当代的近二十年。

Besides these, whose rank as Apostolic Fathers in the strictest sense is undisputed, there are two first-century writers whose place with them is generally conceded: the author of the Didache and the author of the "Epistle of Barnabas".除了这些,父亲作为使徒的职级,在严格的意义上是无可争议的,有两个一世纪的作家的地方与他们普遍承认:对作者和十二使徒遗训的“巴拿巴书信”的作者。 The former affirms that his teaching is that of the Apostles, and his work, perhaps the earliest extant piece of uninspired Christian literature, gives colour to his claim; the latter, even if he be not the Apostle and companion of St. Paul, is held by many to have written during the last decade of the first century, and may have come under direct Apostolic influence, though his Epistle does not clearly suggest it.前者肯定了他的教学是,使徒,他的工作,也许是最早的基督教文学现存的作品缺乏创意,给他的要求的颜色,后者,即使他是不是和同伴的圣使徒保罗,许多举行写在第一个世纪的最后十年,并可能受到直接影响使徒来,尽管他的书中没有明确表明它。

By extension of the term to comprise the extant extra-canonical literature of the sub-Apostolic age, it is made to include the "Shepherd" of Hermas, the New Testament prophet, who was believed to be the one referred to by St. Paul (Rom. xvi, 14), but whom a safer tradition makes a brother of Pope Pius I (c. 140-150); the meagre fragments of the "Expositions of the Discourses of the Lord", by Papias, who may have been a disciple of St. John (Irenaeus, Adv. Haer., V, 331-334), though more probably he received his teaching at second hand from a "presbyter" of that name (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, 39); the "Letter to Diognetus", the unknown author of which affirms his discipleship with the Apostles, but his claim must be taken in the broad sense of conformity in spirit and teaching.通过对任期延长至包括​​现存的课外典型的分使徒时代的文学,它是向包括“牧羊人”的hermas,新约先知,谁被认为是一提到圣保罗(罗马书十六,14),但其中一个更安全的传统,使我的教皇皮乌斯(约140-150)兄弟的,由帕皮亚的“主的话语博览会”微薄的片段,谁可能被弟子的圣约翰(依,高级。Haer。,五,331-334),但更可能是他获得第二手从一个“长老”他的教学中该名称(尤西比乌斯,历史。传道书。,三,39 ),而“信Diognetus”中,不知名的作者,其中肯定他与使徒的门徒,但他的要求必须在合格的精神,采取广义的教学。In addition to these there were formerly included apocryphal writings of some of the above Fathers, the "Constitutions" and "Canons of the Apostles" and the works accredited to Dionysius the Areopagite, who, though himself a disciple of the Apostles, was not the author of the works bearing his name.除了上述这些有父亲的一些猜测,包括以前的著作,在“宪法”和“大炮的使徒”,而工程派驻戴奥尼夏Areopagite,谁,但自己是弟子的使徒,是不是作者的作品他的名字命名。 Though generally rejected, the homily of Pseudo-Clement (Epistola secunda Clementis) is by some considered as being as worthy of a place among the Apostolic Fathers, as is its contemporary, the "Shepherd" of Hermas.虽然普遍被接纳,伪克莱门特(书信集塞康达Clementis)讲道是一样的父亲之间发生的使徒值得考虑一些,这是它的当代,“牧羊人”的hermas。

The period of time covered by these writings extends from the last two decades of the first century for the Didache (80-100), Clement (c. 97), and probably Pseudo-Barnabas (96-98), through the first half of the second century, the approximate chronology being Ignatius, 110-117; Polycarp, 110-120; Hermas, in its present form, c.150; Papias, c.150.由这些作品涵盖时间从过去的两个世纪的十二使徒遗训十年(80-100)扩展,克莱门特(约97),并可能伪巴拿巴(96-98),通过上半年第二个世纪,年代大约是伊格,110-117;波利卡普,110-120;黑马,在其目前的形式,c.150;帕皮亚,c.150。 Geographically, Rome is represented by Clement and Hermas; Polycarp wrote from Smyrna, whence also Ignatius sent four of the seven epistles which he wrote on his way from Antioch through Asia Minor; Papias was Bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia; the Didache was written in Egypt or Syria; the letter of Barnabas in Alexandria.从地理上看,罗马为代表克莱门特和黑马;波利卡普写道士麦那,那里还派了七个伊格书信,他说,从安提阿途中经过小亚细亚,四名;帕皮亚是希拉波利斯主教在phrygia;在埃及的十二使徒遗训书面或叙利亚,在亚历山德里亚的巴拿巴信。

The writings of the Apostolic Fathers are generally epistolary in form, after the fashion of the canonical Epistles, and were written, for the greater part, not for the purpose of instructing Christians at large, but for the guidance of individuals or local churches in some passing need.的使徒父亲的著作,一般书信体的形式,后规范书信的方式,并写的较大部分并非为指导广大基督徒的目的,而是为了个人或局部教会在一些指导传递的需要。 Happily, the writers so amplified their theme that they combine to give a precious picture of the Christian community in the age which follows the death of St. John.令人高兴的是,作家,所以他们的主题,扩增结合起来,给他们一个基督教社区的时代,遵循圣约翰死亡珍贵的照片。Thus Clement, in paternal solicitude for the Churches committed to his care, endeavours to heal a dissension at Corinth and insists on the principles of unity and submission to authority, as best conducive to peace; Ignatius, fervent in his gratitude to the Churches which solaced him on his way to martyrdom, sends back letters of recognition, filled with admonitions against the prevailing heresy and highly spiritual exhortations to keep unity of faith in submission to the bishops; Polycarp, in forwarding Ignatian letters to Philippi, sends, as requested, a simple letter of advice and encouragement.因此克莱门特,在致力于教会照顾他父亲的关怀,努力医治在科林斯纠纷和团结的原则,坚持和服从权威,尽量有利于和平,伊格内修,在他的感谢热情的各教会安慰他途中殉难,发回的确认信,反对当时的异端与告诫和嘱托,充满高度的精神保持在提交信仰团结的主教;波利卡普,依纳爵在腓立转发信件,发送,如遇到要求,普通信函的建议和鼓励。 The letter of Pseudo-Barnabas and that to Diognetus, the one polemical, the other apologetic in tone, while retaining the same form, seem to have in view a wider circle of readers.对伪巴拿巴和信Diognetus,一个论战,在色调其他歉意,同时保留了相同的形式,似乎有鉴于更广泛的读者圈。 The other three are in the form of treatises: the Didache, a manual of moral and liturgical instruction; the "Shepherd", a book of edification, apocalyptic in form, is an allegorical representation of the Church, the faults of her children and their need of penance; the "Expositions" of Papias, an exegetical commentary on the Gospels.其他三个正处于论文形式:一个道德和礼仪的使用说明书十二使徒遗训;的“牧羊人”,是熏陶,在表格世界末日的书,是一个教会,她的孩子和他们的代表的过失寓言需要忏悔;的“世博会”的帕皮亚,一对福音训诂评注。

Written under such circumstances, the works of the Apostolic Fathers are not characterized by systematic expositions of doctrine or brilliancy of style.在这种情况下写的,但使徒父亲的作品特点是没有风格的辉煌学说或系统的论述。"Diognetus" alone evidences literary skill and refinement.“Diognetus”,仅证据文学技巧和完善。Ignatius stands out in relief by his striking personality and depth of view.伊格站在救灾由他个性鲜明的观点和深度。Each writes for his present purpose, with a view primarily to the actual needs of his auditors, but, in the exuberance of primitive charity and enthusiasm, his heart pours out its message of fidelity to the glorious Apostolic heritage, of encouragement in present difficulties, of solicitude for the future with its threatening dangers. Each经常为他现在的目的,用他的观点主要是为了审计人员的实际需要,但是,在原始的慈善和热情开怀,他的心娓娓道出其保真度信息使徒的光辉遗产在当前困难的鼓励下,为未来的危险与威胁的慰问。 The dominant tone is that of fervent devotion to the brethren in the Faith, revealing the depth and breadth of the zeal which was imparted to the writers by the Apostles.主基调是,热情奉献给弟兄们在信仰,揭示了深度和传授是由使徒作家热情广度。The letters of the three bishops, together with the Didache, voice sincerest praise of the Apostles, whose memory the writers hold in deep filial devotion; but their recognition of the unapproachable superiority of their masters is equally well borne out by the absence in their letters of that distinctly inspired tone that marks the Apostles' writings.这三个字母主教,连同十二使徒遗训,声音最诚挚的使徒,其内存在深的作家举行赞美孝顺,但他们对老师们的认可是难以接近的优势同样也证明了他们的信件中缺席这种明显的启发音,标志着使徒著作。 More abrupt, however, is the transition between the unpretentious style of the Apostolic Fathers and the scientific form of the treatises of the Fathers of the subsequent periods.更具突发性,但是,两者之间的使徒父亲谦逊作风和对以后​​期间的父亲的论文科学的形式过渡。

The fervent piety, the afterglow of the day of Apostolic spirituality, was not to be found again in such fullness and simplicity.虔诚的热情,在当天的使徒精神的余辉,并没有被发现在丰满和简单了。Letters breathing such sympathy and solicitude were held in high esteem by the early Christians and by some were given an authority little inferior to that of the Scriptures.英皇呼吸这样的同情和慰问举行了由早期的基督徒崇高的敬意,并给予一些权威的小劣于圣经的。The Epistle of Clement was read in the Sunday assemblies at Corinth during the second century and later (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, xvi; IV, xxiii); the letter of Barnabas was similarly honoured at Alexandria; Hermas was popular throughout Christendom, but particularly in the West.在书信的克莱门特在宣读集会在科林斯周日在第二世纪,后来(尤西比乌斯,历史传道书,三,十六;。。四,二十三)对巴拿巴信同样,在亚历山德里亚荣幸;黑马在整个基督教世界流行,尤其是在西方。 Clement of Alexandria quoted the Didache as "Scripture".克莱门特的亚历山德里亚引述“圣经”的十二使徒遗训。Some of the Apostolic Fathers are found in the oldest manuscripts of the New Testament at the end of the canonical writings: Clement was first made known through the "Codex Alexandrinus"; similarly, Hermas and Pseudo-Barnabas are appended to the canonical books in the "Codex Sinaiticus".有些父亲的使徒被发现在新约中的最古老的手稿在典型著作的结尾:克莱门特首次通过的“法典颈”之称;同样,黑马和伪巴拿巴被追加在对典型的书籍“法典西奈抄本”。 Standing between the New Testament era and the literary efflorescence of the late second century, these writers represent the original elements of Christian tradition.新约之间的时代和后期风化常务委员会第二个世纪的文学,这些作家代表基督教传统的原始元素。They make no pretension to treat of Christian doctrine and practice in a complete and scholarly manner and cannot, therefore, be expected to answer all the problems concerning Christian origins.他们不作任何自称的基督教教义和实践在一个完整的治疗和学术态度,不能,因此,可以预计将回答所有的问题,有关基督教的起源。 Their silence on any point does not imply their ignorance of it, much less its denial; nor do their assertions tell all that might be known.他们对任何一点沉默并不意味着对他们的无知,更遑其拒绝,也不做他们的主张告诉所有可能是已知的。The dogmatic value of their teaching is, however, of the highest order, considering the high antiquity of the documents and the competence of the authors to transmit the purest Apostolic doctrine.其教学教条式的价值,但是,最高顺序,考虑到远古的文件和作者的权限来传输最纯净的使徒教义。

This fact did not receive its due appreciation even during the period of medieval theological activity.这一事实没有得到,甚至在中世纪的神学活动期间应有的赞赏。The increased enthusiasm for positive theology which marked the seventeenth century centred attention on the Apostolic Fathers; since then they have been the eagerly-questioned witnesses to the beliefs and practice of the Church during the first half of the second century.神学的积极热情增加,这标志着围绕十七世纪的使徒父亲的注意,自那以后他们一直热切询问证人的信念和在第二个世纪上半叶的教会的做法。 Their teaching is based on the Scriptures, ie the Old Testament, and on the words of Jesus Christ and His Apostles.他们的教学是基于圣经,即旧约,以及对耶稣基督和他的门徒的话。The authority of the latter was decisive.后者的权力是决定性的。Though the New Testament canon was not yet, to judge from these writings, definitively fixed, it is significant that with the exception of the Third Epistle of St. John and possibly that of St. Paul to Philemon, every book of the New Testament is quoted or alluded to more or less clearly by one or another of the Apostolic Fathers, while the citations from the "apocrypha."虽然新约正典还没有一次,从这些作品最终固定,重要的是,随着第三个坟墓的圣约翰例外,可能是圣保罗腓利门书,每本书是新约引用或提到或多或少由一个或另一个明显的使徒父亲,而从引文“伪经”。 are extremely rare.极为罕见。 Of equal authority with the written word is that of oral tradition (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., III, xxxix; I Clem., vii), to which must be traced certain citations of the "Sayings" of Our Lord and the Apostles not found in the Scriptures.是用文字平等权力的口头传统(尤西比乌斯,历史传道书,三,第39届。。我克莱姆,七。),其中必须追溯到的“言”我们的主,没有一定的引用使徒发现在圣经。

Meagre as they necessarily are in their testimony, the Apostolic Fathers bear witness to the faith of Christians in the chief mysteries of the Divine Unity and Trinity.微薄,因为他们一定在他们的证词是,使徒父亲见证在统一的神圣奥秘和行政三位一体的基督徒的信仰。The Trinitarian formula occurs frequently.频繁发生的三位一体的公式。If the Divinity of the Holy Ghost is but once obscurely alluded to in Hermas, it must be remembered that the Church was as yet undisturbed by anti-Trinitarian heresies.如果圣灵是神,但一旦隐晦地暗示在黑马来,但必须记住,教会是反三位一体的异端邪说尚未不受干扰。The dominant error of the period was Docetism, and its refutation furnishes these writers with an occasion to deal at greater length with the Person of Jesus Christ.这个时期的主要错误是Docetism,其反驳furnishes同一个场合来处理这些作家在加强与耶稣基督的人的长度。 He is the Redeemer of whom men stood in need.他是站在谁的人需要救赎。Ignatius unhesitatingly calls Him God (Trall., vii; Eph., i, and passim).伊格毫不犹豫地称他为神(Trall.,七弗,我和各处。)。 The soteriology of the Epistles to the Hebrews forms the basis of their teaching.救世神学的书信的希伯来人形成了自己的教学基础。 Jesus Christ is our high-priest (I Clem., xxxvi-lxiv) in whose suffering and death is our redemption (Ignat., Eph., i, Magnes., ix; Barnab., v).耶稣基督是我们的高神父(我克莱姆,三十六- lxiv。)在他们的痛苦和死亡是我们的赎回(Ignat.,弗,我马格尼斯,第九条;。。。Barnab,五)。Diog., ix); whose blood is our ransom (I Clem., xii-xxi).Diog,九);。他的血液是我们的赎金(我克莱姆,第十二- 21)。。The fruits of Redemption, while not scientifically treated, are in a general way the destruction of death or of sin, the gift to man of immortal life, and the knowledge of God (Barnab., iv-v, vii, xiv; Did., xvl; I Clem., xxiv-xxv; Hermas, Simil., v, 6).赎回的成果,而不是科学地对待,在一般的方式是死亡或罪恶的破坏,对人类的不朽的生命,与神(Barnab.,四,五,七,十四知识礼物一样。 ,xvl,我克莱姆,二十四,二十五。黑马,Simil,五,六)。。Justification is received by faith and by works as well; and so clearly is the efficacy of good works insisted upon that it is futile to represent the Apostolic Fathers as failing to comprehend the pertinent teaching of St. Paul.理由是收到的信仰和工程,以及,等等显然是效能的优秀​​作品后的坚持是徒劳的代表是未能正确理解有关的教学圣保禄使徒的父亲。

The points of view of both St. Paul and St. James are cited and considered complementary (I Clem., xxxi, xxxiii, xxxv; Ignat. to Polyc., vi).目前两圣保罗和圣雅各福群的观点出发,认为互补的引用(我克莱姆,三十一,三十三,三十五。。。Ignat到Polyc,六)。 Good works are insisted on by Hermas (Vis., iii, 1 Simil., v, 3), and Barnabas proclaims (c. xix) their necessity for salvation.好的作品是坚持以黑马(Vis.,三,一Simil。,五,3),和巴拿巴宣布(三十九)为拯救其必要性。The Church, the "Catholic" Church, as Ignatius for the first time calls it (Smyrn., viii), takes the place of the chosen people; is the mystical body of Christ, the faithful being the members thereof, united by oneness of faith and hope, and by a charity which prompts to mutual assistance.教会,“天主教”教会的伊格内修,第一次调用它(Smyrn.,八),取所选择的人的地方;是基督,忠实作为其成员之,神秘的组织,由联合国合一信心和希望,由慈善机构提示互助。 This unity is secured by the hierarchical organization of the ministry and the due submission of inferiors to authority.这种统一是抵押该部层次的组织和权威地位低,由于提交。On this point the teaching of the Apostolic Fathers seems to stand for a marked development in advance of the practice of the Apostolic period.在这一点上教学的使徒父亲似乎对明显的发展站在使徒时期的实践的进步。 But it is to be noted that the familiar tone in which episcopal authority is treated precludes the possibility of its being a novelty.但是,这是必须指出,熟悉的音调中,主教的权力被视为排除了其作为一个新奇的可能性。The Didache may yet deal with "prophets", "Apostles", and itinerant missionaries (x-xi, xiii-xiv), but this is not a stage in development.十二使徒遗训可能尚未处理“先知”,“使徒”,和(x -十一,十三,十四)巡回传教士,但是这不是一个发展阶段。It is anomalous, outside the current of development.这是正常的,超出了目前的发展。Clement and Ignatius present the hierarchy, organized and complete, with its orders of bishops, priests, and deacons, ministers of the Eucharistic liturgy and administrators of temporalities.克莱门特和伊格目前层次,有组织的和完整的,与主教,司铎和执事,圣体圣事礼仪管理员部长和时间性的订单。 Clement's Epistle is the philosophy of "Apostolicity," and its corollary, episcopal succession.克莱门特的书信是“Apostolicity”,其必然结果,主教继任理念。

Ignatius gives in abundance practical illustrations of what Clement sets forth in principle.伊格让克莱门特在什么原则上规定了大量的实际例证。For Ignatius the bishop is the centre of unity (Ephesians 4), the authority whom all must obey as they would God, in whose place the bishop rules (Ignat. to Polyc., vi; Magnes., vi, xiii; Smyrn., viii, xi; Trail., xii); for unity with and submission to the bishop is the only security of faith.对于伊格主教是团结中心(以弗所书4),都必须服从权威的人,因为他们的神,在其地方主教规则(Ignat.到Polyc,六;。马格尼斯,六,十三。。Smyrn,第八,十一。步道,第十二章);的团结,并提交给主教是信仰的唯一的安全。 Supreme in the Church is he who holds the seat of St. Peter at Rome.在教会的最高是谁,他持有的圣彼得在罗马的座位。The intervention of Clement in the affairs of Corinth and the language of Ignatius in speaking of the Church of Rome in the exordium of his Epistle to the Romans must be understood in the light of Christ's charge to St. Peter.在科林斯的事务的干预克莱门特和伊格在罗马教会了他的发言说,罗马人书信绪论必须理解的语言,在基督的圣彼得充电灯。 One rounds out the other.一出其他的回合。The deepest reverence for the memory of St. Peter is visible in the writings of Clement and Ignatius.为圣彼得记忆最深的崇拜是在克莱门特和伊格内修的著作可见。They couple his name with that of St. Paul, and this effectually disproves the antagonism between these two Apostles which the Tübingen theory postulated in tracing the pretended development of a united church from the discordant Petrine and Pauline factions.他们夫妇他与圣保罗的名字,这有效地驳斥了这两种对立的蒂宾根大学的使徒理论在追查一个从不和谐伯多禄和保利娜联合教会派别假装发展假设。 Among the sacraments alluded to is Baptism, to which Ignatius refers (Polyc., ii; Smyrn., viii), and of which Hermas speaks as the necessary way of entrance to the Church and to salvation (Vis., iii, 3, 5; Simil., ix, 16), the way from death to life (Simil., viii, 6), while the Didache deals with it liturgically (vii).其中提到圣礼是洗礼,对此伊格(主要指Polyc.,二;。Smyrn,八),且其中黑马作为入口必要途径,教会和救赎(Vis.,三,三,五讲; Simil,九,16),从死到生的方式(Simil.,八,6),而与它的十二使徒遗训交易liturgically(七)。。

The Eucharist is mentioned in the Didache (xiv) and by Ignatius, who uses the term to signify the "flesh of Our Saviour Jesus Christ" (Smyrn., vii; Eph., xx; Philad., iv).圣体是在十二使徒遗训(十四)和伊格内修,谁使用的术语,以显示“我们的救主耶稣基督肉”提到的(弗,二十。Smyrn.,七。Philad,四)。 Penance is the theme of Hermas, and is urged as a necessary and a possible recourse for him who sins once after baptism (Vis., iii, 7; Simil., viii, 6, 8, 9, I1).忏悔是黑马的主题,并作为一个必要和可能的追索为他再次呼吁洗礼后谁的罪孽(Vis.,三,七; Simil,八,六,八,九,I1的。)。The Didache refers to a confession of sins (iv, xiv) as does Barnabas (xix).十二使徒遗训指的是罪孽自白(四十四)一样巴拿巴(十九)。 An exposition of the dogmatic teaching of individual Fathers will be found under their respective names.一个父亲的个别论断的教条式的教学会被发现,根据各自的名称。


The Apostolic Fathers, as a group, are found in no one manuscript.使徒的父亲作为一个群体,被发现在没有人的手稿。The literary history of each will be found in connection with the individual studies.每个文学史会发现个别研究与连接。 The first edition was that of Cotelerius, above referred to (Paris, 1672).第一版是,Cotelerius,上面提到的(巴黎,1672年)。It contained Barnabas, Clement, Hermas, Ignatius, and Polycarp.它载有石碑,克莱门特,黑马,伊格内修和波利卡普。A reprint (Antwerp, 1698-1700; Amsterdam, 1724), by Jean Leclerc (Clericus), contained much additional matter.阿转载(安特卫普,1698年至1700年,阿姆斯特丹,1724)由让勒克莱尔(Clericus),载有许多额外的问题。 The latest editions are those of the Anglican Bishop, JB Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers" (5 vols., London, 1889-1890); abbreviated edition, Lightfoot-Harmer, London, I vol., 1893; Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, "Patrum Apostolicorum Opera" (Leipzig, 1901); and FX von Funk, "Patres Apostolici" (2d ed., Tübingen, 1901), in all of which abundant reference will be found to the literature of the two preceding centuries.最新版本是英国圣公会主教,巴顿莱特富特说:“使徒的父亲”的人(5卷,伦敦,1889至90年。)缩写版,莱特富特,哈默,伦敦,我卷,1893年。格巴尔,哈纳克,和赞恩,“Patrum Apostolicorum歌剧”(莱比锡,1901年);(。第2版,蒂宾根大学,1901年)和FX冯芬克“Patres Apostolici”,在所有这些丰富的参考会被发现的前两个世纪的文学。The last named work first appeared (Tübingen, vol. I, 1878, 1887; vol. II,,1881) as a fifth edition of Hefele's "Opera Patr. Apostolicorum" (Tübingen, 1839; 4th ed., 1855) enriched with notes (critical, exegetical, historical), prolegomena, indexes, and a Latin version.最后命名工作首次出现(蒂宾根大学,第一卷,1878年,1887年;。。第二卷,1881年)作为黑弗勒的“歌剧Patr Apostolicorum。”第五版(蒂宾根大学,1839年。第四版,1855)与笔记丰富(关键,训诂,历史),绪论,索引和拉丁版本。The second edition meets all just demands of a critical presentation of these ancient and important writings, and in its introduction and notes offers the best Catholic treatise on the subject.第二版满足了这些古老而重要的著作关键的介绍完了,正当要求,并在其引进和债券提供了最好的关于这一问题的天主教论文。

Publication information Written by John B. Peterson.出版信息的书面约翰B彼得森。Transcribed by Nicolette Ormsbee.王匡奥姆斯比转录。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume I. Published 1907.天主教百科全书,体积一发布1907年。New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, March 1, 1907. Nihil Obstat,1907年3月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰法利枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

PG (Paris, 1857), I, II, V; Eng.编程器(巴黎,1857年),一,二,五;工程。tr.风帆。in Ante-Nicene Library (Edinburgh, 1866), I, and American ed.在休息室尼西亚图书馆(爱丁堡,1866年),我和美国版。(New York, 1903), I, 1-158; Freppel, Les Peres Apostoliques et leur époque (Paris, 1885); Batiffol, La litt. (纽约,1903年),我1-158; Freppel,莱斯佩雷斯Apostoliques等leur美好年代(巴黎,1885年); Batiffol,香格里拉利特。eccl.传道书。grecque (Paris, 1901); Holland, The Apostolic Fathers (London, 1897); Wake, The Genuine Epistles of the Apostolic Fathers (London, 1893); Fleming, Early Christian Witnesses (London, 1878); Crutwell, A Literary History of Early Christianity (London, 1893), I, 21-127; Oxford Society of Historical Theology, The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers (Oxford, 1905); Lightfoot in Dict. grecque(巴黎,1901年),荷兰,使徒父亲(伦敦,1897年);之后,父亲真正的使徒书信(伦敦,1893年);弗莱明,早期(伦敦,1878年)基督教证人; Crutwell,文学史早期基督教(伦敦,1893年),我,21-127;牛津大学社会历史神学,在(牛津,1905年)新约使徒的父亲,在快译通娜莱。 of Chr.对染色体。Biog., sv; for the doctrine, see Tixeront, Histoire des dogmes (Paris, 1905), I, 115-163; Bareille in Dict.Biog,希沃特。对于学说,看到Tixeront,历史德dogmes(巴黎,1905年),我,115-163; Bareille在快译通。de theol.德theol。cath.导管。(Paris, 1903), I, 1634-46; Bardenhewer, Geschichte d.(巴黎,1903年),我,1634年至1646年,巴登黑韦尔,史四altkirchl.altkirchl。 Litt., I.利特。,一


Fathers of the Church父亲教会

Catholic Information天主教新闻

The Appeal to the Fathers到父亲上诉

Classification of Patristic Writings分类教父著作

Apostolic Fathers and the Second Century使徒父亲和二世纪

Third Century第三个世纪

Fourth Century第四世纪

Fifth Century五世纪

Sixth Century六世纪

Characteristics of Patristic Writings教父的写作特点

Commentaries评论

Preachers传教士

Writers作家

East and West东和西

theology">Theology神学“>神学

Discipline, Liturgy, Ascetics纪律,礼仪,苦行者

Historical Materials史料

Patristic Study教父的研究

The word Father is used in the New Testament to mean a teacher of spiritual things, by whose means the soul of man is born again into the likeness of Christ: "For if you have ten thousand instructors in Christ, yet not many fathers. For in Christ Jesus, by the gospel, I have begotten you. Wherefore I beseech you, be ye followers of me, as I also am of Christ" (1 Corinthians 4:15, 16; cf. Galatians 4:19).父亲是这个词用在新约意味着一种精神的东西的老师,由他的人的灵魂,是出生在基督的肖像又是指:。“因为如果你有一万在基督导师,但不是很多父亲放在基督耶稣里,借着福音,我今日生你所以我求你们,你们是我的追随者,我也是基督“的感觉。(哥林多前书4:15,16;。比照加拉太书4:19)。 The first teachers of Christianity seem to be collectively spoken of as "the Fathers" (2 Peter 3:4).基督教的第一位老师似乎是集体谈到的“父亲”(2彼得3:4)的。

Thus St. Irenæus defines that a teacher is a father, and a disciple is a son (iv, 41,2), and so says Clement of Alexandria (Strom., I, i, 1).因此,圣Irenæus定义了一个老师是一个父亲,一个弟子是儿子(四,41,2),因此说,亚历山大(Strom.,我,我,1)克莱门特。 A bishop is emphatically a "father in Christ", both because it was he, in early times, who baptized all his flock, and because he is the chief teacher of his church.一个主教强调了“在基督之父”,不但因为它是在早期时代,谁所有他的羊群,他受洗,并因为他是他的教会的首席教师。 But he is also regarded by the early Fathers, such as Hegesippus, Irenaeus, and Tertullian as the recipient of the tradition of his predecessors in the see, and consequently as the witness and representative of the faith of his Church before Catholicity and the world.但他也认为是由早期教父如Hegesippus,爱任纽,和良作为他的前任中见,因此,作为证人和他的教会和世界前天主教的传统信仰的代表接受。 Hence the expression "the Fathers" comes naturally to be applied to the holy bishops of a preceding age, whether of the last generation or further back, since they are the parents at whose knee the Church of today was taught her belief.因此,表达“父亲”来自自然地被应用到一岁前的圣主教,不管是上一代或更靠后,因为他们是在父母的膝盖,今天教会学会了她的信仰。 It is also applicable in an eminent way to bishops sitting in council, "the Fathers of Nicaea", "the Fathers of Trent".也正是在这样一位杰出的适用主教在立法局会议上,“父亲的尼西亚”,“父亲的遄达”。Thus Fathers have learnt from Fathers, and in the last resort from the Apostles, who are sometimes called Fathers in this sense: "They are your Fathers", says St. Leo, of the Princes of the Apostles, speaking to the Romans; St. Hilary of Arles calls them sancti patres; Clement of Alexandria says that his teachers, from Greece, Ionia, Coele-Syria, Egypt, the Orient, Assyria, Palestine, respectively, had handed on to him the tradition of blessed teaching from Peter, and James, and John, and Paul, receiving it "as son from father".因此,父亲已经从父亲的教训,并在从使徒,谁是在这个意义上有时被称为父亲最后的手段:“他​​们是你的父亲”,说圣利奥,对王子的使徒,说罗马人;圣。阿尔希拉里呼吁他们sancti patres;克莱门特亚历山大说,他的老师,来自希腊,爱奥尼亚,Coele,叙利亚,埃及,东方,亚述,巴勒斯坦,分别对他的祝福彼得教学传统霸道,雅各,约翰,保​​罗,接受它“从父亲的儿子”。

It follows that, as our own Fathers are the predecessors who have taught us, so the Fathers of the whole Church are especially the earlier teachers, who instructed her in the teaching of the Apostles, during her infancy and first growth.因此,作为我们自己的父亲是谁教给我们的前辈,所以整个教会,尤其是早期的父亲是教师,谁指示中的使徒,在她教婴儿和她的首次增长。 It is difficult to define the first age of the Church, or the age of the Fathers.这是很难界定的教会第一个时代,或者是父亲的年龄。 It is a common habit to stop the study of the early Church at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.这是一个普遍的习惯停留在安理会的chalcedon在451的早期会研究。"The Fathers" must undoubtedly include, in the West, St. Gregory the Great (d. 604), and in the East, St. John Damascene (d. about 754).“教父们”必须毫无疑问包括,在西方,圣格雷戈里大(四604),并在东,圣约翰大马士革(四约754)。 It is frequently said that St. Bernard (d. 1153) was the last of the Fathers, and Migne's "Patrologia Latina" extends to Innocent III, halting only on the verge of the thirteenth century, while his "Patrologia Graeca" goes as far as the Council of Florence (1438-9).这是经常说,圣伯纳(草1153)是最后的父亲,和米涅的“Patrologia拉丁”延伸到无辜第三,停止对仅十三世纪的边缘,而他的“Patrologia Graeca”云远作为安理会的佛罗伦萨(1438-9)。These limits are evidently too wide, It will be best to consider that the great merit of St. Bernard as a writer lies in his resemblance in style and matter to the greatest among the Fathers, in spite of the difference of period.这些限制显然过于广泛,这将是最好认为,圣伯纳德大优点在于作为一个作家的风格和内容中最大的父亲,在他的相似性差的时期,尽管。 St. Isidore of Seville (d. 636) and the Venerable Bede (d. 735) are to be classed among the Fathers, but they may be said to have been born out of due time, as St. Theodore the Studite was in the East.圣伊西多尔塞维利亚(四636)和法师比德(草735)将父亲之间的归类,但是他们可以说已经出生了适当的时候,正如圣西奥多在WAS的Studite东。

I. THE APPEAL TO THE FATHERS一,教父们的呼吁,

Thus the use of the term Fathers has been continuous, yet it could not at first he employed in precisely the modern sense of Fathers of the Church.因此,父亲这个词的使用已连续的,但它不能起初,他在正是教会的神父现代意义上的就业。In early days the expression referred to writers who were then quite recent.在早期的表现称为作家谁当时最近的事实。It is still applied to those writers who are to us the ancients, but no longer in the same way to writers who are now recent.它仍然适用于这些作家谁是我们的古人,但没有以同样的方式再现在到作家谁是最近的事。Appeals to the Fathers are a subdivision of appeals to tradition.呼吁父亲是一个传统的上诉细分。In the first half of the second century begin the appeals to the sub-Apostolic age: Papias appeals to the presbyters, and through them to the Apostles.在第二个世纪上半叶开始向小组使徒时代呼吁:帕皮亚呼吁长老,并通过他们向使徒。Half a century later St. Irenæus supplements this method by an appeal to the tradition handed down in every Church by the succession of its bishops (Adv. Haer., III, i-iii), and Tertullian clinches this argument by the observation that as all the Churches agree, their tradition is secure, for they could not all have strayed by chance into the same error (Praescr., xxviii).半个世纪后圣irenæus补充,就交在各教会下降,其主教呼吁继承传统,这种方法(2002上海高考Haer。,三,一至三),和良板上钉钉的观察,由于这说法所有的教会同意,他们的传统是安全的,因为他们不可能都有偶然误入了同样的错误(Praescr.,二十八)。 The appeal is thus to Churches and their bishops, none but bishops being the authoritative exponents of the doctrine of their Churches.因此,这项呼吁教会和他们的主教,主教是没有,但他们的教会的教义的权威指数。 As late as 341 the bishops of the Dedication Council at Antioch declared: "We are not followers of Arius; for how could we, who are bishops, be disciples of a priest?"迟至341的奉献会在安提阿主教宣布:“?我们不阿里乌斯信徒,我们如何能够,谁是主教,成为一名牧师弟子”

Yet slowly, as the appeals to the presbyters died out, there was arising by the side of appeals to the Churches a third method: the custom of appealing to Christian teachers who were not necessarily bishops.但慢慢地,就到长老呼吁去世了,有被上诉方教会产生了第三种方法:在呼吁主教谁没有一定的基督徒教师的习俗。While, without the Church, Gnostic schools were substituted for churches, within the Church, Catholic schools were growing up.虽然,没有教会,诺斯底教会学校内取代教会,天主教学校长大的。Philosophers like Justin and most of the numerous second-century apologists were reasoning about religion, and the great catechetical school of Alexandria was gathering renown.像贾斯汀哲学家和众多的第二世纪的辩护士大多是有关宗教的推理,伟大的亚历山大问答学校​​聚集闻名。Great bishops and saints like Dionysius of Alexandria, Gregory Thaumaturgus of Pontus, Firmilian of Cappadocia, and Alexander of Jerusalem were proud to be disciples of the priest Origen.伟大的主教和亚历山大一样,格雷戈里的庞Thaumaturgus,狄奥尼修斯的卡帕多西亚Firmilian圣人,和耶路撒冷的亚历山大自豪地成为祭司奥利弟子。 The bishop Cyprian called daily for the works of the priest Tertullian with the words "Give me the master".塞浦路斯呼吁主教,神父改为每日良的作品“给我大师”。The Patriarch Athanasius refers for the ancient use of the word homoousios, not merely to the two Dionysii, but to the priest Theognostus.宗主教亚他那修是指为古字homoousios使用,而不是仅仅两个Dionysii,但对牧师Theognostus。 Yet these priest-teachers are not yet called Fathers, and the greatest among them, Tertullian, Clement, Origen, Hippolytus, Novatian, Lucian, happen to be tinged with heresy; two became antipopes; one is the father of Arianism; another was condemned by a general council.然而,这些牧师的教师还没有所谓的父亲,而其中最大的,良,克莱门特,奥利,西波吕,诺瓦蒂安,卢西安,正好与异端色彩;两人成了antipopes,一个是父亲阿里乌斯,另一被谴责由总理事会。 In each case we might apply the words used by St. Hilary of Tertullian: "Sequenti errore detraxit scriptis probabilibus auctoritatem" (Comm. in Matt., v, 1, cited by Vincent of Lérins, 2.4).在每一种情况下,我们可能会申请,由圣良希拉里所用的字眼:“Sequenti errore detraxit scriptis probabilibus auctoritatem”(在马特Comm.,五,一,由Lérins,2.4文森特引用。)。

A fourth form of appeal was better founded and of enduring value.第四种形式的上诉较好创立和持久的价值。Eventually it appeared that bishops as well as priests were fallible.最后,它似乎主教以及祭司们会犯错误。In the second century the bishops were orthodox.在第二个世纪的东正教主教。In the third they were often found wanting.在第三,他们常常发现自己的不足。In the fourth they were the leaders of schisms, and heresies, in the Meletian and Donatist troubles and in the long Arian struggle, in which few were found to stand firm against the insidious persecution of Constantius.在第四,他们的领导人的分裂,和异端邪说,在Meletian和多纳麻烦,从长远阿里安斗争,其中一些被认为对抗阴险的康斯坦丘斯迫害坚定的。 It came to be seen that the true Fathers of the Church are those Catholic teachers who have persevered in her communion, and whose teaching has been recognized as orthodox.它后来被看到,教会的真正父亲是那些谁已经坚持不懈地在她的共融,其教学已被确认为正统的天主教教师。So it came to pass that out of the four "Latin Doctors" one is not a bishop.所以它来传递,四个“拉丁医生”之一,是不是主教了。 Two other Fathers who were not bishops have been declared to be Doctors of the Church, Bede and John Damascene, while among the Doctors outside the patristic period we find two more priests, the incomparable St. Bernard and the greatest of all theologians, St. Thomas Aquinas.谁没有两个主教其他父亲都被宣布为教会,比德和约翰大马士革的医生,而在外面的教父时期的医生,我们发现两个牧师,无可比拟的圣伯纳德和所有的神学家,圣最大托马斯阿奎那。 Nay, few writers had such great authority in the Schools of the Middle Ages as the layman Boethius, many of whose definitions are still commonplaces of theology.不仅如此,在一些作家有这样的外行波爱修斯的中世纪学校很大的权力,其许多神学的定义仍然是老生常谈。

Similarly (we may notice in passing) the name "Father", which originally belonged to bishops, has been as it were delegated to priests, especially as ministers of the Sacrament of Penance.同样(我们可能会注意到在传递)的名字“父亲”,这原本属于主教,因为它已被授予神父特别是作为圣事的忏悔部长。 it is now a form of address to all priests in Spain, in Ireland, and, of recent years, in England and the United States.它现在是一个地址的形式向所有在爱尔兰,西班牙神父,而且,近年来,在英国和美国。

Papas or Pappas, Pope, was a term of respect for eminent bishops (eg in letters to St. Cyprian and to St. Augustine -- neither of these writers seems to use it in addressing other bishops, except when St. Augustine writes to Rome).帕帕斯或帕帕斯,教皇,是一个著名的尊重塞浦路斯圣主教和圣奥古斯丁字母(例如术语 - 这些作家都似乎用在解决其他主教,除了它写在罗马的圣奥古斯丁)。Eventually the term was reserved to the bishops of Rome and Alexandria; yet in the East today every priest is a "pope".最终,长期是保留给罗马和亚历山大的主教,但在东方今天,每个牧师是“教皇”。The Aramaic abbe was used from early times for the superiors of religious houses.阿拉姆阿贝是用于从早期对宗教房屋的上司。 But through the abuse of granting abbeys in commendam to seculars, it has become a polite title for all secular clerics, even seminarists in Italy, and especially in France, whereas all religious who are priests are addressed as "Father".但是,通过了给予在commendam修道院到seculars滥用,它已成为所有世俗的神职人员礼貌标题,甚至神学院学生在意大利,特别是在法国,而所有的宗教神职人员谁是被视为“父亲”处理。

We receive only, says St. Basil, what we have been taught by the holy Fathers; and he adds that in his Church of Caesarea the faith of the holy Fathers of Nicaea has long been implanted (Ep. cxl, 2).我们只收到说,圣罗勒,我们已经由父亲教的圣地;他补充说,在他的撒利亚教会的教父们的尼西亚信早已植入(插曲第一百四十,2)。 St. Gregory Nazianzen declares that he holds fast the teaching which he heard from the holy Oracles, and was taught by the holy Fathers.圣格雷戈里nazianzen宣称他拥有快速的教学,他听取了神圣的甲骨文,被父亲教的圣地。 These Cappadocian saints seem to be the first to appeal to a real catena of Fathers.这些卡帕多西亚圣人似乎是第一个以吸引真正的父亲系列。The appeal to one or two was already common enough; but not even the learned Eusebius had thought of a long string of authorities.对一个或两个上诉已经相当普及了,但甚至没有学到的尤西比乌斯当局有一个长串的想法。St. Basil, for example (De Spir. S., ii, 29), cites for the formula "with the Holy Ghost" in the doxology, the example of Irenaeus, Clement and Dionysius of Alexandria, Dionysius of Rome, Eusebius of Caesarea, Origen, Africanus, the preces lucerariae said at the lighting of lamps, Athenagoras, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Firmilian, Meletius.圣罗勒,例如(德spir。学,二,29),列举了“有圣灵”,在三一颂,在爱任纽,克莱门特和狄奥尼修斯的亚历山大,罗马的恺撒尤西比乌斯修斯例如公式,奥利,Africanus的preces lucerariae说,在灯具,哥拉,格雷戈里Thaumaturgus,Firmilian,Meletius照明。

In the fifth century this method became a stereotyped custom.在第五世纪中,这种方法成为一种刻板的习惯。St. Jerome is perhaps the first writer to try to establish his interpretation of a text by a string of exegetes (Ep. cxii, ad Aug.).圣杰罗姆也许是第一个作家试图建立由解经家串(插曲cxii,广告八月),他的文字解释。Paulinus, the deacon and biographer of St. Ambrose, in the libellus he presented against the Pelagians to Pope Zosimus in 417, quotes Cyprian, Ambrose, Gregory Nazianzen, and the decrees of the late Pope Innocent. Paulinus,执事和圣刘汉铨传记,在libellus对他提出的pelagians在417教皇卓西姆,报价塞浦路斯,刘汉铨,格雷戈里nazianzen,以及已故教宗无辜的法令。 In 420 St. Augustine quotes Cyprian and Ambrose against the same heretics (C. duas Epp. Pel., iv).圣奥古斯丁报价420对(三杜阿斯资源增值计划。贝利。,四)同异教徒塞浦路斯和刘汉铨。Julian of Eclanum quoted Chrysostom and Basil; St. Augustine replies to him in 421 (Contra Julianum, i) with Irenaeus, Cyprian, Reticius, Olympius, Hilary, Ambrose, the decrees of African councils, and above all Popes Innocent and Zosimus.朱利安引用的Eclanum金口和罗勒;圣奥古斯丁答复他在421(魂斗罗Julianum,I)与依,塞浦路斯,Reticius,匹阿斯,希拉里,刘汉铨,非洲议会的法令,最重要的教皇英诺森和卓西姆。 In a celebrated passage he argues that these Western writers are more than sufficient, but as Julian had appealed to the East, to the East, he shall go, and the saint adds Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Synod of Diospolis, Chrysostom.在著名的一段他认为,这些西方作家是绰绰有余,但朱利安曾呼吁东,东方,他都要去和Saint增加了格雷戈里nazianzen,罗勒,对Diospolis,金口主教。 To these he adds Jerome (c. xxxiv): "Nor should you think Jerome, because he was a priest, is to be despised", and adds a eulogy.为了这些,他补充说杰罗姆(约三十四):“你也不应该认为杰罗姆,因为他是一个牧师,是被鄙视”,并增加了悼词。This is amusing, when we remember that Jerome in a fit of irritation, fifteen before, had written to Augustine (Ep. cxlii) "Do not excite against me the silly crowd of the ignorant, who venerate you as a bishop, and receive you with the honour due to a prelate when you declaim in the Church, whereas they think little of me, an old man, nearly decrepit, in my monastery in the solitude of the country."这是有趣的,当我们回忆起一个合适的刺激,十五岁之前,曾写信给奥古斯丁的杰罗姆(插曲cxlii)“不要对我兴奋的无知,谁崇敬作为主教你傻的人群,并接受你与荣誉,由于一主教当你朗读在教会里,而他们认为我没有什么,一个老人,在近老朽我在该国的孤独寺院。“

In the second book "Contra Julianum", St. Augustine again cites Ambrose frequently, and Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Hilary, Chrysostom; in ii, 37, he recapitulates the nine names (omitting councils and popes), adding (iii, 32) Innocent and Jerome.在第二本书“魂斗罗Julianum”,再次引用了圣奥古斯丁刘汉铨频繁,塞浦路斯,格雷戈里nazianzen,希拉里,金口,在第二,37岁,他概括了九个名称(省略议会和教皇),添加(三,32)无辜和杰罗姆。 A few years later the Semipelagians of Southern Gaul, who were led by St. Hilary of Arles, St. Vincent of Lérins, and Bl.几年后的今天,南部高卢,谁是由圣希拉里的阿尔勒,圣文森特的Lérins,和BL领导Semipelagians。Cassian, refuse to accept St. Augustine's severe view of predestination because "contrarium putant patrum opinioni et ecclesiastico sensui".卡西安,拒绝接受圣奥古斯丁的宿命,因为“contrarium putant patrum opinioni等ecclesiastico sensui”严重的观点。Their opponent St. Prosper, who was trying to convert them to Augustinianism, complains: "Obstinationem suam vetustate defendunt" (Ep. inter Atig. ccxxv, 2), and they said that no ecclesiastical writer had ever before interpreted Romans quite as St. Augustine did -- which was probably true enough.他们的对手圣昌,谁试图将其转换成奥古斯丁,抱怨:“Obstinationem suam vetustate defendunt”(插曲除Atig ccxxv,2。),他们说,没有了以往教会作家解释为圣罗相当奥古斯丁没有 - 这可能是真的不够的。 The interest of this attitude lies in the fact that it was, if not new at least more definite than any earlier appeal to antiquity.这种态度的兴趣在于,它是,如果没有更明确的至少比任何早期呼吁古代新的。Through most of the fourth century, the controversy with the Arians had turned upon Scripture, and appeals to past authority were few.通过对四世纪的大部分时间,与白羊座的争论已经转过身去,对圣经,和以往的权威上诉很少。 But the appeal to the Fathers was never the most imposing locus theologicus, for they could not easily be assembled so as to form an absolutely conclusive test.但对父亲的上诉被永远最气势轨迹theologicus,因为他们不能很容易地组装起来,形成一个绝对决定性的考验。On the other hand up to the end of the fourth century, there were practically no infallible definitions available, except condemnations of heresies, chiefly by popes.另一方面直至第四世纪结束时,几乎没有可用的有犯错的定义,除了谴责的歪理邪说,主要由教皇。By the time that the Arian reaction under Valens caused the Eastern conservatives to draw towards the orthodox, and prepared the restoration of orthodoxy to power by Theodosius, the Nicene decisions were beginning to be looked upon as sacrosanct, and that council to be preferred to a unique position above all others.到时候,根据瓦伦斯阿里安反应引起的东部保守派引向东正教,并编制了正统的狄奥多西电源恢复,尼西亚决定是开始时被看作是神圣不可侵犯,而且会优先考虑到独特的地位高于所有其他人。 By 430, the date we have reached, the Creed we now say at Mass was revered in the East, whether rightly or wrongly, as the work of the 150 Fathers of Constantinople in 381, and there were also new papal decisions, especially the tractoria of Pope Zosimus, which in 418 had been sent to all the bishops of the world to be signed. 430,我们已经达到的日期,在质量信条,我们现在说是崇敬在东部地区,无论对错,作为父亲的150君士坦丁堡在381工作,也有新的教皇的决定,特别是tractoria教皇卓西姆,在418名被派往世界上所有的主教们要签名。

It is to living authority, the idea of which had thus come to the fore, that St. Prosper was appealing in his controversy with the Lerinese school.它是生活的权力,它的思想,故此中脱颖而出,这在他的圣繁荣与Lerinese争议呼吁学校。When he went to Gaul, in 431, as papal envoy, just after St. Augustine's death, he replied to their difficulties, not by reiterating that saint's hardest arguments, but by taking with him a letter from Pope St. Celestine, in which St. Augustine is extolled as having been held by the pope's predecessors to be "inter magistros optimos".当他在431到高卢,罗马教皇的特使刚刚结束的圣奥古斯丁死后,他回答了他们的困难,不要重申,圣人的最艰难的论据,但与他采取了从教皇圣天青石信中,圣。奥古斯丁是赞颂有被教皇的前辈认为是“跨magistros的OptiMOS”。 No one is to be allowed to depreciate him, but it is not said that every word of his is to be followed.没有人是被允许贬值他,但不是说,每一个字,他是应遵循的。The disturbers had appealed to the Holy See, and the reply is "Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem" (Let novelty cease to attack antiquity!).该扰动已呼吁教廷,回答是:“Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem”(让新奇古代停止攻击!)。An appendix is added, not of the opinions of ancient Fathers, but of recent popes, since the very same monks who thought St. Augustine went too far, professed (says the appendix) "that they followed and approved only what the most holy See of the Blessed Apostle Peter sanctioned and taught by the ministry of its prelates".附录是说,没有父亲古的意见,但是最近的教皇,因为同样的和尚谁想到圣奥古斯丁走得太远,自称(说附录)“,他们只批准了跟踪和什么是最教廷使徒彼得的有福了,由批准其主教“部任教。 A list therefore follows of "the judgments of the rulers of the Roman Church", to which are added some sentences of African councils, "which indeed the Apostolic bishops made their own when they approved them".因此,一个列表如下:“是罗马教会统治者的判断”,而添加一些非洲政局的判决,对“这的确使徒主教作出了自己时,他们批准了这些。” To these inviolabiles sanctiones (we might roughly render "infallible utterances") prayers used in the sacraments are appended "ut legem credendi lex statuat supplicandi" -- a frequently misquoted phrase -- and in conclusion, it is declared that these testimonies of the Apostolic See are sufficient, "so that we consider not to be Catholic at all whatever shall appear to be contrary to the decisions we have cited".对这些inviolabiles sanctiones(我们可能会大致呈现“犯错的言论”)在圣礼用祈祷附上的“UT斯达康legem credendi statuat supplicandi法” - 一个经常断章取义的短语 - 在最后,这是宣布这些证词的使徒看到的是足够的,“所以我们认为不被天主教应在所有一切似乎违反了我们引用的决定”。Thus the decisions of the Apostolic See are put on a very different level from the views of St. Augustine, just as that saint always drew a sharp distinction between the resolutions of African councils or the extracts from the Fathers, on the one hand, and the decrees of Popes Innocent and Zosimus on the other.因此,使徒见决定把从圣奥古斯丁的看法非常不同层次,就像当年圣总是引起了父亲之间的非洲议会决议或提取物明显区分,一方面,和教皇无辜的,另一方面卓西姆的法令。

Three years later a famous document on tradition and its use emanated from the Lerinese school, the "Commonitorium" of St. Vincent.三年后,一个著名的传统文件及其使用从Lerinese学校所发出的“Commonitorium”圣文森特。He whole-heartedly accepted the letter of Pope Celestine, and he quoted it as an authoritative and irresistible witness to his own doctrine that where quod ubique, or universitas, is uncertain, we must turn to quod semper, or antiquitas.他全心全意地接受了教皇天青石信,他引用一个权威的和不可抗拒的见证自己的学说,如果狴Ubique公司,或universitas,是不确定的,我们必须转向狴森佩尔,或antiquitas它。 Nothing could be more to his purpose than the pope's: "Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem."没有什么比他的目的比教皇的:“。Desinat incessere novitas vetustatem” The Œcumenical Council of Ephesus had been held in the same year that Celestine wrote.安理会的以弗所Œcumenical举行了在同一年,天青石写道。Its Acts were before St. Vincent, and it is clear that he looked upon both pope and council as decisive authorities.其行为圣文森特之前,它很显然,他对双方教皇和决定性当局会看。It was necessary to establish this, before turning to his famous canon, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus otherwise universitas, antiquitas, consensio.有必要建立这之前他著名的佳能转向,狴Ubique公司,狴森佩尔,狴从头综合否则universitas,antiquitas,consensio。 It was not a new criterion, else it would have committed suicide by its very expression.这不是一个新的标准,否则将犯有其本身的表达自杀。But never had the doctrine been so admirably phrased, so limpidly explained, so adequately exemplified.但从来没有如此令人钦佩的学说措辞,所以清澈解释,因此充分体现。Even the law of the evolution of dogma is defined by Vincent in language which can hardly be surpassed for exactness and vigour.即使是教条的演化​​规律是指在语言,文森特难以超越的正确性和活力。St. Vincent's triple test is wholly misunderstood if it is taken to be the ordinary rule of faith.圣文森特的三重考验是完全误解,如果被视为普通的信仰规则。Like all Catholics he took the ordinary rule to be the living magisterium of the Church, and he assumes that the formal decision in cases of doubt lies with the Apostolic See, or with a general council.像所有的天主教徒,他把普通的规则,是教会生活的训导,他假设在有疑问的情况下提出正式决定在于使徒见,或与总理事会。 But cases of doubt arise when no such decision is forthcoming.但是,如有疑问时出现没有这样的决定是即将出版。Then it is that the three tests are to be applied, not simultaneously, but, if necessary, in succession.然后就是这三项测试的适用,而不是同时,但是,如果必要的继承。

When an error is found in one corner of the Church, then the first test, universitas, quod ubique, is an unanswerable refutation, nor is there any need to examine further (iii, 7, 8).当一个错误是在一个教会,第一次测试,universitas,狴Ubique公司,是一个无法回答的角落发现驳斥,也没有任何需要进一步研究(三,7,8)。 But if an error attacks the whole Church, then antiquitas, quod semper is to be appealed to, that is, a consensus existing before the novelty arose.但是,如果一个错误攻击的整个教会,然后antiquitas,狴森佩尔是要呼吁,即现有的共识产生之前的新颖性。Still, in the previous period one or two teachers, even men of great fame, may have erred.不过,在前期一个或两个教师,甚至是男人的盛誉,可能有偏差。Then we betake ourselves to quod ab omnibus, consensio, to the many against the few (if possible to a general council; if not, to an examination of writings).然后我们奔往自己狴从头公共汽车,consensio,对与一些很多(如果可能的话到一般会;如果没有,考试的著作)。 Those few are a trial of faith "ut tentet vos Dominus Deus vester" (Deuteronomy 13:1 sqq.).这些少数人信仰的“UT斯达康tentet沃斯Dominus杀出贝斯特尔”试验(申命记13:1 sqq。)。So Tertullian was a magna tentatio; so was Origen -- indeed the greatest temptation of all.因此,特土良是麦格纳tentatio,所以是奥利 - 的确是所有最大的诱惑。We must know that whenever what is new or unheard before is introduced by one man beyond or against all the saints, it pertains not to religion but to temptation (xx, 49).我们必须知道,每当有什么新的或以前闻所未闻由一个超越或反对所有的圣人的人介绍,它不是宗教,而是涉及到诱惑(XX条,49条)。

Who are the "Saints" to whom we appeal?谁是“圣人”我们向他提出上诉?The reply is a definition of "Fathers of the Church" given with all St. Vincent's inimitable accuracy: "Inter se majorem consulat interrogetque sententias, eorum dumtaxat qui, diversis licet temporibus et locis, in unius tamen ecclesiae Catholicae communione et fide permanentes, magistri probabiles exstiterunt; et quicquid non unus aut duo tantum, sed omnes pariter uno eodemque consensu aperte, frequenter, perseveranter tenuisse, scripsisse, docuisse cognoverit, id sibi quoque intelligat absque ulla dubitatione credendum" (iii, 8).答案是一个与所有圣文森特的独特的准确性给予“的教父”的定义:“相互间majorem领事馆interrogetque sententias,eorum dumtaxat魁,diversis激光感生碰撞temporibus等位点在unius塔门教会catholicae communione等真正permanentes,magistri, probabiles exstiterunt;等quicquid非联合国大学引渡二人tantum,桑达适用的pariter乌诺eodemque consensu aperte,常客,perseveranter tenuisse,scripsisse,docuisse cognoverit,身份证sibi quoque intelligat absque乌拉dubitatione信条“(三,8)。This unambiguous sentence defines for us what is the right way of appealing to the Fathers, and the italicized words perfectly explain what is a "Father": "Those alone who, though in diverse times and places, yet persevering in time, communion and faith of the one Catholic Church, have been approved teachers."这句话明确定义了我们什么是呼吁父亲正确的方式,和斜体字完美地解释什么是“父亲”:“那些单独谁,但在不同的时间和地点,但在时间锲而不舍,交流和信仰在一个天主教教堂,已批准的教师。“


The same result is obtained by modern theologians, in their definitions; eg Fessler thus defines what constitutes a "Father":同样的结果是得到了现代神学家,在他们的定义;如费斯勒从而界定了何为“父亲”:

orthodox doctrine and learning;正统学说和学习;

holiness of life;圣洁的生活;

(at the present day) a certain antiquity.(在现在)一定的古物。

The criteria by which we judge whether a writer is a "Father" or not are:的准则,使我们判断一个作家是一个“父亲”或不包括:

citation by a general council, or引用由总理事会或

in public Acts of popes addressed to the Church or concerning Faith;在给教会或教皇关于信仰公众的行为;

encomium in the Roman Martyrology as "sanctitate et doctrina insignis";在罗马martyrology推崇为“sanctitate等doctrina豆”;

public reading in Churches in early centuries;公众阅读教会在世纪初;

citations, with praise, as an authority as to the Faith by some of the more celebrated Fathers.引用,作为一个用赞美的信念,以通过一些比较著名的父亲的权威。

Early authors, though belonging to the Church, who fail to reach this standard are simply ecclesiastical writers ("Patrologia", ed. Jungmann, ch. i, #11).早期的作家,虽然属于教会,谁达不到这个标准只是教会作家(“Patrologia”,教育署。Jungmann,甲烷。我,#11)。 On the other hand, where the appeal is not to the authority of the writer, but his testimony is merely required to the belief of his time, one writer is as good as another, and if a Father is cited for this purpose, it is not as a Father that he is cited, but merely as a witness to facts well known to him.另一方面,如上诉不是作者的权威,但他的证词只是需要对他那个时代的信仰,一位作家是另一个不错的,如果父亲是为此引,它是他不是作为一个被引用,但只是作为一个众所周知的事实见证了他父亲。 For the history of dogma, therefore, the works of ecclesiastical writers who are not only not approved, but even heretical, are often just as valuable as those of the Fathers.对于历史的教条,因此,谁不仅没有批准,但即使是邪教教会作家的作品,往往是一样的父亲那些有价值的。On the other hand, the witness of one Father is occasionally of great weight for doctrine when taken singly, if he is teaching a subject on which he is recognized by the Church as an especial authority, eg, St. Athanasius on the Divinity of the Son, St. Augustine on the Holy Trinity, etc.另一方面,一个父亲的见证,有时候会出现很大的重量时,采取单独的学说,如果他是一个教学上,他是公认的教会作为一种特殊的权力,如主题,圣亚他那修对神圣子,圣三位一体的圣等奥古斯丁

There are a few cases in which a general council has given approbation to the work of a Father, the most important being the two letters of St. Cyril of Alexandria which were read at the Council of Ephesus.有一宗总理事会已发出赞许的一个父亲,最重要的是圣西里尔亚历山大其中两个在安理会的以弗所读信工作的几个病例。 But the authority of single Fathers considered in itself, says Franzelin (De traditione, thesis xv), "is not infallible or peremptory; though piety and sound reason agree that the theological opinions of such individuals should not be treated lightly, and should not without great caution be interpreted in a sense which clashes with the common doctrine of other Fathers."但是,在考虑本身单身父亲的权威,说Franzelin(德traditione,论文XV)号,“是不可能不犯错或强制性,虽然虔诚和充分的理由同意,这些人的神学的观点,不应掉以轻心,应不无非常谨慎的解释,在某种意义上这与其他父亲共同理论的冲突。“ The reason is plain enough; they were holy men, who are not to be presumed to have intended to stray from the doctrine of the Church, and their doubtful utterances are therefore to be taken in the best sense of which they are capable.原因是平原不够,他们是神圣的人,谁是不能被推定为有意偏离教义的教会,他们的怀疑的言论,因此将在最好的意义上,他们有能力采取的。 If they cannot be explained in an orthodox sense, we have to admit that not the greatest is immune from ignorance or accidental error or obscurity.如果他们不能在正统意义上解释,我们必须承认,并不是最大的是无知的或意外的错误或隐晦免疫。But on the use of the Fathers in theological questions, the article TRADITION and the ordinary dogmatic treatises on that subject must be consulted, as it is proper here only to deal with the historical development of their use.但是,就在父亲使用的神学问题,文章传统和教条式的关于这个问题的论文必须是普通的咨询,因为它是正确这里只处理其使用的历史发展。

The subject was never treated as a part of dogmatic theology until the rise of what is now commonly called "Theologia fundamentalis", in the sixteenth century, the founders of which are Melchior Canus and Bellarmine.这个题目是从来没有作为一个治疗的教条式的神学的一部分,直到什么是现在俗称“神学fundamentalis”在十六世纪,崛起,其中创始人梅尔基奥尔仓鼠和贝拉明。 The former has a discussion of the use of the Fathers in deciding questions of faith (De locis theologicis, vii).前者拥有的父亲在决定信仰问题(德位点theologicis,七)使用的讨论。The Protestant Reformers attacked the authority of the Fathers.新教改革者袭击的父亲的权威。The most famous of these opponents is Dalbeus (Jean Daillé, 1594-1670, "Traité de l'emploi des saints Pères", 1632; in Latin "De usu Patrum", 1656).其中最有名的是Dalbeus对手(让Daillé,1594至1670年,“德欧莱雅emploi Traité佩雷斯德圣人”,1632年,在拉美“德犹他州立大学Patrum”,1656年)。

But their objections are long since forgotten.但他们的反对意见早已遗忘。

Having traced the development of the use of the Fathers up to the period of its frequent employment, and of its formal statement by St. Vincent of Lérins, it will be well to give a glance at the continuation of the practice.经追查的父亲用发展到其频繁的就业时期,其由圣文森的Lérins正式声明,这将是一个很好地给在实践中继续一眼。 We saw that, in 431, it was possible for St. Vincent (in a book which has been most unreasonably taken to be a mere polemic against St. Augustine -- a notion which is amply refuted by the use made in it of St. Celestine's letter) to define the meaning and method of patristic appeals.我们看到,在431,这对圣文森(可能在一个已经采取的是最不合理对圣奥古斯丁只有论战书 - 这是一个概念,它使在充分圣使用驳斥塞莱斯蒂纳的信件)来定义的意义和方法教父上诉。From that time onward they are very common.从那个时候起,他们都非常普遍。In the Council of Ephesus, 431, as St. Vincent points out, St. Cyril presented a series of quotations from the Fathers, tôn hagiôtatôn kai hosiôtatôn paterôn kai episkopôn diaphorôn marturôn, which were read on the motion of Flavian, Bishop of Philippi.在以弗所,431会作为圣文森特指出,圣西里尔从父亲提出的报价单系列,吨hagiôtatôn启hosiôtatôn paterôn启episkopôn diaphorôn marturôn,这是对弗拉维安,腓立主教议案阅读。They were from Peter I of Alexandria, Martyr, Athanasius, Popes Julius and Felix (forgeries), Theophilus, Cyprian, Ambrose, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Atticus, Amphilochius.他们是从我的亚历山德里亚,烈士,他那修,教皇朱利叶斯和菲利克斯(伪造),西奥菲勒斯,塞浦路斯,刘汉铨,格雷戈里nazianzen,罗勒,对果树,阿提库斯,Amphilochius格雷戈里彼得。 On the other hand Eutyches, when tried at Constantinople by St. Flavian, in 449, refused to accept either Fathers or councils as authorities, confining himself to Holy Scripture, a position which horrified his judges (see EUTYCHES).另一方面欧迪奇,当试图在君士坦丁堡的圣弗拉维安在449,要么拒绝接受当局的父亲或议会,限制自己神圣的经文,这一立场,吓坏了他的法官(见欧迪奇)。 In the following year St. Leo sent his legates, Abundius and Asterius, to Constantinople with a list of testimonies from Hilary, Athanasius, Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom, Theophilus, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Cyril of Alexandria.在接下来的一年圣利奥派他的使节,Abundius和Asterius,到君士坦丁堡与来自希拉里,他那修,刘汉铨,奥古斯丁,金口,西奥菲勒斯,格雷戈里nazianzen,罗勒,西里尔亚历山大证词名单。 They were signed in that city, but were not produced at the Council of Chalcedon in the following year.他们签署了这个城市,但没有在安理会的chalcedon产于下一年。Thenceforward the custom is fixed, and it is unnecessary to give examples.从此以后的习俗是固定的,没有必要给的例子。However, that of the sixth council in 680 is important: Pope St. Agatho sent a long series of extracts from Rome, and the leader of the Monothelites, Macarius of Antioch, presented another.然而,在680的第六届理事会是重要的:教皇圣Agatho从罗马发出了长长的一系列提取,以及Monothelites领导人,安提阿米加利阿斯今年的另一大。 Both sets were carefully verified from the library of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and sealed.这两套进行了仔细核实从君士坦丁堡东正教库,并密封。

It should be noted that it was never in such cases thought necessary to trace a doctrine back to the earliest times; St. Vincent demanded the proof of the Church's belief before a doubt arose -- this is his notion of antiquitas; and in conformity with this view, the Fathers quoted by councils and popes and Fathers are for the most part recent (Petavius, De Incarn., XIV, 15, 2-5).应当指出,这是从来没有想过在这种情况下要跟踪一个学说回到最早的时候;圣文森特要求教会的信仰产生怀疑的证据之前, - 这是他的antiquitas概念,以及在符合有鉴于此,由议会和教皇引用的父亲和父亲的大部分是最近(Petavius​​,德Incarn。,第十四条,15,2-5)。

In the last years of the fifth century a famous document, attributed to Popes Gelasius and Hormisdas, adds to decrees of St. Damasus of 382 a list of books which are approved, and another of those disapproved.在第五世纪著名的文件的最后几年,由于教皇格拉西和卡尔米斯达斯,增加了一个382的圣其中批准书单达玛斯法令和不赞成的另一个。 In its present form the list of approved Fathers comprises Cyprian, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil, Athanasius, Chrysostom, Theophilus, Hilary, Cyril of Alexandria (wanting in one manuscript), Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Prosper, Leo ("every iota" of the tome to Flavian is to be accepted under anathema), and "also the treatises of all orthodox Fathers, who deviated in nothing from the fellowship of the holy Roman Church, and were not separated from her faith and preaching, but were participators through the grace of God until the end of their life in her communion; also the decretal letters, which most blessed popes have given at various times when consulted by various Fathers, are to be received with veneration".在其目前的形式核准父亲名单包括塞浦路斯,格雷戈里nazianzen,罗勒,亚他那修,金口,西奥菲勒斯,希拉里的亚历山德里亚(在一个想要手稿),刘汉铨,奥古斯丁,杰罗姆,繁荣,狮子座,西里尔(“每一丝一毫的”到弗拉维安托梅是根据诅咒接受),和“的论文也对所有东正教神父,谁偏离在从神圣罗马教会的团契什么,并没有从她的信心和说教分离,但通过参与者神的恩典,直到他们在她的共融生活的结束,也是法令的信件,其中最幸运教皇在不同时代赋予不同的父亲咨询时,要与崇拜“收到。 Orosius, Sedulius, and Juvencus are praised.Orosius,Sedulius和Juvencus的好评。

Rufinus and Origen are rejected.rufinus和奥利被拒绝。Eusebius's "History" and "Chronicle" are not to be condemned altogether, though in another part of the list they appear as "apocrypha" with Tertullian, Lactantius, Africanus, Commodian, Clement of Alexandria, Arnobius, Cassian, Victorinus of Pettau, Faustus, and the works of heretics, and forged Scriptural documents.尤西比乌斯的“历史”和“纪事”是不应该受到谴责完全尽管在另一名单,他们是“伪经”与良,潭修斯,Africanus,Commodian,亚历山德里亚,阿诺布斯,卡西安,对Pettau,浮士德Victorinus克莱门特出现的一部分, ,以及异端作品,圣经伪造证件。

The later Fathers constantly used the writings of the earlier.后来父亲经常使用较早的著作。For instance, St. Caesarius of Arles drew freely on St. Augustine's sermons, and embodied them in collections of his own; St. Gregory the Great has largely founded himself on St. Augustine; St. Isidore rests upon all his predecessors; St. John Damascene's great work is a synthesis of patristic theology.举例来说,圣上自由阿尔勒Caesarius提请圣奥古斯丁的说教,体现在他自己的藏书;圣高利大在很大程度上建立在圣奥古斯丁自己;圣伊西多尔呼吁所有他的前任责任;街约翰大马士革的伟大工作是教父神学的合成。 St. Bede's sermons are a cento from the greater Fathers.圣比德的说教是从更大的父亲摘录。Eugippius made a selection from St. Augustine's writings, which had an immense vogue. Eugippius制成的圣奥古斯丁的著作,其中有一个巨大的时尚选择。Cassiodorus made a collection of select commentaries by various writers on all the books of Holy Scripture. Cassiodorus由所有的圣经书籍的选择不同的作家的评论集。St. Benedict especially recommended patristic study, and his sons have observed his advice: "Ad perfectionem conversationis qui festinat, sunt doctrinae sanctorum Patrum, quarum observatio perducat hominem ad celsitudinem perfectionis . . . quis liber sanctorum catholicorum Patrum hoc non resonat, ut recto cursu perveniamus ad creatorem nostrum?"特别推荐教父圣本笃的研究,他的儿子已经看到了他的建议:“专案perfectionem conversationis魁festinat,必须遵守doctrinae sanctorum Patrum,quarum观测的perducat人身攻击的广告c​​elsitudinem perfectionis quis莱博sanctorum catholicorum Patrum特设非resonat,UT斯达康直肠cursu。。。 perveniamus广告creatorem秘方?“ (Sanet Regula, lxxiii). (Sanet雷古拉,lxxiii)。Florilegia and catenae became common from the fifth century onwards.Florilegia和catenae成为共同从第五世纪开始。 They are mostly anonymous, but those in the East which go under the name Œcumenius are well known.他们大多是匿名的,但在东方的根据是众所周知的名字Œcumenius去的。Most famous of all throughout the Middle Ages was the "Glossa ordinaria" attributed to Walafrid Strabo.大多数整个中世纪所有著名的是“Glossa ordinaria”归因于Walafrid斯特拉波。The "Catena aurea" of St. Thomas Aquinas is still in use.在“卡泰纳忽地笑”的圣托马斯阿奎那仍在使用。(See CATENAE, and the valuable matter collected by Turner in Hastings, Dict. of the Bible, V, 521.) St. Augustine was early recognized as the first of the Western Fathers, with St. Ambrose and St. Jerome by his side. (见CATENAE,和有价值的事情由特纳在黑斯廷斯,字典的收集。圣经,五,521。)圣奥古斯丁是早期确认为西方的祖宗,初次与圣刘汉铨和圣杰罗姆,在他身边。 St. Gregory the Great was added, and these four became "the Latin Doctors".圣格雷戈里大增加了,这四个成为“拉丁医生”。St. Leo, in some ways the greatest of theologians, was excluded, both on account of the paucity of his writings, and by the fact that his letters had a far higher authority as papal utterances.圣利奥,在某些方面最大的神学家,被排除在外,两人的著作,他缺乏的帐户,并经事实,即他信曾作为教皇的言论,远远高于权威。 In the East St. John Chrysostom has always been the most popular, as he is the most voluminous, of the Fathers.在东部圣约翰金口一直是最受欢迎的,因为他是最大量的父亲。With the great St. Basil, the father of monachism, and St. Gregory Nazianzen, famous for the purity of his faith, he made up the triumvirate called "the three hierarchs", familiar up to the present day in Eastern art.与伟大的圣罗勒,对monachism父亲,和圣格雷戈里nazianzen,为他的信仰纯洁而闻名,他叫了三驾马车“三个hierarchs”,熟悉到在东方艺术至今。 St. Athanasius was added to these by the Westerns, so that four might answer to four.圣亚他那修被添加到这些由西方人,使四个可能的答案四。(See DOCTORS OF THE CHURCH.) (见教会医生。)

It will be observed that many of the writers rejected in the Gelasian list lived and died in Catholic communion, but incorrectness in some part of their writings, eg the Semipelagian error attributed to Cassian and Faustus, the chiliasm of the conclusion of Victorinus's commentary on the Apocalypse (St. Jerome issued an expurgated edition, the only one in print as yet), the unsoundness of the lost "Hypotyposes" of Clement, and so forth, prevented such writers from being spoken of, as Hilary was by Jerome, "inoffenso pede percurritur".这将是观察到,在gelasian列表拒绝了许多作家都在这里生活和天主教共融死亡,但他们的一些著作的一部分不正确,例如Semipelagian错误归咎于卡西安和浮士德,在对Victorinus对评结论千禧年说启示录(圣杰罗姆发出删改版,在打印只有一个人还),对丢失“Hypotyposes”克莱门特不健全,等等,防止被谈到这些作家,如希拉里由Jerome是,“inoffenso pede percurritur“。As all the more important doctrines of the Church (except that of the Canon and the inspiration of Scripture) may be proved, or at least illustrated, from Scripture, the widest office of tradition is the interpretation of Scripture, and the authority of the Fathers is here of very great importance.由于所有的教会更重要的理论(除了佳能和灵感的经文)可能被证明,或者至少说明,从经文,传统的办公室是最广泛的经文解释,权威的父亲这里是很重视。 Nevertheless it is only then necessarily to be followed when all are of one mind: "Nemo . . . contra unanimum consensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari audeat", says the Council of Trent; and the Creed of Pius IV has similarly: ". . . nec eam unquam nisi juxta unanimum consensum Patrum accipiam et interpretabor".尽管如此,它只有在那时一定要遵循的都是一条心:说,安理会的遄达;以及比约四信条也同样“尼摩禁忌unanimum consensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari audeat。。。”:“。。 。NEC的梦还要unquam暂准juxta unanimum consensum Patrum accipiam等interpretabor“。 The Vatican Council echoes Trent: "nemini licere . . . contra unanimum sensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari."梵蒂冈理事会特伦特呼应:“nemini licere禁忌unanimum sensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari。。。。”

A consensus of the Fathers is not, of course, to be expected in very small matters: "Quae tamen antiqua sanctorum patrum consensio non in omnibus divinae legis quaestiunculis, sed solum certe praecipue in fidei regula magno nobis studio et investiganda est et sequenda" (Vincent, xxviii, 72).一个共识的父亲不是,当然,可以预期在非常小的事情:“Quae塔门安蒂奎sanctorum patrum consensio在综合divinae追偿quaestiunculis,桑达索卢姆在fidei调控风帆nobis工作室等investiganda东部等sequenda certe praecipue非”(文森特,二十八,72)。This is not the method, adds St. Vincent, against widespread and inveterate heresies, but rather against novelties, to be applied directly they appear.这不是方法,增加了圣文森特,不受广泛和根深蒂固的异端邪说,而是对新事物,将直接应用于他们出现。A better instance could hardly be given than the way in which Adoptionism was met by the Council of Frankfort in 794, nor could the principle be better expressed than by the Fathers of the Council:一个更好的实例可以很难得到比在其中Adoptionism是由法兰克福安理会举行了794路,也不能比的原则是由立法会的神父们表示:

"Tenete vos intra terminos Patrum, et nolite novas versare quaestiunculas; ad nihilum enim valent nisi ad subversionem audientium. Sufficit enim vobis sanctorum Patrum vestigia sequi, et illorum dicta firma tenere fide. Illi enim in Domino nostri exstiterunt doctores in fide et ductores ad vitam; quorum et sapientia Spiritu Dei plena libris legitur inscripta, et vita meritorum miraculis clara et sanctissima; quorum animae apud Deum Dei Filium, DNJC pro magno pietatis labore regnant in caelis. Hos ergo tota animi virtute, toto caritatis affectu sequimini, beatissimi fratres, ut horum inconcussa firmitate doctrinis adhaerentes, consortium aeternae beatitudinis . . . cum illis habere mereamini in caelis" ("Synodica ad Episc." in Mansi, XIII, 897-8). “Tenete沃斯内terminos Patrum,等nolite新星versare quaestiunculas。。广告Nihilum的enim价暂准广告subversionem audientium Sufficit enim vobis sanctorum Patrum vestigia塞奎,等illorum法官意见firma tenere真正Illi在Domino nostri exstiterunt doctores enim在善意等ductores广告vitam ;法定人数等sapientia Spiritu棣重瓣藏书legitur inscripta,等维他meritorum miraculis克拉拉等sanctissima;法定人数animae apud赞美颂棣Filium,DNJC亲风帆虔团契labore君临居屋测功在caelis托塔animi virtute,托托caritatis affectu sequimini,beatissimi fratres,UT斯达康。 horum inconcussa firmitate doctrinis adhaerentes,财团aeternae beatitudinis。。。暨illis在caelis habere mereamini“(”Synodica广告Episc。“在曼西,十三,897-8)。

And an excellent act of faith in the tradition of the Church is that of Charlemagne (ibid., 902) made on the same occasion:和一个在教会的传统信仰优秀的行为是,查理曼(同上,902)在同一场合提出:

"Apostolicae sedi et antiquis ab initio nascentis ecclesiae et catholicis traditionibus tota mentis intentione, tota cordis alacritate, me conjungo. Quicquid in illorum legitur libris, qui divino Spiritu afflati, toti orbi a Deo Christo dati sunt doctores, indubitanter teneo; hoc ad salutem animae meae sufficere credens, quod sacratissimae evangelicae veritatis pandit historia, quod apostolica in suis epistolis confirmat auctoritas, quod eximii Sacrae Scripturae tractatores et praecipui Christianae fidei doctores ad perpetuam posteris scriptum reliquerunt memoriam."“Apostolicae沉积物等antiquis从头nascentis等catholicis traditionibus,该书托塔mentis intentione,托塔科迪斯alacritate,我conjungo Quicquid在illorum legitur藏书,魁迪维努Spiritu afflati,托蒂orbi一迪奥克里斯托dati必须遵守doctores,indubitanter teneo。特设广告salutem animae meae,sufficere credens狴sacratissimae evangelicae真理的潘迪特史记,在猪epistolis confirmat auctoritas狴apostolica,狴eximii Sacrae Scripturae tractatores等praecipui Christianae fidei doctores广告perpetuam posteris scriptum reliquerunt悼念。“

II.二。CLASSIFICATION OF PATRISTIC WRITINGS教父著述的分类

In order to get a good view of the patristic period, the Fathers may be divided in various ways.为了得到一个好的观点教父期间,父亲可以分为不同的方式。One favourite method is by periods; the Ante-Nicene Fathers till 325; the Great Fathers of the fourth century and half the fifth (325-451); and the later Fathers.一个最好的方法是通过时间;到325前厅尼西亚教父;第四个世纪最伟大的父亲,一半的第五个(325-451),以及后来父亲。 A more obvious division is into Easterns and Westerns, and the Easterns will comprise writers in Greek, Syriac, Armenian, and Coptic.更明显的分工分为Easterns和西部片,以及Easterns将包括在希腊,叙利亚,亚美尼亚,和科普特作家。 A convenient division into smaller groups will be by periods, nationalities and character of writings; for in the East and West there were many races, and some of the ecclesiastical writers are apologists, some preachers, some historians, some commentators, and so forth.成小群方便司将用句,国籍和著作性质;在东方和西方有很多场比赛,以及一些教会作家辩护士,一些传教士,一些历史学家,一些评论家,等等。

A. After (1) the Apostolic Fathers come in the second century (2) the Greek apologists, followed by (3) the Western apologists somewhat later, (4) the Gnostic and Marcionite heretics with their apocryphal Scriptures, and (5) the Catholic replies to them.答:经过(1)使徒的父亲在第二世纪(2)希腊辩护士来,其次是(3)西方辩护士有点迟,(4)的诺斯底异端,并用自己的猜测Marcionite圣​​经,(5)天主教答复他们。

B. The third century gives us (1) the Alexandrian writers of the catechetical school, (2) the writers of Asia Minor and (3) Palestine, and the first Western writers, (4) at Rome, Hippolytus (in Greek), and Novatian, (5) the great African writers, and a few others. B的第三个世纪给我们(1)问答学校的亚历山大作家,(2)作家和小亚细亚(3)巴勒斯坦和第一位西方作家,(4)在罗马,西波吕(希腊),和诺瓦蒂安,(5)伟大的非洲作家,和其他几个。

C. The fourth century opens with (1) the apologetic and the historical works of Eusebius of Caesarea, with whom we may class St. Cyril of Jerusalem and St. Epiphanius, (2) the Alexandrian writers Athanasius, Didymus, and others, (3) the Cappadocians, (4) the Antiochenes, (5) the Syriac writers.三,四世纪打开,与(1)的歉意,优西比乌的恺撒的历史著作与谁类圣西里尔耶路撒冷和圣epiphanius,(2)亚他那修,Didymus,和其他人,亚历山大作家( 3)Cappadocians,(4)Antiochenes,(5)叙利亚作家。In the West we have (6) the opponents of Arianism, (7) the Italians, including Jerome, (8) the Africans, and (9) the Spanish and Gallic writers.在西方,我们有(6)阿里乌主义对手,(7)意大利人,包括杰罗姆,(8)的非洲人,(9)西班牙和高卢作家。

D. The fifth century gives us (1) the Nestorian controversy, (2) the Eutychian controversy, including the Western St. Leo; (3) the historians.四,五世纪为我们提供了(1)景教争议,(2)Eutychian争议,包括西方圣利奥;(3)历史学家。 In the West (4) the school of Lérins, (5) the letters of the popes.在西方(4)Lérins学校,(5)教皇的信件。

E. The sixth century and the seventh give us less important names and they must be grouped in a more mechanical way.E的第六和第七世纪少给我们重要的名字,它们必须在一个更机械的方式进行分组。

A

(1) If we now take these groups in detail we find the letters of the chief Apostolic Fathers, St. Clement, St. Ignatius, and St. Polycarp, venerable not merely for their antiquity, but for a certain simplicity and nobility of thought and style which is very moving to the reader. (1)如果我们现在在详细分析这些群体,我们发现行政使徒父亲,圣克莱门特,圣依纳爵和圣波利卡普,古老的字母不仅为他们的古老,但对于某些简单和思想贵族和风格,非常令人感动的读者。 Their quotations from the New Testament are quite free.从他们的报价,新约相当自由。They offer most important information to the historian, though in somewhat homoeopathic quantities.他们提供了最重要的信息,历史学家,虽然在有些顺势疗法的数量。To these we add the Didache, probably the earliest of all; the curious allegorizing anti-Jewish epistle which goes under the name of Barnabas; the Shepherd of Hermas, a rather dull series of visions chiefly connected with penance and pardon, composed by the brother of Pope Pius I, and long appended to the New Testament as of almost canonical importance.对于这些,我们添加的十二使徒遗训,大概所有的最早;好奇的寓言反犹太人的书信的名义下,巴拿巴去;牧​​人书,一个主要是与忏悔和赦免连接愿景沉闷系列,由兄弟组成教皇皮乌斯我和长追加到新的规范的重要性,几乎约。 The works of Papias, the disciple of St. John and Aristion, are lost, all but a few precious fragments.帕皮亚,在圣约翰和亚里斯提安弟子,作品丢失,只有少数珍贵的片段。

(2) The apologists are most of them philosophic in their treatment of Christianity.(2)辩护士是基督教哲学在其处理其中的大多数。Some of their works were presented to emperors in order to disarm persecutions.他们的一些作品被提交给皇帝为了解除迫害。 We must not always accept the view given to outsiders by the apologists, as representing the whole of the Christianity they knew and practised.我们不能总是接受了代表的整体,他们知道基督教和实践的辩护意见,鉴于外人。The apologies of Quadratus to Hadrian, of Aristo of Pella to the Jews, of Miltiades, of Apollinaris of Hierapolis, and of Melito of Sardis are lost to us.道歉的Quadratus哈德良,对佩拉雅集的犹太人Miltiades的希拉波利斯亚坡理纳,及萨迪斯美利托,是输给了我们。 But we still possess several of greater importance.但我们仍拥有一些比较重要的。That of Aristides of Athens was presented to Antoninus Pius, and deals principally with the knowledge of the true God.阿里斯蒂德的雅典呈献给安东尼皮乌斯,交易主要是与真神的知识。The fine apology of St. Justin with its appendix is above all interesting for its description of the liturgy at Rome c.该圣贾斯汀其附录罚款道歉首先是其描述的礼仪在罗马有趣的角150.150。His arguments against the Jews are found in the well-composed "Dialogue with Trypho", where he speaks of the Apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse in a manner which is of first-rate importance in the mouth of a man who was converted at Ephesus some time before the year 132.他的论点对犹太人被发现在精心创作的“对话与Trypho”,在那里他的著作权的启示使徒的方式说话其中一流的重要性是在一个人的嘴谁是在以弗所的一些转换前132年的时间。 The "Apology" of Justin's Syrian disciple Tatian is a less conciliatory work, and its author fell into heresy.“道歉”的Justin的弟子提安叙利亚是一个不太调解工作,它的作者为异端下跌。Athenagoras, an Athenian (c. 177), addressed to Marcus Aurelius and Commodus an eloquent refutation of the absurd calumnies against Christians.哥拉,雅典人(约177),给马可奥勒留和康茂德一对基督徒的荒谬诽谤雄辩地驳斥。Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, about the same date, wrote three books of apology addressed to a certain Autolycus.西奥菲勒斯,安提阿主教,大约在同一日期,写了三个限定在某个Autolycus道歉书。

(3) All these works are of considerable literary ability.(3)所有这些作品有相当的文学能力。 This is not the case with the great Latin apology which closely follows them in date, the "Apologeticus" of Tertullian, which is in the uncouth and untranslatable language affected by its author.这不是与伟大的拉丁道歉案紧随日期,其中“Apologeticus”良,这在语言粗鲁和非翻译的创作者受影响。Nevertheless it is a work of extraordinary genius, in interest and value far above all the rest, and for energy and boldness it is incomparable.不过这是一个非凡的天才的兴趣和远高于其他所有的价值,工作,以及对能源和勇气是无与伦比的。His fierce "Ad Scapulam" is a warning addressed to a persecuting proconsul.他猛烈的“广告Scapulam”是写给一个迫害地方总督警告。"Adversus Judaeos" is a title which explains itself.“相反Judaeos”是一个名称的解释了自己。The other Latin apologists are later.在其他拉美辩护士是后来。The "Octavios" of Minucius Felix is as polished and gentle as Tertullian is rough.在“Octavios”的米诺西乌菲利克斯是抛光和温柔,就像良,是在粗糙。Its date is uncertain.它的日期是不确定的。If the "Apologeticus "was well calculated to infuse courage into the persecuted Christian, the "Octavius" was more likely to impress the inquiring pagan, if so be that more flies are caught with honey than with vinegar.如果“Apologeticus”是很好计算注入迫害基督教的勇气,“屋大维”更有可能打动询问异教徒,所以如果有更多的苍蝇用蜂蜜比用醋被捕。 With these works we may mention the much later Lactantius, the most perfect of all in literary form ("Divinae Institutiones", c. 305-10, and "De Mortibus persecutorum", c. 314).这些作品中,我们可能会提到晚得多潭修斯,在文学形式最完美的(“Divinae Institutiones”角305-10,“德Mortibus persecutorum”,长314)。Greek apologies probably later than the second century are the "Irrisiones" of Hermias, and the very beautiful "Epistle" to Diognetus.可能晚于公元二世纪希腊的道歉是“Irrisiones”的Hermias,以及非常漂亮的“书信”,以Diognetus。

(4) The heretical writings of the second century are mostly lost.(4)第二个世纪的邪教著作大多丢失。 The Gnostics had schools and philosophized; their writers were numerous.该Gnostics了学校和哲理,他们的作家很多。Some curious works have come down to us in Coptic.一些奇怪的作品已回落到我们在科普特。The letter of Ptolemeus to Flora in Epiphanius is almost the only Greek fragment of real importance.信中的Ptolemeus埃皮法尼乌斯到植物几乎是唯一真正重要的希腊片段。Marcion founded not a school but a Church, and his New Testament, consisting of St. Luke and St. Paul, is preserved to some extent in the works written against him by Tertullian and Epiphanius.马吉安创办一所学校,但没有一所教堂,和他的新约圣经,圣卢克和圣保罗组成,是保存到一些对他写的作品良和埃皮法尼乌斯程度。 Of the writings of Greek Montanists and of other early heretics, almost nothing remains.对希腊Montanists和其他早期异端的著作,几乎什么也没有留下。The Gnostics composed a quantity of apocryphal Gospels amid Acts of individual Apostles, large portions of which are preserved, mostly in fragments, in Latin revisions, or in Syriac, Coptic, Arabic, or Slavonic versions.使徒中个别组成,其中被保留下来,主要是碎片,在拉丁美洲的修订,或在叙利亚文,科普特人,阿拉伯语,斯拉夫语版本的大部分或行为的数量该Gnostics未经福音。 To these are to be added such well-known forgeries as the letters of Paul to Seneca, and the Apocalypse of Peter, of which a fragment was recently found in the Fayûm.对于这些将被添加为保罗的信件,塞内卡等著名伪造的,和彼得,其中一个片段,最近在法尤姆发现的启示。

(5) Replies to the attacks of heretics form, next to the apologetic against heathen persecutors on the one hand and Jews on the other, the characteristic Catholic literature of the second century. (五)向异端形式的攻击,未来对一方面,另一方面,特点的第二个世纪天主教迫害异教徒犹太人文学的歉意答复。The "Syntagma" of St. Justin against all heresies is lost.在“锡塔玛”的圣贾斯汀反对一切歪理邪说丢失。Earlier yet, St. Papias (already mentioned) had directed his efforts to the refutation of the rising errors, and the same preoccupation is seen in St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp.但早些时候,圣帕皮亚(已提到)已指示他的努力,对上升的错误反驳,同样的当务之急是在圣依纳爵和圣波利卡普看到。 Hegesippus, a converted Jew of Palestine, journeyed to Corinth and Rome, where he stayed from the episcopate of Anicetus till that of Eleutherius (c. 160-180), with the intention of refuting the novelties of the Gnostics and Marcionites by an appeal to tradition. Hegesippus,改装的犹太人的巴勒斯坦,启程前往科林斯和罗马,在那里他住从Anicetus时间至Eleutherius(公元前160-180)的主教同驳呼吁的gnostics和Marcionites的新奇的意图,传统。 His work is lost.他的工作都将丢失。But the great work of St. Irenæus (c. 180) against heresies is founded on Papias, Hegesippus, and Justin, and gives from careful investigation an account of many Gnostic systems, together with their refutation.但是,圣爱任纽(约180)反对异端邪说的伟大的工作是建立在帕皮亚,Hegesippus,和Justin,并给出了一个通过仔细调查,许多诺斯底系统帐户,与他们一起驳斥。 His appeal is less to Scripture than to the tradition which the whole Catholic Church has received and handed down from the Apostles, through the ministry of successive bishops, and particularly to the tradition of the Roman Church founded by Peter and Paul.他的上诉是小于的,整个天主教会已收到并转交由使徒下来,通过连续主教部,特别是罗马教会的传统,彼得和保罗创立传统圣经。

By the side of Irenaeus must be put the Latin Tertullian, whose book "Of the Prescriptions Against Heretics" is not only a masterpiece of argument, but is almost as effective against modern heresies as against those of the early Church.由爱任纽方必须把拉丁良,其著作“反异端方”不仅是一个争论的杰作,但几乎是对相对于早期教会的异端邪说现代有效。 It is a witness of extraordinary importance to the principles of unvarying tradition which the Catholic Church has always professed, and to the primitive belief that Holy Scripture must be interpreted by the Church and not by private industry.这是一个非常重要的证人对一成不变的传统,其中天主教教会一直声称,并以原始信仰认为圣经的解释必须由教会和私人行业没有原则。 He uses Irenaeus in this work, and his polemical books against the Valentinians and the Marcionites borrow freely from that saint.他利用在这项工作中依,和对伦提努和Marcionites他论战的圣书借自由。He is the less persuasive of the two, because he is too abrupt, too clever, too anxious for the slightest controversial advantage, without thought of the easy replies that might be made.他是两个不太有说服力的,因为他太突然,太聪明,丝毫争议的优势太着急,未经可能变得容易想到的答复。He sometimes prefers wit or hard hitting to solid argument.他有时喜欢机智或难以触及固体论点。At this period controversies were beginning within the Church, the most important being the question whether Easter could be celebrated on a weekday.在此期间,争论已开始在教会内,最重要的是是否可以在复活节周日庆祝。Another burning question at Rome, at the turn of the century, was the doubt whether the prophesying of the Montanists could be approved, and yet another, in the first years of the third century, was the controversy with a group of opponents of Montanism (so it seems), who denied the authenticity of the writings of St. John, an error then quite new.在罗马的另一个亟待解决的问题在世纪之交,是是否可以预言的montanists批准怀疑,又在第三世纪的头几年,是用了对手的montanism组(争议看起来是这样的),谁剥夺了圣约翰,一个错误的著作则相当新的真实性。

B

(1) The Church of Alexandria already in the second century showed the note of learning, together with a habit borrowed from the Alexandrian Jews, especially Philo, of an allegorizing interpretation of Scripture. (1)教会的亚历山德里亚,在第二个世纪已经表现出学习的注意,连同从亚历山大的犹太人,特别是斐洛,一个寓言解释圣经借来的习惯。The latter characteristic is already found in the "Epistle of Barnabas", which may be of Alexandrian origin.后者的特点是已发现的“巴拿巴书信”,这可能是亚历山大的起源。Pantamus was the first to make the Catechetical school of the city famous.Pantamus是第一次使城市的著名慕道学校。 No writings of his are extant, but his pupil Clement, who taught in the school with Pantamus, c.没有他的著作是现存的,但他的学生克莱门特,谁在学校教书与Pantamus角180, and as its head, c. 180,作为它的头,角180-202 (died c. 214), has left a considerable amount of rather lengthy disquisitions dealing with mythology, mystical theology, education, social observances, and all other things in heaven and on earth. 180-202(死于角214),留下了相当长的神话,神秘的神学,教育,社会议论处理大量纪念活动,并在天堂和地球上所有其他的事情。He was followed by the great Origen, whose fame spread far and wide even among the heathen.接着是由伟大的渊源,其名声在列国中蔓延,甚至远弗届。The remains of his works, though they fill several volumes, are to a great extent only in free Latin translations, and bear but a small ratio to the vast amount that has perished.他的作品的遗体,但他们填写了几卷,只有在自由拉丁文翻译,并承担但小的比例,有大量死亡在很大程度上。The Alexandrians held as firmly as any Catholics to tradition as the rule of faith, at least in theory, but beyond tradition they allowed themselves to speculate, so that the "Hypotyposes" of Clement have been almost entirely lost on account of the errors which found a place in them, and Origen's works fell under the ban of the Church, though their author lived the life of a saint, and died, shortly after the Decian persecution, of the sufferings he had undergone in it.在亚历山大举行牢牢任何天主教徒的传统,对法治的信仰,至少在理论上,但除了让自己的传统,他们推测,使“Hypotyposes”克莱门特帐户已几乎完全失去了对这些错误的发现在这些地方,和奥利的作品下跌下的教会的禁令,但其作者过着圣人的生活,死亡后不久,Decian迫害,他已在它经历了痛苦。

The disciples of Origen were many and eminent.的奥利和杰出的弟子很多。The library founded by one of them, St. Alexander of Jerusalem, was precious later on to Eusebius.该库成立由其中一人,耶路撒冷圣亚历山大,是珍贵的尤西比乌斯更高版本。The most celebrated of the school were St. Dionysius "the Great" of Alexandria and St. Gregory of Neocaesarea in Pontus, known as the Wonder-Worker, who, like St. Nonnosus in the West, was said to have moved a mountain for short distance by his prayers.该校最有名的是亚历山大和格里高利圣圣Neocaesarea迪奥尼修斯的“大”的奇迹工作者称为庞,谁像圣在西方Nonnosus,据说动议山地短距离他的祈祷。 Of the writings of these two saints not very much is extant.这两项圣人的著作不是很多是现存。

(2) Montanism and the paschal question brought Asia Minor down from the leading position it held in the second century into a very inferior rank in the third. (2)孟他努和小亚细亚逾越的问题带来了它的领先地位,在第二世纪举办成一个很自卑排名第三。Besides St. Gregory, St. Methodius at the end of that century was a polished writer and an opponent of Origenism -- his name is consequently passed over without mention by the Origenist historian Eusebius.此外圣格雷戈里,圣Methodius在这个世纪的结束是一个作家,抛光Origenism对手 - 他的名字是因此通过以上未提及的Origenist历史学家尤西比乌斯。We have his "Banquet" in Greek, and some smaller works in Old Slavonic.我们有他在希腊“夜宴”,在旧斯拉夫一些小作品。

(3) Antioch was the head see over the "Orient" including Syria and Mesopotamia as well as Palestine and Phoenicia, but at no time did this form a compact patriarchate like that of Alexandria. (3)安提是头看到,在“东方”,包括叙利亚,美索不达米亚以及巴勒斯坦和腓尼基,但在任何时候都不一样,这种形式一宗主教亚历山德里亚的紧凑。 We must group here writers who have no connection with one another in matter or style.我们必须在这里的作家群谁没有一个在物质或风格另一个连接。Julius Africanus lived at Emmaus and composed a chronography, out of which the episcopal lists of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, and a great deal of other matter, have been preserved for us in St. Jerome's version of the Chronicle of Eusebius, and in Byzantine chronographers.朱利叶斯Africanus住在以马忤斯和组成的chronography,其中罗马,亚历山大,和安提,以及大量的其他物质,主教名单已为我们保存在圣杰罗姆的纪事的尤西比乌斯版本,并在拜占庭chronographers。 Two letters of his are of interest, but the fragments of his "Kestoi" or "Girdles" are of no ecclesiastical value; they contain much curious matter and much that is objectionable.他的两个字母是兴趣,但他的“Kestoi”或碎片“束腰”是没有教会的价值,它们包含了许多好奇的问题,很多是反感。 In the second half of the third century, perhaps towards the end of it, a great school was established at Antioch by Lucian, who was martyred at Nicomedia in 312.在第三个世纪可能实现它的结束,下半年,一个伟大的学校成立由卢西安在安提阿,谁是在尼科美底亚烈属,在312。He is said to have been excommunicated under three bishops, but if this is true he had been long restored at the time of his martyrdom.他说,已根据三位主教逐出教会,但如果这是真的,他曾长期在他殉难时恢复。It is quite uncertain whether he shared the errors of Paul of Samosata (Bishop of Antioch, deposed for heresy in 268-9).这是非常不确定他是否共享Samosata的保罗(主教安提异端废黜268-9)的错误。At all events he was -- however unintentionally -- the father of Arianism, and his pupils were the leaders of that heresy: Eusebius of Nicomedia, Arius himself, with Menophantus of Ephesus, Athanasius of Anazarbus, and the only two bishops who refused to sign the new creed at the Council of Nicaea, Theognis of Nicaea and Maris of Chalcedon, besides the scandalous bishop Leontius of Antioch and the Sophist Asterius.在所有比赛中,他 - 但无意 - 对阿里乌主义的父亲,他的学生是该邪教领导人:尤西比乌斯的尼科美底亚,阿里乌斯本人,以弗所,亚他那修的Anazarbus,Menophantus和仅有的两个主教谁拒绝想在理事会的尼西亚,尼西亚Theognis和Maris的chalcedon除了智者安提和可耻的主教Leontius Asterius新信条。At Caesarea, an Origenist centre, flourished under another martyr, St. Pamphilus, who with his friend Eusebius, a certain Ammonius, and others, collected the works of Origen in a long-famous library, corrected Origen's "Hexapla", and did much editing of the text both of the Old and the New Testaments.在该撒利亚,一Origenist中心,根据另一烈士,圣Pamphilus,谁与他的朋友尤西比乌斯,有一定的Ammonius等人,收集在一个长的著名图书馆工程的奥利纠正渊源的“的hexapla”,蓬勃发展,并没有多少编辑的这两个老和新约文本。

(4) We hear of no writings at Rome except in Greek, until the mention of some small works in Latin, by Pope St. Victor, which still existed in Jerome's day. (4)我们听到的著作,除了在罗马没有在希腊直到拉美一些小工程,由罗马教皇圣维克多,仍然在Jerome的一天存在,更不用说。Hippolytus, a Roman priest, wrote from c.西波吕,罗马牧师,说从C200 to 235, and always in Greek, though at Carthage Tertullian had been writing before this in Latin. 200至235,始终在希腊,虽然已在迦太基良写这篇文章之前,在拉丁美洲。If Hippolytus is the author of the "Philosophumena" he was an antipope, and full of unreasoning enmity to his rival St. Callistus; his theology makes the Word proceed from God by His Will, distinct from Him in substance, and becoming Son by becoming man.如果西波吕是“Philosophumena”的作者,他是一个伪教皇,和他的对手的敌意理智圣卡利斯图斯充分,他的神学,使上帝的词要从他的意愿,从他独特的物质,并成为通过成为儿子男子。 There is nothing Roman in the theology of this work; it rather connects itself with the Greek apologists.没有什么罗马这项工作的神学,而不是连接它与希腊辩护本身。A great part of a large commentary on Daniel and a work against Noetus are the only other important remains of this writer, who was soon forgotten in the West, though fragments of his works turn up in all the Eastern languages.在丹尼尔的一个大的评论,是对Noetus工作很大一部分是唯一的其他重要仍然是这个作家,谁很快就被西方遗忘,尽管他的作品的片段又在所有的东欧语言了。 Parts of his chronography, perhaps his last work, have survived.他chronography,也许是他最后的作品,幸存了下来。Another Roman antipope, Novatian, wrote in ponderous and studied prose with metrical endings.另一位罗马伪教皇,诺瓦蒂安,写在笨重,研究了格律结局散文。Some of his works have come down to us under the name of St. Cyprian.他的部分作品已回落到我们在圣塞浦路斯的名称。Like Hippolytus, he made his rigorist views the pretext for his schism.希波吕托斯一样,他作出了他rigorist为他的分裂意见的借口。 Unlike Hippolytus, he is quite orthodox in his principal work, "De Trinitate".不像西波吕,他很正统,他的主要工作,“德Trinitate”。


(5) The apologetic works of Tertullian have been mentioned.(5)良致歉的作品已被提及。The earlier were written by him when a priest of the Church of Carthage, but about the year 200 he was led to believe in the Montanist prophets of Phrygia, and he headed a Montanist schism at Carthage.较早写的当起了迦太基教会牧师,而是200年他被引导相信在弗里吉亚的Montanist先知,和他率领的迦太基一Montanist分裂。 Many of his treatises are written to defend his position and his rigorist doctrines, and he does so with considerable violence and with the clever and hasty argumentation which is natural to him.他的许多论文被写入捍卫自己的立场和他的rigorist学说,他这样做是相当暴力和匆忙的聪明和论证这是自然给他。The placid flow of St. Cyprian's eloquence (Bishop of Carthage, 249-58) is a great contrast to that of his "master".圣塞浦路斯的口才平静流(主教的迦太基,249-58)是一个巨大的反差给他的“主人”问题。The short treatises and large correspondence of this saint are all concerned with local questions and needs, and he eschews all speculative theology.简短的论文和书信这一大圣人都关注当地的问题和需要,他避开所有的投机神学。From this we gain the more light on the state of the Church, on its government, and on a number of interesting ecclesiastical and social matters.由此,我们得到了许多关于国家,教会更多的光线,其政府,并在教会和社会有趣的若干事项。In all the patristic period there is nothing, with the exception of Eusebius's history, which tells us so much about the early Church as the small volume which contains St. Cyprian's works.在所有的教父期间没有什么了尤西比乌斯的历史,讲述了作为小体积其中包含圣塞浦路斯的作品早期教会我们这么多的除外。 At the end of the century Arnobius, like Cyprian a convert in middle age, and like other Africans, Tertullian, Cyprian, Lactantius, and Augustine, a former rhetorician, composed a dull apology.在本世纪阿诺布斯这样结束塞浦路斯,一中年转换,像其他非洲人,良,塞浦路斯,潭修斯,和奥古斯丁,前修辞学家,谱写了沉闷的道歉。 Lactantius carries us into the fourth century.潭修斯进行到第四世纪。He was an elegant and eloquent writer, but like Arnobius was not a well-instructed Christian.他是一个优雅和雄辩的作家,但像阿诺布斯不是一个良好的指示基督徒。

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(1) The fourth century is the great age of the Fathers.(1)第四个世纪,是伟大时代的父亲。It was twelve years old when Constantine published his edict of toleration, and a new era for the Christian religion began.这是十二岁的时候出版了他的宽容康斯坦丁法令,并为基督教新时代开始了。It is ushered in by Eusebius of Caesarea, with his great apologetic works "Praeparatio Evangelica" and "Demonstratio Evangelica", which show the transcendent merit of Christianity, and his still greater historical works, the "Chronicle" (the Greek original is lost) and the "History", which has gathered up the fragments of the age of persecutions, and has preserved to us more than half of all we know about the heroic ages of the Faith.它迎来了由撒利亚尤西比乌斯,与他的伟大的“Praeparatio Evangelica”和“Demonstratio Evangelica”,这表明了基督教的超越性的优点,他的更大的历史著作中,“纪事”(希腊原来是丢失)道歉工程和“历史”,汇集了对迫害时代的片段,保留了一半以上的给我们,我们了解信仰的英雄时代。 In theology Eusebius was a follower of Origen, but he rejected the eternity of Creation and of the Logos, so that he was able to regard the Arians with considerable cordiality.在神学尤西比乌斯是奥利的追随者,但他拒绝了,并创造永恒的标志,所以,他能够把具有相当热情的白羊座。The original form of the pseudo-Clementine romance, with its long and tiresome dialogues, seems to be a work of the very beginning of the century against the new developments of heathenism, and it was written either on the Phoenician coast or not far inland in the Syrian neighbourhood.的伪克莱门汀恋,其长期而繁琐的对话,原来的形式,似乎是在对异教的新世纪之初的发展工作,这是书面无论是在腓尼基海岸或不远处的内陆叙利亚附近。 Replies to the greatest of the pagan attacks, that of Porphyry, become more frequent after the pagan revival under Julian (361-3), and they occupied the labours of many celebrated writers.以最大的异教的攻击,即斑岩,变得更加朱利安后,根据异教的复兴(361-3)频繁的答复,他们占领了许多著名作家的劳动。 St. Cyril of Jerusalem has left us a complete series of instructions to catechumens and the baptized, thus supplying us with an exact knowledge of the religious teaching imparted to the people in an important Church of the East in the middle of the fourth century.圣西里尔耶路撒冷已经给我们留下了完整的一系列指示和慕道的洗礼,从而提供一个对宗教教职确切的知识传授我们在东中的第四个世纪中叶重要的教会人民。 A Palestinian of the second half of the century, St. Epiphanius, became Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, and wrote a learned history of all the heresies.一个世纪,圣埃皮法尼乌斯下半年巴勒斯坦成为塞浦路斯萨拉米斯主教,并撰写了所有的异端教训的历史。He is unfortunately inaccurate, and has further made great difficulties for us by not naming his authorities.他是不幸的不准确的,并进一步提出他的当局通过不命名为我们很大的困难。He was a friend of St. Jerome, and an uncompromising opponent of Origenism.他是圣杰罗姆的朋友,不妥协的Origenism对手。

(2) The Alexandrian priest Arius was not a product of the catechetical school of that city, but of the Lucianic school of Antioch. (2)在亚历山大的牧师阿里乌斯是不是该城市问答学校的产物,而是学校的安提阿Lucianic。The Alexandrian tendency was quite opposite to the Antiochene, and the Alexandrian bishop, Alexander, condemned Arius in letters still extant, in which we gather the tradition of the Alexandrian Church.在亚历山大的趋势是截然相反的安提阿,和亚历山大主教,亚历山大,在信中还谴责了现存的,在我们收集的亚历山大教会的传统阿里乌斯。 There is no trace in them of Origenism, the head-quarters of which had long been at Caesarea in Palestine, in the succession Theoctistus, Pamphilus, Eusebius.没有一丝的Origenism他们来说,头,其中早就在cæsarea在巴勒斯坦的继承,Theoctistus,Pamphilus,尤西比乌斯宿舍。 The tradition of Alexandria was rather that which Dionysius the Great had received from Pope Dionysius.传统的亚历山大认为这是相当大狄奥尼修斯接受了教皇。Three years after the Nicene Council (325), St. Athanasius began his long episcopate of forty-five years.三年后的尼西亚理事会年(325),圣亚他那修开始了他四十五年之久主教。His writings are not very voluminous, being either controversial theology or apologetic memoirs of his own troubles, but their theological and historical value is enormous, on account of the leading part taken by this truly great man in the fifty years of fight with Arianism.他的作品不是很大量的,无论是有争议的神学或歉意回忆录了自己的烦恼,但他们的神学和历史价值是巨大的对本真正伟大的人采取与阿里乌主义斗争中的主导作用五十年帐户。 The head of the catechetical school during this half-century was Didymus the Blind, an Athanasian in his doctrine of the Son, and rather clearer even than his patriarch in his doctrine of the Trinity, but in many other points carrying on the Origenistic tradition.在校期间的问答这半个世纪的头部被Didymus盲人,一个儿子在他的学说阿他那修,和比他更清楚,而在他的族长甚至三位一体的教义,但在许多关于Origenistic继承传统其他问题。 Here may be also mentioned by the way a rather later writer, Synesius of Cyrene, a man of philosophical and literary habits, who showed energy and sincere piety as a bishop, in spite of the rather pagan character of his culture.这里可能还提到了这样一个比较后作家,昔兰尼,哲学和文学的习惯的人,谁表明作为主教能源和真诚的虔诚在异教文化,而他的性格,尽管Synesius。 His letters are of great interest.他的信是极大的兴趣。

(3) The second half of the century is illustrated by an illustrious triad in Cappadocia, St. Basil, his friend St. Gregory Nazianzen, and his brother St. Gregory of Nyssa. (3)本世纪下半叶,是说明了在卡帕多西亚,圣罗勒,圣格雷戈里nazianzen他的朋友,和他的弟弟圣格雷戈里的nyssa杰出黑社会。They were the main workers in the return of the East to orthodoxy.他们在东回到正统的主要人员。Their doctrine of the Trinity is an advance even upon that of Didymus, and is very near indeed to the Roman doctrine which was later embodied in the Athanasian creed.他们对三位一体的教义是偶数时Didymus的前进,确实是非常接近的罗马学说,后来在亚他那修信条体现。But it had taken a long while for the East to assimilate the entire meaning of the orthodox view.但它已经采取了很长一段时间为东同化的正统查看整个意义。St. Basil showed great patience with those who had advanced less far on the right road than himself, and he even tempered his language so as to conciliate them.圣巴索表明那些谁少了先进的比他远在正确的道路,他甚至锻炼自己的语言,为调解他们极大的耐心。For fame of sanctity scarcely any of the Fathers, save St. Gregory the Wonder-Worker, or St. Augustine, has ever equalled him.为了神圣的名声几乎没有任何的父亲,保存圣格雷戈里的奇迹工作者,或者圣奥古斯丁,他从来追平。He practised extraordinary asceticism, and his family were all saints.他实行特殊的禁欲主义,和他的家人都是圣人。He composed a rule for monks which has remained practically the only one in the East.他创作的这实际上仍然在东部只有一个僧侣的规则。St. Gregory had far less character, but equal abilities and learning, with greater eloquence.圣格雷戈里已远不如性格,但和平等的学习能力有更大的口才。The love of Origen which persuaded the friends in their youth to publish a book of extracts from his writings had little influence on their later theology; that of St. Gregory in particular is renowned for its accuracy or even inerrancy.爱情的奥利在说服自己的青春,出版他的著作,从书中摘录的朋友对他们未来的神学影响不大,这对圣格雷戈里尤其是其著名的准确性,甚至无误。 St. Gregory of Nyssa is, on the other hand, full of Origenism.圣果树Gregory是,在另一方面,Origenism爆满。The classical culture and literary form of the Cappadocians, united to sanctity and orthodoxy, makes them a unique group in the history of the Church.古典文化和文学形式的Cappadocians,团结起来,神圣和正统,使他们在教会的历史一个独特的群体。

(4) The Antiochene school of the fourth century seemed given over to Arianism, until the time when the great Alexandrians, Athanasius and Didymus, were dying, when it was just reviving not merely into orthodoxy, but into an efflorescence by which the recent glory of Alexandria and even of Cappadocia was to be surpassed. (4)安提阿学派的第四个世纪,直到学校里给阿里乌主义的时候,当伟大的亚历山大,他那修和Didymus,正在死亡线上挣扎,当它刚刚进入复苏不仅正统,而是进入一个全盛期,其中最近的荣耀亚历山大甚至卡帕多西亚是被超越。 Diodorus, a monk at Antioch and then Bishop of Tarsus, was a noble supporter of Nicene doctrine and a great writer, though the larger part of his works has perished.狄奥多罗斯,然后在安提阿主教塔尔苏斯和尚,是一个尼西亚教义和崇高的支持者一个伟大的作家,尽管他的作品大部份已经灭亡了。 His friend Theodore of Mopsuestia was a learned and judicious commentator in the literal Antiochene style, but unfortunately his opposition to the heresy of Apollinarius of Laodicea carried him into the opposite extreme of Nestorianism -- indeed the pupil Nestorius scarcely went so far as the master Theodore.他的朋友的Mopsuestia西奥多是在安提阿学派风格的文字学和明智的评论员,但不幸的是他反对异端的老底嘉Apollinarius带进了另一个极端,他的景教 - 实际上几乎没有瞳孔涅斯竟然主人西奥多。But then Nestorius resisted the judgment of the Church, whereas Theodore died in Catholic communion, and was the friend of saints, including that crowning glory of the Antiochene school, St. John Chrysostom, whose greatest sermons were preached at Antioch, before he became Bishop of Constantinople.但随后涅斯抵御了教会的判断,而在天主教共融西奥多死了,是圣人的朋友,包括学校的安提阿,圣约翰金口,其最大的布道在安提宣扬至高无上的荣耀,他才成为主教君士坦丁堡。 Chrysostom is of course the chief of the Greek Fathers, the first of all commentators, and the first of all orators whether in East or West.金口是希腊族长,所有评论员第一,而无论是在东方还是西方,当然首先所有的演说家。 He was for a time a hermit, and remained ascetic in his life; he was also a fervent social reformer.他隐居了一段时间,并留在他的苦行生活,他也是一个狂热的社会改革者。His grandeur of character makes him worthy of a place beside St. Basil and St. Athanasius.他性格使他的伟大旁圣罗勒和圣亚他那修的地方值得。

As Basil and Gregory were formed to oratory by the Christian Prohaeresius, so was Chrysostom by the heathen orator Libanius.由于瓦西里和Gregory,形成了由基督教Prohaeresius来演讲,所以被异教徒演说家巴尼乌斯金口。 In the classical Gregory we may sometimes find the rhetorician; in Chrysostom never; his amazing natural talent prevents his needing the assistance of art, and though training had preceded, it has been lost in the flow of energetic thought and the torrent of words.在古典格雷戈里我们有时会发现修辞学家,在金口从来没有,他惊人的天赋阻止他的艺术需要援助,虽然培训了之前,它一直在精力充沛的流动和思想的话洪流丢失。 He is not afraid of repeating himself and of neglecting the rules, for he never wishes to be admired, but only to instruct or to persuade.他不重复自己和忽视的规则,因为他从来不希望被害怕羡慕,但只有指示或说服。But even so great a man has his limitations.但即使如此大的人有他的局限性。He has no speculative interest in philosophy or theology, though he is learned enough to be absolutely orthodox.他没有在哲学或神学投机兴趣,但他学会了如何绝对正统。He is a holy man and a practical man, so that his thoughts are full of piety and beauty and wisdom; but he is not a thinker.他是一个圣人,一个务实的人,使他的思想是与美的虔诚和智慧,但他不是一个思想家。None of the Fathers has been more imitated or more read; but there is little in his writings which can be said to have moulded his own or future times, and he cannot come for an instant into competition with Origen or Augustine for the first place among ecclesiastical writers.的父亲都没有更模仿或多个只读,但有他,可说是塑造自己的或未来的时代的作品很少,而且他也没有即时接触到奥利或奥古斯丁的竞争首先在教会作家。

(5) Syria in the fourth century produced one great writer, St. Ephraem, deacon of Edessa (306-73).(5)产于叙利亚四世纪伟大的作家之一,圣塞拉斯E,埃德萨执事(306-73)。Most of his writings are poetry; his commentaries are in prose, but the remains of these are scantier.他的著作大多是诗歌,他的散文的评论,但这些都是scantier仍然存在。His homilies and hymns are all in metre, and are of very great beauty.他的颂歌和赞美诗都在米,和非常非常美丽的。Such tender and loving piety is hardly found elsewhere in the Fathers.这种温柔和爱的虔诚是很难在其他地方找到的父亲。The twenty-three homilies of Aphraates (326-7), a Mesopotamian bishop, are of great interest.对Aphraates(326-7),一个美索不达米亚主教,二三颂歌是极大的兴趣。

(6) St. Hilary of Poitiers is the most famous of the earlier opponents of Arianism in the West.(六)圣希拉里普瓦捷是最的阿里乌主义在西方早期的对手而闻名。He wrote commentaries and polemical works, including the great treatise "De Trinitate" and a lost historical work.他写的评论和争论的作品,其中包括伟大的论文“德Trinitate”和一个失落的历史的工作。His style is affectedly involved and obscure, but he is nevertheless a theologian of considerable merit.他的风格是故作参与和晦涩难懂,但他却是一个相当值得的神学家。The very name of his treatise on the Trinity shows that he approached the dogma from the Western point of view of a Trinity in Unity, but he has largely employed the works of Origen, Athanasius, and other Easterns.他的论文对三位一体的名字显示,从他接触的一个西方的观点统一三位一体的教条,但他在很大程度上采用俄,亚他那修,和其他Easterns的作品。 His exegesis is of the allegorical type.他的注释是寓言式。Until his day, the only great Latin Father was St. Cyprian, and Hilary had no rival in his own generation.直到他的一天,只有伟大的拉丁父亲是圣塞浦路斯,和希拉里在他这一代人没有对手。Lucifer, Bishop of Calaris in Sardinia, was a very rude controversialist, who wrote in a popular and almost uneducated manner.路西法,在撒丁岛Calaris主教,是一个非常粗鲁controversialist,谁在一个几乎没有受过教育的普及和方式写道。 The Spaniards Gregory of Illiberis, in Southern Spain, is only now beginning to receive his due, since Dom A. Wilmart restored to him in 1908 the important so-called "Tractatus Origenis de libris SS. Scripturae", which he and Batiffol had published in 1900, as genuine works of Origen translated by Victorinus of Pettau.格雷戈里的Illiberis西班牙人在西班牙南部,是现在才开始受到应有的,因为答Wilmart大教堂在1908年恢复的重要,所谓他“逻辑哲学论Origenis德Libris的党卫军。Scripturae”,他和Batiffol已出版1900年,作为真正的奥利由Pettau Victorinus翻译作品。The commentaries and anti-Arian works of the converted rhetorician, Marius Victorinus, were not successful.的评论和转换后的修辞学家,马吕斯Victorinus,反阿里安的作品没有成功。St. Eusebius of Vercellae has left us only a few letters.圣Vercellae尤西比乌斯已经离开了我们只有几个字母。The date of the short discourses of Zeno of Verona is uncertain.维罗纳的芝诺的短话语日期是不确定的。The fine letter of Pope Julius I to the Arians and a few letters of Liberius and Damasus are of great interest. ,教宗朱利我精信白羊座和利比里奥和达玛斯的几个字母是极大的兴趣。

The greatest of the opponents of Arianism in the West is St. Ambrose (d. 397).对西方阿里乌主义的反对者最大的是圣刘汉铨(四397)。His sanctity and his great actions make him one of the most imposing figures in the patristic period.他的尊严,他的伟大的行动使他在教父时期最宏伟的人物之一。Unfortunately the style of his writings is often unpleasant, being affected and intricate, without being correct or artistic.不幸的是,他的作品往往是不愉快的风格,受到影响和复杂的,没有被正确或艺术。His exegesis is not merely of the most extreme allegorical kind, but so fanciful as to be sometimes positively absurd.他的注释是不是只是一种最极端的寓言,但以如此奇特的是有时是积极的荒谬。And yet, when off his guard, he speaks with genuine and touching eloquence; he produces apophthegms of admirable brevity, and without being a deep theologian, he shows a wonderful profundity of thought on ascetical, moral, and devotional matters.然而,当了他的后卫,他讲的是真正的,感人的口才,他产生了令人钦佩的简洁apophthegms,而不深神学家和,他显示了对苦修,道德及宗教事务精彩的思想深度。 Just as his character demands our enthusiastic admiration, so his writings gain our affectionate respect, in spite of their very irritating defects.正如他的性格要求我们狂热的崇拜,所以他的作品赢得大家深情的尊重,在他们的缺陷,但很让人讨厌。It is easy to see that he is very well read in the classics and in Christian writers of East and West, but his best thoughts are all his own.这是很容易看到他是相当不错,在经典和在东部和西部的基督教作家读,但他的最好的想法都是他自己的。

(7) At Rome an original, odd, and learned writer composed a commentary on St. Paul's Epistles and a series of questions on the Old and New Testaments. (7)在罗马的原始,奇,学到作家组成的一个圣保罗的书信评论和对新旧约的一系列问题。He is usually spoken of as Ambrosiaster, and may perhaps be a converted Jew named Isaac, who later apostatized.他通常是口语的,因为Ambrosiaster,并可能是一辆经过改装的犹太人名叫以撒,谁后来apostatized。 St. Damasus wrote verses which are poor poetry but interesting where they give us information about the martyrs and the catacombs.圣达玛斯说经文诗歌,但有趣的是穷人,他们给我们对烈士和墓穴的资料。His secretary for a time was St. Jerome, a Pannonian by birth, a Roman by baptism.他在一段时间内书记圣杰罗姆,一个潘诺尼亚出生,一个罗马的洗礼。This learned Father, "Doctor maximus in Sacris Scripturis", is very well known to us, for almost all that he wrote is a revelation of himself.这个教训之父“,医生在Sacris Scripturis鲆”,是我们非常熟悉,几乎所有他写的一对自己的启示。He tells the reader of his inclinations and his antipathies, his enthusiasms and his irritations, his friendships and his enmities.他讲述了他的倾向和他的反感,他的热情和他的刺激,他的友谊和他的敌意读者。If he is often out of temper, he is most human, most affectionate, most ascetic, most devoted to orthodoxy, and in many ways a very lovable character; for if he is quick to take offence, he is easily appeased, he is laborious beyond ordinary endurance, and it is against heresy that his anger is usually kindled.如果他经常出的脾气,他是最有人情味,最亲切,最苦行僧,最致力于正统,而且在许多方面是个很可爱的性格,因为如果他很快就生气,他很容易平息,他辛苦超越了一般的耐力,这是对异端,他的愤怒是通常点燃。 He lived all the latter part of his life in a retreat at Bethlehem, surrounded by loving disciples, whose untiring devotion shows that the saint was by no means such a rough diamond, one might say such an ogre, as he is often represented.他住在一个破釜沉舟,他的后半生在伯利恒的爱,弟子,他们的不懈的奉献表明,圣人绝不是指这样的未经加工钻石,一会说这样的怪物包围,因为他经常代表。 He had no taste for philosophy, and seldom gave himself time to think, but he read and wrote ceaselessly.他没有对哲学味道,也很少给自己时间去思考,但他读,写不断。His many commentaries are brief and to the point, full of information, and the product of wide reading.他的许多评论简短,中肯,信息充分,以及广泛阅读产品。His greatest work was the translation of the Old Testament from the Hebrew into Latin.他最大的工作是旧从希伯来文圣经翻译成拉丁文。He carried on the textual labours of Origen, Pamphilus, and Eusebius, and his revision of the Latin Gospels shows the use of admirably pure Greek manuscripts, though he seems to have expended less pains on the rest of the New Testament.他进行的渊源,Pamphilus,和尤西比乌斯文本劳动力,和他的拉丁福音修改显示了令人钦佩的纯希腊手稿使用,尽管他似乎已经花费在新约其余少痛苦。 He attacked heretics with much of the cleverness, all the vivacity, and much more than the eloquence and effectiveness of Tertullian.他抨击与聪明很多异端,所有的活泼,和比口才和良有效性的。He used the like weapons against any who attacked him, and especially against his friend Rufinus during their passing period of hostility.他用谁对任何攻击他,对他的朋友Rufinus,特别是在敌对期间在通过类似的武器。

If he is only "perhaps" the most learned of the Fathers, he is beyond doubt the greatest of prose writers among them all.如果他仅仅是“也许”最了解的父亲,他是其中最伟大的散​​文作家都毫无疑问。 We cannot compare his energy and wit with the originality and polish of Cicero, or with the delicate perfection of Plato, but neither can they or any other writer be compared with Jerome in his own sphere.我们无法比拟的原创性和西塞罗波兰的精力和智慧,或与柏拉图细腻完美,但也可以自己或任何其他作家与杰罗姆在自己的领域比较。 He does not attempt flights of imagination, musical intonation, word-painting; he has no flow of honeyed language like Cyprian, no torrent of phrases like Chrysostom; he is a writer, not an orator, and a learned and classical writer.他并不试图想象,音乐语调,文字画航班,他并没有像塞浦路斯,没有像金口短语洪流蜜语流,他是一个作家,而不是一个演说家,和一个教训和经典作家。 But such letters as his, for astonishing force and liveliness, for point, and wit, and terse expression, were never written before or since.但是,这些信件是他,因为惊人的力量和活力,为点,机智和简洁的表达,从来没有写之前或之后。There is no sense of effort, and though we feel that the language must have been studied, we are rarely tempted to call it studied language, for Jerome knows the strange secret of polishing his steel weapons while they are still at a white heat, and of hurling them before they cool.没有意义的努力,尽管我们认为语言必须进行了研究,我们很少忍不住要称它研究语言,杰罗姆知道他的兵器抛光奇怪的秘密,而他们是在白热化的是,和他们投掷他们之前的冷静。 He was a dangerous adversary, and had few scruples in taking every possible advantage.他是个危险的对手,并已在采取一切可能的优势很少顾忌。He has the unfortunate defect of his extraordinary swiftness, that he is extremely inaccurate, and his historical statements need careful control.他有他不平凡的迅捷不幸的缺陷,他是非常不准确,他的历史报表需要严格控制。His biographies of the hermits, his words about monastic life, virginity, Roman faith, our Blessed Lady, relics of saints, have exercised great influence.他的传记的隐士,约寺院生活,童贞,罗马的信心,我们的祝福夫人,他的话圣人遗迹,有行使很大的影响。It has only been known of late years that Jerome was a preacher; the little extempore discourses published by Dom Mona are full of his irrepressible personality and his careless learning.它只有被称为该杰罗姆是一个牧师晚年;小即席发表的大教堂莫娜话语是他抑制不住自己粗心的个性和学习爆满。

(8) Africa was a stranger to the Arian struggle, being occupied with a battle of its own. (8)非洲是一个陌生的阿里安的斗争,是与它自己的战斗占领。Donatism (311-411) was for a long time paramount in Numidia, and sometimes in other parts. Donatism(311-411)为长期在努米底亚最重要的,有时在其他地区。The writings of the Donatists have mostly perished.多纳的著作的大多遇难。About 370 St. Optatus published an effective controversial work against them.约370圣optatus的出版是对他们有效的争议工作。The attack was carried on by a yet greater controversialist, St. Augustine, with a marvellous success, so that the inveterate schism was practically at an end twenty years before that saint's death.这次袭击是由一个尚未进行更大controversialist,圣奥古斯丁与一个了不起的成功,使顽固的分裂是在一二十年前的圣人的死亡几乎结束。 So happy an event turned the eyes of all Christendom to the brilliant protagonist of the African Catholics, who had already dealt crushing blows at the Latin Manichaean writers.太高兴了所有的事件转向基督教的目光投向非洲天主教徒,谁已经处理摩尼教在拉丁美洲作家碾压辉煌的主角。From 417 till his death in 431, he was engaged in an even greater conflict with the philosophical and naturalistic heresy of Pelagius and Caelestius.从他在431至417死亡,他是一家从事与伯拉纠和Caelestius哲学和自然主义的异端更大的冲突。 In this he was at first assisted by the aged Jerome; the popes condemned the innovators and the emperor legislated against them.在此,他是在第一次由老龄杰罗姆协助;教皇谴责对他们的创新者和立法的皇帝。If St. Augustine has the unique fame of having prostrated three heresies, it is because he was as anxious to persuade as to refute.如果有圣奥古斯丁有独特的顶礼三邪说的名声,那是因为他被急于劝说反驳。He was perhaps the greatest controversialist the world has ever seen.他也许是世界上最大的controversialist从未见过。Besides this he was not merely the greatest philosopher among the Fathers, but he was the only great philosopher.除了这一点,他不仅是父亲之间的最伟大的哲学家,但他是唯一的伟大的哲学家。His purely theological works, especially his "De Trinitate", are unsurpassed for depth, grasp, and clearness, among early ecclesiastical writers, whether Eastern or Western.他的纯粹的神学作品,尤其是他的“德Trinitate”,是深度,把握和清晰度在早期教会作家,卓越的,无论是东方还是西方。 As a philosophical theologian he has no superior, except his own son and disciple, St. Thomas Aquinas.作为一个哲学的神学家,他没有优势,除了他自己的儿子和弟子,圣托马斯阿奎那。It is probably correct to say that no one, except Aristotle, has exercised so vast, so profound, and so beneficial an influence on European thought.这可能是正确地说,没有人,除了亚里士多德,已行使如此巨大,如此深刻,如此有益欧洲思想的影响。

Augustine was himself a Platonist through and through.奥古斯丁是自己通过,并通过一个柏拉图主义者。 As a commentator he cared little for the letter, and everything for the spirit, but his harmony of the Gospels shows that he could attend to history and detail.作为一个评论员,他关心的精神有点信,和一切,但他的福音和谐表明,他可以参加对历史和细节。The allegorizing tendencies he inherited from his spiritual father, Ambrose, carry him now and then into extravagances, but more often he rather soars than commentates, and his "In Genesim ad litteram", and his treatises on the Psalms and on St. John, are works of extraordinary power and interest, and quite worthy, in a totally different style, to rank with Chrysostom on Matthew.他的寓言化倾向,从他的精神之父,刘汉铨,他现在进行继承,然后进入奢侈,但更多的是他而不是commentates飞翔,和他的“Genesim广告litteram”,并在诗篇和他的论文在圣约翰,在一个完全不同风格的作品的非凡的能力和兴趣,很值得,排名与马修金口。 St. Augustine was a professor of rhetoric before his wonderful conversion; but like St. Cyprian, and even more than St. Cyprian, he put aside, as a Christian, all the artifices of oratory which he knew so well.圣奥古斯丁是一个修辞学教授之前,他的奇妙的转换;但像圣塞浦路斯,甚至比圣塞浦路斯,他放下作为一个基督徒,所有的演讲手腕他知道这么好。 He retained correctness of grammar and perfect good taste, together with the power of speaking and writing with ease in a style of masterly simplicity and of dignified though almost colloquial plainness.他保留着良好的品味和完美的语法的正确性,再加上轻松的口语和写作的简洁的风格和精湛的通俗朴实端庄虽然几乎权力。 Nothing could be more individual than this style of St. Augustine's, in which he talks to the reader or to God with perfect openness and with an astonishing, often almost exasperating, subtlety of thought.没有什么能比这更个人的圣奥古斯丁的风格,他在会谈中向读者或向神完美的开放性和具有惊人的,往往几乎可气,思想微妙。 He had the power of seeing all round a subject and through and through it, and he was too conscientious not to use this gift to the uttermost.他有看到一个主题,并全面通过,并通过它的力量,他太认真不使用这个礼物到了极处。 Large-minded and far-seeing, he was also very learned.大胸襟,有远见,他也很有学问。He mastered Greek only in later life, in order to make himself familiar with the works of the Eastern Fathers.他掌握了希腊只在以后的生活,为了使自己与父亲的作品熟悉的东西。His "De Civitate Dei" shows vast stores of reading; still more, it puts him in the first place among apologists.他的“德Civitate棣”显示阅读大量的商店;更厉害,它放到了首位在他的辩护。Before his death (431) he was the object of extraordinary veneration.之前,他的死亡(431)他是非凡的崇拜对象。He had founded a monastery at Tagaste, which supplied Africa with bishops, and he lived at Hippo with his clergy in a common life, to which the Regular Canons of later days have always looked as their model.他曾创立了寺塔迦斯特,它提供与非洲主教,他住在河马与他共同生活在一个神职人员,后来的日子哪一项经常大炮一直看着他们的模型。 The great Dominican Order, the Augustinians, and numberless congregations of nuns still look to him as their father and legislator.伟大的多米尼加秩序,奥古斯丁,和无数教会的修女仍然期待他为自己的父亲和立法者。 His devotional works have had a vogue second only to that of another of his spiritual sons, Thomas à Kempis.他的作品有一个虔诚的时尚仅次于他的精神的儿子,托马斯的肯皮斯另一个。He had in his lifetime a reputation for miracles, and his sanctity is felt in all his writings, and breathes in the story of his life.他在他的一生出现奇迹的声誉,他的神圣的著作是在他的所有感觉,并在他的人生故事呼吸。It has been remarked that there is about this many-sided bishop a certain symmetry which makes him an almost faultless model of a holy, wise, and active man.据表示,这有多方面的主教一定的对称性,使他成为一种神圣的,明智的,积极的人几乎完美无缺的模式。It is well to remember that he was essentially a penitent.大家都记得,他基本上是一个忏悔。

(9) In Spain, the great poet Prudentius surpassed all his predecessors, of whom the best had been Juvencus and the almost pagan rhetorician Ausonius. (9)在西班牙,伟大的诗人普顿超越了所有他的前任,其中最被Juvencus和几乎异教雄辩Ausonius。The curious treatises of the Spanish heretic Priscillian were discovered only in 1889.在西班牙邪教普里西利安好奇的论文被发现仅在1889年。In Gaul Rufinus of Aquileia must be mentioned as the very free translator of Origen, etc., and of Eusebius's "History", which he continued up to his own date.在高卢Rufinus的阿奎必须提到的奥利等非常自由翻译家,尤西比乌斯的“历史”,他一直持续到他自己的日期。In South Italy his friend Paulinus of Nola has left us pious poems and elaborate letters.在南意大利诺拉他的朋友Paulinus已经离开了我们虔诚的诗和精心字母。

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(1) The fragments of Nestorius's writings have been collected by Loofs. (1)涅斯的著作的片段已收集了Loofs。Some of them were preserved by a disciple of St. Augustine, Marius Mercator, who made two collections of documents, concerning Nestorianism and Pelagianism respectively.其中有些是保存了一个圣奥古斯丁,马吕斯墨卡托,谁收藏了两个文件,​​分别涉及景教和佩拉弟子。The great adversary of Nestorius, St. Cyril of Alexandria, was opposed by a yet greater writer, Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus.伟大的涅斯对手,圣西里尔亚历山大,反对由一个尚未更大的作家,Theodoret,居鲁士主教。Cyril is a very voluminous writer, and his long commentaries in the mystical Alexandrian vein do not much interest modern readers.西里尔是一个非常多产作家,在他漫长的神秘亚历山大静脉评论不大现代读者的兴趣。But his principal letters and treatises on the Nestorian question show him as a theologian who has a deep spiritual insight into the meaning of the Incarnation and its effect upon the human race -- the lifting up of man to union with God.但他的主要字母和景教问题论文显示为神学谁已进入意义的化身及其对人类精神的深刻洞察影响他 - 提升人与神联合注册。We see here the influence of Egyptian asceticism, from Anthony the Great (whose life St. Athanasius wrote), and the Macarii (one of whom left some valuable works in Greek), and Pachomius, to his own time.我们在这里看到了埃及禁欲主义的影响,从安东尼大(他们的生活圣亚他那修说),以及Macarii(其中一人留在希腊的一些有价值的作品),和帕科谬斯,他自己的时间。 In their ascetical systems, the union with God by contemplation was naturally the end in view, but one is surprised how little is made by them of meditation on the life and Passion of Christ.在他们的苦修系统,与上帝沉思联盟自然是鉴于结束,但竟有如此之少,是他们作出的关于生命和基督受难默想。It is not omitted, but the tendency as with St. Cyril and with the Monophysites who believed they followed him, is to think rather of the Godhead than of the Manhood.它不是忽略,但作为与圣西里尔和该monophysites谁相信他们跟着他,而趋势是认为该比青壮年的神性。The Antiochene school had exaggerated the contrary tendency, out of opposition to Apollinarianism, which made Christ's Manhood incomplete, and they thought more of man united to God than of God made man.在安提阿学校夸大的倾向,相反,出于反对亚波里拿留派,这使得基督的青壮年不完整,他们想到了团结,以上帝,神造人的男人。

Theodoret undoubtedly avoided the excesses of Theodore and Nestorius, and his doctrine was accepted at last by St. Leo as orthodox, in spite of his earlier persistent defence of Nestorius. Theodoret无疑避免了西奥多和涅斯的暴行,并接受了他的学说,最后由圣里奥作为正统在他较早涅斯持久防御,尽管。His history of the monks is less valuable than the earlier writings of eyewitnesses -- Palladius in the East, and Rufinus and afterwards Cassian in the West.他对僧众的历史不到目击者早期著作宝贵 - 帕拉丢在东,rufinus和后来在西方卡西安。But Theodoret's "History" in continuation of Eusebius contains valuable information.但是Theodoret的“历史”在延续尤西比乌斯包含有价值的信息。His apologetic and controversial writings are the works of a good theologian.他的歉意和有争议的作品是一个良好的神学家的作品。His masterpieces are his exegetical works, which are neither oratory like those of Chrysostom, nor exaggeratedly literal like those of Theodore.他的代表作是他的训诂的作品,这既不像金口演讲者,也不夸张地像西奥多的文字。With him the great Antiochene school worthily closes, as the Alexandrian does with St. Cyril.有了他的伟大抱负安提阿学派学校关闭,因为亚历山大与圣西里尔一样。Together with these great men may be mentioned St. Cyril's spiritual adviser, St. Isidore of Pelusium, whose 2000 letters deal chiefly with allegorical exegesis, the commentary on St. Mark by Victor of Antioch, and the introduction to the interpretation of Scripture by the monk Hadrian, a manual of the Antiochene method.再加上这些伟大的男子可能是所提到的圣西里尔的精神导师,圣Pelusium,其2000年的信件处理寓言注释主要是,通过对圣马克维克多的安提阿评论伊西多尔,以及对引进的经文解释哈德良和尚,一个的安提阿方法说明书。

(2) The Eutychian controversy produced no great works in the East. (2)Eutychian争议在东方没有产生伟大的作品。Such works of the Monophysites as have survived are in Syriac or Coptic versions.作为幸存下来该monophysites这类作品是在叙利亚或科普特版本。

(3) The two Constantinopolitan historians, Socrates and Sozomen, in spite of errors, contain some data which are precious, since many of the sources which they used are lost to us. (3)两个Constantinopolitan历史学家,苏格拉底和Sozomen,尽管在错误的,包含了一些宝贵的数据,是因为他们使用的来源,是对我们失去了很多。 With Theodoret, their contemporary, they form a triad just in the middle of the century.随着Theodoret,他们的当代,他们形成一个黑社会只是在本世纪中叶。St. Nilus of Sinai is the chief among many ascetical writers.圣西奈Nilus是在许多ascetical作家主任。

(4) St. Sulpicius Severus, a Gallic noble, disciple and biographer of the great St. Martin of Tours, was a classical scholar, and showed himself an elegant writer in his "Ecclesiastical History". (4)圣Sulpicius西弗勒斯,高卢高贵,伟大的弟子和圣马丁的旅行团传记,是一个古典学者,并表明自己是一个在他的“教会史”优雅的作家。 The school of Lérins produced many writers besides St. Vincent.学校制作的Lérins除了圣文森特许多作家。We may mention Eucherius, Faustus, and the great St. Caesarius of Arles (543).我们可能会提到Eucherius,浮士德,伟大的圣阿尔勒Caesarius(543)。Other Gallic writers are Salvian, St. Sidonius Apollinaris, Gennadius, St. Avitus of Vienne, and Julianus Pomerius.其他高卢作家Salvian,圣亚坡理纳Sidonius,粉虱,圣维埃纳Avitus和Julianus Pomerius。

(5) In the West, the series of papal decretals begins with Pope Siricius (384-98). (五)在西方,教皇decretals系列开始与教皇Siricius(384-98)。Of the more important popes large numbers of letters have been preserved.比较重要的教皇大批信件被保存下来。Those of the wise St. Innocent I (401-17), the hot-headed St. Zosimus (417-8), and the severe St. Celestine are perhaps the most important in the first half of the century; in the second half those of Hilarus, Simplicius, and above all the learned St. Gelasius (492-6).智慧人的圣无辜的我那些(401-17),热头街卓西姆(417-8),以及严重圣圣境也许是最在本世纪上半的重要,而在下半年对Hilarus,Simplicius,及以上的所有学到的圣格拉西(492-6)。 Midway in the century stands St. Leo, the greatest of the early popes, whose steadfastness and sanctity saved Rome from Attila, and the Romans from Genseric.在本世纪中途岛站圣利奥,初期的教皇,他的坚定和神圣罗马免于阿提拉最大,从Genseric罗马人。He could be unbending in the enunciation of principle; he was condescending in the condoning of breaches of discipline for the sake of peace, and he was a skilful diplomatist.他可能是不屈的原则阐述,他是在对违纪行为的纵容居高临下为了和平,他是一个熟练的外交家。His sermons and the dogmatic letters in his large correspondence show him to us as the most lucid of all theologians.他在他的说教和教条式的大型通信的信件表明他给我们的所有的神学家最清晰。He is clear in his expression, not because he is superficial, but because he has thought clearly and deeply.他是在他的表情清楚,不是因为他是肤浅的,而是因为他有明确而深刻的思想。He steers between Nestorianism and Eutychianism, not by using subtle distinctions or elaborate arguments, but by stating plain definitions in accurate words.他指导景教和Eutychianism之间,而不是使用复杂微妙的区别或论据,但准确的话,说明平原的定义。He condemned Monothelitism by anticipation.他谴责由该院Monothelitism。His style is careful, with metrical cadences.他的风格细致,节奏与韵律。Its majestic rhythms and its sonorous closes have invested the Latin language with a new splendour and dignity.其雄伟的铿锵的节奏和关闭都投入了新的光彩和尊严的拉丁文。


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(1) In the sixth century the large correspondence of Pope Hormisdas is of the highest interest.(1)在第六世纪教皇大卡尔米斯达斯对应的是最高的利益。That century closes with St. Gregory the Great, whose celebrated "Registrum" exceeds in volume many times over the collections of the letters of other early popes.这个世纪结束与圣高利大,其著名的“Registrum”数量超过了许多倍的其他早期教皇的字母集合。The Epistles are of great variety and throw light on the varied interests of the great pope's life and the varied events in the East and West of his time.书信是种类繁多,扔在教宗的伟大一生中的不同利益和在东方和西方的不同,他的时间发生的事件。His "Morals on the Book of Job" is not a literal commentary, but pretends only to illustrate the moral sense underlying the text.他的“这本书的工作​​道德”不是一个文字评论,但好象只是为了说明基本的道德观念的文本。With all the strangeness it presents to modern notions, it is a work full of wisdom and instruction.所有的陌生与它提出现代观念,这是一个智慧与教学工作满。The remarks of St. Gregory on the spiritual life and on contemplation are of special interest.在精神生命和沉思的圣格雷戈里言论特别感兴趣。As a theologian he is original only in that he combines all the traditional theology of the West without adding to it.作为一个神学家,他原来只因为他没有增加它结合了所有的西方传统神学。He commonly follows Augustine as a theologian, a commentator and a preacher.他通常如下作为一个神学家,牧师的评论员和奥古斯丁。 His sermons are admirably practical; they are models of what a good sermon should be.他的讲道是令人钦佩的实际,他们是一个什么样的说教,应该是很好的模式。After St. Gregory there are some great popes whose letters are worthy of study, such as Nicholas I and John VIII; but these and the many other late writers of the West belong properly to the medieval period.经过圣格雷戈里有一些伟大的教皇的信件是值得研究,比如尼古拉一世和约翰第八,但这些和许多其他后期西方作家属于正常的中世纪时期。 St. Gregory of Tours is certainly medieval, but the learned Bede is quite patristic.圣格雷戈里的旅行团肯定是中世纪的,但学到比德是相当教父。His great history is the most faithful and perfect history to be found in the early centuries.他的伟大的历史是最忠实和完美的历史,是在世纪初发现。

(2) In the East, the latter half of the fifth century is very barren. (2)在东方,五世纪后半期是非常贫瘠。The sixth century is not much better.六世纪也好不了多少。The importance of Leontius of Byzantium (died c. 543) for the history of dogma has only lately been realized.对拜占庭Leontius(死于角543)为教条的历史重要性,只是近来已经实现。Poets and hagiographers, chroniclers, canonists, and ascetical writers succeed each other.诗人和hagiographers,编年史,圣教法典,和ascetical作家成功对方。Catenas by way of commentaries are the order of the day.通过评论的方式Catenas都是家常便饭。St. Maximus Confessor, Anastasius of Mount Sinai, and Andrew of Caesarea must be named.圣马克西姆斯忏悔,西奈山斯达西和安德鲁撒利亚必须命名为。The first of these commented on the works of the pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, which had probably first seen the light towards the end of the fifth century.其中第一个评论的伪狄奥尼修斯Areopagite,这大概是第一次看到了对年底的第五世纪光的作品。St. John of Damascus (c. 750) closes the patristic period with his polemics against heresies, his exegetical and ascetical writings, his beautiful hymns, and above all his "Fountain of Wisdom", which is a compendium of patristic theology and a kind of anticipation of scholasticism.圣约翰大马士革(约750)关闭与反对异端邪说,他的训诂和ascetical著作,他的美丽的赞美诗他的论战教父时期,最重要的是他的“智慧之泉”,这是一个教父神学纲要和一种作者:士林的预期。 Indeed, the "Summae Theologicae" of the Middle Ages were founded on the "Sentences" of Peter Lombard, who had taken the skeleton of his work from this last of the Greek Fathers.事实上,“Summae Theologicae”中世纪是建立在“服刑”的彼得伦巴,谁曾从这里开始的希腊教父最后对他的工作的骨架。

III.三。CHARACTERISTICS OF PATRISTIC WRITINGS教父创作的特征

A. Commentaries答:评

It has been seen that the literal school of exegesis had its home at Antioch, while the allegorical school was Alexandrian, and the entire West, on the whole, followed the allegorical method, mingling literalism with it in various degrees.有人看到,学校里的注释文字在安提阿的家里,而寓言的学校亚历山大,和整个西方世界,总体上遵循了寓言的方法,在不同程度交融与它拘泥于。 The suspicion of Arianism has lost to us the fourth-century writers of the Antiochene school, such as Theodore of Heraclea and Eusebius of Emesa, and the charge of Nestorianism has caused the commentaries of Diodorus and Theodore of Mopsuestia (for the most part) to disappear.怀疑的阿里乌主义已经失去了对我们的安提阿学派的第四世纪的作家,如赫刺克勒斯和Emesa尤西比乌斯西奥多,并负责对造成景教(大部分)的狄奥和西奥多的Mopsuestia的评注消失。 The Alexandrian school has lost yet more heavily, for little of the great Origen remains except in fragments and in unreliable versions.在亚历山大的学校已经失去了更多的巨资伟大奥利一点,除了仍然在碎片和不可靠的版本。The great Antiochenes, Chrysostom and Theodoret, have a real grasp of the sense of the sacred text.伟大的Antiochenes,金口和Theodoret,有一个神圣的文字上有什么真正的把握。They treat it with reverence and love, and their explanations are of deep value, because the language of the New Testament was their own tongue, so that we moderns cannot afford to neglect their comments.他们把它与崇敬和爱,他们的解释是深值,因为新约的语言是他们自己的舌头,使我们现代人不能忽视他们的意见。 On the contrary, Origen, the moulder of the allegorizing type of commentary, who had inherited the Philonic tradition of the Alexandrian Jews, was essentially irreverent to the inspired authors.相反,奥利,在寓言式的评论,谁继承了亚历山大的犹太人Philonic传统成型机,基本上是不敬的启发作者。The Old Testament was to him full of errors, lies, and blasphemies, so far as the letter was concerned, and his defence of it against the pagans, the Gnostics, and especially the Marcionites, was to point only to the spiritual meaning.旧约是他完整的错误,谎言和亵渎,据信而言,他的防御的异教徒的Gnostics,尤其是Marcionites它是指向只精神意义。 Theoretically he distinguished a triple sense, the somatic, the psychic, and the pneumatic, following St. Paul's trichotomy; but in practice he mainly gives the spiritual, as opposed to the corporal or literal.理论上他区分了三重意义上说,体细胞,在心灵和气动继圣保罗三分,但在实践中,他给人的主要精神,为反对体罚或文字。

St. Augustine sometimes defends the Old Testament against the Manichæans in the same style, and occasionally in a most unconvincing manner, but with great moderation and restraint.圣奥古斯丁有时对老守在同一风格的摩尼教约,偶尔在一个最令人信服的方式,而是以极大的节制和克制。In his "De Genesi ad litteram" he has evolved a far more effective method, with his usual brilliant originality, and he shows that the objections brought against the truth of the first chapters of the book invariably rest upon the baseless assumption that the objector has found the true meaning of the text.在他的“德Genesi ad litteram,”他已经形成了以他惯有的灿烂创意更有效的方法,并表明他反对反对这本书的第一章都休息truth自找的毫无根据的假设,即反对者发现文字的真正含义。 But Origen applied his method, though partially, even to the New Testament, and regarded the Evangelists as sometimes false in the letter, but as saving the truth in the hidden spiritual meaning.但奥利应用他的方法,虽然部分,甚至到了新约,并把它作为在信中有时虚假的福音,但保存在隐藏的精神意义的真理。 In this point the good feeling of Christians prevented his being followed.在这一点感觉很好的基督徒阻止他被跟踪。But the brilliant example he gave, of running riot in the fantastic exegesis which his method encouraged, had an unfortunate influence.但他给了光辉的榜样,在其中运行的方法鼓励奇妙注释骚乱,有一个不幸的影响。He is fond of giving a variety of applications to a single text, and his promise to hold nothing but what can be proved from Scripture becomes illusory when he shows by example that any part of Scripture may mean anything he pleases.他是给多种应用到一个文本喜欢,他的承诺,但没有举行什么可以证明,从经文时,他变得虚幻的例子说明,任何经文的一部分可能意味着什么,他为所欲为。 The reverent temper of later writers, and especially of the Westerns, preferred to represent as the true meaning of the sacred writer the allegory which appeared to them to be the most obvious.对,特别是后来的作家的西部片虔诚的脾气,首选为代表的神圣作家的寓言这似乎对他们是最明显的真正含义。St. Ambrose and St. Augustine in their beautiful works on the Psalms rather spiritualize, or moralize, than allegorize, and their imaginative interpretations are chiefly of events, actions, numbers, etc. But almost all allegorical interpretation is so arbitrary and depends so much on the caprice of the exegete that it is difficult to conciliate it with reverence, however one may he dazzled by the beauty of much of it.圣刘汉铨和圣奥古斯丁在其美丽的诗篇作品,而spiritualize,或说教,比allegorize,他们的想象力和对事件的解释主要是,行为,数量等,但几乎所有的寓言的解释是如此的武断,这么多的依赖对释经反复无常,这是难以调解与崇敬他们,但是一会他折服于它的多的美的。 An alternative way of defending the Old Testament was excogitated by the ingenious author of the pseudo-Clementines; he asserts that it has been depraved and interpolated.他声称,它已经堕落和内插;一个捍卫旧约被巧妙的作者,伪柑橘研究出替代的方法。St. Jerome's learning has made his exegesis unique; he frequently gives alternative explanations and refers to the authors who have adopted them.圣杰罗姆的学习提出了他独特的注释,他经常给不同的解释,指的是谁采用这些作者。From the middle of the fifth century onwards, second-hand commentaries are universal in East and West, and originality almost entirely disappears.从五世纪中期起,二手评论是在东,西,普遍和原创性几乎完全消失。Andrew of Caesarea is perhaps an exception, for he commented on a book which was scarcely at all read in the East, the Apocalypse.撒利亚安德鲁也许是一个例外,他的书几乎是在东方,阅读所有评论的启示。

Discussions of method are not wanting.方法的讨论,并不是想。Clement of Alexandria gives "traditional methods", the literal, typical, moral, and prophetical.克莱门特的亚历山德里亚使“传统方法”,字面,典型,道德和预言。The tradition is obviously from Rabbinism.传统上明显Rabbinism。We must admit that it has in its favour the practice of St. Matthew and St. Paul.我们必须承认,它有利于自己的圣马修和圣保罗实践。 Even more than Origen, St. Augustine theorized on this subject.甚至比俄,圣奥古斯丁对这个问题的理论。In his "De Doctrina Christiana" he gives elaborate rules of exegesis.在他的“德Doctrina克利斯提”他给出了注释详细的规则。 Elsewhere he distinguishes four senses of Scripture: historical, aetiological (economic), analogical (where NT explains OT), and allegorical ("De Util. Cred.", 3; cf. "De Vera Rel.", 50).其他地方,他区分了经文四种意识:历史,病原学(经济),类比(其中逾新台币解释),和寓言(“。。。德的Util威望”,3;比照“。德维拉REL的”,50)。 The book of rules composed by the Donatist Tichonius has an analogy in the smaller "canons" of St. Paul's Epistles by Priscillian.对由多纳Tichonius组成规则本书在较小的“大炮”由普里西利安圣保禄书信一个比喻。Hadrian of Antioch was mentioned above.安提哈德良上面所提到的。St. Gregory the Great compares Scripture to a river so shallow that a lamb can walk in it, so deep that an elephant can float.圣格雷戈里经文比较大的河流太浅,羔羊能走在其中,如此之深,大象可以浮动。(Pref. to "Morals on Job"). (Pref.到“德在工作”)。He distinguishes the historical or literal sense, the moral, and the allegorical or typical.他区分了历史或字面意义上说,道德,寓言或典型。If the Western Fathers are fanciful, yet this is better than the extreme literalism of Theodore of Mopsuestia, who refused to allegorize even the Canticle of Canticles.如果西方的父亲是幻想,然而,这是比西奥多的Mopsuestia,谁拒绝allegorize即使是极端的写实主义颂歌的Canticles更好。

B. Preachers二传教士

We have sermons from the Greek Church much earlier than from the Latin.我们从希腊教会远远早于源于拉丁文讲道。Indeed, Sozomen tells us that, up to his time (c. 450), there were no public sermons in the churches at Rome.事实上,Sozomen告诉我们,他的时间最多(约450),有在罗马教会在没有公开的讲道。This seems almost incredible.这似乎是不可思议的。St. Leo's sermons are, however, the first sermons certainly preached at Rome which have reached us, for those of Hippolytus were all in Greek; unless the homily "Adversus Alcatores" be a sermon by a Novatian antipope.圣利奥的讲道,但是,首次讲道肯定鼓吹在罗马已达到我们的西波吕这些,都在希腊,除非讲道“相反Alcatores”是由一个诺瓦蒂安对立教皇布道。 The series of Latin preachers begins in the middle of the fourth century.一系列的拉美传教士开始在第四个世纪中叶。The so-called "Second Epistle of St. Clement" is a homily belonging possibly to the second century.所谓“第二次书信的圣克莱门特”是讲道属于可能的第二个世纪。Many of the commentaries of Origen are a series of sermons, as is the case later with all Chrysostom's commentaries and most of Augustine's.评论的奥利许多系列的说教,因为这样的话所有金口的评论后与奥古斯丁最。

In many cases treatises are composed of a course of sermons, as, for instance, is the case for some of those of Ambrose, who seems to have rewritten his sermons after delivery.在许多情况下,论文是一个过程组成的布道,因为,举例来说,是需要加强对刘汉铨,其中一些案件谁似乎已经改写分娩后他的布道。 The "De Sacramentis" may possibly be the version by a shorthand-writer of the course which the saint himself edited under the title "De Mysteriis". “德Sacramentis”可能是由一个缩写的版本,该课程的作家,其中圣自己的标题下,“德Mysteriis”编辑。In any case the "De Sacramentis" (whether by Ambrose or not) has a freshness and naiveté which is wanting in the certainly authentic "De Mysteriis".在任何情况下,“德Sacramentis”(无论是由刘汉铨与否)具有新鲜感和天真这在一定正宗“德Mysteriis”的不足。 Similarly the great courses of sermons preached by St. Chrysostom at Antioch were evidently written or corrected by his own hand, but those he delivered at Constantinople were either hurriedly corrected, or not at all.同样由圣金口在安提阿的布道宣讲的伟大课程,显然书面或由他亲手纠正,但这些他在君士坦丁堡传递要么匆匆纠正,或根本没有。 His sermons on Acts, which have come down to us in two quite distinct texts in the manuscripts, are probably known to us only in the forms in which they were taken down by two different tachygraphers.他讲道的行为,这已回落在两个完全不同的文本,我们的手稿,可能是众所周知的,我们只在其中,他们被带到了由两个不同的tachygraphers形式。 St. Gregory Nazianzen complains of the importunity of these shorthand-writers (Orat. xxxii), as St. Jerome does of their incapacity (Ep. lxxi, 5).圣格雷戈里nazianzen抱怨这些速记,作家(Orat.三十二)importunity,因为他们丧失工作能力的圣杰罗姆(插曲lxxi,5)一样。 Their art was evidently highly perfected, and specimens of it have come down to us.他们的艺术显然是非常完善,它的标本来给我们。They were officially employed at councils (eg at the great conference with the Donatists at Carthage, in 411, we hear of them).他们在议会正式雇用(例如在与多纳徒在迦太基​​在411大会议,我们对他们听到)。It appears that many or most of the bishops at the Council of Ephesus, in 449, had their own shorthand-writers with them.看来,多数或在安理会的以弗所,在449主教最,与他们自己的速记,作家。The method of taking notes and of amplifying receives illustration from the Acts of the Council of Constantinople of 27 April, 449, at which the minutes were examined which had been taken down by tachygraphers at the council held a few weeks earlier.到记笔记和放大方法接收来自君士坦丁堡4月27日,449会,会上进行了审查会议纪要已经采取了在安理会tachygraphers行为画像下几个星期前举行。

Many of St. Augustine's sermons are certainly from shorthand notes.圣奥古斯丁的说教很多,当然从速记。As to others we are uncertain, for the style of the written ones is often so colloquial that it is difficult to get a criterion.至于其他人,我们不能确定为书面的方式,往往是这样口语,这是很难得到一个标准。The sermons of St. Jerome at Bethlehem, published by Dom Morin, are from shorthand reports, and the discourses themselves were unprepared conferences on those portions of the Psalms or of the Gospels which had been sung in the liturgy.在伯利恒的说教圣杰罗姆,莫兰发表的大教堂,都是从速记报告,并论述本身的诗篇上的那些部分或已被在礼仪中唱福音毫无准备的会议。 The speaker has clearly often been preceded by another priest, and on the Western Christmas Day, which his community alone is keeping, the bishop is present and will speak last.该发言人已经明确之前,另一个经常被牧师,对西方的圣诞节,这仅仅是保持他的社区,主教存在,会最后发言。In fact the pilgrim Ætheria tells us that at Jerusalem, in the fourth century, all the priests present spoke in turn, if they chose, and the bishop last of all.事实上,朝圣者Ætheria告诉我们,在耶路撒冷,在第四世纪,所有的祭司现在反过来讲,如果他们愿意,和所有的主教最后。 Such improvised comments are far indeed from the oratorical discourses of St. Gregory Nazianzen, from the lofty flights of Chrysostom, from the torrent of iteration that characterizes the short sermons of Peter Chrysologus, from the neat phrases of Maximus of Turin, and the ponderous rhythms of Leo the Great.这种即兴的评论远远的确来自圣格雷​​戈里nazianzen the演说论述,从金口崇高的航班从迭代为特征的洪流从都灵鲆整齐短语彼得Chrysologus短布道,以及沉重的节奏狮子座大。The eloquence of these Fathers need not be here described.这些父亲的口才不必在这里描述。In the West we may add in the fourth century Gaudentius of Brescia; several small collections of interesting sermons appear in the fifth century; the sixth opens with the numerous collections made by St. Caesarius for the use of preachers.在西方,我们可以添加在布雷西亚四世纪Gaudentius;有趣的说教几个小集合在五世纪出现,第六与圣Caesarius经费用于传教士使用的许多藏品打开。 There is practically no edition of the works of this eminent and practical bishop.实际上没有任何对本杰出的作品和现实版的主教。 St. Gregory (apart from some fanciful exegesis) is the most practical preacher of the West.圣格雷戈里(除了一些幻想的注释)是西方最实用的牧师。Nothing could be more admirable for imitation than St. Chrysostom.没有什么比这更令人钦佩圣金口模仿。The more ornate writers are less safe to copy.越是华丽的作家不太安全的副本。St. Augustine's style is too personal to be an example, and few are so learned, so great, and so ready, that they can venture to speak as simply as he often does.圣奥古斯丁的风格是很私人的一个例子,很少有这么据悉,如此之大,所以准备好了,他们可以大胆发言,只是因为他经常干。

C. Writers三作家

The Fathers do not belong to the strictly classical period of either the Greek or the Latin language; but this does not imply that they wrote bad Latin or Greek.父亲不属于任何一方的希腊或拉丁语言严格的古典时期,但是这并不意味着他们说坏的拉丁或希腊。The conversational form of the Koiné or common dialect of Greek, which is found in the New Testament and in many papyri, is not the language of the Fathers, except of the very earliest.作者:希腊Koiné或共同方言,这是在新约,而且在许多纸莎草纸发现,对话形式不是最老的语言,除了极最早。 For the Greek Fathers write in a more classicizing style than most of the New Testament writers; none of them uses quite a vulgar or ungrammatical Greek, while some Atticize, eg the Cappadocians and Synesius.对于希腊的父亲写一本经典的风格更比大多数作家的新约,其中不少都使用庸俗或不合语法希腊,而一些Atticize,如Cappadocians和Synesius。 The Latin Fathers are often less classical.在拉丁美洲的父亲往往不那么经典。

Tertullian is a Latin Carlyle; he knew Greek, and wrote books in that language, and tried to introduce ecclesiastical terms into Latin.良,是一个拉丁卡莱尔,他知道希腊,说该语言的书籍,并试图引入拉丁教会的条款。St. Cyprian's "Ad Donatum", probably his first Christian writing, shows an Apuleian preciosity which he eschewed in all his other works, but which his biographer Pontius has imitated and exaggerated.圣塞浦路斯的“广告Donatum”,大概是他第一个基督教文字,展示了一个Apuleian矫揉造作,他回避了所有他的其他作品,但他的传记丢了模仿和夸张。 Men like Jerome and Augustine, who had a thorough knowledge of classical literature, would not employ tricks of style, and cultivated a manner which should be correct, but simple and straightforward; yet their style could not have been what it was but for their previous study.像杰罗姆和奥古斯丁,谁了古典文学的透彻了解,男人不会聘用的风格技巧,以及培养的方式,应该是正确的,但简单,直接,但他们的风格已经不能是什么,但他们以前研究。 For the spoken Latin of all the patristic centuries was very different from the written.对于所有的口语教父世纪拉丁语是很大的书面不同。We get examples of the vulgar tongue here and there in the letters of Pope Cornelius as edited by Mercati, for the third century, or in the Rule of St. Benedict in Wölfflin's or Dom Mona's editions, for the sixth.我们得到的通俗语言编辑的例子作为教皇哥尼流信,用Mercati在这里和那里,为第三个世纪,或在圣本笃在沃尔夫林的或DOM蒙娜丽莎的版本为第六届,规则。 In the latter we get such modernisms as cor murmurantem, post quibus, cum responsoria sua, which show how the confusing genders and cases of the classics were disappearing into the more reasonable simplicity of Italian.在后者,我们得到的心病murmurantem,后quibus,兼responsoria尿酸,显示性别,如何混乱的经典案例被纳入更加合理的意大利现代主义等简单消失。 Some of the Fathers use the rhythmical endings of the "cursus" in their prose; some have the later accented endings which were corruptions of the correct prosodical ones.有些父亲用“cursus”在他们的结局散文的节奏,有些人后来的结局重音其中正确prosodical的损坏。Familiar examples of the former are in the older Collects of the Mass; of the latter the Te Deum is an obvious instance.前熟悉的例子是在旧的群众收集,后者的赞美颂德是一个明显的实例。

D. East and WestD.东,西

Before speaking of the theological characteristics of the Fathers, we have to take into account the great division of the Roman Empire into two languages.前神学的父亲特点而言,我们必须顾及到两种语言的罗马帝国的大分化。Language is the great separator.语言是伟大的分隔符。When two emperors divided the Empire, it was not quite according to language; nor were the ecclesiastical divisions more exact, since the great province of Illyricum, including Macedonia and all Greece, was attached to the West through at least a large part of the patristic period, and was governed by the archbishop of Thessalonica, not as its exarch or patriarch, but as papal legate.当两个分裂帝国皇帝,这是不太根据语言,也不是教会师更精确,因为伊利里库姆大省,包括马其顿和希腊所有,是重视通过至少一个教父的很大一部分西方期间,并应依塞萨洛尼卡大主教,而不是其的Exarch或族长,但作为教皇使节。 But in considering the literary productions of the age, we must class them as Latin or Greek, and this is what will be meant here by Western and Eastern.但考虑到时代的文学作品,课堂上我们必须为拉丁文或希腊文,这就是将西方和东方的意思在这里。

The understanding of the relations between Greeks and Latins is often obscured by certain prepossessions.之间的希腊人和拉丁人的关系的认识往往是由某些prepossessions遮蔽。We talk of the "unchanging East", of the philosophical Greeks as opposed to the practical Romans, of the reposeful thought of the Oriental mind over against the rapidity and orderly classification which characterizes Western intelligence.我们谈论的“不变的东”,为反对罗马人的实际,对心灵宁静安详的东方思想对快速,有序的分类西方情报机构对所特有的哲学希腊人。 All this is very misleading, and it is important to go back to the facts.这一切是非常误导的,它是重要的回的事实。In the first place, the East was converted far more rapidly than the West.首先,东转化远远快于西方。When Constantine made Christianity the established religion of both empires from 323 onwards, there was a striking contrast between the two.当康斯坦丁使基督教的两个帝国从323年起建立的宗教,有一两个鲜明的对比。 In the West paganism had everywhere a very large majority, except possibly in Africa.在西方异教到处有一个非常大的多数,除在非洲有可能。But in the Greek world Christianity was quite the equal of the old religions in influence and numbers; in the great cities it might even be predominant, and some towns were practically Christian.但在希腊世界基督教是相当平等的影响力和数字的古老的宗教,它在伟大的城市,甚至可能占主导地位,实际上,一些城镇被基督教。 The story told of St. Gregory the Wonder-Worker, that he found but seventeen Christians in Neocæsarea when he became bishop, and that he left but seventeen pagans in the same city when he died (c. 270-5), must be substantially true.这个故事告诉圣高利奇迹工作者,他发现,但在Neocæsarea十七基督徒时,他成为主教,他离开了,但在同一城市中17异教徒去世时,他(约270-5),必须大大如此。 Such a story in the West would be absurd.这样一个西方的故事将是荒谬的。The villages of the Latin countries held out for long, and the pagani retained the worship of the old gods even after they were all nominally Christianized.在拉美国家举行的村庄出长,帕加尼保留了,即使他们都是名义上基督教老神的崇拜。In Phrygia, on the contrary, entire villages were Christian long before Constantine, though it is true that elsewhere some towns were still heathen in Julian's day -- Gaza in Palestine is an example; but then Maiouma, the port of Gaza, was Christian.在Phrygia,相反,整个村庄被君士坦丁基督教之前很久,虽然这是事实,其他一些城市仍然在朱利安的一天异教徒 - 在巴勒斯坦加沙地带是一个例子,不过,那时Maiouma,加沙港口,是基督徒。

Two consequences, amongst others, of this swift evangelization of the East must be noticed.两个后果,除其他外,这个东方的迅速传播福音,必须引起注意。In the first place, while the slow progress of the West was favourable to the preservation of the unchanged tradition, the quick conversion of the East was accompanied by a rapid development which, in the sphere of dogma, was hasty, unequal, and fruitful of error.首先,虽然进展缓慢,西有利于改变传统的保存,东快速转换,伴随着快速发展,在球的教条,是草率,不平等的,富有成果的错误。 Secondly, the Eastern religion partook, even during the heroic age of persecution, of the evil which the West felt so deeply after Constantine, that is to say, of the crowding into the Church of multitudes who were only half Christianized, because it was the fashionable thing to do, or because a part of the beauties of the new religion and of the absurdities of the old were seen.其次,东方宗教分享了,即使在英雄时代的迫害,在邪恶的西方感到深深康斯坦丁后,即在拥挤,进入众人谁是基督教教会只有一半,因为它是时髦的事情,或者是因为一个新的宗教和旧的荒谬,看到的美景的一部分。 We have actually Christian writers, in East and West, such as Arnobius, and to some extent Lactantius and Julius Africanus, who show that they are only half instructed in the Faith.我们其实基督教作家,东,西,如阿诺布斯,并在一定程度上潭修斯和朱利叶Africanus,表明他们是谁,只有一半的信仰指示。 This must have been largely the case among the people in the East.这必须已经在很大程度上之间的东方人民的情况。Tradition in the East was less regarded, and faith was less deep than in the smaller Western communities.在东方传统较少认为,信心不足在较小的西方社会深。Again, the Latin writers begin in Africa with Tertullian, just before the third century, at Rome with Novatian, just in the middle of the third century, and in Spain and Gaul not till the fourth.同样,拉丁美洲作家开始与非洲良,就在第三个世纪,在罗马与诺瓦蒂安,只是在第三个世纪中叶,在西班牙和高卢,直到第四次没有。 But the East had writers in the first century, and numbers in the second; there were Gnostic and Christian schools in the second and third.但东曾在第二次在第一世纪的作家,和数字,其中有在第二和第三诺斯替和基督教学校。There had been, indeed, Greek writers at Rome in the first and second centuries and part of the third.曾有过,事实上,在罗马,在第一和第二和第三世纪希腊作家的一部分。But when the Roman Church became Latin they were forgotten; the Latin writers did not cite Clement and Hermas; they totally forgot Hippolytus, except his chronicle, and his name became merely a theme for legend.但是,当罗马教会成为拉丁他们遗忘;的拉丁美洲作家没有引用克莱门特和黑马,他们完全忘了,除了他的纪事希波吕托斯,他的名字成了仅仅是传说的主题。

Though Rome was powerful and venerated in the second century, and though her tradition remained unbroken, the break in her literature is complete.虽然罗马是强大的,在公元二世纪的崇敬,虽然她的传统依然完整,在她的文学符完成。Latin literature is thus a century and a half younger than the Greek; indeed it is practically two centuries and a half younger.拉丁文学因此是一个比一个半世纪的希腊年轻的,事实上它几乎是两个世纪半年轻。Tertullian stands alone, and he became a heretic.德尔图良是独立的,他成了一个邪教组织。Until the middle of the fourth century there had appeared but one Latin Father for the spiritual reading of the educated Latin Christian, and it is natural that the stichometry, edited (perhaps semi-officially) under Pope Liberius for the control of booksellers' prices, gives the works of St. Cyprian as well as the books of the Latin Bible.直到第四世纪中叶出现,但出现了一个拉丁之父为受教育者的拉丁基督教精神读书,这是自然的stichometry,编辑(也许是半官方)根据教宗利比里奥对于书商的价格控制,给出了圣塞浦路斯工程以及拉丁圣经的书籍。 This unique position of St. Cyprian was still recognized at the beginning of the fifth century.这是圣塞浦路斯独特的地位仍然承认在第五世纪初。From Cyprian (d. 258) to Hilary there was scarcely a Latin book that could be recommended for popular reading except Lactantius's "De mortibus persecutorum", and there was no theology at all.从塞浦路斯(四258),以希拉里有拉丁语的书几乎没有一个可以被推荐为通俗读物,除了潭修斯的“德mortibus persecutorum”,也没有神学的。Even a little later, the commentaries of Victorinus the Rhetorician were valueless, and those of Isaac the Jew (?) were odd.即使是一个小以后,Victorinus的评论是毫无价值的修辞,以撒的犹太人(?)为奇数。The one vigorous period of Latin literature is the bare century which ends with Leo (d. 461).拉美文学的一个鼎盛时期是裸露的世纪,与狮子座(草461)结束。During that century Rome had been repeatedly captured or threatened by barbarians; Arian Vandals, besides devastating Italy and Gaul, had almost destroyed the Catholicism of Spain and Africa; the Christian British had been murdered in the English invasion.在这一世纪的罗马曾多次抓获或野蛮人的威胁;阿里安汪达尔除了意大利和高卢破坏性,几乎摧毁了西班牙和非洲天主教;基督教英国曾在英国入侵杀害。 Yet the West had been able to rival the East in output and in eloquence and even to surpass it in learning, depth, and variety.然而,西方已能媲美的产量和口才东方,甚至超越的学习,深入的,种类繁多。The elder sister knew little of these productions, but the West was supplied with a considerable body of translations from the Greek, even in the fourth century.姐姐知道这些产品很少,但西方是提供了一个从希腊翻译大量的身体,即使在第四世纪。In the sixth, Cassiodorus took care that the amount should be increased.在第六,Cassiodorus小心翼翼的数额应该增加。 This gave the Latins a larger outlook, and even the decay of learning which Cassiodorus and Agapetus could not remedy, and which Pope Agatho deplored so humbly in his letter to the Greek council of 680, was resisted with a certain persistent vigour.这给了拉丁较大的前景,甚至是学习的Cassiodorus和Agapetus无法弥补衰减,并教皇Agatho痛惜他的信到了希腊议会680个这样谦卑,是具有一定的持续活力的抵制。

At Constantinople the means of learning were abundant, and there were many authors; yet there is a gradual decline till the fifteenth century.在君士坦丁堡的学习手段丰富,有许多作家,然而有一至十五世纪逐渐下降。The more notable writers are like flickers amid dying embers.更著名的作家如死灰中闪烁。There were chroniclers and chronographers, but with little originality.有编年史和chronographers,但收效独创性。Even the monastery of Studium is hardly a literary revival.即使是Studium寺院绝不是文学的复兴。There is in the East no enthusiasm like that of Cassiodorus, of Isidore, of Alcuin, amid a barbarian world.没有像Cassiodorus伊西多尔的阿尔昆,,,这野蛮的世界中一个热情的东方。Photius had wonderful libraries at his disposal, yet Bede had wider learning, and probably knew more of the East than Photius did of the West. Photius曾在他的处置精彩的图书馆,但比德有更广泛的学习,可能更东方知道比Photius西方一样。The industrious Irish schools which propagated learning in every part of Europe had no parallel in the Oriental world.勤劳的传播在欧洲各地部分学习爱尔兰学校没有在东方世界平行。It was after the fifth century that the East began to be "unchanging".这是5世纪后,东开始为“不变”。And as the bond with the West grew less and less continuous, her theology and literature became more and more mummified; whereas the Latin world blossomed anew with an Anselm, subtle as Augustine, a Bernard, rival to Chrysostom, an Aquinas, prince of theologians.和成长为与西邦德连续越来越少,她的神学和文学变得越来越干瘪,而拉丁美洲世界重新绽放与安瑟伦,如奥古斯丁,伯纳德一个微妙的,对手金口,一阿奎那的神学家王子。

Hence we observe in the early centuries a twofold movement, which must be spoken of separately: an Eastward movement of theology, by which the West imposed her dogmas on the reluctant East, and a Westward movement in most practical things -- organization, liturgy, ascetics, devotion -- by which the West assimilated the swifter evolution of the Greeks.因此,我们观察在世纪初双重运动,必须分别谈到:一个神学东移,其中西方强加给她不愿意东教条,并在最实际的事情西移 - 组织,礼仪,苦行者,奉献 - 其中吸收了西方的希腊人更快的发展。We take first the theological movement.我们首先采取的神学运动。

E. Theology五神学

Throughout the second century the Greek portion of Christendom bred heresies.在整个第二个世纪的基督教异端希腊部分繁殖。The multitude of Gnostic schools tried to introduce all kinds of foreign elements into Christianity.许多学校的诺斯底试图引入外国基督教各种因素。Those who taught and believed them did not start from a belief in the Trinity and the Incarnation such as we are accustomed to.并认为这些是谁教他们从一开始并不相信,并在三一,如我们习惯的化身。Marcion formed not a school, but a Church; his Christology was very far removed from tradition.马吉安形成不是学校,而是一个教会,他的基督是从很远的传统中删除。The Montanists made a schism which retained the traditional beliefs and practices, but asserted a new revelation.一个分裂的montanists作出的保留了传统的信仰和习俗,但确立了一个新的启示。The leaders of all the new views came to Rome, and tried to gain a footing there; all were condemned and excommunicated.所有的新看法的领导人来到罗马,并试图获得一个立足点那里,都被谴责和驱逐。At the end of the century, Rome got all the East to agree with her traditional rule that Easter should be kept on Sunday.在本世纪末,罗马得到了所有东方同意她的传统规则,即应该在复活节周日保存。The Churches of Asia Minor had a different custom.小亚细亚教会有不同的习俗。One of their bishops protested.抗议他们的主教之一。But they seem to have submitted almost at once.但他们似乎已经几乎提交一次。In the first decades of the third century, Rome impartially repelled opposing heresies, those which identified the three Persons of the Holy Trinity with only a modal distinction (Monarchians, Sabellians, "Patripassians"), and those who, on the contrary, made Christ a mere man, or seemed to ascribe to the Word of God a distinct being from that of the Father.在第三个世纪头几十年,罗马公正地击退反对异端邪说,只有那些确定一个模式的区别(Monarchians,Sabellians,“Patripassians”),和那些谁,相反,使基督的圣三一三人是个人,或似乎归于神的一个独特的从父,作为话语。 This last conception, to our amazement, is assumed, it would appear, by the early Greek apologists, though in varying language; Athenagoras (who as an Athenian may have been in relation with the West) is the only one who asserts the Unity of the Trinity.这最后一个概念,我们吃惊的是,假设,这样看来,由早期的希腊,但在不同语言的辩护士;哥拉(谁是雅典人可能在与西方的关系一直)是唯一一个谁主张团结的三位一体。 Hippolytus (somewhat diversely in the "Contra Noetum" and in the "Philosophumena," if they are both his) taught the same division of the Son from the Father as traditional, and he records that Pope Callistus condemned him as a Ditheist.西波吕(有点在“魂斗罗Noetum”多样并在“Philosophumena,”如果他们都是他的)作为传统的教导,从儿子的父亲同一个部门,他的记录,教皇卡利斯图斯谴责为Ditheist他。

Origen, like many of the others, makes the procession of the Word depend upon His office of Creator; and if he is orthodox enough to make the procession an eternal and necessary one, this is only because he regards Creation itself as necessary and eternal.奥利,像其他很多,使得这个词游行取决于他的创造者的办公室,如果他是正统足以使一个永恒的和必要的游行之一,这只是因为他认为自己创造必要的和永恒的。 His pupil, Dionysius of Alexandria, in combating the Sabellians, who admitted no real distinctions in the Godhead, manifested the characteristic weakness of the Greek theology, but some of his own Egyptians were more correct than their patriarch, and appealed to Rome.他的学生,狄奥尼修斯的亚历山大在打击Sabellians,谁承认在神的源头没有真正的区别,体现了希腊神学特征的弱点,但他自己的埃及人一些比他们的家长更正确,并呼吁罗马。 The Alexandrian listened to the Roman Dionysius, for all respected the unchanging tradition and unblemished orthodoxy of the See of Peter; his apology accepts the word "consubstantial", and he explains, no doubt sincerely, that he had never meant anything else; but he had learnt to see more clearly, without recognizing how unfortunately worded were his earlier arguments.亚历山大听取了罗马修斯,所有尊重不变的传统和正统的彼得见无瑕,他接受了道歉词“同体”,他解释说,毫无疑问真诚的,他从来没有别的意思,但他已经学会了更清楚地看到,没有认识到如何不幸的是他的措辞较早前的论点。 He was not present when a council, mainly of Origenists, justly condemned Paul of Samosata (268); and these bishops, holding the traditional Eastern view, refused to use the word "consubstantial" as being too like Sabellianism.他不在场时,主要是Origenists理事会,公正地谴责保罗萨莫萨塔(268),以及这些主教,举行了传统的东方观点,拒绝使用“同体”作为太像Sabellianism福祉。 The Arians, disciples of Lucian, rejected (as did the more moderate Eusebius of Caesarea) the eternity of Creation, and they were logical enough to argue that consequently "there was (before time was) when the Word was not", and that He was a creature.在白羊座,对卢西恩弟子,拒绝(一样撒利亚较温和的尤西比乌斯)永恒的创作,他们是合乎逻辑的结果足以认为“有(前时间),当这个词是不是”,他是一个生物。 All Christendom was horrified; but the East was soon appeased by vague explanations, and after Nicaea, real, undisguised Arianism hardly showed its head for nearly forty years.所有基督教吓坏了,但东很快就被模糊的解释安抚,经过尼西亚,真实,毫不掩饰地展示了其难以阿里乌斯近四十年头。The highest point of orthodoxy that the East could reach is shown in the admirable lectures of St. Cyril of Jerusalem.正统,东可达到最高点,显示在令人钦佩的圣西里尔耶路撒冷讲座。There is one God, he teaches, that is the Father, and His Son is equal to Him in all things, and the Holy Ghost is adored with Them; we cannot separate Them in our worship.有一个上帝,他教导,这是父亲和他的儿子等于给他的一切,圣灵是与他们崇拜的,我们不能分开,我们崇拜他们。But he does not ask himself how there are not three Gods; he will not use the Nicene word "consubstantial", and he never suggests that there is one Godhead common to the three Persons.但他不问自己到底有没有三神,他将不使用尼西亚单词“同体”,他从来没有显示出有一个共同的神性的三人。


If we turn to the Latins all is different.如果我们把所有的拉丁人是不同的。The essential Monotheism of Christianity is not saved in the West by saying there is "one God the Father", as in all the Eastern creeds, but the theologians teach the unity of the Divine essence, in which subsist three Persons.基督教的基本一神教不保存在西方,说有“一神之父”,在所有东欧信条,但神学家教的神圣本质的统一,在这种生存三人。 If Tertullian and Novatian use subordinationist language of the Son (perhaps borrowed from the East), it is of little consequence in comparison with their main doctrine, that there is one substance of the Father and of the Son.如果使用良和诺瓦蒂安子subordinationist语言(可能是从东方借来的),它是在与他们的主要学说,有一个父亲和儿子的物质比较小的后果。 Callistus excommunicates equally those who deny the distinction of Persons, and those who refuse to assert the unity of substance.卡利斯图斯excommunicates同样那些谁否认人的区别,如果谁拒绝断言物质的统一。Pope Dionysius is shocked that his namesake did not use the word "consubstantial" -- this is more than sixty years before Nicaea.教皇修斯感到震惊,他的名字命名并没有用“同体” - 这是六十年尼西亚比以前更多。At that great council a Western bishop has the first place, with two Roman priests, and the result of the discussion is that the Roman word "consubstantial" is imposed up on all.在这个伟大的主教会一个具有与西方两个罗马祭司第一名,并讨论的结果是,罗马字“同体”施加就所有。In the East the council is succeeded by a conspiracy of silence; the Orientals will not use the word.在东方安理会是接替沉默阴谋;东方人不会使用这个词。Even Alexandria, which had kept to the doctrine of Dionysius of Rome, is not convinced that the policy was good and Athanasius spends his life in fighting for Nicaea, yet rarely uses the crucial word.即使亚历山大,这一直保持到了罗马修斯学说,是不相信这项政策是好的,Athanasius花费在尼西亚战斗他的生活,但很少用的关键字。 It takes half a century for the Easterns to digest it; and when they do so, they do not make the most of its meaning.这需要半个世纪的Easterns来消化它,而当他们这样做,他们不使大部分的意思。It is curious how little interest even Athanasius shows in the Unity of the Trinity, which he scarcely mentions except when quoting the Dionysii; it is Didymus and the Cappadocians who word Trinitarian doctrine in the manner since consecrated by the centuries -- three hypostases, one usia; but this is merely the conventional translation of the ancient Latin formula, though it was new to the East.奇怪的是怎样的兴趣不大,即使在他那修三位一体的团结,这几乎没有,除非他引述Dionysii提到表明,它是Didymus和Cappadocians谁三位一体的教义字的方式,因为神圣的百年 - 三hypostases,一美国新闻署,但这仅仅是古代传统的拉丁式的翻译,虽然它是新东方。

If we look back at the three centuries, second, third, and fourth of which we have been speaking, we shall see that the Greek-speaking Church taught the Divinity of the Son, and Three inseparable Persons, and one God the Father, without being able philosophically to harmonize these conceptions.如果我们看看三个世纪,第二,第三和第四,而我们已说回来,我们会看到,希腊讲教会教导神的儿子,和三个不可分割的人,一个上帝的父,无能够统一这些哲学概念。 The attempts which were made were sometimes condemned as heresy in the one direction or the other, or at best arrived at unsatisfactory and erroneous explanations, such as the distinction of the logos endiathetos and the logos prophorikos or the assertion of the eternity of Creation.进行了哪些努力,有时谴责为异端,在一个方向或另一个,或者充其量在错误的解释不能令人满意,如endiathetos区别的标识和标志的prophorikos或永恒的创作主张,来了。 The Latin Church preserved always the simple tradition of three distinct Persons and one divine Essence.拉丁美洲教会始终保存了三个不同的人,一个神圣的本质简单的传统。We must judge the Easterns to have started from a less perfect tradition, for it would be too harsh to accuse them of wilfully perverting it.我们必须判断Easterns已经开始从一个不太完美的传统,因为它会过于苛刻地指责故意妨碍他们。But they show their love of subtle distinctions at the same time that they lay bare their want of philosophical grasp.但他们表现出他们在同一时间,他们揭露他们的哲学要把握微妙的差别的爱。The common people talked theology in the streets; but the professional theologians did not see that the root of religion is the unity of God, and that, so far, it is better to be a Sabellian than a Semi-Arian.老百姓在街上谈论神学,但专业的神学家没有看到宗教的根源是上帝的团结,而且,到目前为止,最好是比一个半阿里安一Sabellian。 There is something mythological about their conceptions, even in the case of Origen, however important a thinker he may be in comparison with other ancients.也有一些是关于他们的概念神话,即使在奥利情况下,但是重要的思想家,他可能会与其他古人比较。His conceptions of Christianity dominated the East for some time, but an Origenist Christianity would never have influenced the modern world.他的观念,基督教统治了一段时间的东,但一Origenist基督教会不会影响现代世界。

The Latin conception of theological doctrine, on the other hand, was by no means a mere adherence to an uncomprehended tradition.拉丁美洲的神学教义的概念,另一方面,决不是一个单纯的坚持一个uncomprehended传统。The Latins in each controversy of these early centuries seized the main point, and preserved it at all hazards.在每个这些早在几百年的争论拉丁人抓住要点,并保存它的所有危险。Never for an instant did they allow the unity of God to be obscured.一个瞬间,他们从来没有让神的团结受到遮蔽。The equality of the Son and his consubstantiality were seen to be necessary to that unity.圣子和他的同体平等,被视为必要的团结。The Platonist idea of the need of a mediator between the transcendent God and Creation does not entangle them, for they were too clear-headed to suppose that there could be anything half-way between the finite and the infinite.该调解员之间的超越的上帝与创作并不需要他们纠缠柏拉图的想法,因为他们太清醒的假设,有可能是有限与无限的东西中途。 In a word, the Latins are philosophers, and the Easterns are not.总之,拉丁人是哲学家,而Easterns不是。The East can speculate and wrangle about theology, but it cannot grasp a large view.东可以推测和争论约神学,但它不能把握大的看法。It is in accordance with this that it was in the West, after all the struggle was over, that the Trinitarian doctrine was completely systematized by Augustine; in the West, that the Athanasian creed was formulated.正是在这一规定,它是在西方,毕竟斗争结束,即三位一体的教义是完全系统化奥古斯丁,在西方,即亚他那修的信条是制定。 The same story repeats itself in the fifth century.重复同样的故事在第五世纪本身。The philosophical heresy of Pelagius arose in the West, and in the West only could it have been exorcized.哲学的伯拉纠异端兴起于西方,它只能在已exorcized西方。The schools of Antioch and Alexandria each insisted on one side of the question as to the union of the two Natures in the Incarnation; the one School fell into Nestorianism, the other into Eutychianism, though the leaders were orthodox.安提阿和亚历山大的每所学校坚持问题的一个侧面,以在两个性质的化身联盟,一所学校陷入景教,其他进入Eutychianism,虽然领导人正统。 But neither Cyril nor the great Theodoret was able to rise above the controversy, and express the two complementary truths in one consistent doctrine.但是,无论西里尔也不大theodoret被能够超越的争议,并表示在一个一致的学说的两个相辅相成的真理。They held what St. Leo held; but, omitting their interminable arguments and proofs, the Latin writer words the true doctrine once for all, because he sees it philosophically.他们认为什么圣利奥举行,但是,无休止的争论,忽略他们的证明,拉丁美洲作家的话真正的教义一劳永逸,因为他看到它哲理。 No wonder that the most popular of the Eastern Fathers has always been untheological Chrysostom, whereas the most popular of the Western Fathers is the philosopher Augustine.难怪东父亲一直是最受欢迎的untheological金口,而父亲最流行的是西方的哲学家奥古斯丁。Whenever the East was severed from the West, it contributed nothing to the elucidation and development of dogma, and when united, its contribution was mostly to make difficulties for the West to unravel.每当东方从西方断绝,它没有任何贡献的澄清和发展的教条,而当美国,它的贡献主要是为了使困难,西方瓦解。

But the West has continued without ceasing its work of exposition and evolution.但是西方一直没有停止其工作的论述和演化。After the fifth century there is not much development or definition in the patristic period; the dogmas defined needed only a reference to antiquity. 5世纪后没有多大的发展,或在教父时期的定义,只需要定义的教条引用古代。But again and again Rome had to impose her dogmas on Byzantium -- 519, 680, and 786 are famous dates, when the whole Eastern Church had to accept a papal document for the sake of reunion, and the intervals between these dates supply lesser instances.但一次又一次不得不罗马拜占庭她的教条强加于 - 519,680,和786是著名的日期,当整个东方教会不得不接受一个团圆的缘故教皇的文件,这些日期之间的间隔较小的情况下供应。The Eastern Church had always possessed a traditional belief in Roman tradition and in the duty of recourse to the See of Peter; the Arians expressed it when they wrote to Pope Julius to deprecate interference -- Rome, they said, was "the metropolis of the faith from the beginning".东部教会一直拥有在罗马的传统,在诉诸责任的彼得见的传统信仰; the白羊座的人表示,当他们写信给教皇朱利叶斯以藐视干扰 - 罗马,他们说,是“在大都市信心,从一开始“。In the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries the lesson had been learnt thoroughly, and the East proclaimed the papal prerogatives, and appealed to them with a fervour which experience had taught to be in place.在第六,第七,第八世纪的教训已充分了解,与东宣布教皇的特权,并呼吁有哪些经验告诉待的地方对他们的热情。In such a sketch as this, all elements cannot be taken into consideration.在这样一个本草图,所有元素都可以不予以考虑。It is obvious that Eastern theology had a great and varied influence on Latin Christendom.很明显,东方神学上有不同的拉丁基督教的伟大和影响力。But the essential truth remains that the West thought more clearly than the East, while preserving with greater faithfulness a more explicit tradition as to cardinal dogmas, and that the West imposed her doctrines and her definitions on the East, and repeatedly, if necessary, reasserted and reimposed them.但基本事实仍然是西方思想更明显低于东部地区,同时保留有更大的忠诚,以更明确的大是大非教条的传统,而西方强加给她的教义东和她的定义,并多次,如果有必要,重申和重新实行它们。

F. Discipline, Liturgy, Ascetics楼纪律,礼仪,苦行者

According to tradition, the multiplication of bishoprics, so that each city had its own bishop, began in the province of Asia, under the direction of St. John.按照传统,主教乘法,使每个城市都有自己的主教,开始在省亚洲,在圣约翰的方向。The development was uneven.发展是不平衡的。There may have been but one see in Egypt at the end of the second century, though there were large numbers in all the provinces of Asia Minor, and a great many in Phoenicia and Palestine.也许有,但一看到在埃及的第二个世纪末期,虽然在所有省份的大批小亚细亚,并在腓尼基和巴勒斯坦很多。Groupings under metropolitan sees began in that century in the East, and in the third century this organization was recognized as a matter of course.根据大都会看到分组开始,在东方世纪,并在该组织的第三个世纪被认为是理所当然的认可。Over metropolitans are the patriarchs.在大城市的始祖。This method of grouping spread to the West.这种方法分组蔓延到西方。At first Africa had the most numerous sees; in the middle of the third century there were about a hundred, and they quickly increased to more than four times that number.在第一届非洲有最多的看到,在第三个世纪中叶,大约有几百人,他们迅速增加至超过这个数字的四倍。But each province of Africa had not a metropolitan see; only a presidency was accorded to the senior bishop, except in Proconsularis, where Carthage was the metropolis of the province and her bishop was the first of all Africa.但是,每个省都有非洲并不是一个大城市看到,只有一个总统是给予高级主教除了在Proconsularis,迦太基是在该省的大都市,她的主教,是整个非洲第一位。 His rights are undefined, though his influence was great.他的权利是不确定的,但他的影响是巨大的。But Rome was near, and the pope had certainly far more actual power, as well as more recognized right, than the primate; we see this in Tertullian's time, and it remains true in spite of the resistance of Cyprian.但是罗马附近,教皇有更多的实际权力肯定,以及更承认的权利,除了灵长类动物,我们看到良的时间这一点,它依然如此,在对塞浦路斯尽管阻力。 The other countries, Italy, Spain, Gaul, were gradually organized according to the Greek model, and the Greek metropolis, patriarch, were adapted.其他国家,意大利,西班牙,高卢,逐渐组织根据希腊模式,和希腊的大都市,族长,进行了调整。Councils were held early in the West.年初举行议会是在西方。But disciplinary canons were first enacted in the East.但是,纪律炮首次颁布了东方。St. Cyprian's large councils passed no canons, and that saint considered that each bishop is answerable to God alone for the government of his diocese; in other words, he knows no canon law.圣塞浦路斯的大议会通过不大炮,并认为每个圣主教是要向只有上帝为他教区的政府,换句话说,他知道没有教会法。The foundation of Latin canon law is in the canons of Eastern councils, which open the Western collections.拉丁教会法的基础是在东欧理事会,打开西方收藏的大炮。in spite of this, we need not suppose the East was more regular, or better governed, than the West, where the popes guarded order and justice.尽管如此,我们不需要假设东方更正规,或更好的统治比西方,教皇守护秩序和正义。 But the East had larger communities, and they had developed more fully, and therefore the need arose earlier there to commit definite rules to writing.但东有较大的社区,他们制定了更充分,因此在必要时作出承诺较早前有明确的规则写。The florid taste of the East soon decorated the liturgy with beautiful excrescences.绚丽的东方味道很快赘疣装饰了漂亮的礼仪。Many such excellent practices moved Westward; the Latin rites borrowed prayers and songs, antiphons, antiphonal singing, the use of the alleluia, of the doxology, etc. If the East adopted the Latin Christmas Day, the West imported not merely the Greek Epiphany, but feast after feast, in the fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries.许多这样的优秀做法西迁;拉丁语借来的祈祷和礼仪歌曲,antiphons,对歌,对哈里路亚使用,该doxology等,如果通过的拉丁东圣诞节,进口不只是西方的希腊顿悟,但节日盛宴后,在第四,第五,第六和第七世纪。 The West joined in devotion to Eastern martyrs.西方加入东烈士献身。The special honour and love of Our Lady is at first characteristic of the East (except Antioch), and then conquers the West.特殊的荣誉和爱情是我们的夫人的(除安提)东,第一个特点,然后征服了西方。The parcelling of the bodies of the saints as relics for devotional purposes, spread all over the West from the East; only Rome held out, until the time of St. Gregory the Great, against what might be thought an irreverence rather than an honour to the saints.在虔诚的用途为文物的圣人的尸体瓜分,分布在西起东都,只有罗马举行的,直到圣高利大的时间,对什么可以被认为是不尊敬,而不是一种荣誉圣人。

If the first three centuries are full of pilgrimages to Rome from the East, yet from the fourth century onward West joins with East in making Jerusalem the principal goal of such pious journeys; and these voyagers brought back much knowledge of the East to the most distant parts of the West.如果前三个世纪,是从东罗马,朝圣装满从四世纪起,西与东耶路撒冷的一道使这些虔诚的行程主要目标,而这些旅行者带回东多的知识到最遥远的部分西方。 Monasticism began in Egypt with Paul and Anthony, and spread from Egypt to Syria; St. Athanasius brought the knowledge of it to the West, and the Western monachism of Jerome and Augustine, of Honoratus and Martin, of Benedict and Columba, always looked to the East, to Anthony and Pachomius and Hilarion, and above all to Basil, for its most perfect models.修道开始在埃及与保罗和安东尼,并蔓延到叙利亚从埃及;圣亚他那修它带来了知识向西方,以及杰罗姆和奥古斯丁,Honoratus和马丁,科伦巴笃和西方monachism,总是望着以东,安东尼和帕科谬斯和伊拉里,尤其是进入罗勒,其最完美的模型。 Edifying literature in the form of the lives of the saints began with Athanasius, and was imitated by Jerome.启发在对圣人们的生命形式的文学开始与他那修,是由杰罗姆模仿。But the Latin writers, Rufinus and Cassian, gave accounts of Eastern monachism, and Palladius and the later Greek writers were early translated into Latin.但是,拉丁美洲作家,rufinus和卡西安,给东monachism账户,palladius的和后来的希腊作家是早期翻译成拉丁文。 Soon indeed there were lives of Latin saints, of which that of St. Martin was the most famous, but the year 600 had almost come when St. Gregory the Great felt it still necessary to protest that as good might be found in Italy as in Egypt and Syria, and published his dialogues to prove his point, by supplying edifying stories of his own country to put beside the older histories of the monks.不久,确实有拉美圣人生命,其中圣马丁这是最有名的,但600年来几乎圣高利大时觉得还需要良好的抗议,由于可能被发现,如在意大利埃及和叙利亚,并出版了他的对话,以证明自己的观点,通过提供自己的国家有启发性的故事,把旁边的老和尚的历史。 It would be out of place here to go more into detail in these subjects.这将是不合时宜的,进去得把这些学科更详细。Enough has been said to show that the West borrowed, with open-minded simplicity and humility, from the elder East all kinds of practical and useful ways in ecclesiastical affairs and in the Christian life.有人说够了,证明西方借来的,开放的胸襟和谦逊简单从老东都在教会事务和基督徒生活中的各种实际和有效的方式。The converse influence in practical matters of West on East was naturally very small.在实际事务西东逆向影响自然非常小。

G. Historical Materials湾史料

The principal ancient historians of the patristic period were mentioned above.作者:教父期间主要提到了古代历史学家以上。They cannot always be completely trusted.他们往往不能完全信任。The continuators of Eusebius, that is, Rufinus, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, are not to be compared to Eusebius himself, for that industrious prelate has fortunately bequeathed to us rather a collection of invaluable materials than a history.尤西比乌斯,就是Rufinus,苏格拉底,Sozomen,Theodoret的continuators是不能相比的尤西比乌斯自己,因为这勤劳主教给我们留下了幸运的,而不是历史的宝贵资料收集。 His "Life" or rather "Panegyric of Constantine" is less remarkable for its contents than for its politic omissions.他的“生活”或者说“君士坦丁颂”是不超过其政治遗漏的内容显着。Eusebius found his materials in the library of Pamphilus at Caesarea, and still more in that left by Bishop Alexander at Jerusalem.尤西比乌斯发现,在书房里Pamphilus在该撒利亚材料,仍然被留在耶路撒冷的主教亚历山大更多。He cites earlier collections of documents, the letters of Dionysius of Corinth, Dionysius of Alexandria, Serapion of Antioch, some of the epistles sent to Pope Victor by councils throughout the Church, besides employing earlier writers of history or memoirs such as Papias, Hegesippus, Apollonius, an anonymous opponent of the Montanists, the "Little Labyrinth" of Hippolytus (?), etc.他引用先前收藏的文件,狄奥尼修斯的科林斯,狄奥尼修斯的亚历山大,安提谢拉皮翁,字母的书信送到一些教皇维克多议会通过整个教会的历史,除了雇用或诸如帕皮亚,Hegesippus回忆录早期作家,阿波罗纽斯,一个的montanists,“小迷宫”的西波吕(?)等对手匿名

The principal additions we can still make to these precious remnants are, first, St. Irenæus on the heresies; then the works of Tertullian, full of valuable information about the controversies of his own time and place and the customs of the Western Church, and containing also some less valuable information about earlier matters -- less valuable, because Tertullian is singularly careless and deficient in historical sense.主要增加的我们仍然可以使这些珍贵的遗迹是,第一,圣爱任纽的歪理邪说,然后在良作品,关于他自己的时间,地点和西方教会的海关充分的争论有价值的信息,并刚才还含有一些有价值的信息较少的问题 - 价值较低,因为不小心,奇良,是在缺乏历史感。Next, we possess the correspondence of St. Cyprian, comprising letters of African councils, of St. Cornelius and others, besides those of the saint himself.接下来,我们具备了圣塞浦路斯信件,其中包括他自己除了圣非洲政局的圣利乌斯和其他字母。To all this fragmentary information we can add much from St. Epiphanius, something from St. Jerome and also from Photius and Byzantine chronographers.所有这一切零碎的信息,我们可以添加从圣埃皮法尼乌斯,从圣杰罗姆的东西很多,从Photius和拜占庭chronographers也。 The whole Ante-Nicene evidence has been catalogued with wonderful industry by Harnack, with the help of Preuschen and others, in a book of 1021 pages, the first volume of his invaluable "History of Early Christian Literature".整个前厅尼西亚证据已编目与美妙业的哈纳克,随着普罗伊申等人,在一个1021页,他的宝贵的“早期基督教文学史”第一卷书的帮助。 In the middle of the fourth century, St. Epiphanius's book on heresies is learned but confused; it is most annoying to think how useful it would have been had its pious author quoted his authorities by name, as Eusebius did.在四世纪中叶,圣埃皮法尼乌斯对异端邪说的书是学问,却混淆,这是最恼人的思考如何用这本来是有其名虔诚的作者引用了他的当局,尤西比乌斯一样。 As it is, we can with difficulty, if at all, discover whether his sources are to be depended on or not.正因为如此,我们有困难可以,如果在所有,发现他的消息来源是否要在不依赖。St. Jerome's lives of illustrious men are carelessly put together, mainly from Eusebius, but with additional information of great value, where we can trust its accuracy.圣杰罗姆的杰出男人的生活是不小心放在一起,主要是从尤西比乌斯,但是带来了额外的信息很有价值,在这里我们可以相信其准确性。 Gennadius of Marseilles continued this work with great profit to us.马赛粉虱巨大的利润继续向我们的工作。The Western cataloguers of heresies, such as Philastrius, Praedestinatus, and St. Augustine, are less useful.如Philastrius,Praedestinatus和圣奥古斯丁异端邪说的,西方编目是那么有用。

Collections of documents are the most important matter of all.文件集是所有最重要的问题。In the Arian controversy the collections published by St. Athanasius in his apologetic works are first-rate authorities.在阿里安争议,由圣亚他那修在他道歉的作品发表的藏品是一流的机关。Of those put together by St. Hilary only fragments survive.认沽由圣希拉里的只有片段一起生存。Another dossier by the Homoiousian Sabinus, Bishop of Heraclea, was known to Socrates, and we can trace its use by him.另一名由Homoiousian Sabinus,主教的赫刺克勒斯,卷宗是众所周知的苏格拉底,我们可以追溯它的被利用了。 A collection of documents connected with the origins of Donatism was made towards the beginning of the fourth century, and was appended by St. Optatus to his great work.与Donatism的起源有关的文件收集是朝着第四世纪初,是由圣他的伟大的工作optatus的追加。Unfortunately only a part is preserved; but much of the lost matter is quoted by Optatus and Augustine.不幸的只是其中的一部分被保留,但大部分的损失是由optatus的问题和奥古斯丁引用。A pupil of St. Augustine, Marius Mercator, happened to be at Constantinople during the Nestorian controversy, and he formed an interesting collection of pièces justificatives.阿圣奥古斯丁,马吕斯墨卡托,瞳孔发生在君士坦丁堡在景教争议,他形成了一个有趣的作品justificatives集合。 He put together a corresponding set of papers bearing on the Pelagian controversy.他组建了一个对伯拉纠争议轴承组对应的文件。 Irenaeus, Bishop of Tyre, amassed documents bearing on Nestorianism, as a brief in his own defence.依,轮胎主教,积累了景教轴承上的文件,作为一个为自己辩护简短。These have been preserved to us in the reply of an opponent, who has added a great number.这些都被保存在我们的对手,谁也增加了大量的答复。Another kind of collection is that of letters.另一种是收集的字母。St. Isidore's and St. Augustine's are immensely numerous, but bear little upon history.圣伊西多尔的和圣奥古斯丁的是非常多,但很少对历史的承担。There is far more historical matter in those (for instance) of Ambrose and Jerome, Basil and Chrysostom.还有更多的历史问题在那些(例如)和杰罗姆的刘汉铨,罗勒和金口。Those of the popes are numerous, and of first-rate value; and the large collections of them also contain letters addressed to the popes.的教皇这些众多,和一流的价值,以及他们的大的集合也包含给教皇的信。The correspondence of Leo and of Hormisdas is very complete.狮子座和卡尔米斯达斯信件是很完整。Besides these collections of papal letters and the decretals, we have separate collections, of which two are important, the Collectio Avellana, and that of Stephen of Larissa.除了教皇的信件和decretals这些藏品,我们有独立的集合,其中两个很重要,但托收榛,而斯蒂芬的拉里萨。

Councils supply another great historical source.议会供应另一个伟大的历史渊源。Those of Nicaea, Sardica, Constantinople, have left us no Acts, only some letters and canons.尼西亚,萨尔迪卡,君士坦丁堡,那些已经离开了我们的一切行为,只有一些字母和大炮。Of the later œcumenical councils we have not only the detailed Acts, but also numbers of letters connected with them.在后œcumenical议会,我们不仅有详细的行为,但也与他们连字母数字。Many smaller councils have also been preserved in the later collections; those made by Ferrandus of Carthage and Dionysius the Little deserve special mention.许多较小的政局也被保存在后来的收藏;由迦太基和小Ferrandus狄奥尼修斯所作出的值得特别一提。In many cases the Acts of one council are preserved by another at which they were read.在许多情况下,一会被保存的行为,他们中的另一名被宣读。For example, in 418, a Council of Carthage recited all the canons of former African plenary council in the presence of a papal legate; the Council of Chalcedon embodies all the Acts of the first session of the Robber Council of Ephesus, and the Acts of that session contained the Acts of two synods of Constantinople.例如,在418,一会背诵的迦太基在一个教皇使节在场的前非洲次全体会议,会议的所有大炮,安理会的chalcedon所有的行为体现了劫匪的以弗所第一届理事会,以及行为的该届会议上载有两名君士坦丁堡主教的行为。 The later sessions of the Robber Council (preserved only in Syriac) contain a number of documents concerning inquiries and trials of prelates.对贼会(只在叙利亚维护)以后的会议包含了关于查询,主教试验的文件。 Much information of various kinds has been derived of late years from Syriac and Coptic sources, and even from the Arabic, Armenian, Persian, Ethiopia and Slavonic.各类导出了许多资料,从叙利亚和科普特来源,甚至从阿拉伯语,亚美尼亚语,波斯语,埃塞俄比亚和斯拉夫语的晚年。 It is not necessary to speak here of the patristic writings as sources for our knowledge of Church organization, ecclesiastical geography, liturgies.这是没有必要谈论教父的著作在这里为我们的教会组织,教会地理,礼仪知识来源。canon law and procedure, archaeology, etc. The sources are, however, much the same for all these branches as for history proper.教会法和程序,考古学等来源,不过,这对所有这些作为历史的正确分行相同。

IV.四。PATRISTIC STUDY教父的研究

A. Editors of the Fathers答:编辑的父亲

The earliest histories of patristic literature are those contained in Eusebius and in Jerome's "De viris illustribus".最早的教父文学史是尤西比乌斯和杰罗姆的所载的“德viris illustribus”。They were followed by Gennadius, who continued Eusebius, by St. Isidore of Seville, and by St. Ildephonsus of Toledo.其次是粉虱,谁继续由圣塞维利亚伊西多尔尤西比乌斯,以及由圣托莱多Ildephonsus。In the Middle Ages the best known are Sigebert of the monastery of Gembloux (d. 1112), and Trithemius, Abbot of Sponheim and of Würzburg (d. 1516).在最有名的中世纪Sigebert的Gembloux的(草1112),和里特米乌斯,住持Sponheim和维尔茨堡(卒于1516年)寺院。 Between these come an anonymous monk of Melk (Mellicensis, c. 1135) and Honorius of Autun (1122-5).这些来到一间无名氏和尚的梅尔克(Mellicensis,长1135)和欧坦挪(1122-5)。Ancient editors are not wanting; for instance, many anonymous works, like the Pseudo-Clementines and Apostolic Constitutions, have been remodelled more than once; the translators of Origen (Jerome, Rufinus, and unknown persons) cut out, altered, added; St. Jerome published an expurgated edition of Victorinus "On the Apocalypse".古代编辑都不想,例如,许多无名氏的作品,如伪柑橘和使徒宪法,已改造多于一次;的奥利(杰罗姆,Rufinus,以及身份不明的人)的翻译切出,修改,补充;圣。杰罗姆出版了Victorinus删减版“启示录”。 Pamphilus made a list of Origen's writings, and Possidius did the same for those of Augustine. Pamphilus提出了奥利的著作名单,并Possidius做了相同的奥古斯丁。The great editions of the Fathers began when printing had become common.伟大的父亲印刷版开始时,已变得很普遍。One of the earliest editors was Faber Stapulensis (Lefèvre d'Estaples), whose edition of Dionysius the Areopagite was published in 1498.最早的编辑之一,是费伯Stapulensis(利费夫德Estaples),其版本的戴奥尼夏Areopagite是在1498年出版。 The Belgian Pamèle (1536-87) published much.比利时Pamèle(1536年至1587年)出版了。The controversialist Feuardent, a Franciscan (1539-1610) did some good editing.The controversialist Feuardent,方济(1539年至1610年)做了一些很好的编辑。The sixteenth century produced gigantic works of history.十六世纪的历史产生巨大的工程。The Protestant "Centuriators" of Magdeburg described thirteen centuries in as many volumes (1559-74).新教“Centuriators”马格德堡描述为(1559年至1574年)多卷十三世纪。Cardinal Baronius (1538-1607) replied with his famous "Annales Ecclesiastici", reaching to the year 1198 (12 vols., 1588-1607).巴若尼枢机主教(1538至1607年)回答说他著名的“年鉴Ecclesiastici”,到了1198年(12卷。,1588年至1607年)。 Marguerin de la Bigne, a doctor of the Sorbonne (1546-89), published his "Bibliotheca veterum Patrum" (9 vols., 1577-9) to assist in refuting the Centuriators. Marguerin德拉Bigne,一索邦大学(1546年至1589年)出版他的“书目veterum Patrum”,医生(9卷。,1577-9)协助批驳Centuriators。

The great Jesuit editors were almost in the seventeenth century; Gretserus (1562-1625), Fronto Ducaeus (Fronton du Duc, 1558-1624), Andreas Schott (1552-1629), were diligent editors of the Greek Fathers.伟大的耶稣会编辑们几乎是在17世纪Gretserus(1562年至1625年),额Ducaeus(弗龙杜公爵,1558年至1624年),安德烈亚斯肖特(1552年至1629年),希腊的父亲都是勤奋的编辑器。 The celebrated Sirmond (1559-1651) continued to publish Greek Fathers and councils and much else, from the age of 51 to 92.著名Sirmond(1559年至1651年)继续出版议会和希腊的父亲和许多其他从51岁到92。Denis Pétau (Petavius, 1583-1652) edited Greek Fathers, wrote on chronology, and produced an incomparable book of historical theology, "De theologicis dogmatibus" (1044).丹尼斯Pétau(Petavius​​,1583年至1652年)编辑了希腊的父亲,写年表,历史和神学产生了无比的书,“德theologicis dogmatibus”(1044)。To these may be added the ascetic Halloix (1572-1656), the uncritical Chifflet (1592-1682), and Jean Garnier, the historian of the Pelagians (d. 1681).对于这些可能会增加苦行僧Halloix(1572年至1656年)时,不加批判Chifflet(1592年至1682年),和让卡尼尔,的pelagians(草1681)历史学家。 The greatest work of the Society of Jesus is the publication of the "Acta Sanctorum", which has now reached the beginning of November, in 64 volumes.对耶稣会的最大工作是“学报Sanctorum”,目前已达到了十一月初在64册,出版。It was planned by Rosweyde (1570-1629) as a large collection of lives of saints; but the founder of the work as we have it is the famous John van Bolland (1596-1665).它是由Rosweyde计划(1570年至1629年),作为生活的圣人大集,但我们的工作有它的创始人是著名的约翰面包车博兰(1596年至1665年)。 He was joined in 1643 by Henschenius and Papebrochius (1628-1714), and thus the Society of Bollandists began, and continued, in spite of the suppression of the Jesuits, until the French Revolution, 1794.他于1643年加入由Henschenius和Papebrochius(1628年至1714年),因而对Bollandists协会开始,并持续,在耶稣会士镇压尽管直到法国大革命,1794年。 It was happily revived in 1836 (see BOLLANDISTS).这是在1836年恢复快乐(见BOLLANDISTS)。Other Catholic editors were Gerhard Voss (d. 1609), Albaspinaeus (De l'Aubespine, Bishop of Orléans, 1579-1630), Rigault (1577-1654), and the Sorbonne doctor Cotelier (1629-86).其他天主教编辑们格哈德沃斯(草1609),Albaspinaeus(德欧莱雅Aubespine,奥尔良主教,1579至1630年),Rigault(1577年至1654年)和索邦大学的医生Cotelier(1629年至1686年)。 The Dominican Combéfis (1605-79) edited Greek Fathers, added two volumes to de la Bigne's collection, and made collections of patristic sermons.多米尼加Combéfis(1605年至1679年)编辑了希腊的父亲,增加了两个卷,德拉Bigne的收集,以及由教父说教集合。 The layman Valesius (de Valois, 1603-70) was of great eminence.外行人Valesius(德瓦卢瓦,1603年至一六七〇年)是伟大的显赫地位。

Among Protestants may be mentioned the controversialist Clericus (Le Clerc, 1657-1736); Bishop Fell of Oxford (1625-86), the editor of Cyprian, with whom must be classed Bishop Pearson and Dodwell; Grabe (1666-1711), a Prussian who settled in England; the Calvinist Basnage (1653-1723).新教徒之间可提到controversialist Clericus(莱克莱尔,1657年至1736年);主教跌牛津大学(1625年至1686年),对塞浦路斯的编辑,与他们必须被归类主教皮尔逊和多德韦尔; Grabe(1666年至1711年),一普鲁士谁解决,在英格兰的加尔文主义Basnage(1653年至1723年)。The famous Gallican Etienne Baluze (1630-1718), was an editor of great industry.著名的高卢艾蒂安Baluze(1630年至1718年),是一个大工业的编辑。The Provençal Franciscan, Pagi, published an invaluable commentary on Baronius in 1689-1705.普罗旺斯济,Pagi,发表在1689年至1705年对巴若尼宝贵的评论。But the greatest historical achievement was that of a secular priest, Louis Le Nain de Tillemont, whose "Histoire des Empereurs" (6 vols., 1690) and "Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siècles" (16 vols., 1693) have never been superseded or equalled.但最大的历史功绩,是一个世俗的牧师,路易斯勒南德蒂耶蒙,他们的“历史学德Empereurs”(6卷。,1690)和“Mémoires倒servir à欧莱雅历史学ecclésiastique德六总理siècles”(16卷。 ,1693)从未被取代或等于。Other historians are Cardinal H. Noris (1631-1704); Natalis Alexander (1639-1725), a Dominican; Fleury (in French, 1690-1719).其他历史学家红衣主教阁下Noris的(1631至1704年),陈百祥亚历山大(1639年至1725年),多米尼加,弗勒里(在法国,1690年至1719年)。 To these must be added the Protestant Archbishop Ussher of Dublin (1580-1656), and many canonists, such as Van Espen, Du Pin, La Marca, and Christianus Lupus.这些必须添加新教都柏林大主教Ussher(1580年至1656年),以及许多圣教法典,如凡埃斯彭,杜品,香格里拉马卡报,并Christianus狼疮。 The Oratorian Thomassin wrote on Christian antiquities (1619-95); the English Bingham composed a great work on the same subject (1708-22).The Oratorian汤玛森写在(1619年至1695年)基督教古物,英国人宾厄姆组成的关于同一主题(1708年至1722年)伟大的工作。Holstein (1596-1661), a convert from Protestantism, was librarian at the Vatican, and published collections of documents.斯泰因(1596年至1661年),一个转换新教,是在梵蒂冈图书馆,收藏和文件公布。The Oratorian J. Morin (1597-1659) published a famous work on the history of Holy orders, and a confused one on that of penance.The Oratorian j的莫兰(1597年至1659年)发表了关于历史上著名的工作神圣的命令,并在此忏悔不知所措的人。The chief patristic theologian among English Protestants is Bishop Bull, who wrote a reply to Petavius's views on the development of dogma, entitled "Defensio fidei Nicaenae" (1685).英国新教徒之间的主要教父神学家是主教牛市,谁写了关于发展的教条题为“Defensio fidei Nicaenae”(1685),以Petavius​​的意见答复。The Greek Leo Allatius (1586-1669), custos of the Vatican Library, was almost a second Bessarion.希腊利奥Allatius(1586年至1669年),在梵蒂冈图书馆保管人,几乎​​是第二贝萨利昂。He wrote on dogma and on the ecclesiastical books of the Greeks.他写的教条和希腊人的教会书籍。A century later the Maronite JS Assemani (1687-1768) published amongst other works a "Bibliotheca Orientalis" and an edition of Ephrem Syrus.一个世纪后,马龙派js的Assemani(1687年至1768年),其中包括已经发表的作品一“书目山东教育”和一个Ephrem斯西拉斯版。 His nephew edited an immense collection of liturgies.他的侄子编辑了一个巨大的礼仪集合。The chief liturgiologist of the seventeenth century is the Blessed Cardinal Tommasi, a Theatine (1649-1713, beatified 1803), the type of a saintly savant.十七世纪的行政liturgiologist是有福枢机托马西,一Theatine(1649年至1713年,宣福1803年),一个圣洁的学者型。

The great Benedictines form a group by themselves, for (apart from Dom Calmet, a Biblical scholar, and Dom Ceillier, who belonged to the Congregation of St-Vannes) all were of the Congregation of St-Maur, the learned men of which were drafted into the Abbey of St-Germain-des-Prés at Paris.伟大的本笃自己一组的形式,为(除了从DOM卡尔梅特,一个圣经学者和DOM Ceillier,谁属于圣-瓦纳众)所有的ST - Maur聚集,中,其中有学问的人在巴黎起草到修道院的圣-圣日耳曼的DES -德培。Dom Luc d'Achéry (1605-85) is the founder ("Spicilegium", 13 vols.); Dom Mabillon (1632-1707) is the greatest name, but he was mainly occupied with the early Middle Ages.吕克德Achéry大教堂(1605年至1685年)的创办人(“Spicilegium”,13卷。);大教堂马毕伦(1632年至1707年)是最大的名字,但他对中世纪早期主要占领。 Bernard de Montfaucon (1655-1741) has almost equal fame (Athanasius, Hexapla of Origen, Chrysostom, Antiquities, Palaeography).贝尔纳代蒙福(1655年至1741年)几乎齐名(亚他那修,俄,金口,古物,古文字学的hexapla)。 Dom Coustant (1654-1721) was the principal collaborator, it seems, in the great edition of St. Augustine (1679-1700; also letters of the Popes, Hilary).大教堂Coustant(1654年至1721年)是主要的合作者,看来,在圣奥古斯丁大版(1679至1700年,在教皇,希拉里还字母)。 Dom Garet (Cassiodorus, 1679), Du Friche (St. Ambrose, 1686-90), Martianay (St. Jerome, 1693-1706, less successful), Delarue (Origen, 1733-59), Maran (with Toutée, Cyril of Jerusalem, 1720; alone, the Apologists, 1742; Gregory Nazianzen, unfinished), Massuet (Irenaeus, 1710), Ste-Marthe (Gregory the Great, 1705), Julien Garnier (St. Basil, 1721-2), Ruinart (Acta Martyrum sincera, 1689, Victor Vitensis, 1694, and Gregory of Tours and Fredegar, 1699), are all well-known names.大教堂Garet(Cassiodorus,1679),都Friche(圣刘汉铨,1686年至1690年),Martianay(圣杰罗姆,1693至1706年,不太成功),Delarue(渊源,1733年至1759年),马兰(与Toutée,西里尔耶路撒冷,1720;单,辩护士,1742年,格雷戈里nazianzen,未完成),Massuet(爱任纽,1710),科技教育,Marthe(高利大,1705年),朱利安卡尼尔(圣罗勒,1721-2),Ruinart(学报Martyrum sincera,1689年,维克多Vitensis,1694年,与旅游和Fredegar,格雷戈里1699年),都是众所周知的名字。The works of Martène (1654-1739) on ecclesiastical and monastic rites (1690 and 1700-2) and his collections of anecdota (1700, 1717, and 1724-33) are most voluminous; he was assisted by Durand.对Martène工程(1654年至1739年)对教会和寺院的仪式(1690年1700-2)和anecdota他的收藏品(1700,1717和1724年至1733年)最浩繁,他被杜兰德协助。 The great historical works of the Benedictines of St-Maur need not be mentioned here, but Dom Sabatier's edition of the Old Latin Bible, and the new editions of Du Cange's glossaries must be noted.作者:圣- Maur笃伟大的历史著作不需要在这里提及,但大教堂萨巴蒂尔的拉丁圣经的旧版本,并都参搁的词汇,新版本必须加以注意。For the great editors of collections of councils see under the names mentioned in the bibliography of the article on COUNCILS.对于收藏品的议会下看到伟大的编辑在对议会的文章中提到的书目名称。

In the eighteenth century may be noted Archbishop Potter (1674-1747, Clement of Alexandria).在十八世纪可能会注意到大主教波特(1674年至1747年的亚历山德里亚,克莱门特)。At Rome Arévalo (Isidore of Seville, 1797-1803); Gallandi, a Venetian Oratorian (Bibliotheca veterum Patrum, 1765-81).在罗马Arévalo(伊西多尔塞维利亚,1797年至1803年); Gallandi,一个威尼斯Oratorian(书目veterum Patrum,1765年至1781年)。The Veronese scholars form a remarkable group.维罗纳学者组成的卓越集团。The historian Maffei (for our purpose his "anecdota of Cassiodorus" are to be noted, 1702), Vallarsi (St. Jerome, 1734-42, a great work, and Rufinus, 1745), the brothers Ballerini (St. Zeno, 1739; St. Leo, 1753-7, a most remarkable production), not to speak of Bianchini, who published codices of the Old Latin Gospels, and the Dominican Mansi, Archbishop of Lucca, who re-edited Baronius, Fabricius, Thomassinus, Baluze, etc., as well as the "Collectio Amplissima" of councils.历史学家马菲(我们的目的他的“Cassiodorus anecdota”应指出,1702),Vallarsi(圣杰罗姆,1734年至1742年,一个伟大的工作,Rufinus,1745),兄弟俩巴莱里尼(圣芝诺,1739 ;圣利奥,1753-7,一个最显着的生产),不要说Bianchini,谁出版的旧拉丁美洲福音抄本,和多米尼加曼西,卢卡大主教,谁重新编辑巴若尼,法氏囊,Thomassinus,Baluze等,以及“托收Amplissima”的议会。 A general conspectus shows us the Jesuits taking the lead c.一般概论告诉我们一个耶稣会的领导下角1590-1650, and the Benedictines working about 1680-1750.一五九○年至1650年,约1680至1750年的本笃工作。The French are always in the first place.法国人总是摆在首位。There are some sparse names of eminence in Protestant England; a few in Germany; Italy takes the lead in the second half of the eighteenth century.也有一些在英格兰新教隆起稀疏的名字,一个在德国少;意大利发生在十八世纪后半领先。 The great literary histories of Bellarmine, Fabricius, Du Pin, Cave, Oudin, Schram, Lumper, Ziegelbauer, and Schoenemann will be found below in the bibliography.对贝拉明,法氏囊,杜品,洞,Oudin,施拉姆,码头工人,Ziegelbauer,伟大的文学史和Schoenemann会发现下面的书目。 The first half of the nineteenth century was singularly barren of patristic study; nevertheless there were marks of the commencement of the new era in which Germany takes the head.十九世纪上半叶是奇研究的教父贫瘠,然而有新的时代,德国排头开始标志。The second half of the nineteenth was exceptionally and increasingly prolific.在第二十九世纪下半格外和日益丰富。It is impossible to enumerate the chief editors and critics.这是不可能列举的主编和评论家。New matter was poured forth by Cardinal Mai (1782-1854) and Cardinal Pitra (1812-89), both prefects of the Vatican Library.新的事项都倒出来的枢机主教麦(1782年)和红衣主教Pitra(1812年至1889年),在梵蒂冈图书馆都省长。 Inedita in such quantities seem to be found no more, but isolated discoveries have come frequently and still come; Eastern libraries, such as those of Mount Athos and Patmos, Constantinople, and Jerusalem, and Mount Sinai, have yielded unknown treasures, while the Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, etc., have supplied many losses supposed to be irrecoverable.在这一数量Inedita似乎没有发现更多,但孤立的发现,仍然经常来来,东库,如圣山和帕特莫斯,君士坦丁堡,和耶路撒冷,西乃山者外,已经产生了未知的宝藏,而叙利亚,科普特人,亚美尼亚人,等等,都应该提供许多损失是无法挽回的。 The sands of Egypt have given something, but not much, to patrology.埃及的沙子所赋予的,但并不多,要patrology。


The greatest boon in the way of editing has been the two great patrologies of the Abbé Migne (1800-75).在编辑方式最大的实惠一直是两个神甫米涅(1800年至1875年)大patrologies。This energetic man put the works of all the Greek and Latin Fathers within easy reach by the "Patrologia Latina" (222 vols., including 4 vols. of indexes) and the "Patrologia Graeca" (161 vols).这个精力充沛的人把所有容易到达的希腊和拉丁教父的作品由“Patrologia拉丁”(222卷。,其中包括4卷。索引)和“Patrologia Graeca”(161卷)。The Ateliers Catholiques which he founded produced wood-carving, pictures, organs, etc., but printing was the special work.在他创办工作室Catholiques制作木雕,图片,机关等,但打印的是特殊的工作。The workshops were destroyed by a disastrous fire in 1868, and the recommencement of the work was made impossible by the Franco-German war.讲习班是摧毁了一个特大火灾1868年,和工作recommencement是由法德战争是不可能的。The "Monumenta Germaniae", begun by the Berlin librarian Pertz, was continued with vigour under the most celebrated scholar of the century, Theodor Mommsen.在“古迹遗址Germaniae”,由柏林图书馆Pertz开始,一直持续与活力的世纪,最有名的学者西奥多蒙森。 Small collections of patristic works are catalogued below.小教父的作品集归类如下。A new edition of the Latin Fathers was undertaken in the sixties by the Academy of Vienna.一个新版本的拉丁教父进行了由维也纳学院的六十年代。The volumes published up till now have been uniformly creditable works which call up no particular enthusiasm.各卷出版到现在已经一致赞赏的作品,打电话没有特别的热情。At the present rate of progress some centuries will be needed for the great work.在目前的进展速度,将需要几个世纪的伟大的工作。The Berlin Academy has commenced a more modest task, the re-editing of the Greek Ante-Nicene writers, and the energy of Adolf Harnack is ensuring rapid publication and real success.柏林学院已展开了较温和的任务,重新希腊休息室尼西亚作家编辑,和阿道夫哈纳克能源是确保迅速出版和真正的成功。 The same indefatigable student, with von Gebhardt, edits a series of "Texte und Untersuchungen", which have for a part of their object to be the organ of the Berlin editors of the Fathers.同样不知疲倦的学生与Von格巴尔,编辑了“Texte有限公司Untersuchungen”,这对于一个自己的对象是对柏林的父亲编辑器官一部分的系列。 The series contains many valuable studies, with much that would hardly have been published in other countries.该系列包含了许多非常有价值的研究,这将难以得到其他国家出版。The Cambridge series of "Texts and Studies" is younger and proceeds more slowly, but keeps at a rather higher level.对“文本和研究”剑桥系列是年轻和收益比较慢,但在一个相当高的水平不断。There should be mentioned also the Italian "Studii e Testi", in which Mercati and Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri collaborate.还应当提及的有意大利“Studii é Testi”,其中Mercati和PIO Franchi朱德卡瓦列利合作。In England, in spite of the slight revival of interest in patristic studies caused by the Oxford Movement, the amount of work has not been great.在英国,在牛津大学中的运动使得教父的学习兴趣,尽管略有复苏,大量的工作并没有得到很大。For learning perhaps Newman is really first in the theological questions.对于学习也许真的在纽曼是第一个神学问题。As critics the Cambridge School, Westcott, Hort, and above all Lightfoot, are second to none.作为批评者的剑桥学校,韦斯科特,园艺,最重要的娜莱,是首屈一指的。But the amount edited has been very small, and the excellent "Dictionary of Christian Biography" is the only great work published.但数额编辑已经非常小,优良“基督教传记辞典”是唯一的伟大的工作发表。Until 1898 there was absolutely no organ for patristic studies, and the "Journal of Theological Studies" founded in that year would have found it difficult to survive financially without the help of the Oxford University Press.直到1898年,绝对没有为教父的研究机构,与“神学研究杂志”在这一年成立会发现自己很难生存下去的牛津大学出版社财政帮助。 But there has been an increase of interest in these subjects of late years, both among Protestants and Catholics, in England and in the United States.但是,一直是在晚年这些科目的兴趣增加新教徒和天主教徒之间都在英国,在美国,。Catholic France has lately been coming once more to the fore, and is very nearly level with Germany even in output.法国天主教近来来再次脱颖而出,并与德国的水平非常接近,甚至在输出。In the last fifty years, archaeology has added much to patristic studies; in this sphere the greatest name is that of De Rossi.在过去的五十多年,考古增添了很大的教父的研究;在这一领域最大的名称是德罗西。

B. The Study of the FathersB.研究的父亲

The helps to study, such as Patrologies, lexical information, literary histories, are mentioned below.该有助于研究诸如Patrologies,词汇信息,文学史,介绍如下。

Publication information出版信息

Written by John Chapman.写的约翰查普曼。Transcribed by Kevin Cawley.转录由凯文考利。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI.天主教百科全书,第六卷。Published 1909.1909年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. Nihil Obstat 9月1日,1909。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约

Bibliography 参考书目
COLLECTIONS:-- The chief collections of the Fathers are the following: DE LA BIGNE, Bibliotheca SS.收藏: - 在父亲的藏品主要有以下几方面:德拉BIGNE,书目的SS。PP.聚丙烯。(5 vols. fol., Paris, 1575, and App., 1579; 4th ed., 10 vols., 1624, with Auctarium, 2 vols., 1624, and Suppl., 1639, 5th and 6th edd., 17 vols. fol., 1644 and 1654); this great work is a supplement of over 200 writings to the editions till then published of the Fathers; enlarged ed. (5卷的FOL,巴黎,1575年,和应用程序,1579。。。。。。。第4版,10卷,1624年,与Auctarium,第2卷,1624年,和增刊,1639年,第5和第6次教育博士,17卷。 。FOL中,1644和1654)。这项伟大工程是一个超过200著作的补充,到那个时候的父亲发表的版本;扩大版。hy UNIV.兴业大学。OF COLOGNE (Cologne, 1618, 14 vols., and App., 1622); the Cologne ed.科隆(科隆,1618年,14卷,和App,1622。。);科隆版。 enlarged by 100 writings, in 27 folio vols.扩大后的27开本100卷著作。(Lyons, 1677).(里昂,1677)。 COMBEFIS, Graeco-Latinae Patrum Bibliothecae novum Auctarium (2 vols., Paris, 1648), and Auctarium novissimum (2 vols., Paris, 1672); D'Achéry, Veterum aliquot scriptorum Spicilegium (13 vols. 4to, Paris, 1655-77, and 3 vols. fol., 1723), mostly of writings later than patristic period, as is also the case with BALUZE, Miscellanea (7 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1678-1715); re-ed.COMBEFIS,希腊,Latinae Patrum Bibliothecae新工具Auctarium。(2卷,巴黎,1648年),和Auctarium novissimum。(2卷,巴黎,1672年),德Achéry,Veterum等分scriptorum Spicilegium(13卷4到,巴黎,1655 - 。 。。77,3卷的FOL,1723),主要著作迟于教父时期,也是与BALUZE,杂记(7卷案8vo,巴黎,1678年至1715年)。重编。 by MANSI (4 vols. fol., Lucca, 1761-4); SIRMOND, Opera varia nunc primum collecta (5 vols. fol., Paris, 1696, and Venice, 1728); MURATORI, Anecdota from the Ambrosian Libr.由曼西(4卷的FOL,卢卡,1761-4。。); SIRMOND,歌剧杂物孔培养板primum collecta(5卷的FOL,巴黎,1696年,威尼斯,1728。。);穆拉托里,从安布罗溴化锂Anecdota。at Milan (4 vols. 4to, Milan, 1697-8; Padua, 1713); IDEM, Anecdota graeca (Padua, 1709); GRABE, Spicilegium of Fathers of the first and second centuries (Oxford, 1698-9, 1700, and enlarged, 1714); GALLANDI, Bibl.在米兰(4卷4到,米兰,1697-8。帕多瓦,1713年),同上,Anecdota graeca(帕多瓦,1709年); GRABE,对第一和第二世纪(牛津,1698-9,1700,和父亲Spicilegium扩大,1714年); GALLANDI,Bibl。vet.兽医。PP., an enlarged edition of the Lyons ed.聚丙烯。,教育署的里昂扩大版。of de la Bigne (14 vols. fol., Venice, 1765-88, and index puhl. at Bologna, 1863) -- nearly all the contents are reprinted in MIGNE; OBERTHÜR, SS.德报Bigne(14卷的FOL,威尼斯,1765年至1788年,在博洛尼亚和索引puhl,1863。。。) - 几乎所有的内容都在米涅转载,欧贝特,不锈钢。Patrum opera polemica de veriate religionis christ.Patrum德基督veriate religionis歌剧polemica。c.Gent.绅士。et Jud.士等。(21 vols. 8vo, Würzburg, 1777-94); IDEM, Opera omnia SS.(21卷8vo,维尔茨堡,1777年至1794年。)同上,歌剧OMNIA公司的SS。 Patrum Latinorum (13 vols., Würzburg, 1789-91); ROUTH, Reliquiae sacrae, second and third centuries (4 vols., Oxford, 1814-18; in 5 vols., 1846-8); IDEM, Scriptorum eccl.Patrum Latinorum(13卷,维尔茨堡,1789年至1791年。)罗斯,Reliquiae sacrae,第二和第三世纪(4卷,牛津,1814年至1818年。5卷,1846-8。)同上,Scriptorum传道书。opuscula praeipua (2 vols., Oxford, 1832, 3rd vol., 1858); MAT, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio (unpubl. matter from Vatican MSS., 10 vols. 4to, 1825-38); IDEM, Spicileqium Romanum (10 vols. Svo, Rome, 1839-44); IDEM, Nova Patrum Bibtiotheca (7 vols. 4to, Rome, 1844-54; vol. 8 completed by COZZA-LUZI, 1871, vol. 9 by COZZA-LUZI, 1888, App. ad opera ed. ab A. Maio, Rome, 1871, App. altera, 1871).的opuscula praeipua。(2卷,牛津大学,1832年,第3卷,1858年。)垫,Scriptorum veterum新星资料库(unpubl.无论从梵蒂冈的MSS,4到10卷,1825年至1838年。。),同上,Spicileqium Romanum(10卷。高级兽医师,罗马,1839年至1844年),同上,新Patrum Bibtiotheca(7卷4到罗马,1844年至1854年。第一卷8科扎,陆子,1871年,第一卷由科扎,陆子,1888年,完成应用9。。。广告歌剧版。从头答马尤,罗马,1871年,应用程序。Altera公司,1871年)。 A few eccl.一些传道书。writings in MAI's Classici auctores (10 vols., Rome, 1828-38); CAILLAU, Collectio selecta SS.在米埔的Classici auctores著作(10卷,罗马,1828年至1838年。)CAILLAU,托收selecta的SS。Ecclesia Patrum (133 vols. em. 8vo, Paris, 1829-42); GERSDORF, Bibl.教会Patrum(电磁8vo 133卷,巴黎,1829年至1842年。。); GERSDORF,Bibl。Patrum eccl.Patrum传道书。lat.土地增值税。selecta (13 vols., Leipzig, 1838-47); the Oxford Bibliotheca Patrum reached 10 vols. selecta(13卷,莱比锡,1838年至1847年。)牛津书目Patrum达到了10卷。(Oxford, 1838-55); PITRA, Spicilegium Solesmense (4 vols. 4to, Paris, 1852-8).(牛津,1838年至1855年); PITRA,Spicilegium Solesmense(4卷4到巴黎,1852-8。)。The number of these various collections, in addition to the works of the great Fathers, made it difficult to obtain a complete set of patristic writings.这些不同的藏品数量,除了父亲的伟大工程,使它很难获得一套完整的教父著作。MIGNE supplied the want by collecting almost all the foregoing (except the end of the last mentioned work, and Mais later volumes) into his complete editions: Patrologiae cursus completus, Series latine (to Innocent III, AD 1300, 221 vols. 4to, including four vols. of indexes, 1844-55), Series graeco-latine (to the Council of Florence, AD 1438-9, 161 vols. 4to, 1857-66, and another rare vol. of additions, 1866); the Series graece was also published, in Latin only, in 81 vols.; there is no index in the Series grace; an alphabetical list of contents by SCHOLAREOS (Athens, 1879, useful); other publications, not included in Migne, by PITRA, are Juris ecclesiastici Graecarum hist.米涅提供他所收集到完整的版本几乎所有上述(除了最后提到的工作结束,梅斯后来册)想:Patrologiae cursus completus,系列latine(对无辜第三,公元1300年,221卷4到,包括。四卷索引,1844年至1855年),希腊系列- latine(对佛罗伦萨,公元1438-9,理事会4到161卷,1857年至1866年,另有补充罕见卷,1866年);。。。系列graece也出版了,仅在拉丁美洲,81卷。没有在系列优雅指数;​​一个由SCHOLAREOS内容(雅典,1879年,有用的)按字母顺序排列,其他出版物,不包括在米涅的PITRA,是法学ecclesiastici Graecarum历史。et monum.等monum。(2 vols., Rome, 1864-8); Analecta sacra (6 vols., numbered I, II, III, IV, VI, VIII, Paris, 1876-84); Analecta sacra et classica (Paris, 1888); Analecta novissima, medieval (2 vols., 1885-8); the new edition of Latin Fathers is called Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, editum consilio et impensis Academiae litterarum Caesarea Vindobonensis (Vienna, 1866, 8vo, in progress); and of the Greek Fathers: Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderten, herausgegeben von der Kirchenvätter-Kommission den Königl.(2卷,罗马,1864-8。); Analecta萨克拉(。6卷,编号一,二,三,四,六,八,巴黎,1876年至1884年); Analecta萨克拉等经典号(巴黎,1888年); Analecta novissima,中世纪(2卷,1885-8。)的拉丁教父的新版本被称为语料库scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum,editum consilio等impensis Academiae litterarum凯撒利亚Vindobonensis(维也纳,1866年,8vo,在建)和希腊的父亲:模具griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller明镜ersten德雷伊Jahrhunderten,herausgegeben冯明镜Kirchenvätter - Kommission巢穴Königl。preussiechen Akad.preussiechen Akad。den Wise.书斋智者。(Berlin, 1897, large 8vo, in progress).(柏林,1897年,大8vo,在建)。Of the Monumenta Germaniae historica, one portion, the Auctores antiquissimi (Berlin, 1877-98), contains works of the sixth century which connect themselves with patrology.在古迹遗址Germaniae史馆,一部分,Auctores antiquissimi(柏林,1877年至1898年),载有六世纪工程,就可以与patrology自己。Small modern collections are HURTER, SS.现代小集合HURTER,不锈钢。Patrum opuscula selecta, with a few good notes (Innebruck, 1st series, 48 vols., 1868-85, 2nd series, 6 vols. 1884-92) -- these little books have been deservedly popular; KRÜGER, Semmlung ausgewählter kirchen- und dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenechriften (Freiburg, 1891-); RAUSCHEN, Florilegium patristicum, of first and second centuries (3 fasc., Bonn, 1904-5); Cambridge patristic texts (I, The Five Theol. Orat. of Greg. Naz., ed. MASON, 1899; II, The Catech. Or. of Greg. Nyssen., ed. SRAWLEY, 1903; Dionysius Alex., ed. FELTRE, 1904, in progress); VIZZINI, Bibl. Patrum的opuscula selecta,有几个不错的票据(Innebruck,第一辑,48卷,1868年至1885年,第二系列,6卷 1884年至1892年。) - 这些小书已经非常受欢迎,克鲁格,Semmlung ausgewählter kirchen -有限公司dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenechriften(弗赖堡,1891年 - ); RAUSCHEN,选集patristicum第一,二世纪,(三汽联,波恩,1904-5。);剑桥教父文本(我,由于以下原因造成五Theol格雷格纳兹。。。。 。教育署梅森,1899年;二,儿茶酚或格雷格Nyssen,海关SRAWLEY,1903年;。。。。。修斯亚历,海关FELTRE,1904年,在建)。。VIZZINI,Bibl。 SS.党卫军。PP.聚丙烯。Theologiae tironibus et universo clero accomodata (Rome, 1901- in progress); LIETZMANN, Kleine Texte, für theol. Theologiae tironibus等universo clero accomodata(罗马,1901 - 在建); LIETZMANN,克莱纳Texte,毛皮theol。Vorlesungen und Uebungen (twenty-five numbers have appeared of about 16 pp. each, Bonn, 1902- in progress); an English ed.Vorlesungen有限公司Uebungen(二零零五年的数字出现了各约16页,波恩,1902年 - 在建),一个英语版。 of the same (Cambridge, 1903-); Textes et documents pour l'étude historique du chrietienisme, ed.同样的(剑桥,1903 - ); Textes等文件倒欧莱雅练习曲historique杜chrietienisme,编辑。HEMMER AND LEJAY (texts, French tr., and notes, Paris, in progress -- an admirable series).亨默与LEJAY(文本,法语入门,并注意到,巴黎,在建 - 。一个令人钦佩的系列)。

INITIA:-- For Greek and Latin writers up to Eusebius, the index to HARNACK, Gesch. INITIA: - 在希腊和拉丁作家到尤西比乌斯,对哈纳克,Gesch指数。der altchr.明镜altchr。 Litt., I; for the Latin writers of first six centuries, AUMERS, Initia libronum PP.利特,我;。六个世纪的第一次,AUMERS,Initia libronum PP的拉丁美洲作家。lat.土地增值税。(Vienna, 1865); and up to 1200, VATASSO, Initia PP.(维也纳,1865年),以及高达1200 VATASSO,Initia聚丙烯。aliorumque scriptorum sect, lat. aliorumque scriptorum教派,土地增值税。(2 vols., Vatican press, 1906-8).(2卷。梵蒂冈出版社,1906-8)。

LITERARY HISTORIES:-- The first is BELLARMINE, De Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Rome, 1613, often reprinted; with additions by LABBE, Paris, 1660, and by OUDEN, Paris, 1686); DE PIN, Bibliothèque universelle des auteurs eccles.文学史: - 首先是贝拉明,德Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis(罗马,1613年,经常重印;与拉韦,巴黎,1660年,由OUDEN,巴黎,1686年增补); DE引脚,Bibliothèque universelle德的导演埃克尔斯。(61 vols. 8vo, or 19 vols. 4to, Paris, 1686, etc.); this was severely criticized by the Benedictine PETITDIDIER and by the Oratorian SIMON (Critique de la Bibl. des auteurs eccl. publ. pen ill. E. Dupin, Paris, 1730), and Du Pin's work was put on the Index in 1757; FABACCEUS, Bibliotheca Graece, sive edititia Scriptorum veterum Graecorum (Hamburg, 1705-28, 14 vols.; new ed. by HARLES, Hamburg, 1790-1809, 12 vols., embraces not quite 11 vole, of the original ed.; index to this ed., Leipzig, 1838) -- this great work is really a vast collection of materials; Fabricius was a Protestant (d. 1736); he made a smaller collection of the Latin lit. (61卷8vo,或19卷4到,巴黎,1686年,等等。。)。。。。这是严重的,由本笃PETITDIDIER Oratorian西蒙(批判德拉Bibl德的导演传道书九八八年至九一年钢笔批评大肠杆菌病杜平,巴黎,1730),杜Pin的工作是在1757年提出的指数; FABACCEUS,书目Graece,sive edititia Scriptorum veterum Graecorum(汉堡,1705年至1728年,14卷。。新版的HARLES,汉堡,1790 - 。1809年,12卷,涵盖11个不大的原海关田鼠;指数这个版,莱比锡,1838) - 这真是一个伟大的工作是大量收集的材料。。法氏囊是新教徒(草1736) ,他提出了拉丁小集合点燃。hist., Bibl.历史。,Bibl。Latina, sive non.拉丁sive非。 scr.可控硅。vett, latt.vett,latt。 (1697, 1708, 1712, etc., ed. by ERNESTI, 3 vols., Leipzig, 1773-4), and a continuation for the Middle Ages (1734-6, 5 vols.); the whole was re-edited by MANSI (6 vols., Padua, 1754, and Florence, 1858-9); LE NOURRY, Apparatus ad Biblioth. (1697,1708,1712等,海关按ERNESTI,3卷,莱比锡,1773-4。。),和一个中世纪的延续(1734-6,5卷。)整个被重新编辑曼西(6卷,帕多瓦,1754年,和佛罗伦萨,1858-9。)乐NOURRY,仪器广告Biblioth。 Max.马克斯。vett.vett。Patr.Patr。(2 vols. fol., Paris, 1703-15), deals with Greek Fathers of the second century and with Latin apologists; CEILLIER, Hist.(2卷的FOL,巴黎,1703至15年。。),与希腊父亲的第二个世纪,并与拉美辩护士交易; CEILLIER,组织胺。 générale des auteurs sacrés et ecclés.兴德的导演sacrés等埃克尔斯。(from Moses to 1248, 23 vols., Paris, 1729-63; Table gén. des Met., by RONDET, Paris, 1782; new ed. 16 vols., Paris, 1858-69); SCHRAM, Analysis Operum SS. (从摩西到1248,23卷,巴黎,1729年至1763年。表根德蛋氨酸,由RONDET,巴黎,1782。。。。新版16卷,巴黎,1858年至1869年);施拉姆,分析Operum的SS。 PP.聚丙烯。et Scriptorum eccles.等Scriptorum埃克尔斯。(Vienna, 1780-96, 18 vols., a valuable work); LUMPER, Hist.(维也纳,1780年至1796年,18卷,一个有价值的工作。)码头工人,组织胺。 Theologico-critica de vitâ scriptis atque doctrina SS.神学- critica德简历scriptis atque doctrina的SS。PP.聚丙烯。at scr.在可控硅。eccl.传道书。trium primorum saec.trium primorum国家外汇管理局。(Vienna, 1783-99, 13 vols.; a compilation, but good); the Anglican CAVE published a fine work, Scriptorum eccl.(维也纳,1783年至1799年,13卷。编译,但良好的),而英国圣公会洞穴发表做工精细,Scriptorum传道书。 historia literaria (London, 1688; best ed., Oxford, 1740-3); OUDIN, a Premonstratensian, who became a Protestant, Commentarius de Scriptoribus eccl.史记literaria(伦敦,1688年。最佳版,牛津大学,1740-3); OUDIN,一Premonstratensian,谁成为新教,Commentarius德Scriptoribus传道书。(founded on Bellarmine, 3 vols. fol., Leipzig, 1722).(成立于贝拉明,3卷。随访。,莱比锡,1722年)。On the editions of the Latin Fathers, SCHOENEMANN, Bibliotheca historico-litteraria Patrum Latinorum a Tert, ad Greg.论拉丁教父的版本,SCHOENEMANN,藏书历史一,litteraria Patrum Latinorum一叔,广告格雷格。M. at Isid.在Isid米。Hisp.Hisp。(2 vols., Leipzig, 1792-4). (2卷。,莱比锡,1792-4)。

PATROLOGIES (smaller works):-- GERHARD, Patrologia (Jena, 1653); HÜLSEMANN, Patrologia (Leipzig, 1670); OLEARIUS, Abacus Patrologicus (Jena, 1673); these are old-fashioned Protestant books.PATROLOGIES(小作品): - 总理,Patrologia(耶拿,1653); HÜLSEMANN,Patrologia(莱比锡,1670); OLEARIUS,珠算Patrologicus(耶拿,1673年),这些都是老式的新教书籍。German Catholic works are: GOLDWITZER, Bibliographie der Kirchenväter und Kirchenlehrer (Landshut, 1828); IDEM, Patrologie verbunden mi Patristik (Nuremberg, 1833-4); the older distinction in Germany between patrology, the knowledge of the Fathers and their use, and patristic, the science of the theology of the Fathers, is now somewhat antiquated; BUSSE, Grundriss der chr.德国天主教作品有:GOLDWITZER,书目明镜Kirchenväter有限公司Kirchenlehrer(兰茨胡特,1828),同上,Patrologie verbunden米Patristik(纽伦堡,1833-4)在德国的老patrology之间的区别,对父亲的知识和使用,并教父,对神学的科学的父亲,现在有些过时;布斯,Grundriss明镜染色体。 Lit.点燃。(Münster, 1828-9); MÖHLER, Patrologie, an important posthumous work of this great man, giving the first three centuries (Ratisbon, 1840); PERMANEDER, Bibliotheca patristica (2 vols., Landshut, 1841-4); FESSLER, Institutiones Patrologiae (Innsbruck, 1851), a new ed. (明斯特,1828-9);莫赫勒,一个重要的遗作这位伟人,给前三个世纪(拉蒂斯邦,1840)Patrologie;。(2卷,兰茨胡特,1841-4)PERMANEDER,书目patristica;费斯勒, Institutiones Patrologiae(因斯布鲁克,1851年),一个新的海关。by JUNGMANN is most valuable (Innsbruck, 1890-6); ALZOG, Grundriss der Patrologie (Freiburg im Br., 1866 and 1888); same in French by BELET (Paris, 1867); NIRSCHL, Handbuch der Patrologie und Patristik (Mainz, 1881-5); RESBÁNYAY, Compendium Patrologiae et Patristicae (Funfkirchen in Hungary, 1894); CARVAJAL, Institutiones Patrologiae (Oviedo, 1906); BARDENHEWER, Patrologie (Freiburg im Br., 1894; new ed. 1901) -- this is at present by far the best handbook; the author is a professor in the Cath.由JUNGMANN是最宝贵的(因斯布鲁克,1890-6);阿尔措格,Grundriss明镜Patrologie(弗赖堡的IM溴,1866年和1888年。)由贝莱法国(巴黎,1867年)相同; NIRSCHL,handbuch明镜Patrologie有限公司Patristik(美因茨, 1881-5); RESBÁNYAY,​​汇编Patrologiae等Patristicae(Funfkirchen在匈牙利,1894年); Carvajal联系,Institutiones Patrologiae(奥维耶多,1906年);巴登黑韦尔,Patrologie(弗赖堡的IM溴,1894年,新的1901年版) - 这是在。。目前是迄今为止最好的手册;作者是在蛋白酶教授。theo.西奥。faculty of the Univ.学院的大学。of Munich; a French tr.德国慕尼黑,法国的TR。by GODET AND VERSCHAFFEL, Les Pères de l'Église (3 vols., Paris, 1899); an Italian tr.通过导丝及VERSCHAFFEL,莱斯佩雷斯德欧莱雅埃格斯(3卷,巴黎,1899年。)意大利文。by A. MERCATI (Rome, 1903); and an English tr.由A. MERCATI(罗马,1903年)和英语文。with the bibliography brought up to date, by SHAHAN (Freiburg im Br. and St. Louis, 1908); smaller works, insufficient for advanced students, but excellent for ordinary purposes, are: SCHMID, Grundlinien der Patrologie (1879; 4th ed., Freiburg im Br., 1895); an Engl.与书目带来了最新的沙汉(。弗赖堡溴和圣路易斯,1908年);小作品,没有足够的高年级学生,但对于普通的目的出色,主要有:施密德,Grundlinien明镜Patrologie(1879年,第4版。 ,弗赖堡的IM溴,1895年);。一个英格兰。tr.风帆。revised by SCHOBEL (Freiburg, 1900); SWETE of Cambridge, Patristic Study (London, 1902).修订SCHOBEL(弗赖堡,1900年);剑桥大学,教父的研究(伦敦,1902年)SWETE。

HISTORIES OF THE FATHERS:-- It is unnecessary to catalogue here all the general histories of the Church, large and small, from Baronius onwards; it will be sufficient to give some of those which deal specially with the Fathers and with ecclesiastical literature.的父亲历史: - 这是不必要的目录这里的所有巴若尼开始从教堂,大,小,一般的历史,这将足以给予那些处理的父亲和特别是一些与教会的文献。The first and chief is the incomparable work of TILLEMONT, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire eccl.第一个和最主要的是无与伦比的蒂耶蒙工作,Mémoires倒servir à欧莱雅历史学传道书。des six premiers siècles (Paris, 1693-1712, 16 vols., and other editions); MARÉCHAL, Concordance des SS.德总理siècles六(巴黎,1693年至1712年,16卷,和其他版本。);马雷夏尔,和谐德党卫军。Pères de l'Eglise, Grecs at Latins, a harmony of their theology (2 vols., Paris, 1739); BÄHR, Die christlich-römische Litteratur (4th vol. of Gesch. der römischen Litt., Karlsruhe, 1837; a new ed. of the first portion, 1872); SCHANZ, Gesch.佩雷斯德欧莱雅埃格斯,Grecs在拉丁人,他们的神学的和谐(2卷,巴黎,1739。)巴哈尔,模具christlich - römische Litteratur(第四卷的Gesch明镜römischen利特,卡尔斯鲁厄,1837年;。。。一个新的第一部分的对外债务,1872年);。SCHANZ,Gesch。 der röm.德光盘。Litt., Part III (Munich, 1896), 117-324; EBERT, Gech.利特,第三部分(慕尼黑,1896年),117-324。艾伯特,Gech。der christlich-lateinischen Litt.德christlich - lateinischen利特。(Leipzig, 1874; 2nd ed., 1889); Anciennes littératunes chrétiennes (in Bibliothèque de l'enseignement de l'hist. eccl., Paris): I; BATIFFOL, La littérature grecque, a useful sketch (4th ed., 1908), II; DUVAL, La littérature syriaque (3rd ed., 1908); LECLERCQ, L'Afrique chrétienne (in same Bibl. de l'ens. da l'h. eccl., 2nd ed., Paris, 1904); IDEM, L'Espagne chrétienne (2nd ed., 1906); BATIFFOL, L'église naissante et le Catholicisme, a fine apologetic account of the development of the Church, from the witness of the Fathers of the first three centuries (Paris, 1909); of general histories the best is Ducesesrese, Hist.(莱比锡,1874年,第二版,1889年。); Anciennes littératunes chrétiennes(在Bibliothèque德德欧莱雅欧莱雅enseignement历史传道书,巴黎。。):我; BATIFFOL,香格里拉littérature grecque,一个有用的素描(第四版,1908年。 ),二;杜瓦尔,香格里拉littérature syriaque(第三版,1908年);。勒克莱尔的L' Afrique chrétienne(同一个Bibl德大欧莱雅欧莱雅ENS的ħ传道书,第二版,巴黎,1904年)。。。。。;同上,欧莱雅Es​​pagne chrétienne(第二版,1906年。)BATIFFOL,欧莱雅埃格斯naissante等乐Catholicisme,罚款的教会发展歉意帐户,从三个世纪的第一个证人的父亲(巴黎,1909年),是Ducesesrese,历史的最好的一般历史。 ancienne eta tEglisa (2 vols. have appeared, Paris, 1906-7); finally, the first place is being taken among histories of the Fathers by a work to be completed in six volumes, BARDENHEWER, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Litteratur (I, to AD 200, Freiburg im Br., 1902; II, to AD 300, 1903). ancienne埃塔tEglisa。(2卷已经出现,巴黎,1906-7),最后,首先是工作而采取的一个历史中的父亲将在六册,巴登黑韦尔,史明镜altkirchlichen Litteratur(一,对已完成公元200年,弗赖堡的IM溴,1902年;。二,公元300年至1903年)。The following are Protestant: NEWMAN, The Church of the Fathers (London, 1840, etc.); DONALDSON, A critical history of Christian lit.以下是新教:纽曼,在父亲(伦敦,1840等)教会;唐纳森,一个关键的历史的基督教点燃。...to the Nicene Council: I; The Apostolic Fathers, II and III; The Apologists (London, 1864-6 -- unsympathetic); BRICHY, The Age of the Fathers (2 vols., London, 1903); ZÖCKLER, Gesch.向尼西亚会:我;的使徒​​父亲,第二和第三;辩护士(伦敦,1864-6 - 麻木不仁); BRICHY,年龄的父亲(2卷,伦敦,1903年。)ZÖCKLER,Gesch。der theologischen Litt.明镜theologischen利特。(Patristik) (Nördlingen, 1889); CRUTTWELL, A Literary History of Early Christianity . (Patristik)(Nördlingen,1889年); CRUTTWELL,是早期基督教文学史。..Nicene Period (2 vols., London, 1893); KRÜGER, Gesch.尼西亚周期(2卷,伦敦,1893年。)克鲁格,Gesch。der altchristlichen Litt, in den ersten 3 Jahrh.明镜altchristlichen利特,ersten在巢穴3 Jahrh。(Freiburg im Br. and Leipzig, 1895-7); tr.(弗赖堡Br和莱比锡,1895-7。);文。GILLET (New York, 1897) -- this is the beet modern German Prot.吉莱(纽约,1897年) - 这是现代德国的甜菜普罗特。history.历史。The following consists of materials: A. HARNACK, Gechichte der altchr.下面的材料包括:一,哈纳克,Gechichte明镜altchr。 Litt, bis Eusebius, I, Die Ueberlieferung (Leipzig, 1893; this vol. enumerates all the known works of each writer, and all ancient references to them, and notices the MSS.); II, 1 (1897), and II, 2 (1904), Die Chronologie, discussing the date of each writing; the latter Greek period is dealt with by KRUMBACHER, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litt.利特,国际清算银行尤西比乌斯,我,模具Ueberlieferung(莱比锡,1893年。这卷枚举所有已知的每个作家的作品,以及他们所有古老的提述,及通告的MSS。)二,1(1897年)和第二章, 2(1904),模具Chronologie,讨论了各写日期,后者是由希腊时期KRUMBACHER,史明镜byzantinischen利特处理。 527-1453 (2nd ed. with assistance from EHRHARD, Munich, 1897).527-1453(第二版。与EHRHARD,慕尼黑,1897年援助)。The following collected series of studies must be added: Textd und Untersuschungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litt., ed.以下收集了一系列研究,必须添加:Textd有限公司Untersuschungen楚历史馆明镜altchristlichen利特,编辑。。 VON GEBHARDT AND A. HARNAcK (1st series, 15 vols., Leipzig, 1883-97, 2nd series, Neue Folge, 14 vols., 1897-1907, in progress) -- the editors are now HARNACK AND SCHMIDT; ROBINSON, Texts and Studies (Cambridge, 1891 -- in progress); EHRHARD AND MÜLLER, Strassburger theologische Studien (12 vols., Freiburg im Br., 1894 -- in progress); EHRHARD AND KIRSCH, Forschungen zur christl.冯格巴尔和A.哈纳克(。。第一辑,15卷,莱比锡,1883年至1897年,第二辑,Neue Folge,14卷,1897至1907年,在建) - 的编辑们正在哈纳克和施密特,罗宾逊,文字和研究(剑桥,1891年 - 在建); EHRHARD和Muller,Strassburger神学Studien(12卷,弗赖堡的IM溴,1894年 - 在建。。); EHRHARD与基尔希,Forschungen楚christl。Litt.利特。und Dogmengeschichte (7 vols., Paderborn, in progress); La Pensée chrétienne (Paris, in progress); Studii e Testi (Vatican press, in progress).有限公司Dogmengeschichte(7卷,帕德博恩,正在进行中。);香格里拉Pensée chrétienne(巴黎,在建); Studii é Testi(梵蒂冈出版社,进度)。Of histories of development of dogma, HARNACK, Dogmengeschichte (3 vols., 3rd ed., 1894-7, a new ed. is in the press; French tr., Paris, 1898; Engl. tr., 7 vols., Edinburgh, 1894-9), a very clever and rather "viewy" work; LOOFS, Leitfaden zum Studium der DG (Halle, 1889; 3rd ed., 1893); SEEBERG, Lehrb. 。。。教条的发展历史,哈纳克,Dogmengeschichte(3卷,第3版,1894-7,一个新的对外债务是在报刊,法语入门,巴黎,1898年。。英格兰风帆,7卷,爱丁堡。。 ,1894-9),一个非常聪明,而不是“空想的”的工作; LOOFS,Leitfaden zum Studium明镜危险品(哈雷,1889年第三版,1893年)。西贝尔格,Lehrb。der DG (2 vols., Erlangen, 1895), conservative Protestant; IDEM, Grundriss der DG (1900; 2nd ed., 1905), a smaller work: SCHWANE, Dogmengeschichte, Catholic (2nd ed., 1892, etc.; French tr., Paris, 1903-4); BETHUNE-BAKER, Introduction to early History of Doctrine (London, 1903); TIXERONT, Histoire des Dogmas: I, La théologie anti-nicéenne (Paris, 1905 -- excellent); and others.德危险品(2卷,埃尔兰根,1895年。),保守的基督教;同上,Grundriss明镜危险品(1900年第二版,1905年。),较小的工作:。SCHWANE,Dogmengeschichte,天主教(第二版,1892年等;法国风帆,巴黎,1903至1​​904);白求恩-贝克,介绍早期历史的学说(伦敦,1903年); TIXERONT,历史德教条:我,香格里拉神学反nicéenne(巴黎,1905年 - 优秀),以及其他。 。

PHILOLOGICAL:-- On the common Greek of the early period see MOULTON, Grammar of NT Greek: I, Prolegomena (3rd ed., Edinburgh, 1909), and references; on the literary Greek, AD 1-250, SCHMIDT, Den Atticismus von Dion.文献学: - 在常见的早期希腊看到新台币莫尔顿,文法希腊语:一,绪论(第3版,爱丁堡,1909年。)和参考;在希腊文学,公元1-250,施密特,书房Atticismus冯翁。 Hal.哈尔。bis auf den zweiten Philostratus (4 vols., Stuttgart, 1887-9); THUMB, Die griechieche Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus (Strasburg, 1901).二奥夫巢穴zweiten Philostratus(4卷,斯图加特,1887-9。)拇指,模具griechieche Sprache即时Zeitalter德Hellenismus(斯特拉斯堡,1901年)。Besides the Thesaurus of STEPHANUS (latest ed., 8 vols., fol., Paris, 1831-65) and lexicons of classical and Biblical Greek, special dictionaries of later Greek are DU CANGE, Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis (2 vols., Lyons, 1688, and new ed., Breslan, 1890-1); SOPHOCLES, Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods, 146-1100 (3rd ed., New York, 1888); words wanting in Stephanus and in Sophocles are collected by KUMANUDES (SA Koumanoudes), Sunagôgê lexeôn athêsauristôn en tois heggênikois lexikois (Athens, 1883); general remarks on Byzantine Greek in KNUMBACHER, op.除了对STEPHANUS叙词表(最新版。,8卷。,随访。,巴黎,1831年至1865年)和希腊的古典和圣经,后来希腊特别是杜CANGE字典词库,Glossarium广告scriptores mediae等infimae graecitatis(2卷。,里昂,1688年,新的海关,Breslan,1890-1)。索福克勒斯,罗马和拜占庭时期的希腊词汇,146-1100(第3版,纽约,1888年)。单词顾念Stephanus和索福克勒斯收集由KUMANUDES(SA的Koumanoudes),Sunagôgê lexeôn athêsauristôn恩tois heggênikois lexikois(雅典,1883年);在拜占庭在KNUMBACHER,同希腊的一般性意见。cit.前。On patristic Latin, KOFFMANE, Gesch.在拉丁教父,KOFFMANE,Gesch。des Kinchenlateins: I, Entstehung .德Kinchenlateins:我,Entstehung。..bis auf Augustinus-Hieronymus (Breslau, 1879-81); NORDEN, Die antika Kunstprosa (Leipzig, 1898), II; there is an immense number of studies of the language of particular Fathers [eg HOPPE on Tertullian (1897); WATSON (1896) and BAYARD (1902) on Cyprian; GOELTZER on Jerome (1884); REGNER on Augustine (1886), etc.], and indices latinitatis to the volumes of the Vienna Corpus PP.二奥夫奥古斯丁-海欧纳莫斯(布雷斯劳,1879年至1881年);诺登,模具antika Kunstprosa(莱比锡,1898年),第二,有一个特殊的父亲的语言研究的巨大数量[例如关于良霍普(1897年);沃森( 1896年)和贝亚德(1902)对塞浦路斯;在杰罗姆GOELTZER(1884年),对奥古斯丁雷格纳(1886)等],和指数latinitatis到维也纳语料库PP的卷。 latt.; TRAUBE, Quellen and Untensuchungen zur lat.latt。特劳贝,Quellen和Untensuchungen楚土地增值税。 Phil.菲尔。des Mittelalters, I (Munich, 1906); much will be found in Archiv für lat.德Mittelalters,我(慕尼黑,1906年);大部分将被发现在档案馆献给土地增值税。Lexicographie, ed. Lexicographie,编辑。WÖLFFLIN (Munich, began 1884).沃尔夫林(慕尼黑,1884年开始)。

TRANSLATIONS:-- Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, translated by members of the English Ch.翻译: - 在圣教会的成员的英文翻译的父亲章,图书馆。(by PUSEY, NEWMAN, etc.), (45 vols., Oxford, 1832-).(由蒲赛,纽曼等),(45卷,牛津大学,1832 - 。)。ROBERTS AND DONALDSON, The Ante-Nicene Christian Library (24 vols., Edinburgh, 1866-72; new ed. by COXE, Buffalo, 1884-6, with RICHARDSON's excellent Bibliographical Synopsis as a Suppl., 1887); SCHAFF AND WAGE, A Select Library of Nicene and post-Nicene Fathers of the Chr.罗伯茨和唐纳森,前厅尼西亚基督教图书馆(24卷,爱丁堡,1866年至1872年。新版的考克斯,布法罗,1884-6,与Richardson的优秀书目提要作为增刊,1887。。);沙夫工资,阿尼西亚和染色体后选择图书馆尼西亚教父。 Ch., with good notes (14 vols., Buffalo and New York, 1886-90, and 2nd series, 1900, in progress).甲烷。,具有良好的笔记(14卷。,布法罗和纽约,1886年至1890年,和第二辑,1900年在建)。ENCYCLOPEDIAS AND DICTIONARIES:-- SUICER, Thesaurus ecclesiasticus, a patribus graecis ordine alphabetico exhibens quaecumqua phrases, ritus, dogmata, haereses et hujusmodi alia spectant (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1682; again 1728; and Utrecht, 1746); HOFFMANNS, Bibliographisches Lexicon der gesammten Litt.百科全书和字典: - SUICER,词库ecclesiasticus,一patribus graecis秩序报alphabetico exhibens quaecumqua短语,ritus,教理,haereses等hujusmodi特别spectant(2卷,阿姆斯特丹,1682年,1728年再次和乌得勒支,1746。)霍夫曼斯,Bibliographisches词汇明镜gesammten利特。 der Griechen (3 vols., 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1838-45); the articles on early Fathers and heresies in the Encyclopadia Britannica (8th ed.) are, many of them, by Harnack and still worth reading; WETZER AND WELTE, Kirchenlex., ed.明镜Griechen(3卷,第二版,莱比锡,1838年至1845年。。),在Encyclopadia大英百科全书的文章早期父亲和异端邪说的哈纳克(第8版。)是,其中许多,但仍然值得一读; WETZER与WELTE ,Kirchenlex。主编。HERGENRÖTHER, and then by KAULEN and others, 12 vols., one vol.HERGENRÖTHER,然后由考伦等人,12卷。,一个卷。of index (Freiburg im Br., 1882-1903); HERZOG, Realencylopädie für prot.指数(弗赖堡的IM溴,1882年至1903年。)赫尔佐格,Realencylopädie献给普罗特。Theol.Theol。und Kirche, 3rd ed.与教会,第3版。by HAUCK (21 vols., 1896-1908); VACANT AND MANGENOT, Dict.由豪克(21卷,1896年至08年。);空置芒热诺,快译通。de Théol.德Th​​éol。cath.导管。(Paris, in progress); CABROL, Dict.(巴黎,在建); CABROL,快译通。d'archéologie chr.德archéologie染色体。et de liturgie (Paris, in progress); BAUDRILLART, Dict.等德liturgie(巴黎,在建); BAUDRILLART,快译通。d'hist.德历史。at de géogr.在De géogr。 ecclésiastiques (Paris, in progress); SMITH AND WACE, A Dictionary of Christian Biography, is very full and valuable (4 vols., London, 1877-87). ecclésiastiques(巴黎,在建);史密斯和wace,一个基督教传记辞典,是非常全面和有价值的(4卷,伦敦,1877年至1887年。)。

GENERAL BOOKS OF REFERENCE:-- ITTIG, De Bibliothecis et Catenis Patrum, gives the contents of the older collections of Fathers which were enumerated above (Leipzig, 1707); IDEM, Schediasma de auctoribus qui de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis egerunt (Leipzig, 1711); DOWLING, Notitia scriptorum SS.一般图书参考: - ITTIG,德Bibliothecis等Catenis Patrum,给出了父亲老其中列举以上(莱比锡,1707)收藏的内容;同上,Schediasma德auctoribus魁德scriptoribus ecclesiasticis egerunt(莱比锡,1711);道林,Notitia scriptorum的SS。PP.聚丙烯。...quae in collectionibus Anecdotorum post annum MDCC in lucem editis continentur (a continuation of ITTIG's De Bibl. et Cat., Oxford, 1839); an admirable modern work is EHRHARD, Die alt christliche Litt, und ihre Erforschung seit 1880: I, Allgemeine Uebersicht, 1880-4 (Freiburg im Br., 1894); II, Ante-Nicene lit., 1884-1900 (1900); the bibliographies in the works of HARNACK and of BARDENHEWER (see above) are excellent; for Ante-Nicene period, RICHARDSON, Bibliographical Synopsis (in extra vol. of Ante-Nicene. Fathers, Buffalo, 1887); for the whole period.quae在collectionibus Anecdotorum后每年MDCC在lucem editis continentur(。。一个ITTIG的德Bibl等猫的延续,牛津大学,1839年),一个令人钦佩的现代化工作EHRHARD,模具ALT键christliche利特,有限公司ihre seit 1880 Erforschung:一,汇报Uebersicht ,1880-4(弗赖堡的IM溴,1894年。)二,前厅尼西亚点燃,1884年至○○年(1900年);。哈纳克的IN和巴登黑韦尔(见上文)的书目优良;为前厅尼西亚期理查森,书目提要(第一卷的额外前厅尼西亚教父,布法罗,1887年。。),为整个时期。 CHEVALIER, Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen-âge: Bio-bibliographie, gives names of persons (2nd ed., Paris, 1905-07); Topo-bibliographie gives names of places and subjects (2nd ed., Paris, 1894-1903); progress each year is recorded in HOLTZMANN AND KRÜGER's Theologischer Jahresbericht from 1881; KROLL AND GURLITT, Jahresbericht für kleseische Alterthumewissenschaft (both Protestant); BIHLMEYER, Hagiagraphischer Jahresbericht for 1904-6 (Kempten and Munich, 1908).其士,德汇辑杜中沙源historiques年龄:(。第二版,巴黎,1905年至1907年)。生物书目,给出了姓名;异构酶-书目给地方和科目名称(第二版,巴黎,1894年至1903年);进展,每年都被记录在HOLTZMANN与Kruger的Theologischer Jahresbericht从1881年;为1904-6(肯普滕和慕尼黑,1908年)BIHLMEYER,Hagiagraphischer Jahresbericht; Kroll和GURLITT,Jahresbericht献给kleseische Alterthumewissenschaft(包括新教)。A very complete bibliography appears quarterly in the Revue d'hist.一个非常完整的书目出现在歌剧团德历史季刊。eccl.传道书。(Louvain, since 1900), with index at end of year; in this publ.(鲁汶,自1900年以来),与指数在今年年底,在这九八八年至九一年。 the names of all Reviews dealing with patristic matters will be found.教父的所有事宜的评论名字将被发现。


Church Fathers教父

Jewish Perspective犹太人的角度看

Their Importance to Judaism.犹太教的重要性。

The early teachers and defenders of Christianity.早期基督教的教师和维护者。The most important of the fathers lived and worked in a period when Christianity still had many points of contact with Judaism, and they found that the latter was a splendid support in the contest against paganism, although it had to be combated in the development of Christian doctrine.在最重要的父亲住在一个时期,基督教和犹太教仍有许多接触点的工作,他们发现,后者是在反对异教比赛精彩的支持,尽管它必须在基督教发展的打击学说。 So the Fathers of the Church are seen at one time holding to a Jewish conception of the universe and making use of Jewish arguments, at another rejecting a part of such teaching and formulating a new one.因此,教会的神父被视为在同一时间举行一个犹太人的宇宙观念,使犹太人的参数中使用另一个拒绝了这种教学的一部分,制订一个新的,。 In the contest of Christianity against paganism the Church Fathers employ the language of the Hellenistic literature as found in Philo, Josephus, the Apocrypha, and the Sibylline Books, all of which draw upon the Prophets of the Old Testament.在比赛的基督教对异教的教父聘请为在斐洛,约瑟夫,伪经,和知未来的图书,所有这一切后,旧约先知画找到了希腊文学的语言。 Thus, practically, only the polemic features in the activity of the Church Fathers directed against Judaism can be considered as new and original.因此,实际上,只有在对犹太教指示教父活动论战功能可以被视为新的目标与途径。But in order to wage successful war against paganism, they, as well as Christians in general, had to acquaint themselves with the religious documents of Judaism; and this was possible only if they entered into personal relations with the Jews: through these personal relations the Church Fathers become of signal importance to Judaism.但是,为了成功发动异教战争中,他们,以及在一般的基督徒,必须熟悉犹太教的宗教文件本身;,这是只有当他们与犹太人的个人关系进入:通过这些个人的关系教父成为犹太教重要的信号。 The contemporaries and, in part, the coworkers of those men who are known from the Talmud and the Midrash as the depositaries of the Jewish doctrine, were the instructors who transmitted this doctrine to the Church Fathers also.同龄人,并在部分,那些谁是从塔木德和犹太主义为已知的保存米德拉士男性,同事是老师谁转交了这一学说的教父也。Hence such a mass of haggadic material is found in the work of the fathers as to constitute an important part of Jewish theological lore.因此,这样的质量haggadic材料中发现了父亲的工作,构成一个犹太神学知识的重要组成部分。 This article is primarily concerned with their interpreration of the texts of the Bible and of the Apocrypha, which differs in essential points from those of the Jews.本文主要关注的是他们对圣经​​和伪经,在基本点不同于那些犹太人的文本interpreration。

Personal Relations with Jews:个人与犹太人的关系:

Justin Martyr.贾斯汀烈士。

After the Bar Kokba war against the Romans, Ariston of Pella, a converted Jew, wrote, as is generally accepted, a dialogue in which the Christian Jason and the Jew Papiscus are made the speakers, and in which the nature of Jesus is discussed (Ιάσουος ιαμ Παπίσκου ἀυτιλογία Χριστοῦ).酒吧Kokba后对罗马人,对佩拉阿里斯顿,一辆经过改装的犹太人作为被普遍接受,说,其中一个基督教杰森和犹太人Papiscus作出的扬声器,并在其中的耶稣对话的性质进行了讨论战争( ΙάσουοςιαμΠαπίσκουἀυτιλογίαΧριστοῦ)。This dialogue, already mentioned by Celsus, may be wholly imaginary and without historical basis.这种对话,塞尔苏斯已经提到,可能是完全虚构的,没有历史基础。But the famous dialogue of Justin Martyr with the Jew Tryphon, which took place at Ephesus (Eusebius, "Historia Ecclesiastica," iv. 18) at the time of the Bar Kokba war, is strictly historical, as certain details show; for instance, the statement that on the first day no strangers were present, while on the second day some Jews of Ephesus accompanied Tryphon and took part in the discussion (Justin, "Dialogus cum Tryphone," cxviii.), a certain Mnaseas being expressly mentioned (ib. lxxxv.).但贾斯汀烈士的犹太人Tryphon,发生地点在以弗所(。尤西比乌斯,“历史Ecclesiastica,”四十八日)在香港大律师Kokba战争时期,著名的对话是严格的历史,因为某些细节显示,例如,声明说,第一天没有陌生人在场,而在第二天的一些犹太人的以弗所陪同Tryphon并参加了讨论(贾斯汀,“dialogus暨tryphone”cxviii。),有一定的Mnaseas被明确提及(兴业。捌拾伍。)。 The Jewish auditors are not only able to follow the intricate discussion intelligently, but their demeanor also is seemly; Tryphon especially proves himself a true disciple of Greek philosophy, and his scholarship is freely acknowledged by Justin (ib. lxxx.).犹太人的审计人员不仅能聪明地遵循复杂的讨论,但他们的行为举止也得体; Tryphon一个证明自己,尤其是希腊哲学的真正的弟子,他的学术自由是由Justin(同上lxxx。)承认。At the close of, the debate, Jew and Christian confess that they have learned much from each other, and part with expressions of mutual good-will (ib. at the end).截至,辩论,犹太人和基督徒承认他们密切相互学习很多,并与相互善意的表达(同上底)的一部分。Justin was born and reared in proximity to Jews; for he calls himself a Samaritan (ib. cxx.), meaning thereby probably not that he professed the religion of the Samaritans, but that he came from Samaria.贾斯汀出生并饲养在接近犹太人,因为他自称是个撒玛利亚(同上CXX来。),这意味着从而可能不是他自称的撒马利亚人的宗教,但他从撒玛利亚来了。 Of the relations of Clement of Alexandria to Judaism nothing positive is known.克莱门特的亚历山德里亚犹太教的关系没有正面是众所周知的。During the persecutions of the Christians of Alexandria, in 202 or 203, Clement sought refuge for a short time in Syria (Eusebius, lc vi. 11).亚历山大港的过程中基督徒的迫害,在202或203,克莱门特在叙利亚寻求短的时间内(尤西比乌斯,立法会六11。)避难。 Here he may have learned much at first hand from the Jews.在这里,他可能已经学到了很多在从犹太人的第一手资料。He knew a little Hebrew, also some Jewish traditions; both of 'which facts point to personal relations with Jews.他知道一点点希伯来文,也有一些犹太人的传统,对'是哪些事实点与犹太人的个人关系。

Clement's contemporary, Origen, probably also born in Alexandria about 185, may possibly have been on his mother's side of Jewish descent, if one may judge from the fact that while his father is mentioned as Leonides, the name of his mother is passed over in silence.克莱门特的当代,俄,大概也是在亚历山大出生约185人,可能已经在他母亲的犹太血统的一面,如果一个人可以判断的,虽然他的父亲是Leonides提到,他母亲的名字是通过在事实上沉默。 A Jewish mother could readily have taught her son the Hebrew language, so that they might sing the Psalms together (Jerome, "Epistola xxxix. ad Paulam").一个犹太母亲可以很容易教会了她儿子的希伯来文的语言,所以他们可能会一起唱诗篇(杰罗姆,“书信集三十九。广告Paulam”)。 [Both his father and his motherwere, however, Christian in faith.T.[他父亲和他的motherwere,然而,基督教在faith.T。


Clement and Origen.克莱门特和渊源。

In his capacity of presbyter at Cæsarea in Palestine, Origen must have come into frequent contact with learned Jews, as indeed appears from his writings.在他的牧师身份在巴勒斯坦撒利亚,奥利一定是经常接触和学成犹太人,事实上从他的著作出现。He mentions again and again his "magister Hebræus" (ὁ Εβραῖος in the Greek fragment), on whose authority he gives several haggadot ("De Principiis," i. 3, 4; iv. 26).他一再提到他的“魔导师Hebræus”(ὁ在希腊片段Εβραῖος),在其权威,他提出了几个haggadot的(“德Principiis,”一,三,四。四26)。 His dependence on the Jews is sufficiently emphasized by Jerome ("Adversus Rufinum," I. xiii.) in the passage wherein Clement and Eusebius are named among those who did not disdain to learn from Jews.他对犹太人的依赖是充分强调了杰罗姆(“相反Rufinum,”一十三。)在其中克莱门特和尤西比乌斯是在那些谁没有不屑于学习犹太人命名为通过。 Origen often mentions the views of Jews, meaning thereby not the teaching of certain individuals, but the method of exegesis prevalent among the Jews of his time.奥利经常提到犹太人的意见,从而意思不是某些个人的教学,但其中的注释,他当时的犹太人普遍的方法。The Jews with whom he maintained personal intercourse were men of distinguished scientific attainments.与犹太人的人,他的个人交往保持了杰出的科学素养的人。The one Jew whom he mentions by name was no less a personage than Hillel, the patriarch's son, or "Jullos," as Origen calls him (Grätz,"Monatsschrift," 1881, xxx. 433 et seq.).一个犹太人的名字被他提到了不亚于希勒尔,族长的儿子,或名人“Jullos,”称他为奥利(格拉茨,“月刊”,1881年,三十。433起。)。 His other Jewish acquaintances either were closely related to the patriarch's family, or occupied high positions on account of their erudition.他的熟人或者其他犹太密切相关的族长的家庭,或以自己的博学帐户占据着较高的位置。 Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," 3d ed., iv. 231) thinks indeed that some passages in Origen's writings are directed against the contemporary amora of Palestine, Simlaï.格拉茨(的“Gesch。德国犹太人,”三维版。,四。231)认为的确,在渊源的著作中的一些段落是对巴勒斯坦,Simlaï当代阿莫拉指示。 Origen seems, moreover, to have had intercourse with Hoshaya of Cæsarea (Bacher, "Agada der Palästinensischen. Amoräer," i. 92).奥利看来,此外,为了曾与Hoshaya的cæsarea性交(巴切尔,“Agada明镜Palästinensischen。Amoräer,”岛92)。

Eusebius, Ephraem Syrus, Epiphanius.尤西比乌斯,塞拉斯E埃皮法尼乌斯。

Eusebius, the celebrated Church historian, also learned from the Jews, as has already been mentioned, and was under the influence of Jewish tradition.尤西比乌斯,著名的教会历史学家,也从犹太人的教训,正如已经提到的,并根据犹太传统的影响。In Cæsarea, where he lived, he met many Jews, with whom he had discussions.在该撒利亚,他住的地方,他会见了许多犹太人,曾与他讨论。 Nevertheless he uses the word "Jew" as a term of reproach, calling his opponent, Marcellus, "a Jew" ("De Ecclesiastica Theologia," ii. 2, 3).尽管如此,他用这个词“犹太人”作为长期责备,称他的对手,马塞勒斯,“犹太人”(“德Ecclesiastica神学,”二。2,3)。 He likewise thinks it a disgrace to be one of the "circumcised" (τις τῶυ ἐκ περιτομῆς, "Demonstratio Evangelica," i. 6).他同样认为这是一个耻辱的“割礼”之一(τιςτῶυἐκπεριτομῆς“Demonstratio Evangelica,”岛6)。This last expression is also used regularly by Ephraem Syrus to designate Jews (, "Opera Syriaca," ii. 469).这最后一个表达式也使用塞拉斯E定期向指定的犹太人(“歌剧Syriaca,”二。469)。Ephraem distances all his ecclesiasticalpredecessors in his hatred of the Jews, displaying a bitterness that is explicable only on the ground that he at one time had personal relations with them, and had formed an adverse opinion of them.塞拉斯E距离他的所有ecclesiasticalpredecessors在他的仇恨犹太人,展现了苦涩并不难理解只在地面上,他在一次与他们的个人关系,并已形成了他们的不良看法。 Epiphanius, too, shows his dependence on the Jews, especially in the book, perhaps wrongly ascribed to him, "De Prophetarum Vitis"; which contains, besides many extraneous inventions, numerous Jewish traditions of the lives of the Prophets.埃皮法尼乌斯,也显示了especially也许错误地归因于在他的书中,他对犹太人的依赖,“德Prophetarum葡萄”,其中包含,除了许多无关的发明,对生命的先知无数犹太人的传统。 In this it was followed by a Syrian work ("The Book of the Bee," published in "Auecdota Oxoniensia," Semitic series, i., part 2).在这一点,其次是叙利亚的工作(“这本书的蜜蜂”,发表于“Auecdota Oxoniensia,”闪系列,一,第二部分)。

Jerome.杰罗姆。

Jerome surpasses all other Church Fathers in his erudition as well as in his importance for Judaism.杰罗姆超过他的博学以及他对犹太教的重要性,所有其他教会的父亲。It must be emphasized, in spite of Christian assertions to the contrary (eg, B. Baue, "Vorlesungen," ii. 36), that he learned much not only from baptized but also from loyal Jews.必须强调,尽管断言在基督教与此相反的(例如,乙Baue,“Vorlesungen,”二。36),他不仅学到了很多,而且忠实的洗礼犹太人。 He sought his information in many quarters, especially among the educated Jews (Preface to Hosea; compare "Epistola lxxiii. ad Evangelum").他要求他的信息在许多方面,特别是受过教育的犹太人(序何西阿;比较“书信集lxxiii广告Evangelum。”)。 Hence he always cites the opinions of several Jews ("quidam Hebræorum"), not that of one Jew; and these Jewish friends of his accompany him on his journeys (Preface to I Chronicles), though he has one particular guide ("circumducens," Preface to Nahum).因此,他总是举了几个犹太人(“Quidam之Hebræorum”)的意见,不就是一个犹太人,以及这些犹太朋友的陪伴他的行程(序我编年史)他,虽然他有一个特别的指南(简称“circumducens, “序内厄姆)。Of only three of his Jewish teachers is anything known.只有他的犹太教师三是已知的东西。A Jew from Lydda, whom Jerome calls "Lyddæus," explained to him the Book of Job, translating it into Greek, and expounding it in Latin.从Lydda犹太人,人杰罗姆称之为“Lyddæus,”向他解释这本书的工作​​,它翻译成希腊文,并阐述了它在拉丁美洲。 Although he has much to say in praise of this man, Jerome will not admit that he learned much from him (Preface to Job), designating him often as one who merely read the Scriptures to him ("Onomastica Sacra," xc. 12; commentary on Eccles. iv. 14, v. 3).虽然他有很多可以说在这个男人的一致好评,杰罗姆不会承认他从他那里学到(序作业)太多,仅仅定为一个谁读经文给他(“Onomastica萨克拉,”越野他常常12。述评:埃克尔斯。四。14五3)。 But from this Lyddan Jerome acquired not only the material for his philological notes, but also the Hebrew pronunciation that gives him a unique importance for Old Testament criticism (Siegfried, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," 1884, p. 34; Krauss, in "Magyár Zsidó Szémle," 1900, vii. 513).但是,从这个Lyddan杰罗姆收购他的语言学笔记不仅是物质,而且还希伯来文发音,让他成为旧约批评具有独特的重要性(齐格弗里德,在体育场的“杂志,”1884年,第34页;克劳斯,在“马扎尔Zsidó Szémle,“1900年,七。513)。

Jerome was more attached to his second teacher, Bar Ḥanina, who, however, can not be identical with R. Ḥama b.杰罗姆是更重视他的第二个老师,酒吧Ḥanina,谁,但是,不能用相同湾河浜Ḥanina, as Rahmer insists (compare Weiss, in "Bet-Talmud," i. 131, note 3); nor can he possibly be identified until his Midrashim, quoted by Jerome, have been compared with the known sayings of the authors of the Talmud and the Midrash. Ḥanina,坚持为Rahmer(比较魏斯在“赌注,塔木德经”,一131,注3),也不能,他可能要等到他引述由Jerome米大示,确定了比较符合的作者的名言塔木德和米德拉士。 This Bar Ḥanina must have been an eminent teacher of the Law, for Jerome spent much time and money before he could secure him as teacher.这间酒吧Ḥanina一定是对法律杰出的老师,因为杰罗姆花了很多时间和金钱之前,他不能确保他的老师。Since Jerome would not visit his teacher by day, for fear of the Jews, he went to Bar Ḥanina, by night ("Epistola lxxxiv. ad Pammachium et Occanum").由于杰罗姆不会访问一天,他的老师,因为怕犹太人,他去酒吧Ḥanina,夜间(“书信集lxxxiv。广告Pammachium等奥卡纳姆”)。 Bar Ḥanina came from Tiberias, as is shown by the Hebrew traditions communicated by him to Jerome; for one particular prophecy was held to apply to Tiberias (Jerome, "Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin," xlix. 21).酒吧Ḥanina来自太巴列,因为是由他传达给杰罗姆希伯来传统所示,其中之一预言举行特别适用于太巴列(杰罗姆,“Quæstiones Hebraicæ在Genesin,”第四十九届21。)。Jerome's third teacher, whom he required especially for the Aramaic portions of the Bible, knew both Hebrew and Aramaic, and was considered by the Jewish scribes as a "Chaldæus" (Preface to Tobit; compare "Epistola xviii. ad Damasum").杰罗姆的第三个老师,就是他需要的圣经,尤其是部分的阿拉姆,他知道两个希伯来文和阿拉姆语,被认为的犹太文士为“Chaldæus”(序托比;比较“书信集十八广告Damasum。”)。

Jerome lived about forty years in Palestine, apparently studying all the time under Jews (commentary on Nahum ii. 1: "a quibus non modico tempore eruditus").杰罗姆在巴勒斯坦生活在大约四十年,似乎所有的犹太人在学习时间(内厄姆二评注1:。“一quibus非modico临时eruditus”)。 His enemies severely censured him for his intercourse with the Jews, but he was proud of it.他的敌人严厉指责他与他交往的犹太人,但他对此感到自豪。He asks how it could be held to impugn his faith in the Church, that he informs his readers in how many ways the Jews construe a single error.他问如何才能举行抨击他的信仰,在教会里,他告知有多少种方法犹太人一个错误诠释他的读者。("Adversus Rufinum," book i.). (“相反Rufinum,”第一册)。"Why should I not be permitted to inform the Latins of what I have learned from the Hebrews. . . . It is most useful to cross the threshold of the masters, and to learn the art directly from the artists" (ib.). “为什么我不应该被允许通知我从希伯来人学到的拉丁人。。。。这是最有用的跨越门槛的主人,并学习从艺术家的艺术直接”(同上)。

Augustine.奥古斯丁。

Jerome's contemporary, the great teacher Augustine, did not fare so well in Africa.杰罗姆的当代,一位伟大的老师奥古斯丁,没有票价这么好于非洲。When he questioned the Jews on Biblical matters, they often either did not answer at all, or, at least from the standpoint of the Church Fathers, "lied" (Jerome, "Epistola cxii. ad Augustinum"), meaning probably that they gave an answer different from what the Christians desired ("Epistola civ. Augustini ad Hieronymum").当他质疑圣经事项的犹太人,他们往往要么不回答,或者,至少从教父的角度来看,“撒谎”(杰罗姆,“书信集cxii。广告Augustinum”),意思大概是他们给了答案需要从什么不同的基督徒(“书信集持续输注。奥古斯蒂尼广告Hieronymum”)。 An alleged letter from Jerome, probably forged by Rufinus, was sent to the Christian communities in Africa, in which Jerome professed to admit that, misled by the Jews, he had translated erroneously ("Adversus Rufinum," book iii., ii. 554, ed. Vallarsi).从杰罗姆指称信,可能是由R​​ufinus伪造,被送往非洲的基督教社区,其中杰罗姆自称承认,误导的犹太人,他曾翻译错误(“相反Rufinum,”书三。,二。554 ,编辑。Vallarsi)。It mortified Jerome that his translation of the Bible, the Vulgate, so famous later on, should be passed over in silence by all the Jews, and that there was no one who knew enough Hebrew to appreciate the merits of the new translation ("Epistola cxii. ad Augustinum").它羞愧杰罗姆,他翻译的圣经,拉丁文,所以后来在著名的,应通过对所有的犹太人在沉默,没有人有足够的希伯来语谁知道欣赏新译(“书信集的优点cxii。广告Augustinum“)。 He even believed that all the Jews of Africa had conspired to oppose him, as actually happened in one place.他甚至认为,所有非洲犹太人密谋反对他,因为其实在一个地方发生的事情。In a certain African town-so Augustine wrote to Jerome (Jerome's works, "Epistola civ. Augustini ad Hieronymum")-the new translation was read in the church, by order of the bishop.在某些非洲城市,所以奥古斯丁说杰罗姆(Jerome的作品,“书信集持续输注。奥古斯蒂尼广告Hieronymum”),新的翻译是阅读教会由主教秩序。 When they came to the passage in Jonah containing the word "ḳiḳayon" (iv. 6), which differed from the interpretation hitherto accepted, such a tumult arose that the bishop had to ask the Jews for a verification, and they declared, to the great annoyance of both Jerome and Augustine, that Jerome's rendering did not agree with the He brew, or Greek, or (old) Latin codices.当他们来到约拿通过在包含单词“ḳiḳayon”(iv. 6),从不同的解释迄今接受,这样的喧哗大作,甚至主教曾要求验证的犹太人,他们宣布,到伟大的烦恼都杰罗姆和奥古斯丁,这杰罗姆的渲染不同意与他冲泡,或希腊文,或(老)拉丁抄本。 The bishop had to strike it out as "a lie," being in danger of losing his congregation.罢工的主教曾是“谎言”,在失去他的危险,因此受到了众。Before this, Tertullian of Carthage (165-245) had spoken of the impertinence and derision shown by a Jew ("Apologia," xvi.; "Ad Nationes," i. 11; compare Assworship).在此之前,迦太基良(165-245)曾谈到的鲁莽和一个犹太人显示嘲笑(“纵容”,十六。“广告Nationes,”岛11;比较Assworship)。

Chrysostom, Cyril, and Ambrose.金口,西里尔和刘汉铨。

Among the Greek Church Fathers, Basil the Great hardly knew Hebrew (H. Weiss, "Die Grossen Kappadocier Exegeten," p. 32, Braunsberg, 1872); yet his ability to distinguish between Amos, the prophet, and Amoz, the father of Isaiah (whose names are written alike in the Septuagint), as well as other similar facts, points to his having received oral instruction from Jews [or from some one who knew Hebrew.-T.].在希腊教会的父亲,罗勒大几乎不知道希伯来文(阁下魏斯,“模具Grossen Kappadocier Exegeten”,第32,Braunsberg,1872年),但是他能够区分阿莫斯,先知,和亚摩斯,父亲以赛亚书(其写在七十一样的名字),以及其他类似的事实,指着他的犹太人口在收到指令[或从一些一谁知道Hebrew.吨。]。 Gregory of Nyssa (c. 331-396), who did not recognize the rending of the garments on the occasion of a death as being a Jewish custom (περὶ τοῦ βίου τῆς Μακαρίας Μακαρίνης, in Oehler, "Bibliothek der Kirchenväter," i. 188), does not seem to have known much about Judaism.格雷戈里的果树(约331-396),谁不承认是一个犹太习俗在奥勒尔,“明镜Kirchenväter藏书”(περὶτοῦβίουτῆςΜακαρίαςΜακαρίνης,关于死亡的场合,衣服裂开岛188),似乎并不知道犹太教多。 The same maybe said of the other Church Fathers who lived in Europe; that is, in sections sparsely settled by Jews.同样可能说,其他教会的父亲在欧洲生活过谁,也就是,在第人烟稀少的犹太人定居。Irenæus, for instance, who suffered as a martyr in 202 in Lyons, knew nothing of Judaism outside of the Scriptures, although he was reared in Asia Minor.爱任纽,例如,谁遭受202为烈士在里昂,知道什么犹太教的圣经以外,虽然他在小亚细亚饲养。In the paschal controversy he advocated separation from Judaism.在逾越节的争议,他主张从犹太教分离。But the Greek fathers John Chrysostom and Cyril of Alexandria (see Byzantine Empire) potently affected the fate of the Jewish people, as did Bishop Ambrose of Milan (c. 340-397).但是,约翰金口和西里尔亚历山大(见拜占庭帝国)希腊父亲potently影响了犹太人民的命运一样,米兰主教刘汉铨(约340-397)。

The Syrian Church, on the whole, was even in the fourth century dependent upon Jewish traditions (Wellhausen, in Bleek's "Einleitung in das Alte Testament," 4th ed., p. 601).叙利亚教会,就整体而言,在四世纪时犹太人的传统依赖,甚至(在布勒克的豪森,“导论在DAS的Alte全书”第四版。,第601)。 This appears especially in the "Homilies" of Aphraates (c. 337-345).这似乎尤其是在“颂歌”的Aphraates(约337-345)。He complains (Hom. xix.) that the monks are led astray and ensnared by the Jewish arguments; he himself had a disputation with one "who is called a wise man among the Jews."他抱怨(Hom.十九。)表示,僧侣们带坏,由犹太陷入争论,他本人曾与其中一个争论“谁是所谓的聪明人之间的犹太人。” Aphraates, who, under the name "Mar-Jacob," was abbot of the monastery of Mar Mattai, and a bishop, gives such a number of Jewish traditions as to place him, in this regard, beside Ephraem Syrus (see Aphraates). Aphraates,谁的名义下“3月,雅各,”是的三月Mattai寺院的住持,和一位主教,给出这样一个数字的犹太传统,以在这方面他的地方,旁边塞拉斯E(见Aphraates)。

The Haggadah:哈加达:

The Church Fathers adopted from the Jews a mass of interpolations, interpretations, and illustrative anecdotes, which may best be designated by the well-known term, "Haggadah," but which they themselves called variously.父亲教会通过从犹太人的插值,解释和说明轶事质量,这可能最好由著名的长期指定,“哈加达”,但他们自己所谓不同。 Goldfahn has counted in Justin Martyr ("Dialogus cum Tryphone") twenty-six Hebrew traditions and six polemico-apologetic Haggadot. Goldfahn已计入圣贾斯汀烈士(“dialogus暨tryphone”)二六希伯来传统和六polemico -歉意haggadot的。 Among these may be mentioned: the eating by the three angels who appeared to Abraham; the Messiah's concealment and anointment by Elijah; the violent death of Isaiah (a Haggadah found already in the oldest apocrypha, and in nearly all the earlier fathers); Melchizedek's identity with Shem (compare especially Epiphanius, "Adversus Hæreses," xxxv., and the Syriac "Cave of Treasures," translated by Bezold, p. 36).其中可能会提到:由三个天使谁向亚伯拉罕显现的饮食;弥赛亚的隐蔽性和以利亚推举;了以赛亚暴死(一哈加达发现已经在最古老的伪经,并在几乎所有的早期父亲);麦基洗德的与闪身份(比较特别埃皮法尼乌斯,“相反Hæreses,”三十五。,和叙利亚“洞的宝物”,由Bezold翻译,第36页)。

Clement and Origen.克莱门特和渊源。

Clement calls the Jewish haggadists "mystæ" (μύσται "persons initiated"), a term that was probably current in Alexandria; for the writings of all the Church Fathers agree in regarding Jewish tradition as a kind of esoteric doctrine understood only by the initiated.克莱门特呼吁犹太haggadists“mystæ”(μύσται“的人发起的”),这个词可能是在亚历山大电流为所有教会的教父们的著作看作是一种犹太传统中深奥的理论理解的同意才开始。 Clement is acquainted with the old Haggadah to Ex.克莱门特是熟悉的老哈加达前。ii.二。14, according to which Moses killed the Egyptian by merely pronouncing the name of God. 14,根据摩西所杀害只是宣告了上帝之名埃及人。Moses is called also "Joiakim" and "Melch" by the mystæ ("Stromata," ed. Migne, viii. 897), and "Melchiel" in Pseudo-Philo, "Antiq. Bibl."摩西是所谓的还“约雅金”和“Melch”的mystæ(“基质,”海关。米涅,八。897),和“Melchiel”的伪斐洛,“Antiq。Bibl。” ("Jewish Quarterly Review," x. 228; compare x. 726).(“犹太季刊,”十228,比较十726)。A relation between Clement and the Seder 'Olam Rabba is shown by the fact that both give the same figure, sixty years, as the period of the prophet Elisha's activity (ib. v. 138).克莱门特和之间的seder'奥兰Rabba关系所表现出的事实,都得到相同的数字,六十年作为先知以利沙的活动(ib.诉138)时期。

Origen's Debt to the Haggadah.奥利的债务哈加达。

Origen derives still more from the Haggadot.奥利派生还是从haggadot的更多。For instance: the Garden of Eden is the center of the world ("Selecta in Genesin," ii. 8; compare 'Erub. 19a; Zion is so called in Enoch, xxvi. 1, 2; and Jubilees, viii.); division of the Red Sea into twelve parts (homily to Ex. v. 5; see also Eusebius, commentary on Ps. lxxvii. 13, and Epiphanius, in the notes to "Adversus Hæreses," pp. 262 et seq.; compare Mekilta on Ex. xiv. 16, and other Jewish sources ["Jewish Quarterly Review," v. 151], and Ḳimḥi on Ps. cxxxvi.); repentance of the sons of Korah (commentary on the Epistle to the Romans x. 7; compare Midrash on Ps. xlv. 4); Israel's strength lies in prayer (homily on Num. xiii. 5; compare Sifre, Num. 157); Phineas and Elijah are identical (com. on John vi. 7; Jerome adopts the same opinion from the Apocrypha [v. 813, ed. Vallarsi; compare Yalḳ., Num. 772, but the earliest sources are lacking]); Daniel, Hananiah, Michael, and Azariah are eunuchs (commentary on Matt. xv. 5; compare homily on Ezek. iv. 8; catena on Ezek. xiv. 5; Jerome, "Adversus Jovin," book i., xxv.; com. on Dan. i. 3; Epiphanius, "De Vitis Prophetarum," ed. Migne, xliv. 424; further Sanh. 93b; Gen. R. xcix.); Moses is the author of eleven Psalms ("Selecta" to Ps. xii., ed. Migne, p. 1055; so also Jerome ["Adversus Rufinum," xiii.; compare Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, p. 198a]); wild beasts are the instruments of divine punishment, as in II Kings xvii.例如:伊甸园的是世界的中心(。。。。“Selecta在Genesin,”二8;比较'Erub 19A条;锡安是这么叫伊诺克,26 1,2,以及五十年节,八);在红海分成十二个部分(讲道给前5节。又见尤西比乌斯在PS,评论lxxvii 13和埃皮法尼乌斯,在对“相反Hæreses,”页262起笔记。。。比较Mekilta 。。对前十四16,和其他犹太人的来源[“犹太季刊,”诉151],在PS和Ḳimḥicxxxvi)。。作者:可拉(在书信评注的儿子到罗马十7悔改;对PS比较米德拉士第四十五4)。。以色列的优势在于祈祷(在数量讲道十三五。。比较sifre,序号157);。菲尼亚斯和以利亚是相同的(约翰六,手续费7。杰罗姆采用相同从舆论的伪经[诉813,编Vallarsi。比较Yalḳ,序号772,但最早的来源是缺乏的。。]);但以理,哈拿尼雅,迈克尔,亚撒利雅是太监(马特评第十五5。。比较。。讲道对以西结书四8;连​​锁对以西结书十四五。。杰罗姆,“相反Jovin,”书一,二十五;。com丹岛3。。埃皮法尼乌斯,“德葡萄Prophetarum,”海关米涅。 ,四十四424。进一步葬身93b。将军河xcix);。摩西是十一诗篇的作者(“Selecta”以诗十二,教育署米涅,第1055。。。所以也杰罗姆[“相反Rufinum ,“十三。比较Pesiḳ编布伯,第198a])。。野生动物,是神的惩罚的手段,如二国王十七。2 (homily on Ezek. iv. 7, xiv. 4; compare Mishnah Ta'anit iii. 6; Shab. 33a). 2(讲道对以西结书四,七,十四4;。。。比较Ta'anit三六米示拿。。沙巴33A条)。

Eusebius.尤西比乌斯。

Eusebius recognizes Jewish tradition as an authority almost equal to the Scriptures, and calls it ἅγρσΦος παράδοσις; ie, "unwritten tradition" ("Historia Ecclesiastica," iv. 22).尤西比乌斯承认的权威几乎等于犹太圣经传统,并呼吁它ἅγρσΦοςπαράδοσις,即“不成文的传统”(“历史Ecclesiastica,”四22。)。 Its depositaries he terms "deuterotæ" (δευτερωταί, "Præparatio Evangelica," xi. 5), and he characterizes them aptly as men of an uncommon strength of intellect, whose faculties have been trained to penetrate to the very heart of Scripture.他的保存条件“deuterotæ”(δευτερωταί,“Præparatio Evangelica,”十一。五),他的特点正好作为一个罕见的智慧的力量,是他们被训练渗透到市中心的经文学院男子他们。The Hebrews, he says, call them δευτερωταί (ie, "tannaim"), because they expound Holy Writ (ib. xii. 1).希伯来人,他说,叫他们δευτερωταί(即“tannaim”),因为他们阐述圣经(同上十二。1)。"Deuterosis" (δευτύρωσις, "mishnah") is commonly used by the ecclesiastical writers for the Jewish tradition, and is also found in Justinian's novellæ. “Deuterosis”(δευτύρωσις,“米示拿”)是普遍采用的教会作家用于犹太人的传统,也发现在查士丁尼的novellæ。

Eusebius makes a distinction between esoteric and exoteric exegesis; the Haggadot he often classes with the exoteric interpretation, contrary to Clement and others, who see therein a secret doctrine.尤西比乌斯使通俗之间的深奥和注释的区别;类的haggadot的他常常用通俗的解释,相反克莱门特和其他人,谁看到其中一个秘密的教义。 Among his Haggadot may be mentioned the following: Abraham observed the precepts of the Torah before it had been revealed ("Demonstratio Evangelica," i. 6; compare Yoma 28b); King Hezekiah's sin in omitting a hymn of praise to God after Sennacherib's defeat (commentary on Isa. xxxix. 1; Jerome, ad loc., quotes the same tradition; compare Sanh. 94a; Cant. R. iv. 8; Lam. R. iv. 15); Merodach-baladan's relations to Hezekiah (com. on Isa. xxxix. 1; the same Haggadah is given in Ephraem Syrus' commentary on II Kings xx. 10 ["Opera Syriaca," i. 562], as in one of Jacob of Edessa's scholia; compare Sanh. 96a).在他的haggadot的可能会提到以下几点:亚伯拉罕观察了圣经戒律之前它已被发现(“Demonstratio Evangelica,”一,六,比较山脉28B款),在省略后森纳赫里布战败的好评赞歌神王希西家的罪恶(评注赛三十九1。。。杰罗姆,广告同上,报价相同的传统,比较葬身94A条。。不敢河四8;。。林河四15。);米罗达巴拉-巴拉但的关系,以希西家(COM的。。三十九伊萨1。同一哈加达是由于在塞拉斯E对二世国王二十评论10 [“歌剧Syriaca,”岛562]雅各于一体的埃德萨的scholia;。。比较葬身96A条)。The traitor Shebna was a high priest (compare Lev. R. v.), treacherous (compare Sanh. 26a) and sensual (ib.), as Eusebius asserts in the name of δ Εβραῖος (com. on Isa. xii. 10, 11; Jerome makes the same statement ad loc.).舍伯那是叛徒的大祭司(比较列弗。R.诉),奸诈的(比较葬身。26A条)和感性(同上),作为尤西比乌斯在δΕβραῖος姓名(伊萨手续费断言。十二。10 11;杰罗姆使同一语句广告同上)。。The passage Zech.该通道撒加利亚。 xi.十一。8 received very early the following Christological interpretation: After the advent of Jesus, the three powerful estates, kings, priests, and prophets, disappeared from Israel ("Demonstratio Evangelica," x. 1).很早8日收到以下基督解释:耶稣的来临后,三个强大的屋,国王,祭司,先知,从以色列消失(“Demonstratio Evangelica,”十1)。Jerome, on Zech.杰罗姆,在撒加利亚。xi.十一。8, quotes it only to reject it, preferring the Jewishexegesis, which applies the text to Moses, Aaron, and Miriam; but he does not credit it to the Jews; compare also Pseudo-Philo ("Jewish Quarterly Review," x. 321), and Mekilta xvi. 8,报价只就拒绝它,更喜欢Jewishexegesis,适用于文本的摩西,亚伦,和米利暗,但他并没有将其信用犹太人也比较伪斐洛(“犹太季刊,”十321 )和Mekilta十六。35; Seder 'Olam Rabba x.; Ta'anit 9a.35;塞德'奥兰Rabba十; Ta'anit 9A条。Something similar is found in Aphraates on Num.类似的发现在数量Aphraates。xx.二十。1.1。

Acceptance by Church Fathers of Haggadot.才可以接受haggadot的教父。

Aphraates gives the above as a self-evident exegesis without mentioning its Jewish origin.Aphraates不提给其作为一个犹太血统不言而喻注释以上。He does the same with his numerous other Haggadot, which were doubtless derived from the Jews.他并与他的许多其他haggadot的,这是毫无疑问的犹太人所产生的相同。Ephraem Syrus likewise gives his Haggadot in the name of scholars (, expounders , etc., but never in the name of Jews. The Haggadot, however, were so generally accepted, that their Jewish origin gradually came to be forgotten. Ephraem Syrus, for instance, says, on Gen. xi. 29, that Sarah was called "Iscah" on account of her beauty; but this Haggadah is already found in Seder 'Olam R. ii. His explanation of Gen. xxxvi. 24 is similar to that found in Onkelos and the Samaritan Version. On II Kings iv. he has the same Haggadah about Obadiah's wife that is found in the Targum Yerushalmi and in part in Ex. R. xxxi. These and similar passages prove Ephraem's knowledge of Hebrew-a knowledge which many investigators have unjustly disputed.塞拉斯E同样让从来没有在他的犹太人的名字名字haggadot的学者(,expounders等,但。的haggadot的,但是,如此普遍接受,认为自己的犹太血统逐渐被人遗忘。塞拉斯E为举例说,在将军溪29,Sarah的号召,她的美貌帐户“Iscah。”;但这哈加达已经在塞德'奥兰河二发现他的解释,将军三十六24相似。。发现Onkelos和撒玛利亚版本。论二世国王四。他同哈加达关于俄巴底亚的妻子说,在根耶路莎米,部分发现在特惠。河三十一了。这些以及类似的段落证明塞拉斯E的希伯来语知识知识许多研究者不公正争议。

Jerome's Wide Knowledge of Hebrew Tradition.杰罗姆的广泛的知识的希伯来传统。

But the one most conversant with Jewish traditions, and their greatest admirer, is Jerome.但是,一个最熟悉与犹太传统,而且他们最大的崇拜者,是杰罗姆。His "Quæstiones Hebraicæ in Genesin" form an almost uninterrupted series of such traditions; and he quotes them frequently in his other writings also.他的“Quæstiones Hebraicæ在Genesin”形式,这种传统几乎不间断的系列,他引述他的其他著作也常与他们。They are mostly historical episodes as additions to Bible history, which he calls either "traditiones" or frequently "fabulæ."他们大多以圣经历史,他称不是“traditiones”或经常补充历史事件“fabulæ。”These Haggadot were not only imparted to him orally by his Jewish teachers, but, remarkably enough, he also read Midrashic works himself.这些haggadot的不仅是他的口头传授给他的犹太教师,但明显不够,他还宣读Midrashic作品为主。He says, for example, on Jer.他说,例如,在哲。xxix.二十九。21: "Nec legitur in synagogis corum"; on Zech.21:“NEC公司legitur在synagogis乔鲁姆”;在撒加利亚。iv.四。2: "Hæc ab Hebrís dicta reperimus."2:“。Hæc抗体Hebrís法官意见reperimus”Yet he speaks of these traditions as if they were a secret doctrine, "arcanæ eruditionis Hebraicæ et magistrorum synagogæ recondita disciplina" (Zech. vi. 9).然而,他讲的这些传统,好像他们是一个秘密主义“arcanæ eruditionis Hebraicæ等magistrorum synagogæ recondita disciplina”(亚六。9)。He is also the only Church Father who is acquainted with the technical terms of the Hebrew tradition; for instance: "hoc Scriptura nunc dicit" ; "hoc est quod dicitur" ; "non debemus legere," or "non legi potest" .他也是唯一教会的父亲是谁与希伯来传统熟悉的技术术语,比如:“孔培养板dicit特别圣经”,“特别的EST狴dicitur”,“莱热尔非debemus”或“非legi potest”。He knows and applies the method of "notarikon" or "gemaṭria" (on Nahum iii. 8, on Haggai i. 1).他知道,并应用了“notarikon”或“gemaṭria”方法(内厄姆三。八哈一,1)。This technical knowledge has so far been noted only in Barnabas' writings.本技术知识至今已注意到只有在圣巴拿巴著作。

The haggadic elements in Jerome are so numerous that they would fill volumes; some of the more noteworthy ones may be mentioned here.在杰罗姆阿haggadic元素是如此之多,他们将填补量,较值得一提的一些可能会提到这里。On Eccles.在埃克尔斯。iv.四。13 he quotes a lost Midrash of R. Akiba, which has come down only anonymously (compare Eccl. R. iv. 13; Abot de-R. Nathan, version ii., ch. 4; Midr. Ps. ix. 5) and in secondary sources.他引用了13 R的秋叶,失去米德拉士已下降只匿名(比较传道书河四13;。。。abot德拉- R的弥敦道,第二版,第4章。。。Midr诗九5。。)和第二手资料。He is entirely unsupported, however, in his view that Elihu (in Job) and Balaam are identical ("Quæst. Hebr. in Gen." xxii. 21).他是完全不支持,但是在他看来,即以利户(在作业)和巴兰是相同的(“Quæst。黑布尔。在将军”二十二。21)。 On Ezek.在以西结书。xlv.第四十五。13, 14 Jerome quotes a halakic Midrash which treats of the heave-offering (compare Yer. Terumot vi. 1, 42d). 13日,14杰罗姆引述halakic米德拉士哪些举祭对待(比较也门里亚尔。Terumot六。一,42日龄)。Epiphanius also knew this; the Pharisees are said to have offered τριακοντάδες τε καὶ πεντηκοντάδες (Hilgenfeld, "Judenthum und Juden-Christenthum," p. 73, Leipsic, 1886).埃皮法尼乌斯也知道这一点;法利赛人据说已经提供τριακοντάδεςτεκαὶπεντηκοντάδες(Hilgenfeld,“Judenthum有限公司犹太人- Christenthum”,第73,普西克,1886年)。On Zech.在撒加利亚。xi.十一。13 he has a curious Haggadah on the number of the affirmative and negative precepts; a closer investigation shows that he has preserved this Haggadah more correctly than it is found in Jewish sources ("Jewish Quarterly Review," vi. 258; Jacob Bernays, "Abhandlungen," i. 252).他有13对肯定与否定戒律数量好奇哈加达。仔细调查,他保留了这比它更正确哈加达是犹太人的来源发现(“犹太季刊,”六258节目;雅各伯内斯“ Abhandlungen,“岛252)。The Church Fathers who lived after Jerome knew less and less about Judaism, so that, the history of the later periods is no longer of any interest in this connection.教会的父亲知道谁住杰罗姆后对犹太教越来越少,因此,对后期历史不再有任何这方面的兴趣。

Polemics:论战:

The dialogue between Justin and the Jew Tryphon is remarkable for the politeness with which Jews and Christians speak of one another; later on, however, examples are not wanting of passionate and bitter language used by Christians and Jews in their disputations.贾斯汀之间的对话和犹太人Tryphon是礼貌,犹太人和基督徒与彼此说话显着;后来,然而,例子不是由基督徒和犹太人使用的disputations语言充满激情和痛苦的希望。 Origen complains of the stubbornness of the Jews (Homily x., on Jer. viii.), and accuses them of no longer possessing sound knowledge (lc iii.).奥利抱怨犹太人的顽固(讲道十,对耶。八。),并指责不再拥有良好的知识他们(立法会三。)。Ephraem Syrus assumes a very insulting tone toward the Jews; he calls them by opprobrious names, and sees in them the worthless vineyard that bears no good fruit.假设塞拉斯E对犹太人很侮辱的口气,他呼吁他们通过无耻的名称,并在他们认为不值钱的葡萄园是承担任何好果子。Like Eusebius, who used the misfortunes of the Jews for polemic purposes (com. on Ps. lviii. 7-12), Ephraem sees in their wretched condition the visitation of God (on Gen. xlix. 8); because the Jews "betrayed Christ," they were driven from their country and condemned to perpetual wandering (on II Kings ii., toward the end).(。。手续费在PS lviii 7-12)尤西比乌斯一样,谁使用过争论的目的是犹太人的不幸,看到了他们的悲惨塞拉斯E条件下,神探视(在第四十九届将军8。);因为犹太人“背叛基督“,他们被赶出自己的国家,注定要永远流浪(于二王二。,朝着结束)。 After Jerome has enumerated all the countries whither the Jews had been dispersed, he exclaims: "Hæe est, Judæe, tuarum longitudo et latitudo terrarum" ("Epistola cxxix. ad Dardanum").之后杰罗姆列举了所有的国家何去何从犹太人被驱散,他感叹地说:“Hæe东部,Judæe,tuarum longitudo等latitudo terrarum”(“书信集cxxix广告Dardanum。”)。

What especially angered the Christians was the fact that the Jews persisted in their Messianic hopes.尤其是什么激怒了基督徒的事实,即犹太人在他们的救世主的希望依然存在。In his sermon against the Jews Ephraem says: "Behold! this people fancies that it will return; after having provoked God by all its ways, it awaits and expects a time when it shall be comforted."在他的讲道塞拉斯E对犹太人说:“看啊!这个人的幻想,它会返回;后挑起所有的方式上帝,但它正在等待和期望时,应当安慰的时间。” Ephraem, as well as Justin and Origen, mentions that at this period Judaism was receiving numerous accessions from the ranks of paganism, a phenomenon ascribed by the Church Fathers to the machinations of Satan.塞拉斯E,以及贾斯汀和奥利,提到,在这个时期犹太教是接收来自异教的行列,由教会神父到撒旦的阴谋现象归因于大量的加入。

Jerome, on the other hand, speaks with great eloquence of the Messianic hopes of the Jews.杰罗姆,另一方面,与雄辩地谈到希望救世主的犹太人。Many Messianic passages of the Bible were applied by the latter to the emperor Julian, others to the distant future, differences which resulted in interminable polemics.许多救世主的圣经段落是由后者用于向皇帝朱利安,到遥远的未来的人,在无休止的争论和分歧的结果。The Church Fathers looked upon the Jews as demons, upon their synagogues as houses of Satan; Rufinus mockingly styles Bar Ḥanina, Jerome's Jewish teacher, "Barabbas," and Jerome himself a rabbi.教会的神父看不起犹太人的恶魔撒旦的房屋后,作为他们的犹太教堂; Rufinus嘲讽风格酒吧Ḥanina,杰罗姆的犹太人的老师,“巴拉巴”和杰罗姆自己是一个拉比。The one word "circumcisio" was used to condemn the whole of Judaism; the Jews, they said, took everything carnally (σωματικῶς), the Christians took all things spiritually (πνευματικῶς).一个字“circumcisio”是用来谴责犹太教完整的;的犹太人,他们说,夺走了一切肉体(σωματικῶς),基督徒把所有的东西精神上(πνευματικῶς)。

Disputations Between Jews and Christians.Disputations犹太人和基督徒之间。


Disputations Between Jews and Christians.Disputations犹太人和基督徒之间。

The writings of Jerome vividly portray the character of the polemics of that period.杰罗姆的著作生动地描绘出这一时期的论战性质。The Christian who should undertake to dispute with the Jews hadto be learned in doctrine (Preface to Psalms).谁应承担的基督徒与犹太人争辩hadto在理论(序诗篇)的经验教训。But these disputations must be held lest the Jews should consider the Christians ignorant (on Isa. vii. 14).但这些disputations必须持有以免犹太人应考虑无知的基督徒(在伊萨。七。14)。The proceedings were very lively.该程序是非常热闹。Reference is made, even if only figuratively, to the planting of the feet against each other, to the pulling of the rope, etc. (lc).提到了,即使只是比喻,以消除对对方的脚种植,到拉的绳索等(立法会)。It is incredible that the Jews were so frantic as to "scream with unbridled tongues, foaming at the mouth, and hoarse of voice" (on the Epistle to Titus, iii. 9).令人难以置信的是,犹太人是如此疯狂,以“舌头肆无忌惮地尖叫,在口吐白沫,和声音嘶哑”(在书信的提多,三。9)。Nor is it probable that the Jews "regretted when they had no opportunity to slander and vilify the Christians" (Preface to Joshua), although the Jews of that age show no diffidence in sustaining their part in these discussions.它也不是有可能的犹太人“感到遗憾时,他们没有机会诬蔑和丑化基督徒”(序约书亚),虽然那个时代的犹太人没有显示在维持他们在这些讨论缺乏自信。 They were accused of avoiding questions that arose on the more difficult passages of the Bible (on Isa. xliv. 6), which proved simply that they wanted to avoid disputations altogether.他们被指控的问题,避免对圣经的段落出现更加困难(在伊萨。四十四。6),这证明,他们只是想避免disputations完全。 But the Jews had allies in their opinions; for pagans and Christian sectaries agreed with them on many points, drawing upon themselves the polemics of the Church Fathers.但是,犹太人在他们的意见盟国为异教徒,并与他们商定在许多问题上基督教的sectaries,给自己制订了教父的论战。

Avowed Attacks on Jews.公开承认对犹太人的袭击。

Of the numerous polemical works directed against the Jews, only a few can be mentioned here.论战的众多作品反对犹太人,只有极少数可以在这里提及。Of Clement's work, "Canon of the Church, or Against the Judaizers" (Κανὼν 'Εκκλησιαστικὸς ἢ Πρὸς τονς 'Ιουδαιζοντας; Eusebius, "Historia Ecclesiastica," vi. 13), only a few fragments have been preserved.克莱门特的工作,“佳能的教会,或对犹太化”(Κανὼν'ΕκκλησιαστικὸςἢΠρὸςτονς'Ιουδαιζοντας。尤西比乌斯,“历史Ecclesiastica,”六13),只有少数几个片段已被保存。 Origen's famous work, "Contra Celsum," is directed no less against the Jews than against the pagans, since Celsus had brought forward many Jewish doctrines.奥利的著名作品“魂斗罗Celsum”,是导演对犹太人没有少于反对异教徒,因为塞尔苏斯已经提出了许多犹太学说。 Eusebius' "Demonstratio Evangelica" was avowedly a direct attack on the Jews (see i. 1, 11).尤西比乌斯'“Demonstratio Evangelica”是公然对犹太人的直接攻击(见一,1,11)。Aphraates' Homily xix. Aphraates'霍米莉十九。is largely directed against the Jews, and Homilies xi., xiii., xv.主要是针对犹太人和颂歌十一。,十三。,十五。denounce circumcision, the Sabbath, and the discrimination between clean and unclean food, "of which they are proud."谴责割礼,安息日,并与清洁和不洁的食物,歧视“的,他们感到非常自豪。”

A little work of Novatian, formerly ascribed to Tertullian ("Epistola de Cibis Judaicis," Leipsie, 1898, ed. G. Landgraf and C. Weyman, reprinted from "Archiv für Lateinische Lexicographie und Grammatik," xi.), is also directed against the Jewish dietary laws.一个小的诺瓦蒂安工作,以前归因于良(“书信集德Cibis Judaicis”Leipsie,1898年,教育署。克兰德格拉夫和C韦曼,从重印“档案馆献给Lateinische Lexicographie有限公司语法”,十一。),也是导演针对犹太人的饮食规律。Isidore of Seville has copied this work almost verbatim in his "Quæstiones in Leviticum," ix.塞维利亚伊西多尔已复制这项工作几乎逐字在他的“在Leviticum Quæstiones,”九。Presumably also by Novatian, and thus of the fourth century, is the treatise "Adversus Judæos," often ascribed to Cyprian; this is, however, somewhat conciliatory in tone (Landgraf, in "Archiv," xi. 1897).大概也诺瓦蒂安,因此第四个世纪,为论文“相反Judæos”,往往归因于塞浦路斯,这是,但是,有些和解的语气(。在兰格拉夫,“档案馆,”席1897年)。 In Tertullian's works there is also found a treatise, "Adversus Judæos," similar in many ways to Cyprian's "Testimonia," both having drawn upon the older work, "Altercatio Simonis Judæi et Theophili Christiani" (P. Corssen, Berlin, 1890); in the "Altercatio" the Jew is converted.在良的作品也有发现了论文,“相反Judæos,”在许多方面对塞浦路斯的“Testimonia,”双方有后,旧作得出了相似的,“Altercatio西蒙尼斯Judæi等Theophili克里斯蒂”(第Corssen,柏林,1890年) ,在“Altercatio”犹太人被转换。

After Julian's death Ephraem composed four hymns: against Emperor Julian the Apostate, against heresies, and against the Jews (in "S. Ephraemi Syri Carmina Nisibena," ed. Bickell, Latin transl., Leipsic, 1866; and Overbeck, "S. Ephraemi Syri Aliorumque Opera Selecta," Syriac text, Oxford, 1865).朱利安后去世四个组成塞拉斯E赞美诗:。。对皇帝朱利安的叛教者反对异端邪说,并反对犹太人(在“学Ephraemi Syri布兰Nisibena,”海关Bickell,拉丁译,普西克,1866年和奥弗贝克,“学Ephraemi Syri Aliorumque歌剧Selecta,“叙利亚文,牛津大学,1865年)。Connected with these in time as well as in subject are the six sermons of John Chrysostom against the Jews ("Homilies," i.).这些连接的时间以及在学科,是对犹​​太人金口约翰(“颂歌,”岛)的六说教。In these he bitterly complains of the Christians for still clinging to Jewish customs, a circumstance mentioned by other Church Fathers as well.在这些抱怨,他痛苦地对犹太人的习俗仍然坚持,其他教会的父亲也提到一个情况的基督徒。Jerome gives striking examples in his commentaries on Matt.杰罗姆给他的评论在马特突出的例子。xxiii.二十三。5 and on Ezek.5和以西结书。 xxxiii., and more characteristic still are the following words of his: "The Jewish laws appear to the ignorant and the common people as the very ideals of wisdom and human reason" ("Epistola cxxi. ad Algasiam").三十三,多的特点仍然是他的以下的话:。“犹太法律似乎无知和人类理性和智慧的非常理想的老百姓”(“书信集cxxi广告Algasiam。”)。 This attitude of the multitude was of course earnestly combated by the Church Fathers; thus an anonymous work mentioned by Photius ("Myriobiblion," ed. Migne, p. 390) is directed against the Jews and against those who, like the Jews, celebrated Easter on the 14th of Nisan.这种众人的态度是认真的教父打击过程中,因此一匿名作品由photius提到(“Myriobiblion,”海关米涅,390页。)是针对犹太人和反对那些谁一样,犹太人,著名导演复活节在尼散月14日。 Epiphanius' celebrated work "Adversus Hæreses," as also his "Ancoratus," treats of the Jewish faith; regarding it only as a third religious system, to be reckoned alongside of Scythism and Hellenisin, while the only divine revelation is Christianity.埃皮法尼乌斯'名作“相反Hæreses,”作为也是他的“Ancoratus,”对待的犹太信仰,把它仅仅作为第三方的宗教体系,同时不可忽视的Scythism和Hellenisin,而只有神圣的启示是基督教。 The founder of Christian dogmatics, Augustine, in defiance of all dogmatic principles of classification, groups Jews, heathens, and Arians in one class ("Concio ad Catechumenos").创办的基督教教义,奥古斯丁在教条式的分类原则,不顾一切,团体犹太人,异教徒,和白羊座的人在一类(“Concio广告Catechumenos”)。

The points animadverted upon by the Church Fathers are manifold; they include such fundamental laws as those of the Sabbath, concerning the transfer of which to Sunday Justin already treats ("Dialogue," ch. 24)-a change which was opposed by Origen (compare Diestel, "Geschichte des Alten Testaments," p. 37), and which Origen (commentary on Rom. vi. 2) and Jerome ("Epistola cxxi. ad Algasiam") seek to prove to be impossible of observance ("Grätz Jubelschrift," p. 191).批判,由教会神父在这些点是多方面的,它们包括一些基本法律作为安息日的,其转让涉及到星期天贾斯汀已经处理,这种做法是反对变化的奥利((“对话”24章。)迪斯特比较,“历史馆万老圣经”,第37页),并奥利(在ROM的评论。六。2)和杰罗姆(“书信集cxxi。广告Algasiam”)试图证明是不可能的遵守(“格拉茨Jubelschrift “第191页)。Circumcision, which is also violently assailed by Origen (see Diestel, "Gesch. des Alten Testaments," p. 37), the dietary laws, and many minor matters, such, for instance, as the washing of the hands, are made in turn to serve as subjects of polemical writing (Origen, commentary on Matt. xi. 8).割礼,也猛烈抨击了奥利(见迪斯特,的“Gesch。万老圣经”,第37页),饮食规律,许多小问题,例如,例如,作为洗手,是在反过来,作为写作主体的论战(渊源,马特的评论。十一。8)。 Indeed, the Church Fathers even in the fourth century afford more information concerning the observance of the Levitical laws of purity than the rabbinical sources, Neubürger (in "Monatsschrift," 1873, p. 433) to the contrary notwithstanding.事实上,即使在第四世纪的教父负担更多的信息,关于纯度比犹太教源利未遵守法律,Neubürger(在“月刊”,1873年,第433页)有相反的规定。

Baseless Charges Against the Jews.毫无根据的指控反对犹太人。

Jerome says ("Epistola cix. ad Riparium") that the Samaritans and the Jews considered not only the bodies of the dead as unclean, but also the utensils in the house containing a corpse.杰罗姆说,(“书信集的CIX。广告Riparium”)表示,考虑撒马利亚人和犹太人的尸体,不仅为不洁的死,而且还包含一具尸体的房子的餐具。 Probably in consequence of the Levitical laws of purification the Jews, as well as the Samaritans and heretics, avoided contact with the Christians, a fact of which Jerome bitterly but most unjustly complains (on Isa. lxv. 4).可能是在对犹太人的利未净化的法律,以及避免与撒马利亚和异端的基督徒接触,​​一个事实,但其中最不公平的杰罗姆悻悻抱怨(在伊萨。第六十五。四)的结果。 Equally preposterous is it when Justin accuses the Jews, even their rabbis and sages, of immorality ("Dialogus cum Tryphone," cxxxiv., cxli.).同样荒谬的是当贾斯汀指责犹太人,甚至他们的拉比和先贤的不道德,(“dialogus暨tryphone”cxxxiv。,cxli。)。 A characteristic polemical sentence of Tertullian may well be added in this connection: "We have everything in common, except our women; you have community only in that respect" (see Hefele, "Beiträge zur Kirchengesch." i. 16, Tübingen, 1864).争论的一个特征良一句很可能是添加在这方面:“我们有共同的一切,除了我们的妇女;你只能在这方面社区”(见黑弗勒,“Beiträge楚Kirchengesch。”一,16日,蒂宾根大学,1864 )。Perhaps more plausible, though often discussed and denied in more recent times, is the charge of the Church Fathers Justin, Origen, Epiphanius, andJerome that the Jews revile and curse Jesus-that is, Christianity-three times a day in their prayers ("Jewish Quarterly Review," v. 130, ix. 515; compare Wulfer, "Adnot. Theriaca Judaica," p. 305; Krauss, "Das Leben Jesu," p. 254, Berlin, 1902).也许更有道理,但往往讨论并否认在最近的时代,是父亲教会负责贾斯汀,渊源,埃皮法尼乌斯,andJerome,犹太人耶稣辱骂和诅咒,也就是基督教的三倍,每天在他们的祈祷(“犹太季刊,“诉130,九515。比较Wulfer,”Adnot Theriaca犹太文物“,第305;克劳斯”。达斯生活jesu“,第254页,柏林,1902年)。Dogmatic questions, of course, were the subject of controversy-never-ending questions on the abrogation of the Mosaic law, the person of the Messiah, etc. Yet there was some agreement between Christians and Jews in such matters as Antichrist (see Irenæus, passim; Hippolytus, "De Antichristo"; compare "Revue Etudes Juives," xxxviii. 28, and Bousset, "Der Antichrist," Göttingen, 1895), chiliasm (Ephraem Syrus on II Kings iv. 35; compare Sanh. 97a; 'Ab. Zarah 9a; and other Church Fathers), angelology, the Resurrection, etc.教条式的问题,当然是有争议的,永无止境的对镶嵌法废除问题主体,弥赛亚,等人,但有一些基督徒和犹太人之间在诸如反基督等事宜达成协议(见依,各处;西波吕,“德Antichristo”,比较“杂志研究Juives,”三十八28,Bousset对二王四,“明镜箴”,哥廷根,1895年),千年至福说(35塞拉斯E。。比较葬身97A条;。' 。抗体Zarah 9A条,以及其他教会的父亲),天使,复活等

Skill of Jews in Controversy.技巧存在争议的犹太人。

The ability of the Jews to cope successfully with the Christians in these controversies is due to the fact that they were well versed in all the questions under discussion.犹太人的能力,以应付在这些争议的基督徒成功是由于这一事实,他们也正在讨论的所有问题,熟悉。Jerome assumes that in Scriptural questions every Jew is able to give satisfactory replies (Preface to Samuel).杰罗姆假设在每一个犹太人圣经的问题是能够给(序塞缪尔)令人满意的答复。The Jews, moreover, were acquainted not only with the original text, but also with the Septuagint, the Apocrypha, Aquila's version, and in general with all works relating to Holy Writ.犹太人,此外,他们不仅熟悉与原来的文本,但也与七十,伪经,阿奎拉的版本,并与所有有关工程圣经一般。No sooner had Apollinaris Laodicinus' writings appeared than the Jews read and discussed them (Jerome on Eccl. v. 17).言犹在耳亚坡Laodicinus写作中出现的犹太人比他们的阅读和讨论(在传道书杰罗姆。五17)。Especially noteworthy is the fact that the Jews were as well versed in the New Testament as in the Old, being able to explain difficulties therein that puzzled even the officially appointed Christian teachers (idem on Isa. xi. 1).尤其值得注意的是,犹太人以及在新约中熟悉旧的,能够解释其中的困难,困惑甚至是官方指定的基督徒教师(同上伊萨。十一。1)。 Ephraem Syrus asserts, curiously enough (Sermon xxv., in Zingerle, "Bibliothek der Kirchenväter," ii. 271), that the Jews admitted that John the Baptist really had appeared.塞拉斯E断言,奇怪的是(讲道二十五。在Zingerle,“明镜Kirchenväter藏书,”二。271),即犹太人承认施洗约翰真的已经出现。 Origen relates a Jewish tradition concerning Judas Iscariot (on Matt., Com. ser., § 78).奥利涉及一个犹太传统的犹大(在马特。时,COM。辑。,§ 78)。Jerome is therefore to be believed when he says that the Jews were often in a position to applaud their own champions (on Ezek. xxxiii. 33), which they did in a sensational way (ib. xxxiv. 3).杰罗姆因此可以相信,他说,犹太人是在一个位置往往赞扬自己的冠军(在以西结书。三十三。33),这是他们的一个轰动性的方式(同上三十四。三)没有。 Chrysostom also taxes the Jews with their theatrical manner ("Opera," ed. Montfaucon, i. 656), and before him the just and cautious Justin says the same thing ("Dialogus cum Tryphone," cxxii.).金口还税款的戏剧方式的犹太人(“歌剧,”版。蒙福岛656),和他面前的公正和慎重贾斯汀说了同样的事情(“dialogus暨tryphone”cxxii。)。

The Old Testament and the Apocrypha:旧约和新约外传:

Christians and the Jewish Hellenists.基督徒和犹太人Hellenists。

The main object of the Christian endeavor was to wrest the Old Testament from the Jews and to make of it a Christian weapon.基督教努力的主要目的是要夺取犹太人的旧约,并利用它一个基督徒的武器。 Therefore, as Jerome says (on Micah vii. 9), the Jews were hoping that in the Messianic times the Law and the Prophets would be taken away from the Christians and given to the Jews exclusively (compare the polemic passage in Ex. R. xlvii.).因此,作为杰罗姆说(上米卡七。9),犹太人希望在弥赛亚时代的法律和先知会带离基督徒和犹太人给予专门(比较通过在惠论战。河四十七。)。 To accomplish their purpose the Christians made use of the allegorical exegesis as developed by Philo and other Jewish Hellenists.为了达到他们的目的所作的基督徒训诂学的寓言所斐洛和其他犹太Hellenists开发利用。 The literal meaning, says Origen, is good enough only for the Jews, in order that nothing may be applied to Jesus.字面意思,说渊源,是不够好只是为犹太人,为了没有什么可应用于耶稣。Only Isidor of Pelusium had sense enough to warn against applying the whole of the Old Testament to Jesus, lest the Jews and pagans find cause for ridicule (Epistles, i., ep. cvi.; ii., ep. cxcv.).只有Pelusium伊西多有足够的警惕意识运用旧约的整体耶稣,犹太人和异教徒以免造成找到嘲笑(书信岛,环保CVI的。。。二,环保cxcv。。)。 Nevertheless the whole Christian Church fell into this exaggeration; and into what absurdities they were led is shown by the following examples: Sarah and Hagar, already explained allegorically by Paul (Gal. iv. 24), are, according to Clement ("Stromata," i. 5), wisdom and the world.尽管如此,整个基督教会落入这种夸张,以及他们带领到什么荒谬是由下面的例子所示:撒拉和夏甲,已经解释保罗寓言,是根据克莱门特(“基质,(加四24)。 “一5),智慧和世界。The two women who appeared before Solomon symbolize the Synagogue and the Church; to the former belongs the dead child; to the latter, the living one, that is, the Jewish faith is dead; the Christian faith is living (Ephraem Syrus on I Kings iii. 6).两个女人谁出现在所罗门象征犹太教堂和教会;前者属于儿子的尸体;在后者,活的,那就是犹太人的信仰是死是活的基督教信仰(在我的国王塞拉斯E三。6)。 These might pass; but it becomes mere childishness when David is made to signify old and worn-out Israel, but Abishag Jesus (on I Kings i. 1).这些可能通过,但它只是变得稚气大卫是向象征老爷了以色列,但亚比耶稣(在我的国王岛1)。Equally unnatural is the assertion of Fulgentius in his "Epistola Synodica" (in Hefele, "Conciliengesch," 2d ed., ii. 699), that Esau represents the "figura populi Judæorum," and Jacob the people destined to be saved.同样不自然的是傅箴修在他的“书信集Synodica”断言(在黑弗勒,“Conciliengesch,”2版。,二。699),以扫代表“人民呼声Judæorum figura”和雅各布注定要保存的人。The Jews made things much more easy by looking upon themselves as Jacob, and upon the Christians as Esau or Edom.犹太人把事情给自己看作为由雅各布更容易,并呼吁以扫或以东的基督徒。At disputations the Christians knew in advance how the Jews would interpret certain passages.在disputations事先知道的基督徒,犹太人将如何解释某些段落。"If we ask the Jews who that daughter is [Ps. xlv.], I do not doubt that they will answer: the synagogue" (Jerome, "Epistola xlii. ad Principiam"). “[。。诗四十五]如果我们问女儿是谁,是犹太人,我不怀疑,他们会回答:犹太教堂”(杰罗姆,“书信集四十二广告Principiam。”)。 The Jews therefore not only opposed the Christian exegesis with the literal sense, but also had ready allegorical interpretations of their own.因此,犹太人不仅反对基督教与传统意义上的注释,但也有自己的准备寓言的解释。

Only Tertullian and Irenæus were rational enough to follow the simple literal meaning.只有良和爱任纽是理性的,足以按照简单的字面意思。The so-called school of Antioch, whose most eminent representatives were Theodore of Mopsuestia and Theodoret, also taught a wholly rational exegesis; although the disciples of this school, such as Cosmas Indicopleustes, used the allegorical and typical methods extensively (Barjean, "L'Ecole Exégétique d'Antioche," Paris, 1898).的安提阿,其最杰出的代表的Mopsuestia和Theodoret西奥多,所谓的学校也教的全理性的注释,虽然这个学校如科斯马斯indicopleustes,门徒,采用寓言和广泛的典型方法(Barjean,“长'巴黎高等Exégétique德Antioche,“巴黎,1898年)。 Still, it can not be denied that other Church Fathers, and above all Jerome, did excellent work in simple exegesis.尽管如此,不能否认,其他教会的父亲,而最重要的杰罗姆,并在简单的注释出色的工作。

Corrupted Texts of the Bible.损坏的圣经文本。

Good exegesis depends upon a good text, and this the Christians did not possess; for the copies of the Bible circulating among them were corrupt in a number of passages.良好的注释取决于良好的文字,这不具备的基督徒,对圣经的循环份,其中在一些段落的腐败。At a certain disputation between Jews and Christians, the former, naturally enough, referred to these mistakes, and mocked their opponents for allowing such obvious blunders.在犹太人和基督徒之间的某些纠纷,前,很自然,提到了这些错误,这种明显的嘲讽让对手失误。Jewish arguments of that kind are often quoted by Justin, Origen, Jerome, and other fathers.犹太人的那种经常被引用的论据是由Justin,奥利,杰罗姆,和其他的父亲。In order to free the Church from the just reproaches of the Jews on this score, Origen undertook his gigantic work, the Hexapla (Epiphanius, "De Ponderibus et Mensuris," ii.), in which he frequently restores the Jewish reading (eg, homily on Num. xvi. 4; Com. on Rom., books ii., xiii.; compare Rufinus, "Apologia s. Invectiv. in Hieronymum," book v., chap. iv.).为了释放,从对这个成绩刚刚指责犹太人教堂,俄答应他的巨大的工作,的hexapla(埃皮法尼乌斯,“德Ponderibus等Mensuris,”二。),其中犹太人,他经常阅读恢复(例如,讲道的编号十六4;。。com在ROM,书籍第二,十三;。。。。比较Rufinus,“纵容第Invectiv在Hieronymum。”书五,第四章)。。。 Justin is honest enough to reject a manifest Christological gloss, the notorious ἀπῗ8 τοῦξύλου, which was said to be the reading in Ps.贾斯汀是诚实的,足以体现基督拒绝光泽,臭名昭著的ἀπῗ8τοῦξύλου,据说是在PS读。 xcvi.xcvi。(xcv. 10), interpolated in the Greek version ("the Lord reigned from the wood").(xcv. 10),插在希腊的版本(“主作王,从木”)。Aside from Justin ("Dial. cum Tryphone," lxxiii.), this interpolation is found only in the Latin fathers-Tertullian, Ambrose, Augustine, Leo, and Gregory the Great-who indulge in much nonsense concerningthe words "a ligno."除了贾斯汀(“拨号。暨tryphone”lxxiii。),这个插值是发现,只有在拉丁美洲的父亲,良,刘汉铨,奥古斯丁,狮子座,格里高利大,谁搞多废话concerningthe词“一ligno。” Augustine ("De Civitate Dei," xvi. 3) had a text in Gen. x.奥古斯丁(“德Civitate棣,”十六。三)有十一个在将军文本2 in which not seven but eight sons of Japheth were mentioned, a reading that is found in none of the known texts.2其中不是七八雅弗的儿子,但提到,一个是在没有发现已知的文本阅读。Hence the Jews rejected all translations, recognizing at most Aquila's "secunda editio," because this was correct (κατὰ U7+1F00κρίβειαν; Jerome on Ezek. iv. 15).因此,犹太人拒绝了所有的翻译,最多阿奎拉的承认“塞康达editio”,因为这是正确的(κατὰU7的1F00κρίβειαν;在以西结书四杰罗姆15。。)。 Jerome is the only Church Father who, as against the Septuagint, constantly refers to the "Hebraica veritas."杰罗姆是唯一的教会父亲是谁,作为对七十,不断提到“Hebraica真理。”At great cost he had a Bible copied for himself by his Jewish friend ("Adversus Rufinum," book ii.), who borrowed for him, although with "pia fraus," the copies belonging to the synagogue ("Epistola xxxvi. ad Damasum").在付出巨大代价,他为自己有一个圣经复制他的犹太朋友(“相反Rufinum,”第二册。),谁借了他,虽然有“软fraus,”副本属于犹太教堂(“书信集三十六。广告Damasum “)。Nevertheless, even Jerome accuses the Jews of tampering with the text of the Bible (Mal. ii. 2); and thereafter the accusation constantly recurs.然而,即使杰罗姆指责与篡改的圣经文本的犹太人(玛二2。)以及此后的指责不断再现。

The Christians fared no better with the Apocrypha, which they rated altogether too high, although these at times offended good taste.基督徒表现不与伪经,因为他们完全太高额定更好,虽然有时这些得罪了良好的味道。Origen fared badly at the hands of the Jews with his apocryphon Susanna ("Epistola ad Africanum de Historia Susannæ," v.) nor was Jerome's obscene legend to Jer.奥利表现很差,他的apocryphon苏珊娜的犹太人手中(“书信集广告Africanum德史记Susannæ,”诉),也不是Jerome的淫秽传说哲。 xxix.二十九。21-a legend which is evidently connected with this apocryphon (see N. Brüll's "Jahrbücher," iii. 2), favorably received by the Jews.21这显然是一个与此的apocryphon(见N. Brüll的“Jahrbücher,”三。2)积极的犹太人收到连接的传说。Jerome (on Matt. xxvii. 9) claims to have received an apocryphon on Jeremiah from a Jewish Nazarite, and to have found in a Hebrew book ("Epistola xxxvi. ad Damasum," "in quodam Hebræo volumine") a history of Lamech; but his Jewish teacher speaks contemptuously of the additions to Daniel, as having been written by some Greek (Preface to Daniel).杰罗姆(马特。十七。九)声称接获一名犹太拿细耳人对耶利米的apocryphon,并发现在希伯来书(一quodam Hebræo volumine“书信集三十六。广告Damasum”,“”)的历史拉麦但他的犹太老师讲轻蔑的增补丹尼尔,已被写的一些希腊(序丹尼尔)。See Bible Canons.见圣经大炮。

The importance of the Church Fathers for Jewish learning, already recognized by David Ḳimḥi and Azariah dei Rossi, becomes evident, if one considers that many sentences of Talmud and Midrash can be brought into the right perspective only by the light of the exegesis and the polemics of these Christian writers.犹太人的学习已经由大卫Ḳimḥi亚撒利雅棣罗西承认,教会的神父的重要性日益凸显,如果考虑到许多的塔木德和米德拉士句子可分为正确的观点,才最后的注释光与论战这些基督徒作家。 Therefore modern Jewish learning turns, although not yet with sufficient eagerness, to the investigation of the works of the Church Fathers.因此,现代犹太学习转弯,虽然还没有足够的渴望,到教会神父勘测。

Crawford Howell Toy, Samuel Krauss克劳福德豪玩具,塞缪尔克劳斯
Jewish Encyclopedia犹太百科全书

Bibliography: M. Rahmer, Die Hebräischen Traditionen in den Werken des Hieronymos, i.: Quœstiones in Genesin, Breslau, 1861; idem, Die Hebräischen Traditionen in dem Bibelcommentar des Hieronymos, in Ben Chananja, 1864, vii.; idem, Die Hebräischen Traditionen des Hieronymos, in Frankel's Monatsschrift, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1868; in the Grätz Jubelschrift, 1887; in Monatsschrift, 1897, pp. 625-639, 691-692; 1898, pp. 1-16; S. Krauss, Die Juden in den Werken des Heiligen Hieronymos, in Magyár Zsidó Szémle, vii., 1890; Grätz, Haggadische Elemente bei den Kirchenvätern, in Monatsschrift, 1854, iii.; Goldfahn, Justin Martyr und die Agada, ib.参考书目:米Rahmer,模具在书斋Werken德Hieronymos岛Hebräischen Traditionen:Quœstiones在Genesin,布雷斯劳,1861年,同上,模具在DEM Bibelcommentar德Hieronymos Hebräischen Traditionen,在本Chananja,1864年,七;同上,模具Hebräischen。 Traditionen德Hieronymos,在弗兰克尔的月刊,1865年,1866年,1867年,1868年,在格拉茨Jubelschrift,1887年,在月刊,1897年,第625-639,691-692,1898年,页1-16;学克劳斯,模具犹太人在书斋Werken德Heiligen Hieronymos,在马扎尔Zsidó Szémle,七,1890年;。格拉茨,Haggadische Elemente北巢穴Kirchenvätern,在月刊,1854年,三;。Goldfahn,贾斯汀烈士und模具Agada,兴业。1873, xxvii., and reprinted; Gerson, Die Commentarien des Ephraem Syrus im Ihrem Verhältniss zur Jüdischen Exegese, Breslau, 1868; Grünwald, Das Verhältniss der Kirchenväter zur Talmudischen und Midraschischen Literatur, in Königsberger's Monatsblätter, and reprinted, Jung-Bunzlau, 1891; S. Funk, Die Haggadischen Elemente in den Homilien des Aphraates, des Persischen Weisen, Vienna, 1891; S. Krauss, The Jews in the Works of the Church Fathers, in Jewish Quarterly Review, 1892, v. 122-157; 1893, vi.1873年,二十七,和重印。格尔森,模具Commentarien德塞拉斯E即时Ihrem Verhältniss楚Jüdischen Exegese,布雷斯劳,1868; Grünwald的,达斯Verhältniss明镜Kirchenväter楚Talmudischen有限公司在Königsberger的Monatsblätter Midraschischen Literatur,并重印,荣Bunzlau,1891年;学方克,在书房模具Haggadischen Elemente Homilien德Aphraates,德Persischen维森,维也纳,1891年,学克劳斯,在教会的父亲创作的犹太人,在犹太季刊,1892年,诉122-157; 1893年,六。82-99, 225-261.82-99,225-261。A very thorough investigation is the treatise of L. Ginzberg, Die Haggada bei den Kirchenvätern und in der Apokryphischen Litteratur, in Monatsschrift, 1898, xlii.非常彻底的调查是L金兹伯格论文,模具Haggada北书房Kirchenvätern在明镜Apokryphischen Litteratur,在月刊,1898年,四十二有限公司。et seq., and reprinted, Berlin, 1900; idem, Die Haggada bei den Kirchenvätern, vol.起,和重印,柏林,1900年;。同上,模具Haggada北巢穴Kirchenvätern,第一卷。i., Amsterdam, 1809.TS Kr.一,阿姆斯特丹,1809.TS氪。



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