Saint Paul, Saul圣保罗 中文 - Zhong Wen

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Saint Paul, also called Saul in Hebrew (Acts 7-13), was a leader of the early Christian movement and was instrumental in its spread throughout the Greco-Roman world.圣保罗,也叫扫罗在希伯来文(使徒7-13),是一个早期基督教运动的领导人,并在其整个希腊罗马世界的传播工具。He was born in Tarsus of Cilicia in Anatolia probably between AD 1 and 10.他出生在安纳托利亚可能在公元1和10日在基利家的大数。 Thirteen New Testament letters have been attributed to him, many of which show him adjusting Jewish ideas and traditions to new circumstances and measuring Old Testament laws by their relevance to Jesus Christ. The Book of Acts presents him as the apostle to the Gentiles and the most prominent early Christian leader next to Saint Peter.新约十三信件已被归因于他,这表明他的许多思想和调整犹太传统,新的情况和测量,以耶稣基督的旧约的相关法律。 使徒行传的使徒,他作为礼物向外邦人和最杰出的早期基督教领袖旁边的圣彼得。

Paul was born a Jew and trained to be a Pharisee, that is, a learned and strict observer of religious law.保罗出生的犹太人和接受的是法利赛人,就是一个宗教法的经验和严格的观察员。The New Testament records how he actively tried to suppress the early Christian movement through persecution (Gal. 1:13-14) until he was converted to Christianity by a visionary encounter with the risen Jesus while on the road to Damascus about AD 36 (Gal. 1:15-16; Acts 9:1-31; 22; 26).他是如何积极的新尝试通过抑制迫害的早期基督教运动(加拉太书1:13-14),而在约公元36路到大马士革(加,直到他被转换成一个富有远见的遭遇与基督教圣经记载耶稣的复活。1:15-16,徒9:1-31; 22; 26)。Because of this vision, Paul held that he, too, had met Jesus and was therefore qualified to be called an Apostle (1 Cor. 9:1).由于这一设想,保罗认为,他也遇到了耶稣,并因此有资格被称为使徒(1肺心病。9:1)。After being instructed and receiving Christian baptism in Damascus, Paul went to "Arabia" (probably the desert of Transjordan) for a short time; he then returned to Damascus for 3 years until he was driven out to Tarsus, probably in 40.接到指示后,在大马士革和基督教的洗礼,保罗去“阿拉伯”(可能是外约旦沙漠)的时间很短,他随后返回大马士革3年,直到他被赶出去,以跗关节可能在40。 Several years later Barnabas brought Paul to Antioch in Syria (Acts 11), where they ministered together for a year.几年后带来的保罗巴拿巴在叙利亚安提阿(徒11),在那里他们一起工作了一年的服事。

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Paul spent the following 10 years on 3 lengthy missionary journeys to Anatolia and Greece.保罗花了3冗长,安纳托利亚和希腊传教行程以下10年。The second journey included an 18-month stay in Corinth and the third, 2-3 years in Ephesus on the Aegean Sea.第二个行程包括在科林斯和第三18个月留在爱琴海上的以弗所,2-3年。During this time Paul wrote letters to churches he had previously founded and could not visit in person.在此期间,保罗写信给他曾创办并不能亲临教会的信。Some of these letters have been preserved in the New Testament.这些信件中,有的已被保存在新约。Paul was especially concerned that he protect his understanding of the life and teachings of Jesus from alteration toward Jewish practices or toward Hellenistic religious and philosophical ideas.保罗是特别关注,他对犹太人的保护措施或对古希腊的宗教和哲学观念的改变他的理解耶稣的一生和教诲。He instructed the Christian communities he founded in ethical behavior by correcting their failings and offering advice.他指示他在道德行为的成立纠正他们的失败,并提供咨询意见的基督教社区。The Book of Acts describes the typical pattern of Paul's ministry: he began by preaching in a synagogue but was soon expelled as a rabble-rouser; then, with a small number of Jewish adherents, Paul turned to the Gentiles, converting large numbers and occasionally encountering trouble with civil authorities.使徒行传描述了保罗的部典型的模式:他开始在一个犹太教堂讲道但很快就被作为一个乌合之众,激励者开除,然后与犹太信徒少数,保罗转向外邦人,转换大批偶尔遇到了民政当局的麻烦。

The different accounts of Paul's visit to Jerusalem to settle the controversy over how much of the Jewish Law Gentile Christians were required to keep (Gal. 2; Acts 15) have never been fully reconciled.保罗的访问到不同的帐户,以解决耶路撒冷在如何犹太律法的外邦人基督徒大部分都必须保持(加拉太书二,徒15)的争论从来没有得到充分协调。 Years later (c.58), Paul brought a collection to Jerusalem for the city's poor Christians (Acts 21), but he was arrested.年后(c.58),保罗带来了收集到耶路撒冷为城市的(使徒21)贫穷的基督徒,但他被拘捕。After 2 years in prison he used his right as a Roman citizen to appeal to the emperor and was sent to Rome for trial.经过2年徒刑,他作为一个罗马公民,呼吁皇帝自己的权利和被送往罗马受审。The Book of Acts ends with Paul under house arrest (c.63), still preaching about Jesus.使徒行传结束软禁保罗(c.63),仍对耶稣的说教。Clement of Rome and Eusebius of Caesarea report that Paul was eventually acquitted and traveled to Spain but was arrested again and martyred in Rome under Nero, c.67.克莱门特的罗马和尤西比乌斯的该撒利亚报告,保罗最终被无罪释放,并前往西班牙,但再次被捕,并在罗马尼禄下烈属,c.67。 Feast day: June 29 (with Saint Peter).盛宴的日子:6月29日(与圣彼得)。

Anthony J. Saldarini安东尼j的Saldarini

Bibliography 参考书目
Beker, J. Christian, Paul the Apostle (1980); Bornkamm, Gunther, Paul, trans.贝克尔,学者基督徒,使徒保罗(1980年);博恩卡姆,冈瑟,保罗,跨。by DMG Stalker (1971); Davies, WD, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 2d ed.由DMG的潜行者(1971年);戴维斯,西部数据,保罗和拉比犹太教,2版。 (1955); Fitzmeyer, JA, Pauline Theology (1967); Grant, Michael, Saint Paul (1976); Gunther, John J., Paul (1972); Jewett, Robert, Christian Tolerance: Paul's Message for the Modern World (1982); Keck, Leander E., Paul and His Letters, 2d rev.(1955年); Fitzmeyer,茉莉,宝莲,神学(1967年);格兰特,迈克尔,圣保罗(1976年);冈瑟,约翰J.,保罗(1972年),朱,罗伯特,基督教公差:保罗对现代世界的信息(1982年);凯克,利安德大肠杆菌,保罗和他的信件,二维转。 ed.教育署。(1988); Meeks, Wayne A., The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (1982; repr. 1984); Pollock, John C., The Apostle (1969); Ridderbos, HM, Paul (1975); Sandmel, Samuel, The Genius of Paul (1958); Wiles, MF, The Divine Apostle (1967). (1988年),米克斯,韦恩答,第一个城市的基督徒:在社会世界的使徒保罗(。1982年再版1984);波洛克,约翰C,使徒(1969年); Ridderbos,航模,保罗(1975) ; Sandmel,萨穆埃尔,保罗的天才(1958年);怀尔斯,中频,神圣使徒(1967)。

Saint Paul圣保罗

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Paul, (qv) was born about the same time as our Lord.保罗,(请参阅)出生约在同一时间为我们的主。His circumcision-name was Saul, and probably the name Paul was also given to him in infancy "for use in the Gentile world," as "Saul" would be his Hebrew home-name.他割礼名扫罗,也许保罗的名字也给他在婴儿期“在世界上使用詹蒂莱,”作为“扫罗”将是他的希伯来文家名。He was a native of Tarsus, the capital of Cilicia, a Roman province in the south-east of Asia Minor.他是一个大数,在基利家,在南东罗马小亚细亚省的首府人。That city stood on the banks of the river Cydnus, which was navigable thus far; hence it became a centre of extensive commercial traffic with many countries along the shores of the Mediterranean, as well as with the countries of central Asia Minor.该城站在河Cydnus银行,这是navigable迄今,因此它成了以及与中亚国家的未成年人的广泛的商业交通与沿地中海沿岸许多国家的中心。 It thus became a city distinguished for the wealth of its inhabitants.因此,它成为一个城市,其居民财富区别开来。Tarsus was also the seat of a famous university, higher in reputation even than the universities of Athens and Alexandria, the only others that then existed.塔尔苏斯也是一个著名大学的所在地,在信誉程度甚至超过了雅典和亚历山大,然后只存在其他的大学。

Here Saul was born, and here he spent his youth, doubtless enjoying the best education his native city could afford.扫罗在这里出生,在这里,他度过了他的青春,享受最好的教育,无疑他的家乡城市能够负担得起的。His father was of the straitest sect of the Jews, a Pharisee, of the tribe of Benjamin, of pure and unmixed Jewish blood (Acts 23:6; Phil. 3:5).他的父亲是犹太人,是法利赛人,便雅悯支派的纯洁和纯犹太人的血液,严紧的教门(徒23:6;菲尔3:5。)。We learn nothing regarding his mother; but there is reason to conclude that she was a pious woman, and that, like-minded with her husband, she exercised all a mother influence in moulding the character of her son, so that he could afterwards speak of himself as being, from his youth up, "touching the righteousness which is in the law, blameless" (Phil. 3:6).我们从中学到任何东西对于他的母亲,但我们有理由断定她是一个虔诚的女人,而且,像与她丈夫的头脑,在塑造她行使了她的儿子字符的所有母亲的影响,使他后来能说话对自己的存在,从他的幼年,“感人的义,在法律上是清白”(腓3:6)。 We read of his sister and his sister's son (Acts 23:16), and of other relatives (Rom. 16:7, 11, 12).我们读到他的姐姐和妹妹的儿子(徒23:16),和其他亲属(罗马书16时07分,11,12)。Though a Jew, his father was a Roman citizen.他是犹太人,他的父亲是罗马公民。How he obtained this privilege we are not informed.他是如何获得这一特权,我们没有被告知。"It might be bought, or won by distinguished service to the state, or acquired in several other ways; at all events, his son was freeborn. “这可能是购买,或由尊贵的服务赢得了对国家,或在几个其他方式获得的;在所有比赛中,他的儿子弗里伯恩。

It was a valuable privilege, and one that was to prove of great use to Paul, although not in the way in which his father might have been expected to desire him to make use of it." Perhaps the most natural career for the youth to follow was that of a merchant. "But it was decided that .这是一个宝贵的特权,这就是一个证明很有用处的保罗,虽然并不像在他的父亲可能已经预料到他的愿望,以便为青少年使用它了。“也许最自然的职业生涯跟随,是一个商人。“但决定。 ..he should go to college and become a rabbi, that is, a minister, a teacher, and a lawyer all in one." According to Jewish custom, however, he learned a trade before entering on the more direct preparation for the sacred profession. The trade he acquired was the making of tents from goats' hair cloth, a trade which was one of the commonest in Tarsus. His preliminary education having been completed, Saul was sent, when about thirteen years of age probably, to the great Jewish school of sacred learning at Jerusalem as a student of the law. Here he became a pupil of the celebrated rabbi Gamaliel, and here he spent many years in an elaborate study of the Scriptures and of the many questions concerning them with which the rabbis exercised themselves.他应该去上大学,成为一个法师,就是一个部长,一名老师,又是在同一个律师。“根据犹太习俗,不过,他以前学过的神圣的职业,为准备进入一个更直接的贸易。他收购的贸易是从山羊毛布,这是贸易中常见的一个大数。教育后,他初步完成,使扫罗被送到帐篷时,大约十三岁的可能,向伟大的犹太学校年在耶路撒冷的神圣学习作为法律系的学生。在这里,他成为著名的拉比加马利亚学生,在这里,他花了一个详细的圣经研究和与他们有关的许多问题,多年来与该拉比行使自己。

During these years of diligent study he lived "in all good conscience," unstained by the vices of that great city.勤奋学习期间这些年里,他“在所有的良心”,由这个伟大城市的罪恶原样。After the period of his student-life expired, he probably left Jerusalem for Tarsus, where he may have been engaged in connection with some synagogue for some years.之后,他的学生生活期满,他可能离开跗关节,在那里他可能已经在与一些多年从事耶路撒冷犹太教堂连接。But we find him back again at Jerusalem very soon after the death of our Lord.但我们发现他在耶路撒冷回来后不久,我们的主死亡。 Here he now learned the particulars regarding the crucifixion, and the rise of the new sect of the "Nazarenes."在这里,他现在已经学会对于受难的详情,以及新教派的崛起“拿撒勒。”For some two years after Pentecost, Christianity was quietly spreading its influence in Jerusalem.对于一些五旬节之后的两年里,基督教在耶路撒冷悄悄蔓延的影响。At length Stephen, one of the seven deacons, gave forth more public and aggressive testimony that Jesus was the Messiah, and this led to much excitement among the Jews and much disputation in their synagogues.在长度斯蒂芬,七个执事之一,提出了更多的公共和侵略性的证词中说,耶稣是弥赛亚,并导致许多兴奋的犹太人和他们的会堂里很多争论这一点。 Persecution arose against Stephen and the followers of Christ generally, in which Saul of Tarsus took a prominent part.出现了对反迫害的基督信徒和普遍,其中塔尔苏斯采取了突出的部分。He was at this time probably a member of the great Sanhedrin, and became the active leader in the furious persecution by which the rulers then sought to exterminate Christianity.他是在这个时候可能是一个伟大的公会成员,并成为在激烈的迫害,其中当时的统治者试图消灭基督教积极的领导者。

But the object of this persecution also failed.但是,这种迫害的对象也失败了。"They that were scattered abroad went everywhere preaching the word."“那些分散的人在国外到处传道。”The anger of the persecutor was thereby kindled into a fiercer flame.愤怒的是迫害者,从而成为一个更加激烈的火焰点燃。Hearing that fugitives had taken refuge in Damascus, he obtained from the chief priest letters authorizing him to proceed thither on his persecuting career.听说逃犯已采取在大马士革避难,他获得了祭司长,授权他对他进行迫害的事业上去字母。This was a long journey of about 130 miles, which would occupy perhaps six days, during which, with his few attendants, he steadily went onward, "breathing out threatenings and slaughter."这是一个约130英里长的旅程,也许这将占据六天,在这期间,与他的几个服务员,他稳步向前去,“呼出威吓和屠杀。” But the crisis of his life was at hand.但是,他的生命危机是在眼前。He had reached the last stage of his journey, and was within sight of Damascus.他已经达到了他的旅程的最后阶段,并在大马士革的视野之外。As he and his companions rode on, suddenly at mid-day a brilliant light shone round them, and Saul was laid prostrate in terror on the ground, a voice sounding in his ears, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?"当他和他的同伴骑着,突然在中午一圆他们的光辉照耀,扫罗奠定了恐怖匍伏在地上,一个声音在他耳边测深,“扫罗,扫罗,你为什么逼迫我?” The risen Saviour was there, clothed in the vesture of his glorified humanity.复活的救主,在那里,在他歌颂人类笼罩衣服。In answer to the anxious inquiry of the stricken persecutor, "Who art thou, Lord?"在回答到受灾迫害,急于探究“你是谁,主呢?” he said, "I am Jesus whom thou persecutest" (Acts 9:5; 22:8; 26:15).他说:“我就是你所逼迫的耶稣”(徒9:5,22:8,26:15)。

This was the moment of his conversion, the most solemn in all his life.这是他的转换时刻,在他一生中最隆重的。Blinded by the dazzling light (Acts 9:8), his companions led him into the city, where, absorbed in deep thought for three days, he neither ate nor drank (9:11).在耀眼的光(徒9时08分)盲,他的同伴带进了城市,在那里,沉思吸收为三天他,他也不吃也不喝(9:11)。Ananias, a disciple living in Damascus, was informed by a vision of the change that had happened to Saul, and was sent to him to open his eyes and admit him by baptism into the Christian church (9:11-16).亚拿尼亚,居住在大马士革的门徒,获悉由该所经历的事向扫罗改变视野,被送往他打开他的眼睛,并承认到基督教的洗礼教堂(9:11-16)他。 The whole purpose of his life was now permanently changed.他现在生活的全部目的是永久地改变了。Immediately after his conversion he retired into the solitudes of Arabia (Gal. 1:17), perhaps of "Sinai in Arabia," for the purpose, probably, of devout study and meditation on the marvellous revelation that had been made to him.紧接着他退休后,他的转换成阿拉伯(加拉太书1:17)的孤栖,也许“阿拉伯的西奈半岛,”为宗旨,很可能虔诚的研究和奇妙的启示,已经向他的沉思。 "A veil of thick darkness hangs over this visit to Arabia. Of the scenes among which he moved, of the thoughts and occupations which engaged him while there, of all the circumstances of a crisis which must have shaped the whole tenor of his after-life, absolutely nothing is known. 'Immediately,' says St. Paul, 'I went away into Arabia.' “厚厚的面纱笼罩在黑暗这沙特阿拉伯访问。有关场面,其中他提出的思想和职业,这样他虽然从事的所有危机,必须塑造了他的整个男高音后的情况下,-生活中,绝对没有人知道。'立即'圣保罗说,'我走进阿拉伯了。'

The historian passes over the incident [comp.历史学家通过对这一事件[可比。Acts 9:23 and 1 Kings 11: 38, 39].徒9:23和1国王11:38,39]。It is a mysterious pause, a moment of suspense, in the apostle's history, a breathless calm, which ushers in the tumultuous storm of his active missionary life." Coming back, after three years, to Damascus, he began to preach the gospel "boldly in the name of Jesus" (Acts 9:27), but was soon obliged to flee (9:25; 2 Cor. 11:33) from the Jews and betake himself to Jerusalem. Here he tarried for three weeks, but was again forced to flee (Acts 9:28, 29) from persecution. He now returned to his native Tarsus (Gal. 1:21), where, for probably about three years, we lose sight of him. The time had not yet come for his entering on his great life-work of preaching the gospel to the Gentiles. At length the city of Antioch, the capital of Syria, became the scene of great Christian activity.这是一个神秘的停顿,有悬念的时刻,使徒的历史上,气喘吁吁的平静,这在他的积极传教生活猛烈的暴风雨引进。“回来了,三年后,大马士革,他开始宣讲福音”大胆地在耶稣“(徒9:27)的名字,但很快就不得不逃离(9点25分; 2。肺心病11:33)。犹太人从耶路撒冷和betake自己在这里,他守侯了三个星期,但再次被迫逃离迫害(徒9:28,29)。现在,他回到他的家乡塔尔苏斯(加拉太书1:21),在那里,大概三年,我们失去了他的视线。时间还没有到来他对他的伟大生命的传福音给外邦人进入工作。在长度的安提阿,叙利亚首都,城市成为了伟大的基督教活动现场。

There the gospel gained a firm footing, and the cause of Christ prospered.在那里,福音站稳脚跟,和基督的事业蒸蒸日上。Barnabas (qv), who had been sent from Jerusalem to superintend the work at Antioch, found it too much for him, and remembering Saul, he set out to Tarsus to seek for him.巴拿巴(请参阅),谁已经从耶路撒冷打发到督导工作在安提阿,觉得太对他太大了,记忆扫罗,他出发去寻找他的大数。He readily responded to the call thus addressed to him, and came down to Antioch, which for "a whole year" became the scene of his labours, which were crowned with great success.他爽快地回答从而给他的号召,来到了安提阿,这对于“整整一年”成为他的劳动,这是非常成功加冕场景。The disciples now, for the first time, were called "Christians" (Acts 11:26).现在的弟子,第一次,被称为“基督徒”(使徒11:26)。 The church at Antioch now proposed to send out missionaries to the Gentiles, and Saul and Barnabas, with John Mark as their attendant, were chosen for this work.在安提阿教会现建议将派出传教士到外邦人,扫罗和巴拿巴,与John为随之而来的马克,已对这一工作的选择。This was a great epoch in the history of the church.这是一个在教会历史上的伟大时代。Now the disciples began to give effect to the Master's command: "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature."现在的弟子开始落实到主人的命令:“去你们到世界上所有,传福音给每一个生物。”The three missionaries went forth on the first missionary tour.这三个传教士出去旅游的第一个传教士。They sailed from Seleucia, the seaport of Antioch, across to Cyprus, some 80 miles to the south-west.他们乘船从塞琉西亚,海港的安提阿,跨越到塞浦路斯,约80英里的西南部。Here at Paphos, Sergius Paulus, the Roman proconsul, was converted, and now Saul took the lead, and was ever afterwards called Paul.在这里,在帕福斯,谢尔盖保卢斯,罗马地方总督,改建,现在扫罗身先士卒,并于事后以往称为保罗。

The missionaries now crossed to the mainland, and then proceeded 6 or 7 miles up the river Cestrus to Perga (Acts 13:13), where John Mark deserted the work and returned to Jerusalem.传教士现在越过大陆,接着这条河Cestrus 6或7英里别加(徒13:13),而约翰马克遗弃的工作,回到耶路撒冷。The two then proceeded about 100 miles inland, passing through Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Lycaonia.之后,两人进行约100英里的内陆,通过潘菲利亚,皮西迪亚,和利考尼亚传递。The towns mentioned in this tour are the Pisidian Antioch, where Paul delivered his first address of which we have any record (13:16-51; comp. 10:30-43), Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe.在这次巡演中提到的城镇是Pisidian安提阿,保罗发表首份施政报告中,我们有任何纪录(13:16-51;。比赛10:30-43),哥念,路司得,特庇和。 They returned by the same route to see and encourage the converts they had made, and ordain elders in every city to watch over the churches which had been gathered.他们同一路线返回看到并鼓励它们作出的转换,并在各城设立长老看管装置已被聚集的教堂。From Perga they sailed direct for Antioch, from which they had set out.他们乘船从别加直接的安提阿,从他们已经出发了。

After remaining "a long time", probably till AD 50 or 51, in Antioch, a great controversy broke out in the church there regarding the relation of the Gentiles to the Mosaic law.之后剩下的“长时间”可能直到公元50或51,在安提阿,一个很大的争议发生在那里的关于外邦人的关系,以镶嵌法教堂。For the purpose of obtaining a settlement of this question, Paul and Barnabas were sent as deputies to consult the church at Jerusalem.为取得这个问题的解决而言,保罗和巴拿巴被送往作为代表进行协商,在耶路撒冷教会。 The council or synod which was there held (Acts 15) decided against the Judaizing party; and the deputies, accompanied by Judas and Silas, returned to Antioch, bringing with them the decree of the council.市议会或在那里举行的主教会议(徒15)决定对犹太化的党,和代表们,犹大和西拉的陪同下,回到安提阿,他们带来的国务院令。 After a short rest at Antioch, Paul said to Barnabas: "Let us go again and visit our brethren in every city where we have preached the word of the Lord, and see how they do."经过短暂的休息在安提阿,保罗对巴拿巴说:“让我们再次去访问每一个地方,我们宣扬主的话城市的弟兄,看他们怎么做。”Mark proposed again to accompany them; but Paul refused to allow him to go.马克再次提出陪他们,但保罗拒绝让他去的。Barnabas was resolved to take Mark, and thus he and Paul had a sharp contention.巴拿巴是决心采取马克,因此他和保罗有一个尖锐的争论。 They separated, and never again met.他们隔开,并永远不再满足。

Paul, however, afterwards speaks with honour of Barnabas, and sends for Mark to come to him at Rome (Col. 4:10; 2 Tim.4:11).保罗,但是,事后说,与荣誉的石碑,并把马克来,他在罗马(歌4:10; 2 Tim.4:11)。Paul took with him Silas, instead of Barnabas, and began his second missionary journey about AD 51.保罗带着西拉,而不是巴拿巴,开始他的第二个传教之旅约公元51。This time he went by land, revisiting the churches he had already founded in Asia.这一次,他去的土地,重温他已经在亚洲成立教会。But he longed to enter into "regions beyond," and still went forward through Phrygia and Galatia (16:6).但他渴望进入“超越地区”,仍然经历了弗里吉亚和加拉太(16:6)前进。Contrary to his intention, he was constrained to linger in Galatia (qv), on account of some bodily affliction (Gal. 4: 13, 14).出乎他的意图,他是萦绕在加拉太约束(请参阅),对一些身体痛苦帐户(加拉太书4:13,14)。 Bithynia, a populous province on the shore of the Black Sea, lay now before him, and he wished to enter it; but the way was shut, the Spirit in some manner guiding him in another direction, till he came down to the shores of the AEgean and arrived at Troas, on the north-western coast of Asia Minor (Acts 16:8).比提尼亚,一份关于黑海岸边人口大省,现在躺在他面前,他希望进入它,但被关闭的方式,在一些指导性的方式在另一个方向他的精神,直到他来到了岸边的爱琴海和抵达特罗亚,在小亚细亚(徒16:8)西北海岸。

Of this long journey from Antioch to Troas we have no account except some references to it in his Epistle to the Galatians (4:13).其中长途跋涉,从安提阿特罗亚我们在他的书信向加拉太(4:13)除一些参考它的帐户。As he waited at Troas for indications of the will of God as to his future movements, he saw, in the vision of the night, a man from the opposite shores of Macedonia standing before him, and heard him cry, "Come over, and help us" (Acts 16:9).正如他在对上帝的意志标志特罗亚等待对他的未来走势,他看到,在夜晚,来自马其顿站在他面前海岸对面的人的梦想,并且听见他哭了,“过来,和帮助我们“(徒16:9)。 Paul recognized in this vision a message from the Lord, and the very next day set sail across the Hellespont, which separated him from Europe, and carried the tidings of the gospel into the Western world.保罗承认这一设想从主一条消息,并在第二天成立跨Hellespont,他是从欧洲分离航行,进了西方世界的福音的消息。 In Macedonia, churches were planted in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea.在马其顿,在腓立比教会种植,塞萨洛尼卡,并伯里亚。

Leaving this province, Paul passed into Achaia, "the paradise of genius and renown."离开这个省,保罗通过成为亚该亚“的天才和名声的天堂。”He reached Athens, but quitted it after, probably, a brief sojourn (17:17-31).他到达雅典,但离职后,可能是一个短暂的逗留(17:17-31)它。The Athenians had received him with cold disdain, and he never visited that city again.雅典人已收到冷蔑视他,他从未到过那个城市了。He passed over to Corinth, the seat of the Roman government of Achaia, and remained there a year and a half, labouring with much success.他交给科林斯,在罗马的亚该亚政府所在地,并在那里停留了一年半,有许多成功的劳动。While at Corinth, he wrote his two epistles to the church of Thessalonica, his earliest apostolic letters, and then sailed for Syria, that he might be in time to keep the feast of Pentecost at Jerusalem.虽然在科林斯,他说他的两个书信向帖撒罗尼迦的,他最早的使徒教会的信件,然后对叙利亚去,他可能会在时间保持在耶路撒冷的五旬节。 He was accompanied by Aquila and Priscilla, whom he left at Ephesus, at which he touched, after a voyage of thirteen or fifteen days.陪同他的亚居拉和百基拉,其中他留在以弗所,在他接触后,十三,十五天航程。 He landed at Caesarea, and went up to Jerusalem, and having "saluted the church" there, and kept the feast, he left for Antioch, where he abode "some time" (Acts 18:20-23).他降落在该撒利亚,并上升到耶路撒冷,并负有“敬礼教会”在那里,并保持了盛宴,他离开安提阿,在那里他同住“一段时间”(徒18:20-23)。

He then began his third missionary tour.然后,他开始他的第三次传教之旅。He journeyed by land in the "upper coasts" (the more eastern parts) of Asia Minor, and at length made his way to Ephesus, where he tarried for no less than three years, engaged in ceaseless Christian labour.他游历了土地“上海岸”(较东部地区),小亚细亚,并作了详细的途中,以弗所,在那里他守侯不得少于三年,基督教不断从事劳动。 "This city was at the time the Liverpool of the Mediterranean. It possessed a splendid harbour, in which was concentrated the traffic of the sea which was then the highway of the nations; and as Liverpool has behind her the great towns of Lancashire, so had Ephesus behind and around her such cities as those mentioned along with her in the epistles to the churches in the book of Revelation, Smyrna, Pergamos, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea. “这个城市当时的地中海利物浦它拥有一个辉煌的港口,其中主要集中在海这是当时的国家公路交通;。利物浦和她身后的兰开夏郡大城镇有,所以曾提到的后面和周围与她在书信中的启示,士每拿,别迦摩,推雅推喇,撒狄,费城和老底嘉教会的书,她这样的城市以弗所。

It was a city of vast wealth, and it was given over to every kind of pleasure, the fame of its theatres and race-course being world-wide" (Stalker's Life of St. Paul). Here a "great door and effectual" was opened to the apostle. His fellow-labourers aided him in his work, carrying the gospel to Colosse and Laodicea and other places which they could reach. Very shortly before his departure from Ephesus, the apostle wrote his First Epistle to the Corinthians (qv). The silversmiths, whose traffic in the little images which they made was in danger (see DEMETRIUS), organized a riot against Paul, and he left the city, and proceeded to Troas (2 Cor. 2:12), whence after some time he went to meet Titus in Macedonia.这是一个巨大财富的城市,它给了每一个乐趣,其剧院和种族的路线是全球性的“(Stalker的圣保罗生活)。这里的”大门口,有效成名“是开放给使徒。他的同胞劳动者资助他的工作,携带福音歌罗西和老底嘉和其他地方,他们可以到达。很快离开之前,他从以弗所,使徒说他的第一书信向科林蒂安(请参阅)。银匠,其流量在对他们没有什么图像的危险(见德米特里),组织了对保罗骚乱,他离开了城市,进而特罗亚(2肺心病。2:12),从那里经过一番一次,他去满足马其顿提图斯。

Here, in consequence of the report Titus brought from Corinth, he wrote his second epistle to that church.在这里,在该报告所带来的后果从科林斯提多,他说他的第二次书信,以该教堂。Having spent probably most of the summer and autumn in Macedonia, visiting the churches there, specially the churches of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea, probably penetrating into the interior, to the shores of the Adriatic (Rom. 15:19), he then came into Greece, where he abode three month, spending probably the greater part of this time in Corinth (Acts 20:2).在花了也许是夏天和秋天最马其顿,参观那里的教会,特别是教堂的立,塞萨洛尼卡,并伯里亚,可能渗透到内地,到亚得里亚海(罗马书15点19分)的海岸,然后他来到希腊,在那里他同住三个月,花费大概是这在科林斯(徒20:2)大部分时间。 During his stay in this city he wrote his Epistle to the Galatians, and also the great Epistle to the Romans.在他留在这个城市,他说他的书信向加拉太,也是伟大的书信向罗马人。At the end of the three months he left Achaia for Macedonia, thence crossed into Asia Minor, and touching at Miletus, there addressed the Ephesian presbyters, whom he had sent for to meet him (Acts 20:17), and then sailed for Tyre, finally reaching Jerusalem, probably in the spring of AD 58.在三个月,他离开马其顿亚该亚,从那里越境进入小亚细亚,在米利都接触结束时,讨论了以弗所的长老,就是他送,以满足他(徒20:17),然后针对轮胎航行,最后到达耶路撒冷,可能是在公元58春天。 While at Jerusalem, at the feast of Pentecost, he was almost murdered by a Jewish mob in the temple.虽然在耶路撒冷,在五旬节,他几乎被杀害犹太暴徒在庙里。

Rescued from their violence by the Roman commandant, he was conveyed as a prisoner to Caesarea, where, from various causes, he was detained a prisoner for two years in Herod's praetorium (Acts 23:35).从他们的暴力行为,由罗马指挥官获救,他转达了作为该撒利亚,在那里,由于各种原因,他被拘留了两名在希律王的praetorium年(徒23:35)囚犯的囚犯。 "Paul was not kept in close confinement; he had at least the range of the barracks in which he was detained. There we can imagine him pacing the ramparts on the edge of the Mediterranean, and gazing wistfully across the blue waters in the direction of Macedonia, Achaia, and Ephesus, where his spiritual children were pining for him, or perhaps encountering dangers in which they sorely needed his presence. It was a mysterious providence which thus arrested his energies and condemned the ardent worker to inactivity; yet we can now see the reason for it. Paul was needing rest. After twenty years of incessant evangelization, he required leisure to garner the harvest of experience. . . . During these two years he wrote nothing; it was a time of internal mental activity and silent progress" (Stalker's Life of St. Paul). “保罗是没有保存在禁闭,他已经至少在军营,他被关押在那里,我们可以想像的范围起搏他在地中海边的城墙,眺望周遭若有所思地在蔚蓝的海水中的方向。 。马其顿,亚该亚,和以弗所,在那里他的灵童的思念着他,或者遇到危险,他们非常需要他的存在这是一个神秘的天意因而才逮捕了他的精力和热情谴责工人闲置,但我们现在可以。。看到其原因保罗需要休息经过二十多年的不懈福传,他要求闲暇收获的经验,争取在这两年,他说什么。。。。这是一个无声的内在心理活动和时间进度“(Stalker的圣保罗生活)。

At the end of these two years Felix (qv) was succeeded in the governorship of Palestine by Porcius Festus, before whom the apostle was again heard.在这两个菲利克斯(请参阅)是成功地在巴勒斯坦的Porcius菲斯塔斯州长之前,他们又听到使徒年年底。But judging it right at this crisis to claim the privilege of a Roman citizen, he appealed to the emperor (Acts 25:11).但就在这场危机判断要求一个罗马公民的特权了,他呼吁皇帝(徒25:11)。Such an appeal could not be disregarded, and Paul was at once sent on to Rome under the charge of one Julius, a centurion of the "Augustan cohort."这样的呼吁不能忽视,保罗是在一次发送下一个朱利叶斯,一个负责罗马百夫长“奥古斯队列。”After a long and perilous voyage, he at length reached the imperial city in the early spring, probably, of AD 61.经过漫长而危险的航行,他终于达到了初春的皇城,可能,广告61。Here he was permitted to occupy his own hired he was permitted to occupy his own hired house, under constant military custody.在这里,他被允许占有自己所租的他被允许在不断的军事占领保管自己所租的房子里。This privilege was accorded to him, no doubt, because he was a Roman citizen, and as such could not be put into prison without a trial.这是给予他的特权,毫无疑问,因为他是一个罗马公民,因此不能被关进监狱未经审判。The soldiers who kept guard over Paul were of course changed at frequent intervals, and thus he had the opportunity of preaching the gospel to many of them during these "two whole years," and with the blessed result of spreading among the imperial guards, and even in Caesar's household, an interest in the truth (Phil. 1:13).这些士兵在保罗后卫谁保持在频繁改变航向的,因此他有传福音的机会很多,在这“两整年”,并与禁卫军之间传播祝福的结果,即使是在凯撒的家庭,在真相(腓1:13)的兴趣。

His rooms were resorted to by many anxious inquirers, both Jews and Gentiles (Acts 28:23, 30, 31), and thus his imprisonment "turned rather to the furtherance of the gospel," and his "hired house" became the centre of a gracious influence which spread over the whole city.他的房间使出许多急于询问者到,无论是犹太人和外邦人(徒28:23,30,31),因此他的监禁“转向,而不是到促进的福音,”和他的“租的房子”成了中心一个亲切的影响力,遍布全城。 According to a Jewish tradition, it was situated on the borders of the modern Ghetto, which has been the Jewish quarters in Rome from the time of Pompey to the present day.据一个犹太传统,它是坐落在现代犹太人区,已经从对庞培的时间到今天在罗马的犹太季度的边界。During this period the apostle wrote his epistles to the Colossians, Ephesians, Philippians, and to Philemon, and probably also to the Hebrews.在此期间,使徒说他的书信向歌罗西书,以弗所书,腓,和腓利门书,大概也向希伯来人。This first imprisonment came at length to a close, Paul having been acquitted, probably because no witnesses appeared against him.这首监禁在长结束以来,已被无罪释放保罗,可能是因为没有证人对他的出现。Once more he set out on his missionary labours, probably visiting western and eastern Europe and Asia Minor.他又一次载于他的传教劳动力,可能访问西部和东部欧洲和小亚细亚。During this period of freedom he wrote his First Epistle to Timothy and his Epistle to Titus.在此期间,他写的自由他的第一书信向提摩太和他的书信向提图斯。The year of his release was signalized by the burning of Rome, which Nero saw fit to attribute to the Christians.他的发行年份被灯号由罗马燃烧,其中尼禄认为应该属性的基督徒。

A fierce persecution now broke out against the Christians.现在一个爆发激烈反对迫害的基督徒。 Paul was siezed, and once more conveyed to Rome a prisoner.保罗被扣押,并再次转达了罗马的囚犯。During this imprisonment he probably wrote the Second Epistle to Timothy, the last he ever wrote.在此监禁,他可能写书信给提摩太的第二次,最后他曾写道。"There can be little doubt that he appered again at Nero's bar, and this time the charge did not break down. In all history there is not a more startling illustration of the irony of human life than this scene of Paul at the bar of Nero. On the judgment-seat, clad in the imperial purple, sat a man who, in a bad world, had attained the eminence of being the very worst and meanest being in it, a man stained with every crime, a man whose whole being was so steeped in every nameable and unnameable vice, that body and soul of him were, as some one said at the time, nothing but a compound of mud and blood; and in the prisoner's dock stood the best man the world possessed, his hair whitened with labours for the good of men and the glory of God. “不可能有毫无疑问,他appered在Nero的酒吧了,这一次的收费并没有打破。在所有的历史还没有一个对人类生活的讽刺更惊人比这个保罗现场说明在Nero的酒吧。对判决议席,在帝王紫包,坐了谁,在一个坏的世界,已达到了最糟糕的是正在和最卑鄙的,每一个犯罪的人,一个人,整个人被染色隆起如此在每一个nameable和名状副沉浸,该机构和他的灵魂是,因为一些人在那个时候,也不过是泥和血复方说;在囚犯的站在被告席伴郎世界拥有的,他的头发增白与男人的好,上帝的荣耀的劳动。

The trial ended: Paul was condemned, and delivered over to the executioner.庭审结束:保罗谴责,并交付给刽子手。He was led out of the city, with a crowd of the lowest rabble at his heels.他被带到了城市,拥有在他的脚后跟最低​​乌合之众人群。The fatal spot was reached; he knelt beside the block; the headsman's axe gleamed in the sun and fell; and the head of the apostle of the world rolled down in the dust" (probably AD 66), four years before the fall of Jerusalem.致命的一走到那个地方,他旁边的块跪;的刽子手的斧头闪闪发亮的太阳,倒塌了,并且对世界使徒的头滚落在尘土“(大概公元66),四年前的秋天耶路撒冷。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿图解词典)

St. Paul圣保罗

Catholic Information天主教新闻


A. Apocryphal Acts of St. Paul答:未经行为圣保罗

Professor Schmidt has published a photographic copy, a transcription, a German translation, and a commentary of a Coptic papyrus composed of about 2000 fragments, which he has classified, juxtaposed, and deciphered at a cost of infinite labour ("Acta Pauli aus der Heidelberger koptischen Papyrushandschrift Nr. 1", Leipzig, 1904, and "Zusatze" etc., Leipzig, 1905).施密特教授出版了摄影复制,转录,德语翻译,以及约2000片段,而他已经分类,并置,并以无限的劳动力成本(简称“学报泡利澳德海德堡破译组成的科普特纸莎草评论koptischen Papyrushandschrift星期日。1“,莱比锡,1904年,和”Zusatze“等,莱比锡,1905年)。Most critics, whether Catholic (Duchesne, Bardenhewer, Ehrhard etc.), or Protestant (Zahn, Harnack, Corssen etc.), believe that these are real "Acta Pauli", although the text edited by Schmidt, with its very numerous gaps, represents but a small portion of the original work.大多数评论家,无论是天主教(杜申,巴登黑韦尔,Ehrhard等),或新教(赞恩,哈纳克,Corssen等),相信这些都是真实的“兽类保利”,虽然施密特编辑文本,它有着许多缺陷,代表,但对原有工作的一小部分。 This discovery modified the generally accepted ideas concerning the origin, contents, and value of these apocryphal Acts, and warrants the conclusion that three ancient compositions which have reached us formed an integral part of the "Acta Pauli" viz.这一发现改变了关于普遍接受的观念的起源,内容,以及这些未经行为的价值,及认股权证的结论是,我们已经达到三个古老的组成形成了“学报泡利”,即组成部分。 the "Acta Pauli et Theclae", of which the best edition is that of Lipsius, ("Acta Apostolorum apocrypha", Leipzig, 1891, 235-72), a "Martyrium Pauli" preserved in Greek and a fragment of which also exists in Latin (op. cit., 104-17), and a letter from the Corinthians to Paul with the latter's reply, the Armenian text of which was preserved (cf. Zahn, "Gesch. des neutest. Kanons", II, 592-611), and the Latin discovered by Berger in 1891 (d. Harnack, "Die apokryphen Briefe des Paulus an die Laodicener und Korinther", Bonn, 1905). “学报泡利等Theclae”,其中最好的版本是,Lipsius,(简称“学报Apostolorum伪经”,莱比锡,1891,235-72),一个“Martyrium泡利”在希腊语中保存和一个片段,其中也存在于拉丁(。同前,104-17),并从科林蒂安信与后者的答复保罗,亚美尼亚文,其中被保留(参见赞恩,的“Gesch德neutest Kanons。。”,二,592 - 611),和拉丁发现伯杰在1891年(四哈纳克,“模具apokryphen Briefe德保卢斯一死Laodicener有限公司Korinther”,波恩,1905年)。With great sagacity Zahn anticipated this result with regard to the last two documents, and the manner in which St. Jerome speaks of the periodoi Pauli et Theclae (De viris ill., vii) might have permitted the same surmise with regard to the first.赞恩预​​计以极大的睿智与关于最后两个文件,​​并以何种方式圣杰罗姆的pe​​riodoi保利等Theclae谈到这个结果(德viris生病。,七)可能已批准了关于第一个相同的猜测。

Another consequence of Schmidt's discovery is no less interesting.另一个施密特的发现结果是不那么有趣。Lipsius maintained -- and this was hitherto the common opinion -- that besides the Catholic "Acts" there formerly existed Gnostic "Acts of Paul", but now everything tends to prove that the latter never existed.Lipsius维持 - 这是迄今为止的共同看法 - 即除了天主教“行为”有诺斯底以前存在的“使徒保罗”,但现在一切都可以证明,后者根本不存在。In fact Origen quotes the "Acta Pauli" twice as an estimable writing ("In Joann.", xx, 12; "De princip.", II, i, 3); Eusebius (Hist. eccl., III, iii, 5; XXV, 4) places them among the books in dispute, such as the "Shepherd" of Hermas, the "Apocalypse of Peter", the "Epistle of Barnabas", and the "Teaching of the Apostles".事实上奥利援引难能可贵的写作“学报泡利”两次(“在约安。”XX条,12条;“。德普林西普”,二,一,三);尤西比乌斯(hist.传道书,三,三,五。 ;二十五,四)地方之间争议的书本,如“牧羊人”的hermas中,“彼得启示录”中,“巴拿巴书信”,以及“教学的使徒”。The stichometry of the "Codex Claromontanus" (photograph in Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", II, 147) places them after the canonical books.该stichometry的“法典Claromontanus”(在vigouroux照片,“快译通。德拉圣经”,第二章,147)的地方后,他们典型的书籍。 Tertullian and St. Jerome, while pointing out the legendary character of this writing, do not attack its orthodoxy.良和圣杰罗姆,同时指出写这篇文章的传奇人物,不要攻击它的正统性。The precise purpose of St. Paul's correspondence with the Corinthians which formed part of the "Acts", was to oppose the Gnostics, Simon and Cleobius.在圣保罗与科林蒂安从而形成了“行为”的一部分,目的是精确对应的Gnostics反对,西蒙和Cleobius。 But there is no reason to admit the existence of heretical "Acts" which have since been hopelessly lost, for all the details given by ancient authors are verified in the "Acts" which have been recovered or tally well with them.但是,我们没有理由承认邪教“行为”,至今已无可救药的失去了所有由古代作家所填报的详情,存在是在“行为”已收回或切合他们很好验证。

The following is the explanation of the confusion: The Manicheans and Priscillianists had circulated a collection of five apocryphal "Acts", four of which were tainted with heresy, and the fifth were the "Acts of Paul".以下是混淆说明:Manicheans和Priscillianists散发了一份五猜测“行为”,其中四个与异端污染收集,第五是“保罗行为”。 The "Acta Pauli", owing to this unfortunate association, are suspected of heterodoxy by the more recent authors such as Philastrius (De haeres., 88) and Photius (Cod., 114). “学报泡利”,由于这个不幸的关联,涉嫌异端,如Philastrius较近期的作家(德haeres。,88)和photius(Cod.,114)。 Tertullian (De baptismo, 17) and St. Jerome (De vir. ill., vii) denounce the fabulous character of the apocryphal "Acts" of Paul, and this severe judgment is amply confirmed by the examination of the fragments published by Schmidt.良(德baptismo,17岁)和圣杰罗姆(德维尔。生病。,七)谴责的猜测“行为”的保罗神话般的性格,这严峻的判断是充分由施密特发表的片段通过检查证实。 It is a purely imaginative work in which improbability vies with absurdity.这是一个纯粹的想象力与荒诞中不大可能权益项目。 The author, who was acquainted with the canonical Acts of the Apostles, locates the scene in the places really visited by St. Paul (Antioch, Iconium, Myra, Perge, Sidon, Tyre, Ephesus, Corinth, Philippi, Rome), but for the rest he gives his fancy free rein.提交人,谁是与典型使徒行传相识,真的被定位在圣保罗(安提,伊康,玛拉,Perge,西顿,提尔,以弗所,科林斯,腓,罗马)参观现场的地方,但对于除此以外,他给他自由发挥想象。 His chronology is absolutely impossible.他的年代是绝对不可能的。Of the sixty-five persons he names, very few are known and the part played by these is irreconcilable with the statements of the canonical "Acts".第六十五人,他的名字,很少人知道和这些扮演的角色是与经典的“行为”的陈述不可调和的。Briefly, if the canonical "Acts" are true the apocryphal "Acts" are false.简单地说,如果经典的“行为”是真实的猜测“行为”是错误的。 This, however, does not imply that none of the details have historical foundation, but they must be confirmed by an independent authority.然而,这并不意味着对历史的细节都没有基础,但它们必须由一个独立的机构确认。

B. Chronology二年表

If we admit according to the almost unanimous opinion of exegetes that Acts 15 and Galatians 2:1-10, relate to the same fact it will be seen that an interval of seventeen years - or at least sixteen, counting incomplete years as accomplished - elapsed between the conversion of Paul and the Apostolic council, for Paul visited Jerusalem three years after his conversion (Galatians 1:18) and returned after fourteen years for the meeting held with regard to legal observances (Galatians 2:1: "Epeita dia dekatessaron eton").如果我们承认根据注释者几乎一致认为,15日和加拉太书2:1-10行为,如对同一事实可以看出,它的一个十七年的时间间隔 - 或者至少十六岁,未满一年完成计数 - 已过保罗之间的转换和使徒会,保罗访问三年后,他的转换(加拉太书1:18)耶路撒冷十四年后返回有关法律纪念活动(加拉太书2:1举行的会议:“Epeita直径dekatessaron伊顿公学“)。 It is true that some authors include the three years prior to the first visit in the total of fourteen, but this explanation seems forced.诚然,一些作者包括前三年在十四总第一次访问,但这种解释似乎被迫的。On the other hand, twelve or thirteen years elapsed between the Apostolic council and the end of the captivity, for the captivity lasted nearly five years (more than two years at Caesarea, Acts 24:27, six months travelling, including the sojourn at Malta, and two years at Rome, Acts 28:30); the third mission lasted not less than four years and a half (three of which were spent at Ephesus, Acts 20:31, and one between the departure from Ephesus and the arrival at Jerusalem, 1 Corinthians 16:8; Acts 20:16, and six months at the very least for the journey to Galatia, Acts 18:23); while the second mission lasted not less than three years (eighteen months for Corinth, Acts 18:11, and the remainder for the evangelization of Galatia, Macedonia, and Athens, Acts 15:36-17:34).另一方面,12个或十三年过去了之间的使徒会和年底的囚禁,为圈养,历时近五年(两年多来在该撒利亚,徒24:27,半年旅行,包括在马耳他逗留,两年在罗马,徒28:30),第三任务持续不少于四年半(其中三个在以弗所,使徒行传20:31花之间,以及从以弗所出发和到达一耶路撒冷,哥林多前书16:8,徒20:16,6个月来在为加拉太,徒18:23)旅程的最少;而第二个任务持续不少于三年(18的科林斯,18个月的行为:11,为加拉太,马其顿,与雅典,其余的福传徒15:36-17:34)。 Thus from the conversion to the end of the first captivity we have a total of about twenty-nine years.因此,从转换到第一圈养最后我们有一个约二十九年总计。Now if we could find a fixed point that is a synchronism between a fact in the life of Paul and a certainly dated event in profane history, it would be easy to reconstruct the Pauline chronology.现在,如果我们能找到一个固定点之间是在保罗和肯定,在世俗的历史事件的事实月同步,这将是容易的重建宝莲年表。 Unfortunately this much wished-for mark has not yet been indicated with certainty, despite the numerous attempts made by scholars, especially in recent times.不幸的是这么多的希望,为马克尚未表示肯定,尽管由学者,特别是在最近的时代,无数的尝试。It is of interest to note even the abortive attempts, because the discovery of an inscription or of a coin may any day transform an approximate date into an absolutely fixed point.这是感兴趣的注意,甚至流产的尝试,因为题词或任何一天硬币发现可能转化为一种绝对的不动点的大致日期。These are这些都是

the meeting of Paul with Sergius Paulus, Proconsul of Cyprus, about the year 46 (Acts 13:7) the meeting at Corinth with Aquila and Priscilla, who had been expelled from Rome, about 51 (Acts 18:2) the meeting with Gallio, Proconsul of Achaia, about 53 (Acts 18:12) the address of Paul before the Governor Felix and his wife Drusilla about 58 (Acts 24:24).与谢尔盖保卢斯,塞浦路斯地方总督​​,会议对今年46保罗(徒13:7),在与亚居拉和百基拉科林斯,谁已经从罗马,约51(徒18:2)与加利奥会议驱逐会议,亚该亚,约53(徒18:12)前总督费利克斯和他的妻子德鲁斯利亚关于解决地方总督保罗58(徒24:24)。

All these events, as far as they may be assigned approximate dates, agree with the Apostle's general chronology but give no precise results.所有这些事件,据他们可能被分配大约日期,同意使徒的一般性年表,但不作精确的结果。Three synchronisms, however, appear to afford a firmer basis:三synchronisms,不过,似乎买得起更坚实的基础:

(1) The occupation of Damascus by the ethnarch of King Aretas and the escape of the Apostle three years after his conversion (2 Corinthians 11:32-33; Acts 9:23-26).(1)大马士革由国王aretas ethnarch和使徒三年后,他的职业转换逃生(哥林多后书11:32-33,徒9:23-26)。-- Damascene coins bearing the effigy of Tiberius to the year 34 are extant, proving that at that time the city belonged to the Romans.- 大马士革硬币印有台比留到年34肖像是现存的,这证明当时的城市属于罗马人。 It is impossible to assume that Aretas had received it as a gift from Tiberius, for the latter, especially in his last years, was hostile to the King of the Nabataeans whom Vitellius, Governor of Syria, was ordered to attack (Joseph., "Ant.", XVIII, v, 13); neither could Aretas have possessed himself of it by force for, besides the unlikelihood of a direct aggression against the Romans, the expedition of Vitellius was at first directed not against Damascus but against Petra.这是不可能的假设Aretas收到它作为礼物从提比略,后者尤其是在他最后几年,是敌视的纳巴泰国王而Vitellius,叙利亚总督,奉命攻击(Joseph.“蚂蚁“,十八,五,13);。任何一方都不可能通过武力Aretas已经拥有自己的它除了对罗马人的直接侵略不大可能,探险队的Vitellius起初不是针对叙利亚,但对佩特拉。 It has therefore been somewhat plausibly conjectured that Caligula, subject as he was to such whims, had ceded it to him at the time of his accession (10 March, 37).因此,有猜测说,卡里古拉有点振振有词,但因为他是这样的怪念头,割让了在他加入时(3月10日,37岁)给他。As a matter of fact nothing is known of imperial coins of Damascus dating from either Caligula or Claudius.其实这件事情是已知的大马士革帝国无论从卡利古拉或克劳迪斯约会硬币。According to this hypothesis St. Paul's conversion was not prior to 34, nor his escape from Damascus and his first visit to Jerusalem, to 37.根据这一假说圣保罗的皈依不是前34,也不是他逃避他的首次访问大马士革和耶路撒冷,至37。

(2) Death of Agrippa, famine in Judea, mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem to bring thither the alms from the Church of Antioch (Acts 11:27-12:25). (2)阿,在朱迪亚饥荒,保罗和巴拿巴使命耶路撒冷死亡,使那里从安提阿教会(徒11:27-12:25)的施舍。-- Agrippa died shortly after the Pasch (Acts 12:3, 12:19), when he was celebrating in Caesarea solemn festivals in honour of Claudius's recent return from Britain, in the third year of his reign, which had begun in 41 (Josephus, "Ant.", XIX, vii, 2).- 阿格里帕去世后不久的Pasch(徒12:3,12:19),当时他在该撒利亚隆重庆祝节日的克劳从英国最近返回履行在他的统治,这已经开始第三年的41,(约瑟夫,“蚂蚁。”十九,七,2)。 These combined facts bring us to the year 44, and it is precisely in this year that Orosius (Hist., vii, 6) places the great famine which desolated Judea.这些事实使我们结合今年44岁,并且它在今年正是Orosius(Hist.,七,六)地方的大饥荒,这荒凉的朱迪亚。 Josephus mentions it somewhat later, under the procurator Tiberius Alexander (about 46), but it is well known that the whole of Claudius's reign was characterized by poor harvests (Suet., "Claudius", 18) and a general famine was usually preceded by a more or less prolonged period of scarcity.约瑟夫提到它有点迟,根据检察泰比里厄斯亚历山大(约46),但众所周知,在克劳的整个统治的特点是歉收(Suet.,“克劳狄斯”,18)和一般的饥荒之前,通常一个匮乏或多或少长时间。 It is also possible that the relief sent in anticipation of the famine foretold by Agabus (Acts 11:28-29) preceded the appearance of the scourge or coincided with the first symptoms of want.这也有可能是由亚迦布救济(徒11:28-29)先于祸害外观或与希望第一个症状相吻合预期发出预言的饥荒。On the other hand, the synchronism between the death of Herod and the mission of Paul can only be approximate, for although the two facts are closely connected in the Acts, the account of the death of Agrippa may be a mere episode intended to shed light on the situation of the Church of Jerusalem about the time of the arrival of the delegates from Antioch.另一方面,希律王之间的死亡和保罗的任务同步只能近似虽然这两个事实是密切相连的行为,对死亡的阿格里帕帐户可能仅仅是一个插曲旨在揭示出关于耶路撒冷的教会对从安提阿代表到达时间的情况。 In any case, 45 seems to be the most satisfactory date.在任何情况下,45似乎是最满意的日期。

(3) Replacing of Felix by Festus two years after the arrest to Paul (Acts 24:27). (3)取代菲斯塔斯菲利克斯两年后,对保罗(徒24:27)逮捕。-- Until recently chronologists commonly fixed this important event, in the year 60-61.- 直到最近chronologists通常固定在60-61年这一重要事件。Harnack, 0.哈纳克,0。Holtzmann, and McGiffert suggest advancing it four or five years for the following reasons: Holtzmann,并推动它麦吉弗特建议四,五十年以下原因:

(1) In his "Chronicon", Eusebius places the arrival of Festus in the second year of Nero (October, 55-October, 56, or if, as is asserted, Eusebius makes the reigns of the emperors begin with the September after their accession, September, 56-September, 57). (1)在他的“Chronicon”,尤西比乌斯地方在Nero第二年度(10月,55月,56岁,或如非斯的到来,因为是断言,尤西比乌斯利用了皇帝的统治与9月后开始加入月,56月,57)。 But it must be borne in mind that the chroniclers being always obliged to give definite dates, were likely to guess at them, and it may be that Eusebius for lack of definite information divided into two equal parts the entire duration of the government of Felix and Festus.不过,我们必须记住,永远的编年史是有义务给予明确的日期支付,有可能在他们猜测,这可能是尤西比乌斯为一分为二的菲利克斯和政府的整个持续时间分成若干等份缺乏明确的信息菲斯塔斯。

(2) Josephus states (Ant., XX, viii, 9) that Felix having been recalled to Rome and accused by the Jews to Nero, owed his safety only to his brother Pallas who was then high in favour. (二)约瑟夫国家(Ant.,第二十条,八,九)费利克斯已被召回罗马,由被告到Nero犹太人,欠他的只有他的弟弟安全雅典娜谁当时赞成高。But according to Tacitus (Annal., XIII, xiv-xv), Pallas was dismissed shortly before Britannicus celebrated his fourteenth anniversary, that is, in January, 55.但根据塔西佗(Annal.,十三,十四,十五),雅典娜被驳回,前不久他的第十四届周年庆祝布里塔尼古斯,也就是在一月,55。 These two statements are irreconcilable; for if Pallas was dismissed three months after Nero's accession (13 October, 54) he could not have been at the summit of his power when his brother Felix, recalled from Palestine at the command of Nero about the time of Pentecost, arrived at Rome.这两个语句是不可调和的,因为如果雅典娜被驳回后,Nero的加入三个月(10月13日,54)他不能在他的权力首脑会议已经当他的弟弟菲利克斯,回顾了在Nero的命令从巴勒斯坦左右的时间圣灵降临节,抵达罗马。

Possibly Pallas, who after his dismissal retained his wealth and a portion of his influence, since he stipulated that his administration should not be subjected to an investigation, was able to be of assistance to his brother until 62 when Nero, to obtain possession of his goods, Nero had him poisoned.可能帕拉斯,谁被解雇后,他保留了他的财富和他的影响力的一部分,因为他规定,他的政府不应该受到调查,直到62能够成为帮助他的弟弟时尼禄,他获得藏货物,尼禄把他毒死。 The advocates of a later date bring forward the following reasons:一个较后的日期提出的主张,理由如下:

(1) Two years before the recall of Felix, Paul reminded him that he had been for many years judge over the Jewish nation (Acts 24:10-27). (1)两记得前几年的菲利克斯,保罗提醒他,他多年来一直为法官在犹太民族(徒24:10-27)。This can scarcely mean less than six or seven years, and as, according to Josephus who agrees with Tacitus, Felix was named procurator of Judea in 52, the beginning of the captivity would fall in 58 or 59.这简直等于或小于六七年,因为根据约瑟夫谁与塔西同意,菲利克斯被任命为检察官在朱迪亚52的囚禁开始将下降58或59。 It is true that the argument loses its strength if it be admitted with several critics that Felix before being procurator had held a subordinate position in Palestine.这是事实的说法失去它的力量,如果它被一些评论家承认,与前检察菲利克斯在巴勒斯坦举行了从属地位。

(2) Josephus (Ant., XX, viii, 5-8) places under Nero everything that pertains to the government of Felix, and although this long series of events does not necessarily require many years it is evident that Josephus regarded the government of Felix as coinciding for the most part with the reign of Nero, which began on 13 October, 54. (二)约瑟夫(ant.,XX条,第八条,5-8)根据Nero的一切地方,据菲利克斯政府,虽然这属于长期的一系列事件,并不需要很多年很显然,认为政府的约瑟夫菲利克斯至于与Nero的统治,于10月13日,54岁开始大部分一致。

In fixing as follows the chief dates in the life of Paul all certain or probable data seem to be satisfactorily taken into account: Conversion, 35; first visit to Jerusalem, 37; sojourn at Tarsus, 37-43; apostolate at Antioch, 43-44; second visit to Jerusalem, 44 or 45; first mission, 45-49; third visit to Jerusalem, 49 or 50; second mission, 50-53; (1 and 2 Thessalonians), 52; fourth visit to Jerusalem, 53; third mission, 53-57; (1 and 2 Corinthians; Galatians), 56; (Romans), 57; fifth visit to Jerusalem, arrest, 57; arrival of Festus, departure for Rome, 59; captivity at Rome, 60-62; (Philemon; Colossians; Ephesians; Philippians), 61; second period of activity, 62-66; (1 Timothy; Titus), second arrest, 66; (2 Timothy), martyrdom, 67.在订定如下保罗的生命某些或所有可能的数据似乎得到圆满考虑到行政日期:转换,35;第一次访问耶路撒冷,37;在塔尔苏斯,37-43逗留;在安提阿,43使徒 - 44;第二次访问耶路撒冷,44或45;第一个任务,45-49;第三次访问耶路撒冷,49或50;第二个任务,50-53;(1和2撒罗尼迦),52;第四次访问耶路撒冷,53人;第三个使命,53-57;(1和2哥林多前书,加拉太书),56(罗马),57;第五次访问耶路撒冷,逮捕,57;的非斯的到来,罗马,59出发;囚禁在罗马,60-62 (腓利门书,歌罗西书,以弗所书,腓),61,第二次活动期间,62-66;(提摩太,提多),第二次被捕,66(2蒂莫西),殉难,67。(See Turner, "Chronology of the New Testament" in Hastings, "Dict. of the Bible" Hönicke, "Die Chronologie des Lebens des Ap. Paulus", Leipzig, 1903. (见特纳,“年代学的新约全书”在黑斯廷斯,“字典的圣经。”Hönicke,“模具Chronologie德Lebens德鸭。鲍鲁斯”,莱比锡,1903年。


A. Birth and Education答:出生与教育

From St. Paul himself we know that he was born at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts 21:39), of a father who was a Roman citizen (Acts 22:26-28; cf. 16:37), of a family in which piety was hereditary (2 Timothy 1:3) and which was much attached to Pharisaic traditions and observances (Philippians 3:5-6).从圣保罗我们自己知道,他出生于塔尔苏斯在西里西亚(徒21:39),一个父亲谁是罗马公民(徒22:26-28;。比照16:37),一个家庭中,虔诚是世袭(2蒂莫西1:3)和眷恋是pharisaic的传统和习俗(腓3:5-6)。 St. Jerome relates, on what ground is not known, that his parents were natives of Gischala, a small town of Galilee and that they brought him to Tarsus when Gischala was captured by the Romans ("De vir. ill.", v; "In epist. ad Phil.", 23).圣杰罗姆有关,有什么理由不知道,他的父母都是Gischala,就是加利利的小镇本地人,他们把他带到塔尔苏斯Gischala被抓获时,罗马人(,V“型德维尔生病。。”; “在epist。广告菲尔。”,23)。This last detail is certainly an anachronism, but the Galilean origin of the family is not at all improbable.这最后的细节肯定是一个时代错误,但伽利略的家庭出身是不太可能的。

As he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin he was given at the time of his circumcision the name of Saul, which must have been common in that tribe in memory of the first king of the Jews (Philippians 3:5).由于他属于便雅悯支派,他成为了他割礼的扫罗名称,它必须是在该部落常见的犹太人(腓3:5)的第一个国王记忆时间。As a Roman citizen he also bore the Latin name of Paul.作为一个罗马公民,他还承担了保罗拉丁名。It was quite usual for the Jews of that time to have two names, one Hebrew, the other Latin or Greek, between which there was often a certain assonance and which were joined together exactly in the manner made use of by St. Luke (Acts 13:9: Saulos ho kai Paulos).正是因为当时的犹太人quite通常有两个名字,一个希伯来文,拉丁文和希腊其他,而两者之间往往有一定的谐音,哪些是连在一起的方式作出正是在由圣use of路加(使徒13:9:Saulos何启保罗斯)。See on this point Deissmann, "Bible Studies" (Edinburgh, 1903, 313-17.) It was natural that in inaugurating his apostolate among the Gentiles Paul should have adopted his Roman name, especially as the name Saul had a ludicrous meaning in Greek.在这一点上戴斯曼,“圣经研究”(爱丁堡,1903年,313-17。)很自然,在开创自己的使徒保罗在外邦人中,应采取特别是他的罗马名字,这个名字在希腊语中有一个扫罗可笑的含义。 As every respectable Jew had to teach his son a trade, young Saul learned how to make tents (Acts 18:3) or rather to make the mohair of which tents were made (cf. Lewin, "Life of St. Paul", I, London, 1874, 8-9).作为每一个可敬的犹太人不得不教他的儿子一个行业,年轻的扫罗懂得如何在帐篷(徒18:3),或者更确切地说,使这些帐篷发了言(见卢因马海毛,“圣保罗人生”,我,伦敦,1874年,8-9)。 He was still very young when sent to Jerusalem to receive his education at the school of Gamaliel (Acts 22:3).他仍然很年轻的时候送往耶路撒冷接待了加马利亚(徒22:3)学校接受教育。Possibly some of his family resided in the holy city; later there is mention of the presence of one of his sisters whose son saved his life (Acts 23:16).有可能是居住在圣他家庭的一些城市,后来有对他的姐妹的儿子救了他的生命(徒23:16)一提的存在。

From that time it is absolutely impossible to follow him until he takes an active part in the martyrdom of St. Stephen (Acts 7:58-60; 22:20).从那个时候是绝对不可能跟他走,直到他需要一个在圣殉道斯蒂芬(徒7:58-60; 22:20)积极的作用。He was then qualified as a young man (neanias), but this was very elastic appellation and might be applied to a man between twenty and forty.然后,他被作为一个合格的年轻男子(neanias),但这是非常有弹性的称谓,可能是二十和四十之间施加一个男人。

B. Conversion and early Labours二转换和早期劳动力

We read in the Acts of the Apostles three accounts of the conversion of St. Paul (9:1-19; 22:3-21; 26:9-23) presenting some slight differences, which it is not difficult to harmonize and which do not affect the basis of the narrative, which is perfectly identical in substance.我们读到的使徒三个圣保罗转换账户的行为(9:1-19; 22:3-21; 26:9-23)提出了一些细微的差别,它并不难协调,哪些不会影响的叙述,这是完全一致的物质基础。See J. Massie, "The Conversion of St. Paul" in "The Expositor", 3rd series, X, 1889, 241-62.见J.马西说:“圣保罗的转换”,在“解经”,第三系列,X,1889年,241-62。Sabatier, agreeing with most independent critics, has well said (L'Apotre Paul, 1896, 42):萨巴蒂尔,与大多数独立评论家同意,说得好(欧莱雅Apotre保罗,1896年,42岁):

These differences cannot in any way alter the reality of the fact; their bearing on the narrative is extremely remote; they do not deal even with the circumstances accompanying the miracle but with the subjective impressions which the companions of St. Paul received of these circumstances.这些差异不能以任何方式改变事实的现实,他们在叙述轴承是微乎其微,他们不处理的情况下伴随着奇迹,而是与它的同伴圣保罗收到这些情况,甚至主观印象。 ...To base a denial of the historical character of the account upon these differences would seem therefore a violent and arbitrary proceeding.为了基地的历史人物的帐户否定这些差异似乎因此,暴力和任意进行。

All efforts hitherto made to explain without a miracle the apparition of Jesus to Paul have failed.所有的努力迄今没有作出解释奇迹的耶稣显灵对保罗都失败了。Naturalistic explanations are reduced to two: either Paul believed that he really saw Christ, but was the victim of an hallucination, or he believed that he saw Him only through a spiritual vision, which tradition, recorded in the Acts of the Apostles, later erroneously materialized.自然主义的解释归结为两个:要么保罗认为,他真的看到了基督,但却是一个幻觉的受害者,或者他认为他看到了一种精神,只有通过视觉,其中的传统在使徒行传记载,他,后来误物化。 Renan explained everything by hallucination due to disease brought on by a combination of moral causes such as doubt, remorse, fear, and of physical causes such as ophthalmia, fatigue, fever, the sudden transition from the torrid desert to the fresh gardens of Damascus, perhaps a sudden storm accompanied by lightning and thunder.雷南解释一切因所带来的幻觉,如怀疑,悔恨,恐惧道德的原因相结合的疾病,如眼炎,乏力,发热,从热带沙漠突然过渡到大马士革的新鲜花园物理原因,也许是突如其来的风暴伴随着闪电和雷声。 All this combined, according to Renan's theory, to produce a cerebral commotion, a passing delirium which Paul took in good faith for an apparition of the risen Christ.所有这一切结合起来,根据Renan的理论,产生脑震荡,路过的谵妄,其中保罗了以诚信为复活的基督的幽灵。

The other partisans of a natural explanation while avoiding the word hallucination, eventually fall back on the system of Renan which they merely endeavour to render a little less complicated.同时避免了字幻觉自然的解释,其他党派,最终回到这一制度的雷南他们只是努力使少一些复杂。Thus Holsten, for whom the vision of Christ is only the conclusion of a series of syllogisms by which Paul persuaded himself that Christ was truly risen.因此霍尔斯滕,对他们来说,基督的眼光仅仅是一个三段论,其中保罗说服自己,基督是真正复活的一系列结论。So also Pfleiderer, who however, causes the imagination to play a more influential part:因此,也弗莱德尔,然而谁,使想象力发挥更具影响力的一部分:

An excitable, nervous temperament; a soul that had been violently agitated and torn by the most terrible doubts; a most vivid phantasy, occupied with the awful scenes of persecution on the one hand and on the other by the ideal image of the celestial Christ; in addition the nearness of Damascus with the urgency of a decision, the lonely stillness, the scorching and blinding heat of the desert -- in fact everything combined to produce one of those ecstatic states in which the soul believes that it sees those images and conceptions which violently agitate it as if they were phenomena proceeding from the outward world (Lectures on the influence of the Apostle Paul on the development of Christianity, 1897, 43).易于激动,紧张的气质;一个已被粗暴地激动和最可怕的怀疑撕裂的灵魂,一个最生动的幻想,忙于迫害的一方面,并​​在由其他天体的理想形象基督可怕的场景;此外,随着决定的紧迫性,孤独的寂静,沙漠的烈日和致盲热贴近大马士革 - 实际上所有这些结合起来,产生欣喜若狂国家在其中的灵魂认为,它认为这些图像和概念这剧烈搅动它,好像他们是从外在世界的现象进行(讲座的使徒保罗对基督教,1897年,43发展的影响)。

We have quoted Pfleiderer's words at length because his "psychological" explanation is considered the best ever devised.我们大段地引用弗莱德尔的话,因为他的“心理”的解释被认为是有史以来最好的设计。It will readily be seen that it is insufficient and as much opposed to the account in the Acts as to the express testimony of St. Paul himself.它会很容易地看到,这是不够的,在行为尽可能多反对的帐户,以自己的圣保禄明确的证词。

Paul is certain of having "seen" Christ as did the other Apostles (1 Corinthians 9:1); he declares that Christ "appeared" to him (1 Corinthians 15:8) as He appeared to Peter, to James, to the Twelve, after His Resurrection.保罗是具有一定“看到”基督一样的(哥林多前书9:1)其他使徒,他宣称基督“似乎”对他(哥林多前书15:8),因为他似乎是彼得,詹姆斯,到十二之后,他的复活。

He knows that his conversion is not the fruit of his reasoning or thoughts, but an unforeseen, sudden, startling change, due to all-powerful grace (Galatians 1:12-15; 1 Corinthians 15:10).他知道,他的转换是不是他的推理或想法水果,而是一种不可预见的,突发性,令人吃惊的变化,由于全能的恩典(加拉太书1:12-15,哥林多前书15:10)。

He is wrongly credited with doubts, perplexities, fears, remorse, before his conversion.他错误地记入与疑虑,困惑,恐惧,悔恨,之前,他的转换。He was halted by Christ when his fury was at its height (Acts 9:1-2); it was "through zeal" that he persecuted the Church (Philippians 3:6), and he obtained mercy because he had acted "ignorantly in unbelief" (1 Timothy 1:13).他停止了他的愤怒时,由基督在其高度(徒9:1-2)是,它是“通过热情”,他迫害教会(腓3:6),他获得宽恕,因为他的做法是“无知的不信“(提摩太前书1:13)。

All explanations, psychological or otherwise, are worthless in face of these definite assertions, for all suppose that it was Paul's faith in Christ which engendered the vision, whereas according to the concordant testimony of the Acts and the Epistles it was the actual vision of Christ which engendered faith.所有的解释,心理或其他方式,但现在在这些明确的说法面对不值钱,对于所有想这是保罗在基督信仰所产生的视觉,而按照的行为和书信一致的证词,这是基督的实际视力而产生的信心。 After his conversion, his baptism, and his miraculous cure Paul set about preaching to the Jews (Acts 9:19-20).之后,他的转换,他的洗礼,他的灵丹妙药保罗着手说教向犹太人(徒9:19-20)。He afterwards withdrew to Arabia -- probably to the region south of Damascus (Galatians 1:17), doubtless less to preach than to meditate on the Scriptures.后来他又撤回到沙特阿拉伯 - 可能到大马士革(加拉太书1:17),以南地区无疑比少鼓吹默想圣经。On his return to Damascus the intrigues of the Jews forced him to flee by night (2 Corinthians 11:32-33; Acts 9:23-25).在他返回大马士革的犹太人的阴谋,迫使他逃离之夜(2哥林多前书11:32-33,徒9:23-25​​)。He went to Jerusalem to see Peter (Galatians 1:18), but remained only fifteen days, for the snares of the Greeks threatened his life.他到耶路撒冷见彼得(加拉太书1:18),但仍只为希腊人的圈套十五日内,威胁他的生命。 He then left for Tarsus and is lost to sight for five or six years (Acts 9:29-30; Galatians 1:21).然后,他又往大数,并失去了五,六年(徒9:29-30;加拉太书1:21)到视线。Barnabas went in search of him and brought him to Antioch where for a year they worked together and their apostolate was most fruitful (Acts 11:25-26).巴拿巴又在找他,并带他到安提阿那里工作了一年,他们在一起,他们是最富有成效的使徒(徒11:25-26)。 Together also they were sent to Jerusalem to carry alms to the brethren on the occasion of the famine predicted by Agabus (Acts 11:27-30).此外,他们一起被送往耶路撒冷进行了饥荒之际施舍给弟兄的亚迦布(徒11:27-30)预测。They do not seem to have found the Apostles there; these had been scattered by the persecution of Herod.他们似乎没有发现有使徒,这些已被迫害的希律分散。

C. Apostolic Career of Paul三使徒保罗职业生涯

This period of twelve years (45-57) was the most active and fruitful of his life.这十二年(45-57)时期是最活跃,最富有成效的生命。It comprises three great Apostolic expeditions of which Antioch was in each instance the starting-point and which invariably ended in a visit to Jerusalem.它包括三个伟大的安提阿在每个实例的出发点和它总是在结束访问耶路撒冷使徒探险。

(1) First mission (Acts 13:1-14:27)(1)第一个任务(徒13:1-14:27)

Set apart by command of the Holy Ghost for the special evangelization of the Gentiles, Barnabas and Saul embark for Cyprus, preach in the synagogue of Salamina, cross the island from east to west doubtless following the southern coast, and reach Paphos, the residence of the proconsul Sergius Paulus, where a sudden change takes place.除了通过设置开始为外邦的巴拿巴和扫罗特殊福传圣灵命令塞浦路斯,鼓吹在萨拉米纳犹太教堂,跨岛从东到西无疑后,南部海岸,达到帕福斯,住所的保卢斯的地方总督谢尔盖,其中一个突然的变化发生。 After the conversion of the Roman proconsul, Saul, suddenly become Paul, is invariably mentioned before Barnabas by St. Luke and manifestly assumes the leadership of the mission which Barnabas has hitherto directed.之后,罗马地方总督,扫罗突然变得保罗,前面提到的转化是必然的圣卢克和巴拿巴显然承担了迄今执导的巴拿巴特派团领导。

The results of this change are soon evident.这种变化的结果很快就可见一斑。Paul, doubtless concluding that Cyprus, the natural dependency of Syria and Cilicia, would embrace the faith of Christ when these two countries should be Christian, chose Asia Minor as the field of his apostolate and sailed for Perge in Pamphylia, eighth miles above the mouth of the Cestrus.保罗,无疑得出结论认为,塞浦路斯,叙利亚和基利家自然的依赖,将接受基督的信仰时,这两个国家都应该是基督徒,选择了作为他的使徒场小亚细亚和Perge航行在潘菲利亚,第八英里的上空口在Cestrus。 It was then that John Mark, cousin of Barnabas, dismayed perhaps by the daring projects of the Apostle, abandoned the expedition and returned to Jerusalem, while Paul and Barnabas laboured alone among the rough mountains of Pisidia, which were infested by brigands and crossed by frightful precipices.就在这时,约翰马克,巴拿巴的表弟,感到沮丧的使徒的大胆计划也许,放弃了探险,回到耶路撒冷,而保罗和巴拿巴吃力之间皮西迪亚粗糙山,这是由土匪和交叉感染单靠可怕的悬崖。 Their destination was the Roman colony of Antioch, situated a seven day's journey from Perge.他们的目的地是安提罗马的殖民地,位于七天从Perge旅程。Here Paul spoke on the vocation of Israel and the providential sending of the Messias, a discourse which St. Luke reproduces in substance as an example of his preaching in the synagogues (Acts 13:16-41).在这里,保罗谈到了以色列和职业的messias,一个话语的实质抄录圣卢克作为其在会堂讲道(徒13:16-41)的例子发送保佑。 The sojourn of the two missionaries in Antioch was long enough for the word of the Lord to be published throughout the whole country (Acts 13:49).在安提逗留了两个传教士足够长的主词是在整个国家(徒13:49)公布。 When by their intrigues the Jews had obtained against them a decree of banishment, they went to Iconium, three or four days distant, where they met with the same persecution from the Jews and the same eager welcome from the Gentiles.当他们的阴谋,犹太人对他们获得了驱逐法令,他们就以哥念,三,四天遥远,在那里与同样遭到迫害的犹太人和外邦人一样渴望从欢迎。 The hostility of the Jews forced them to take refuge in the Roman colony of Lystra, eighteen miles distant.犹太人的敌视,迫使他们采取的利斯特拉,十八英里远的罗马殖民地避难。Here the Jews from Antioch and Iconium laid snares for Paul and having stoned him left him for dead, but again he succeeded in escaping and this time sought refuge in Derbe, situated about forty miles away on the frontier of the Province of Galatia.在这里,犹太人从安提阿和以哥念奠定了圈套和保罗用石头打他离开后他死了,但他又成功地逃脱,这一次寻求避难特庇,位于约40英里的加拉太省的边境了。 Their circuit completed, the missionaries retraced their steps in order to visit their neophytes, ordained priests in each Church founded by them at such great cost, and thus reached Perge where they halted to preach the Gospel, perhaps while awaiting an opportunity to embark for Attalia, a port twelve miles distant.他们的电路完成,传教士追溯他们的步骤,以访问他们的新手,在每一个教会祝圣司铎年由他们在这么大的成本,从而达到Perge他们停下来传福音,也许在等待一个机会,走上为大利,端口十二英里远。 On their return to Antioch in Syria after an absence of at least three years, they were received with transports of joy and thanksgiving, for God had opened the door of faith to the Gentiles.在他们返回后,至少三年没有在叙利亚安提阿,他们共收到与喜悦运输机和感恩,因为上帝已经打开了信道的门外邦人。

The problem of the status of the Gentiles in the Church now made itself felt with all its acuteness.在对外邦人在教会里,使自己的地位问题,现在所有的尖锐的感觉。Some Judeo-Christians coming down from Jerusalem claimed that the Gentiles must be submitted to circumcision and treated as the Jews treated proselytes.一些犹太基督徒来自耶路撒冷下来声称外邦人必须提交割礼和作为犹太人对待的proselytes对待。Against this Paul and Barnabas protested and it was decided that a meeting should be held at Jerusalem in order to solve the question.在这样的保罗和巴拿巴抗议,并决定该会议应在耶路撒冷举行,以便解决问题。At this assembly Paul and Barnabas represented the community of Antioch.在这个大会代表保罗和巴拿巴的安提阿社区。Peter pleaded the freedom of the Gentiles; James upheld him, at the same time demanding that the Gentiles should abstain from certain things which especially shocked the Jews.彼得承认,为外邦人的自由;詹姆斯坚持要求在同一外邦人应该放弃它特别震惊犹太人某些事情时他。

It was decided, first, that the Gentiles were exempt from the Mosaic law.会议决定,第一,是从外邦人镶嵌法的限制。Secondly, that those of Syria and Cilicia must abstain from things sacrificed to idols, from blood, from things strangled, and from fornication.第二,叙利亚和基利家的人必须放弃牺牲偶像,从血液中勒死的东西,事情,从淫乱。Thirdly, that this injunction was laid upon them, not in virtue of the Mosaic law, but in the name of the Holy Ghost.第三,这个禁令是奠定了他们,而不是在美德的镶嵌法,但在圣灵的名字。This meant the complete triumph of Paul's ideas.这意味着保罗的想法完全胜利。The restriction imposed on the Gentile converts of Syria and Cilicia did not concern his Churches, and Titus, his companion, was not compelled to be circumcised, despite the loud protests of the Judaizers (Galatians 2:3-4).关于叙利亚和基利家的詹蒂莱转换施加的限制并不尽管犹太化(加拉太书2:3-4)的强烈抗议关注他的教会,和提多,他的同伴,是不是被迫接受割礼。 Here it is to be assumed that Galatians 2 and Acts 15 relate to the same fact, for the actors are the same, Paul and Barnabas on the one hand, Peter and James on the other; the discussion is the same, the question of the circumcision of the Gentiles; the scenes are the same, Antioch and Jerusalem; the date is the same, about AD 50; and the result is the same, Paul's victory over the Judaizers.在这里,它是假定加拉太2和行为15涉及同一事实,对演员是一方面,彼得和詹姆斯另一方面是一样的,保罗和巴拿巴,讨论是相同的,问题的外邦人的割礼的场面是相同的,安提阿和耶路撒冷的日期是相同的约公元50;,结果是一样的,保罗的对犹太化的胜利。 However, the decision of Jerusalem did not do away with all difficulties.然而,耶路撒冷的决定并没有废除所有的困难。The question did not concern only the Gentiles, and while exempting them from the Mosaic law, it was not declared that it would not have been counted meritorious and more perfect for them to observe it, as the decree seemed to liken them to Jewish proselytes of the second class.这个问题并不关心只有外邦人,而免除他们的镶嵌法,它是没有宣布,它将不会被计算有功,更加完善对他们进行观察,因为该法令似乎他们比作犹太人的proselytes第二类人。 Furthermore the Judeo-Christians, not having been included in the verdict, were still free to consider themselves bound to the observance of the law.此外,该犹太教和基督教,没有在判决书内,仍然可以自由地认为自己有义务遵守法律的。This was the origin of the dispute which shortly afterwards arose at Antioch between Peter and Paul.这是不久的纠纷,后来在彼得和保罗之间产生安提阿的起源。The latter taught openly that the law was abolished for the Jews themselves.后者教导公开表示,法律是为犹太人自己取消。Peter did not think otherwise, but he considered it wise to avoid giving offence to the Judaizers and to refrain from eating with the Gentiles who did not observe all the prescriptions of the law.彼得不这么想,但他认为这是明智的,以避免冒犯的犹太化,并避免与外邦人谁没有遵守所有的法律处方吃。As he thus morally influenced the Gentiles to live as the Jews did, Paul demonstrated to him that this dissimulation or opportuneness prepared the way for future misunderstandings and conflicts and even then had regrettable consequences.因此,当他在道义上影响了外邦人生活作为犹太人一样,保罗,这证明他掩饰或opportuneness准备为未来的误解和冲突的方式,即使在当时有令人遗憾的后果。 His manner of relating this incident leaves no room for doubt that Peter was persuaded by his arguments (Galatians 2:11-20).他对有关这一事件的态度让人无法怀疑​​的余地,彼得被他的论点(加拉太书2:11-20)说服。

(2) Second mission (Acts 15:36-18:22)(2)第二个任务(徒15:36-18:22)

The beginning of the second mission was marked by a rather sharp discussion concerning Mark, whom St. Paul this time refused to accept as travelling companion.第二个任务开始的标志是一个相当尖锐的问题马克,其中圣保罗这个时候拒绝接受旅伴讨论。Consequently Barnabas set out with Mark for Cyprus and Paul chose Silas or Silvanus, a Roman citizen like himself, and an influential member of the Church of Jerusalem, and sent by it to Antioch to deliver the decrees of the Apostolic council.因此规定了巴拿巴和保罗拣选了西拉塞浦路斯或西拉,一个像他自己罗马公民,和一个教堂的耶路撒冷有影响力的成员,并派出由它来安提阿提供的使徒议会的法令与马克。 The two missionaries first went from Antioch to Tarsus, stopping on the way in order to promulgate the decisions of the Council of Jerusalem; then they went from Tarsus to Derbe, through the Cilician Gates, the defiles of Tarsus, and the plains of Lycaonia.两位传教士首先来到由Antioch,以跗关节,在途中停车,以颁布的耶路撒冷委员会的决定,然后他们就从跗关节到特庇,通过Cilician盖茨,污秽的跗关节,和利考尼亚平原。 The visitation of the Churches founded during his first mission passed without notable incidents except the choice of Timothy, whom the Apostle while in Lystra persuaded to accompany him, and whom he caused to be circumcised in order to facilitate his access to the Jews who were numerous in those places.该教堂始建于探视他的第一个没有显着的事件,除了通过提摩太,其中在利斯特拉使徒而说服他陪选择的使命,他和谁造成的割礼,以方便他访问了许多犹太人谁在这些地方。

It was probably at Antioch of Pisidia, although the Acts do not mention that city, that the itinerary of the mission was altered by the intervention of the Holy Ghost.它可能是在皮西迪亚安提,虽然行为不提那城那特派团的行程是由圣灵干预改变。Paul thought to enter the Province of Asia by the valley of Meander which separated it by only three day's journey, but they passed through Phrygia and the country of Galatia, having been forbidden by the Holy Ghost to preach the word of God in Asia (Acts 16:6).保罗认为,进入由河曲山谷,这相隔只有三天的路程它在亚洲地区,但他们通过弗里吉亚过去了,加拉太国家,有被圣灵禁止鼓吹在亚洲的神的道(徒16时06分)。 These words (ten phrygian kai Galatiken choran) are variously interpreted, according as we take them to mean the Galatians of the north or of the south (see GALATIANS).这些话(十启Galatiken choran弗里吉亚)是不同的解释,根据,因为我们带他们去指北方或南方的(见加拉太)加拉太。Whatever the hypothesis, the missionaries had to travel northwards in that portion of Galatia properly so called of which Pessinonte was the capital, and the only question is as to whether or not they preached there.不管是什么假设,传教士们在这旅行所谓正确的加拉太其中Pessinonte是资本部分北移和唯一的问题是,是否存在或不他们所宣扬的。 They did not intend to do so, but as is known the evangelization of the Galatians was due to an accident, namely the illness of Paul (Galatians 4:13); this fits very well for Galatians in the north.他们不打算这样做,但由于众所周知的加拉太福传是由于意外事故,即保疾病(加拉太书4:13),这非常适合在北方加拉太书。 In any case the missionaries having reached the upper part of Mysia (kata Mysian), attempted to enter the rich Province of Bithynia, which lay before them, but the Holy Ghost prevented them (Acts 16:7).在任何情况下,传教士已经达到了每西亚(卡塔Mysian)上半部分,试图进入比提尼亚丰富的省份,这在他们面前奠定,但圣灵阻止他们(徒16:7)。 Therefore, passing through Mysia without stopping to preach (parelthontes) they reached Alexandria of Troas, where God's will was again made known to them in the vision of a Macedonian who called them to come and help his country (Acts 16:9-10).因此,经过每西亚没有停下来鼓吹(parelthontes),他们到特罗亚,在天意又在一个叫他们谁马其顿眼光来帮助他的国家(徒16:9-10)他们知道亚历山大。 Paul continued to follow on European soil the method of preaching he had employed from the beginning.保罗继续遵循欧洲土壤的说教,他从一开始就采用的方法。As far as possible he concentrated his efforts in a metropolis from which the Faith would spread to cities of second rank and to the country districts.他尽可能集中在一个大都市的信念,从该会蔓延到第二级城市和乡村地区的努力。Wherever there was a synagogue he first took his stand there and preached to the Jews and proselytes who would consent to listen to him.只要有一个犹太教堂他第一次把他站在那儿,鼓吹向犹太人和proselytes谁愿意答应听他的。 When the rupture with the Jews was irreparable, which always happened sooner or later, he founded a new Church with his neophytes as a nucleus.当与犹太人的破裂是无法弥补的,它总是发生的迟早,他创立了自己作为一个核新手一个新的教会。He remained in the same city until persecution, generally aroused by the intrigues of the Jews, forced him to retire.他仍然在同一个城市,直到一般犹太人的阴谋引起迫害,强迫他退休。There were, however, variations of this plan.有,然而,这一计划的变化。At Philippi, where there was no synagogue, the first preaching took place in the uncovered oratory called the proseuche, which the Gentiles made a reason for stirring up the persecution.在腓,那里没有犹太教堂,参加了第一次讲道发现有个地方叫proseuche演讲,其中提出了外邦人为挑起这场迫害的原因。 Paul and Silas, charged with disturbing public order, were beaten with rods, imprisoned, and finally exiled.保罗和西拉,并被控扰乱公共秩序,被棒殴打,监禁,最后流放。But at Thessalonica and Berea, whither they successively repaired after leaving Philippi, things turned out almost as they had planned.但在塞萨洛尼卡和伯里亚,着他们先后离开腓修复后,现在看来几乎是他们原来的计划。

The apostolate of Athens was quite exceptional.雅典的使徒是相当罕见。Here there was no question of Jews or synagogue, Paul, contrary to his custom, was alone (1 Thessalonians 3:1), and he delivered before the areopagus a specially framed discourse, a synopsis of which has been preserved by Acts 17:23-31 as a specimen of its kind.这里有没有犹太人或犹太会堂,保罗,他的习惯相反的问题,独自一人(帖前3:1),他发表前阿勒约帕哥一个专门的框架话语,故事大纲,其中已被保存下来的行为17:23 -31作为其种类的标本。He seems to have left the city of his own accord, without being forced to do so by persecution.他似乎已经离开,而无需被迫做迫害,因此他自己的协议的城市。The mission to Corinth on the other hand may be considered typical.在另一方面使命科林斯可以考虑典型。Paul preached in the synagogue every Sabbath day, and when the violent opposition of the Jews denied him entrance there he withdrew to an adjoining house which was the property of a proselyte named Titus Justus.保罗在会堂讲道每逢安息日,当犹太人的强烈反对剥夺了他门口有他撤回到毗邻的房子是一个名为提图斯贾斯特斯proselyte财产。 He carried on his apostolate in this manner for eighteen months, while the Jews vainly stormed against him; he was able to withstand them owing to the impartial, if not actually favourable, attitude of the proconsul, Gallio.他进行了他在这十八个月的方式传教,而徒劳地对他冲进犹太人,他是能够承受由于他们的公正,如果不是实际上有利,对地方总督,加利奥的态度。 Finally he decided to go to Jerusalem in fulfillment of a vow made perhaps in a moment of danger.最后,他决定去履行一个誓言要在耶路撒冷的一个危险的时刻可能。From Jerusalem, according to his custom, he returned to Antioch.从耶路撒冷,根据他的习惯,他回到安提阿。The two Epistles to the Thessalonians were written during the early months of his sojourn at Corinth.这两个书信向撒罗尼迦被写在他逗留在科林斯的最初几个月。For occasion, circumstances, and analysis of these letters see THESSALONIANS.败诉的,情节和这些信件分析,见帖。

(3) Third mission (Acts 18:23-21:26)(3)第三次访问(徒18:23-21:26)

Paul's destination in his third journey was obviously Ephesus.保罗在他第三次旅行的目的地是明显以弗所。There Aquila and Priscilla were awaiting him, he had promised the Ephesians to return and evangelize them if it were the will of God (Acts 18:19-21), and the Holy Ghost no longer opposed his entry into Asia.亚居拉和百基拉有在等待他时,他曾答应把以弗所书回来,如果他们传福音是上帝的(徒18:19-21)会,和圣灵不再反对他进入到亚洲。 Therefore, after a brief rest at Antioch he went through the countries of Galatia and Phrygia (Acts 18:23) and passing through "the upper regions" of Central Asia he reached Ephesus (19:1).因此,经过短暂的休息,他在安提阿经历加拉太和弗吕家(徒18:23),并通过了国家通过“上区”中亚他来到以弗所(19:1)。 His method remained the same.他的方法仍然是相同的。In order to earn his living and not be a burden to the faithful he toiled every day for many hours at making tents, but this did not prevent him from preaching the Gospel.为了赚取自己的生活,而不是成为他的忠实辛苦了好几个小时,每天在制作帐篷的负担,但是这并没有阻止他宣扬福音。As usual he began with the synagogue where he succeeded in remaining for three months.像往常一样,他开始与他在那里的犹太教堂三个月其余成功。At the end of this time he taught every day in a classroom placed at his disposal by a certain Tyrannus "from the fifth hour to the tenth" (from eleven in the morning till four in the afternoon), according to the interesting addition of the "Codex Bezae" (Acts 19:9).在这个时候,他教他可在按一定Tyrannus“从第五到第十小时”(从直到下午四上午十一)一个教室里每一天结束时,根据加入有趣的“法典Bezae”(徒19:9)。 This lasted two years, so that all the inhabitants of Asia, Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord (Acts 19:20).这种情况持续了两年,使所有的亚洲,犹太人,希腊人,居民听见主的(徒19:20)的话。

Naturally there were trials to be endured and obstacles to be overcome.当然要忍受有审判和障碍需要克服。Some of these obstacles arose from the jealousy of the Jews, who vainly endeavoured to imitate Paul's exorcisms, others from the superstition of the pagans, which was especially rife at Ephesus.这些障碍有些源于犹太人的嫉妒,谁妄图努力模仿从异教徒,这是特别迷信盛行保罗在以弗所的驱魔仪式,等等。So effectually did he triumph over it, however, that books of superstition were burned to the value of 50,000 pieces of silver (each piece about a day's wage).因此,他有效地在它的胜利,然而,迷信的书籍被烧毁5万两银子(约每一天的工资部分)的价值。This time the persecution was due to the Gentiles and inspired by a motive of self-interest.这一次是由于迫害外邦人,并有自身利益的动机启发。The progress of Christianity having ruined the sale of the little facsimiles of the temple of Diana and statuettes of the goddess, which devout pilgrims had been wont to purchase, a certain Demetrius, at the head of the guild of silversmiths, stirred up the crowd against Paul.基督教的进步具有破坏了对戴安娜和女神,这虔诚的朝圣者已经习惯购买,在一定德米特里的银器行头,小雕像寺传真销售,激起了群众对保罗。 The scene which then transpired in the theatre is described by St. Luke with memorable vividness and pathos (Acts 19:23-40).当时的场面在剧院蒸腾的描述是圣卢克令人难忘生动性和感伤(徒19:23-40)。The Apostle had to yield to the storm.使徒不得不屈服的风暴。After a stay at Ephesus of two years and a half, perhaps more (Acts 20:31: trietian), he departed for Macedonia and thence for Corinth, where he spent the winter.在经过两年半的以弗所,也许更多(徒20:31:trietian)期间,他并从那里启程前往马其顿的科林斯,在那里他度过了冬天。 It was his intention in the following spring to go by sea to Jerusalem, doubtless for the Pasch; but learning that the Jews had planned his destruction, he did not wish, by going to sea, to afford them an opportunity to attempt his life.这是他在第二年春天打算去海上耶路撒冷,为的Pasch无疑,但得知他的毁灭犹太人的计划,他不希望,通过进入大海,向他们提供一个机会,尝试他的生命。 Therefore he returned by way of Macedonia.因此,他返回马其顿方式。Numerous disciples divided into two groups, accompanied him or awaited him at Troas.分为两组众多弟子,陪同他或他在特罗亚等候。These were Sopater of Berea, Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, Timothy, Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia, and finally Luke, the historian of the Acts, who gives us minutely all the stages of the voyage: Philippi, Troas, Assos, Mitylene, Chios, Samos, Miletus, Cos, Rhodes, Patara, Tyre, Ptolemais, Caesarea, Jerusalem.这些都是伯里亚,亚里达古和Secundus帖撒罗尼迦,对特庇,提摩太,推基古和亚洲特罗,该犹Sopater最后卢克,作者的行为历史学家,谁给我们细细的所有阶段的航程:腓,特罗亚,阿索斯,Mitylene,希俄斯,撒摩,米利都,两面,罗兹,帕塔拉,轮胎,托勒密,该撒利亚,耶路撒冷。

Three more remarkable facts should be noted in passing.三个显着的事实应当指出,在传递。At Troas Paul resuscitated the young Eutychus, who had fallen from a third-story window while Paul was preaching late into the night.保罗在特罗亚复苏的年轻Eutychus,谁从第三层楼的窗户下降,而保罗是说教到深夜。At Miletus he pronounced before the ancients of Ephesus the touching farewell discourse which drew many tears (Acts 20:18-38).宣判前,他在米利都以弗所古人的感人的告别话语吸引了许多眼泪(徒20:18-38)。At Caesarea the Holy Ghost by the mouth of Agabus, predicted his coming arrest, but did not dissuade him from going to Jerusalem.在该撒利亚由圣灵的亚迦布口,预言他的到来逮捕,但没有阻止他前往耶路撒冷。St. Paul's four great Epistles were written during this third mission: the first to the Corinthians from Ephesus, about the time of the Pasch prior to his departure from that city; the second to the Corinthians from Macedonia, during the summer or autumn of the same year; that to the Romans from Corinth, in the following spring; the date of the Epistle to the Galatians is disputed.圣保禄的书信写四大在这第三次任务:第一,从以弗所的科林蒂安,对的Pasch之前,他从该城出发时间;第二至马其顿科林蒂安,在夏季或秋季同一年,这从科林斯的罗马人,​​在第二年春天,在日期的书信向加拉太是有争议的。 On the many questions occasioned by the despatch and the language of these letters, or the situation assumed either on the side of the Apostle or his correspondents, see EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIANS; EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS; EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS.由该分发和这些信件的语言,或情况而引起的许多问题假设无论是在使徒或他的记者身边,看到的科林蒂安书信,书信向加拉太;书信向罗马人。

D. Captivity (Acts 21:27-28:31)四圈养(徒21:27-28:31)

Falsely accused by the Jews of having brought Gentiles into the Temple, Paul was ill-treated by the populace and led in chains to the fortress Antonia by the tribune Lysias.虚开的犹太人被控进了殿外邦人,保罗受到虐待的民众,由论坛莱西阿斯链的堡垒安东尼领导。The latter having learned that the Jews had conspired treacherously to slay the prisoner sent him under strong escort to Caesarea, which was the residence of the procurator Felix.据悉,后者有合谋背信弃义的犹太人杀死囚犯发出强烈的护送下该撒利亚,这是检察菲利克斯居住他。Paul had little difficulty in confounding his accusers, but as he refused to purchase his liberty.保罗曾在混杂指控他的人一点困难,但他拒绝购买他的自由。Felix kept him in chains for two years and even left him in prison in order to please the Jews, until the arrival of his successor, Festus.菲利克斯留在链两年,他留在监狱里他甚至为了取悦直到他的继任者,非斯都到达犹太人。 The new governor wished to send the prisoner to Jerusalem there to be tried in the presence of his accusers; but Paul, who was acquainted with the snares of his enemies, appealed to Caesar.新总督希望发出耶路撒冷的囚犯将在那里他的指控出庭受审,但保罗,谁是与凯撒的呼吁他的敌人,熟悉的圈套。Thenceforth his cause could be tried only at Rome.此后他的事业,可以尝试只在罗马。This first period of captivity is characterized by five discourses of the Apostle: The first was delivered in Hebrew on the steps of the Antonia before the threatening crowd; herein Paul relates his conversion and vocation to the Apostolate, but he was interrupted by the hostile shouts of the multitude (Acts 22:1-22).这被掳第一时期的特点是五个使徒话语:第一次是在希伯来文发表于人群中的威胁面前的安东尼步骤;本有关他的转换和保罗的传教使命,但他中断了敌对条留言人多(徒22:1-22)。 In the second, delivered the next day, before the Sanhedrin assembled at the command of Lysias, the Apostle skillfully embroiled the Pharisees with the Sadducees and no accusation could be brought.第二,发表了第二天,前公会于莱西阿斯命令组装,使徒巧妙地卷入与法利赛人和撒都该人没有指控可能带来。In the third, Paul, answering his accuser Tertullus in the presence of the Governor Felix, makes known the facts which had been distorted and proves his innocence (Acts 24:10-21).在第三,保罗,他的回答是总督费利克斯存在原告帖土罗,使已知的,哪些已经被扭曲,并证明自己的清白(徒24:10-21)事实。 The fourth discourse is merely an explanatory summary of the Christian Faith delivered before Felix and his wife Drusilla (Acts 24:24-25).第四话语只不过是有根据的费利克斯和他的妻子德鲁斯利亚(徒24:24-25)发表的基督教信仰的解释摘要。 The fifth, pronounced before the Governor Festus, King Agrippa, and his wife Berenice, again relates the history of Paul's conversion, and is left unfinished owing to the sarcastic interruptions of the governor and the embarrassed attitude of the king (Acts 26).第五,前总督非斯都说,亚基帕王和他的妻子Berenice明显,又关系到保罗的转换历史,是由于未完成的省长和国王(使徒26)尴尬的态度讽刺中断。

The journey of the captive Paul from Caesarea to Rome is described by St. Luke with an exactness and vividness of colours which leave nothing to be desired.该撒利亚圈养保旅程从罗马的圣路加描述与正确性和颜色的留下任何不理想栩栩如生。For commentaries see Smith, "Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul" (1866); Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and Roman Citizen" (London, 1908).有关评论见史密斯,“郑和远航在沉船圣保罗”(1866年);拉姆齐,“圣保罗旅行和罗马公民”(伦敦,1908年)。 The centurion Julius had shipped Paul and his fellow-prisoners on a merchant vessel on board which Luke and Aristarchus were able to take passage.百夫长朱利叶斯曾在船上装上商船的卢克和亚里达古能够采取通过保罗和他的同胞囚犯。As the season was advanced the voyage was slow and difficult.随着赛季的是先进的航行是缓慢和艰难。They skirted the coasts of Syria, Cilicia, and Pamphylia.他们掠过叙利亚,基利家,旁非利亚的海岸。At Myra in Lycia the prisoners were transferred to an Alexandrian vessel bound for Italy, but the winds being persistently contrary a place in Crete called Goodhavens was reached with great difficulty and Paul advised that they should spend the winter there, but his advice was not followed, and the vessel driven by the tempest drifted aimlessly for fourteen whole days, being finally wrecked on the coast of Malta.在迈拉吕基亚囚犯被转移到意大利的亚历山大船只​​的约束,但风是坚持相反,在克里特岛地方叫Goodhavens怀着极大的困难和保罗表示,他们应该达到过冬那里,但他的建议是没有遵循,并带动了暴风雨漂流船十四整天漫无目的,即最终对马耳他海岸失事。 The three months during which navigation was considered most dangerous were spent there, but with the first days of spring all haste was made to resume the voyage.在此期间,这三个导航被认为是最危险的是在那里度过几个月,但随着春天的第一天都匆匆写了恢复航行。Paul must have reached Rome some time in March.保罗必须达到一定三月罗马时间。"He remained two whole years in his own hired lodging . . . preaching the kingdom of God and teaching the things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, without prohibition" (Acts 28:30-31). “他仍然在自己所租的两整年住宿。。。宣扬神的国和教学的事关注的主耶稣基督,与所有的信心,不禁止”(徒28:30-31)。With these words the Acts of the Apostles conclude.有了这些词的使徒行传结束。

There is no doubt that Paul's trial terminated in a sentence of acquittal, for毫无疑问,保罗的审判宣告无罪终止了一句,就

the report of the Governor Festus was certainly favourable as well as that of the centurion.总督费斯图斯报告当然是有利的,以及,该百夫长。The Jews seem to have abandoned their charge since their co-religionists in Rome were not informed of it (Acts 28:21).犹太人似乎已经放弃了他们所负责的,因为他们的合作,在罗马教友不属于它(徒28:21)通知。The course of the proceedings led Paul to hope for a release, of which he sometimes speaks as of a certainty (Philippians 1:25; 2:24; Philemon 22).在诉讼过程中导致保罗希望有一个释放,他有时说的是肯定的(腓1:25,2:24,腓利门书22)。The pastorals, if they are authentic, assume a period of activity for Paul subsequent to his captivity.在田园诗,如果他们是真实的,承担起保后,他被囚禁了活动的时期。The same conclusion is drawn from the hypothesis that they are not authentic, for all agree that the author was well acquainted with the life of the Apostle.得出同样的结论,是从他们的假设是不是正宗的所有人,同意提交人完全与熟悉的使徒生活。It is the almost unanimous opinion that the so-called Epistles of the captivity were sent from Rome.这是几乎一致认为,到被掳的所谓书信是从罗马发送。Some authors have attempted to prove that St. Paul wrote them during his detention at Caesarea, but they have found few to agree with them.有些作者试图证明在圣保罗说他在该撒利亚拘留他们,但他们已经找到一些与他们达成一致。 The Epistles to the Colossians, the Ephesians, and Philemon were despatched together and by the same messenger, Tychicus.到歌罗西书,以弗所书,和腓利门书一起寄发书信是由相同的使者,推基古。It is a matter of controversy whether the Epistle to the Philippians was prior or subsequent to these, and the question has not been answered by decisive arguments (see EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS; EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS; EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS; EPISTLE TO PHILEMON).这是一个有争议的问题是否在书信的腓利是事前或事后对这些,问题还没有得到决定性的论据回答(见书信的腓利;书信向以弗所;书信向歌罗西书,书信,以利蒙) 。

E. Last Years五末年

This period is wrapped in deep obscurity for, lacking the account of the Acts, we have no guide save an often uncertain tradition and the brief references of the Pastoral epistles.这一时期被包裹在深默默无闻,缺乏作者的行为后,我们没有向导保存往往不确定的传统和田园书信简短的介绍。Paul had long cherished the desire to go to Spain (Romans 15:24, 28) and there is no evidence that he was led to change his plan.保罗早就怀有的愿望去西班牙(罗马书15:24,28),也没有说,他被带到改变计划的证据。When towards the end of his captivity he announces his coming to Philemon (22) and to the Philippians (2:23-24), he does not seem to regard this visit as immediate since he promises the Philippians to send them a messenger as soon as he learns the issue of his trial; he therefore plans another journey before his return to the East.当朝他的囚禁,他宣布他即将以利蒙(22),向philippians(2:23-24)结束时,他似乎并不认为这次访问,因为他立即承诺腓利向他们发送尽快使者他在学习了他的审判问题,因此他的计划之前,他回到东部另一旅程。 Finally, not to mention the later testimony of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome, St. Chrysostom, and Theodoret, the well-known text of St. Clement of Rome, the witness of the "Muratorian Canon", and of the "Acta Pauli" render probable Paul's journey to Spain.最后,不要提圣西里尔耶路撒冷圣埃皮法尼乌斯,圣杰罗姆,圣金口,和Theodoret,圣克莱门特的罗马,在“穆拉多利佳能”证人著名的文本后的证词,在“学报泡利”和渲染可能保罗的旅程到西班牙。 In any case he can not have remained there long, for he was in haste to revisit his Churches in the East.在任何情况下,他不能在那里停留了很久,因为他在匆忙中被重新审视东方的教会。He may have returned from Spain through southern Gaul if it was thither, as some Fathers have thought, and not to Galatia, that Crescens was sent later (2 Timothy 4:10).他可能已经返回西班牙通过南部高卢如果是那里,因为有些父亲有思想,而不是加拉太,即后来被送往勒士(提摩太后4:10)。 We may readily believe that he afterwards kept the promise made to his friend Philemon and that on this occasion he visited the churches of the valley of Lycus, Laodicea, Colossus, and Hierapolis.我们可以很容易相信,后来他又不断向他的朋友腓利门书的承诺,而这一次,他参观了Lycus,老底嘉,巨像,希拉波利斯山谷的教堂。

The itinerary now becomes very uncertain, but the following facts seem indicated by the Pastorals: Paul remained in Crete exactly long enough to found there new churches, the care and organization of which he confided to his fellow-worker Titus (Titus 1:5).现在的行程变得非常不确定的,但下面的事实似乎表明了田园诗:保罗在克里特仍然足够长的时间恰好在那里发现新的教堂,组织的关怀和他私下对他的同胞工人弟兄(提1:5) 。He then went to Ephesus, and besought Timothy, who was already there, to remain until his return while he proceeded to Macedonia (1 Timothy 1:3).然后,他伸出手去,求霍震霆,谁已经在那里,继续他的回报,而直到他前往马其顿(提前1:3)。On this occasion he paid his promised visit to the Philippians (Philippians 2:24), and naturally also saw the Thessalonians.这一次,他答应付给他访问了腓(腓2:24),当然也看到了帖。The letter to Titus and the First Epistle to Timothy must date from this period; they seem to have been written about the same time and shortly after the departure from Ephesus.对提多和第一书信信给提摩太必须日期从这一时期,他们似乎已经大约在同一时间写,不久后,从以弗所离境。The question is whether they were sent from Macedonia or, which seems more probable, from Corinth.问题是他们是否来自马其顿或,这似乎更可能从科林斯,发送。The Apostle instructs Titus to join him at Nicopolis of Epirus where he intends to spend the winter (Titus 3:12).使徒指示提多参加在伊庇鲁斯Nicopolis他在哪里,他打算过冬(多3:12)。In the following spring he must have carried out his plan to return to Asia (1 Timothy 3:14-15).在下面的春天,他必须有执行了他的计划是回到亚洲(提摩太3:14-15)。Here occurred the obscure episode of his arrest, which probably took place at Troas; this would explain his having left with Carpus a cloak and books which he needed (2 Timothy 4:13).这里发生的逮捕他,这可能发生在特罗亚地方模糊集,这可以解释他因与腕留下了外衣,他需要的书籍,(提摩太4:13)。 He was taken from there to Ephesus, capital of the Province of Asia, where he was deserted by all those on whom he thought he could rely (2 Timothy 1:15).他是从那里伸出手,在亚洲地区,在那里他得到了所有那些人,他认为他可以依靠(提摩太后书1:15)冷清的首都。Being sent to Rome for trial he left Trophimus sick at Miletus, and Erastus, another of his companions, remained at Corinth, for what reason is not clear (2 Timothy 4:20).被送往罗马受审,他留在米利都特罗病了,伊拉斯塔斯,他的另一个同伴,仍然在科林斯,为了什么原因还不清楚(提摩太后4:20)。 When Paul wrote his Second Epistle to Timothy from Rome he felt that all human hope was lost (4:6); he begs his disciple to rejoin him as quickly as possible, for he is alone with Luke.当保罗说他的第二次从罗马书信给提摩太,他认为,所有人类的希望失去了(4:6),他恳求他的弟子尽快重投他的要快,因为他是孤独的卢克。 We do not know if Timothy was able to reach Rome before the death of the Apostle.我们不知道是否能够达到提摩太前罗马的使徒死亡。

Ancient tradition makes it possible to establish the following points:古老的传统,使我们能够建立以下几点:

Paul suffered martyrdom near Rome at a place called Aquae Salviae (now Tre Fontane), somewhat east of the Ostian Way, about two miles from the splendid Basilica of San Paolo fuori le mura which marks his burial place.保罗在罗马附近遭受殉难的地方叫藻丹参(现滓冯塔纳),有点的Ostian路东,大约两英里的辉煌圣保罗大教堂fuori乐村,这标志着他的埋葬地点。 The martyrdom took place towards the end of the reign of Nero, in the twelfth year (St. Epiphanius), the thirteenth (Euthalius), or the fourteenth (St. Jerome).殉难了朝向Nero的统治结束时举行的第十二年(圣埃皮法尼乌斯),第十三(Euthalius)或第十四(圣杰罗姆)。 According to the most common opinion, Paul suffered in the same year and on the same day as Peter; several Latin Fathers contend that it was on the same day but not in the same year; the oldest witness, St. Dionysius the Corinthian, says only kata ton auton kairon, which may be translated "at the same time" or "about the same time".根据最常见的意见,保罗在同一年,在同一天遭受彼得;若干拉丁美洲父亲争辩说,它在同一天,但不是在同一年,最早的见证,圣狄奥尼修斯的科林斯说,王文浩凯隆只有卡塔吨,可译为“在同一时间”或“大约在同一时间。” From time immemorial the solemnity of the Apostles Peter and Paul has been celebrated on 29 June, which is the anniversary either of their death or of the translation of their relics.从远古时代的使徒彼得和保罗的严肃性已被6月29日庆祝,这是任其死亡或者其文物翻译周年。

Formerly the pope, after having pontificated in the Basilica of St. Peter, went with his attendants to that of St. Paul, but the distance between the two basilicas (about five miles) rendered the double ceremony too exhausting, especially at that season of the year.前身为教宗后,在圣彼得大教堂,pontificated们一起服务员圣保罗,但是两者之间的大教堂(约五英里)提供的双重仪式太吃力,尤其是在那个季节,距离一年。 Thus arose the prevailing custom of transferring to the next day (30 June) the Commemoration of St. Paul.以致出现转移到第二天(30日)在纪念圣保禄风尚。The feast of the Conversion of St. Paul (25 January) is of comparatively recent origin.作者:圣保罗(1月25日)转换的盛宴,是较近期的起源。There is reason for believing that the day was first observed to mark the translation of the relics of St. Paul at Rome, for so it appears in the Hieronymian Martyrology.有相信这一天标志着首次观察到了在罗马圣保禄文物翻译的,因此在Hieronymian Martyrology出现的原因。It is unknown to the Greek Church (Dowden, "The Church Year and Kalendar", Cambridge, 1910, 69; cf. Duchesne, "Origines du culte chrétien", Paris, 1898, 265-72; McClure, "Christian Worship", London, 1903, 277-81).它是未知的,希腊教会(道登,“教会年和Kalendar”,剑桥,1910年,69;。比照德雷珀,“Origines杜culte克雷蒂安”,巴黎,1898年,265-72,麦克卢尔,“基督教崇拜”,伦敦,1903年,277-81)。

F. Physical and Moral Portrait of St. Paul身体和道德的肖像楼圣保罗

We know from Eusebius (Hist. eccl., VII, 18) that even in his time there existed paintings representing Christ and the Apostles Peter and Paul.我们知道,从尤西比乌斯(hist.传道书。,七,18),即使在他的时间存在着画代表基督和使徒彼得和保罗。Paul's features have been preserved in three ancient monuments:保罗的功能已被保存在三国古文物:

A diptych which dates from not later than the fourth century (Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul", 1874, frontispiece of Vol. I and Vol. II, 210).这从一个雕刻板没有日期晚于四世纪(卢因,“生命和圣保罗书信”,1874年卷的。我和Vol。二,210卷首)。A large medallion found in the cemetery of Domitilla, representing the Apostles Peter and Paul (Op. cit., II, 411).大型纪念章发现在Domitilla墓地,代表使徒彼得和保罗(同前。,二,411)。A glass dish in the British Museum, depicting the same Apostles (Farrara, "Life and Work of St. Paul", 1891, 896).一个在大英博物馆的玻璃盘,描绘了同样的使徒(Farrara,“生活与工作圣保罗”,1891年,896)。

We have also the concordant descriptions of the "Acta Pauli et Theelae", of Pseudo-Lucian in Philopatris, of Malalas (Chronogr., x), and of Nicephorus (Hist. eccl., III, 37).我们还对“学报泡利等Theelae”,伪吕西安在Philopatris的Malalas(Chronogr.,x)的一致描述,和Nicephorus(Hist.传道书。,三,37)。

Paul was short of stature; the Pseudo-Chrysostom calls him "the man of three cubits" (anthropos tripechys); he was broad-shouldered, somewhat bald, with slightly aquiline nose, closely-knit eyebrows, thick, greyish beard, fair complexion, and a pleasing and affable manner.保罗是身材矮小;的伪金口称他为“三肘人”(anthropos tripechys),他是宽肩膀,有点秃顶,略鹰钩鼻,紧密团结的眉毛,厚,花白胡子,皮肤白皙和一个赏心悦目以及和蔼可亲的举止。He was afflicted with a malady which is difficult to diagnose (cf. Menzies, "St. Paul's Infirmity" in the Expository Times", July and Sept., 1904), but despite this painful and humiliating infirmity (2 Corinthians 12:7-9; Galatians 4:13-14) and although his bearing was not impressive (2 Corinthians 10:10), Paul must undoubtedly have been possessed of great physical strength to have sustained so long such superhuman labours (2 Corinthians 11:23-29). Pseudo-Chrysostom, "In princip.他患了病,难以诊断(参见孟席斯,“圣保罗的衰弱”的说明性时报“,七月和九月,1904年),虽然如此痛苦和屈辱的虚弱(哥林多后书12:7 - 9;加拉太书4:13-14),虽然他的影响并不令人印象深刻(2哥林多前书10:10),保罗必须无疑有很大的体力已经拥有这种超人的持续这么长时间劳作(哥林多后书11:23-29 )。伪金口,“在普林西普。apostol. apostol。Petrum et Paulum" (in PG, LIX, 494-95), considers that he died at the age of sixty-eight after having served the Lord for thirty-five years. The moral portrait is more difficult to draw because it is full of contrasts. Its elements will be found: in Lewin, op. cit., II, xi, 410-35 (Paul's Person and Character); in Farrar, op. cit., Appendix, Excursus I; and especially in Newman, "Sermons preached on Various Occasions", vii, viii. Petrum等Paulum“(在编号,LIX,494-95),认为他在六十八岁去世后,担任了三十五年的上帝。道德画像画更难,因为它是充满对比它的元素将被发现:在列文,同上,二,十一,410-35(保罗的人与字符),在法拉,同上,附录,附记我;,特别是在纽曼,“布道。。。。。在各种场合鼓吹“,七,八。


A. Paul and Christ答:保罗和基督

This question has passed through two distinct phases.这个问题已通过两个不同的阶段。According to the principal followers of the Tübingen School, the Apostle had but a vague knowledge of the life and teaching of the historical Christ and even disdained such knowledge as inferior and useless.根据蒂宾根大学学院的主要追随者,使徒了,但对生命和历史的教学和模糊的认识基督,甚至不屑自卑和无用的这种知识。 Their only support is the misinterpreted text: "Et si cognovimus secundum carnem Christum, sed nunc jam novimus" (2 Corinthians 5:16).他们唯一的支持是误解的文字:“等四cognovimus孔型carnem Christum,教育局局长孔培养板果酱novimus”(林后5:16)。The opposition noted in this text is not between the historical and the glorified Christ, but between the Messias such as the unbelieving Jews represented Him, such perhaps as he was preached by certain Judaizers, and the Messias as He manifested Himself in His death and Resurrection, as He had been confessed by the converted Paul.反对派指出,在这之间没有文字的历史和荣耀的基督,但如不信之间犹太人的弥赛亚代表他去,这样也许因为他是鼓吹某些犹太化,并为他的messias表现在他的死和复活自己,因为他已被转换保罗供认不讳。 It is neither admissible nor probable that Paul would be uninterested in the life and preaching of Him, Whom he loved passionately, Whom he constantly held up for the imitation of his neophytes, and Whose spirit he boasted of having.它既不受理,也没有可能会不感兴趣保罗在他的生活和传教,他所爱的热情,就是他不断地举起了他的新手模仿,其精神,他有吹嘘。 It is incredible that he would not question on this subject eyewitnesses, such as Barnabas, Silas, or the future historians of Christ, Sts.令人难以置信的是,他不会就此事目击者的问题,如巴拿巴,西拉,或基督,STS的未来的历史学家。Mark and Luke, with whom he was so long associated.马克和卢克,和谁在一起,他是如此的长期关系。Careful examination of this subject has brought out the three following conclusions concerning which there is now general agreement:仔细研究这个问题带来了以下三个结论,其中有关于现在普遍同意:

There are in St. Paul more allusions to the life and teachings of Christ than would be suspected at first sight, and the casual way in which they are made shows that the Apostle knew more on the subject than he had the occasion, or the wish to tell.在圣保罗有更多的典故,以生命和基督比将涉嫌一见钟情的教导,以及休闲方式,他们是由使徒表明,关于这个问题的认识比他有更多的场合,或希望告诉。 These allusions are more frequent in St. Paul than the Gospels.这些典故更频繁在圣比保罗的福音。From Apostolic times there existed a catechesis, treating among other things the life and teachings of Christ, and as all neophytes were supposed to possess a copy it was not necessary to refer thereto save occasionally and in passing.从使徒时代存在着一个理讲授,其中包括对待生活和基督的教诲,因为所有的新手被认为拥有一份拷贝,没有必要提及及其保存偶尔和通过。

The second phase of the question is closely connected with the first.问题的第二阶段是紧密联系在一起的第一次。The same theologians, who maintain that Paul was indifferent to the earthly life and teaching of Christ, deliberately exaggerate his originality and influence.同样的神学家,谁认为保罗是无动于衷,世俗生活和基督的教训,故意夸大他的原创性和影响力。According to them Paul was the creator of theology, the founder of the Church, the preacher of asceticism, the defender of the sacraments and of the ecclesiastical system, the opponent of the religion of love and liberty which Christ came to announce to the world.据他们说保罗是神学的创造者,教会,传教士的禁欲主义,对圣礼和教会制度,对爱情和自由的宗教,基督来向全世界宣布对手后卫的创始人。 If, to do him honour, he is called the second founder of Christianity, this must be a degenerate and altered Christianity since it was at least partially opposed to the primitive Christianity.如果做他的荣誉,他被称为第二基督教创始人,这必须是一个基督教的退化和改变,因为它至少部分地反对原始基督教。 Paul is thus made responsible for every antipathy to modern thought in traditional Christianity.因此,保罗在作出每一个传统的基督教现代思想的反感负责。

This is to a great extent the origin of the "Back to Christ" movement, the strange wanderings of which we are now witnessing.这是一个伟大的程度上“回到基督”运动,奇怪的流浪,而我们现在看到的起源。The chief reason for returning to Christ is to escape Paul, the originator of dogma, the theologian of the faith.对于重返基督的主要原因是为了逃避保罗,教条的鼻祖,对信仰的神学家。The cry "Zuruck zu Jesu" which has resounded in Germany for thirty years, is inspired by the ulterior motive, "Los von Paulus".的呐喊“Zuruck祖耶稣”,这在德国响彻了三十多年,是别有用心的鼓舞下,“洛杉矶冯保卢斯。”The problem is: Was Paul's relation to Christ that of a disciple to his master?问题是:保罗的关系的一个基督的弟子对他的主人? or was he absolutely autodidactic, independent alike of the Gospel of Christ and the preaching of the Twelve?还是他绝对autodidactic,独立相似的基督福音与十二说教?It must be admitted that most of the papers published shed little light on the subject.必须承认,大多数已发表的论文阐明这个问题小光。However, the discussions have not been useless, for they have shown that the most characteristic Pauline doctrines, such as justifying faith, the redeeming death of Christ, the universality of salvation, are in accord with the writings of the first Apostles, from which they were derived.然而,讨论没有无用的,因为他们已经表明,最具特色的宝莲学说,如正当的信仰,基督,救恩的普遍性兑换死亡,在符合与第一使徒的著作,从他们导出了。 Julicher in particular has pointed out that Paul's Christology, which is more exalted than that of his companions in the apostolate, was never the object of controversy, and that Paul was not conscious of being singular in this respect from the other heralds of the Gospel.特别是Julicher指出,保罗的基督,这比在使徒他的同伴说崇高,绝不是争议的对象,而保罗没有被这个从福音其他预示尊重奇异意识。 Cf.比照。Morgan, "Back to Christ" in "Dict. of Christ and the Gospels", I, 61-67; Sanday, "Paul", loc.摩根,“回到基督”,我,61-67“快译通基督和福音。”;桑迪,“保罗”,同上。cit., II, 886-92; Feine, "Jesus Christus und Paulus" (1902); Goguel, "L'apôtre Paul et Jésus-Christ" (Paris, 1904); Julicher, "Paulus und Jesus" (1907).同上,二,886-92。Feine,“基督耶稣保卢斯有限公司”(1902年); Goguel,“欧莱雅apôtre Paul等耶稣的基督”(巴黎,1904年); Julicher,“保卢斯有限公司耶稣”(1907年)。

B. The Root Idea of St. Paul's Theologyb.于圣保罗的神学思想根源

Several modern authors consider that theodicy is at the base, centre, and summit of Pauline theology.几位现​​代作家认为,自然神学在基地,中心和宝莲神学的顶峰。"The apostle's doctrine is theocentric, not in reality anthropocentric. What is styled his 'metaphysics' holds for Paul the immediate and sovereign fact of the universe; God, as he conceives Him, is all in all to his reason and heart alike" (Findlay in Hastings, "Dict. of the Bible", III, 718). 。“使徒的教义是theocentric,不是在现实中以人类是什么风格的他的'形而上学'保存为保罗宇宙的直接和主权的事实,神,因为他设想他,是这一切的一切对他的理智和心灵都”(芬德利在黑斯廷斯,“快译通。圣经”,三,718)。 Stevens begins the exposition of his "Pauline Theology" with a chapter entitled "The doctrine of God".史蒂文斯开始题为“上帝论”一章中,他的“保罗神学”的论述。Sabatier (L'apotre Paul, 1896, 297) also considers that "the last word of Pauline theology is: "God all in all", and he makes the idea of God the crown of Paul's theological edifice. But these authors have not reflected that though the idea of God occupies so large a place in the teaching of the Apostle, whose thought is deeply religious like that of all his compatriots, it is not characteristic of him, nor does it distinguish him from his companions in the apostolate nor even from contemporary Jews.萨巴蒂尔(欧莱雅apotre保罗,1896年,297)也认为,“宝莲神学的最后一个字是​​:”上帝一切的一切“,他使上帝的想法保罗的神学大厦冠,但这些人并没有反映出来。 ,虽然上帝的观念中占有如此大的使徒,他的思想是深深喜欢所有他的同胞,宗教,这不是他的特色教学的地方,也没有区分他的同伴他在传教,甚至也不从当代犹太人。

Many modern Protestant theologians, especially among the more or less faithful followers of the Tübingen School, maintain that Paul's doctrine is "anthropocentric", that it starts from his conception of man's inability to fulfill the law of God without the help of grace to such an extent that he is a slave of sin and must wage war against the flesh.许多现代的新教神学家,尤其是在蒂宾根大学的学校或多或少的忠实追随者,认为保罗的教义是“人类中心主义”,即从他对人的无法履行,上帝的法律概念启动,但不的宽限期,帮助这样的只要他是一个罪恶的奴隶,必须发动战争的肉。 But if this be the genesis of Paul's idea it is astonishing that he enunciates it only in one chapter (Romans 7), the sense of which is controverted, so that if this chapter had not been written, or it had been lost, we would have no means of recovering the key to his teaching.但是,如果这是保罗的想法起源它是惊人的,他阐述只有在一章(罗马书7),感觉的是有争议的,因此,如果本章没有写,或者它已经遗失,我们会没有收回他的教学的关键手段。 However, most modern theologians now agree that St. Paul's doctrine is Christocentric, that it is at base a soteriology, not from a subjective standpoint, according to the ancient prejudice of the founders of Protestantism who made justification by faith the quintessence of Paulinism, but from the objective standpoint, embracing in a wide synthesis the person and work of the Redeemer.然而,大多数现代的神学家都同意,圣保罗的学说是Christocentric,它是在基地的救世神学不是从主观的角度来看,根据新教的创始人是谁的信仰精髓的Paulinism理由古老的偏见,但从客观角度看,在很宽的拥抱合成的人身,救赎的工作。 This may be proved empirically by the statement that everything in St. Paul converges towards Jesus Christ, so much so, that abstracting from Jesus Christ it becomes, whether taken collectively or in detail, absolutely incomprehensible.经验证明,这可能是由语句,在圣保罗的一切对耶稣基督收敛,以至于,从抽象变得耶稣基督,不论是集体或细节,绝对不可理解的。 This is proved also by demonstrating that what Paul calls his Gospel is the salvation of all men through Christ and in Christ.这也证明了通过表明保罗把他的福音是借着基督,在基督所有的人得救。This is the standpoint of the following rapid analysis:这是下面的快速分析的观点:

C. Humanity without Christ三人性没有基督

The first three chapters of the Epistle to the Romans shows us human nature wholly under the dominion of sin.前三个章节的书信向罗马人告诉我们,完全统治下人性的罪恶。Neither Gentiles nor Jews had withstood the torrent of evil.无论是犹太人或外邦人已经经受住了邪恶的洪流。The Mosaic Law was a futile barrier because it prescribed good without importing the strength to do it.镶嵌法是徒劳的障碍,因为它没有规定进口的实力做到这很好。The Apostle arrives at this mournful conclusion: "There is no distinction [between Jew and Gentile]; for all have sinned, and do need the glory of God" (Romans 3:22-23).使徒到达这种凄惨的结论:“有没有[犹太人和外邦人之间]的区别;对所有犯了罪,并需要神的荣耀”(罗马书3:22-23)。 He subsequently leads us back to the historical cause of this disorder: "By one man sin entered into this world, and by sin death; and so death passed upon all men, in whom all have sinned" (Romans 5:12).随后,他带领我们回到了这种疾病的历史原因:“罪是从一人进入这个世界,死又是从罪的,于是死就临到众人,他心里都有罪”(罗5:12)。 This man is obviously Adam, the sin which he brought into the world is not only his personal sin, but a predominating sin which entered into all men and left in them the seed of death: "All sinned when Adam sinned; all sinned in and with his sin" (Stevens, "Pauline Theology", 129).这名男子显然是亚当,他的罪融入世界带来的不仅是他个人的罪过,但其中单为主进入所有的男性和他们离开了死亡的种子:“都犯了罪,当亚当犯罪,都犯了罪并他的罪恶“(史蒂文斯,”宝莲神学“,129)。

It remains to be seen how original sin, which is our lot by natural generation, manifests itself outwardly and becomes the source of actual sins.这还有待观察原罪,这是我们的自然生成很多,表面上表现出来,成为实际罪恶的根源。This Paul teaches us in chapter 7, where describing the contest between the Law assisted by reason and human nature weakened by the flesh and the tendency to evil, he represents nature as inevitably vanquished: "For I am delighted with the law of God, according to the inward man: But I see another law in my members fighting against the law of my mind, and captivating me in the law of sin" (Romans 7:22-23).这是保罗任教于第7章,其中描述之间的理性与人性的肉体减弱,邪恶的倾向,他所代表的性质,不可避免地战胜协助法比赛我们:“因为我与上帝的法律高兴,根据在外来人:可是我看到我的另一成员的法律对抗的我心中的律,和迷人的罪法我“(罗马书7:22-23)。 This does not mean that the organism, the material substratus, is evil in itself, as some theologians of the Tübingen School have claimed, for the flesh of Christ, which was like unto ours, was exempt from sin, and the Apostle wishes that our bodies, which are destined to rise again, be preserved free from stain.这并不意味着生物,材料substratus,本身是邪恶的,因为有些学校的蒂宾根大学神学家声称对基督的肉,这好像是我们的,是从罪豁免,和使徒的愿望,我们的机构,这是注定要再次上涨,予以保留摆脱污点。 The relation between sin and the flesh is neither inherent nor necessary; it is accidental, determined by an historical fact, and capable of disappearing through the intervention of the Holy Ghost, but it is none the less true that it is not in our power to overcome it unaided and that fallen man had need of a Saviour.对罪孽和肉体的关系既不是固有的,也没有必要,它是偶然的,确定的一个历史事实,而通过干预消失圣灵的能力,但它是没有一个较低的事实,这是我们的力量不克服它,阵亡的外援和人类就有了一个救世主的需要。

Yet God did not abandon sinful man.然而上帝并没有放弃罪人。He continued to manifest Himself through this visible world (Romans 1:19-20), through the light of a conscience (Romans 2:14-15), and finally through His ever active and paternally benevolent Providence (Acts 14:16; 17:26).他继续表现自己通过这个有形世界(罗马书1:19-20),通过有良心的光(罗马书2:14-15),最后通过他的空前活跃和父系仁慈静宜(使徒14:16; 17 :26)。Furthermore, in His untiring mercy, He "will have all men to be saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth" (1 Timothy 2:4).此外,他不知疲倦的怜悯,他“将所有的人得救,来到真理的知识”(提摩太前书2:4)。This will is necessarily subsequent to original sin since it concerns man as he is at present.这将必然是以后的原罪,因为它涉及的人,因为他在目前的情况。According to His merciful designs God leads man step by step to salvation.据他的仁慈的上帝引领设计一步一步来拯救人类。To the Patriarchs, and especially to Abraham, He gave his free and generous promise, confirmed by oath (Romans 4:13-20; Galatians 3:15-18), which anticipated the Gospel.为始祖,特别是亚伯拉罕,他给他的自由和慷慨的承诺,宣誓确认(罗马书4:13-20;加拉太书3:15-18),它预期的福音。 To Moses He gave His Law, the observation of which should be a means of salvation (Romans 7:10; 10:5), and which, even when violated, as it was in reality, was no less a guide leading to Christ (Galatians 3:24) and an instrument of mercy in the hands of God.他给了他对摩西法,观察它应该是一个救赎手段(罗马书7:10; 10:5),其中,即使受到侵犯,因为它是在现实的时候,也同样指导通往基督(加拉太书3:24),而在神的怜悯手中的工具。The Law was a mere interlude until such time as humanity should be ripe for a complete revelation (Galatians 3:19; Romans 5:20), and thus provoked the Divine wrath (Romans 4:15).该法律之前,仅仅是一个插曲作为人类应有完整的启示成熟(加拉太书3:19,罗马书5:20),从而挑起了神圣的愤怒(罗马书4:15)。 But good will arise from the excess of evil and "the Scripture hath concluded all under sin, that the promise, by the faith of Jesus Christ, might be given to them that believe" (Galatians 3:22).不过,好将产生邪恶的过剩和“圣经祂所结束罪恶之下,即由耶稣基督的信心保证,可考虑向他们表示相信”(加拉太书3:22)。 This would be fulfilled in the "fullness of the time" (Galatians 4:4; Ephesians 1:10), that is, at the time set by God for the execution of His merciful designs, when man's helplessness should have been well manifested.这将是在履行“的时机成熟”(加拉太书4:4,弗1:10),也就是在为上帝仁慈的,他的设计,当人的无奈表现应该得到很好的执行时间。 Then "God sent his Son, made of a woman, made under the law: that he might redeem them who were under the law: that we might receive the adoption of sons" (Galatians 4:4).那么,“上帝派他的儿子,为女子,在法律上提出:要赎他们谁下的法律是:叫我们得着儿子的名分”(加拉太书4:4)。

D. The Person of the Redeemer四,人的救赎

Nearly all statements relating to the person of Jesus Christ bear either directly or indirectly on His role as a Saviour.几乎所有的陈述,其涉及耶稣基督的人直接或间接地承受了他作为救主的角色。With St. Paul Christology is a function of soteriology.与圣保罗基督是救世神学的功能。However broad these outlines, they show us the faithful image of Christ in His pre-existence, in His historical existence and in His glorified life (see F. Prat, "Théologie de Saint Paul").然而这些广泛的轮廓,他们向我们展示了基督信徒的形象在他的前生在他的历史存在,并在他的荣耀的生活,(见F.宝勒巷,“保罗神学德圣”)。

(1) Christ in His pre-existence(1)基督在他的前生

(a) Christ is of an order superior to all created beings (Ephesians 1:21); He is the Creator and Preserver of the World (Colossians 1:16-17); all is by Him, in Him, and for Him (Colossians 1:16). (一)基督是订单优于所有创造的人(弗1:21),他是创造者和保护者的世界(歌罗西书1:16-17),一切都是受他的他,和他(歌罗西书1:16)。

(b) Christ is the image of the invisible Father (2 Corinthians 4:4; Colossians 1:15); He is the Son of God, but unlike other sons is so in an incommunicable manner; He is the Son, the own Son, the well-Beloved, and this He has always been (2 Corinthians 1:19; Romans 8:3, 8:32; Colossians 1:13; Ephesians 1:6; etc.). (二)基督是无形的父亲形象(林后4:4;歌罗西书1:15),他是上帝的儿子,但不像其他的儿子是如此的一个静默的方式,他是儿子,自己的儿子,井,良人,这一直是他(林后1:19;罗马书8:3,8:32;歌罗西书1:13,弗1:6;等)。

(c) Christ is the object of the doxologies reserved for God (2 Timothy 4:18; Romans 16:27); He is prayed to as the equal of the Father (2 Corinthians 12:8-9; Romans 10:12; 1 Corinthians 1:2); gifts are asked of Him which it is in the power of God alone to grant, namely grace, mercy, salvation (Romans 1:7; 16:20; 1 Corinthians 1:3; 16:23; etc. before Him every knee shall bow in heaven, on earth, and under the earth (Philippians 2:10), as every head inclines in adoration of the majesty of the Most High. (三)基督是上帝保留doxologies对象(提摩太4:18,罗马书16:27),他是祈祷作为父亲等于(哥林多后书12:8-9,罗马书10:12;哥林多前书1:2);礼品是问他这是在上帝的独有权授予,即恩典,怜悯,救赎(罗马书是1:7; 16:20;哥林多前书1:3; 16:23;等他每前膝要跪拜在天上,地上,和地底下的(腓2:10),如同在陛下的最高级崇拜每头倾斜。

(d) Christ possesses all the Divine attributes; He is eternal, since He is the "first born of every creature" and exists before all ages (Colossians 1:15-17); He is immutable, since He exists "in the form of God" (Philippians 2:6); He is omnipotent, since He has the power to bring forth being from nothingness (Colossians 1:16); He is immense, since He fills all things with His plenitude (Ephesians 4:10; Colossians 2:10); He is infinite since "the fullness of the Godhead dwells in Him" (Colossians 2:9). (四)基督拥有所有神的属性,他是永恒的,因为他是“第一个出生的每一个动物”和存在之前所有年龄(歌罗西书1:15-17),他是不可改变的,在形式,因为他的存在“神“(腓2:6),他是万能的,因为他有能力带出从虚无正(歌罗西书1:16),他是巨大的,因为他充满了他的充实(弗4:10一切事物;歌罗西书2:10),他是无限的,因为“丰满的神体在他居住”(西2:9)。 All that is the special property of the God belongs of right to Him; the judgment seat of God is the judgment seat of Christ (Romans 14:10; 2 Corinthians 5:10); the Gospel of God is the Gospel of Christ (Romans 1:1, 1:9, 15:16, 15:19, etc.); the Church of God is the Church of Christ (1 Corinthians 1:2 and Romans 16:16 sqq.); the Kingdom of God is the Kingdom of Christ (Ephesians 5:5), the Spirit of God is the Spirit of Christ (Romans 8:9 sqq.).所有这一切是上帝的特殊性质的权利属于他,神的审判台前是基督的审判台前(罗马书14:10;哥林多后书5:10)神的福音是基督的福音(罗马书1:1,1:9,15:16,15:19等);神的教会是基督的教会(哥林多前书1:2,罗马书16:16 sqq)。神的国是英国的基督(以弗所书5:5),神的精神是基督的灵(罗马书8:9 sqq。)。

(e) Christ is the one Lord (1 Corinthians 8:6); He is identified with Jehovah of the Old Covenant (1 Corinthians 10:4, 10:9; Romans 10:13; cf. 1 Corinthians 2:16; 9:21); He is the God who has purchased the Church with his own blood" (Acts 20:28); He is our "great God and Saviour Jesus Christ" (Titus 2:13); He is the "God over all things" (Romans 9:5), effacing by His infinite transcendency the sum and substance of created things. (五)基督是一主(哥林多前书8:6),他是与旧约耶和华(哥林多前书10:4确定,10时09分,罗马书10:13;比照哥林多前书2:16; 9。 :21),他是谁购买了自己的血与神的教会“(徒20:28),他是我们的”伟大的神和救主耶稣基督“(提多书2:13),他是”对所有的神东西“(罗马书9:5),由他的无限的超越抹杀总和与创造的东西的实质内容。

(2) Jesus Christ as Man(2)耶稣基督的人

The other aspect of the figure of Christ is drawn with no less firm a hand.在基督图绘制等方面,是同样坚定的手。Jesus Christ is the second Adam (Romans 5:14; 1 Corinthians 15:45-49); "the mediator of God and men" (1 Timothy 2:5), and as such He must necessarily be man (anthropos Christos Iesous).耶稣基督是第二个亚当(罗马书5:14;哥林多前书15:45-49),“神和人的调解员”(提摩太前书2:5),因此他必定是男人(anthropos克里斯托Iesous) 。So He is the descendant of the Patriarchs (Romans 9:5; Galatians 3:16), He is "of the seed of David, according to the flesh)" (Romans 1:3), "born of a woman" (Galatians 4:4), like all men; finally, He is known as a man by His appearance, which is exactly similar to that of men (Philippians 2:7), save for sin, which He did not and could not know (2 Corinthians 5:21).因此,他是始祖的后代(罗马书9:5;加拉太书3:16),他是“大卫的后裔,根据肉)”(罗马书1:3),(加拉太书“一个女人的诞生” 4:4),像所有的男人,最后,他是由他的外表,而这正是类似的男子(腓2:7),保存为罪,而他没有也不可能知道(2人知道哥林多前书5:21)。 When St. Paul says that "God sent His Son in the likeness of sinful flesh" (Romans 8:3), he does not mean to deny the reality of Christ's flesh, but excludes only sinful flesh.当圣保罗说:“上帝派的罪身的形状,他的儿子”(罗马书8:3),他并不意味着否认基督的肉体的现实,但不包括只罪孽深重的肉。

Nowhere does the Apostle explain how the union of the Divine and the human natures is accomplished in Christ, being content to affirm that He who was "in the form of God" took "the form of a servant" (Philippians 2:6-7), or he states the Incarnation in this laconic formula: "For in him dwelleth all the fullness of the Godhead corporeally" (Colossians 2:9).没有任何一个地方使徒解释如何在神和人的天性联盟在基督完成,正在内容确认,他谁是“在上帝的形式”参加“的一个奴仆的形像”(腓2:6-7 ),或他国的化身,在这个简洁的公式:“对于住在他的所有物质上的神体丰满”(西2:9)。What we see clearly is that there is in Christ a single Person to whom are attributed, often in the same sentence, qualities proper to the Divine and the human nature, to the pre-existence, the historical existence, and the glorified life (Colossians 1:15-19; Philippians 2:5-11; etc.).我们清楚地看到的是,有一个人在基督里谁是由于经常在同一个句子,素质,对各神和人的本性,到预存在,历史的存在,以及歌颂生命(歌罗西书1:15-19;腓2:5-11,等等)。 The theological explanation of the mystery has given rise to numerous errors.的神秘神学解释,已经引起了许多错误。Denial was made of one of the natures, either the human (Docetism), or the Divine (Arianism), or the two natures were considered to be united in a purely accidental manner so as to produce two persons (Nestorianism), or the two natures were merged into one (Monophysitism), or on pretext of uniting them in one person the heretics mutilated either the human nature (Apollinarianism), or the Divine, according to the strange modern heresy known as Kenosis.拒绝是由大自然创造的一个,无论是人(Docetism),或神(阿里乌主义),或两个性质被认为是纯粹偶然的方式在一个团结,以便产生两个人(景教),或两个性质合并为一(基督一),或者在他们团结在一个人的异端借口肢解要么人性(亚波里拿留派),或神,根据现代邪教的奇怪的kenosis而闻名。

The last-mentioned requires a brief treatment, as it is based on a saying of St. Paul "Being in the form of God . . . emptied himself (ekenosen eauton, hence kenosis) taking the form of a servant" (Philippians 2:6-7).最后提到的需要一个短暂的治疗,因为它是一个基于话说,圣保罗(腓2“在上帝的形像掏空自己(ekenosen eauton,因此的kenosis)取了奴仆的形像。。。”: 6-7)。Contrary to the common opinion, Luther applied these words not to the Word, but to Christ, the Incarnate Word.相反的共同意见,路德应用这些话不字,但基督,道成肉身。Moreover he understood the communicatio idiomatus as a real possession by each of the two natures of the attributes of the other.此外,他理解为一种通过对其他属性的两个性质,每一个真正拥有的交际idiomatus。According to this the human nature of Christ would possess the Divine attributes of ubiquity, omniscience, and omnipotence.根据这一人性的基督将拥有神圣的普及,全知,全能和属性。There are two systems among Lutheran theologians, one asserting that the human nature of Christ was voluntarily stripped of these attributes (kenosis), the other that they were hidden during His mortal existence (krypsis).有两个系统之间的路德神学家,一个断言,人性的基督是自愿剥夺了这些属性(的kenosis),认为他们是在自己血肉之躯的存在(krypsis)隐藏其他。

In modern times the doctrine of Kenosis, while still restricted to Lutheran theology, has completely changed its opinions.在现代倍的kenosis学说,而仍局限于路德神学,已完全改变了意见。 Starting with the philosophical idea that "personality" is identified with "consciousness", it is maintained that where there is only one person there can be only one consciousness; but since the consciousness of Christ was truly human consciousness, the Divine consciousness must of necessity have ceased to exist or act in Him.用哲学的观点,即“个性”与“意识”确定的开始,它坚持认为,如果只有一个人只能有一个意识,但由于基督的意识是真正的人的意识,神圣的意识也有必要已不复存在或行为在他身上。 According to Thomasius, the theorist of the system, the Son of God was stripped, not after the Incarnation, as Luther asserted, but by the very fact of the Incarnation, and what rendered possible the union of the Logos with the humanity was the faculty possessed by the Divinity to limit itself both as to being and activity.据托马,该系统的理论家,是神的儿子被剥夺,而不是之后的化身,因为路德断言,而是由这一事实的化身,以及可能提供了与人类的标志联盟是教师神所具备的限制本身都以福利和活动。 The other partisans of the system express themselves in a similar manner.该系统的其他党派以类似的方式表达自己。Gess, for instance, says that in Jesus Christ the Divine ego is changed into the human ego.箱GESS,例如说,在耶稣基督的神圣自我是对人类自我改变。When it is objected that God is immutable, that He can neither cease to be, nor limit Himself, nor transform Himself, they reply that this reasoning is on metaphysical hypotheses and concepts without reality.当它是反对,认为上帝是一成不变的,他既不再是,也不限制自己,也改变自己,他们回答这个推理和形而上学的假设是不实际的概念。 (For the various forms of Kenosis see Bruce, "The Humiliation of Christ", p. 136.) (有关的各种形式的kenosis看到布鲁斯,“基督的羞辱”,第136页。)

All these systems are merely variations of Monophysitism.所有这些系统都只是基督一性的变化。Unconsciously they assume that there is in Christ but a single nature as there is but a single person.不知不觉中,他们假设有一个在基督里,但由于单一的性质,只不过是一个人。According to the Catholic doctrine, on the contrary, the union of the two natures in a single person involves no change in the Divine nature and need involve no physical change of the human nature of Christ.根据天主教教义,相反,在一个人的两个性质联盟并不涉及神圣的性质,并不涉及任何变化,需要对人性的基督身体上的变化。 Without doubt Christ is the Son and is morally entitled even as man to the goods of His Father, viz.毫无疑问,基督是圣子,在道义上有权作为男人他的父亲,即本品均匀。the immediate vision of God, eternal beatitude, the state of glory.上帝,永恒乐的,荣耀的状态立即愿景。He is temporarily deprived of a portion of these goods in order that he may fulfill His mission as Redeemer.他暂时被剥夺了这些货物的一部分,以便他履行他作为救世主的使命。This is the abasement, the annihilation, of which St. Paul speaks, but it is a totally different thing from the Kenosis as described above.这是自卑,湮没,其中圣保罗说话,但它是从上面所述的kenosis完全是两回事。

E. The Objective Redemption as the Work of Christ大肠杆菌作为基督的救赎工作目标

We have seen that fallen man being unable to arise again unaided, God in His mercy sent His Son to save him.我们已经看到,堕落的人无法再出现肉眼,上帝在他的怜悯派他的儿子救了他。It is an elementary and often repeated doctrine of St. Paul that Jesus Christ saves us through the Cross, that we are "justified by His blood", that "we were reconciled to God by the death of his Son" (Romans 5:9-10).它是圣保罗小学和经常反复学说认为,通过耶稣基督的十字架拯救我们,我们是,“我们是不甘心的,他的儿子死亡的上帝”(罗马书5:9“,他的血称义” -10)。What endowed the blood of Christ, His death, His Cross, with this redeeming virtue?是什么赋予了基督的血,他死后,他的十字这个挽救美德,?Paul never answers this question directly, but he shows us the drama of Calvary under three aspects, which there is danger in separating and which are better understood when compared:保罗从来没有直接回答这个问题,但他向我们展示了三个方面下剧髑髅地,其中有在分离的危险,哪些是更好的理解比较:

(a) at one time the death of Christ is a sacrifice intended, like the sacrifice of the Old Law, to expiate sin and propitiate God. (一)在同一时间死亡的基督的牺牲意像的旧法的牺牲,以赎罪的罪,神和解。Cf.比照。Sanday and Headlam, "Romans", 91-94, "The death of Christ considered as a sacrifice".桑迪和headlam,“入乡随俗”,91-94,“基督的死亡是一种牺牲考虑”。"It is impossible from this passage (Romans 3:25) to get rid of the double idea: (1) of a sacrifice; (2) of a sacrifice which is propitiatory . . . Quite apart from this passage it is not difficult to prove that these two ideas of sacrifice and propitiation lie at the root of the teaching not only of St. Paul but of the New Testament generally." “这是不可能从这个通道(罗马书3:25),以获得摆脱双重理念:(1)牺牲;(2)的牺牲是和解的且不说这段话是不难。。。证明了牺牲和赎罪的思想在于这两个在教学根不仅圣保罗,但一般的新约。“ The double danger of this idea is, first to wish to apply to the sacrifice of Christ all the mode of action, real or supposed, of the imperfect sacrifices of the Old Law; and second, to believe that God is appeased by a sort of magical effect, in virtue of this sacrifice, whereas on the contrary it was He Who took the initiative of mercy, instituted the sacrifice of Calvary, and endowed it with its expiatory value.这个理念的双重危险时,首先要适用于基督牺牲一切行动的模式,真实的或假想中的旧法不完善的牺牲;及第二,要相信上帝是安抚的排序神奇的效果,在这个牺牲的美德,而与此相反它是谁,他采取了怜悯的倡议,制定了各各他的牺牲,并赋予其赎罪值。

(b) At another time the death of Christ is represented as a redemption, the payment of a ransom, as the result of which man was delivered from all his past servitude (1 Corinthians 6:20; 7:23 [times egorasthete]; Galatians 3:13; 4:5 [ina tous hypo nomon exagorase]; Romans 3:24; 1 Corinthians 1:30; Ephesians 1:7, 14; Colossians 1:14 [apolytrosis]; 1 Timothy 2:6 [antilytron]; etc.) This idea, correct as it is, may have inconveniences if isolated or exaggerated. (二)在其他时间基督的死是因为赎回代表,作为一个支付赎金的这名男子是从他的全部过去奴役(哥林多前书6:20交付结果; 19:23 [倍egorasthete];加拉太书3:13; 4:5 [伊娜Tous的次生nomon exagorase];罗马书3:24;哥林多前书1:30;以弗所书1:7,14;歌罗西书1:14 [apolytrosis]; 1蒂莫西2:6 [antilytron]等等)这个概念,正确的,因为它是,可能有不便,如果孤立的或夸大的。By carrying it beyond what was written, some of the Fathers put forth the strange suggestion of a ransom paid by Christ to the demon who held us in bondage.通过实施超出了写它,有些父亲提出由基督付出了赎金奇怪建议举行的恶魔谁在奴役我们。Another mistake is to regard the death of Christ as having a value in itself, independent of Christ Who offered it and God Who accepted it for the remission of our sins.另一个错误是认为本身有一个值死亡的基督,基督是谁提供独立的人接受它,上帝为我们的罪得赦了。

(c) Often, too, Christ seems to substitute Himself for us in order to undergo in our stead the chastisement for sin.(c)往往也基督似乎代替我们自己,以代替接受我们对罪的惩罚。He suffers physical death to save us from the moral death of sin and preserve us from eternal death.他患有身体的死亡来挽救了我们的罪死道德​​,维护我们从永恒的死亡。This idea of substitution appealed so strongly to Lutheran theologians that they admitted quantitative equality between the sufferings really endured by Christ and the penalties deserved by our sins.这种替代的想法如此强烈呼吁向路德神学家,他们承认两人之间的痛苦实在忍受定量平等基督和处罚由我们的罪孽当之无愧。 They even maintained that Jesus underwent the penalty of loss (of the vision of God) and the malediction of the Father.他们甚至认为,耶稣经历了损失刑罚(神的眼光)和父的诅咒。These are the extravagances which have cast so much discredit on the theory of subsitution.这些就是使人对这么多的替代性理论抹黑奢侈。It has been rightly said that the transfer of a chastisement from one person to another is an injustice and a contradiction, for the chastisement is inseparable from the fault and an undeserved chastisement is no longer a chastisement.它已被正确地说,从一个人转移到另一个惩罚是不公平和矛盾的责罚,是分不开的故障和不当管教不再是一个惩罚。 Besides, St. Paul never said that Christ died in our stead (anti), but only that he died for us (hyper) because of our sins.此外,圣保罗从来没有说过,基督死在我们而起(防),而只是说,他为我们(超),因为我们的罪死了。

In reality the three standpoints considered above are but three aspects of the Redemption which, far from excluding one another, should harmonize and combine, modifying if necessary all the other aspects of the problem.在现实中,上述三个观点都只是考虑三个方面的赎回其中,除彼此远离,应统一和结合起来,如果有必要修改的所有问题的其他方面。 In the following text St. Paul assembles these various aspects with several others.在下面的文本圣保罗组装与其他几个人的这些不同方面。We are "justified freely by his grace, through the Redemption, that is in Christ Jesus, whom God hath proposed to be a propitiation, through faith in his blood, to the shewing of his [hidden] justice, for the remission of former sins, through the forbearance of God, for the shewing of his justice in this time; that of himself may be [known as] just, and the justifier of him, who is in the faith of Jesus Christ" (Romans 3:24-26).我们是“合理的自由,由他的恩典,通过赎回,即在基督耶稣,就是神所提出的是一个挽回祭,是通过他的血液信念,以他的[隐藏]正义shewing,为前罪得赦通过上帝的宽容,为他的正义shewing在这段时间,这可能只是对自己[称为],并公正地对待他,谁在耶稣基督的信仰是“(罗马书3:24-26 )。Herein are designated the part of God, of Christ, and of man:此处指定的上帝,基督的一部分,人:

God takes the initiative; it is He who offers His Son; He intends to manifest His justice, but is moved thereto by mercy.上帝采取主动,这是谁,他提出了他的儿子,他打算来体现他的正义,但与之怜悯感动。 It is therefore incorrect or more or less inadequate to say that God was angry with the human race and that He was only appeased by the death of His Son.因此,不正确或不足,或多或少地说,上帝是愤怒的人的种族,而且他只能由他的儿子的死姑息。Christ is our Redemption (apolytrosis), He is the instrument of expiation or propitiation (ilasterion), and is such by His Sacrifice (en to autou aimati), which does not resemble those of irrational animals; it derives its value from Christ, who offers it for us to His Father through obedience and love (Philippians 2:8; Galatians 2:20).基督是我们的救赎(apolytrosis),他是赎罪或和解(ilasterion)工具,是由他的牺牲(恩给autou aimati),它不象动物的这种不合理的,它的收入来自基督,谁的价值提供通过服从和爱它(腓2:8;加拉太书2:20)我们他的父亲。Man is not merely passive in the drama of his salvation; he must understand the lesson which God teaches, and appropriate by faith the fruit of the Redemption.男子不只是在救他戏剧被动的,他必须明白因信神的教训,教导,以及适当的赎回水果。

F. The Subjective RedemptionF中的主观赎回

Christ having once died and risen, the Redemption is completed in law and in principle for the whole human race.基督的死和复活有一次,赎回完成后在法律上和整个人类的原则。Each man makes it his own in fact and in act by faith and baptism which, by uniting him with Christ, causes him to participate in His Divine life.每个人,让他自己在事实和行为,信仰和洗礼,其中,由他与基督联合,使他能够参加他的神圣生命。Faith, according to St. Paul, is composed of several elements; it is the submission of the intellect to the word of God, the trusting abandonment of the believer to the Saviour Who promises him assistance; it is also an act of obedience by which man accepts the Divine will.信仰,跟随圣保罗,是由几个要素,它是智力提交给神,是信徒的救主信任谁放弃他的援助承诺的话,它也是一种服从的行为,其中男子接受了神的意志。 Such an act has a moral value, for it "gives glory to God" (Romans 4:20) in the measure in which it recognizes its own helplessness.这种行为具有道德价值,因为它“给上帝的荣耀”的措施,其中确认了自己的无奈(罗马书4:20)。That is why "Abraham believed God, and it was reputed to him unto justice" (Romans 4:3; Galatians 3:6).这就是为什么“亚伯拉罕信神,这是被誉为他来见正义”(罗马书4:3;加拉太书3:6)。The spiritual children of Abraham are likewise "justified by faith, without the works of the law" (Romans 3:28; cf. Galatians 2:16).亚伯拉罕的灵童是同样的“因信称义,没有法律的工程”(罗马书3:28;比照加拉太书2:16)。。 Hence it follows:因此,它如下:

That justice is granted by God in consideration of faith.正义是天赐在信仰的审议。That, nevertheless, faith is not equivalent to justice, since man is justified "by grace" (Romans 4:6).这,不过,信心不等于正义,因为人是正当的“恩典”(罗马书4:6)。That the justice freely granted to man becomes his property and is inherent in him.这授予司法自由人成为他的财产,并在他固有的。

Protestants formerly asserted that the justice of Christ is imputed to us, but now they are generally agreed that this argument is unscriptural and lacks the guaranty of Paul; but some, loth to base justification on a good work (ergon), deny a moral value to faith and claim that justification is but a forensic judgment of God which alters absolutely nothing in the justified sinner.新教徒原宣称,基督的正义是归于我们,但现在他们普遍认为,这种说法是unscriptural,缺乏保罗的担保,但一些,却很不情愿一个良好的工作基础上的理由(ergon),否认道德价值信仰和主张,理由是一个神,但法医的判断而改变绝对没有在合理的罪人。 But this theory is untenable, for:但这种理论是站不住脚的,因为:

even admitting that "to justify" signifies "to pronounce just", it is absurd to suppose that God really pronounces just anyone who is not already so or who is not rendered so by the declaration itself.即使承认“证明”,标志着“发音公正”,这是荒谬的假设,上帝真的判决只是任何人谁是或谁不是已经这么不呈现这样的声明本身。 Justification is inseparable from sanctification, for the latter is "a justification of life" (Romans 5:18) and every "just man liveth by faith" (Romans 1:17; Galatians 3:11).理由是从神圣不可分割的,后者是“一个生命的理由”(罗马书5:18),每一个“公正的人活着的信仰”(罗马书1:17;加拉太书3:11)。

By faith and baptism we die to the "old man", our former selves; now this is impossible without beginning to live as the new man, who "according to God, is created in justice and holiness" (Romans 6:3-5; Ephesians 4:24; 1 Corinthians 1:30; 6:11).信仰和洗礼,我们死的“旧人”,我们以前的自己,现在这是不可能没有开始生活的新好男人,谁“按照上帝,是建立在正义和圣洁”(罗马书6:3-5 ;以弗所书4:24,哥林多前书1:30; 6:11)。We may, therefore, establish a distinction in definition and concept between justification and sanctification, but we can neither separate them nor regard them as separate.我们可能,因此,建立在定义和概念之间的理由和成圣的区别,但我们既不能把它们分开,也没有把它们当作独立的。

G. Moral Doctrine克道德学说

A remarkable characteristic of Paulinism is that it connects morality with the subjective redemption or justification.一个显着特征的Paulinism是,它连接着主观赎回或道德的理由。 This is especially striking in chapter 6 of the Epistle to the Romans.这是特别的书信章6至罗马引人注目。In baptism "our old man is crucified with [Christ] that, the body of sin may be destroyed, to the end that we may serve sin no longer" (Romans 6:6).在洗礼“,我们的旧人钉在十字架上的[基督]的,罪恶的身体可能被破坏,到去年底,我们可能不再作罪的奴仆”(罗6:6)。 Our incorporation with the mystical Christ is not only a transformation and a metamorphosis, but a real reaction, the production of a new being, subject to new laws and consequently to new duties.我们与基督的神秘团不仅是一个转型和蜕变,但真正的反应,一个新的福利,受到新法律,从而为新的生产任务。To understand the extent of our obligations it is enough for us to know ourselves as Christians and to reflect on the various relations which result from our supernatural birth: that of sonship to God the Father, of consecration to the Holy Ghost, of mystical identity with our Saviour Jesus Christ, of brotherly union with the other members of Christ.要了解我们的义务的限度内这是足以让我们知道自己是基督徒和反映的各种关系,这从我们的超自然出生的:那就是神的sonship的父,奉献,以圣灵的神秘身份,我们的救主耶稣基督,与基督的兄弟联盟的其他成员。 But this is not all.但这还不是全部。Paul says to the neophytes:保罗说的新手:

"Thanks be to God, that you were the servants of sin, but have obeyed from the heart unto that form of doctrine, into which you have been delivered. . . . But now being made free from sin, and become servants to God, you have your fruit unto sanctification, and the end life everlasting (Romans 6:17, 22). “感谢上帝,你作罪的奴仆,而是从心所不欲,构成主义,在其中您已经交付。。。。但是现在正在摆脱罪恶服从,并成为神的仆人,你有你的果子你们成圣,而结束​​自己的生命永恒的(罗马书6:17,22)。

By the act of faith and by baptism, its seal, the Christian freely makes himself the servant of God and the soldier of Christ.通过该法的信仰和洗礼,其密封,基督教自由,使自己为神的仆人,基督的士兵。God's will, which he accepts in advance in the measure in which it shall be manifested, becomes thenceforth his rule of conduct.上帝的意志,他在其中它应体现的措施,推进此后他接受成为行为准则。Thus Paul's moral code rests on the one hand on the positive will of God made known by Christ, promulgated by the Apostles, and virtually accepted by the neophyte in his first act of faith, and on the other, in baptismal regeneration and the new relations which it produces.因此,保罗的道德准则上对上帝的正面由基督已知将一方面在于,颁布的使徒,几乎被在他的信仰的第一个行动新手接受,另一方面,在洗礼再生和新的关系它产生的。 All Paul's commands and recommendations are merely applications of these principles.所有保罗的命令和建议只是这些原则的应用。

H. Eschatology阁下末世论

(1) The graphic description of the Pauline parousia (1 Thessalonians 4:16-17; 2 Thessalonians 1:7-10) has nearly all its main points in Christ's great eschatological discourse (Matthew 24, Mark 13, Luke 21). (1)图形的描述的宝莲圆满(帖前4:16-17;帖后1:7-10)几乎所有的主要在基督的伟大末世论话语点(马太24日,马克13日,卢克21)。 A common characteristic of all these passages is the apparent nearness of the parousia.所有这些通道的共同特点是贴近了圆满明显。Paul does not assert that the coming of the Saviour is at hand.保罗没有断言,未来的救世主就在眼前。In each of the five epistles, wherein he expresses the desire and the hope to witness in person the return of Christ, he at the same time considers the probability of the contrary hypothesis, proving that he had neither revelation nor certainty on the point.在每五个书信,其中他表达的愿望和希望亲自见证基督的回报,他同时认为,对持相反的假设的可能性,证明他既没有就这一点启示,也没有肯定。 He knows only that the day of the lord will come unexpectedly, like a thief (1 Thessalonians 5:2-3), and he counsels the neophytes to make themselves ready without neglecting the duties of their state of life (2 Thessalonians 3:6-12).他只知道主的日子来到,竟然像一个小偷(帖前5:2-3),和他的律师没有忽视他们的生活状态(2撒罗尼迦3:6的职责,使自己的新手准备-12)。 Although the coming of Christ will be sudden, it will be heralded by three signs:虽然未来的基督会突然,预示着这将是三个标志:

general apostasy (2 Thessalonians 2:3), the appearance of Antichrist (2:3-12), and the conversion of the Jews (Romans 11:26).一般叛教(帖撒罗尼迦后书2:3),在箴外观(2:3-12),以及犹太人(罗11:26)的转换。

A particular circumstance of St. Paul's preaching is that the just who shall be living at Christ's second advent will pass to glorious immortality without dying [1 Thessalonians 4:17; 1 Corinthians 15:51 (Greek text); 2 Corinthians 5:2-5].阿圣保罗的说教特殊情况是,究竟是谁应当在基督的第二次到来的生活将通过无死亡[帖撒罗尼迦前书4:17至光荣不朽;哥林多前书15:51(希腊文);哥林多后书5:2 - 5]。

(2) Owing to the doubts of the Corinthians Paul treats the resurrection of the just at some length.(2)由于保罗的科林蒂安的疑虑对待的只是在一些长度复活。He does not ignore the resurrection of the sinners, which he affirmed before the Governor Felix (Acts 24:15), but he does not concern himself with it in his Epistles.他不忽视的罪人复活,这是​​他前总督费利克斯(徒24:15)的肯定,但他并不关心,他在他的书信。When he says that "the dead who are in Christ shall rise first" (proton, 1 Thessalonians 4:16, Greek) this "first" offsets, not another resurrection of the dead, but the glorious transformation of the living.当他说,“谁在基督里死的人必先复活”(质子,帖撒罗尼迦前书4:16,希腊文)这个“第一”补偿,而不是另一个复活的死人,但活着的光荣转变。 In like manner "the evil" of which he speaks (tou telos, 1 Corinthians 15:24) is not the end of the resurrection, but of the present world and the beginning of a new order of things.在这样的方式“邪恶”,其中他谈到(土特产品最终目的,哥林多前书15:24),是不是复活结束,但目前的世界和一个事物的新秩序的开始。 All the arguments which he advances in behalf of the resurrection may be reduced to three: the mystical union of the Christian with Christ, the presence within us of the Spirit of Holiness, the interior and supernatural conviction of the faithful and the Apostles.所有的进展,他代表的复活可能会减少到三个参数:与基督基督徒,在我们的圣洁的灵,教友和使徒内部存在的神秘和超自然信念的结合。 It is evident that these arguments deal only with the glorious resurrection of the just.很显然,这些论调处理光荣复活的正义而已。In short, the resurrection of the wicked does not come within his theological horizon.总之,恶人的复活不属于他的神学视野。What is the condition of the souls of the just between death and resurrection?什么是正义的死亡和复活的灵魂状态?These souls enjoy the presence of Christ (2 Corinthians 5:8); their lot is enviable (Philippians 1:23); hence it is impossible that they should be without life, activity, or consciousness.这些灵魂享受基督的临(哥林多后书5:8);他们的生活是令人羡慕的(腓1:23),因此它是不可能的,他们应该没有生命,活动或意识。

(3) The judgment according to St. Paul as according to the Synoptics, is closely connected with the parousia and the resurrection. (3)判决根据,因为根据该synoptics到圣保罗,是紧密联系在一起的圆满和复活。They are the three acts of the same drama which constitute the Day of the Lord (1 Corinthians 1:8; 2 Corinthians 1:14; Philippians 1:6, 10; 2:16).他们是同剧的三个行为构成了主日(哥林多前书1:8;哥林多后书1:14;腓1:6,10; 2:16)。"For we must all be manifested before the judgment seat of Christ, that every one may receive the proper things of the body, according as he hath done, whether it be good or evil" (2 Corinthians 5:10). (哥林多后书5:10)“因为我们大家都必须在基督的审判台前,即每个人的身体可能会收到正确的东西,照他所行的,无论是善或恶的表现。”

Two conclusions are derived from this text:两个结论是来自这样的文字:

(1) The judgment shall be universal, neither the good nor the wicked shall escape (Romans 14:10-12), nor even the angels (1 Corinthians 6:3); all who are brought to trial must account for the use of their liberty. (1)判决应是普遍的,无论是好还是坏逃脱(罗马书14:10-12),甚至也不是天使(哥林多前书6:3),所有谁是审判必须考虑使用他们的自由。

(2) The judgment shall be according to works: this is a truth frequently reiterated by St. Paul, concerning sinners (2 Corinthians 11:15), the just (2 Timothy 4:14), and men in general (Romans 2:6-9). (2)判决应根据工程:这是一条真理经常重申的圣保罗,关于罪人(林后11:15),在一般的正义(2蒂莫西4:14),和男子(罗马书二: 6-9)。 Many Protestants marvel at this and claim that in St. Paul this doctrine is a survival of his rabbinical education (Pfleiderer), or that he could not make it harmonize with his doctrine of gratuitous justification (Reuss), or that the reward will be in proportion to the act, as the harvest is in proportion to the sowing, but that it will not be because of or with a view to the act (Weiss).许多新教徒在这个奇迹,并声称,在圣保罗这一学说是他的犹太教教育生存(弗莱德尔),或者说他不能来协调与他的学说无偿理由(罗伊斯),或该奖励将在比例的行为,如收获是成正比的播种,但它不会因或与该法(魏斯)视图。 These authors lose sight of the fact that St. Paul distinguishes between two justifications, the first necessarily gratuitous since man was then incapable of meriting it (Romans 3:28; Galatians 2:16), the second in conformity to his works (Romans 2:6: kata ta erga), since man, when adorned with sanctifying grace, is capable of merit as the sinner is of demerit.这些作者忽略一个事实,即两个理由圣保罗之间的区别,首先一定是无偿的,因为人不能那么它的meriting,在符合他的著作(加拉太书2:16罗马书3:28),第二(罗马2 :6:卡塔助教普遍),因为人,当圣洁优雅装饰,优点是能够为罪人的缺点是。Hence the celestial recompense is "a crown of justice which the Lord the just judge will render" (2 Timothy 4:8) to whomsoever has legitimately gained it.因此,天体的报酬是“正义的冠冕,其中主的公正的法官会令”(提摩太后书4:8),以何人已合法取得的。

Briefly, St. Paul's eschatology is not so distinctive as it has been made to appear.简单地说,圣保罗的末世论并非如此显着特征,它已出现。Perhaps its most original characteristic is the continuity between the present and the future of the just, between grace and glory, between salvation begun and salvation consummated.也许它是最原始的特征之间的现在和正义之间的恩典和荣耀,开始了拯救和拯救之间完善未来的连续性。A large number of terms, redemption, justification, salvation, kingdom, glory and especially life, are common to the two states, or rather to the two phases of the same existence linked by charity which "never falleth away".大量的条款,赎回,理由,救赎,英国,荣耀,尤其是生活,是常见的两个国家,或者更确切地说,由慈善机构“永不凋谢”链存在相同的两个阶段。

Publication information Written by F. Prat.出版信息撰稿楼宝勒。Transcribed by Donald J. Boon.转录的唐纳德J福音。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.天主教百科全书,第十一。Published 1911.1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰法利枢机主教,大主教纽约

Saul of Tarsus扫罗的塔尔苏斯

Jewish Viewpoint Information犹太观资料

The actual founder of the Christian Church as opposed to Judaism; born before 10 CE; died after 63.的基督教教会实际创始人,而不是犹太教,行政长官10日前出生后63个死亡。The records containing the views and opinions of the opponents of Paul and Paulinism are no longer in existence; and the history of the early Church has been colored by the writers of the second century, who were anxious to suppress or smooth over the controversies of the preceding period, as is shown in the Acts of the Apostles and also by the fact that the Epistles ascribed to Paul, as has been proved by modern critics, are partly spurious (Galatians, Ephesians, I and II Timothy, Titus, and others) and partly interpolated.该记录包含的意见和保罗和paulinism意见的对手不再存在,以及早期教会的历史已经由第二个世纪的作家,谁被急于压制或顺利以上的彩色的争议前段时期,如图所示的使徒的行为和事实也归功于保罗的书信,因为已经证明了现代的批评,部分是虚假的(加拉太书,以弗所书,我和提摩太,提多和其他人)而部分插。

Not a Hebrew Scholar; a Hellenist.不是希伯来语学者;一个hellenist。

Saul (whose Roman cognomen was Paul; see Acts xiii. 9) was born of Jewish parents in the first decade of the common era at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts ix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3).索尔(其罗马cognomen保罗。看到行为十三9)出生的犹太父母在共同时代的第一个十年在塔尔苏斯在西里西亚(徒九11,二十一39,二十二三。。。)。 The claim in Rom. ROM中的索赔。xi.十一。1 and Phil.1,菲尔。iii.三。5 that he was of the tribe of Benjamin, suggested by the similarity of his name with that of the first Israelitish king, is, if the passages are genuine, a false one, no tribal lists or pedigrees of this kind having been in existence at that time (see Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." i. 7, 5; Pes. 62b; M. Sachs, "Beiträge zur Sprach- und Alterthumsforschung," 1852, ii. 157). 5,他便雅悯支派,由他与首israelitish国王的名字相似的建议,就是如果通道是否为正版,假的,没有部落名单,或家系中有这种一直存在于那个时候(见尤西比乌斯,“历史传道书。。”一,七,五;瘟62b。米高盛,“Beiträge楚引子-有限公司Alterthumsforschung,”1852年,二157。)。 Nor is there any indication in Paul's writings or arguments that he had received the rabbinical training ascribed to him by Christian writers, ancient and modern; least of all could he have acted or written as he did had he been, as is alleged (Acts xxii. 3), the disciple of Gamaliel I., the mild Hillelite.也没有任何在保罗的著作或论点表示,他收到了犹太教培训冲高的基督教作家给他,古代和现代,至少所有可他已采取行动或书面像他那样,他被作为指控(徒二十二。3),加马利亚一,轻度Hillelite弟子。 His quotations from Scripture, which are all taken, directly or from memory, from the Greek version, betray no familiarity with the original Hebrew text.从经文,都是采取直接或从记忆体,从希腊的版本他的报价,背叛没有与原来的希伯来文的了解。The Hellenistic literature, such as the Book of Wisdom and other Apocrypha, as well as Philo (see Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," ii. 18-27; Siegfried, "Philo von Alexandria," 1875, pp. 304-310; Jowett, "Commentary on the Thessalonians and Galatians," i. 363-417), was the sole source for his eschatological and theological system.希腊文学,如智慧和其他伪经书,以及斐罗(见毫斯瑞“Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte,”二18-27。齐格弗里德,“斐洛冯亚历山大”,1875年,第304-310;乔伊特“述论撒罗尼迦和加拉太,”岛363-417),是为他的末世论和神学系统的唯一来源。 Notwithstanding the emphatic statement, in Phil.尽管声明强调在菲尔。iii.三。5, that he was "a Hebrew of the Hebrews"-a rather unusual term, which seems to refer to his nationalistic training and conduct (comp. Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2), since his Jewish birth is stated in the preceding words "of the stock of Israel"-he was, if any of the Epistles that bear his name are really his, entirely a Hellenist in thought and sentiment. 5,他是“一个希伯来语的希伯来人”,一个不寻常的任期,这似乎是指他的民族主义和进行培训(comp.行为二十一。40二十二。2),因为他是犹太人的诞生,是在规定的前面“对以色列股票”的话,他,如果他的名字命名的书信的,真的是他,完全是一个在思想和情绪Hellenist。 As such he was imbued with the notion that "the whole creation groaneth" for liberation from "the prison-house of the body," from this earthly existence, which, because of its pollution by sin and death, is intrinsically evil (Gal. i. 4; Rom. v. 12, vii. 23-24, viii. 22; I Cor. vii. 31; II Cor. v. 2, 4; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," iii. 75; idem, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 17; idem, "De Ebrietate," § 26; and Wisdom ii.24).因此,他充满了概念,即“整个创作groaneth”从解放“监狱,身体的房子,”从这个尘世的存在,这是因为它的罪恶和死亡的污染,在本质上是邪恶的(加拉太书一,四;罗五12,七23-24,八22;。。。。我肺心病七31;。诉二二,肺心病,4;。。比赛斐洛,“德allegoriis专攻,”三75。同上,“德维Mosis,”三十七。同上,“德Ebrietate,”§ 26;与智慧二.24)。As a Hellenist, also, he distinguished between an earthly and a heavenly Adam (I Cor. xv. 45-49; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," i. 12), and, accordingly, between the lower psychic.作为一个hellenist,同时,他区分了一个人间天堂和亚当(林前十五45-49;。。。比赛斐洛,“德allegoriis专攻,”岛12),并据此,低之间的心理。 life and the higher spiritual life attained only by asceticism (Rom. xii. 1; I Cor. vii. 1-31, ix. 27, xv. 50; comp. Philo, "De Profugis," § 17; and elsewhere).生活和精神生活所获得更高的禁欲主义只(罗十二1。。我肺心病1-31第七,九27,十五50;。。。。比赛斐洛,“德Profugis,”§ 17;和其他地方)。His whole state of mind shows the influence of the theosophic or Gnostic lore of Alexandria, especially the Hermes literature recently brought to light by Reizenstein in his important work "Poimandres," 1904 (see Index, sv "Paulus," "Briefe des Paulus," and "Philo"); hence his strange belief in supernatural powers (Reizenstein, lc pp. 77, 287), in fatalism, in "speaking in tongues" (I Cor. xii.-xiv.; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 58; Dieterich, "Abraxas," pp. 5 et seq.; Weinel, "Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister," 1899, pp. 72 et seq.; I Cor. xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-6; Eph. iii. 3), and in mysteries or sacraments (Rom. xvi. 25; Col. i. 26, ii. 2, iv. 3; Eph. i. 9, iii. 4, vi. 19)-a term borrowed solely from heathen rites.他的心态显示了整个国家的亚历山大theosophic或诺斯底的传说,特别是Hermes的文学带来的reizenstein最近在他的重要工作“poimandres,”1904年(见指数,希沃特“保卢斯”,“德保卢斯Bri​​efe的影响, “和”哲学“);因此,他奇怪的信仰,神通(reizenstein,立法会第77,287)中,在宿命论,”说方言“(我肺心病xii.至十四。。。比赛Reizenstein,液晶58 ;迪特里希,“卫矛尺,”第5起。魏内尔,“模具Wirkungen德Geistes und明镜Geister,”1899年,第72页起。我肺心病十五8;。。。。二,肺心病第十二1-6弗三三),并在的奥秘,或圣礼(罗马书十六25;。。。上校一26,二二,四3;。。弗一9,三,四,六19),一。。。长期借款单从异教徒的仪式。

His Epilepsy.他的癫痫症。

There is throughout Paul's writings an irrational or pathological element which could not but repel the disciples of the Rabbis.有一个不合理或病理因素不能不被排斥在整个保罗的门徒拉比的著作。Possibly his pessimistic mood was the result of his physical condition; for he suffered from an illness which affected both body and mind.可能是他的悲观情绪是导致他的身体状况,因为他从一疾病,这既影响身体和精神受到影响。He speaks of it as "a thorn in the flesh," and as a heavy stroke by "a messenger of Satan" (II Cor. xii. 7), which often caused him to realize his utter helplessness, and made him an object of pity and horror (Gal. iv. 13).他讲的这是“一个眼中钉,肉中刺”,并作为一个“信使撒旦”重型中风(二肺心病。十二。七),这往往使他认​​识到他完全无助,使他的对象怜悯和恐惧(加四。13)。 It was, as Krenkel ("Beiträge zur Aufhellung der Geschichte und Briefe des Apostels Paulus," 1890, pp. 47-125) has convincingly shown, epilepsy, called by the Greeks "the holy disease," which frequently put him into a state of ecstasy, a frame of mind that may have greatly impressed some of his Gentile hearers, but could not but frighten away and estrange from him the Jew, whose God is above all the God of reason (comp. II Cor. v. 13; x. 10; xi. 1, 16; xii. 6).这是,作为克伦克尔(“Beiträge楚Aufhellung明镜历史馆有限公司Briefe德Apostels保卢斯,”1890年,第47-125)已令人信服地表明,癫痫,由希腊人“神圣的疾病”,常常把他称为一个国家狂喜,一种心态,可能有很大的印象,他的詹蒂莱听众一些,但不能,但吓走和疏远他的犹太人,他们的上帝是高于一切的神的原因(comp.二肺心病是五13。十,10岁;十一1,16。十二6)。。 The conception of a new faith, half pagan and half Jewish, such as Paul preached, and susceptibility to its influences, were altogether foreign to the nature of Jewish life and thought.一个新的信仰,一半异教徒和犹太人的一半,如保罗鼓吹,其影响和易感性,概念是完全陌生的犹太人生活的本质和思想。 For Judaism, religion is the hallowing of this life by the fulfilment of its manifold duties (see Judaism): Paul shrank from life as the domain of Satan and all his hosts of evil; he longed for redemption by the deadening of all desires for life, and strove for another world which he sawin his ecstatic visions.对于犹太教,宗教是由它(见犹太教)多方面的职责,履行这样的生活哈洛宁波恩:保罗从生活领域的撒旦萎缩,他的所有主机的邪恶,他向往的生活的所有欲望赎回隔音材料,并竭力为另一个世界,他索温他欣喜若狂的愿景。 The following description of Paul is preserved in "Acta Pauli et Theclæ," an apocryphal book which has been proved to be older and in some respects of greater historic value than the canonical Acts of the Apostles (see Conybeare, "Apollonius' Apology and Acts, and Other Monuments of Early Christianity," pp. 49-88, London, 1894): "A man of moderate stature, with crisp [scanty] hair, crooked legs, blue eyes, large knit brows, and long nose, at times looking like a man, at times like an angel, Paul came forward and preached to the men of Iconium: 'Blessed are they that keep themselves chaste [unmarried]; for they shall be called the temple of God. Blessed are they that mortify their bodies and souls; for unto them speaketh God. Blessed are they that despise the world; for they shall be pleasing to God. Blessed be the souls and bodies of virgins; for they shall receive the reward of their chastity.'"保罗的保存在下面的说明是“学报泡利等Theclæ,”一个未经证实的书,已经被证明是老年人和较典型的使徒的一些行为方面更大的历史价值(见科尼比尔,“阿波罗尼奥斯'道歉和行为和其他古迹的早期基督教,“页49-88,伦敦,1894年):”一个男子温和的地位,与脆[稀少]头发,弯曲的腿,蓝眼睛,大针织眉毛,长鼻子,有时看上去就像一个人在像一个天使,保罗挺身而出,宣扬的伊康男子:。'有福了,他们认为保持自己[未婚]纯洁,因为他们必称为神的庙宇腐坏的人有福了身体和灵魂;。神献给他们说话的人有福蔑视世界。因为他们必蒙神喜悦的是应当称颂的灵魂和身体的处女。对于他们应得到的奖励贞节'“

It was by such preaching that "he ensnared the souls of young men and maidens, enjoining them to remain single "(Conybeare, lc pp. 62, 63, 67; comp. ib. pp. 24-25; Gal. iii. 38; I Cor. vii. 34-36; Matt. xix. 12; Clement of Rome, Epistle ii. § 12).它是由这种鼓吹“他陷入的青年男子和少女的灵魂,责令他们继续留单”(科尼比尔,立法会第62,63,67;。比赛兴业页24-25。加尔三38。。 ,我肺心病七34-36;。。马特十九12;。。。克莱门特的罗马,书信二§ 12)。

Anti-Jewish Attitude.反犹太人的态度。

Whatever the physiological or psychological analysis of Paul's temperament may be, his conception of life was not Jewish.无论保罗的气质可能是生理或心理分析,他的人生观是不是犹太人。 Nor can his unparalleled animosity and hostility to Judaism as voiced in the Epistles be accounted for except upon the assumption that, while born a Jew, he was never in sympathy or in touch with the doctrines of the rabbinical schools.也不能把他无与伦比的仇恨和敌视犹太教作为表示将在书信后,即除外,而出生的犹太人占的假设,他从来没有在同情或与犹太教学校的理论联系。 For even his Jewish teachings came to him through Hellenistic channels, as is indicated by the great emphasis laid upon "the day of the divine wrath" (Rom. i. 18; ii. 5, 8; iii. 5; iv. 15; v. 9; ix. 22; xii. 19; I Thess. i. 10; Col. iii. 6; comp. Sibyllines, iii. 309 et seq., 332; iv. 159, 161 et seq.; and elsewhere), as well as by his ethical monitions, which are rather inconsistently taken over from Jewish codes of law for proselytes, the Didache and Didascalia.即使他的犹太教义来通过希腊渠道交给他,以表示对(罗马书“的神圣愤怒日”奠定了高度重视岛18,二5,8;。三5;。四十五。五,9;九22;。十二19;。帖前一10;。上校三六。。比赛sibyllines,三309起,332;。。四,159,161起。。和其他地方) ,以及他的道德monitions,这是相当不一致取自犹太人守则法proselytes,didache和didascalia认为结束了。It is quite natural, then, that not only the Jews (Acts xxi. 21), but also the Judæo-Christians, regarded Paul as an "apostate from the Law" (see Eusebius, lc iii. 27; Irenæus, "Adversus Hæreses," i. 26, 2; Origen, "Contra Celsum," v. 65; Clement of Rome, "Recognitiones," i. 70. 73).这是很自然的,那么,不仅犹太人(徒二十一21。),而且还犹太基督徒,认为是一个“从法律叛教者”保罗(见尤西比乌斯,立法会三27;。依,“相反Hæreses ,“岛26,2,奥利,”魂斗罗Celsum,“诉65;克莱门特的罗马,”Recognitiones,“岛70 73)。。

His Personality.他的个性。

To judge from those Epistles that have all the traits of genuineness and give a true insight into his nature, Paul was of a fiery temper, impulsive and impassioned in the extreme, of ever-changing moods, now exulting in boundless joy and now sorely depressed and gloomy.判断从这些书信有所有性状的真实性,并给予他的自然真实的洞察力,保罗是一个火热的脾气,一时冲动,在日新月异的情绪极端,现在在无边的欢乐exulting,慷慨激昂,现在非常郁闷和悲观。 Effusive and excessive alike in his love and in his hatred, in his blessing and in his cursing, he possessed a marvelous power over men; and he had unbounded confidence in himself.热情洋溢和过度都在他的爱和他的仇恨,在他的祝福,并在他的咒骂,他拥有一个不可思议的力量超过男性;和他无限的自信。 He speaks or writes as a man who is conscious of a great providential mission, as the servant and herald of a high and unique cause.他说话或写作为一个男人谁是一个伟大的天赐的使命意识,仆人,并预示着一个高和独特的原因。The philosopher and the Jew will greatly differ from him with regard to every argument and view of his; but both will admit that he is a mighty battler for truth, and that his view of life, of man, and of God is a profoundly serious one.哲学家和犹太人将大大不同,他对于每一个论点,他的看法;但双方会承认自己是一个强大的battler真理,那他的生活的人,查看了,神是一个深刻严重一。 The entire conception of religion has certainly been deepened by him, because his mental grasp was wide and comprehensive, and his thinking bold, aggressive, searching, and at the same time systematic.宗教的整个概念无疑加深了他,因为他的心理把握是广泛和全面的,他的思想大胆,积极,搜查,并在同一时间系统。 Indeed, he molded the thought and the belief of all Christendom.事实上,他塑造的思想和信仰基督教的一切。

Jewish Proselytism and Paul.犹太人改宗和保罗。

Before the authenticity of the story of the so-called conversion of Paul is investigated, it seems proper to consider from the Jewish point of view this question: Why did Paul find it necessary to create a new system of faith for the admission of the Gentiles, in view of the fact that the Synagogue had well-nigh two centuries before opened its door to them and, with the help of the Hellenistic literature, had made a successful propaganda, as even the Gospels testify?之前,该保所谓的转化故事的真实性进行了研究,似乎适当考虑从犹太人的角度来看这个问题:为什么保罗觉得有必要建立一个信仰为接纳外邦人新系统,在犹太教堂的事实,即有良好的几乎两个世纪前向他们敞开了大门,并与希腊文学的协助下,作出了成功的宣传,因为即使是福音作证有何看法? (Matt. xxiii. 15; see Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 102-135, 420-483; J. Bernays, "Gesammelte Abhandlungen," 1885, i. 192-282, ii. 71-80; Bertholet, "Die Stellung der Israeliten und Juden zu den Fremden," 1896, pp. 257-302.) Bertholet (lc pp. 303-334; but see Schürer, lci 126) and others, in order that they may reserve the claim of universality for Christianity, deny the existence of uncircumcised proselytes in Judaism, and misconstrue plain Talmudic and other statements referring to God-fearing Gentiles (Bertholet, lc pp. 338-339); whereas the very doctrine of Paul concerning the universal faith of Abraham (Rom. iv. 3-18) rests upon the traditional interpretation of Gen. xii. (二十三15;。见Schürer,的“Gesch。”三维版,三102-135,420-483;。。j的伯内斯,的“gesammelte Abhandlungen,”1885年,岛192-282,二71-80。 ;贝尔托莱,“模具Stellung明镜Israeliten有限公司犹太人祖巢穴Fremden”,1896年,第257-302)贝尔托莱(信用证页303-334。但看到为了Schürer,国际狮子总会126)和其他人,他们可以保留对基督教的普遍性要求,拒绝在​​犹太教割包皮的proselytes的存在,并误解平原塔木德和其他报表指敬畏上帝外邦人(贝尔托莱,立法会页338-339),而保罗的非常普遍的信仰教义有关的亚伯拉罕(罗马书四。3-18)休息后,创十二传统解释。 3 (see Kuenen, "Prophets and Prophecy in Israel," pp. 379, 457) and upon the traditional view which made Abraham the prototype of a missionary bringing the heathen world under the wings of the Shekinah (Gen. R. xxxix., with reference to Gen. xii. 5; see Abraham; Judaism; Proselyte). 3(见Kuenen,“先知和预言,在以色列,”页379,457)后,传统的观点提出亚伯拉罕的一个传教士带来的原型下的Shekinah(将军河三十九异教徒世界的翅膀。,参照创十二5;。见亚伯拉罕;犹太教Proselyte)。 As a matter of fact, only the Jewish propaganda work along the Mediterranean Sea made it possible for Paul and his associates to establish Christianity among the Gentiles, as is expressly recorded in the Acts (x. 2; xiii. 16, 26, 43, 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7); and it is exactly from such synagogue manuals for proselytes as the Didache and the Didascalia that the ethical teachings in the Epistles of Paul and of Peter were derived (see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 1-44).由于事实上,只有沿着地中海犹太人的宣传工作使人们有可能对保罗和他的同伙,以建立基督教之间的外邦人,因为是明确的行为记录(十2;十三16,26,43,。 50,十六14;。十七4,17。十八7);。它是从作为didache和didascalia的proselytes手册正是这样的犹太教堂,在书信保罗和彼得的道德教诲,推导出(见西贝尔格,“明镜Katechismus明镜Urchristenheit”,1903年,页1-44)。

The answer is supplied by the fact that Jewish proselytism had the Jewish nation as its basis, as the names "ger" and "ger toshab" for "proselyte" indicate.答案是所提供的事实,改变宗教信仰的犹太人的名字已经为“毛”和“毛toshab”为“proselyte”表明犹太民族作为其基础。 The proselyte on whom the Abrahamic rite was not performed remained an outsider.该人亚伯拉罕成年礼没有表现proselyte仍然是一个局外人。It was, therefore, highly important for Paul that those who became converted to the Church should rank equally with its other members and that every mark of distinction between Jew and Gentile should be wiped out in the new state of existence in which the Christians lived in anticipation.这是,因此,保罗非常重要的那些谁成为转换为教会应该拥有同等的其他成员和每一个犹太人和外邦人之间的区分标志应该被淘汰,在新的存在状态,其中的基督徒生活在出期待。 The predominating point of view of the Synagogue was the political and social one; that of the Church, the eschatological one.该观点的犹太教堂为主的一点是政治和社会之一,该教会,末世论之一。May such as do not bear the seal of Abraham's covenant upon their flesh or do not fulfil the whole Law be admitted into the congregation of the saints waiting for the world of resurrection?5月,如不承担亚伯拉罕的盟约盖章后,他们的肉或不履行整个法律被纳入了世界的复活等待圣徒教会承认? This was the question at issue between the disciples of Jesus and those of Paul; the former adhering to the view of the Essenes, which was also that of Jesus; the latter taking an independent position that started not from the Jewish but from the non-Jewish standpoint.这是问题之间的耶稣和保罗的门徒的问题时,前者坚持的essenes,这也就是耶稣观点,后者以一个独立的立场,即开始不从犹太人,而是从非犹太人的立场。 Paul fashioned a Christ ofhis own, a church of his own, and a system of belief of his own; and because there were many mythological and Gnostic elements in his theology which appealed more to the non-Jew than to the Jew, he won the heathen world to his belief.保罗基督ofhis塑造了自己,是他自己的教会,以及对他自己的信仰体系,因为有许多神话和诺斯底元素在他的神学,而不是与犹太人呼吁更多的非犹太人,他赢了异教徒的世界,他的信念。

Paul's Christ.保罗的基督。

In the foreground of all of Paul's teaching stands his peculiar vision of Christ, to which he constantly refers as his only claim and title to apostleship (I Cor. ix. 1, xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-7; Phil. iii. 9; Gal. i. 1, 12, 16, on which see below).在对保罗的教学所有前台站在他的基督特有的视野,他不断地为他唯一的要求和所有权使徒(林前九1,十五8是指;。。。。二,肺心病十二1-7;。菲尔。三9;。加尔一,1,12,16,上见下文)。。 The other apostles saw Jesus in the flesh; Paul saw him when, in a state of entrancement, he was carried into paradise to the third heaven, where he heard "unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter" (II Cor. xii. 2-4).其他使徒看到耶稣在肉体,保罗看到他时,在一个国家的entrancement,他进天堂,第三天堂,在那里他听到“无法形容的话,它是不合法的一名男子说出”(二进行肺心病。十二。2-4)。 Evidently this picture of Christ must have occupied a prominent place in his mind before, just as Meṭaṭron (Mithra) and Akteriel did in the minds of Jewish mystics (see Angelology; Merkabah).显然,这张照片的基督必须在他心目中占据了突出位置之前,就像梅塔特隆(密特拉)和Akteriel在犹太神秘主义者的头脑中如此(见天使; Merkaba上)。To him the Messiah was the son of God in a metaphysical sense, "the image of God" (II Cor. iv. 4; Col. i. 15), "the heavenly Adam" (I Cor. xv. 49; similar to the Philonic or cabalistic Adam Ḳadmon), the mediator between God and the world (I Cor. viii. 6), "the first-born of all creation, for by him were all things created" (Col. i. 15-17), identical also with the Holy Spirit manifested in Israel's history (I Cor. x. 4; II Cor. iii. 17; comp. Wisdom x. 1.-xii. 1; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat," § 30; see also Jew. Encyc. x. 183b, sv Preexistence of the Messiah).对他来说,弥赛亚是上帝的儿子在形而上的意义上,“神的形象”(二肺心病四四。。上校一15),“天堂的亚当”(我肺心病十五49;。。类似该philonic或cabalistic亚当始祖),与上帝的世界(我肺心病的调停人。八。6),“第一出生的所有创作,为他所创造的一切事物”(西一15-17) ,相同的圣灵也体现在以色列的历史(我肺心病十4。二,肺心病三17;。。比赛智慧十1. - 1十二。。斐洛,“德御狴Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat” § 30,还见犹太人Encyc十,183b,希沃特的弥赛亚的前身)。。。

It is, however, chiefly as "the king of glory" (I Cor. ii. 8), as ruler of the powers of light and life eternal, that Christ is to manifest his cosmic power.但是这样做,主要是为“国王的荣耀”(我肺心病。二。8),作为轻和永恒的生命权,基督是要体现他的宇宙力量的统治者。 He has to annihilate Satan or Belial, the ruler of this world of darkness and death, with all his hosts of evil, physical and moral (I Cor. xv. 24-26).他要消灭他的所有的邪恶,身体和精神主机撒旦或恶魔,这个世界的黑暗和死亡的统治者,(我肺心病。十五。24-26)。 Paul's "gnosis" (I Cor. viii. 1, 7; II Cor. ii. 14; I Tim. vi. 20) is a revival of Persian dualism, which makes of all existence, whether physical, mental, or spiritual, a battle between light and darkness (I Thess. v. 4-5; Eph. v. 8-13; Col. i. 13), between flesh and spirit (I Cor. xv. 48; Rom. viii. 6-9), between corruption and life everlasting (I Cor. xv. 50, 53).保罗的“直觉”(林前八1,7。。。。二,肺心病二14;。。我添六20)是波斯的二元论的复兴,这使得所有的存在,无论是身体,心理或精神,一光明与黑暗之间的战斗(一帖五4-5;。。弗五8-13;上校一13)之间,肉体和精神(我肺心病十五48;。。。罗八6-9)。 ,腐败与生命永恒的(我肺心病。十五。50,53)。The object of the Church is to obtain for its members the spirit, the glory, and the life of Christ, its "head," and to liberate them from the servitude of and allegiance to the flesh and the powers of earth.教会的目的是要获得其成员的精神,荣耀,和基督的,它的生命“头”,为摆脱奴役和效忠的肉和地球的权力他们。In order to become participants in the salvation that had come and the resurrection that was nigh, the saints were to cast off the works of darkness and to put on the armor of light, the breastplate of love, and the helmet of hope (Rom. xiii. 12; II Cor. x. 4; Eph. vi. 11. I Thess. v. 8; comp. Wisdom v. 17-18; Isa. lix. 17; "the weapons of light of the people of Israel," Pesiḳ, R. 33 [ed. Buber, p. 154]; Targ. Yer. to Ex. xxxiii. 4; "the men of the shields" ["ba'ale teresin"], a name for high-ranking Gnostics, Ber. 27b; also "the vestiture of light" in Mandæan lore, "Jahrbuch für Protestantische Theologie," xviii. 575-576).为了成为与会者在拯救已到,复活,这是​​近了,圣人是摆脱黑暗的作品,并把对轻甲,爱的胸甲,头盔和希望(罗马书十三12;。二,肺心病十4。。弗六11余帖诉8。。。。比赛智慧五17-18;。伊萨lix 17;。“对以色列人民的轻武器, “Pesiḳ,河33 [。教育署布伯,第154页]。。。。塔尔格也门里亚尔给前三十三4;的”盾牌“[”ba'ale teresin“],一个高级别诺斯替派名男子,误码率27B条。也在曼达传说“光vestiture”,“Jahrbuch献给新教神学”,十八575-576)。。

The Crucified Messiah.被钉十字架的弥赛亚。

How then can this world of perdition and evil, of sin and death, be overcome, and the true life be attained instead?这又怎能灭亡和邪恶,罪恶和死亡的世界,要克服,要实现真正的生活呢?This question, which, according to a Talmudic legend (Tamid 32a), Alexander the Great put to the wise men of the South, was apparently the one uppermost also in the mind of Paul (see Kabisch,"Die Eschatologie des Paulus," 1893); and in the form of a vision of the crucified Christ the answer came to him to "die in order to live."这个问题,其中,根据一项talmudic传说(Tamid 32A条),亚历山大大帝向南方提出的智者,显然是一个最主要的保罗的心也(见Kabisch,“模具Eschatologie德保卢斯,”1893年),并在基督钉在十字架上的视觉形式的答案来他“死在为了生活。” This vision, seen in his ecstatic state, was to him more than a mere reality: it was the pledge ("'erabon" of the resurrection and the life of which he was in quest. Having seen "the first-born of the resurrection" (I Cor. xv. 20-24; the Messiah is called "the first-born" also in Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxxix. 28, and in Ex. R. xix. 7), he felt certain of the new life which all "the sons of light" were to share. No sooner had the idea taken hold of him that the world of resurrection, or "the kingdom of God," had come, or would come with the speedy reappearance of the Messiah, than he would invest with higher powers "the elect ones" who were to participate in that life of the spirit. There can be no sin or sensual passion in a world in which the spirit rules. Nor is there need of any law in a realm where men live as angels (comp. "The dead is free from all obligations of the Law," Shab. 30a, 151b; Niddah 61b). To bring back the state of paradise and to undo the sin of Adam, the work of the serpent, which brought death into the world-this seems to have been the dream of Paul. The baptism of the Church, to which sinners and saints, women and men, Jews and Gentiles, were alike invited, suggested to him the putting off of the earthly Adam and the putting on of the heavenly Adam (Rom. vi.). He was certain that by the very power of their faith, which performed all the wonders of the spirit in the Church (I Cor. xii., xv.), would the believers in Christ at the time of his reappearance be also miraculously lifted to the clouds and transformed into spiritual bodies for the life of the resurrection (I Thess. iv.; I Cor. xv.; Rom. viii.). These are the elements of Paul's theology-a system of belief which endeavored to unite all men, but at the expense of sound reason and common sense.这一设想,在他欣喜若狂的状态来看,在他看来,不仅仅是一个现实:。这是承诺(“'erabon”的复活和生命,而他是在追求看过“头生的复活“(林前十五20-24;。。弥赛亚是所谓的”。。。。。。第一个出生的“,也midr诗lxxxix到28岁,在惠河十九7),他感到了一定的新的生命,所有的“光明之子”是分享。言犹在耳的想法得着他,世界上的复活,或“神的国”已经到来,还是会来与迅速重现弥赛亚,比他将投资具有较高的权力“选出的”谁是参加这一生命的精神。不能有任何单或感官的激情,在这个世界中,规则的精神。也没有任何法律需要在境界男性天使生活(comp.“死者是从所有的法律义务,免费”沙巴30A条,151b。Niddah 61B条)。带回天堂状态,并撤消了亚当,工作单毒蛇,它带入世界,这似乎已成为梦想的保罗。教会的洗礼,它的罪人和圣人,妇女和男子,犹太人和外邦人,都邀请,建议他推迟死亡对俗世的亚当和关于天堂的亚当(罗六。)把。他肯定,以他们的信仰,所有的演出,在教会里(我肺心病。奇迹第十二精神非常耗电。,十五。),将在他重新出现时是在基督信徒也奇迹般地解除对云和机构将精神转化为复活的(帖前四的生活。。。我肺心病十五。。罗八)。 。这是保罗的神学,一种信仰体系,努力团结所有的人的要素,但在健全的理性和常识的费用。

Paul's Conversion.保罗的转换。

There is possibly a historical kernel to the story related in the Acts (vii. 58-ix. 1-31, xxii. 3-21, xxvi. 10-19), that, while on the road to Damascus, commissioned with the task of exterminating the Christian movement antagonistic to the Temple and the Law (ib. vi. 13), Paul had a vision in which Jesus appeared to him, saying, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?"有可能是一个历史的内核的行为向有关的故事(vii. 58至第九。1-31,二十二。3-21,26。10-19),虽然在前往大马士革的路上,与委托的任务消灭基督教运动的对立的庙宇和法律(ib.六13。),保罗有一个梦想,在耶稣出现在他面前,说:“扫罗,扫罗,你为什么逼迫我?” (comp. I Sam. xxvi. 18); that in consequence of this vision he became, with the aid of Ananais, one of the Christian seers, "a chosen vessel unto me [Christ], to bear my name before the Gentiles." (可比我萨姆二十六18。。),在这一设想的后果,他成为同Ananais,基督教先知之一,“我所拣选的器皿[基督],援助熊再外邦人我的名字。 “ According to the Acts (vii. 58; ix. 2; xxii. 5; xxv. 1, 10-12), Paul was a young man charged by the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem with the execution of Stephen and the seizure of the disciples of Jesus.根据行为(vii. 58;九2;。二条5。。二十五1,10-12),保罗是一名年轻男子被落案控以耶路撒冷公会,斯蒂芬执行和耶稣的门徒扣押。The statement, however (ib. xxii. 8-9), that, being a zealous observer of the law of the Fathers, "he persecuted the Church unto death," could have been made only at a time when it was no longer known what a wide difference existed between the Sadducean high priests and elders, who had a vital interest in quelling the Christian movement, and the Pharisees, who had no reason for condemning to death either Jesusor Stephen.声明说,但是(ib.二十二。8-9),即,作为一个法律的父亲热心的观察员,“他迫害教会,以至于死,”本来只是在做的时候,它不再是已知的什么是广泛差异sadducean高牧师和长老,谁曾在镇压基督教运动的切身利益,和法利赛人,谁曾谴责死刑,要么Jesusor斯蒂芬没有理由存在。 In fact, it is derived from the Epistle to the Galatians (i. 13-14), the spuriousness of which has been shown by Bruno Baur, Steck, and most convincingly by Friedrich Maehliss ("Die Unechtheit des Galaterbriefs," 1891).事实上,这是来自书信向加拉太(一13-14),其中的spuriousness已被证明是由布鲁诺鲍尔,施特克,由弗里德里希Maehliss最令人信服(“死Unechtheit德Galaterbriefs,”1891年)。 The same is the case with Phil.同样是与菲尔的情况。iii.三。5.5。Acts xxii.行为二十二。17-18 speaks of another vision which Paul had while in the Temple, in which Jesus told him to depart from Jerusalem and go with his gospel to the Gentiles. 17-18谈到另一个设想,其中保罗曾同时在寺庙中,在耶稣告诉他要离开耶路撒冷,去与他的福音传给外邦。Evidently Paul entertained long before his vision those notions of the Son of God which he afterward expressed; but the identification of his Gnostic Christ with the crucified Jesus of the church he had formerly antagonized was possibly the result of a mental paroxysm experienced in the form of visions.显然保罗受理前不久他的视力者的上帝的儿子,他事后表示的概念;但他的诺斯底基督与教会他以前拮抗耶稣钉在十字架上的标识很可能导致精神疾病的经验丰富的形式愿景。

Barnabas and Other Hellenists.巴拿巴和其他Hellenists。

Whether the Hellenists in Jerusalem, at the head of whom stood Stephen, Philip, and others named in Acts vii.无论是在耶路撒冷Hellenists,在头部的人站在斯蒂芬,弘,和其他被点名的行为七。 1-5, exerted an influence upon Paul, can not be ascertained: that Barnabas, who was a native of Cyprus, did, may be assumed with certainty. 1-5,保罗一经产生影响,不能确定的:即巴拿巴,谁是土生土长的塞浦路斯,那样,可以肯定的假设。He was Paul's older companion, apparently of a more imposing stature (Acts xiv. 12); and, according to ib.他是保罗的老伙伴,显然是一个更加气势地位(徒十四12。),以及根据兴业。ix.九。27, he introduced Paul to the apostles and induced him (xi. 25) to cooperate with him in the church of Antioch. 27日,他介绍了保罗的使徒和诱导他(xi. 25)与他合作,在安提阿的教会。The two traveled together as collectors of charity for the poor of the Jerusalem church (ib. xi. 30, xv. 2; see Apostle), and as preachers of the gospel (ib. xiii. 3, 7, 13, 14, 43, 46, 50; xiv. 14, 20; xv. 2, 12, 22, 35), Paul soon becoming the more powerful preacher.这两个一起走过的慈善收藏家的耶路撒冷教会的穷人(ib.十一30,十五2;。。见使徒),并作为福音传教士(ib.十三3,7,13,14,43。 ,46,50;十四14,20。。第十五2,12,22,35),保罗很快成为更强大的布道者。Finally, on account of dissensions, probably of a far more serious nature than stated either in Acts xv.最后,考虑到纠纷可能是一个更为严重的性质,不是说无论是在行为十五。36-39 or Gal.36-39或半乳糖。 ii.二。13, they separated. 13日,两人分居。That both Paul and Barnabas held views different from those of the other apostles may be learned from I Cor.这两个保罗和巴拿巴举行的意见与其他使徒的不同可能是从我肺心病的经验教训。ix.九。6.6。Paul's relation to Apollos also was apparently that of a younger colaborer to an older and more learned one (I Cor. i. 10, iii. 5-23, xvi. 12).保罗的关系的阿波罗也显然是一个年轻的colaborer到老,学到更多的人(我肺心病。一10,三。5-23,十六。12)。

His Missionary Travels.他的传教旅行。

According to Acts xiii., xiv., xvii-xviii.根据行为十三。,14。,十七,十八。(see Jew. Encyc. ix. 252-254, sv New Testament), Paul began working along the traditional Jewish line of proselytizing in the various synagogues where the proselytes of the gate and the Jews met; and only because he failed to win the Jews to his views, encountering strong opposition and persecution from them, did he turn to the Gentile world after he had agreed at a convention with the apostles at Jerusalem to admit the Gentiles into the Church only as proselytes of the gate, that is, after their acceptance of the Noachian laws (Acts xv. 1-31). (见犹太人Encyc第九252-254,sv新约。。。),保罗开始沿着传统的在那里的大门和犹太人的proselytes传教犹太会堂会见了各线工作,并不仅是因为他没有赢得犹太人对他的看法,遇到他们的强烈反对和迫害,他转向詹蒂莱世界后,他曾在与使徒在耶路撒冷会议同意接纳只是作为proselytes的门外邦人进入教会,也就是后他们接受noachian法律(行为十五。1-31)。 This presentation of Paul's work is, however, incompatible with the attitude toward the Jews and the Law taken by him in the Epistles.这保罗的工作表现是,但是,随着对犹太人和他的书信中所采取的态度不符合法律。Nor can any historical value be attached to the statement in Gal.也不能有任何历史价值的附加声明中的半乳糖。ii.二。1-10 that, by an agreement with the seeming pillars of the Church, the work was divided between Peter and Paul, the "gospel of circumcision" being committed to the one, and the "gospel of uncircumcision" to the other; as the bitter and often ferocious attacks against both the Jews and the apostles of the Judæo-Christian Church (in Phil. iii. 2 he calls them "dogs") would then have been uncalled for and unpardonable. 1-10,通过与教会表面的支柱协议,这项工作是彼得和保罗之间的分歧,“福音割礼”正在致力于一个,和“未受割礼的福音”之分;作为苦,往往既凶猛攻击犹太人和犹太基督教教会使徒(在菲尔。三。二,他呼吁他们“狗”)便被多余的和不可原谅的。 In reality Paul had little more than the name of apostle in common with the actual disciples of Jesus.在现实中很少有比保罗使徒的名字更多的相似之处,耶稣的实际弟子。His field of work was chiefly, if not exclusively, among the Gentiles; he looked for a virgin soil wherein to sow the seeds of the gospel; and he succeeded in establishing throughout Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Minor churches in which there were "neither Jews nor Gentiles," but Christians who addressed each other as "brethren" or "saints."他的主要工作领域是,如果不是全部,在外邦人中,他看着一个未开垦的处女地,其中播下福音的种子,以及他在整个希腊,马其顿建立成功,和小亚细亚的教堂,其中有“不犹太人也不外邦人“,但基督徒谁给对方为”兄弟“或”圣人“。 Regarding his great missionary journeys as described in the Acts after older documents, see Jew.关于他的伟大的传教行程中所述的行为后,旧文件,看到犹太人。Encyc.Encyc。lc pp. 252-254.信用证页252-254。As to the chronology, much reliance can not be placed either on Gal.至于年代,其可靠程度不能置于无论是在半乳糖。i.17-ii.17 - II的。3 or on the Acts with its contradictory statements.3或与它的矛盾的陈述的行为。

From II Cor.从二肺心病。xi.十一。24-32 (comp. ib. vi. 4; I Cor. iv. 11) it may be learned that his missionary work was beset with uncommon hardships.24-32(。comp.兴业六4;。。。林前四11)可以了解到,他的传教工作与罕见的困难所困扰。He labored hard day and night as a tent-maker for a livelihood (Acts xviii. 3; I Thess ii. 9; II Thess, iii. 8; I Cor. iv. 12, ix. 6-18).他辛劳,作为一个帐篷制造商为民生辛苦日夜(徒十八3;。帖前二9;。第二帖,三8;。。。我肺心病四十二,九6-18。)。 He says (II Cor. ix.) that more frequently than any other apostle he was imprisoned, punished with stripes, and in peril of death on land and sea; five times he received the thirtynine stripes in the synagogue, obviously for some public transgression of the Law (Deut. xxv. 3); three times was he beaten with rods, probably by the city magistrates (comp. Acts xvi. 22); once he was stoned by the people; and thrice he suffered shipwreck, being in the water a night and a day.他说,(二肺心病九。。)更频密,比任何其他使徒,他被监禁,处罚与条纹,并在陆地和海上死亡的危险中; 5倍,他收到的犹太教堂瑟尔廷恩条纹明显一些公共侵,该法(申命记二十五3。)3次,被他殴打棒,可能是由城裁判(comp.行为十六22。),一旦他被人投掷石块,并三次他遭受海难,在被水一天一夜。 In Damascus he was imprisoned by King Aretas at the instigation, not of the Jews, as is stated by modern historians, but of the Jerusalem authorities; and he escaped through being let down in a basket from a window (II Cor. xi. 24-32; comp. Acts xxvii. 41).在大马士革,他被囚禁的国王aretas在其唆使,而不是犹太人,因为是按现代历史学家,但对耶路撒冷当局和被辜负他通过在从一个窗口(二肺心病篮十一逃脱24。。 -32。可比徒二十七41)。。He was besides this constantly troubled with his disease, which often made him "groan" for deliverance (I Thess. ii. 2, 19-iii. 1; II Cor. i. 8-10, iv. 7-v. 5, xii. 7; Gal. iv. 14).他除了这个不断与他的疾病,这​​往往使解脱(我thess他的“呻吟”困扰二二,19三1。。。二,肺心病一,8​​月10日,四,七- V的5。。。第十二7。。半乳糖四14)。。

In Greece.在希腊。

Corinth and Ephesus, the two great centers of commerce, with their strangely mixed and turbulent as well as immoral population, offered to Paul a large field for his missionary work; and, because the Jews there were few and had little influence, he had free scope and ample opportunity to build up a church according to his plans.科林斯和以弗所,两个伟大的商业中心,与他们的奇怪的混合和湍流以及不道德的人口,提供给保罗为他的传教工作的一大领域,以及,因为犹太人很少有和影响不大,他曾免费范围和充分的机会,建立一个教会根据他的计划。 He was greatly aided therein by the Roman protection which he enjoyed (Acts xviii. 12-17, xix. 35-40).他是大大的资助,由罗马的保护,他所享有的(行为十八。12-17,十九。35-40)。Yet as long as the church at Jerusalem was in his way he found little comfort and satisfaction in his achievements, though he proudly recounted the successes which marked his journeys throughout the lands.然而,只要在耶路撒冷教会长期在途中,他发现在他的成就一点安慰和满足,但他自豪地讲述了成功,标志着他的行程,整个的土地。 It was to Rome that his efforts gravitated.这是罗马,他的努力所吸引。Not Athens, whose wisdom he decried as "folly" (I Cor. i. 17-24), but Rome's imperial city, whose administrative system he had learned to admire, attracted and fascinated his mind by its world-wide horizon and power.不是雅典,他们的智慧,他为“愚蠢”(我肺心病。一17-24)谴责,但罗马的皇城,其行政制度,他学会了欣赏,吸引和迷住了其全球性的视野和权力,他的想法。 Consciously or unconsciously, he worked for a church with its world-center in Rome instead of in Jerusalem.自觉或不自觉地,他曾就职于一家具有世界在罗马,而不是在耶路撒冷市中心的教堂。A prisoner in the years 61-63 (Phil. i. 7, 16), and probably also a martyr at Rome, he laid the foundation of the world-dominion of pagan Christianity.一个在未来几年61-63(腓一7,16),大概也烈士囚犯在罗马,他奠定了世界基督教的异教统治的基础。 (For futher biographical details, which form the subject of much dispute among Christians, but are of no special interest for Jewish readers, see the article "Paul" in Hauck,"Real-Encyc.," in Hastings, "Dict. Bible," and similar works.) (如需进一步传记细节,形成了许多基督教徒之间争端的主题,但都没有特别的兴趣,犹太读者,请参阅文章“保罗”在克,“实时encyc。”在黑斯廷斯,“快译通。圣经“和。类似作品)

Paul's Church versus the Synagogue.保罗教堂与犹太教堂。

In order to understand fully the organization and scope of the Church as mapped out by Paul in his Epistles, a comparison thereof with the organization and the work of the Synagogue, including the Essene community, seems quite proper.为了充分了解教会的组织结构和范围制定了保罗在他的书信,与本组织和犹太教堂的工作,包括厄社会比较段,似乎很正确的。 Each Jewish community when organized as a congregation possessed in, or together with, its synagogue an institution (1) for common worship, (2) for the instruction of young and old in the Torah, and (3) for systematic charity and benevolence.每一个犹太人社区组织为具有与时,它的犹太教堂,或一起为共同的崇拜机构(1)聚集,(2)为青年人和老年人,在诵读经文的指示,以及(3)系统的慈善和爱心。 This threefold work was as a rule placed in charge of men of high social standing, prominent both in learning and in piety.这三个方面的工作作为社会地位的高放置在负责人的规则,无论是在学习和虔诚突出。The degree of knowledge and of scrupulousness in the observance of the Torah determined the rank of the members of the Synagogue.对知识和遵守律法的认真态度的程度决定了的犹太教堂职级的成员。Among the members of the Essene brotherhood every-day life with its common meals came under special rules of sanctity, as did their prayers and their charities as well as their visits to the sick, the Holy Spirit being especially invoked by them as a divine factor, preparing them also for the Messianic kingdom of which they lived in expectation (see Essenes).厄之间的兄弟情谊,其成员共同进餐的日常的生活受到了神圣的特殊规则,因为没有他们的祈祷和他们的慈善机构,以及他们探访病人,圣灵被引用,尤其是它们作为一个神圣的因素,准备为他们的弥赛亚王国也住在其中,他们的期望(见爱色尼)。 The Christian Church, in adopting the name and form of the Essene Church (Εκκλησία; see Congregation), lent to both the bath (see Baptism) and the communion meals (see Agape) a new character.基督教教会,在采用的名称和形式的厄堂(Εκκλησία,见众),同时借给浴(见洗礼)和共融的膳食(见爱德)一个新的字符。

Influence of the Greek Mysteries.希腊的影响之谜。

Paul, the Hellenist, however, knowingly or unknowingly, seems to have taken the heathen cult associations as his pattern while introducing new features into the Church (see Anrich, "Das Antike Mysterienwesen in Seinem Einfluss auf das Christenthum," 1894; Wobbermin, "Religionsgeschichtliche Studien zur Frage der Beeinflussung des Urchristenthums Durch das Antike Mysterienwesen," 1896, p. 153; Hatch, "Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church," 1890, pp. 281-296; Cumont, "Die Mysterien des Mithra, Deutsch von Gehrich," 1903, pp. 101, 118-119; Anz, "Ursprung des Gnosticismus," 1897, pp. 98-107; Reizenstein and Kabisch, lc).保罗,hellenist,不过,在知情或不知情,似乎已为他的模式,异教徒邪教协会,同时引入到教会新功能(见Anrich,“达斯Antike Mysterienwesen在Seinem Einfluss奥夫DAS的Christenthum,”1894年; Wobbermin“ Religionsgeschichtliche Studien与楚Frage明镜Beeinflussung德Urchristenthums Durch格Antike Mysterienwesen“,1896年,第153页;哈奇,”希腊思想和用法后,基督教教会的影响,“1890年,第281-296;库蒙,”模具Mysterien德密特拉,德语冯Gehrich“,1903年,第101,118-119,澳新银行,”Ursprung德Gnosticismus“,1897年,页98-107; Reizenstein和Kabisch,立法会)。To him baptism is no longer a symbolic rite suggestive of purification or regeneration, as in Jewish and Judæo-Christian circles (see Baptism), but a mystic rite by which the person that enters the water and emerges again undergoes an actual transformation, dying with Christ to the world of flesh and sin, and rising with him to the world of the spirit, the new life of the resurrection (Rom. vi. 1-10).他的洗礼,不再是象征性的仪式净化或再生暗示,在犹太人和犹太基督教界(见洗礼),而是一个神秘的仪式,由该人进入水和出现再次经历了一个实际的转型,走向死亡基督的肉体和罪恶的世界,并与他上升到了精神,复活(罗马书六。1-10)新的生活世界。

Still more is the partaking of the bread and the wine of the communion meal, the so-called "Lord's Supper," rendered the means of a mystic union with Christ, "a participation in his blood and body," exactly as was the Mithraic meal a real participation in the blood and body of Mithra (see Cumont, lc).还有更多的是partaking的面包和共融的膳食,所谓的“主的晚餐”提供了一个神秘联盟与基督手段酒“,在他的血液和身体的参与,”正是因为是密特拉膳食中的血液和身体的密特拉真正参与(见库蒙,立法会)。 To Paul, the Holy Spirit itself is not an ethical but a magic power that works sanctification and salvation.保罗,圣灵本身不是一个道德,但魔术电力工程成圣和拯救。It is a mystic substance permeating the Church as a dynamic force, rendering all the members saints, and pouring forth its graces in the various gifts, such as those of prophesying, speaking in tongues, and interpreting voices, and others displayed in teaching and in the administration of charity and similar Church functions (Rom. xii. 4-8; I Cor. xii., xiv.; see Kabisch, lc pp. 261-281).这是一个神秘的物质渗透作为动力,教会,使所有成员的圣人,和滔滔不绝的各种礼物,如预言的,它的青睐,在舌头说话,解释的声音,并在教学和其他显示类似的慈善和教会的职能管理(罗马书十二4-8;。。。我肺心病第十二,十四。看到Kabisch,立法会页261-281)。 The Church forms "the body of Christ" not in a figurative sense, but through the same mystic actuality as that by which the participants of heathen cults become, through their mysteries or sacraments, parts of their deities.教会形式的“基督的身体”不是在比喻的意义上,而是通过相同,其中的异教徒成为邪教的参与者通过其奥秘,或圣礼,其神灵部分,神秘的现状。 Such is the expressed view of Paul when he contrasts the "table of Christ" with the "table of the demons" (I Cor. x. 20-21).这就是保罗表达的观点时,他对比了“基督表”与“魔表”(我肺心病。十20-21)。While Paul borrows from the Jewish propaganda literature, especially the Sibyllines, the idea of the divine wrath striking especially those that commit the capital sins of idolatry and incest (fornication) and acts of violence or fraudulence (Rom. i. 18-32; I Thess. iv. 5), and while he accordingly wishes the heathen to turn from their idols to God, with desire of being saved by His son (I Thess. i. 9-10), his Church has by no means the moral perfection of the human race for its aim and end, as has Judaism.虽然保罗从犹太人的宣传文学,尤其是Sibyllines,对神的愤怒,尤其是惊人的想法借用那些犯有偶像崇拜和乱伦(私通)资本罪和暴力或欺诈行为(罗马书一18-32;我帖。四。5),而他因此希望与被他的儿子(一帖。一9-10)保存渴望异教徒从他们的偶像转向神,他的教会绝不是道德的完善它的最终目标和人类,正如犹太教。 Salvation alone, that is, redemption from a world of perdition and sin, the attainment of a life of incorruption, is the object; yet this is the privilege only of those chosen and predestined "to be conformed to the image of His [God's] son" (Rom. viii. 28-30).救国单,就是从灭亡和罪恶,一个不朽实现生活世界的救赎,是对象;然而,这是唯一的选择和命中注定的特权“,要符合,他的[神]的形象儿子“(罗八。28-30)。 It is accordingly not personal merit nor the greater moral effort that secures salvation, but some arbitrary act of divine grace which justifies one class of men and condemns the other (ib. ix.).它是不是个人的好处,也没有更大的道德努力,确保得救,但有些神圣的恩典任意行事,这是合理的一类男人和谴责其他(ib.九。)。 It is not righteousness, nor even faith-in the Jewish sense of perfect trust in the all-loving and all-forgiving God and Father-which leads to salvation, but faith in the atoning power of Christ's death, which in some mystic or judicial manner justifies the undeserving (Rom. iii. 22, iv., v.; comp. Faith; for the mystic conception of faith, πίστις, in Hellenism alongside of gnosis, see Reizenstein, lc pp. 158-159).这不是正义,甚至也不信仰的是完全的信任,在犹太人的意义上所有爱好和所有赦的上帝和父亲,导致得救,但信仰在基督的死,赎罪的权力,在一些神秘的或司法地辩解undeserving(罗马书三22,四,五。。比赛的信心;。对于信仰,πίστις,在希腊,一起感悟神秘的概念,见reizenstein,立法会页158-159)。

The Mystery of the Cross.十字架的奥秘。

Heathen as is the conception of a church securing a mystic union with the Deity by means of sacramental rites, equally pagan is Paul's conception of the crucifixion of Jesus.异教徒一样,是由一个固定的圣仪式意味着神秘联盟与神的教会观,同样是保罗异教徒的十字架上的耶稣的概念。While he accepts the Judæo-Christian view of the atoning power of the death of Jesus as the suffering Messiah (Rom. iii. 25, viii. 3), the crucifixion of Jesus as the son of God assumes for him at the very beginning the character of a mystery revealed to him, "a stumbling-block to the Jews and folly to the Greeks" (I Cor. i. 23-ii. 2, ii. 7-10).虽然他接受了耶稣的苦难弥赛亚(罗马书三。25,八。三)死亡犹太赎罪的力量,基督教认为,耶稣是上帝的儿子在十字架上承担为他一开始一个神秘人物向他透露,“一个绊脚石向犹太人和愚蠢的希腊人”(我肺心病。一23二。二,二。7-10)。 It is to him a cosmic act by which God becomes reconciled to Himself.这是他的宇宙的行为,其中神成为调和自己。God sent "his own son in the likeness of sinful flesh" in order to have His wrath appeased by his death.上帝派“他在罪身的形状自己的儿子”,以便让他的愤怒平息对他的逝世。"He spared not his own Son, but delivered him up," so that by his blood all men might be saved (Rom. v. 8; viii. 3, 32).“他既不爱惜自己的儿子,但他发表了”,使他的血液中所有的人可能会被保存(罗马书五8;八3,32。)。To a Jewish mind trained by rabbinical acumen this is not pure monotheistic, but mythological, thinking.对于一个犹太人心目中犹太教触觉训练,这不是单纯的一神教,但神话,思考。Paul's "Son of God" is, far more than the Logos of Philo, an infringement of the absolute unity of God.保罗的“上帝的儿子”是,远远超过了斐洛标志,一神的绝对统一的侵犯了。While the predicate "God" applied to him in Titus ii.而上游的“神”适用于他在提图斯二。13 may be put to the account of Paul's school rather than to his own, throughout all the Epistles a share in the divinity is ascribed to Jesus in such a manner as to detract from the glory of God.5月13日付诸保罗的学校户口,而不是为了他自己,整个所有的份额,在神所赋予的方式,以耶稣偏离神的荣耀书信。He is, or is expected to be, called upon as"the Lord" (I Cor. i. 2; Rom. x. 13; Phil. ii. 10-11).他是,或预计将呼吁为“上帝”(林前一,二。罗十13;。。菲尔二10-11。)。Only the pagan idea of the "man-God" or "the second God," the world's artificer, and "son of God" (in Plato, in the Hermes-Tot literature as shown by Reizenstein, lc), or the idea of a king of light descending to Hades, as in the Mandæan-Babylonian literature (Brandt, "Die Mandäische Religion," 1889, pp. 151-156), could have suggested to Paul the conception of a God who surrenders the riches of divinity and descends to the poverty of earthly life in order to become a savior of the human race (I Cor. xv. 28, with ref. to Ps. viii. 6-7; Phil. ii. 6-10).仅仅是“人神”或“第二个神,”世界的技工,和“上帝的儿子”(在柏拉图,在爱马仕-托特文学所示的reizenstein,立法会),或观念的异教观念一降在阴间君为轻,如曼达巴比伦文学(勃兰特,“模具Mandäische宗教”,1889年,第151-156),可建议对保罗的一个上帝的概念谁投降的财富和神性下降到贫困的人间生活,以便成为人类救星(林前十五28日,同号的PS八6-7;。。。。。。菲尔二6-10。)。 Only from Alexandrian Gnosticism, or, as Reizenstein (lc pp. 25-26; comp. pp. 278, 285) convincingly shows, only from pagan pantheism, could he have derived the idea of the "pleroma," "the fulness" of the Godhead dwelling in Christ as the head of all principality and power, as him who is before all things and in whom all things consist (Col. i. 15-19, ii. 9).只有从亚历山大诺斯底主义,或者作为reizenstein(立法会第25-26页。比赛第278,285)令人信服,只有从异教的泛神论表明,他有可能产生的想法“pleroma”,“所充满的”居住在基督神性作为一切执政掌权者的头,他,谁之前,所有的东西,在其中所有的东西包括(上校一15-19,二。9)。

Paul's Opposition to the Law.保罗反对法。

Paul's attitude toward the Law was by no means hostile from the beginning or on principle, as the interpolated Epistle to the Romans and the spurious one to the Galatians represent it.保罗的态度,法律是绝不意味着从一开始或在敌对的原则,作为插书信向罗马和杂散一个加拉太表示。Neither is it the legalistic (nomistic) character of Pharisaic Judaism which he militates against, as Jesus in the Gospels is represented as doing; nor was he prompted by the desire to discriminate between the ceremonial and the moral laws in order to accentuate the spiritual side of religion.它也不是墨守成规(nomistic)pharisaic的犹太教的性格,他militates反对,因为在福音耶稣是因为这样做代表,也不是他家中的提示之间的礼仪与道德的法律歧视的愿望去强调精神方面宗教。 Still less was he prompted by that allegorizing method of which Philo ("De Migratione Abrahami," § 16) speaks as having led many to the disregard of certain ceremonial laws, such as circumcision (M. Friedländer, "Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Christenthums," pp. 149, 163, Vienna, 1894).更是他的寓言的方法,其中斐洛(“时点migratione abrahami,”§ 16)说,有导致许多人无视法律的某些仪式,如割礼(米弗雷兰德,“论Entstehungsgeschichte德Christenthums,”提示第149,163,维也纳,1894年)。 All such interpretations fail to account for Paul's denunciation of all law, moral as well as ceremonial, as an intrinsic evil (Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," 2d ed., iii. 14).所有这些解释无法解释保罗的退约的所有法律,道德和礼仪,作为一个内在的邪恶(毫斯瑞“Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte,”2版。,三。14)。According to his arguments (Rom. iii. 20, iv. 15, vii-viii.), it is the Law that begets sin and works wrath, because without the Law there is no transgression.根据他的论点(罗马书三20。,四。15,七,八。),这是法律的产生单仲偕及工务局的愤怒,因为没有法律就没有犯。 "I had not known lust, except the Law had said, Thou shalt not covet" (ib. vii. 7). “我不知道的欲望,除法律有说,你不可贪图”(ib.七。7)。He has no faith in the moral power of man: "I know that in me (that is, in my flesh) dwelleth no good thing" (ib. vii. 18).他没有在人的道德力量的信念:“我知道,在我(也就是在我的肉体)里面没有好东西”(ib.七18。)。What he is aiming at is that state in which the sinfulness of the flesh is entirely overcome by the spirit of Christ who is "the end of the Law" (ib. x. 4), because he is the beginning of the resurrection.他是针对的是这其中的肉罪恶完全由基督的精神,谁是“法律的目的是”克服状态(ib.十4),因为他是开始复活。 For Paul, to be a member of the Church meant to be above the Law, and to serve in the newness of the spirit under a higher law (ib. vii. 4-6, 25).为保罗,是一个成员,该教会的意思是凌驾于法律之上,并在新奇的精神下,更高的法律服务(ib.七。4-6,25)。For in Christ, that is, by the acceptance of the belief that with him the world of resurrection has begun, man has become "a new creature: the old things are passed away . . . all things have become new" (II Cor. v. 17).对于基督,就是由这与他的世界已经开始复活接受,相信,人类已成为“一个新的生物:。。。旧事都过去了都变成新的”(二肺心病。五,17)。 For Paul, the world is doomed: it is flesh beset by sin and altogether of the evil one; hence home, family life, worldly wisdom, all earthly enjoyment are of no account, as they belong to a world which passes away (I Cor. vii. 31).对于保罗,世界是注定行不通的:它是由邪恶的和完全的困扰肉一罪,因此在家,家庭生活,世俗的智慧,所有尘世的享受不承担,因为它们属于世界上去世(我肺心病。七。31)。 Having at first only the heathen in view, Paul claims the members of the Church for Christ; hence their bodies must be consecrated to him and not given to fornication (ib. vi. 15).在第一只有鉴于异教徒,保罗宣称对基督教会的成员,因此他们的尸体必须奉献给他,并没有考虑到私通(ib.六15。)。In fact, they ought to live in celibacy; and only on account of Satan's temptation to lust are they allowed to marry (ib. vi. 18-vii. 8).事实上,他们应该住在独身,并且只在撒旦的诱惑,欲望的帐户,以允许他们结婚(ib.六18七8。。)。As regards eating and drinking, especially of offerings to idols, which were prohibited to the proselyte of the gate by the early Christians as well as by the Jews (comp. Acts xv. 29), Paul takes the singular position that the Gnostics, those who possess the higher knowledge ("gnosis"; I Cor. viii. 1, xiii. 2, xiv. 6; II Cor. iv. 6; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 158), are "the strong ones" who care not for clean and unclean things and similar ritualistic distinctions (Rom. xiv. 1-23; I Cor. viii. 1-13).至于饮食,特别是产品的偶像,而被禁止的,以及由基督徒犹太人早在门proselyte(comp.行为十五。29),保罗以奇异的立场,即gnostics,那些谁拥有更高的知识(“直觉”。我肺心病八1,十三2,十四6;。。。二,肺心病四6;。。。比赛Reizenstein,LCP的158),是“强者的”谁不关心清洁和不洁的东西,类似的仪式区别(罗马书十四1-23。。我肺心病八1-13。)。 Only those that are "weak in faith" do care; and their scruples should be heeded by the others.只有那些不关心“信心软弱”,他们的顾忌应该由其他人注意。The Gnostic principle enunciated by Porphyrius ("De Abstinentia," i. 42), "Food that enters the body can as little defile free man as any impurity cast into the sea can contaminate the ocean, the deep fountain of purity" (comp. Matt. xv. 11), has in Paul's system an eschatological character: "The kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost" (Rom. xiv. 17; comp. Ber. 17a; Jew. Encyc, v. 218, sv Eschatology).诺斯底原则Porphyrius阐述(“德Abstinentia,”岛42),“食物进入人体可以尽可能少的投入海玷污施放任何杂质自由的人可以污染海洋,纯洁的深泉”(可比。。马特十五11),在保罗的系统有一个末世论的特点:。。。“上帝的王国是不是大吃大喝,而是正义与和平,并圣灵中的喜乐”(罗十四17;比赛苏贝17A条;犹太人。Encyc,诉218,希沃特末世)。 As he stated in I Cor.正如他说在我肺心病。ix.九。20-22: "And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews; to them that are under the law, as under the law, that I might gain them that are under the law; to them that are without law, as without law (being not without law to God, but under the law to Christ), that I might gain them that are without law. To the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak: I am made all things to all men, that I might by all means save some." 20-22日:“向犹太人,我作为一个犹太人成了,那我可能获得的犹太人向他们表示,根据法律规定,因为根据法律规定,我可能会获得他们根据法律规定,向他们表示是没有法律,因为没有法律(即不是没有法律上帝,但在基督的法律),我可能会获得没有法律他们是薄弱,成为我作为弱者,我可能获得的薄弱:。我所作所有给所有人的东西,我可能会采用一切手段救些人。“

The original attitude of Paul to the Law was accordingly not that of opposition as represented in Romans and especially in Galatians, but that of a claimed transcendency.原来的态度,郑明训,该法也相应不是为代表的反对派在罗马,尤其是在加拉太书,但一个声称超越的。He desired "the strong ones" to do without the Law as "schoolmaster" (Gal. iii. 24).他期望“强烈的”做而不为“校长”(加三。24)法。The Law made men servants: Christ rendered them "sons of God."该法律对男性公务员:基督使他们的“神的儿子。”That is, their nature was transformed into an angelic, if not altogether divine, one (Rom. viii. 14-29; I Cor. vi. 1-3).也就是说,它们的性质转化为一个天使,如果不是完全的神,一(罗马书八14-29;。。我肺心病六1-3。)。

Law for the Proselyte.法律规定的proselyte。

Only in admitting the heathen into his church did he follow the traditional Jewish practise of emphasizing at the initiation of proselytes "the law of God," consisting in "Love thy neighbor as thyself," taken from Lev.只有在承认异教徒到他的教会,他按照传统的proselytes开始在“上帝的法律”,在“爱人如己”,从列夫强调采取包括犹太人的做法。 xix.十九。18 (Rom. xiii. 8-10 contains no allusion to Jesus' teaching).18(罗马书十三。8-10中没有耶稣的教学典故)。Also in the mode of preparing the proselyte-by specifying to him the mandatory and prohibitive commandments in the form of a catalogue of virtues or duties and a catalogue of sins, making him promise to practise the former, and, in the form of a "widdui" (confession of sins), to avoid the latter-Paul and his school followed, in common with all the other apostles, the traditional custom, as may be learned from I Thess.此外,在编制模式的proselyte由他指定的强制性和禁止性的诫命中的一个美德或职责和目录的罪孽目录的形式,使他的承诺实行前,并在一个形式,“ widdui“(忏悔的罪过),以避免后者,保罗和他的学校遵循与所有其他使徒,传统习俗共同的,可能从一帖教训。iv.四。1-10; Col. iii.1-10;上校三。 5-14; Rom.5-14;光盘。i: 29 (comp. J. Rendel Harris, "The Teaching of the Apostles," 1887, pp. 82-84; Gal. v. 13-23, copied from Rom. lc; so also Eph. ii.-vi.; I Peter ii-iii.; I John iii.-iv.; Heb. xiii.; see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 9-22, and Didache).我:。。29(可比j的rendel哈里斯,他说:“使徒教学”,1887年,页82-84;半乳糖诉13-23,从ROM复制立法会,所以​​也弗ii.-vi.。 ,我彼得二世,三世。约翰iii.-iv.;希伯来十三。。看到西贝尔格,“明镜Katechismus明镜Urchristenheit”,1903年,第9-22,和十二使徒遗训)。 A comparison of the "Didascalia"with Paul's various admonitions in the Epistles likewise shows how much he was indebted to Essene teachings (See Jew. Encyc. iv. 588-590, sv Didascalia, where it is shown in a number of instances that the priority rests with the Jewish "Didascalia" and not, as is generally believed, with Paul).一对“didascalia”与保罗的书信中的各种告诫比较同样显示了他感激厄教诲(见犹太人。Encyc。四。588-590,希沃特didascalia认为,它是在一个实例数,显示重点在于犹太人“didascalia认为”,而不是人们普遍认为与保罗)。 Also "turning from darkness to light" (I Thess. v. 4-9; Rom. xiii. 12; Eph. v. 7-11; and elsewhere) is an expression borrowed from Jewish usage in regard to proselytes who "come over from the falsehood of idolatry to the truth of monotheism" (see Philo, "De Monarchia." i. 7; idem, "De Pœnitentia," §§ 1-2; comp. "Epistle of Barnabas," xix. 1-xx. 1).又“转,从黑暗走向光明”(一帖五4-9;。罗十三12;。。弗五7-11。和其他国家)从犹太人使用方面proselytes谁借用“过来的表达式从偶像崇拜到一神教真理谬误“(见斐洛,”德Monarchia。“一,七;同上,”德Pœnitentia,“§ § 1-2;。可比”巴拿巴书信,“十九1二十。 1。)。It is rather difficult to reconcile these moral injunctions with the Pauline notion that, since law begets sin, there should be no law ruling the members of the Church.这是相当困难的调和与宝莲概念这些道德禁令,自法律产生单仲偕,不应该有法治的教会的成员。It appears, however, that Paul used frequently the Gnostic term τέλειος= "perfect," "mature" (I Thess. v. 4, 10; Phil. iii. 12, 15; I Cor. ii. 6, xiii. 12 et seq., xiv. 20; Eph. iv. 13; Col. i. 28).看来,不过,保罗经常使用的诺斯底任期τέλειος=“完美”,“成熟”(一帖诉4,10;。。菲尔三,12,15;。。。我肺心病二六,十三12等。以下各条,第十四条20。。弗四13;。。上校一28)。 This term, taken from Grecian mysteries (see Light-foot, "Epistles to the Colossians," ad loc.), and used also in Wisdom iv.这学期,采取从希腊奥秘(见轻脚,“书信向歌罗西书,”广告同上。),并用智慧的四也。13, ix.13,九。6, suggested an asceticism which in some circles of saints led to the unsexing of man for the sake of fleeing from lust (Wisdom iii. 13-14; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiatur," § 48; Matt. xix. 12; see Conybeare, lcp 24).六,建议在一个禁欲主义的一些领导为逃离欲望(13-14为了智慧三到人类unsexing圣徒圈子;。斐洛,“德御狴Deterius Potiori Insidiatur,”§ 48。马特十九。 12,见科尼比尔,LCP的24)。For Paul, then, the Christian's aim was to be mature and ready for the day when all would be "caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air" and be with Him forever (I Thess. iv. 16-17).为保罗,那么,基督教的目的是要成熟,有一​​天,当所有准备将“陷入了云层,以满足在空中与主”,并与他永远(一帖。四。16-17日) 。To be with Christ, "in whom dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead," is to become so "complete" as to be above the rule of heavenly bodies, above the "tradition of men," above statutes regarding circumcision, meat and drink, holy days, new moon, and Sabbath, all of which are but "a shadow of the things to come"; it is to be dead to the world and all things of the earth, to mortify the members of the flesh, to "put off the old man" with his deeds and passions, and put on the new man who is ever renewed for the highest knowledge of God (gnosis), so that there is "neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but Christ is all and in all" (Col. ii. 9-iii. 11; comp. I Cor. v. 7: "Purge out therefore the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump").为了与基督“,住在其中所有的神体丰满,”是如此“完整”的要高于天体以上规则,本着“人的传统,”上面关于割礼,肉类和饮料法规,圣日,新月,和安息日,所有这些都只是“一个影子的东西来”,它是死的世界和地球上所有的东西,治死肉体的成员,以“推迟“与他的事迹和激情,并在新的男子是谁曾经为神的(直觉)把最高的知识更新,以便有”老人并不分希腊人,犹太人,受割礼也未受割礼,野蛮,西徐亚人,债券也不是免费的,但基督是一切,在所有“(歌二9三11;比赛,我肺心病诉7:。。。。”清除出去,因此旧酵,使你们成为新团“)。

Conflict with Judaism and the Law.冲突与犹太教和法律。

Far then from making antagonism to the Law the starting-point of his apostolic activity, as under the influence of the Epistle to the Romans is assumed by almost all Christian theologians, except the so-called Dutch school of critics (see Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl." sv "Paul and Romans, Epistle to the"), there is intrinsic evidence that Paul's hostile attitude to both the Law and the Jews was the result of his conflicts with the latter and with the other apostles.迄今为止然后从决策的对立,以法律的出发点,他使徒的活动,因为根据的书信向罗马人的影响是几乎所有的基督教神学家假设除了那些所谓荷兰学校的批评(见进益和黑色, “Encyc。Bibl。”希沃特“保罗和罗马人,书信的”),有内在的证据表明,保罗的敌对态度,无论是法律和犹太人是与后者,并与其他使徒的冲突的结果。 There is no bitter hostility or antagonism to the Law noticeable in I Thessalonians (ii. 14b-16 is a late interpolation referring to the destruction of the Temple), Colossians, I Corinthians (xv. 56 is obviously interpolated), or II Corinthians (where iii. 6-iv. 4, on closer analysis, also proves to be a late addition disturbing the context); and so little opposition to the Law does Paul show in those epistles first addressed to the Gentiles, that in I Cor.没有痛苦的敌意或在I对立,以法律明显撒罗尼迦(白介素第14B - 16是一种晚插指的是销毁庙),歌罗西书,哥林多前书(xv. 56显然是插),或哥林多后书( 。。在三六至四4仔细分析,也被证明是一个令人不安的后期除了背景);和很小的反对,这项法律并显示保罗在这些书信首先给外邦人,即在I肺心病。 xiv.十四。21 he quotes as the "law"-that is, Torah in the sense of Revelation-a passage from Isa. 21日,他援引了“法律”,也就是圣经中的启示,一个通道,从ISA的感觉。xxviii.二十八。11; whereas he avoids the term "law" (νόμος) elsewhere, declaring all statutes to be worthless human teaching (Col. ii. 22).11;而他避免了“法律”一词(νόμος)在其他地方,宣布所有章程变得一文不值人类教学(上校二22。)。

Antinomianism and Jew-Hatred.律法主义和犹太人的仇恨。

His antinomian theology is chiefly set forth in the Epistle to the Romans, many parts of which, however, are the product of the second-century Church with its fierce hatred of the Jew, eg, such passages as ii.他antinomian神学主要是载于书中说,罗马人,许多地方,但是这是第二个世纪的教会,其激烈的犹太人的仇恨产品,例如,为II这种通道。 21-24, charging the Jews with theft, adultery, sacrilege, and blasphemy, or ix. 21-24日,指控偷窃,通奸,亵渎,和亵渎,或九犹太人。22 and xi.22日和十一。28 (comp. iii. 2). 28(comp.三。2)。The underlying motive of Paul-the tearing down of the partition-wall between Jew and Gentile-is best expressed in Eph.保罗的背后的动机,撕裂的分区之间的墙下的犹太人和外邦人,是最好的表达在弗。ii.二。14-22, where it is declared that the latter are no longer "gerim" and "toshabim" (AV "strangers" and "foreigners"), but "fellow citizens with the saints" of the Church and fully equal members "of the household of God." 14-22,在那里宣布,后者不再是“热林”和“toshabim”(视听“陌生人”和“外国人”),但教会“与圣人同胞”,完全平等成员的“神的家庭。“ In order to accomplish his purpose, he argues that just as little as the heathen escapes the wrath of God, owing to the horrible sins he is urged to commit by his clinging to his idols, so little can the Jew escape by his Law, because "the law worketh sin and wrath" (Rom. iv. 15).为了达到他的目的,他认为,正如少的异教徒逃离愤怒的上帝由于他敦促承诺由他抱住他的偶像可怕的罪,所以很少能在犹太人逃脱他的律师,因为“法律worketh罪恶和愤怒”(罗马书四。15)。 Instead, indeed, of removing the germ of death brought into the world by Adam, the Law was given only to increase sin and to make all the greater the need of divine mercy which was to come through Christ, the new Adam (ib. v. 15-20).相反,事实上,除去亚当进入世界带来死亡胚芽,法律是只给予增加罪和使所有的更大的需要而神圣慈悲是来透过基督,新亚当(同上v 。15-20)。By further twisting the Biblical words taken from Gen. xv.通过进一步扭曲而采取的从将军十五圣经的话。6, which he interprets as signifying that Abraham's faith became a saving power to him, and from Gen. xvii. 6,他解释为意味着亚伯拉罕的信仰成为节电他,从将军十七。5, which he takes as signifying that Abraham was to be the father of the Gentiles instead of nations, he argues that the saving grace of God lies in faith (that is, blind belief) and not in the works of the Law. 5,这标志着他以亚伯拉罕是父亲的外邦人,而不是国家,他认为,上帝的救恩,在于信仰(即,盲目的信仰),而不是在法律的作品。And so he declares faith in Jesus' atoning death to be the means of justification and salvation, and not the Law, which demands servitude, whereas the spirit of Christ makes men children of God (Rom. iv.-viii.).因此,他宣称在耶稣的死是赎罪和拯救的理由,而不是法律,它要求而基督的精神奴役,是指信仰上帝的人,使儿童(罗马书iv. -八。)。The Pauline Jew-hatred was ever more intensified (see ib. ix.-xi., and comp. ix. 31)-which is clear evidence of a later origin-and culminates in Gal.该宝莲犹太人的仇恨是以往任何时候都更加激烈(见兴业。ix.-xi.,可比。九。31),这是明确的证据表明,后来的原产地和半乳糖高潮。 iii., where, besides the repetition of the argument from Gen. xv.三。,在那里,除了从将军十五论点重复。6 and xvii.6,十七。5, the Law is declared, with reference to Deut.5,法律声明,关于申。xxviii.二十八。26 and Hab.26及民政事务局。 ii.二。4 (comp. Rom. i. 17), to be a curse from which the crucified Christ-himself "a curse" according to the Law (Deut. xxi. 23; probably an argument taken up from controversies with the Jews)-was to redeem the believer. 4(可比罗一17。),是一个诅咒,从它被钉十字架的基督自己“诅咒”,根据该法(申命记二十一23;。可能采取的一个从争议,与犹太人的论点),是赎回的信徒。 Another sophistic argument against the Law, furnished in Gal.另一个是在半乳糖提供的法律,诡辩的论点。iii.三。19-24, and often repeated in the second century (Heb. ii. 2; Acts vii. 38, 53; Aristides, "Apologia," xiv. 4), is that the Law was received by Moses as mediator from the angels-a quaint notion based upon Deut. 19-24日,并经常反复,在第二世纪(希伯来书二2;。徒七38,第53条;。。阿里斯蒂德,“纵容”十四4),是法律所收到摩西作为调解人的天使,一个古怪的想法后,申为基础。 xxxiii.三十三。2, LXX.; comp.2,LXX的。可比。 Josephus, "Ant."约瑟夫,“蚂蚁”。 xv.十五。5, § 3-and that it is not the law of God, which is a life-giving law of righteousness.5,§ 3,它不是上帝,这是一个正义赋予生命的法律上。Furthermore the laws of the Jews and the idolatrous practises of the heathen are placed equally low as mere servitude of" the weak and beggarly elements" (="planets"; Gal. iv. 8-11), whereas those that have put on Christ by baptism have risen above alldistinctions of race, of class, and of sex, and have become children of God and heirs of Abraham (ib. iii. 26-29; what is meant by the words" There shall be neither male nor female" in verse 28 may be learned from Gal. v. 12, where eunuchism is advised; see B. Weiss's note ad loc.).此外犹太人和异教徒的偶像崇拜行为的法律是放在同样低的“懦弱无用的小学”纯粹的奴役(=“行星”;加拉太四8-11。。),而那些对基督了上面的洗礼已上升种族阶级,alldistinctions和性别,并已成为神的儿女和亚伯拉罕继承人(ib.三26-29。什么是意思的话“应既不是男或女” 5月28日在诗的教训从GAL 12节,其中eunuchism,建议;。见B.魏斯的注意广告同上)。。

The Old Testament and the New.旧约和新的。

The Pauline school writing under Paul's name, but scarcely Paul himself, worked out the theory, based upon Jer.宝莲学校根据保罗的名字写作,但几乎没有保罗自己,制定了理论,在耶基础。xxxi.三十一。30-31, that the Church of Christ represents the new covenant (see Covenant; New Testament) in place of the old (Rom. xi. 27; Gal. iv. 24; Heb. viii. 6-13, ix. 15-x. 17; and, following these passages, I Cor. xi. 23-28). 。。。。30-31日,即基督的教会代表新的盟约(见公约,新约)古老的(罗马书十一处27;半乳糖四24;希伯来6-13第八,九15 - 。。十,17人;,按照这些通道,我肺心病十一23-28)。。。Similarly the interpolator of II Cor.同样,插了二肺心病。iii.三。6-iv.6四。4, in connection with ib. 4,与IB连接。iii.三。3, contrasts the Old Testament with the New: the former by the letter of the Law offering but damnation and death because "the veil of Moses" is upon it, preventing God's glory from being seen; the latter being the life-giving spirit offering righteousness, that is, justification, and the light of the knowledge (gnosis) of the glory of God as reflected in the face of Jesus Christ. 3,对比与新旧约:由法律提供,但诅咒和死亡的信前,因为“摩西的面纱”是它,防止上帝的,从被视为荣耀,后者被赋予生命的精神,提供义,即是理由,以及神的荣耀的知识(灵知)轻如反映在耶稣基督的脸。 It is superfluous to state that this Gnostic conception of the spirit has nothing to do with the sound religious principle often quoted from I Cor.它是多余的状态,这种精神诺斯底的概念无关,与健全的宗教原则,经常从我肺心病引用。iii.三。6: "The letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life."6:“这封信killeth,但精神给予的生活。”The privilege of seeing God's glory as Moses did face to face through a bright mirror held out in I Cor.在目睹了上帝的荣耀的特权作为摩西没有面对面,通过在我肺心病举行了一个光明的一面镜子。xiii.十三。12 (comp. Suk. 45b; Lev. R. i. 14) to the saints in the future is claimed in II Cor. 12(可比淑45B条。。列夫河岛14),在未来的圣人声称在二肺心病。iii.三。18 and iv.18和四。4 as a power in the actual possession of the Christian believer.4,在基督教信徒实际占有的权力。The highest hope of man is regarded as realized by the writer, who looks forward to the heavenly habitation as a release from the earthly tabernacle (II Cor. v. 1-8).人类最大的希望被视为是实现了由作家,谁期待着作为从尘世幕(二肺心病。五1-8)释放到天上居住。

Spurious Writings Ascribed to Paul.杂散著作归功于保罗。

This unhealthy view of life maintained by Paul and his immediate followers was, however, changed by the Church the moment her organization extended over the world.这样的生活不健康的看法,保罗和他的追随者认为是直接的,然而,由教会改变了她的组织在世界各地扩展的时刻。Some epistles were written in the name of Paul with the view of establishing more friendly relations to society and government than Paul and the early Christians had maintained.一些书信写在保罗以期建立更加友好的关系,以社会和比保罗和早期基督徒政府一直保持视图的名称。While Paul warns his church-members not to bring matters of dispute before "the unjust," by which term he means the Gentiles (I Cor. vi. 1; comp. Jew. Encyc. iv. 590), these very heathen powers of Rome are elsewhere praised as the ministers of God and His avengers of wrong (Rom. xiii. 1-7); and while in I Cor.虽然保罗警告他的教会成员不要将问题提交争端事项“不公正”,其中任期内,他指外邦人(我肺心病六一。。。。。。比赛犹太人Encyc四590),这些非常异教徒权力罗马的其他地方,被誉为神的部长和他的错误的复仇者(罗马书十三1-7。)和同时在我肺心病。 xi.十一。5 women are permitted to prophesy and to pray aloud in the church provided they have their heads covered, a later chapter, obviously interpolated, states, "Let your women keep silence in the churches" (ib. xiv. 34). 5名妇女被允许预言,并大声祈祷,在教会提供他们有他们的头覆盖,后面的章节,显然插,国家“,让您的妇女保持沉默,在教堂”(同上十四。34)。 So celibacy (ib. vii. 1-8) is declared to be the preferable state, and marriage is allowed only for the sake of preventing fornication (Eph. v. 21-33), while, on the other hand, elsewhere marriage is enjoined and declared to be a mystery or sacrament symbolizing the relation of the Church as the bride to Christ as the bridegroom (see Bride).因此,独身(ib.七。1-8)被宣布为可取的状态,婚姻只是为了防止私通(弗五21-33)为了允许的,同时,在另一方面,其他地方的婚姻责成并宣布是一个谜,或圣礼象征教会的作为新郎(见新娘)新娘基督的关系。

A still greater change in the attitude toward the Law may be noticed in the so-called pastoral epistles.一个在对法律的态度,更大的变化可能会注意到,在所谓的田园书信。Here the Law is declared to be good as a preventive of wrong-doing (I Tim. i. 8-10), marriage is enjoined, and woman's salvation is declared to consist only in the performance of her maternal duty (ib. ii. 12, 15), while asceticism and celibacy are condemned (ib. iv. 3).在这里,法律被宣布为是一种错误的,这样做(我添。一8-10),婚姻是责成,和女人的救恩是宣布由她的母亲在履行职责(ib.二只预防好。 12,15),而禁欲主义和独身的谴责(ib.四。3)。So all social relations are regulated in a worldly spirit, and are no longer treated, as in Paul's genuine epistles, in the spirit of otherworldliness (ib. ii.-vi.; II Tim. ii. 4-6; Titus. ii.-iii.; comp. Didascalia).因此,所有社会关系的规管在一个世俗化的精神,不再是治疗,因为在保罗的真正的书信,在来世精神(同上ii.-vi.;二添二4-6;。。。提多二。三型。比赛didascalia认为)。。

Whether in collecting alms for the poor of the church on Sundays (I Cor. xvi. 2) Paul instituted a custom or simply followed one of the early Christians is not clear; from the "We" source in Acts xx. (。。林前十六2)无论是在收集了在星期日教会穷人施舍保罗建立一个自定义或干脆跟着早期基督徒是不明确;从“我们”的行为,第XX来源。7 it appears, however, that the church-members used to assemble for their communion meal in memory of the risen Christ, the Lord's Supper, on the first day of the week-probably because they held the light created on that day to symbolize the light of the Savior that had risen for them (see the literature in Schürer," Die Siebentägige Woche," in "Zeitschrift für Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft," 1905, pp. 1-2). 7中出现,但是,教会成员用来组装在复活的基督,上帝的晚餐,内存为他们的共融的膳食在为期一周的大概是第一次的一天,因为他们认为这一天创造了光,象征着在这已上升为他们的救主光(参见Schürer文学,“死Siebentägige周报”,在“Zeitschrift毛皮Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft,”1905年,第1-2页)。Little value can be attached to the story in Acts xviii.没有什么价值可以附加的行为十八的故事。18 that Paul brought a Nazarite sacrifice in the Temple, since for him the blood of Christ was the only sacrifice to be recognized.18保罗为他带来了,因为基督的血是唯一的牺牲予以承认的拿细耳人牺牲在圣殿。 Only at a later time, when Pauline and Judean Christianity were merged, was account again taken, contrary to the Pauline system, of the Mosaic law regarding sacrifice and the priesthood; and so the Epistle to the Hebrews was written with the view of representing Jesus as "the high priest after the order of Melchizedek" who atoned for the sins of the world by his own blood (Heb. iv. 14-v. 10, vii.-xiii.).只有在稍后的时间,当宝莲和犹太基督教的合并,是考虑再次采取相反的宝莲系统,镶嵌关于牺牲和神职人员的法律,等等书信向希伯来人的看法,代表耶稣的书面作为为世界谁的罪赎他自己的血“后的麦基洗德为大祭司”(希伯来书四14。- V的。10,vii. -十三。)。However, the name of Paul, connected with the epistle by Church tradition, was not attached to it in writing, as was the case with the other epistles.然而,保罗的名字,由教会的传统书信联系,不重视它在写作,因为是与其他书信案件。

Paul and Paulinism.保罗和paulinism。

How far, after a careful analysis discriminating between what is genuine in Paul's writings and what is spurious and interpolated, he may yet be regarded as "the great religious genius" or the "great organizer" of the Christian Church, can not be a matter for discussion here.有多远,经过仔细分析,区别什么是在保罗的著作真实,什么是虚假和内插,他还可能成为“伟大的宗教天才”或“伟大的组织者”的基督教教会认为,歧视不能是一个问题在这里讨论。 Still the credit belongs to him of having brought the teachings of the monotheistic truth and the ethics of Judaism, however mixed up with heathen Gnosticism and asceticism, home to the pagan world in a form which appealed most forcibly to an age eager for a God in human shape and for some means of atonement in the midst of a general consciousness of sin and moral corruption.仍是信贷属于他有带来了一神教犹太教教义和真理的伦理,但混合起来异教徒诺斯替主义和禁欲主义,在家的形式向异教徒的世界,其中呼吁最强行年龄为神都急切地注册人类的形状和在一个道德的罪恶和腐败的一般意识之中赎罪的一些方法。 Different from Simon Magus, his contemporary, with whom he was at times maliciously identified by his opponents, and in whose Gnostic system sensuousness and profanity predominated, Paul with his austerity made Jewish holiness his watch word; and he aimed after all, like any other Jew, at the establishment of the kingdom of God, to whom also his Christ subordinated himself, delivering up the kingdom to the Father when his task of redemption was complete, in order that God might be all in all (I Cor. xv. 28).不同的西蒙贤者,他同时代,同他在恶意确定他的对手时报,并在其诺斯底系统sensuousness和亵渎为主,保罗与他的紧缩政策取得了犹太成圣他看的话,以及他的目标毕竟像任何其他犹太人,在神的国的建立,又为他的基督服从于自己,提供了英国的父亲时,他的任务已经完成的赎回,为了使上帝可能是在所有(我肺心病。第十五所有28。 )。He was an instrument in the hand of Divine Providence to win the heathen nations for Israel's God of righteousness.他是在神圣的手工具来争取以色列的神的异教徒的正义国家。

His System of Faith.他的系统的信仰。

On the other hand, he construed a system of faithwhich was at the very outset most radically in conflict with the spirit of Judaism: (1) He substituted for the natural, childlike faith of man in God as the ever-present Helper in all trouble, such as the Old Testament represents it everywhere, a blind, artificial faith prescribed and imposed from without and which is accounted as a meritorious act.另一方面,他解释了faithwhich系统是在一开始就在冲突的最根本与犹太教的精神:(1)他的自然,天真的信念的人永远存在助手在神在所有麻烦取代如旧约代表它无处不在,一个盲人,人工明和不信仰强加于人,这是作为一个占立功行为。 (2) He robbed human life of its healthy impulses, the human soul of its faith in its own regenerating powers, of its belief in its own self and in its inherent tendencies to goodness, by declaring Sin to be, from the days of Adam, the all-conquering power of evil ingrained in the flesh, working everlasting doom; the deadly exhalation of Satan, the prince of this world, from whose grasp only Jesus, the resurrected Christ, the prince of the other world, was able to save man. (2)他抢在其自身,并在其固有的倾向,善良人的生命健康的冲动,其本身的人类灵魂再生的权力信仰的信念,宣布罪从亚当的日子, ,邪恶的根深蒂固的无坚不摧的力量,在肉体,工作永恒的厄运;致命的喷流的撒旦,王子的这个世界,从他们的把握只有耶稣,基督的复活,在另一个世界的王子,是可以节省男子。 (3) In endeavoring to liberate man from the yoke of the Law, he was led to substitute for the views and hopes maintained by the apocalyptic writers the Christian dogma with its terrors of damnation and hell for the unbeliever, holding out no hope whatsoever for those who would not accept his Christ as savior, and finding the human race divided between the saved and the lost (Rom. ii. 12; I Cor. i. 18; II Cor. ii. 15, iv. 3; II Thess. ii. 10). (3)在努力摆脱该法的枷锁的人,他被带到替代意见,并希望维持世界末日作家与诅咒和地狱的恐怖的异教徒基督教教条,抱着不就没有希望这些谁不接受他的基督为救主,并寻找人类之间的保存,丢失(罗马书二12分。我肺心病岛18。肺心病二15二,四3;。。。第二帖。二。10)。 (4) In declaring the Law to be the begetter of sin and damnation and in putting grace or faith in its place, he ignored the great truth that duty, the divine "command," alone renders life holy; that upon the law of right-cousness all ethics, individual or social, rest. (4)在宣布该法是罪恶和诅咒begetter和脱开的地方宽限期或信仰,他忽略了伟大的真理,责任,神圣的“命令”,仅使生命神圣,这对法律的权利- cousness一切伦理,个人或社会,休息。(5) In condemning, furthermore, all human wisdom, reason, and common sense as "folly," and in appealing only to faith and vision, he opened wide the door to all kinds of mysticism and superstition. (5)在谴责,此外,所有人类的智慧,理性,并作为“愚蠢”,并呼吁只有信念和理想的常识,他敞开了大门,神秘主义和迷信等。(6) Moreover, in place of the love greatly extolled in the panegyric in I Cor. (6)此外,在发生大的爱,在颂词中赞扬我肺心病。xiii.-a chapter which strangely interrupts the connection between ch.xiii. -一章,奇怪的中断之间的通道连接。 xii.十二。and xiv.-Paul instilled into the Church, by his words of condemnation of the Jews as "vessels of wrath fitted for destruction" (Rom. ix. 22; II Cor. iii. 9, iv. 3), the venom of hatred which rendered the earth unbearable for God's priest-people.和xiv. -保罗灌输到教会,通过对他的话谴责犹太人的“愤怒的船只配备毁灭”(罗马书九22;。。。。二,肺心病9三,四3),仇恨的毒液这使地球上帝的牧师的人难以忍受。 Probably Paul is not responsible for these outbursts of fanaticism; but Paulinism is.也许保罗并不对这些狂热爆发负责,但Paulinism的。It finally led to that systematic defamation and profanation of the Old Testament and its God by Marcion and his followers which ended in a Gnosticism so depraved and so shocking as to bring about a reaction in the Church in favor of the Old Testament against the Pauline antinomianism.它最终导致了该系统的诽谤和亵渎的马吉安和他的追随者的旧约和上帝从而结束了诺斯替主义如此堕落,所以一个令人震惊的,引入的旧约赞成关于在教会的反应对宝莲反律法。 Protestantism revived Pauline views and notions; and with these a biased opinion of Judaism and its Law took possession of Christian writers, and prevails even to the present (comp., eg, Weber, "Jüdische Theologie," 1897, where Judaism is presented throughout simply as "Nomismus"; Schürer's description of the life of the Jew "under the law" in his "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 464-496; Bousset, "Religion des Judenthums in Neu-Testamentlichen Zeitalter," 1903, p. 107; and the more popular works by Harnack and others; and see also Schechter in "JQR" iii. 754-766; Abrahams, "Prof. Schürer on Life Under the Jewish Law," ib. xi. 626; and Schreiner, "Die Jüngsten Urtheile über das Judenthum," 1902, pp. 26-34).新教恢复宝莲看法和观念,以及与这些有偏见的舆论,犹太教和基督教作家律师注意到占有,流行甚至到现在(可比,如韦伯,“Jüdische神学”,1897年,其中提出了整个犹太教仅仅作为“Nomismus”; Schürer的描述的犹太人生活“根据法律”在他的三维版,二464-496的“Gesch。”;。。Bousset,“宗教德Judenthums位于Neu - Testamentlichen Zeitalter”,1903年,第107页;和哈纳克和其他人的更受欢迎的作品,以及另见在“JQR”三谢克特754-766。亚伯拉罕,“教授Schürer对生活在犹太人的法律,”兴业西路626;。。和施赖纳,“模具Jüngsten Urtheile黚DAS的Judenthum,”1902年,页26-34)。For other Pauline doctrines see Atonement; Body in Jewish Theology; Faith; Sin, Original.对于其他宝莲学说见赎罪,在犹太神学机构;信念;仙原件。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版01年至1906年之间。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
Cheyne and Black, Encyc.进益和黑色,Encyc。Bibl.Bibl。sv Paul, where the main literature is given; Eschelbacher, Das Judenthum und das Wesen des Christenthums, Berlin, 1905; Grätz, Gesch.希沃特保罗,那里的主要文学发出; Eschelbacher,达斯Judenthum有限公司达斯Wesen德Christenthums,柏林,1905年;格拉茨,Gesch。 4th ed., iii.第四版。,三。 413-425; Moritz Loewy, Die Paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz, in Monatsschrift, 1903-4; Claude Monteflore, Rabbinic Judaism and the Epistles of Paul, in JQR xiii.413-425;莫里茨路威,在模具Paulinische Lehre VOM的月刊,1903至1​​904 Gesetz;在JQR十三克劳德Monteflore,拉比犹太教和保罗的书信。161.K.161.K.

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