Origen奥利

General Information一般资料

Origen, c.185-c.254, is generally considered the greatest theologian and biblical scholar of the early Eastern church.奥利,c.185 - c.254,被普遍认为是最伟大的神学家和早期东方教会的圣经学者。He was probably born in Egypt, perhaps in Alexandria, to a Christian family.他可能是出生在埃及,也许在亚历山大,一个基督教家庭。 His father died in the persecution of 202, and he himself narrowly escaped the same fate.他的父亲死在202迫害,他本人幸免于难同样的命运。At the age of 18, Origen was appointed to succeed Clement of Alexandria as head of the catechetical school of Alexandria, where he had been a student.在18岁以下,奥利被任命接替的亚历山大,在那里他曾经参与过学生问答校长克莱门特的亚历山德里亚。

Between 203 and 231, Origen attracted large numbers of students through his manner of life as much as through his teaching. 203和231之间,俄吸引尽可能多的大批学生透过他的教学,通过他的人生态度。According to Eusebius, he took the command in Matt.据尤西比乌斯,他率先在马特命令。19:12 to mean that he should castrate himself.19:12意味着他应该阉割自己。During this period Origen traveled widely and while in Palestine (c.215) was invited to preach by local bishops even though he was not ordained.在此期间,虽然奥利游历在巴勒斯坦(c.215)应邀参加,尽管他不是当地主教祝圣讲道。Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, regarded this activity as a breach of custom and discipline and ordered him to return to Alexandria.德米特里,亚历山大的主教,认为这是违反纪律的习惯和活动,并命令他回到亚历山大。The period following, from 218 to 230, was one of Origen's most productive as a writer.以下的期限,从218至230,是俄作为一个作家最富有成效的。

In 230 he returned to Palestine, where he was ordained priest by the bishops of Jerusalem and Caesarea.在230他返回巴勒斯坦,在那里他被任命由耶路撒冷和该撒利亚的主教神父。Demetrius then excommunicated Origen, deprived him of his priesthood, and sent him into exile.德米特里然后驱逐俄,剥夺了他的圣职了他,叫他流亡国外。Origen returned to the security of Caesarea (231), and there established a school of theology, over which he presided for 20 years.奥利回到了该撒利亚(231)安全性,并有学校建立了神学,超过20年,他主持。Among his students was Saint Gregory Thaumaturgus, whose Panegyric to Origen is an important source for the period.他的学生当中是圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus,其颂词的奥利是一个时期的重要来源。Persecution was renewed in 250, and Origen was severely tortured.迫害延续,在250,和奥利遭到严刑拷打。He died of the effects a few years later.他去世的几年后的效果。

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Although most of his writings have disappeared, Origen's literary productivity was enormous.虽然他的著作大部分都消失了,俄的文学生产力是巨大的。The Hexapla was the first attempt to establish a critical text of the Old Testament; the commentaries on Matthew and John establish him as the first major biblical scholar of the Christian church; the De Principiis (or Peri Archon) is a dogmatic treatise on God and the world; and the Contra Celsum is a refutation of paganism.的hexapla是第一次尝试建立一个旧约批评文本;马修和约翰评论设立的第一个主要的基督教教会圣经学者他,在德Principiis(或城郊执政官)是一种对上帝和教条式的论文的世界,对应Celsum是一个异教驳斥。

Origen attempted to synthesize Christian scriptural interpretation and belief with Greek philosophy, especially Neoplatonism and Stoicism.奥利试图合成与希腊哲学和信仰基督教的圣经的解释,尤其是新柏拉图主义和斯多亚学派。His theology was an expression of Alexandrian reflection on the Trinity, and, prior to Saint Augustine, he was the most influential theologian of the church.他的神学是一个反思的亚历山大三位一体的表达,并之前,圣奥古斯丁,他是最有影响力的教会神学家。Some of Origen's ideas remained a source of controversy long after his death, and "Origenism" was condemned at the fifth ecumenical council in 553 (Council of Constantinople).奥利的一些想法一直在他死后一个长期争论的来源,以及“Origenism”是在第五次553(君士坦丁堡会)基督教会谴责。 Origen is one of the best examples of early Christian mysticism: the highest good is to become as like God as possible through progressive illumination.奥利是早期基督教神秘主义的一个最好的例子:最高的善是要成为像神尽可能通过渐进的照明。Despite their sometimes controversial character, his writings helped to create a Christian theology that blended biblical and philosophical categories.尽管他们有时会引起争议的性格,他的著作有助于创造一个基督教神学,圣经和哲学范畴混纺。

Ross Mackenzie罗斯麦肯齐

Bibliography 参考书目
Bigg, Charles, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria (1886; repr. 1970); Burghardt, WJ, et al., eds., Origen, Prayer, Exhortation to Martyrdom (1954); Caspary, GE, Politics and Exegesis: Origen and the Two Swords (1979); Chadwick, Henry, Early Christian Thought and the Classical Tradition: Studies in Justin, Clement and Origen (1966); Danielou, Jean, Origen, trans. 。Bigg,查尔斯的基督教的柏拉图主义的亚历山德里亚(。1886年,1970年再版),瑞光,WJ等人合编,奥利,祈祷,劝殉道(1954年); Caspary,通用电气,政治学和训诂学:。渊源和两剑(1979年);查德威克,亨利,早期基督教思想与古典传统:研究贾斯汀,克莱门特和奥利(1966年); Danielou,让,奥利,跨。by Walter Mitchell (1955); Drewery, B., Origen and the Doctrine of Grace (1960); Hanson, RPC, Origen's Doctrine of Tradition (1954); Kannengiesser, C., ed., Origen of Alexandria (1988).由沃尔特米切尔(1955年);德鲁湾,渊源和理论的宽限期(1960年);汉森,RPC中,俄的传统学说(1954年);。Kannengiesser,三版,亚历山大奥利(1988)。


Origen and Origenism奥利和Origenism

Catholic Information天主教新闻

I. LIFE AND WORK OF ORIGEN一,生活与工作的奥利

A. BIOGRAPHY答:简历

Origen, most modest of writers, hardly ever alludes to himself in his own works; but Eusebius has devoted to him almost the entire sixth book of "Ecclesiastical History".奥利,最谦虚的作家,几乎没有暗示自己在自己的作品,但一直致力于尤西比乌斯他几乎整个“教会史”第六本书。Eusebius was thoroughly acquainted with the life of his hero; he had collected a hundred of his letters; in collaboration with the martyr Pamphilus he had composed the "Apology for Origen"; he dwelt at Caesarea where Origen's library was preserved, and where his memory still lingered; if at times he may be thought somewhat partial, he is undoubtedly well informed.尤西比乌斯被彻底熟悉了他的英雄的生命,他已经收集了他的信百;与烈士,他已组成了“奥利道歉”Pamphilus合作;他在该撒利亚其中渊源的图书馆被保留,并在那里住了他的记忆仍然徘徊,如果有时候他可能会被认为有点偏,他无疑是消息灵通。 We find some details also in the "Farewell Address" of St. Gregory Thaumaturgus to his master, in the controversies of St. Jerome and Rufinus, in St. Epiphanius (Haeres., LXIV), and in Photius (Biblioth. Cod. 118).我们发现一些细节也是在“告别演说”的圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus他的主人在圣杰罗姆和Rufinus在圣埃皮法尼乌斯(Haeres.,LXIV)的争议,并在Photius(Biblioth.鳕鱼。118 )。

(1) Origen at Alexandria (185-232)(1)俄在亚历山德里亚(185-232)

Born in 185, Origen was barely seventeen when a bloody persecution of the Church of Alexandrian broke out.在185个出生,奥利是勉强十七时的亚历山大教会的血腥迫害爆发。His father Leonides, who admired his precocious genius was charmed with his virtuous life, had given him an excellent literary education.他的父亲Leonides,谁钦佩他的早熟的天才,他迷住了良性的生活,给了他一个很好的文学教育。 When Leonides was cast into prison, Origen would fain have shared his lot, but being unable to carry out his resolution, as his mother had hidden his clothes, he wrote an ardent, enthusiastic letter to his father exhorting him to persevere courageously.当Leonides了监,奥利恨不得拿分享了他很多,但无法进行他的决心,因为他的母亲掩饰他的衣服,他写了一篇热心,热情的信给他父亲劝他勇敢地坚持下去。 When Leonides had won the martyr's crown and his fortune had been confiscated by the imperial authorities, the heroic child laboured to support himself, his mother, and his six younger brothers.当Leonides赢得了烈士的桂冠,他的财富已经被帝国当局没收,英雄的辛劳,以支持自己的孩子,他的母亲和他的六个弟弟。 This he successfully accomplished by becoming a teacher, selling his manuscripts, and by the generous aid of a certain rich lady, who admired his talents.这次,他成功地完成,成为一名教师,销售他的手稿,以及由某一个丰富的女人,谁欣赏他的才华的慷慨援助。He assumed, of his own accord, the direction of the catechetical school, on the withdrawal of Clement, and in the following year was confirmed in his office by the patriarch Demetrius (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VI, ii; St. Jerome, "De viris illust.", liv).他假定,他自己的协议,在办学方向上的问答的克莱门特撤出,并在次年在他的办公室证实了族长德梅(尤西比乌斯,“历史传道书。。”,六,二;圣。杰罗姆,“德viris插画。”丽芙)。 Origen's school, which was frequented by pagans, soon became a nursery of neophytes, confessors, and martyrs.奥利的学校,是由异教徒经常光顾,很快就成为新手,师,和烈士托儿所。Among the latter were Plutarch, Serenus, Heraclides, Heron, another Serenus, and a female catechumen, Herais (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VI, iv).其中后者是普鲁塔克,Serenus,Heraclides,鹭,另一个Serenus,和一名女初学者,Herais(尤西比乌斯,“历史。传道书。”六,四)。 He accompanied them to the scene of their victories encouraging them by his exhortations.他陪他们到现场鼓励他们的胜利他的嘱托他们。There is nothing more touching than this picture Eusebius has drawn of Origen's youth, so studious, disinterested, austere and pure, ardent and zealous even to indiscretion (VI, iii and vi).没有什么比这更引起了奥利尤西比乌斯的青年,所以好学,无私,朴素,纯洁,热情和热忱甚至轻率的图片(六,三,六)感人。 Thrust thus at so early an age into the teacher's chair, he recognized the necessity of completing his education.推力因此,在这么早进入老师的椅子上一岁,他承认他完成教育的必要性。Frequenting the philosophic schools, especially that of Ammonius Saccas, he devoted himself to a study of the philosophers, particularly Plato and the Stoics.出入学校的哲学,特别是Ammonius Saccas,他致力于一个哲学家,特别是柏拉图和斯多葛学派的研究。In this he was but following the example of his predecessors Pantenus and Clement, and of Heracles, who was to succeed him.在此,他只不过是跟随他的前任Pantenus和克莱门特和赫拉克勒斯,谁是接替他的例子。Afterwards, when the latter shared his labours in the catechetical school, he learned Hebrew, and communicated frequently with certain Jews who helped him to solve his difficulties.后来,当后者分享了他的劳动问答学校,他学会了希伯来语和沟通,某些犹太人谁帮他解决他的困难频繁。

The course of his work at Alexandria was interrupted by five journeys.他在亚历山大的工作过程中中断了五人次。About 213, under Pope Zephyrinus and the emperor Caracalla, he desired "to see the very ancient Church of Rome", but he did not remain there long (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VI xiv).约213下,教皇和皇帝卡拉卡拉Zephyrinus,他希望“看到非常古老的罗马教会”,但他没有留在那里长(尤西比乌斯,“历史。传道书。”第六十四)。 Shortly afterwards he was invited to Arabia by the governor who was desirous of meeting him (VI, xix).此后不久,他被邀请到阿拉伯由总督谁是他会面(六,十九)渴望。It was probably in 215 or 216 when the persecution of Caracalla was raging in Egypt that he visited Palestine, where Theoctistus of Caesarea and Alexander of Jerusalem, invited him to preach though he was still a layman.这是很可能在215或216时,卡拉卡拉在​​埃及肆虐的迫害,他访问了巴勒斯坦,在那里Theoctistus的恺撒和亚历山大,耶路撒冷,邀请他讲道,虽然他还是一个门外汉。 Towards 218, it would appear, the empress Mammaea, mother of Alexander Severus, brought him to Antioch (VI, xxi).迈向218,这样看来,慈禧Mammaea,亚历山大塞维鲁的母亲,带他到安提阿(六,21)。Finally, at a much later period, under Pontian of Rome and Zebinus of Antioch (Eusebius, VI, xxiii), he journeyed into Greece, passing through Caesarea where Theoctistus, Bishop of that city, assisted by Alexander, Bishop of Jerusalem, raised him to the priesthood.最后,在更晚的时期下的罗马和Zebinus安提(尤西比乌斯,六,二十三)笨珍,他远航到希腊,通过该撒利亚传递在何处Theoctistus,该城的主教,亚历山大,耶路撒冷主教协助下,提出了他去当牧师。 Demetrius, although he had given letters of recommendation to Origen, was very much offended by this ordination, which had taken place without his knowledge and, as he thought, in derogation of his rights.德米特里,尽管他曾经给推荐信的奥利,是得罪了这个非常协调,而采取了在他不知情的地方,在他的权利的克减,因为他想。 If Eusebius (VI, viii) is to be believed, he was envious of the increasing influence of his catechist.如果尤西比乌斯(六,八)是可以相信,他是他的传教员羡慕的影响越来越大。So, on his return to Alexandria, Origen soon perceived that his bishop was rather unfriendly towards him.因此,在他返回亚历山德里亚,奥利很快就认识到他的主教对他是相当不友善。He yielded to the storm and quitted Egypt (231).他屈服于风暴,并退出埃及(231)。The details of this affair were recorded by Eusebius in the lost second book of the "Apology for Origen"; according to Photius, who had read the work, two councils were held at Alexandria, one of which pronounced a decree of banishment against Origen while the other deposed him from the priesthood (Biblioth. cod. 118).这一事件的详细情况记录在失去了“奥利道歉”,第二本书尤西比乌斯,据Photius,谁读过的工作,两局分别在亚历山大举行,其中一个突出对奥利而流放法令其他被废黜的神职人员(Biblioth.鳕鱼。118)他。 St. Jerome declares expressly that he was not condemned on a point of doctrine.圣杰罗姆声明明确表示,他不是一个理论问题上的谴责。

(2) Origen at Caesarea (232)(2)俄在该撒利亚(232)

Expelled from Alexandria, Origen fixed his abode at Caesarea in Palestine (232), with his protector and friend Theoctistus, founded a new school there, and resumed his "Commentary on St. John" at the point where it had been interrupted.从亚历山大开除,他在奥利固定在巴勒斯坦该撒利亚(232)居留权,与他的保护者和朋友Theoctistus,创立了新的学校里,并在那里恢复已中断点他的“圣约翰评论”。 He was soon surrounded by pupils.他很快就被包围的学生。The most distinguished of these, without doubt, was St. Gregory Thaumaturgus who, with his brother Apollodorus, attended Origen's lectures for five years and delivered on leaving him a celebrated "Farewell Address".其中最杰出的,毫无疑问,是圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus谁,与他的兄弟阿波罗多罗斯出席渊源的五年讲座并发表在离开他著名的“告别演说”。 During the persecution of Maximinus (235-37) Origen visited his friend, St. Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who made him remain for a long period.期间Maximinus迫害(235-37)奥利拜访了他的朋友,圣Firmilian,该撒利亚主教在Cappadocia,谁使他很长一段时间仍然存在。 On this occasion he was hospitably entertained by a Christian lady of Caesarea, named Juliana, who had inherited the writing of Symmachus, the translator of the Old Testament (Palladius, "Hist. Laus.", 147).在此之际,他殷勤款待由撒利亚基督教女名为朱莉安娜,谁继承了马初斯,在旧约翻译写作(帕拉丢,“历史。劳什。”,147)。 The years following were devoted almost uninterruptedly to the composition of the "Commentaries".之后的几年来专门讨论几乎不间断的“评”组成。Mention is made only of a few excursions to Holy Places, a journey to Athens (Eusebius, VI, xxxii), and two voyages to Arabia, one of which was undertaken for the conversion of Beryllus, a Patripassian (Eusebius, VI, xxxiii; St. Jerome, "De viris ill.", lx), the other to refute certain heretics who denied the Resurrection (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VI, xxxvii).提到了只有少数短途旅行圣地,一到雅典(尤西比乌斯,六,三十二)航行,对阿拉伯和两个航次,其中之一是给了Beryllus,一Patripassian(尤西比乌斯,六,三十三的转换进行;圣杰罗姆,“德viris生病。”勒克斯),其他反驳谁否认复活(尤西比乌斯,“历史。传道书。”六,三十七)某些异端。 Age did not diminish his activities.年龄并没有减少他的活动。He was over sixty when he wrote his "Contra Celsum" and his "Commentary on St. Matthew".他六十多岁的时候,他写他的“魂斗罗Celsum”和他的“圣马太评论”。The persecution of Decius (250) prevented him from continuing these works.对Decius迫害(250)阻止他继续这些工程。 Origen was imprisoned and barbarously tortured, but his courage was unshaken and from his prison he wrote letters breathing the spirit of the martyrs (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VI, xxxix).奥利被关押和野蛮酷刑,但他的勇气是坚定不移的,从他的监狱,他写信呼吸的烈士精神(尤西比乌斯,“历史。传道书。”,第六章,第39届)。 He was still alive on the death of Decius (251), but only lingering on, and he died, probably, from the results of the sufferings endured during the persecution (253 or 254), at the age of sixty-nine (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VII, i).他还活着就Decius死亡(251),但只有挥之不去的,他死了,可能从痛苦的结果,在忍受迫害(253或254),享年73岁六九(尤西比乌斯, “历史。传道书。”七,一)。His last days were spent at Tyr, though his reason for retiring thither is unknown.他最后的日子,都用在酪氨酸,虽然他那里退役的原因还不清楚。He was buried with honour as a confessor of the Faith.他被安葬与作为信仰的忏悔荣誉。For a long time his sepulchre, behind the high-altar of the cathedral of Tyr, was visited by pilgrims.在很长一段时间他的坟墓后面的高的酪氨酸大教堂祭坛,被访问的朝圣者。Today, as nothing remains of this cathedral except a mass of ruins, the exact location of his tomb is unknown.今天,由于没有这种大规模的废墟,除了一大教堂仍然存在,他的墓的具体位置是未知的。

B. WORKS二工务局

Very few authors were as fertile as Origen.很少有作家也像奥利肥沃。St. Epiphanius estimates at six thousand the number of his writings, counting separately, without doubt, the different books of a single work, his homilies, letters, and his smallest treatises (Haeres., LXIV, lxiii).圣埃皮法尼乌斯在六千他的著作的数量,分别计算,估计毫无疑问,一个单一的工作不同的书籍,他的颂歌,信件,他最小的论文(Haeres.,LXIV,LXIII)号决议。 This figure, repeated by many ecclesiastical writers, seems greatly exaggerated.这个数字,许多教会作家反复,似乎大大夸大了。St. Jerome assures us that the list of Origen's writings drawn up by St. Pamphilus did not contain even two thousand titles (Contra Rufin., II, xxii; III, xxiii); but this list was evidently incomplete.圣杰罗姆向我们保证,在渊源的著作名单中遴选出的圣Pamphilus注册不包含连二千冠军(魂斗罗Rufin,二,二十二。三,二十三),但这份名单显然是不完整的。 Eusebius ("Hist. eccl.", VI, xxxii) had inserted it in his biography of St. Pamphilus and St. Jerome inserted it in a letter to Paula.尤西比乌斯(“历史。传道书。”六,三十二)已插在他的圣pamphilus和圣杰罗姆传记插在给保信它。

(1) Exegetical Writings(1)训诂著作

Origen had devoted three kinds of works to the explanation of the Holy Scripture: commentaries, homilies, and scholia (St. Jerome, "Prologus interpret. homiliar. Orig. in Ezechiel").奥利工程已投入三种到圣经的解释:(“。。。Prologus解释homiliar厄里格在Ezechiel”圣杰罗姆)评论,颂歌,并scholia。 The commentaries (tomoi libri, volumina) were a continuous and well-developed interpretation of the inspired text.评注(tomoi利布里,volumina)是一个连续的启发文字和发达的解释。An idea of their magnitude may be formed from the fact that the words of St. John: "In the beginning was the Word", furnished material for a whole roll.对他们的想法可能形成规模,从一个事实,即圣约翰的话:“在太初有道”,为一整卷家具材料。There remain in Greek only eight books of the "Commentary on St. Matthew", and nine books of the "Commentary on St. John"; in Latin an anonymous translation of the "Commentary on St. Matthew" beginning with chapter xvi, three books and a half of the "Commentary on the Canticle of Canticles" translated by Rufinus, and an abridgment of the "Commentary on the Epistles to the Romans" by the same translator.在希腊仍然有八只“关于圣马太评论”,九“有关圣约翰评”书籍的书籍;在拉美的“关于圣马太评”无名氏翻译与第十六章,三开始书籍和一本“述论颂歌颂歌”的Rufinus翻译一半,以及“关于罗马人书信评注”删节的由同一翻译。 The homilies (homiliai, homiliae, tractatus) were familiar discourses on texts of Scripture, often extemporary and recorded as well as possible by stenographers.该颂歌(homiliai,homiliae,论着)是对圣经文本,并经常extemporary以及由速记员记录可能熟悉的话语。 The list is long and undoubtedly must have been longer if it be true that Origen, as St. Pamphilus declares in his "Apology" preached almost every day.这个列表很长,无疑必须有长,如果它是真实的渊源,正如圣Pamphilus宣布在他的“道歉”,鼓吹几乎每天都有。There remain in Greek twenty-one (twenty on Jeremias and the celebrated homily on the witch of Endor); in Latin, one hundred and eighteen translated by Rufinus, seventy-eight translated by St. Jerome and some others of more of less doubtful authenticity, preserved in a collection of homilies.在希腊仍然有二十一(对jeremias和关于安铎女巫庆祝讲道20个),在拉丁美洲,一百一十八由Rufinus,圣杰罗姆和少部分人更令人怀疑的真实性翻译七八翻译,保存在一个集合的颂歌。 The twenty "Tractatus Origenis" recently discovered are not the work of Origen, though use has been made of his writings.二十“逻辑哲学论Origenis”最近发现不是奥利工作,虽然使用了他的著作制成。Origen has been called the father of the homily; it was he who contributed most to popularize this species of literature in which are to be found so many instructive details on the customs of the primitive Church, its institutions, discipline, liturgy, and sacraments.奥利被称为父亲的说教,它是谁,他的功劳是最大的文学推广这一物种在它们被发现的原始教会,其机构,纪律,礼仪,习俗和圣礼的如此多的启发细节。 The scholia (scholia, excerpta, commaticum interpretandi genus) were exegetical, philological, or historical notes, on words or passages of the Bible, like the annotations of the Alexandria grammarians on the profane writers.该scholia(scholia,文摘,commaticum interpretandi属)的训诂,文献学,或历史记录,文字或段落的圣经一样,对作家的亵渎语法学家亚历山大的注解。Except some few short fragments all of these have perished.除了一些所有这些短短片段丧生。

Other Writings其他著作

We now possess only two of Origen's letters: one addressed to St. Gregory Thaumaturgus on the reading of Holy Scripture, the other to Julius Africanus on the Greek additions to the Book of Daniel.我们现在只拥有奥利的信二:内容上的圣经,其他读希腊添置朱利Africanus到但以理书圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus之一。 Two opuscula have been preserved entire in the original form; an excellent treatise "On Prayer" and an "Exhortation to Martyrdom", sent by Origen to his friend Ambrose, then a prisoner for the Faith.两个的opuscula已保存在原来的整个形式一“的祈祷”优秀论文和“劝殉难”,由奥利送到他的朋友,刘汉铨,接着是为信仰的囚犯。 Finally two large works have escaped the ravages of time: the "Contra Celsum" in the original text, and the "De principiis" in a Latin translation by Rufinus and in the citations of the "Philocalia" which might equal in contents one-sixth of the whole work.最后两个大工程已经逃脱时间的摧残:在“魂斗罗Celsum”在原来的文本,“德principiis”在拉丁语翻译,由rufinus和在“Philocalia”,这可能在内容相同的六分之一的引文整个工作。 In the eight books of the "Contra Celsum" Origen follows his adversary point by point, refuting in detail each of his false imputations.在“魂斗罗Celsum”八书奥利如下点逐点他的对手,详细驳斥他的假估算每个。It is a model of reasoning, erudition, and honest polemic.这是一个推理,博学,正直论战模型。The "De principiis", composed at Alexandria, and which, it seems, got into the hands of the public before its completion, treated successively in its four books, allowing for numerous digressions, of: (a) God and the Trinity, (b) the world and its relation to God, (c) man and his free will, (d) Scripture, its inspiration and interpretation. “德principiis”,在亚历山大组成,其中,似乎到了公众手中之前完成治疗先后在四书,让众多离题,如下:(一)神的三位一体,( b)在世界和上帝的关系,(三)男子和他的自由意志,(四)经文,其灵感和解释。Many other works of Origen have been entirely lost: for instance, the treatise in two books "On the Resurrection", a treatise "On Free Will", and ten books of "Miscellaneous Writings" (Stromateis).奥利许多其他工程已完全失去了:例如,在两书的论文“论复活”,一个“自由意志”的论文,而“杂述”(Stromateis)十本书。 For Origen's critical work see HEXAPLA.对于奥利的关键工作看到的hexapla。

C. POSTHUMOUS INFLUENCE OF ORIGEN三追授影响的奥利

During his lifetime Origen by his writings, teaching, and intercourse exercised very great influence.在他的一生奥利由他的著作,教学,和性交行使很大的影响。St. Firmilian of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who regarded himself as his disciple, made him remain with him for a long period to profit by his learning (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VI, xxvi; Palladius, "Hist. Laus.", 147).圣Firmilian撒利亚在Cappadocia,谁把自己作为他的弟子,使他与他保持相当长的时期由他学习(尤西比乌斯,利润,六,26“历史传道书。。”;。palladius的,“历史劳什。 “147)。St. Alexander of Jerusalem his fellow pupil at the catechetical school was his intimate faithful friend (Eusebius, VI, xiv), as was Theoctistus of Caesarea in Palestine, who ordained him (Photius, cod. 118).圣亚历山大他在耶路撒冷问答学校的同事是他的学生亲密忠实的朋友(尤西比乌斯,六,十四),正如Theoctistus在巴勒斯坦的恺撒,谁注定他(Photius,鳕鱼。118)。 Beryllus of Bostra, whom he had won back from heresy, was deeply attached to him (Eusebius, VI, xxxiii; St. Jerome, "De viris ill.", lx).对Bostra,其中他赢得了从异端回来,Beryllus了深刻的重视他(尤西比乌斯,六,三十三,圣杰罗姆,“德viris生病。”勒克斯)。 St. Anatolus of Laodicea sang his praises in his "Carmen Paschale" (PG, X, 210).圣老底嘉Anatolus唱他的称赞在他的“卡门Paschale”公司(PG,第十,第210)。The learned Julius Africanus consulted him, Origen's reply being extant (PG, XI, 41-85).有学问的朱利叶斯Africanus征询他,奥利的答复为现存公司(PG,十​​一,41-85)。St. Hippolytus highly appreciated his talents (St. Jerome, "De viris ill.", lxi).圣西波吕高度赞赏他的才华(圣杰罗姆,“德viris生病。”LXI的)。St. Dionysius, his pupil and successor in the catechetical school, when Patriarch of Alexandria, dedicated to him his treatise "On the Persecution" (Eusebius, VI, xlvi), and on learning of his death wrote a letter filled with his praises (Photius, cod. 232).圣修斯,他的学生,在问答学校,当亚历山大牧首,献给他的论文“关于迫害”的继任者(尤西比乌斯,六,四十六),并说他的死与他的学习充满了赞美信( Photius,鳕鱼。232)。St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, who had been his pupil for five years at Caesarea, before leaving addressed to him his celebrated "Farewell Address" (PG, X, 1049-1104), an enthusiastic panegyric.圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus,谁已经五年了他的学生在该撒利亚,临走给了他著名的“告别演说”公司(PG,第十,1149至04年),一个热情的颂词。 There is no proof that Heracles, his disciple, colleague, and successor in the catechetical school, before being raised to the Patriarchate of Alexandria, wavered in his sworn friendship.目前没有证据表明赫拉克勒斯,他的弟子,同事,和继承学校在问答前提高到亚历山大主教,在他宣誓就职的友谊没有动摇过。 Origen's name was so highly esteemed that when there was a question of putting an end to a schism or rooting out a heresy, appeal was made to it.奥利的名字是如此的高度评价,当有一个制止一个分裂或铲除邪教的问题,向它提出上诉。

After his death his reputation continued to spread.他去世后,他的名声继续蔓延。St. Pamphilus, martyred in 307, composes with Eusebius an "Apology for Origen" in six books the first alone of which has been preserved in a Latin translation by Rufinus (PG, XVII, 541-616).圣Pamphilus,在307烈属,其中已组成一个由Rufinus拉丁语翻译公司(PG,十​​七,541-616)保留与尤西比乌斯一“为俄道歉”六书的第一单。 Origen had at that time many other apologists whose names are unknown to us (Photius, cod. 117 and 118).奥利当时有许多他们的名字是我们未知的其他支持者(Photius,鳕鱼。117和118)。The directors of the catechetical school continued to walk in his footsteps.在问答学校的董事继续走在他的脚步。Theognostus, in his "Hypotyposes", followed him even too closely, according to Photius (cod. 106), though his action was approved by St. Athanasius. Theognostus在他的“Hypotyposes”,跟着他,甚至过于紧密,根据Photius(cod. 106),虽然他的行动是由圣亚他那修的批准。Pierius was called by St. Jerome "Origenes junior" (De viris ill., lxxvi). Pierius被称为圣杰罗姆“Origenes少年”(德viris生病。,lxxvi)。Didymus the Blind composed a work to explain and justify the teaching of the "De principiis" (St. Jerome, "Adv. Rufin.", I, vi). Didymus盲人组成的工作,解释和说明了“德principiis”教学(圣杰罗姆,“腺病毒。Rufin。”,我,六)。St. Athanasius does not hesitate to cite him with praise (Epist. IV ad Serapion., 9 and 10) and points out that he must be interpreted generously (De decretis Nic., 27).圣亚他那修就毫不犹豫地举在赞美他(Epist.四广告谢拉皮翁。,9和10)并指出,他必须解释慷慨点(德decretis网卡。,27)。

Nor was the admiration for the great Alexandrian less outside of Egypt.也不是钦佩的伟大的埃及亚历山大少之外。St. Gregory of Nazianzus gave significant expression to his opinion (Suidas, "Lexicon", ed. Bernhardy, II, 1274: Origenes he panton hemon achone).圣格雷戈里的nazianzus了显着的表达了自己的意见(Suidas,“词典”,主编Bernhardy,二,1274:。Origenes他潘hemon achone)。In collaboration with St. Basil, he had published, under the title "Philocalia", a volume of selections from the master.在与圣罗勒合作,他曾发表了题为“Philocalia”,来自主选择音量。 In his "Panegyric on St. Gregory Thaumaturgus", St. Gregory of Nyssa called Origen the prince of Christian learning in the third century (PG, XLVI, 905).在他的“圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus颂”,格雷戈里圣果树称为奥利基督教王子在第三个世纪公司(PG,四十六,905)学习。 At Caesarea in Palestine the admiration of the learned for Origen became a passion.在该撒利亚在巴勒斯坦钦佩为奥利学会成为一个激情。St. Pamphilus wrote his "Apology", Euzoius had his writings transcribed on parchment (St. Jerome, "De viris ill.", xciii).圣Pamphilus写他的“道歉”,Euzoius转录羊皮纸上了他的著作(圣杰罗姆,“德viris生病。”xciii)。 Eusebius catalogued them carefully and drew upon them largely.尤西比乌斯编目,仔细研读,对他们提请较大。Nor were the Latins less enthusiastic than the Greeks.也不是拉丁人,希腊人热情不足。According to St. Jerome, the principal Latin imitators of Origen are St. Eusebius of Verceil, St. Hilary of Poitiers, and St. Ambrose of Milan; St. Victorinus of Pettau had set them the example (St. Jerome, "Adv. Rufin.", I, ii; "Ad Augustin. Epist.", cxii, 20).据圣杰罗姆,拉丁美洲的渊源主要是模仿圣尤西比乌斯的Verceil,圣普瓦捷希拉蕊,和圣刘汉铨米兰;圣Victorinus他们的Pettau已设立的例子(圣杰罗姆,“腺病毒。 Rufin“,一,二;”。广告奥古斯丁Epist“,cxii,20)。。。Origen's writings were so much drawn upon that the solitary of Bethlehem called it plagiarism, furta Latinarum.奥利的著作被这么吸引时说,伯利恒孤称之为剽窃,furta Latinarum。However, excepting Rufinus, who is practically only a translator, St. Jerome is perhaps the Latin writer who is most indebted to Origen.然而,除Rufinus,谁实际上只是一个翻译,圣杰罗姆也许是拉丁语作家谁最感激奥利。 Before the Origenist controversies he willingly admitted this, and even afterwards, he did not entirely repudiate it; cf.前Origenist争议,他心甘情愿地承认这一点,即使后来,他并不完全否定它;比照。the prologues to his translations of Origen (Homilies on St. Luke, Jeremias, and Ezechiel, the Canticle of Canticles), and also the prefaces to his own "Commentaries" (on Micheas, the Epistles to the Galatians, and to the Ephesians etc.).给他翻译的奥利前言(十四颂歌圣卢克,赫雷米亚斯和Ezechiel,canticle的canticles),也是他自己的“评”(在Micheas,书信向加拉太书,并以以弗所等前言。)。

Amidst these expressions of admiration and praise, a few discordant voices were heard.末法时代,这些表达钦佩和赞扬,一些不和谐的声音被听到。St. Methodius, bishop and martyr (311), had written several works against Origen, amongst others a treatise "On the Resurrection", of which St. Epiphanius cites a long extract (Haeres., LXVI, xii-lxii).圣Methodius,主教和烈士(311),写了几部作品对奥利,除其他一个“复活”的论文,其中列举了圣埃皮法尼乌斯长提取物(Haeres.,LXVI,十二,第六十二号)。 St. Eustathius of Antioch, who died in exile about 337, criticized his allegorism (PG, XVIII, 613-673).圣欧斯塔修斯的安提阿,谁在流亡死去约337个,批评他allegorism公司(PG,十​​八,613-673)。 St. Alexander of Alexandria, martyred in 311, also attacked him, if we are to credit Leontius of Byzantium and the emperor Justinian.圣亚历山大在311烈属,亚历山大,还袭击了他,如果我们要信贷Leontius拜占庭和皇帝查士丁尼。But his chief adversaries were the heretics, Sabellians, Arians, Pelagians, Nestorians, Apollinarists.但他的主要对手是异端,Sabellians,白羊座,Pelagians,Nestorians,Apollinarists。

II.二。ORIGENISMORIGENISM

By this term is understood not so much Origen's theology and the body of his teachings, as a certain number of doctrines, rightly or wrongly attributed to him, and which by their novelty or their danger called forth at an early period a refutation from orthodox writers.由这个名词,不明白这么多渊源的神学和他的教导身体作为一种学说一定的数量,正确或错误地归因于他,并通过他们的新颖性或者其危险传召在初期从正统作家反驳规定。 They are chiefly:它们主要是:

Allegorism in the interpretation of ScriptureAllegorism在根据圣经的解释

Subordination of the Divine Persons从属的神圣的人

The theory of successive trials and a final restoration.历届试验和最终恢复的理论。

Before examining how far Origen is responsible for these theories, a word must be said of the directive principle of his theology.在审查多远奥利负责为这些理论,一个字必须指出,他的神学指导原则。

The Church and the Rule of Faith教会和法治的信仰

In the preface to the "De principiis" Origen laid down a rule thus formulated in the translation of Rufinus: "Illa sola credenda est veritas quae in nullo ab ecclesiastica et apostolica discordat traditione".在向序言“德principiis”奥利定下这样,在Rufinus翻译制定了规则:“在nullo抗体ecclesiastica等apostolica discordat traditione利亚索拉credenda东部的Veritas quae”。The same norm is expressed almost in equivalent terms n many other passages, eg, "non debemus credere nisi quemadmodum per successionem Ecclesiae Dei tradiderunt nobis (In Matt., ser. 46, Migne, XIII, 1667). In accordance with those principles Origen constantly appeals to ecclesiastical preaching, ecclesiastical teaching, and the ecclesiastical rule of faith (kanon). He accepts only four Canonical Gospels because tradition does not receive more; he admits the necessity of baptism of infants because it is in accordance with the practice of the Church founded on Apostolic tradition; he warns the interpreter of the Holy Scripture, not to rely on his own judgment, but "on the rule of the Church instituted by Christ". For, he adds, we have only two lights to guide us here below, Christ and the Church; the Church reflects faithfully the light received from Christ, as the moon reflects the rays of the sun. The distinctive mark of the Catholic is to belong to the Church, to depend on the Church outside of which there is no salvation; on the contrary, he who leaves the Church walks in darkness, he is a heretic. It is through the principle of authority that Origen is wont to unmask and combat doctrinal errors. It is the principle of authority, too, that he invokes when he enumerates the dogmas of faith. A man animated with such sentiments may have made mistakes, because he is human, but his disposition of mind is essentially Catholic and he does not deserve to be ranked among the promoters of heresy.同样的规范表达方面几乎相当于N多其他段落,如“担保买方支付每successionem棣tradiderunt nobis,该书暂准quemadmodum非debemus(在马特。,丝氨酸。46,米涅,十三,1667年)。根据这些原则,根据俄不断呼吁教会讲道,教会的教学,教会的信仰和规则(加隆)他只接受四个典型福音,因为没有得到更多的传统。他承认婴幼儿的洗礼必要的,因为它是按照实践的教会建立在使徒的传统。他警告说,翻译的圣经,而不是依靠自己的判断,但“教会是由基督统治”之后,他补充说,我们只有两个灯,以指导我们在这里下面,基督和教会。教会收到来自基督忠实地反映了光,为月球反映了太阳的光芒,天主教鲜明的标志,是属于教会,依靠教会置身其中有没有得救,相反,他谁离开教堂,在黑暗中行走,他是一个邪教组织正是通过原则的权威渊源是惯于揭露和打击理论的错误,是权威的原则,也就是他。。调用时,他列举了信仰的教条。与这种情绪动画一个人可能会犯错误,因为他是人,但他的心态基本上是天主教和性格,他不应该被异端之间的发起人之列。

A. Scriptural Allegorism答:圣经Allegorism

The principal passages on the inspiration, meaning, and interpretation of the Scriptures are preserved in Greek in the first fifteen chapters of the "Philocalia".在灵感,这意味着主要通道,和圣经的解释是保存在希腊的前15的“Philocalia”章节。According to Origen, Scripture is inspired because it is the word and work of God.据奥利,圣经的启发,因为它是Word和神的工作。But, far from being an inert instrument, the inspired author has full possession of his faculties, he is conscious of what he is writing; he is physically free to deliver his message or not; he is not seized by a passing delirium like the pagan oracles, for bodily disorder, disturbance of the senses, momentary loss of reason are but so many proofs of the action of the evil spirit.但是,远不是一个惰性仪器,作者的灵感已经完全拥有了他的能力,他是在写什么,他意识到,他是他的身体免费提供信息或不,他是不是像异教徒检合格谵妄神谕,为身体障碍,感官障碍,原因暂时丧失,但这么多邪恶的精神活动的证明。 Since Scripture is from God, it ought to have the distinctive characteristics of the Divine works: truth, unity, and fullness.由于圣经从神来,它应该具有的神圣作品的鲜明特点:求真务实,团结,丰满。The word of God cannot possibly be untrue; hence no errors or contradictions can be admitted in Scripture (In Joan., X, iii).上帝的话,不可能是不真实的,因此没有任何错误或矛盾可以在圣经承认(琼,十,三。)。The author of the Scriptures being one, the Bible is less a collection of books than one and the same book (Philoc., V, iv-vii), a perfect harmonious instrument (Philoc., VI, i-ii).作为一本圣经的作者,圣经是不是少了一个集合的书籍和同一本书(Philoc.,五,四,七),一个完美的和谐仪器(Philoc.,六,第一和第二)。 But the most Divine note of Scripture is its fullness: "There is not in the Holy Books the smallest passage (cheraia) but reflects the wisdom of God" (Philoc., I, xxviii, cf. X, i).但最神圣的经文,值得注意的是它的丰满:“没有在圣书最小的通道(cheraia),但反映了神的智慧”(Philoc.,我,二十八,比照十,我。)。 True there are imperfections in the Bible: antilogies, repetitions, want of continuity; but these imperfections become perfections by leading us to the allegory and the spiritual meaning (Philoc., X, i-ii).真正的圣经中有不完善之处:antilogies,重复,延续希望,但这些缺陷成为引领我们的寓言和精神意义(Philoc.,第十,第一和第二)完善。

At one time Origen, starting from the Platonic trichotomy, distinguishes the body, the soul, and the spirit of Holy Scripture; at another, following a more rational terminology, he distinguishes only between the letter and the spirit.有一段时间奥利,从柏拉图三分开始,区别于身体,灵魂,精神的圣经;在另一个之后,更合理的术语,他区分之间唯一的文字和精神。 In reality, the soul, or the psychic signification, or moral meaning (that is the moral parts of Scripture, and the moral applications of the other parts) plays only a very secondary rôle, and we can confine ourselves to the antithesis: letter (or body) and spirit.在现实中,灵魂或精神意义,或道德的含义(即圣经的道德部分,其他部分的道德申请)扮演的角色只是一个非常次要的,我们可以限制自己的对立面:信(或机构)和精神。 Unfortunately this antithesis is not free from equivocation.可惜,这相对的是不是含糊自由。Origen does not understand by letter (or body) what we mean today by the literal sense, but the grammatical sense, the proper as opposed to the figurative meaning.奥利不明白字母(或机构)有什么意思,我们今天的字面意义,但语法意义,正确的,相对于喻义。Just so he does not attach to the words spiritual meaning the same signification as we do: for him they mean the spiritual sense properly so called (the meaning added to the literal sense by the express wish of God attaching a special signification to the fact related or the manner of relating them), or the figurative as contrasted with the proper sense, or the accommodative sense, often an arbitrary invention of the interpreter, or even the literal sense when it is treating of things spiritual.正是这样,他并不重视的话,解释属灵的意思相同的意义,因为我们做的:他指的是精神意义上,他们所谓正确(添加的意思表达的上帝附加特殊意义的事实与希望的字面意义或与他们的方式),或作为与适当,或者说,宽松的感觉,常常是一个任意解释的发明,甚至是字面意义上的东西时,它是形象化的精神治疗对比。 If this terminology is kept in mind there is nothing absurd in the principle he repeats so often: "Such a passage of the Scripture as no corporal meaning."如果这个术语是牢记没有什么重复的原则,他经常荒谬的:“。这种体罚的,因为没有意义经文”As examples Origen cites the anthropomorphisms, metaphors, and symbols which ought indeed to be understood figuratively.作为例子奥利列举了anthropomorphisms,隐喻,这应该被理解比喻确实符号。

Though he warns us that these passages are the exceptions, it must be confessed that he allows too many cases in which the Scripture is not to be understood according to the letter; but, remembering his terminology, his principle is unimpeachable.虽然他警告我们,这些通道是例外,它必须承认,他允许太多的案件中,圣经是不被理解的信中提到,但是,请记住他的术语,他的原则是无可指责的。 The two great rules of interpretation laid sown by the Alexandria catechist, taken by themselves and independently of erroneous applications, are proof against criticism.这两个伟大的解释规则所规定的亚历山大传教员播种,采取错误的应用程序本身和独立,是对批评的证明。They may be formulated thus:他们可能会提出这样的:

Scripture must be interpreted in a manner worthy of God, the author of Scripture.必须解释圣经的方式的神,圣经的作者值得。

The corporal sense or the letter of Scripture must not be adopted, when it would entail anything impossible, absurd, or unworthy of God.下士感或信件的经文不能获得通过,何时会带来什么不可能的,荒谬的,或上帝不值得。

The abuse arises from the application of these rules.虐待来自这些规则的适用。Origen has recourse too easily to allegorism to explain purely apparent antilogies or antinomies.奥利求助于太容易allegorism解释纯粹明显antilogies或二律背反。He considers that certain narratives or ordinances of the Bible would be unworthy of God if they had to be taken according to the letter, or if they were to be taken solely according to the letter.他认为,某些叙述或条例的圣经将神的不配,如果他们不得不采取相应的文字,或者如果他们要采取完全按照字母。He justifies the allegorism by the fact that otherwise certain accounts or certain precepts now abrogated would be useless and profitless for the reader: a fact which appears to him contrary to the providence of the Divine inspirer and the dignity of Holy Writ.他辩解的事实allegorism,否则某些帐户或废除某些戒律现在将无用的,无益的读者:一个事实,这似乎违背了他的神圣启发者普罗维登斯和圣经的尊严。 It will thus be seen that though the criticisms directed against his allegorical method by St. Epiphanius and St. Methodius were not groundless, yet many of the complaints arise from a misunderstanding.因此,它将看到,尽管对他的圣和圣Methodius埃皮法尼乌斯寓言方法的批评是没有根据的,然而,从许多的投诉引起误解。

B. Subordination of the Divine Persons二从属的神圣的人

The three Persons of the Trinity are distinguished from all creatures by the three following characteristics: absolute immateriality, omniscience, and substantial sanctity.三位一体的三人区别于全部由以下三个特点的生物:绝对的非物质性,全知,和大量的尊严。As is well known many ancient ecclesiastical writers attributed to created spirits an aerial or ethereal envelope without which they could not act.众所周知许多古代教会作家创造精神归结为一个信封无天线或空灵,他们不能采取行动。Though he does not venture to decide categorically, Origen inclines to this view, but, as soon as there is a question of the Divine Persons, he is perfectly sure that they have no body and are not in a body; and this characteristic belongs to the Trinity alone (De princip., IV, 27; I, vi, II, ii, 2; II, iv, 3 etc.).虽然他没有冒昧地断然决定,俄倾向于这种观点,但是,只要有一个神圣的人员问题,他完全相信,他们没有身体,而且是一个身体;及属于这一特点三位一体的独(德普林西普,四,第27条;。我,六,二,二,二,二,四,三等等)。 Again the knowledge of every creature, being essentially limited, is always imperfect and capable of being increased.再次各种生物的知识,基本上是有限的,永远是不完美的,并且不增加的能力。But it would be repugnant for the Divine Persons to pass from the state of ignorance to knowledge.但是,这将是令人憎恶的神圣的人通过从无知到知识的状态。How could the Son, who is the Wisdom of the Father, be ignorant of anything ("In Joan.", 1,27; "Contra Cels.", VI, xvii).怎么可能儿子,谁是父亲的智慧,是愚昧的东西(“琼。”1,27;“。魂斗罗透明片”,六,十七)。Nor can we admit ignorance in the Spirit who "searcheth the deep things of God" (De princip., I, v, 4; I, vi, 2; I, vii, 3; "In Num. him.", XI, 8 etc.). 。我们也不能承认,在精神的无知谁“参透神深奥的事”(德普林西普,我,五,四,我,六,二,一,七,三,“他在序号。。”,第十一8等)。As substantial holiness is the exclusive privilege of the Trinity so also is it the only source of all created holiness.不过,由于牵涉圣洁是三位一体的独有特权也是这样它的一切创造圣洁的唯一来源。Sin is forgiven only by the simultaneous concurrence of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; no one is sanctified at baptism save through their common action; the soul in which the Holy Ghost indwells possesses likewise the Son and the Father.只有罪被原谅的父亲,儿子,和圣灵同时同意,没有一个是圣洁的洗礼,通过共同行动拯救灵魂之间,其中拥有圣灵内住同样,儿子和父亲。 In a word the three Persons of the Trinity are indivisible in their being, their presence, and their operation.总之三位一体的三人在人们的存在,他们的存在不可分割的,它们的运作。

Along with these perfectly orthodox texts there are some which must be interpreted with diligence, remembering as we ought that the language of theology was not yet fixed and that Origen was often the first to face these difficult problems.随着这些完全正统的文字有一些必须用勤劳的解释,我们应该记住的神学语言尚未确定,而奥利往往是首先要面对这些难题。 It will then appear that the subordination of the Divine Persons, so much urged against Origen, generally consists in differences of appropriation (the Father creator, the Son redeemer, the Spirit sanctifier) which seem to attribute to the Persons an unequal sphere of action, or in the liturgical practice of praying the Father through the Son in the Holy Ghost, or in the theory so widespread in the Greek Church of the first five centuries, that the Father has a pre-eminence of rank (taxis) over the two other Persons, inasmuch as in mentioning them He ordinarily has the first place, and of dignity (axioma) because He represents the whole Divinity, of which He is the principle (arche), the origin (aitios), and the source (pege).然后它会出现的是,神圣的人处于从属地位,如此多的反对俄呼吁,一般在拨款差异所引起的(父亲的创造者,子救赎,圣灵圣者),它似乎属性,以人不平等的行动范围,还是在祈祷,在圣灵通过儿子的父亲,礼仪实践或理论,所以在本世纪第一个五年希腊教会普遍,认为父亲有预排名(出租车)比其他两个隆起人,因为他在提到他们通常有第一名和尊严(axioma),因为他代表着整个神,而他的原则是(雅倩),原点(aitios),源(pege)。 That is why St. Athanasius defends Origen's orthodoxy concerning the Trinity and why St. Basil and St. Gregory of Nazianzus replied to the heretics who claimed the support of his authority that they misunderstood him.这就是为什么圣亚他那修维护俄的正统关于三位一体,为什么圣罗勒和圣格雷戈里的nazianzus答复异端谁夺去了他的权威的支持,他们误解了他。

C. The Origin and Destiny of Rational BeingsC的起源与理性的人的命运

Here we encounter an unfortunate amalgam of philosophy and theology.在这里,我们遇到一个不幸的哲学和神学的混合体。The system that results is not coherent, for Origen, frankly recognizing the contradiction of the incompatible elements that he is trying to unify, recoils from the consequences, protests against the logical conclusions, and oftentimes corrects by orthodox professions of faith the heterodoxy of his speculations.该系统的结果是不连贯,对于俄,坦率地认识到不兼容的元素,他正试图统一,从后果反冲的矛盾,对合乎逻辑的结论抗议,并经常由信仰东正教纠正行业异端,他的猜测。 It must be said that almost all the texts about to be treated of, are contained in the "De principiis", where the author treads on most dangerous ground.应该说,几乎所有将要处理的文字,载于“德principiis”,其中最危险的上撰文脚踏实地。They system may be reduced to a few hypotheses, the error and danger of which were not recognized by Origen.这些系统可能会减少到几个假设,错误和危险,其中并没有由奥利认可。

(1) Eternity of Creation(1)永恒的创造

Whatever exists outside of God was created by Him: the Alexandrian catechist always defended this thesis most energetically against the pagan philosophers who admitted an uncreated matter ("De princip.", II, i, 5; "In Genes.", I, 12, in Migne, XII, 48-9).神的存在,无论是由外他:亚历山大传教员始终捍卫反对异教徒的哲学家谁承认一个毁灭的问题(本文最积极,二,一,五;“的基因。”,我,12“德普林西普。”在米涅,第十二章,48-9)。 But he believes that God created from eternity, for "it is absurd", he says, "to imagine the nature of God inactive, or His goodness inefficacious, or His dominion without subjects" (De princip., III, v, 3).但他认为,上帝创造了从永恒的,“这是荒谬的”,他说,“想象上帝的本质无效,或他的善良inefficacious,或无主他的权柄”(德普林西普。,三,五,3) 。Consequently he is forced to admit a double infinite series of worlds before and after the present world.因此,他是被迫承认之前和之后的目前世界上的双重世界的无穷级数。

(2) Original Equality of the Created Spirits.(2)原平等创建的精神。

"In the beginning all intellectual natures were created equal and alike, as God had no motive for creating them otherwise" (De princip., II, ix, 6). “一开始所有的智慧创造了平等和性质一样,因为上帝创造了他们,否则没有任何动机”(德普林西普。第一,二,九,6)。Their present differences arise solely from their different use of the gift of free will.他们目前的分歧出现,单从他们的自由意志的礼物不同的用途。The spirits created good and happy grew tired of their happiness (op. cit., I, iii, 8), and, though carelessness, fell, some more some less (I, vi, 2).创造了良好的精神和快乐成长的幸福累(同前。,第一,三,八),而且,虽然粗心大意,下跌,一些比较少一些(一,六,2)。 Hence the hierarchy of the angels; hence also the four categories of created intellects: angels, stars (supposing, as is probable, that they are animated, "De princip., I, vii, 3), men, and demons. But their rôles may be one day changed; for what free will has done, free will can undo, and the Trinity alone is essentially immutable in good.因此,等级的天使,因此也创造了知识分子的四个类别:天使,星星(假设,因为是可能的,他们是动画,“德普林西普,我,七,3。),男人和恶魔,但他们的。角色可能是一天改变;什么自由意志所做的那样,自由意志可以撤消,而单是三位一体基本上好的一成不变的。

(3) Essence and Raison d'Être of Matter(3)本质和存在的理由物质

Matter exists only for the spiritual; if the spiritual did not need it, matter would not exist, for its finality is not in itself.只有物质存在的精神,如果没有精神的需要,问题将不存在,其本身并不是终结。But it seems to Origen - though he does not venture to declare so expressly - that created spirits even the most perfect cannot do without an extremely diluted and subtle matter which serves them as a vehicle and means of action (De princip., II, ii, 1; I, vi, 4 etc.).但似乎奥利 - 尽管他并不企业申报等明确 - 即创造精神,即使是最完美的,不能没有一个非常稀释和微妙的事项,作为车辆他们和行动(德普林西普手段,二,二。 1,我,六,四等)。Matter was, therefore, created simultaneously with the spiritual, although the spiritual is logically prior; and matter will never cease to be because the spiritual, however perfect, will always need it.此事,因此,同时创建与精神,虽然在逻辑上是事先的精神和物质的永远是因为精神,但完美的,永远需要它。But matter which is susceptible of indefinite transformations is adapted to the varying condition of the spirits.但是,无论是变换不定容易是适应了不同的精神状态。"When intended for the more imperfect spirits, it becomes solidified, thickens, and forms the bodies of this visible world. If it is serving higher intelligences, it shines with the brightness of the celestial bodies and serves as a garb for the angels of God, and the children of the Resurrection" (op. cit., II, ii, 2). “当精神越imperfect目的,它变得凝固,变稠,并构成本可见的世界的尸体。如果是至高无上的智慧,它闪耀着的天体亮度和服务作为装束为上帝的使者,和复活“(同前。,二,二,2)子女。

(4) Universality of the Redemption and the Final Restoration(4)普遍性的赎回和最后的恢复

Certain Scriptural texts, eg, I Cor.某些圣经的文本,例如,我肺心病。xv, 25-28, seem to extend to all rational beings the benefit of the Redemption, and Origen allows himself to be led also by the philosophical principle which he enunciates several times, without ever proving it, that the end is always like the beginning: "We think that the goodness of God, through the mediation of Christ, will bring all creatures to one and the same end" (De princip., I, vi, 1-3).十五,25-28,似乎延伸到了理性人的赎回的利益,和奥利允许自己被领导的哲学原则,也是由他阐述了几次,从来没有证明它,那到底是向来喜欢开始:“我们认为,上帝通过基督的善调解,将把所有生物,同一个结束”(德普林西普,我,六,1-3。)。 The universal restoration (apokatastasis) follows necessarily from these principles.通用恢复(apokatastasis)遵循一定从这些原则。

On the least reflection, it will be seen that these hypotheses, starting from contrary points of view, are irreconcilable: for the theory of a final restoration is diametrically opposed to the theory of successive indefinite trials.关于最不反映,可以看出,这些假设,从相反的角度出发点,是不可调和的:为一个最后的恢复理论是截然相反的连续无限期审判理论。 It would be easy to find in the writings of Origen a mass of texts contradicting these principles and destroying the resulting conclusions.这将是容易的著作中找到渊源文本的矛盾,破坏这些原则所产生的结论的质量。 He affirms, for instance, that the charity of the elect in heaven does not fail; in their case "the freedom of the will will be bound so that sin will be impossible" (In Roman., V, 10).他肯定的说,例如,认为在天上的选举慈善不会失败,在他们的案件(在罗马,五,10。)“的意志必将使罪恶将无法自由”。 So, too, the reprobate will always be fixed in evil, less from the inability to free themselves from it, than because they wish to be evil (De princip., I, viii, 4), for malice has become natural to them, it is as a second nature in them (In Joann., xx, 19).因此,太,坏人永远是固定的邪恶,减少从无法摆脱它自己,不是因为他们希望被邪恶(德普林西普。,第一,第八,4),已成为自然的恶意给他们,它是作为他们的第二个性质(约安。,XX条,19条)。 Origen grew angry when accused of teaching the eternal salvation of the devil.奥利增长愤怒教学的魔鬼永远得救的被告。 But the hypotheses which he lays down here and there are none the less worthy of censure.但是,假设他放下这里有没有值得指责的少。What can be said in his defence, if it be not with St. Athanasius (De decretis Nic., 27), that we must not seek to find his real opinion in the works in which he discusses the arguments for and against doctrine as an intellectual exercise or amusement; or, with St. Jerome (Ad Pammach. Epist., XLVIII, 12), that it is one thing to dogmatize and another to enunciate hypothetical opinions which will be cleared up by discussion?什么可以说在他的防守,如果它不与圣athanasius(德decretis网卡。,27),我们千万不要设法去找到他的作品真正的看法,他讨论了支持和反对的学说作为论据智力运​​动或娱乐,或与圣杰罗姆(广告Pammach Epist,48,12。。),那是一回事,教条和另一个阐明将清除讨论的假设性意见?

III.三。ORIGENIST CONTROVERSIES ORIGENIST争议

The discussions concerning Origen and his teaching are of a very singular and very complex character.有关的讨论奥利和他的教学是一个非常奇异和非常复杂的性格。They break out unexpectedly, at long intervals, and assume an immense importance quite unforeseen in their humble beginnings.他们打破了出乎意料的是,在长的时间间隔,并承担了巨大的重要性,在他们的出身卑微相当意外。They are complicated by so many personal disputes and so many questions foreign to the fundamental subject in controversy that a brief and rapid exposé of the polemics is difficult and well-nigh impossible.他们是这么多复杂的个人纠纷等许多问题的涉外争议的基本课题中的一个简短的论战和快速揭露是困难的,也几乎是不可能。 Finally they abate so suddenly that one is forced to conclude that the controversy was superficial and that Origen's orthodoxy was not the sole point in dispute.最后他们消除得太突然,一个是被迫得出结论认为,争议的是肤浅和奥利的正统不是唯一的争议点。

A. FIRST ORIGENIST CRISIS答:首先ORIGENIST危机

It broke out in the deserts of Egypt, raged in Palestine, and ended at Constantinople with the condemnation of St. Chrysostom (392-404).它打破了在埃及在巴勒斯坦肆虐的沙漠,并与圣金口(392-404)谴责君士坦丁堡结束。During the second half of the fourth century the monks of Nitria professed an exaggerated enthusiasm for Origen, whilst the neighbouring brethren of Sceta, as a result of an unwarranted reaction and an excessive fear of allegorism, fell into Anthropomorphism.在四世纪下半叶Nitria僧侣作为一个自称是不必要的反应和对allegorism过度恐惧的结果为渊源,而邻近的Sceta弟兄,夸张的热情,为拟人下跌。 These doctrinal discussions gradually invaded the monasteries of Palestine, which were under the care of St. Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, who, convinced of the dangers of Origenism, had combatted it in his works and was determined to prevent its spread and to extirpate it completely.这些理论上的讨论逐渐侵略巴勒斯坦,这下圣埃皮法尼乌斯,萨拉米斯主教,谁的Origenism的危险相信照看的寺院,在他的作品曾combatted,并决心防止其蔓延,并消灭它完全。 Having gone to Jerusalem in 394, he preached vehemently against Origen's errors, in presence of the bishop of that city, John, who was deemed an Origenist.我们曾经在394到耶路撒冷,他鼓吹反对奥利的错误强烈,在该城市,约翰,谁是视为Origenist主教的存在。 John in turn spoke against Anthropomorphism, directing his discourse so clearly against Epiphanius that no on could be mistaken.反过来约翰表示反对拟人,导演对上没有可能被误认为埃皮法尼乌斯他的话语如此清晰。Another incident soon helped to embitter the dispute.另一件很快帮助怨恨纠纷。Epiphanius had raised Paulinian, brother of St. Jerome, to the priesthood in a place subject to the See of Jerusalem.埃皮法尼乌斯曾提出圣保禄,圣杰罗姆兄弟,为了在一个地方受耶路撒冷见祭司。John complained bitterly of this violation of his rights, and the reply of Epiphanius was not of a nature to appease him.约翰抱怨痛批这种侵犯他的权利,而埃皮法尼乌斯答复的性质不能安抚他。

Two new combatants were now ready to enter the lists.两个新的战斗人员现在准备进入名单。 From the time when Jerome and Rufinus settled, one at Bethlehem and the other at Mt.时起,杰罗姆和Rufinus解决,一个在伯利恒和其他山。Olivet, they had lived in brotherly friendship.奥利韦,他们一直住在兄弟般的友谊。Both admired, imitated, and translated Origen, and were on most amicable terms with their bishop, when in 392 Aterbius, a monk of Sceta, came to Jerusalem and accused them of both of Origenism.这两种崇拜,模仿,翻译渊源,并与他们的主教,在392 Aterbius时,一个Sceta和尚,来到耶路撒冷,并指责他们的Origenism两个最友好的条款。St. Jerome, very sensitive to the question of orthodoxy, was much hurt by the insinuation of Aterbius and two years later sided with St. Epiphanius, whose reply to John of Jerusalem he translated into Latin.圣杰罗姆,非常敏感,正统的问题,是非常伤害的Aterbius含沙射影,两年后与圣埃皮法尼乌斯,其答复约翰耶路撒冷他翻译成拉丁语片面的。 Rufinus learnt, it is not known how, of this translation, which was not intended for the public, and Jerome suspected him of having obtained it by fraud. Rufinus教训,但不知道怎么样,这个翻译,这是不为公众预期,杰罗姆涉嫌以欺诈手段获得他。A reconciliation was effected sometime later, but it was not lasting.和解是生效一段时间后,但它是不会持久的。In 397 Rufinus, then at Rome, had translated Origen's "De principiis" into Latin, and in his preface followed the example of St. Jerome, whose dithyrambic eulogy addressed to the Alexandrian catechist he remembered.在397 Rufinus,然后在罗马,曾翻译渊源的“德principiis”成拉丁文,并在他的序言中遵循了圣杰罗姆,其dithyrambic悼词给亚历山大传教员,他想起的例子。 The solitary of Bethlehem, grievously hurt at this action, wrote to his friends to refute the perfidious implication of Rufinus, denounced Origen's errors to Pope Anastasius, tried to win the Patriarch of Alexandria over to the anti-Origenist cause, and began a discussion with Rufinus, marked with great bitterness on both sides.伯利恒的孤,甚是在这一行动受到​​伤害,写信给他的朋友们反驳Rufinus背信弃义的含义,指责俄的错误,教皇斯达西,试图争取到反Origenist造成亚历山大主教,并开始讨论, Rufinus,两侧标有很大的痛苦。

Until 400 Theophilus of Alexandria was an acknowledged Origenist.直到400​​提阿亚历山大是一个公认的Origenist。His confident was Isidore, a former monk of Nitria, and his friends, "the Tall Brothers", the accredited leaders of the Origenist party.他的自信是伊西多尔,一个和尚的Nitria前,和他的朋友“的高兄弟”,该Origenist党的领导人的认可。He had supported John of Jerusalem against St. Epiphanius, whose Anthropomorphism he denounced to Pope Siricius.他曾支持反对圣埃皮法尼乌斯,其拟人他谴责罗马教皇约翰Siricius耶路撒冷。Suddenly he changed his views, exactly why was never known.突然,他改变了他的意见,从来不知道究竟为什么。It is said that the monks of Sceta, displeased with his paschal letter of 399, forcibly invaded his episcopal residence and threatened him with death if he did not chant the palinody.这是说Sceta僧侣,他信表示不满399逾越,强行侵入他的主教居住和死亡威胁他,如果他不高唱palinody。 What is certain is that he had quarreled with St. Isidore over money matters and with "the Tall Brothers", who blamed his avarice and his worldliness.可以肯定的是,他与圣伊西多尔争吵过钱的问题,并以“高兄弟”,谁指责他的贪婪和他的世俗。As Isidore and "the Tall Brothers" had retired to Constantinople, where Chrysostom extended his hospitality to them and interceded for them, without, however, admitting them to communion till the censures pronounced against them had been raised, the irascible Patriarch of Alexandria determined on this plan: to suppress Origenism everywhere, and under this pretext ruin Chrysostom, whom he hated and envied.由于伊西多尔和“高层兄弟”已经退休的君士坦丁堡,在那里金口伸出热情好客给他们,并为他们说情,如果没有,不过,承认他们的共融,直到对他们的指责已经明显提高,暴躁的亚历山大主教确定这一计划:打压Origenism无处不在,并在以此为借口破坏金口,其中他憎恨和嫉妒。 For four years he was mercilessly active: he condemned Origen's books at the Council of Alexandria (400), with an armed band he expelled the monks from Nitria, he wrote to the bishops of Cyprus and Palestine to win them over to his anti-Origenist crusade, issued paschal letters in 401, 402, and 404 against Origen's doctrine, and sent a missive to Pope Anastasius asking for the condemnation of Origenism.四年来,他被无情地活跃:他谴责在安理会的亚历山大(400)渊源的书籍和武装带,他被驱逐出Nitria的僧人,他写信给塞浦路斯和巴勒斯坦的主教,以争取他们到他的反Origenist十字军东征,发行401逾越节的信件,402,和对奥利的学说404,并派出了一个信号到斯达西教皇谴责为Origenism要求。 He was successful beyond his hopes; the bishops of Cyprus accepted his invitation.他超越了他的希望成功,塞浦路斯主教接受了邀请。 Those of Palestine, assembled at Jerusalem, condemned the errors pointed out to them, adding that they were not taught amongst them.巴勒斯坦在耶路撒冷聚集,谴责那些向他们指出错误,并补充说他们并没有在他们之间授课。 Anastasius, while declaring that Origen was entirely unknown to him, condemned the propositions extracted from his books.斯达西,同时宣布奥利是完全陌生的他,谴责他的书,从提取的命题。St. Jerome undertook to translate into Latin the various elucubrations of the patriarch, even his virulent diatribe against Chrysostom.圣杰罗姆承诺翻译成拉丁文的各种elucubrations族长,甚至他对金口恶毒谩骂。 St. Epiphanius, preceding Theophilus to Constantinople, treated St. Chrysostom as temerarious, and almost heretical, until the day the truth began to dawn on him, and suspecting that he might have been deceived, he suddenly left Constantinople and died at sea before arriving at Salamis.圣埃皮法尼乌斯,前面的西奥菲勒斯君士坦丁堡,视为temerarious,几乎邪教圣金口,直到有一天真相开始对他的曙光,怀疑他可能被欺骗,他突然离开君士坦丁堡和海上到达前死亡在萨拉米斯。

It is well known how Theophilus, having been called by the emperor to explain his conduct towards Isidore and "the Tall Brothers", cleverly succeeded by his machinations in changing the rôles.众所周知如何西奥菲勒斯,已被称为皇帝解释他的行为对伊西多尔和“高兄弟”,巧妙地在他的阴谋成功的角色转变。Instead of being the accused, he became the accuser, and summoned Chrysostom to appear before the conciliabule of the Oak (ad Quercum), at which Chrysostom was condemned.而不是被告,他成为了原告,并传唤出庭金口的橡木conciliabule(广告Quercum),在其中金口谴责。 As soon as the vengeance of Theophilus was satiated nothing more was heard of Origenism.只要是饱满的提阿复仇更是Origenism什么也没听到。The Patriarch of Alexandria began to read Origen, pretending that he could cull the roses from among the thorns.宗主教的亚历山大开始读奥利,他可以假装扑杀从荆棘中的玫瑰。He became reconciled with "the Tall Brothers" without asking them to retract.他达成了和解与“高兄弟”没有要求他们收回。 Hardly had the personal quarrels abated when the spectre of Origenism vanished.几乎没有减弱的时候,Origenism幽灵消失了个人争吵。

B. SECOND ORIGENISTIC CRISISB.第二ORIGENISTIC危机

In 514 certain heterodox doctrines of a very singular character had already spread among the monks of Jerusalem and its environs.在某些514字符的一个非常奇异异端学说已经分散在耶路撒冷及其周围的僧侣。Possibly the seeds of the dispute may have been sown by Stephen Bar-Sudaili, a troublesome monk expelled from Edessa, who joined to an Origenism of his own brand certain clearly pantheistic views.可能是争议的种子可能被反扎Sudaili,一个和尚从埃德萨开除麻烦,谁加入了他自己的品牌某些明确泛神论的意见Origenism播种。 Plotting and intriguing continued for about thirty years, the monks suspected of Origenism being in turn expelled from their monasteries, then readmitted, only to be driven out anew.绘图和耐人寻味持续了大约30年,又被怀疑Origenism开除然后重新接纳他们的寺庙,只有被赶出去一新,僧侣。Their leaders and protectors were Nonnus, who till his death in 547 kept the party together, Theodore Askidas and Domitian who had won the favour of the emperor and were named bishops, one to the See of Ancyra in Galatia, the other to that of Caesarea in Cappadocia, though they continued to reside at court (537).他们的领导人和保护者的Nonnus,谁死,直到他在547保持党一起,西奥多Askidas和多米提安谁赢得了皇帝的青睐,被评为主教,一个在加拉太见安该拉,对其他的恺撒在卡帕多西亚,虽然他们继续居住在法院(537)。 In these circumstances a report against Origenism was addressed to Justinian, by whom and on what occasion it is not known, for the two accounts that have come down to us are at variance (Cyrillus of Scythopolis, "Vita Sabae"; and Liberatus, "Breviarium", xxiii).在这些报告对Origenism给查士丁尼由谁和以什么场合它是不知道的两个已回落到我们帐户,情节的差异(对Scythopolis Cyrillus,“简历鲭江”;及Liberatus“ Breviarium“,二十三)。At all events, the emperor then wrote his "Liber adversus Origenem", containing in addition to an exposé of the reasons for condemning it twenty-four censurable texts taken from the "De principiis", and lastly ten propositions to be anathematized.在所有比赛中,皇帝便写了“书adversus Origenem”,包含在谴责它除了为二四所采取的责难,从文本到的原因揭露“德principiis”,最后被anathematized十个命题。 Justinian ordered the patriarch Mennas to call together all the bishops present in Constantinople and make them subscribe to these anathemas.查士丁尼下令族长Mennas,集合所有在君士坦丁堡的主教出席并让他们订阅这些anathemas的。This was the local synod (synodos endemousa) of 543.这是当地的主教(synodos endemousa)543。A copy of the imperial edict had been addressed to the other patriarchs, including Pope Vigilius, and all gave their adhesion to it.作者:圣旨副本已给其他元老,包括教皇Vigilius,以及所有给予其粘附到它。In the case of Vigilius especially we have the testimony of Liberatus (Breviar., xxiii) and Cassiodorus (Institutiones, 1).在Vigilius案件,特别是我们有Liberatus(Breviar.,二十三)和Cassiodorus(Institutiones,1)的证词。 It had been expected that Domitian and Theodore Askidas, by their refusal to condemn Origenism, would fall into disfavour at Court; but they signed whatever they were asked to sign and remained more powerful than ever.它已被预期多米提安和西奥多Askidas,他们拒绝谴责Origenism,将在法庭下降到冷遇,但他们签署任何他们被要求签署并保持比以往更加强大。 Askidas even took revenge by persuading the emperor to have Theodore of Mopsuestia, who was deemed the sworn enemy of Origen, condemned (Liberatus, "Breviar.", xxiv; Facundas of Hermianus, "Defensio trium capitul.", I, ii; Evagrius, "Hist.", IV, xxxviii). Askidas甚至说服了皇帝的Mopsuestia有,谁被认为是俄谴责,死敌西奥多(Liberatus,复仇,二十四“Breviar。”;的Hermianus Facundas“Defensio trium capitul。”,一,二; Evagrius ,“历史。”,四,三十八)。Justinian's new edict, which is not extant, resulted in the assembling of the fifth ecumenical council, in which Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ibas, and Theodoretus were condemned (553).查士丁尼的新法令,这是不是现存的,导致了第五次大公会议,其中的Mopsuestia,Ibas和Theodoretus西奥多被谴责(553)组装。

Were Origen and Origenism anathematized?奥利和Origenism anathematized了?Many learned writers believe so; an equal number deny that they were condemned; most modern authorities are either undecided or reply with reservations.不少有识之士认为这样的作家,同样数目的否认,他们谴责;最现代化当局不是犹豫不决或保留的答复。Relying on the most recent studies on the question it may be held that:依托对IT可能被追究这一问题的最新研究报告:

It is certain that the fifth general council was convoked exclusively to deal with the affair of the Three Chapters, and that neither Origen nor Origenism were the cause of it.可以肯定的是第五个总理事会召集了专门处理事情的3个章节,并没有渊源,也不Origenism是它的原因。

It is certain that the council opened on 5 May, 553, in spite of the protestations of Pope Vigilius, who though at Constantinople refused to attend it, and that in the eight conciliary sessions (from 5 May to 2 June), the Acts of which we possess, only the question of the Three Chapters is treated.可以肯定的是,安理会于5月5日开幕,553,在教皇Vigilius抗议,但谁在君士坦丁堡拒绝出席会议,是怨恨,在八个conciliary会议(从五月5日至6月2日),所行的而我们所拥有的,仅仅是3个章节的问题进行处理。 Finally it is certain that only the Acts concerning the affair of the Three Chapters were submitted to the pope for his approval, which was given on 8 December, 553, and 23 February, 554.最后,可以肯定的是,只有行为有关的3个章节的事已被提交给他的批准,并于12月8日,553日和23日,554给教皇。

It is a fact that Popes Vigilius, Pelagius I (556-61), Pelagius II (579-90), Gregory the Great (590-604), in treating of the fifth council deal only with the Three Chapters, make no mention of Origenism, and speak as if they did not know of its condemnation.这是一个事实,即教皇Vigilius,伯拉纠我(556-61),伯拉纠二(579-90),格里高利大(590-604),在第五届理事会处理的处理只与3个章节,不作任何提及Origenism,说话好像他们不知道它的谴责。

It must be admitted that before the opening of the council, which had been delayed by the resistance of the pope, the bishops already assembled at Constantinople had to consider, by order of the emperor, a form of Origenism that had practically nothing in common with Origen, but which was held, we know, by one of the Origenist parties in Palestine.必须承认,在安理会,它是由教皇的阻力推迟开放,在君士坦丁堡的主教已经聚集不得不考虑的皇帝命令,一对Origenism形式,实际上已经不相同奥利,但它的举行,我们所知,在巴勒斯坦的Origenist一方。 The arguments in corroboration of this hypothesis may be found in Dickamp (op. cit., 66-141).在这一假说佐证的论据可能会发现在Dickamp(同前。,66-141)。The bishops certainly subscribed to the fifteen anathemas proposed by the emperor (ibid., 90-96); and admitted Origenist, Theodore of Scythopolis, was forced to retract (ibid., 125-129); but there is no proof that the approbation of the pope, who was at that time protesting against the convocation of the council, was asked.主教们当然赞同由皇帝(同上,90-96)所提出的十五anathemas的,并承认对Scythopolis Origenist,西奥多,被迫收回(同上,125-129),但没有任何证据表明赞许教宗的,谁在违背安理会召开抗议时间,有人问。

It is easy to understand how this extra-conciliary sentence was mistaken at a later period for a decree of the actual ecumenical council.这是很容易理解这种超conciliary判决是在一个为一个实际的大公会议后期错误的政令。

Publication information Written by F. Prat.出版信息撰稿楼宝勒。Transcribed by Anthony A. Killeen.转录由安东尼答基林。Aeterna non caduca The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.永恒之非caduca的天主教百科全书,第十一。Published 1911.1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰法利枢机主教,大主教纽约



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