The Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes的法利赛人,撒都该人,爱色尼

General Information一般资料

Essenes爱色尼

The Essenes were a Jewish religious sect not actually mentioned in the Bible, but described by Josephus, Philo, and mentioned in the Dead Sea Scrolls.爱色尼是一个犹太宗教教派实际上没有在圣经中提到的,而是由约瑟夫,斐洛描述,并在死海古卷提及。Most members lived communal, celibate lives.大部分成员居住社区,独身生活。They observed Jewish Law very strictly.他们观察到的犹太法律非常严格。They practiced ceremonial baptisms.他们实行洗礼仪式。Essenes were apocalyptic, and they opposed Temple priesthood.爱色尼是世界末日,他们反对庙神职人员。

Pharisees法利赛人

The Pharisees were a prominent sect of Jews in Christ's time.法利赛人是犹太人在基督的时候突出节。They opposed Jesus and His teachings.他们反对耶稣和他的教诲。They plotted His death (Matt 12:14).他们绘制他的死(太12:14)。They were denounced by Him (Matt 23).他们谴责他(马特23)。Their characteristic teachings included: belief in oral as well as written Law; resurrection of the human body; belief in the existence of a spirit world; immortality of the soul; predestination; future rewards and punishments based upon works.他们的特点教诲包括:信仰在口头以及书面的法律;人体复活,在一个精神的世界的存在信念;不朽的灵魂,宿命,未来的回报,并根据工程的处罚。 Matt 9:11-14; 12:1-8; 16:1-12; 23; Luke 11:37-44; Acts 15:5; 23:6-8.太9:11-14; 12:1-8,16:1-12,23,路加福音11:37-44,使徒15时05; 23:6-8。

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Sadducees撒都该人

The Sadducees were another prominent Jewish religious sect in the time of Christ.撒都该人是另一个突出的犹太,基督宗教教派的时间。Their beliefs included: acceptance only of the Law and rejection of oral tradition; denial of bodily resurrection; immortality of the soul; existence of a spirit world (Mark 12:18; Luke 20:27; Acts 23:8).他们的信仰包括:只接受法律和拒绝口头传统;身体复活拒绝;不朽的灵魂,一个精神的世界的存在(马克12时18分,路加福音20时27分;使徒23时08分)。 They supported the Maccabeans.他们支持Maccabeans。The Sadducees were a relatively small group, but they generally held the high priesthood.撒都该人是一个相对较小的群体,但他们普遍持有的高铎。They denounced John the Baptist (Matt 3:7-8) and Jesus (Matt 16:6,11,12).他们谴责施洗约翰(太3:7-8)和耶稣(太16:6,11,12)。They actively opposed Christ (Matt 21:12ff; Mark 11:15ff; Luke 19:47) and the apostolic Church (Acts 5:17,33).他们积极反对基督(马特21时十二FF,FF马克11点一刻,路加福音19点47分)和使徒教会(徒5:17,33)。


The Three Sects of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes在法利赛,撒都该人,以及爱色尼教派的三

Examination of Their Distinctive Doctrines审查其独特的教义

Advanced Information先进的信息

Apart from the repulsively carnal form which it had taken, there is something absolutely sublime in the continuance and intensity of the Jewish expectation of the Messiah.除了repulsively肉体形式,它已采取了,有些事在连续性和对犹太人的弥赛亚的期望强度绝对崇高。It outlived not only the delay of long centuries, but the persecutions and scattering of the people; it continued under the disappointment of the Maccabees, the rule of a Herod, the administration of a corrupt and contemptible Priesthood, and, finally, the government of Rome as represented by a Pilate; nay, it grew in intensity almost in proportion as it seemed unlikely of realisation.它不仅活得比世纪的长期拖延,但迫害和人民的散射,它在继续失望的马加比,一个希律王统治的腐败和卑鄙的圣职的管理,以及最后,政府罗马为代表由彼拉多,不仅如此,它几乎增长比例的强度,因为它似乎是不太可能实现。

These are facts which show that the doctrine of the Kingdom, as the sum and substance of Old Testament teaching, was the very heart of Jewish religious life; while, at the same time, they evidence a moral elevation which placed abstract religious conviction far beyond the reach of passing events, and clung to it with a tenacity which nothing could loosen.这些都是事实,表明王国学说,为总结和旧约教学内容,是犹太人的宗教生活的中心,同时,在同一时间,他们的证据是道德海拔里面摆放远远超越抽象的宗教信念在传递活动,并达到粘在上面用坚韧而没有什么能够放松。

Tidings of what these many months had occurred by the banks of the Jordan must have early reached Jerusalem, and ultimately stirred to the depths its religious society, whatever its preoccupation with ritual questions or political matters.这是什么好几个月了由约旦银行发生音信必须尽早达成耶路撒冷,并最终激起到深处的宗教社会,无论其与礼仪问题或政治问题的当务之急。 For it was not an ordinary movement, nor in connection with any of the existing parties, religious or political.它不是一般的运动,也不符合现有的党派,宗教或政治的任何连接。An extraordinary preacher, or extraordinary appearance and habits, not aiming, like others, after renewed zeal in legal observances, or increased Levitical purity, but preaching repentance and moral renovation in preparation for the coming Kingdom, and sealing this novel doctrine with an equally novel rite, had drawn from town and country multitudes of all classes, inquirers, penitents and novices.一个非凡的传教士,或特殊的外观和习惯,不针对其他国家一样,在法律纪念活动后再次热情,或增加利未纯度,但对未来的说教王国忏悔和道德准备装修,密封用同样的小说这本小说学说仪式,有来自各阶层,查询者,悔罪者和新手城镇和乡村民众。

The great and burning question seemed, what the real character and meaning of it was?伟大的和迫切的问题似乎,有什么真正的性质和它的含义是?or rather, whence did it issue, and whither did it tend?或者说,从那里做到了问题,它往往也往那?The religious leaders of the people proposed to answer this by instituting an inquiry through a trust-worthy deputation.人民群众的宗教领导人提出实行回答通过值得信赖的代表进行调查的。In the account of this by St. John certain points seem clearly implied; [a i.在这个由圣约翰某些点的帐户似乎清楚地暗示,[A岛 19-28.] on others only suggestions can be ventured.19-28]只建议可以大胆他人。

That the interview referred to occurred after the Baptism of Jesus, appears from the whole context.[1 This point is fully discussed by Lucke, Evang.所指的采访后发生的耶稣洗礼,似乎从整个上下文[1这一点是完全吕凯,Evang讨论。Joh., vol.荷兰Joh。卷。i.pp. 396-398.] Similarly, the statement that the deputation which came to John was 'sent from Jerusalem' by 'the Jews,' implies that it proceeded from authority, even if it did not bear more than a semi-official character.页396-398。]同样,该代表团是前来约翰是“从耶路撒冷派”由“犹太人”的说法意味着它从权威出发,即使不承担超过一个半官方性质的。 For, although the expression 'Jews' in the fourth Gospel generally conveys the idea of contrast to the disciples of Christ (for ex. St. John vii. 15), yet it refers to the people in their corporate capacity, that is, as represented by their constituted religious authorities.因为,虽然表达'犹太人'在第四福音普遍传达的对比,基督的门徒(为前。圣约翰七,15)的想法,但它是指在其法人资格的人,即作为由他们组成的代表宗教当局。 [b Comp.[B比赛。St. John v. 15, 16; ix.圣约翰15节,16;九。18,22; xviii.18,22;十八。 12,31.] On the other hand, although the term 'scribes and elders' does not occur in the Gospel of St. John, [2 So Professor Westcott, in his Commentary on the passage (Speaker's Comment., NT, vol. ii. p. 18), where he notes that the expression in St. John viii. 12,31]另一方面,尽管这个术语'文士和长老'不发生在圣约翰福音,[2所以韦斯科特教授,在他的通道(议长的评论。,NT,第一卷评论。二,第18页),他指出,在圣约翰第八表达。 3 is unauthentic.] it by no means follows that 'the Priests and Levites' sent from the capital either represented the two great divisions of the Sanhedrin, or, indeed, that the deputation issued from the Great Sanhedrin itself.三是不真实。]并不意味着它遵循的“祭司和利未人”从首都派出代表或两个伟大的师公会,或者更确切地说,该代表团从大公会本身发出。

The former suggestion is entirely ungrounded; the latter at least problematic.前者建议完全是毫无根据的,后者至少有问题。It seems a legitimate inference that, considering their own tendencies, and the political dangers connected with such a step, the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem would not have come to the formal resolution of sending a regular deputation on such an inquiry.这似乎是一个合理的推论,考虑自己的倾向,这样的步骤连接的政治危险,耶路撒冷的公会也不会走到派遣这项调查定期代表团正式决议。 Moreover, a measure like this would have been entirely outside their recognised mode of procedure.此外,这样的措施将已完全超出其认可的程序模式。The Sanhedrin did not, and could not, originate charges.该公会没有,也不能,源于收费。It only investigated those brought before it.据调查,仅提交给它的。It is quite true that judgment upon false prophets and religious seducers lay with it; [c Sanh.这是很不错,在假先知和宗教迷惑判断它敷设; [C Sanh。i.5.] but the Baptist had not as yet said or done anything to lay him open to such an accusation. 5],但尚未浸会没有说过或做过什么奠定了他开到这样的指控。He had in no way infringed the Law by word or deed, nor had he even claimed to be a prophet.他丝毫不侵犯通过言行的法律,也没有他甚至自称是先知。[3 Of this the Sanhedrin must have been perfectly aware.[此公会3必须已经非常清楚。Comp.比赛。St. Matt.圣马特。iii.三。7; St. Luke iii. 7;圣卢克III。15 &c.] If, nevertheless, it seems most probable that 'the Priests and Levits' came from the Sanhedrin, we are led to the conclusion that theirs was an informal mission, rather privately arranged than publicly determined upon. 15&C]如果,然而,似乎最有可能的“祭司和Levits”从公会来了,我们得出的结论是他们是一个非正式的使命,而不是私人安排的决定后公开。

And with this the character of the deputies agrees.而与此性格的代表同意。'Priests and Levites', the colleagues of John the Priest, would be selected for such an errand, rather than leading Rabbinic authorities.“祭司和利未人”,约翰牧师的同事,会选择这样的差事,而不是领导拉比当局。The presence of the latter would, indeed, have given to the movement an importance, if not a sanction, which the Sanhedrin could not have wished.后者的存在会,的确,有流能够给予重视,如果不处分,该公会也没有希望。 The only other authority in Jerusalem from which such a deputation could have issued was the so-called 'Council of the Temple,' 'Judicature of the Priests,' or 'Elders of the Priesthood,' [a For cx.只有在耶路撒冷的其他权力从中可以有这样的代表发出的所谓的“圣殿会”,“司法的祭司”或“长老圣职,”一对CX [。Yoma 1.山脉1。5.] which consisted of the fourteen chief officers of the But although they may afterwards have taken their full part in the condemnation of Jesus, ordinarily their duty was only connected with the services of the Sanctuary, and not with criminal questions or doctrinal investigations. 5]其中包括十四个行政人员,但事后,虽然他们可能采取他们对耶稣谴责充分发挥作用,通常他们的职责是唯一的保护区连接的服务,并与刑事调查的问题或理论没有。 [1 Comp.[1比赛。'The Temple, its Ministry and Services,' p.“该庙,其部和服务,”第75.75。Dr. Geiger (Urschr. u. Uebersetz. d. Bibel, pp. 113, 114) ascribes to them, however, a much wider jurisdiction.盖革博士(Urschr.美国Uebersetz。D. Bibel,第113,114)归咎给他们,然而,更广泛的管辖权。

Some of his inferences (such as at pp. 115, 116) seem to me historically unsupported.] It would be too much to suppose, that they would take the initiative in such a matter on the ground that they would take the initiative in such a matter on the ground that the Baptist was a member of the Priesthood.他的推论有些(如在第115,116)在我看来历史上不受支持。]这将是太多的假设,他们将在这样的事情在地面上的主动权,他们将采取这种主动在地面上的问题,该浸信会是一个圣职的成员。 Finally, it seems quite natural that such an informal inquiry, set on foot most probably by the Sanhedrists, should have been entrusted exclusively to the Pharisaic party.最后,它似乎很自然,这样的非正式调查,设置徒步由Sanhedrists最有可能,应已委托专门向Pharisaic党。 It would in no way have interested the Sadducees; and what members of that party had seen of John [b St. Matt.它绝不会撒都该人有兴趣,以及有哪些成员,党的约翰[B圣马特看到。iii.三。7 &c.] must have convinced them that his views and aims lay entirely beyond their horizon. 7&C]必须说服他们,他的意见,目的在于完全超出了他们的视野。

The origin of the two great parties of Pharisees and Sadducees has already been traced. [2 Comp.这两个的法利赛人和撒都该人的伟大政党的起源已追踪[2比赛。Book I. ch.书一通道。viii.] They mark, not sects, but mental directions, such as in their principles are natural and universal, and, indeed, appear in connection with all metaphysical [3 I use the term metaphysical here in the sense of all that is above the natural, not merely the speculative, but the supersensuous generally.] questions.第八章]他们标记,而不是宗派,但精神上的方向,如在自己的原则,是天然的和普遍的,而且,事实上,在所有形而上学[3连接出现在我使用的所有意义上的形而上学一词在这里是上面自然,而不仅仅是投机,但超感觉一般。]问题。 They are the different modes in which the human mind views supersensuous problems, and which afterwards, when one-sidedly followed out, harden into diverging schools of thought.他们是不同的模式中,人的心灵意见超感觉的问题,并事后,当片面跟着出来,把学校的思想分歧变硬。If Pharisees and Sadducess were not 'sects' in the sense of separation from the unity of the Jewish ecclesiastical community, neither were theirs 'heresies' in the conventional, but only in the original sense of tendency, direction, or, at most, views, differing from those commonly entertained.如果法利赛人和Sadducess不是“邪教”中从犹太人教会社会团结的分离意识,既不是他们的“异端邪说”的传统,但只有在趋势,方向,或原来意义上最多,意见,从不同的常用受理。

[4 The word has received its present meaning chiefly from the adjective attaching to it in 2 Pet.[4字已收到其目前的含义主要是从形容词在2宠物附加给它。ii.II。1.1。In Acts xxiv.在使徒行传二十四。 5, 14, xxviii.5,14,二十八。 22, it is vituperatively applied to Christians; in 1 Cor.22,它是vituperatively适用于基督徒,在1肺心病。xi.十一。19, Gal.19,半乳糖。v. 20, it seems to apply to diverging practices of a sinful kind; in Titus iii. 20节,它似乎适用于一个罪恶的一种分歧的做法,在提多三。10, the 'heretic' seems one who held or taught diverging opinions or practices.10日,“异端”似乎一个谁持有或教分歧意见或做法。 Besides, it occurs in the NT once to mark the Sadducees, and twice the Pharisees (Acts v. 17; xv. 5, and xxvi. 5).] Our sources of information here are: the New Testament, Josephus, and Rabbinic writings.此外,它发生在新台币一次以纪念撒都该人,并两次法利赛人(徒五17,十五5,二十六5。)]我们这里的信息来源是:新约,约瑟夫和拉比著作。 The New Testament only marks, in broad outlines and popularly, the peculiarities of each party; but from the absence of bias it may safely be regarded [1 I mean on historical, not theological grounds.] as the most trustworthy authority on the matter.新约圣经不仅标志着在广泛纲要,并普遍,每一方的特殊性,但是从偏见的情况下它可以安全地被视为[1我对历史,而不是神学的理由的意思。]作为最值得信赖的权威有关事宜。 The inferences which we derive from the statements of Josephus, [2 I here refer to the following passages: Jewish War ii.我们的推论从约瑟夫声明派生,[2我这里指的是以下段落:二战犹太人。8.8。14; Ant.14,蚂蚁。xiii.十三。5.5。9; 10.9 10。5, 6; xvii.5,6;十七。2.2。4; xviii.4;十八。1, 2, 2, 4.] though always to be qualified by our general estimate of his animus, [3 For a full discussion of the character and writings of Josephus, I would refer to the article in Dr. Smith's Dict. 1,2,2,4]虽然总是被我们一般估计他的敌意合格,[有关的性质和约瑟夫的著作充分讨论3,我指的是在史密斯博士的字典文章。of Chr.对染色体。Biogr.Biogr。vol.第一卷。iii.] accord with those from the New Testament.三,]与新约的协议。In regard to Rabbinic writings, we have to bear in mind the admittedly unhistorical character of most of their notices, the strong party-bias which coloured almost all their statements regarding opponents, and their constant tendency to trace later views and practices to earlier times.关于拉比的著作,我们要牢记他们的通知书最诚然文保人物,强大的党的偏见而颜色几乎所有的陈述对手,他们不断的趋势追踪后的意见和做法,以更早的时候。

Without entering on the principles and supposed practices of 'the fraternity' or 'association' (Chebher, Chabhurah, Chabhurta) of Pharisees, which was comparatively small, numbering only about 6,000 members, [a Jos. Ant.如果没有上的原则和“联谊会”或“协会”(Chebher,Chabhurah,Chabhurta)的法利赛,这是相对较小,编号只有约6000名成员应该进入实践,[一个圣何塞蚂蚁。 xvii.十七。2.2。4.] the following particulars may be of interest.4。]下列事项可能会感兴趣。The object of the association was twofold: to observe in the strictest manner, and according to traditional law, all the ordinances concerning Levitical purity, and to be extremely punctilious in all connected with religious dues (tithes and all other dues).该协会的目的是双重的:在严格的观察方式,并根据传统的法律,所有的条例有关利未纯洁性,是非常一丝不苟的所有连接与宗教的会费(什一税和其他一切费用)。 A person might undertake only the second, without the first of these obligations.一个人可能进行第二只,如果没有这些义务第一。In that case he was simply a Neeman, an 'accredited one' with whom one might enter freely into commerce, as he was supposed to have paid all dues.在这种情况下,他只是一个尼曼,一个“认可的一个”与其中一人可能进入自由贸易,因为他本来是有支付所有欠款。But a person could not undertake the vow of Levitical purity without also taking the obligation of all religious dues.但一个人不能承担还没有到所有宗教会费义务的利未纯度的誓言。If he undertook both vows he was a Chabher, or associate.如果他答应都发誓他是一个Chabher,或联营公司。Here there were four degrees, marking an ascending scale of Levitical purity, or separation from all that was profane.这里有四度,标志着一个利未纯度升规模,还是从所有被亵渎的分离。[b Chag.[B Chag。ii.II。5, 7; comp.5,7;比赛。Tohor.Tohor。vii.七。5.] In opposition to these was the Am ha-arets, or 'country people' (the people which knew not, or cared not for the Law, and were regarded as 'cursed'). 5]在反对这些是上午公顷arets,或“全国人民”(人民的不知道,或不关心法律,并为“诅咒”处理)。

But it must not be thought that every Chabher was either a learned Scribe, or that every Scribe was a Chabher.但绝不能认为每Chabher要么一个博学多才抄写,或者说是一个Chabher每抄写员。On the contrary, as a man might be a Chabher without being either a Scribe or an elder, [c For ex.相反,作为一个男人可能没有被无论是抄写或长辈a Chabher,[c对于前。Kidd.基德。33 b.] so there must have been sages, and even teachers, who did not belong to the association, since special rules are laid down for the reception of such.B. 33]所以一定有圣人,甚至是教师,谁不​​属于该协会,因为特殊的规则奠定了这种接收下来。[d Bekh.[D Bekh。30.] Candidates had to be formally admitted into the 'fraternity' in the presence of three members. 30。]候选人被正式纳入“博爱”承认的三名成员在场。But every accredited public 'teacher' was, unless anything was known to the contrary, supposed to have taken upon him the obligations referred to.但每一个公众认可的“老师”是的,除非是众所周知的事情,相反,应该有向他采取转交的义务。[1 Abba Saul would also have freed all students from that formality.] The family of a Chabher belonged, as a matter of course, to the community; [a Bekhor. [1阿爸扫罗也有摆脱的形式全体学生。]一个Chabher家庭属于作为理所当然的事,给社会; [A Bekhor。30.] but this ordinance was afterwards altered.30],但后来改变了这一条例。[2 Comp.[2比赛。the suggestion as to the significant time when this alteration was introduced, in 'Sketches of Jewish Social Life,' pp. 228, 229.] The Neeman undertook these four obligations: to tithe what he ate, what he sold, and what he bought, and not to be a guest with an Am ha-arets. ,作为对大量的时间,当这种改变是在引进的建议,“犹太社会生活素描”,第228,229]进行的尼曼这四个义务:仂他吃什么,他卖了,他买了什么,而不是成为一个带有AM公顷arets客人。 [b Dem.[B DEM。ii.II。2.] The full Chabher undertook not to sell to an 'Am ha-arets' any fluid or dry substance (nutriment or fruit), not to buy from him any such fluid, not to be a guest with him, not to entertain him as a guest in his own clothes (on account of their possible impurity), to which one authority adds other particulars, which, however, were not recognised by the Rabbis generally as of primary importance. 2]全Chabher承诺不出售给一个“上午公顷arets”任何液体或干燥物质(营养素或水果),而不是从他买任何液体,不被与他的客人,不要招待他作为他自己的衣服客人(对他们的可能杂质帐户),哪一个权威添加其他细节,其中,然而,没有受到普遍认可的拉比作为头等大事。 [c Demai ii.3.] [C安德麦II.3。]

These two great obligations of the 'official' Pharisee, or 'Associate' are pointedly referred to by Christ, both that in regard to tithing (the vow of the Neeman); [d In St. Luke xi.42; xviii.这两个“官”法利赛人,或“准”伟大义务是尖锐地提到了基督,都在关于什一税(对尼曼誓言); [d在圣卢克xi.42;十八。12; St. Matt.12,圣马特。xxiii.二十三。23.] and that in regard to Levitical purity (the special vow of the Chabher).23]和关于利未纯度(该Chabher特殊誓言)。 [e In St. Luke xi. [在圣卢克十一E。39, 41; St. Matt.39,41;圣马特。xxiii.二十三。25, 26.] In both cases they are associated with a want of corresponding inward reality, and with hypocrisy.25,26]在这两种情况下,他们与一个相应的外来现实需要,并与伪善。These charges cannot have come upon the people by surprise, and they may account for the circumstance that so many of the learned kept aloof from the 'Association' as such.这些费用不能临到人感到吃惊,他们可能占的情况是如此,从“学会”为保持这样的教训很多超然。Indeed, the sayings of some of the Rabbis in regard to Pharisaism and the professional Pharisee are more withering than any in the New Testament.的确,对于法利赛和专业法利赛人的拉比的说法是一些较新约任何枯萎。

It is not necessary here to repeat the well-known description, both in the Jerusalem and the Babylon Talmud, of the seven kinds of 'Pharisees,' of whom six (the 'Shechemite,' the 'stumbling,' the 'bleeding,' the 'mortar,' the 'I want to know what is incumbent on me,' and 'the Pharisee from fear') mark various kinds of unreality, and only one is 'the Pharisee from love.'这是没有必要在这里重复了著名的描述,无论是在耶路撒冷和巴比伦犹太法典对七种,“法利赛”,其中六名(以下简称“Shechemite”的“绊脚石”的“出血”在“砂浆”的“我想知道什么是对我有责任,”和“免于恐惧的法利赛人”)标志的各种不切实际,只有一个是“从爱法利赛人。” [f Sot.[F索。22 b; Jer.22 B;哲。Ber.误码率。ix.九。7.]7。]

Such an expression as 'the plague of Pharisaism' is not uncommon; and a silly pietist, a clever sinner, and a female Pharisee, are ranked among 'the troubles of life.'这样的表达为“瘟疫的法利赛”的情况并不少见;“。生活中的烦恼”和愚蠢的虔信,一个聪明的罪人,一个女法利赛人,属于排名 [g Sot.[G索。iii.三。4.] 'Shall we then explain a verse according to the opinions of the Pharisees?' 4]“我们应再解释诗句根据法利赛人的意见呢?”asks a Rabbi, in supreme contempt for the arrogance of the fraternity.问一个犹太教教士,在最高为博爱傲慢的蔑视。[h Pes.[H PES。70 b.] 'It is as a tradition among the pharisees [i Abhoth de R. Nathan 5.] to torment themselves in this world, and yet they will gain nothing by it in the next.'B. 70]“它为是法利赛人[我Abhoth德河弥敦道5传统。]在这个世界上折磨自己,但他们将获得由它没有在未来。”

The Sadducees had some reason for the taunt, that 'the Pharisees would by-and-by subject the globe of the sun itself to their purifications,' [k Jer.撒都该人的嘲讽了一些原因,即“法利赛会的和按受太阳本身的净化地球”[K哲。Chag.Chag。79 d; Tos.79天; TOS。 Chag.Chag。iii.] the more so that their assertions of purity were sometimes conjoined with Epicurean maxims, betokening a very different state of mind, such as, 'Make haste to eat and drink, for the world which we quit resembles a wedding feast;' or this: 'My son, if thou possess anything, enjoy thyself, for there is no pleasure in Hades, [1 Erub.三]更使他们断言纯度有时与伊壁鸠鲁格言betokening的心态非常不同的状态,比如,联体,“快点吃,喝,为世界,我们退出类似于一个婚礼宴”;或这样的:“我的儿子,如果你拥有什么,你自己享受,对于没有在阴间的乐趣,[1 Erub。54 a.54 A。I give the latter clause, not as in our edition of the Talmud, but according to a more correct reading (Levy, Neuhebr. Worterb. vol. ii. p. 102).] and death grants no respite.我给后者的条款,而不是在我们的犹太法典版本,但根据更正确的阅读(征费,Neuhebr。Worterb,第二卷,第102页)。]和死亡补助金没有喘息的机会。 But if thou sayest, What then would I leave to my sons and daughters?但如果你sayest,那么我会离开我的儿子和女儿?Who will thank thee for this appointment in Hades?'谁在阴间会感谢你?对于这一任命“Maxims these to which, alas!这些格言的,唉!too many of their recorded stories and deeds form a painful commentary.太多的故事和事迹的记载很多形成一个痛苦的评注。[2 It could serve no good purpose to give instances.[2它可以起到良好的目的没有给予实例。They are readily accessible to those who have taste or curiosity in that direction.]他们很容易接触到那些有品位或谁在这个方向的好奇心。]

But it would be grossly unjust to identify Pharisaism, as a religious direction, with such embodiments of it or even with the official 'fraternity.'但是,这将是非常不公正的,以确定法利赛,作为一个宗教的方向与它的这些实施方案,甚至与官方,“博爱”。 While it may be granted that the tendency and logical sequence of their views and practices were such, their system, as opposed to Sadduceeism, had very serious bearings: dogmatic, ritual, and legal.虽然可以理所当然地认为,趋势和自己的观点和做法的逻辑顺序是这样的,他们的系统,而不是Sadduceeism,有非常严重的轴承:教条,礼仪和法律。 It is, however, erroneous to suppose, either that their system represented traditionalism itself, or that Scribes and Pharisees are convertible terms, [3 So, erroneously, Wellhausen, in his treatise 'Pharisaer u.它是,但是,错误的假设,无论是他们的系统为代表的传统主义本身,或者说,文士和法利赛人可转换条款,[3所以,错误,豪森,在他的论文“Pharisaer U.Sadduc.'; and partially, as it seems to me, even Schurer (Neutest. Zeitgesch.). Sadduc“;和部分,因为它在我看来,即使Schurer(Neutest. Zeitgesch)。In other respects also these two learned men seem too much under the influence of Geiger and Kuenen.] while the Sadducees represented the civil and political element.在其他方面也了解到这两个男人似乎下,盖革和Kuenen影响太大。]而撒都该人所代表的公民权利和政治因素。

The Pharisees represented only the prevailing system of, no traditionalism itself; while the Sadducees also numbered among them many learned men.法利赛人只占了,没有传统主义本身的现行制度,同时还撒都该人,其中编号为许多有学问的人。They were able to enter into controversy, often protracted and fierce, with their opponents, and they acted as members of the Sanhedrin, although they had diverging traditions of their own, and even, as it would appear, at one time a complete code of canon-law.他们能够进入争议,往往漫长而激烈的对手,他们担任的公会成员,虽然他们对自己的传统分歧,甚至,它会出现在一次完整的代码,佳能的法律。 [a Megill.[一个梅吉尔。Taan.Taan。Per.元。iv.四。ed.编辑。Warsh.沃什。p.8 a.] [4 Wellhausen has carried his criticisms and doubts of the Hebrew Scholion on the Megill.8 A.] [4豪森已进行了梅吉尔他的批评和希伯来语Scholion怀疑。Taan.Taan。(or 'Roll of Fasts') too far.] Moreover, the admitted fact, that when in office the Sadducees conformed to the principles and practices of the Pharisees, proves at least that they must have been acquainted with the ordinances of traditionalism. (或“斋戒卷”)太过分了。]而且,承认事实,即在任时符合的原则和做法的撒都该人的法利赛,至少证明,他们必须已与传统主义条例熟悉。[5 Even such a book as the Meg. [5即使这样一个梅格书。Taan. Taan。does not accuse them of absolute ignorance, but only of being unable to prove their dicta from Scripture (comp. Pereq xp 15 b, which may well mark the extreme of Anti-Sadduceeism).]不指责他们绝对无知,但只有无法证明从经文(comp. Pereq XP 15 B,这可能标志着反Sadduceeism极端)的格言。]

Lastly, there were certain traditional ordinances on which both parties were at one.最后,有一定的上双方都在一个传统的条例。[b Sanh.[B Sanh。33 t Horay 4 a.] Thus it seems Sadduceeism was in a sense than a practical system, starting from simple and well-defined principles, but wide-reaching in its possible consequences. 33吨Horay 4 A]因此,似乎Sadduceeism是一个比一个实用的系统意识,从简单而明确的原则出发,但在其可能的后果广泛深远。 Perhaps it may best be described as a general reaction against the extremes of Pharisaism, springing from moderate and rationalistic tendencies; intended to secure a footing within the recognised bounds of Judaism; and seeking to defend its principles by a strict literalism of interpretation and application.也许它可能最好被描述为对法利赛一般的极端反应,从温和和理性的倾向雨后春笋,旨在确保在犹太教的认可范围一席位,并寻求捍卫了严格拘泥于字句的解释和适用的原则。 If so, these interpretations would be intended rather for defensive than offensive purposes, and the great aim of the party would be after rational freedom, or, it might be, free rationality.如果是这样,这些解释将超过预期,而进攻防守的目的,和党的伟大目标后会理性的自由,或者说,它可能是免费的合理性。 Practically, the party would, of course, tend in broad, and often grossly unorthodox, directions.实际上,党,当然,往往在广泛,而且往往严重非正统的,方向。

The fundamental dogmatic differences between the Pharisees and Sadducees concerned: the rule of faith and practice; the 'after death;' the existence of angels and spirits; and free will and pre-destination. 最根本的教条式的分歧法利赛人和撒都该人关注:信仰和实践的统治,在“死后,”天使的和精神的存在;和自由意志和预目的地。

In regard to the first of these points, it has already been stated that the Sadducees did not lay down the principle of absolute rejection of all traditions as such, but that they were opposed to traditionalism as represented and carried out by the Pharisees. When put down by sheer weight of authority, they would probably carry the controversy further, and retort on their opponents by an appeal to Scripture as against their traditions, perhaps ultimately even by an attack on traditionalism; but always as represented by the Pharisees. 至于这些第一点,它已经表示,撒都该人没有放下作为绝对的排斥反应等所有传统的原则,但是,他们反对传统主义的代表,并进行了法利赛时提出下降的权力纯粹的重量,他们可能会进行进一步的争论,以及由他们的对手反驳圣经上诉,反对他们的传统,甚至最终可能由一个传统主义的攻击,但始终由法利赛代表。 [1 Some traditional explanation of the Law of Moses was absolutely necessary, if it was to be applied to existing circumstances.[1一些摩西的律法传统的解释是完全必要的,如果它是适用于现有的情况。

It would be a great historical inaccuracy to imagine that the Sadducees rejected the whole (St.Matt. xv. 2) from Ezra downwards.] A careful examination of the statements of Josephus on this subject will show that they convey no more than this.这将是一个伟大的历史不准确想象,撒都该人拒绝从以斯拉向下整(St.Matt。十五2)。]一个关于这个问题的发言约瑟夫仔细检查会显示他们没有比这更传达。 [2 This is the meaning of Ant. [2这是蚂蚁的意思。xiii.十三。10.10。6, and clearly implied in xviii. 6,并明确暗示在十八。1,3,4, and War ii.1,3,4,和第二次世界大战。8.8。14.]14。]

The Pharisaic view of this aspect of the controversy appears, perhaps, most satisfactorily because indirectly, in certain sayings of the Mishnah, which attribute all national calamities to those persons, whom they adjudge to eternal perdition, who interpret Scripture 'not as does the Halakhah,' or established Pharisaic rule.对这种观点的争论方面Pharisaic出现,也许,最令人满意的,因为间接的,在某些熟语的mishnah,这属性的所有民族灾难的人,他们所裁定,以永恒的灭亡,谁解释圣经“不一样的哈拉哈'或建立Pharisaic规则。 [a Ab.iii.[A Ab.iii。 11; v 8.] In this respect, then, the commonly received idea concerning the Pharisees and Sadducees will require to be seriously modified.11; V 8]在这方面,那么,通常的想法得到有关法利赛人和撒都该人将需要进行认真修改。 As regards the practice of the Pharisees, as distinguished from that of the Sadducees, we may safely treat the statements of Josephus as the exaggerated representations of a partisan, who wishes to place his party in the best light.至于从尊贵的撒都该人的法利赛人,实践中,我们可以安全地把它当作一个党派夸张的陈述,谁愿意将其放置在最佳光一行对约瑟夫的发言。 It is, indeed, true that the Pharisees, 'interpreting the legal ordinances with rigour,' [b Jos. War i.这的确是真实的法利赛,“解释与严格的法律条例”[B圣何塞一战5.2.] [3 M. Derenbourg (Hist. de la Palest., p. 122, note) rightly remarks, that the Rabbinic equivalent for Josephus' is heaviness, and that the Pharisees were the or 'makers heavy.'5.2] [3 M.德朗堡(Hist.德拉Palest,第122,注)正确的话,那对约瑟夫拉比相当于“是沉重,而法利赛人的或”重商“。

What a commentary this on the charge of Jesus about 'the heavy burdens' of the Pharisees!什么是耶稣的关于'的沉重负担的费用的法利评论这个!St. Paul uses the same term as Josephus to describe the Pharisaic system, where our AV renders 'the perfect manner' (Acts xxii. 3).圣保罗作为约瑟夫使用相同的术语来描述的Pharisaic系统,在我们的AV呈现'完美地'(徒二十二。3)。Comp.比赛。also Acts xxvi.还担任二十六。 5: .] imposed on themselves the necessity of much self-denial, especially in regard to food, [c Ant. 5:。]强加给自己的很多自我否定的必要性,特别是关于食品,[中蚂蚁。xviii.十八。1.1。3.] but that their practice was under the guidance of reason, as Josephus asserts, is one of those bold mis-statements with which he has too often to be credited. 3。]但是,他们的实践理性指导下的是,作为约瑟夫断言,是那些大胆的误述,使他有太多经常记之一。His vindication of their special reverence for age and authority [a Ant.他平反,他们的年龄和权威[特别崇敬一个蚂蚁。 xviii.十八。1.3.] must refer to the honours paid by the party to 'the Elders,' not to the old. 1.3。]必须是指由甲方支付的荣誉'长老',而不是到老。And that there was sufficient ground for Sadducean opposition to Pharisaic traditionalism, alike in principle and in practice, will appear from the following quotation, to which we add, by way of explanation, that the wearing of phylacteries was deemed by that party of Scriptural obligation, and that the phylactery for the head was to consist (according to tradition) of four compartments.而且,有反对的Sadducean pharisaic的传统主义的充分理由,都在原则上和实践中,会出现以下的报价,这是我们添加,以解释是,这些圣物穿的是由该义务的一方视为圣经,而且护符的头部是由四间(按传统)。

'Against the words of the Scribes is more punishable than against the words of Scripture.'反对的文士的话比对圣经的话受到惩罚。He who says, No phylacteries, so as to transgress the words of Scripture, is not guilty (free); five compartments, to add to the words of the Scribes, he is guilty.'他说谁,没有圣物,从而违背圣经的话,是不是有罪(免费),五个车厢,以增加对文士的话,他是有罪的'。[b Sanh.选项​​[B葬身。xi.十一。3.] [1 The subject is discussed at length in Jer.3。] [1,主体是在耶详细讨论。Ber.误码率。i.7 (p. 3 b), where the superiority of the Scribe over the Prophet is shown (1) from Mic. 7(第3页B),其中的文士在先知的优越性显示从麦克风(1)。ii.二。6 (without the words in italics), the one class being the Prophets ('prophesy not'), the other the Scribes ('prophesy'); (2) from the fact that the Prophets needed the attestation of miracles.6(无斜体字),一类作为先知('预言没有'),其他的文士('预言'),(2)从事实,即先知需要奇迹的认证。 (Duet. xiii. 2), but not the Scribes (Deut. xvii. 11).](Duet.十三。2),但不是文士(申命记十七。11)。]

The second doctrinal difference between Pharisees and Sadducees concerned the 'after death.' According to the New Testament, [c St. Matt xxii. 第二个理论的区别法利赛和撒都该人关心'后死亡。'根据新约,[中圣马特二十二。23, and parallel passages; Acts iv.23,平行通道,徒四。1, 2; xxiii.1,2;二十三。 8.] the Sadducees denied the resurrection of the dead, while Josephus, going further, imputes to them denial of reward or punishment after death, [d War ii. 8。]撒都该人否认死人复活,而约瑟夫,越走越,责难他们死后,[ð第二次世界大战的奖励或处罚不公。8.8。14.] and even the doctrine that the soul perishes with the body.14。],甚至理论的灵魂和身体的灭亡。[e Ant.[电子蚂蚁。xviii 1.第十八1。4.] The latter statement may be dismissed as among those inferences which theological controversialists are too fond of imputing to their opponents. 4。]后者声明中那些可以作为推论的神学controversialists是太喜欢归咎于他们的对手被解雇。

This is fully borne out by the account of a later work, to the effect, that by successive misunderstandings of the saying of Antigonus of Socho, that men were to serve God without regard to reward, his later pupils had arrived at the inference that there was no other world, which, however, might only refer to the Pharisaic ideal of 'the world to come,' not to the denial of the immortality of the soul, and no resurrection of the dead.这完全证明了一个帐户以后的工作,其大意,即由对Socho安提哥说,男人都是充当神奖励,而不考虑连续误解,他后来的学生曾在抵达推论有没有其他的世界,然而,可能只是指的Pharisaic理想的'世界里,'不是对灵魂不朽的否定,没有死人复活。 We may therefore credit Josephus with merely reporting the common inference of his party.因此,我们可以用信用报告只是他的政党共同推理约瑟夫。But it is otherwise in regard to their denial of the resurrection of the dead.但在其他方面他们对死者复活的否定。Not only Josephus, but the New Testament and Rabbinic writings attest this.不仅约瑟夫,但新约圣经和犹太法师的著作证明这一点。The Mishnah expressly states [g Ber ix.该mishnah明确规定[克误码率九。5.] that the formula 'from age to age,' or rather 'from world to world,' had been introduced as a protest against the opposite theory; while the Talmud, which records disputations between Gamaliel and the Sadducees [2 This is admitted even by Geiger (Urschr. u. Uebers. p. 130, note), though in the passage above referred to he would emendate: 'Scribes of the Samaritans.' 5],该公式从年龄的年龄,'或者说'从世界到世界,'已作为对付抗议介绍了相反的理论。而犹太法典,其中记录和撒都该人之间加马利亚[2这是承认disputations甚至格尔(Urschr.美国Uebers第130页,注。)虽然在上面提到的通过,他将emendate:'。文士的撒玛利亚'

The passage, however, implies that these were Sadducean Scribes, and that they were both willing and able to enter into theological controversy with their opponents.] on the subject of the resurrection, expressly imputes the denial of this doctrine to the 'Scribes of the Sadducees.'这篇文章,不过,就意味着,这些都是Sadducean文士,他们都愿意并能够进入他们的对手与神学争论。论复活的主题],明确了责难否定这种学说的的'文士撒都该人。' In fairness it is perhaps only right to add that, in the discussion, the Sadducees seem only to have actually denied that there was proof for this doctrine in the Pentateuch, and that they ultimately professed themselves convinced by the reasoning of Gamaliel.凭心而论,它可能是唯一正确的补充,在讨论中,似乎只是撒都该人实际上否认有这种学说在pentateuch证明,他们自称自己最终由加马利亚推理深信不疑。 [1 Rabbi Gamaliel's proof was taken from Deut.[1拉比加马利亚的证据是从申。i.8: 'Which Jehovah sware unto your fathers to give unto them.'8:'耶和华起誓哪你们的父亲赐给他们。It is not said 'unto you,' but unto 'them,' which implies the resurrection of the dead.这并不是说'你们',但你们'他们,'这意味着,死人复活。

The argument is kindred in character, but far inferior in solemnity and weight, to that employed by our Lord, St. Matt.其论点是骨肉的特征,但远不如在严肃性和重量,以及由我们的主,圣马特雇用的。xxii.二十二。32, from which it is evidently taken.32岁,来自它显然是采取了。(See book v. ch. iv., the remarks on that passage.)] Still the concurrent testimony of the New Testament and of Josephus leaves no doubt, that in this instance their views had not been misrepresented. (见本书第五章。四。,在该通道的言论。)]仍是新约圣经和约瑟夫同时作证的树叶毫无疑问,在这种情况下他们的意见没有被歪曲。Whether or not their opposition to the doctrine of the Resurrection arose in the first instance from, or was prompted by, Rationalistic views, which they endeavoured to support by an appeal to the letter of the Pentateuch, as the source of traditionalism, it deserves notice that in His controversy with the Sadducees Christ appealed to the Pentateuch in proof of His teaching.不管其反对的复活学说出现在一审的,或由理性主义的观点,他们努力支持一到五信呼吁促使作为传统主义的来源,它是值得的通知在他与撒都该人在基督争议呼吁他的教学证明,向五。 [2 It is a curious circumstance in connection with the question of the Sadducees, that it raised another point in controversy between the Pharisees and the 'Samaritans,' or, as I would read it, the Sadducees, since 'the Samaritans' (Sadducees?) only allowed marriage with the betrothed, not the actually wedded wife of a deceased childless brother (Jer Yebam. i. 6, p. 3 a). [2这是一个与问题有关的撒都该人好奇的情况下,它提出的法利赛和之间的争议,另一点'乐善好施',或者像我会读它,撒,因为'撒马利亚人'(撒都该人?)只允许订婚,而不是实际上的死者子女结婚的哥哥(耶Yebam妻子的婚姻。一6,第3页一)。 The Sadducees in the Gospel argue on the Pharisaic theory, apparently for the twofold object of casting ridicule on the doctrine of the Resurrection, and on the Pharisaic practice of marriage with the espoused wife of a deceased brother.]撒都该人在福音上的争论pharisaic的理论,显然是铸造上的复活学说双重嘲笑的对象,并在pharisaic的婚姻与一名死者的哥哥所聘之妻的做法。]

Connected with this was the equally Rationalistic opposition to belief in Angels and Spirits.这是连接同样反对理性精神和信仰天使。It is only mentioned in the New Testament, [a Acts xxiii.] but seems almost to follow as a corollary. 只有提到,在新约中,[A充当二十三。]但是,似乎是遵循作为一个必然结果。Remembering what the Jewish Angelology was, one can scarcely wonder that in controversy the Sadducees should have been led to the opposite extreme. 记住什么是犹太天使,一个可以几乎不知道,在争议的撒都该人应已导致相反的极端。

The last dogmatic difference between the two 'sects' concerned that problem which has at all times engaged religious thinkers: man's free will and God's pre-ordination, or rather their compatibility. Josephus, or the reviser whom he employed, indeed, uses the purely heathen expression 'fate' ( ) [3 The expression is used in the heathen (philosophical) sense of fate by Philo, De Incorrupt. 最后教条式的思想家:差异时代从事宗教两个'邪教',其中涉及这一问题已在所有人的自由意志和上帝的预先协调,或者更确切地说,其兼容性。约瑟夫,或确实审校人,他 ​​雇用,也使用纯异教徒表达'命运'()[3表达在异教徒(哲学)由斐洛,德廉政命运意义上使用。Mundi.芒迪。section 10.第10条。ed.教育署。Mangey, vol.Mangey,第一卷。 ii.二。p.496 (ed. Fref. p. 947).] to designate the Jewish idea of the pre-ordination of God. But, properly understood, the real difference between the Pharisees and Sadducees seems to have amounted to this: that the former accentuated God's preordination, the latter man's free will; and that, while the Pharisees admitted only a partial influence of the human element on what happened, or the co-operation of the human with the Divine, the Sadducees denied all absolute pre-ordination, and made man's choice of evil or good, with its consequences of misery or happiness, to depend entirely on the exercise of free will and self-determination. (编辑。Fref 947页)。496]指定犹太人的上帝观念的协调前:。但是,正确的理解,法利赛和撒都该人之间真正的区别,似乎已达到这个神,前者突出的钦点,后者人的自由意志,并认为,虽然法利承认只有一个神圣的部分影响元素对人体发生了什么,或与合作,人为操作的,撒都该人否认了所有的绝对前的协调,并提出人的,选择好邪恶的痛苦或快乐,或将其后果完全取决于决心行使自由意志和自我。

And in this, like many opponents of 'Predestinarianism,' they seem to have started from the principle, that it was impossible for God 'either to commit or to foresee [in the sense of fore-ordaining] anything evil.'而在这一点,像许多对手的Predestinarianism,'他们似乎已经从开始的原则,这是上帝不可能'要么犯下或预见[在脱颖而出,祝圣感]邪恶的东西。' The mutual misunderstanding here was that common in all such controversies.相互误解的是,在所有这些争议常见。Although [a In Jewish War ii.虽然[在犹太第二次世界大战结束。8.8。14.] Josephus writes as if, according to the Pharisees, the chief part in every good action depended upon fate [pre-ordination] rather than on man's doing, yet in another place [b Ant. 14。]约瑟夫写道好象,根据法利,在后的命运[二手协调],而不是对人的做法却在另一个地方[b蚂蚁,取决于每一个良好的行动的主要部分。xviii.十八。1.1。3.] he disclaims for them the notion that the will of man was destitute of spontaneous activity, and speaks somewhat confusedly, for he is by no means a good reasoner, of 'a mixture' of the Divine and human elements, in which the human will, with its sequence of virtue or wickedness, is subject to the will of fate. 3。]他声明,他们的观点,即人的意志是贫困的自发活动,并能说有点混乱,因为他是决不是'一混合料的有关神和人的要素了良好的推理,其中人的意志,其序列的美德或邪恶,是受命运的意愿。

A yet further modification of this statement occurs in another place, [c Ant.一但这种说法进一步修改发生在另一个地方,[中蚂蚁。xiii.十三。5.5。9.] where we are told that, according to the Pharisees, some things depended upon fate, and more on man himself.9。]如果有人告诉我们,根据法利,有些事情取决于命运,以及他本人了。Manifestly, there is not a very wide difference between this and the fundamental principle of the Sadducees in what we may suppose its primitive form.显然,还没有一个这和撒都该人的基本原则非常广泛,在我们可以假设它的原始形态的差异。

But something more will have to be said as illustrative of Pharisaic teaching on this subject.但更多的东西将不得不说是对这个问题的pharisaic的教学说明。No one who has entered into the spirit of the Old Testament can doubt that its outcome was faith, in its twofold aspect of acknowledgment of the absolute Rule, and simple submission to the Will, of God.不管是谁已进入旧约的精神进入可以怀疑,其结果是信仰在其承认的绝对统治双重方面,一,简单提交给神的旨意。What distinguished this so widely from fatalism was what may be termed Jehovahism, that is, the moral element in its thoughts of God, and that He was ever presented as in paternal relationship to men.这有什么区别如此广泛的宿命论是什么可称为Jehovahism,也就是说,在上帝的思想道德因素,而且他曾在父亲的关系,提出了男性。 But the Pharisees carried their accentuation of the Divine to the verge of fatalism.但法利赛人承担着神圣的加重对宿命论的边缘。Even the idea that God had created man with two impulses, the one to good, the other to evil; and that the latter was absolutely necessary for the continuance of this world, would in some measure trace the causation of moral evil to the Divine Being.即使是上帝创造了两个冲动,一个很好的,对邪恶的其他人的想法,并认为后者是绝对的这个世界的持续需要,将在一定程度上微量的道德上的邪恶,以神圣的存在因果关系。

The absolute and unalterable pre-ordination of every event, to its minutest details, is frequently insisted upon.绝对的和不可改变的预先协调的每一个事件,其微小的细节,经常坚持。Adam had been shown all the generations that were to spring from him.亚当已被证明是几代人的所有到春天他。Every incident in the history of Israel had been foreordained, and the actors in it, for good or for evil, were only instruments for carrying out the Divine Will.中的每一个历史事件,以色列已经注定,而在它的行动者为好还是坏,是开展神只会文书。What were ever Moses and Aaron?什么是永远摩西和亚伦?God would have delivered Israel out of Egypt, and given them the Law, had there been no such persons.上帝会救以色列出埃及,并给予他们的法律,当时有没有这样的人。Similarly was it in regard to Solomon.同样是在这方面的所罗门。to Esther, to Nebuchadnezzar, and others.以斯帖,为尼布甲尼撒,和其他人。Nay, it was because man was predestined to die that the serpent came to seduce our first parents.不仅如此,这是因为人是注定要死去,蛇来引诱我们首先家长。

And as regarded the history of each individual: all that concerned his mental and physical capacity, or that would betide him, was prearranged.正如每个人所认为的历史:所有关心他的精神和身体能力,或者说会降临他,是预先安排好的。His name, place, position, circumstances, the very name of her whom he was to wed, were proclaimed in heaven, just as the hour of his death was foreordered.他的名字,地点,位置的情况下,她的名字,他是要结婚的人,被宣布在天上,就像他的死因是foreordered小时。 There might be seven years of pestilence in the land, and yet no one died before his time.可能有七年的瘟疫年的土地,但没有人在他的时间而死亡。[a Sanh.[一葬身。29 a.] Even if a man inflicted a cut on his finger, he might be sure that this also had been preordered.答:29]即使一个人对他的手指造成切,他也许可以肯定,这也已经预序。[b Chull.选项​​[B Chull。 7 b.]7乙]

Nay, 'wheresoever a man was destined to die, thither would his feet carry him.'不仅如此,'何处一名男子被注定死,那里将他的脚抬它走。'[1 The following curious instance of this is given.[1以下的这种奇怪的实例都。On one occasion King Solomon, when attended by his two Scribes, Elihoreph and Ahiah (both supposed to have been Ethiopians), suddenly perceived the Angel of Death.所罗门王有一次,在参加由他的两个文士,Elihoreph和Ahiah(均假定已经埃塞俄比亚人),知觉的突然死亡天使。 As he looked so sad, Solomon ascertained as its reason, that the two Scribes had been demanded at his hands.当他看上去很伤心,索罗门确定为它的原因,这两个文士已在他的手问道。On this Solomon transported them by magic into the land of Luz, where, according to legend, no man ever died.在这个被魔法所罗门运入路斯,在那里,据传说,从来没有人死于土地。

Next morning Solomon again perceived the Angel of Death, but this time laughing, because, as he said.第二天早上,所罗门再次觉察到死亡天使,但是这一次笑,因为,正如他说。Solomon had sent these men to the very place whence he had been ordered to fetch them (Sukk, 53 a).] We can well understand how the Sadducees would oppose notions like these, and all such coarse expressions of fatalism.所罗门派遣了这些人的非常到位何处,他已下令获取它们(Sukk,53)。]我们能很好地理解如何撒都该人会反对这样的观念,所有的宿命论等粗表达式。 And it is significant of the exaggeration of Josephus, [2 Those who understand the character of Josephus' writings will be at no loss for his reasons in this.而且它是约瑟夫,[2夸张那些谁了解约瑟夫的著作中的字符将在没有他的理由在这个重大的损失。It would suit his purpose to speak often of the fatalism of the Pharisees, and to represent them as a philosophical sect like the Stoics.它将适合他的目的说话的宿命论的法利时候,并表示为一个像他们的Stoics思想流派。 The latter, indeed, he does in so many words.] that neither the New Testament, nor Rabbinic writings, bring the charge of the denial of God's prevision against the Sadducees.后者,事实上,他确实在这么多的话。]是,无论是新约,也不拉比著作,把神的预知反对撒都该人否认费。

But there is another aspect of this question also.但是还有另外一个方面的问题,这也。 While the Pharisees thus held the doctrine of absolute preordination, side by side with it they were anxious to insist on man's freedom of choice, his personal responsibility, and moral obligation. [3 For details comp. 而法利举行,因此绝对钦点边,边与它的教义,他们急于要坚持人的选择自由,他个人的责任和道德义务。[3详情可比。Hamburger, Real-Encykl.汉堡包,实时Encykl。ii.二。pp. 103-106, though there is some tendency to 'colouring' in this as in other articles of the work.] Although every event depended upon God, whether a man served God or not was entirely in his own choice.页103-106,虽然有一些如在]虽然每个事件后,神所依赖的工作。其他物品倾向'染色',在此,一个人是否曾在上帝或不完全是他自己的选择。 As a logical sequence of this, fate had no influence as regarded Israel, since all depended on prayer, repentance, and good works.由于这种逻辑顺序的,命运并没有因为以​​色列视为影响,因为所有的祈祷,悔改,和良好的工程而定。Indeed, otherwise that repentance, on which Rabbinism so largely insists, would have had no meaning.事实上,否则悔改,上Rabbinism因此,在很大程度上坚持,不会有任何意义。

Moreover, it seems as if it had been intended to convey that, while our evil actions were entirely our own choice, if a man sought to amend his ways, he would be helped of God.此外,好像它已打算转达说,虽然我们的罪恶行动,完全是我们自己的选择,如果一个人试图修改他的方式,他将神的帮助。 [c Yoma 38 b.] It was, indeed, true that God had created the evil impulse in us; but He had also given the remedy in the Law.[中山脉38乙]这是,事实上,真正的上帝创造了邪恶的冲动,在我们,但他也考虑到法律的补救办法。[a Baba B. 16 a.] This is parabolically represented under the figure of a man seated at the parting of two ways, who warned all passers that if they chose one road it would lead them among the thorns, while on the other brief difficulties would end in a plain path (joy). [一巴巴乙16答]这是抛物线下的代表在两个方面,谁所有行人警告说,如果他们选择了一条路这会导致它们之间的荆棘,另一方面简单地说,一个人坐在离别图困难将结束在一个普通的路径(喜悦)。 [b Siphre on Deut.选项​​[B Siphre在申命记。xi.十一。26, 53, ed.26,53,编辑。 Friedmann, p.弗里德曼,第86 a.] Or, to put it in the language of the great Akiba [c Ab.答:86]或者,把伟大的秋叶[中抗体的语言。iii.三。15.]: 'Everything is foreseen; free determination is accorded to man; and the world is judged in goodness.' 15。]:'万事预见;自由决定是给予人,以及世界是善良判断。'With this simple juxtaposition of two propositions equally true, but incapable of metaphysical combination, as are most things in which the empirically cognisable and uncognisable are joined together, we are content to leave the matter.有了这两个命题同样真实,但不能形而上学的组合,如在其中最有经验cognisable和uncognisable是一起简单的东西并列,我们将这一问题留给内容。

The other differences between the Pharisees and Sadducees can be easily and briefly summed up.法利赛人和撒都该人的其他方面的差异可以很容易地之间,并简要总结。They concern ceremonial, ritual, and juridical questions.他们关心的仪式,仪式和法律问题。In regard to the first, the opposition of the Sadducees to the excessive scruples of the Pharisees on the subject of Levitical defilements led to frequent controversy. 关于第一,撒都该人反对,就经常争论的杂染导致过度顾忌利未主体的法利赛上。Four points in dispute are mentioned, of which, however, three read more like ironical comments than serious divergences. Thus, the Sadducees taunted their opponents with their many lustrations, including that of the Golden Candlestick in the Temple. 四争议点被提到,其中,然而,三读超过分歧严重喜欢讽刺意见。因此,许多lustrations撒都该人嘲弄他们的对手与他们的,包括该庙黄金烛台英寸 [d Jer.研究[D耶。Chag iii.Chag三。8; Tos.8;服务条款。Chag.Chag。iii., where the reader will find sufficient proof that the Sadducees were not in the wrong.] Two other similar instances are mentioned.三。,那里的读者会发现充分证明了撒都该人在错误的。]另外两个被提及类似的情况没有。 [e In Yad, iv.[e在亚得,四。 6, 7.] By way of guarding against the possibility of profanation, the Pharisees enacted, that the touch of any thing sacred 'defiled' the hands.6,7。 亵渎 ] 由可能的防范方式,法利赛人制定,这东西触及任何神圣的'玷污'手中。The Sadducees, on the other hand, ridiculed the idea that the Holy Scriptures 'defiled' the hands, but not such a book as Homer.撒,另一方面,讥讽的设想,即圣经'玷污'的手,但没有这样的书作为荷马。

[1 The Pharisees replied by asking on what ground the bones of a High-Priest 'defiled,' but not those of a donkey.[1法利赛人说,问有什么理由对一个高神父的骨头'玷污',但不是一个驴的。And when the Sadducees ascribed it to the great value of the former, lest a man should profane the bones of his parents by making spoons of them, the Pharisees pointed out that the same argument applied to defilement by the Holy Scriptures.当撒都该人将其归因于前巨大的价值,否则一个人应该通过使他们亵渎汤匙他的父母的骸骨,法利指出,同样的论点适用于污辱的圣经。 In general, it seems that the Pharisees were afraid of the satirical comments of the Sadducees on their doings (comp. Parah iii.在一般情况下,它似乎是法利赛人的撒都该人对他们的所作所为(可比Parah三不怕讽刺评论。

3).] In the same spirit, the Sadducees would ask the Pharisees how it came, that water pouring from a clean into an unclean vessel did not lose its purity and purifying power.3)。本着同样的精神],撒都该人会问它是怎么来的法利赛人,那不洁净的水倒入一个干净的容器从没有失去它的纯洁和净化能力。 [2 Wellhausen rightly denounces the strained interpretation of Geiger, who would find here, as in other points, hidden political allusions.] If these represent no serious controversies, on another ceremonial question there was real difference, though its existence shows how far party-spirit could lead the Pharisees. [2豪​​森正确地揭露了盖革紧张的解释,谁就会发现这里,因为在其他各点,隐藏的政治典故。]如果这些代表没有严重的争议在另一个礼仪问题,有真正的差别,但其存在表明多远党精神可以引导法利。 No ceremony was surrounded with greater care to prevent defilement than that of preparing the ashes of the Red Heifer.没有仪式更小心被包围,以防止超过编制的红色小母牛的灰烬的污辱。

[3 Comp. [3比赛。'The Temple, its Ministry and Services,' pp. 309, 312.'庙,其部和服务,'第309,312。The rubrics are in the Mishnic tractate Parab, and in Tos.的红色标题是在Mishnic短文Parab,并在服务条款。Par.] What seem the original ordinances, [a Parah iii,; Tos.。帕]什么似乎是原来的条例,[一Parah第三;服务条款。 Par.帕。3.] directed that, for seven days previous to the burning of the Red Heifer, the priest was to be kept in separation in the Temple, sprinkled with the ashes of all sin-offerings, and kept from the touch of his brother-priests, with even greater rigour than the High-Priest in his preparation for the Day of Atonement. 3。]指示,七天前,以燃烧的红色小母牛,神父是在分离保存在寺庙,与所有赎罪祭的骨灰洒,并从他的弟弟祭司保持联系,连大于高牧师在他的严格赎罪日准备。 The Sadducees insisted that, as 'till sundown' was the rule in all purification, the priest must be in cleanliness till then, before burning the Red Heifer.撒都该人坚持认为,作为'到日落'是所有净化规则,必须在洁净的祭司要到然后刻录前的红色小母牛。

But, apparently for the sake of opposition, and in contravention to their own principles, the Pharisees would actually 'defile' the priest on his way to the place of burning, and then immediately make him take a bath of purification which had been prepared, so as to show that the Sadducees were in error.但是,这显然是为了反对,并在违反自己的原则,法利实际上'玷污'的途中燃烧的地方牧师,然后立即让他采取了净化其中已准备洗澡,从而表明,撒都该人是错误的。 [b Parah iii.选项​​[B Parah三。7.] [1 The Mishnic passage is difficult, but I believe I have given the sense correctly.] In the same spirit, the Sadducees seem to have prohibited the use of anything made from animals which were either interdicted as food, or by reason of their not having been properly slaughtered; while the Pharisees allowed it, and, in the case of Levitically clean animals which had died or been torn, even made their skin into parchment, which might be used for sacred purposes.7。] [1 Mishnic通过是困难的,但我相信我已作出正确的意义。本着同样的精神],撒都该人似乎已经禁止使用其中的任何食品或动物发出的停职,或因他们没有得到适当的屠宰,而法利允许它,并在干净的Levitically其中已死亡或者被撕裂的动物情况下,即使制成羊皮纸,这可能是神圣的用途自己的皮肤。 [c Shabb.[中Shabb。108 a.]答:108]

These may seem trifling distinctions, but they sufficed to kindle the passions. Even greater importance attached to differences on ritual questions, although the controversy here was purely theoretical. 这些看似琐碎的区别,但它们足以点燃的激情。更加重视的问题分歧仪式,虽然这里的争论是纯理论性的。For, the Sadducees, when in office, always conformed to the prevailing Pharisaic practices.因为,撒都该人,在办公室时,总是符合现行pharisaic的做法。Thus the Sadducees would have interpreted Lev.因此,撒都该人会解释列弗。xxiii.二十三。11, 15, 16, as meaning that the wave-sheaf (or, rather, the Omer) was to be offered on 'the morrow after the weekly Sabbath', that is, on the Sunday in Easter week, which would have brought the Feast of Pentecost always on a Sunday; [d Vv. 11,15,16,因为这意味着波捆(或者更确切地说,奥马尔)上提供的是'次日,每周的安息日',那就是在周日在复活节周,这将带来的五旬节总是一个星期日;研究[D维维。 15, 16.] while the Pharisees understood the term 'Sabbath' of the festive Paschal day. 15,16。],而法利理解术语'安息日'的节日逾越节的日子。[e Men.[电子男性。x.3; 65 a; Chag.3; 65; Chag。ii.二。4.][2 This difference, which is more intricate than appears at first sight, requires a longer discussion than can be given in this place.]4。] [2这种差异,这是更复杂的比最初看来,需要一个比可以在这个地方获得更长的讨论。]

Connected with this were disputes about the examination of the witnesses who testified to the appearance of the new moon, and whom the Pharisees accused of having been suborned by their opponents.和这个人对谁作证的证人到新月的出现,以及他们有他们的对手唆使被指责法利考试纠纷。[f Rosh haSh.用[f罗什哈希。 i.7; ii.7;二。1; Tos.1,服务条款。Rosh haSh.罗什哈希。ed.教育署。Z. i.z的岛15.]15。]

The Sadducean objection to pouring the water of libation upon the altar on the Feast of Tabernacles, led to riot and bloody reprisals on the only occasion on which it seems to have been carried into practice. [g Sukk. 反对的Sadducean浇筑住棚节的水对奠坛上的,导致骚乱和实践上的血腥报复上唯一的一次,它似乎已经开展。[克Sukk。48 b; comp.48 B组;比赛。 Jos. Ant.圣何塞蚂蚁。xiii 13.第十三13。5.] [3 For details about the observances on this festival I must refer to 'The Temple, its Ministry and Services.'] Similarly, the Sadducees objected to the beating off the willow-branches after the procession round the altar on the last day of the Feast of Tabernacles, if it were a Sabbath.5。] [3对于有关此节,还必须提到的纪念活动细节'庙,其部和服务。']同样的,撒都该人反对在游行后殴打四舍五入的柳树枝条上的最后一个祭坛的住棚节,一天,如果它是一个安息日。 [a Sukk.[一Sukk。43 b; and in the Jerus.43 B组;和Jerus。Talm. Talm。and Tos.和TOS。Sukk.Sukk。iii.三。1.]1。]

Again, the Sadducees would have had the High-Priest, on the Day of Atonement, kindle the incense before entering the Most Holy Place; the Pharisees after he had entered the Sanctuary.再次,撒都该人将不得不高牧师,在赎罪日,点燃,然后进入至圣所的香;法利后,他已进入保护区。[b Jer.选项​​[B耶。Yoma i.山脉岛5; Yoma 19 b; 53 a.] Lastly, the Pharisees contended that the cost of the daily Sacrifices should be discharged from the general Temple treasury, while the Sadducees would have paid it from free-will offerings.5;山脉19日B组; 53答]最后,法利赛人争辩说,每天的祭祀费用应该从将军庙国库出院,而撒都该人将支付从自由意志的产品了。Other differences, which seem not so well established, need not here be discussed.其他方面的差异,这似乎不那么确定无疑的,不需要在这里进行讨论。

Among the divergences on juridical questions, reference has already been made to that in regard to marriage with the 'betrothed,' or else actually espoused widow of a deceased, childless brother.在司法问题上的分歧,已经提到,在作出关于与婚姻'订婚'或其他信奉的其实是一个死者,无子女的弟弟的遗孀。Josephus, indeed, charges the Sadducees with extreme severity in criminal matters; [c Specially Ant.约瑟夫,事实上,在刑事案件指控的极端严重性撒都该人; [中特别蚂蚁。xx.二十。9.] but this must refer to the fact that the ingenuity or punctiliousness of the Pharisees would afford to most offenders a loophole of escape. 9。]但是这必须提到一个事实,即独创性或法利punctiliousness将负担大部分罪犯逃脱了漏洞。On the other hand, such of the diverging juridical principles of the Sadducees, as are attested on trustworthy authority, [1 Other differences, which rest merely on the authority of the Hebrew Commentary on 'The Roll of Fasts,' I have discarded as unsupported by historical evidence.另一方面,在分歧的法理原则的撒都该人,如被证明值得信赖的权威上,[1其他的差别,对其余的希伯来文评的权威只是'的斋戒辊,'我已经放弃为不受支持由于历史的证据。

I am sorry to have in this respect, and on some other aspect of the question, to differ from the learned Article on 'The Sadducees,' in Kitto's Bibl.对不起,我要在这方面,以及在一些其他方面的问题,以不同的学习一篇文章'撒,在Kitto的Bibl。Encycl.] seem more in accordance with justice than those of the Pharisees.Encycl。]似乎更符合比那些法利赛绳之以法。 They concerned (besides the Levirate marriage) chiefly three points.他们担心(除了收继婚婚)主要三点。According to the Sadducees, the punishment [d Decreed in Deut.据撒都该人,处罚研究[D下令在申命记。xix.十九。21.] against false witnesses was only to be executed if the innocent person, condemned on their testimony, had actually suffered punishment, while the Pharisees held that this was to be done if the sentence had been actually pronounced, although not carried out. 21。打击虚假证人],只是为了要执行无辜的人,对他们的证词谴责,实际上已受到惩罚,同时也认为,这是法利赛人做,如果这句话实际上已经宣布,尽管没有进行。 [e Makk.[电子Makk。i.6.]6。]

Again, according to Jewish law, only a son, but not a daughter, inherited the father's property.再次,根据犹太人的法律,只有一个儿子,而不是一个女儿,继承了父亲的财产。From this the Pharisees argued, that if, at the time of his father's decease, that son were dead, leaving only a daughter, this granddaughter would (as representative of the son) be the heir, while the daughter would be excluded.从这个法利说,如果,在他父亲去世时,小儿子都死了,只留下一个女儿,这个孙女会(作为儿子代表)为继承人,而女儿将被排除在外。 On the other hand, the Sadducees held that, in such a case, daughter and granddaughter should share alike.另一方面,撒都该人认为,在这种情况下,女儿和孙女都应该分享。[f Baba B. 115 b; Tos.[法巴巴乙115 B组;服务条款。Yad.ii. Yad.ii.20.] 20。]

Lastly, the Sadducees argued that if, according to Exodus xxi.最后,撒都该人争辩说,如果根据出埃及记二十一。28,29, a man was responsible for damage done by his cattle, he was equally, if not more, responsible for damage done by his slave, while the Pharisees refused to recognise any responsibility on the latter score. 28,29,一名男子被按他的牛所造成的损害负责,他也同样,如果不是更多,负责他的奴隶所造成的损害,而法利拒绝承认任何责任,后者得分。[g Yad.[克亚德瓦。iv.四。7 and Tos.7和服务条款。Yad.] [2 Geiger, and even Derenbourg, see in these things deep political allusions, these things deep political allusions, which, as it seems to me, have no other existence than in the ingenuity of these writers.亚德瓦。] [2盖格,甚至德朗堡,看到这些东西深刻的政治典故,这些东西深刻的政治典故,其中,因为在我看来,有比在这些作家的独创性没有其他的存在。

For the sake of completeness it has been necessary to enter into details, which may not posses a general interest.为了完整起见,有必要将进入细节,可能无法拥有一种普遍利益。This, however, will be marked, that, with the exception of dogmatic differences, the controversy turned on questions of 'canon-law.'然而,这会被标记,即,随着教条式的差异外,争议的问题变成'佳能法。'Josephus tells us that the Pharisees commanded the masses, [a Ant.约瑟夫告诉我们,法利指挥群众,[一蚂蚁。xiii.十三。10.10。6.] and especially the female world, [b Ant.6。],尤其​​是女性世界,[b蚂蚁。xvii.十七。2.2。4.] while the Sadducees attached to their ranks only a minority, and that belonging to the highest class. 4。]连接到他们的行列,而只是少数,而且属于最高级别的撒都该人。The leading priests in Jerusalem formed, of course, part of that highest class of society; and from the New Testament and Josephus we learn that the High-Priestly families belonged to the Sadducean party.祭司在耶路撒冷的领导组成,当然,这个社会的最高级别的一部分,由新约圣经和约瑟夫我们得知,高祭司家庭属于党的Sadducean。 [c Acts v. 17; Ant. [中使徒行诉17人;蚂蚁。xx.二十。9.)] But to conclude from this, [1 So Wellhausen, us] either that the Sadducees represented the civil and political aspect of society, and the Pharisees the religious; or, that the Sadducees were the priest-party, [2 So Geiger, us] in opposition to the popular and democratic Pharisees, are inferences not only unsupported, but opposed to historical facts. 9。)]但是由此得出结论,[所以浩一,我们]撒都该人,要么代表了社会的公民权利和政治方面,和法利赛人的宗教,或者,该撒都该人,祭司党,[2个SO盖格,我们在反对民主的流行和法利],是推论不仅不支持,但反对历史事实。

For, not a few of the Pharisaic leaders were actually priests, [d Sheqal.因为,不是少数人的Pharisaic领导人其实祭司研究[D Sheqal。iv.四。4; vi.四,六。1; Eduy.1; Eduy。viii.八。2; Ab.2;抗体。ii.二。B &c.] while the Pharisaic ordinances make more than ample recognition of the privileges and rights of the Priesthood.乙&长],而条例作出的Pharisaic以上的特权和权利的神职人员充分承认。This would certainly not have been the case if, as some have maintained, Sadducean and priest-party had been convertible terms.这肯定不会一直如此,如果像有些人认为,Sadducean和牧师党已兑换的条件。Even as regards the deputation to the Baptist of 'Priests and Levites' from Jerusalem, we are expressly told that they 'were of the Pharisees.'至于该团体甚至对'祭司和利',从耶路撒冷浸信会,我们已被明确告知,他们的法利赛人。' [e St. John i.[电子圣约翰岛 24.]24。]

This bold hypothesis seems, indeed, to have been invented chiefly for the sake of another, still more unhistorical.这一大胆的假设看来,事实上,已经发明,主要是为另一个着想,更非历史。The derivation of the name 'Sadducee' has always been in dispite.该名称的'撒都该'推导,尽管一直在。According to a Jewish legend of about the seventh century of our era, [f In the Ab.根据一项对我们时代的七世纪犹太人的传说,[f在抗体。de R. Nath.德河纳特。c.5.] the name was derived from one Tsadoq (Zadok), [3 Tseduqim and Tsadduqim mark different transliterations of the name Sadducees.] a disciple of Antigonus of Socho, whose principle of not serving God for reward had been gradually misinterpreted into Sadduceeism.5。]这个名字来源于一个Tsadoq(扎多克),[3 Tseduqim和Tsadduqim撒都该人的姓名标示不同的译音。]安提柯的Socho的,其原则,不收取报酬的上帝服务已逐渐进入Sadduceeism误解弟子。

But, apart from the objection that in such case the party should rather have taken the name of Antigonites, the story itself receives no support either from Josephus or from early Jewish writings.但是,除了在这种情况下,党而应采取的Antigonites名反对,故事本身并没有得到支持,无论是从约瑟夫或从早期犹太著作。 Accordingly modern critics have adopted another hypothesis, which seems at least equally untenable.因此现代的批评者都采用另一种假说,它似乎至少同样站不住脚。On the supposition that the Sadducees were the 'priest-party,' the name of the sect is derived from Zadok (Tsadoq), the High-Priest in the time of Solomon.就假设说,撒都该人的'牧师的晚会,该教派的名字是来自扎多克(Tsadoq),高牧师在所罗门时间而得。[4 This theory, defended with ingenuity by Geiger, had been of late adopted by most writers, and even by Schurer. [4这一理论,辩护与匠心由盖格,已经迟了,大多数作家通过,甚至Schurer的。But not a few of the statements hazarded by Dr. Geiger seem to me to have no historical foundation, and the passages quoted in support either do not convey such meaning, or else are of no authority.]但不是盖格尔胆子博士的发言似乎很少我有没有历史基础,在支持引述的段落要么不传达这样的意思,否则不管理局。]

But the objections to this are insuperable.但这一反对意见是不可克服的。Not to speak of the linguistic difficulty of deriving Tsadduqim (Zaddukim, Sadducees) from Tsadoq (Zadok), [5 So Dr. Low, as quoted in Dr. Ginsburg's article.] neither Josephus nor the Rabbis know anything of such a connection between Tsadoq and the Sadducees, of which, indeed, the rationale would be difficult to perceive.不说话的推导语言的困难Tsadduqim(Zaddukim,撒都该人)由Tsadoq(扎多克),[所以博士低5,引博士金斯伯格的文章。]既不约瑟夫也不知道拉比之间的这种Tsadoq连接东西和撒都该人,其中,确实,理由是难以察觉。 Besides, is it likely that a party would have gone back so many centuries for a name, which had no connection with their distinctive principles?此外,它可能是一个党已经返回一个名称,它没有与他们独特的原则,连接这么多世纪?The name of a party is, if self-chosen (which is rarely the case), derived from its founder or place of origin, or else from what it claims as distinctive principles or practices.一个党的名称是,如果自主选择(这是很少见的情况下),从它的创始人或原籍地派生,否则从它作为独特的原则或惯例索赔。

Opponents might either pervert such a name, or else give a designation, generally opprobrious, which would express their own relation to the party, or to some of its supposed peculiarities.对手可能要么贪赃枉法这样一个名字,否则给出一个名称,一般可耻,这将关系到表达自己的党,或其中的一些所谓特殊性。 But on none of these principles can the origin of the name of Sadducees from Tsadoq be accounted for.但在这些原则都无法再对撒都该人从Tsadoq名字的由来加以说明。Lastly, on the supposition mentioned, the Sadducees must have given the name to their party, since it cannot be imagined that the Pharisees would have connected their opponents with the honoured name of the High-Priest Tsadoq.最后,在上述假设,撒都该人一定会充分考虑他们的党的名称,因为它不能想像,法利赛会已连接与高级祭司Tsadoq荣幸名对手。

If it is highly improbable that the Sadducees, who, of course, professed to be the right interpreters of Scripture, would choose any party-name, thereby stamping themselves as sectaries, this derivation of their name is also contrary to historical analogy.如果它是极不可能的撒都该人,谁,当然,自称是圣经翻译的权利,任何一方都会选择名,从而冲压作为自己的sectaries,这个推导是他们的名字也违背了历史的比喻。 For even the name Pharisees, 'Perushim,' 'separated ones,' was not taken by the party itself, but given to it by their opponents.即使是名称法利,'Perushim','分开的,'不是采取党本身,而是给他们的对手了。 [a Yad.[一亚德瓦。iv.四。6 &c.] [1The argument as against the derivation of the term Sadducee would, of course, hold equally good, even if each party had assumed, not received from the other, its characteristic name.]6&角] [1本论点违背了任期撒都该推导,当然,持有同样出色,即使每一方都假设,而不是从其他,其特征名称好评。]

From 1 Macc.从1排雷。ii.二。42; vii.42;七。13; 2 Macc.13; 2排雷。 xiv.十四。6, it appears that originally they had taken the sacred name of Chasidim, or 'the pious.' 6,看来,原来他们已采取了Chasidim神圣的名字,或'虔诚。'[b Ps.选项​​[B诗。xxx.三十。4; xxxi.4;三十一。23; xxxvii.23;三十七。28.] This, no doubt, on the ground that they were truly those who, according to the directions of Ezra, [c vi. 28。地面上]这毫无疑问,他们是真正的谁,根据以斯拉,[中VI的方向。21; ix.21;九。1; x.1;十11; Neh.11;尼。ix.九。2.] had separated themselves (become nibhdalim) 'from the filthiness of the heathen' (all heathen defilement) by carrying out the traditional ordinances. 2。]有彼此分离(成为nibhdalim)'从异教徒污秽,通过开展传统条例(所有异教徒的污辱)。[2 Comp.[2比赛。generally, 'Sketches of Jewish Social Life,' pp. 230, 231.] In fact, Ezra marked the beginning of the 'later,' in contradistinction to the 'earlier,' or Scripture-Chasidim.通常,第230,231。事实上]'的犹太社会生活,写生',以斯拉标志着开始在对比'后'的'早'或圣经- Chasidim。[d Ber.研究[D误码率。v. 1; comp.诉1;比赛。with Vayyikra R. 2, ed.与Vayyikra命令第2条,编辑。Warsh.沃什。t.iii.三。p.5 a.]答:5]

If we are correct in supposing that their opponents had called them Perushim, instead of the Scriptural designation of Nibhdalim, the inference is at hand, that, while the 'Pharisees' would arrogate to themselves the Scriptural name of Chasidim, or 'the pious,' their opponents would retort that they were satisfied to be Tsaddiqim, [3 Here it deserves special notice that the Old Testament term Chasid, which the Pharisees arrogated to themselves, is rendered in the Peshito by Zaddiq.如果我们的假设,他们的对手曾呼吁他们Perushim而不是指定的Nibhdalim圣经,正确,推理就在眼前,那个,而'法利'将独揽,以自己的Chasidim圣经的名字,或'虔诚, '他们的对手会反驳说,他们感到满意是Tsaddiqim,[3这里值得特别注意,长期Chasid旧约,这僭自己法利,呈现在Peshito由Zaddiq。 Thus, as it were, the opponents of Pharisaism would play off the equivalent Tsaddiq against the Pharisaic arrogation of Chasid.] or 'righteous.'因此,当它被,法利赛的对手将加赛一场反对Chasid。] pharisaic的僭越或同等Tsaddiq'正义。'

Thus the name of Tsaddiqim would become that of the party opposing the Pharisees, that is, of the Sadducees.因此,Tsaddiqim名称将成为这党反对法利赛人,就是撒都该人。There is, indeed, an admitted linguistic difficulty in the change of the sound i into u (Tsaddiqim into Tsadduqim), but may it not have been that this was accomplished, not grammatically, but by popular witticism?还有就是,确实是一个承认我的声音改变成ü(Tsaddiqim到Tsadduqim)语言的困难,但它可能不会有,这是完成,而不是语法,而是由流行妙语? Such mode of giving a 'by-name' to a party or government is, at least, not irrational, nor is it uncommon.给人一种'按​​名称'来一党或政府这种模式,至少,不理性的,也不是罕见的。[1 Such by-names, by a play on a word, are not unfrequent.[1这种物质,名称由一玩就一个字,是不是不频繁。Thus, in Shem.因此,在闪。 R. 5 (ed. Warsh. p. 14 a, lines 7 and 8 from top), Pharaoh's charge that the Israelites were 'idle,' is, by a transposition of letters made to mean that they were.]命令第5条(编辑沃什。第14,第7行和前8名),法老的指控,以色列人被'闲置'由作出意味着它们是字母换位。]

Some wit might have suggested: Read not Tsaddiqim, the 'righteous,' but Tsadduqim (from Tsadu,), 'desolation,' 'destruction.'一些机智可能建议:读不Tsaddiqim的'正义',但Tsadduqim(从Tsadu,),'荒凉','毁灭'。 Whether or not this suggestion approve itself to critics, the derivation of Sadducees from Tsaddiqim is certainly that which offers most probability.不论是否批准这项建议本身的批评,对撒都该人从Tsaddiqim推导当然是它提供最概率。[2 It seems strange, that so accurate a scholar as Schurer should have regarded the 'national party' as merely an offshoot from the Pharisees (Neutest. Zeitgesch. p. 431), and appealed in proof to a passage in Josephus (Ant. xviii. 1.6), which expressly calls the Nationalists a fourth party, by the side of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes.[2这似乎很奇怪,这么准确的为Schurer应看作仅仅从法利(Neutest. Zeitgesch。第431页)支脉的全国党的学者,在证明他们呼吁在约瑟夫的通道(Ant.十八。1.6),其中明确要求国民党第四方由法利赛,撒都该人,和essenes一面。 That in practice they would carry out the strict Judaism of the Pharisees, does not make them Pharisees.]在实践中,他们将进行严格的犹太教的法利赛人,并不能让他们法利。]

. This uncertainty as to the origin of the name of a party leads almost naturally to the mention of another, which, indeed, could not be omitted in any description of those times. But while the Pharisees and Sadducees were parties within the Synagogue, the Essenes ( or, the latter always in Philo) were, although strict Jews, yet separatists, and, alike in doctrine, worship, and practice, outside the Jewish body ecclesiastic. Their numbers amounted to only about 4,000.党的不确定性,这给了这个名字的由来几乎导致自然地提到另一个时代,而事实上,那些被省略不能在任何的说明。 但法利赛人和撒都该人,而双方在犹太教堂,爱色尼(或者,后者总是在斐洛)的,虽然严格的犹太人,但分裂主义分子,而且,无论在教义,崇拜和实践中,身体外的犹太牧师。他们的数目为4000只左右。 [a Philo, Quod omnis probus liber, 12, ed, Mang.[一斐洛,狴omnis普罗比斯或函,12日,海关,莽。ii.二。p.457; Jos. Ant.457;圣何塞蚂蚁。 xviii.十八。1.5.]1.5。]

They are not mentioned in the New Testament, and only very indirectly referred to in Rabbinic writings, perhaps without clear knowledge on the part of the Rabbis.他们没有提到,在新约中,只有非常间接提到在rabbinic著作或许没有对拉比部分清晰的认识。If the conclusion concerning them, which we shall by-and-by indicate, be correct, we can scarcely wonder at this.如果结论与他们有关,我们应通过和由表明,是正确的,我们可以几乎不知道此事。Indeed, their entire separation from all who did not belong to their sect, the terrible oaths by which they bound themselves to secrecy about their doctrines, and which would prevent any free religious discussion, as well as the character of what is know of their views, would account for the scanty notices about them.事实上,他们的整个分离所有谁不属于他们的教派,可怕的宣誓,由他们约束自己的保密对他们的学说,这将阻止任何宗教的自由讨论,以及知道是什么性质的意见,大概占他们微薄的通知。 Josephus and Philo, [3 They are also mentioned by Pliny (Hist. Natur. v. 16).] who speak of them in the most sympathetic manner, had, no doubt, taken special pains to ascertain all that could be learned.约瑟夫和斐洛,[3,他们也提到普林尼(Hist. Natur。五16​​)。]谁是他们的发言最同情的态度,已经毫无疑问,采取了特别的痛苦,以确定所有可能的教训。

For this Josephus seems to have enjoyed special opportunities.为此约瑟夫似乎有着特殊的机会。[4 This may be inferred from Josephus Life, c.[4此可以推断,从约瑟夫生活角2.] Still, the secrecy of their doctrines renders us dependent on writers, of whom at least one (Josephus) lies open to the suspicion of colouring and exaggeration. 2。]尽管如此,他们的学说使得我们对作家的依赖,其中至少有一(约瑟夫)位于开放的色彩和夸张的怀疑保密。But of one thing we may feel certain: neither John the Baptist, and his Baptism, nor the teaching of Christianity, had any connection with Essenism.但有一点我们可以感到肯定的:既不施洗约翰,和他的洗礼,也不是基督教的教学,有否与Essenism连接。It were utterly unhistorical to infer such from a few points of contact, and these only of similarity, not identity, when the differences between them are so fundamental.它是完全非历史推断这种从几个点的接触,只有相似,没有身份,这些当他们之间的差距如此之根本。

That an Essene would have preached repentance and the Kingdom of God to multitudes, baptized the uninitiated, and given supreme testimony to One like Jesus, are assertions only less extravagant than this, that One Who mingled with society as Jesus did, and Whose teaching, alike in that respect, and in all its tendencies, was so utterly Non-, and even Anti-Essenic, had derived any part of His doctrine from Essenism.这是厄会鼓吹悔罪和神的王国众多,受洗的门外汉,并给予最高像耶稣见证之一,是断言只有不到这种奢侈的,是那个与社会交融为耶稣所做的,其教学,同样在这方面,并在其所有的倾向,是如此完全非,甚至反Essenic,已得到任何他从Essenism学说的一部分。 Besides, when we remember the views of the Essenes on purification, and on Sabbath observance, and their denial of the Resurrection, we feel that, whatever points of resemblance critical ingenuity may emphasize, the teaching of Christianity was in a direction opposite from that of Essenism.此外,当我们记住的纯化的essenes的意见,并在遵守安息日,他们拒绝的复活,我们感到,无论相似的聪明才智可能强调关键点,基督教的教学,是在从这个方向相反Essenism。 [1 This point is conclusively disposed of by Bishop Lightfoot in the third Dissertation appended to his Commentary on the Colossians (pp. 397-419). [1这一点是确凿处置主教lightfoot在附在他的评论在第三论文的歌罗西书(页397-419)。

In general, the masterly discussion of the whole subject by Bishop Lightfoot, alike in the body of the Commentary and in the three Dissertations appended, may be said to form a new era in the treatment of the whole question, the points on which we would venture to express dissent being few and unimportant.在一般情况下,由主教lightfoot masterly整个主题的讨论,都在评注的身体和三个附加论文,可以说,形成一个在整个问题处理的新时代,点上,我们将企业表示异议被少数和不重要。 The reader who wishes to see a statement of the supposed analogy between Essenism and the teaching of Christ will find it in Dr. Ginsburg's Article 'Essenes,' in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography.读者谁希望看到一个之间Essenism和基督的教学应该比喻说明会发现在博士金斯伯格的文章这是爱色尼,在史密斯和wace的基督教传记辞典。 The same line of argument has been followed by Frankel and Gartz.同样的论据线后有Frankel和Gartz。The reasons for the opposite view are set forth in the text.]持相反的观点,原因是在文本中规定。]

We posses no data for the history of the origin and development (if such there was) of Essenism.我们具有的对历史没有数据的起源与发展(如果这样的事了)的Essenism。We may admit a certain connection between Pharisaism and Essenism, though it has been greatly exaggerated by modern Jewish writers. Both directions originated from a desire after 'purity,' though there seems a fundamental difference between them, alike in the idea of what constituted purity, and in the means for attaining it.我们可能会承认和Essenism某些连接之间法利赛,虽然它已大大夸大了现代犹太作家。 两个方向的愿望后,来自'纯洁'虽然似乎有他们之间的根本区别,都在构思如何构成的纯度,并在IT手段实现。To the Pharisee it was Levitical and legal purity, secured by the 'hedge' of ordinances which they drew around themselves.对于法利赛人是利未和法律的纯洁性,自己担保的'避险'的条例,围绕他们制定。To the Essene it was absolute purity in separation from the 'material,' which in itself was defiling. 对于厄绝对是在分离纯度从'材料',这本身是亵渎。

The Pharisee attained in this manner the distinctive merit of a saint; the Essene obtained a higher fellowship with the Divine, 'inward' purity, and not only freedom from the detracting, degrading influence of matter, but command over matter and nature.法利赛人以这种方式取得的一个圣人独特优点;的essene获得更高的神圣一金,'向内'纯洁性,而不是从贬低,物质降解的影响,但在物质和性质命令只自由。 As the result of this higher fellowship with the Divine, the adept possessed the power of prediction; as the result of his freedom from, and command over matter, the power of miraculous cures.由于这种与神圣,具有娴熟的预测能力较高的奖学金的结果,因为他免于和指挥权问题时,神奇的治愈力量的结果。That their purifications, strictest Sabbath observance, and other practices, would form points of contact with Pharisaism, follows as a matter of course; and a little reflection will show, that such observances would naturally be adopted by the Essenes, since they were within the lines of Judaism, although separatists from its body ecclesiastic.他们的纯化,严格遵守安息日,和其他做法,将形成与法利赛联络点,作为理所当然的事如下;和一个小的反射将显示出来,这样的纪念活动,自然会由爱色尼通过,是因为它们在犹太教线,虽然从它身上分离主义牧师。

On the other hand, their fundamental tendency was quite other than that of Pharisaism, and strongly tinged with Eastern (Parsee) elements.另一方面,他们的基本倾向是相当以外的法利赛这一点,强烈东区(波斯)元素的色彩。After this the inquiry as to the precise date of its origin, and whether Essenism was an offshoot from the original (ancient) Assideans or Chasidim, seems needless.在此之后,至于它的起源的确切日期查询,以及是否Essenism是从原来的(古)Assideans或Chasidim,似乎是不必要的分支。 Certain it is that we find its first mention about 150 BC, [a Jos. Ant.能肯定的是,我们发现其约公元前150年第一次提到,[一圣何塞蚂蚁。xiii.十三。5.5。9.] and that we meet the first Essence in the reign of Aristobulus I. [b 105-104 BC; Ant. 9],我们应付的阿里斯托一选项[B公元前105-104在位第一本质。蚂蚁。xiii.十三。11.11。2; War i.二,战争岛3.3。5.]5。]

Before stating our conclusions as to its relation to Judaism and the meaning of the name, we shall put together what information may be derived of the sect from the writings of Josephus, Philo, and Pliny.声明之前就其有关犹太教和名称的含义我们的结论,我们将什么样的信息放在一起可能是来自该教派的约瑟夫,斐洛和普林尼的著作。 [1 Compare Josephus, Ant. [1比较约瑟夫,蚂蚁。xiii.十三。5, 9; xv.5,9岁;十五。10.10。4, 5; xviii.4,5;十八。 1.1。5; Jewish War, ii. 5;犹太战争,二。8, 2-13; Philo, Quod omnis probus liber, 12, 13 (ed. Mangey, ii. 457-459; ed. Par. and Frcf. pp. 876-879; ed. Richter, vol. v. pp. 285-288); Pliny, NH v. 16, 17. 8,2-13;斐洛,狴omnis普罗比斯或函,12,13(编Mangey,二457-459。教育署PAR和Frcf页876-879。。。。教育署里希特,第一卷五页。 285-288);普林尼,新罕布什尔州16节,17。For references in the Fathers see Bp.对于引用的父亲看到基点。Lightfoot on Colossians, pp. 83, 84 (note).莱特富特在歌罗西书,第83,84(注)。Comp.比赛。the literature there and in Schurer (Neutest. Zeitgesch. p. 599), to which I would add Dr. Ginburg's Art.文献那里和Schurer(Neutest. Zeitgesch。页599),而我想补充博士Ginburg的艺术。'Essenes' in Smith's and Wace's Dict.'爱色尼在史密斯和wace的快译通。of Chr.对染色体。Biogr., vol.Biogr。,第一卷。 ii.]二。]

Even its outward organisation and the mode of life must have made as deep, and, considering the habits and circumstances of the time, even deeper impression than does the strictest asceticism on the part of any modern monastic order, without the unnatural and repulsive characteristics of the latter.即使其向外组织和生活模式必须作出深刻的,而且,考虑到习惯和当时的情况,更深刻的印象,比不上任何现代严格的禁欲主义寺院秩序的一部分,没有不自然的,令人厌恶的特征后者。 There were no vows of absolute silence, broken only by weird chant of prayer or 'memento mori;' no penances, nor self-chastisement.目前还没有誓言绝对的沉默,打破了奇怪高唱祈祷或'纪念森;'唯一没有修行,也没有自我惩罚。 But the person who had entered the 'order' was as effectually separated from all outside as if he had lived in another world.但是,谁已经进入了'秩序'的人有效地分离为所有AS如果他在另一个世界生活之外。Avoiding the large cities as the centres of immorality, [c Philo, ii.p.为避免不道德,[中斐洛,中心大城市ii.p.457.] they chose for their settlements chiefly villages, one of their largest colonies being by the shore of the Dead Sea.457。]他们为他们的定居点,主要是村庄,他们最大的由死海岸边是一个殖民地的选择。[d Pliny, Hist. [ð普林尼,组织胺。Nat.纳特。v. 16, 17.]五,16,17。]

At the same time they had also 'houses' inmost, if not all the cities of Palestine, [e Philo, usp 632; Jos. Jewish War ii.同时,他们还'房子'内心深处,如果不是所有的巴勒斯坦,[英斐洛,美国药典632个城市;圣何塞犹太人第二次世界大战。8.8。4.] notably in Jerusalem, [f Ant.4。]特别是在耶路撒冷,用[f蚂蚁。xiii.十三。11.2; xv.11.2;十五。10.10。5; xvii.5;十七。13.3.] where, indeed, one of the gates was named after them.13.3。]​​这里,的确,大门一后他们的名字命名。[g War v. 4.2.] In these 'houses' they lived in common, [h Philo, usp 632.] under officials of their own. [克战争诉4.2。]在这些'房子',他们的共同点,[ħ斐洛,美国药典632。]根据自己的官员居住。The affairs of 'the order' were administered by a tribunal of at least a hundred members.的'订单'的事务是由全国至少有一百个成员的审裁处。[i War ii.[我第二次世界大战。 8.9.] They wore a common dress, engaged in common labor, united in common prayers, partook of common meals, and devoted themselves to works of charity, for which each had liberty to draw from the common treasury at his own discretion, except in the case of relatives. 8.9。]他们穿着普通的衣服,在从事共同劳动,共同祈祷团结一致,共同进餐分享了,并投身慈善事业,为此,除在每个有自由去绘制自己的自由裁量权的共同国库,工程亲戚的情况。 [a War ii.[一第二次世界大战。 8.8。6.]6。]

Everything was of the community.一切都是社会。It scarcely needs mention that they extended fullest hospitality to strangers belonging to the order; in fact, a special official was appointed for this purpose in every city.它几乎需要提及他们招待陌生人充分扩展属于订单,事实上,一个特殊的官员为此目的而委任在每一个城市。[b us sections 4.] Everything was of the simplest character, and intended to purify the soul by the greatest possible avoidance, not only of what was sinful, but of what was material.选项​​[B我们第4。]一切都是最简单的字,并打算以净化灵魂的最大可能避免,不仅什么是有罪的,但什么是物​​质。 Rising at dawn, no profane word was spoken till they had offered their prayers.在黎明瑞星,没有亵渎说一句话,直到他们所给予他们的祈祷。These were addressed towards, if not to, the rising son, probably, as they would have explained it, as the emblem of the Divine Light, but implying invocation, if not adoration, of the sun.这些都是朝着解决,如果不是,不断上升的儿子,也许,因为他们会解释为它的​​神圣之光徽,但暗示调用,如果不是崇拜的太阳。

[1 The distinction is Schurer's, although he is disposed to minimise this point. [1区别是Schurer的,虽然他处置,以最大限度地减少了这一点。More on this in the sequel.] After that they were dismissed by their officers to common work.在续集中更多在此。]之后,他们已被其辞退人员共同工作。The morning meal was preceded by a lustration, or bath.早上吃饭之前有一个洁净,或洗澡。Then they put on their 'festive' linen garments, and entered, purified, the common hall as their Sanctuary.然后,他们把他们的'节日'亚麻服装,并进入,纯化,共同为他们圣殿礼堂举行。For each meal was sacrificial, in fact, the only sacrifices which they acknowledged.每餐的牺牲,其实,唯一的牺牲,他们也承认。 The 'baker,' who was really their priest, and naturally so, since he prepared the sacrifice, set before each bread, and the cook a mess of vegetables.在'贝克,'谁是真正的牧师,自然的,因为他准备牺牲,在每个面包集,和库克一团糟的蔬菜。The meal began with prayer by the presiding priest, for those who presided at these 'sacrifices' were also 'priests,' although in neither case probably of Aaronic descent, but consecrated by themselves.这顿饭开始主持牧师的祈祷,为那些谁在这些'牺牲'主持还'神父'虽然没有可能是亚伦后裔的情况,而是由他们自己神圣的。 [c Jos. War ii 8.5; Ant. [中圣何塞二战8.5;蚂蚁。xviii.十八。1.1。5.]5。]

The sacrificial meal was again concluded by prayer, when they put off their sacred dress, and returned to their labour.祭祀饭又缔结的祈祷,当他们把自己的神圣的衣服,然后返回他们的劳动。The evening meal was of exactly the same description, and partaken of with the same rites as that of the morning.晚餐是完全一样的描述,并与作为partaken的早晨,同样的仪式。

Although the Essenes, who, with the exception of a small party among them, repudiated marriage, adopted children to train them in the principles of their sect, [2 Schurer regards these children as forming the first of the four 'classes' or 'grades' into which the Essenes were arranged.虽然爱色尼,谁,与其中的一个小党,否定婚姻,收养儿童的异常以培养他们的这些教派的原则,[2 Schurer视为形成了四个'班'的第一个或'这些孩子成绩'到其中的爱色尼被安排。But this is contrary to the express statement of Philo, that only adults were admitted into the order, and hence only such could have formed a 'grade' or 'class' of the community.不过,这是违背了斐洛明确声明,只有成年人被录取到秩序,因此,只有这样可以形成一个'品位'或'类'的社会。 (Comp. ed. Mangey, ii. p. 632, from Eusebius' Praepar. Evang. lib. viii. cap. 8.) I have adopted the view of Bishop Lightfoot on the subject. (可比版。Mangey,二。632页,由尤西比乌斯'Praepar。埃旺。库。八。帽。8。)我已经通过了关于这一主题的主教lightfoot看法。 Even the marrying order of the Essenes, however, only admitted of wedlock under great restrictions, and as a necessary evil (War, us sections 13).即使是结婚的essenes秩序,然而,只承认非婚生子女受到很大的限制,作为一个必要的罪恶(战争,我们第13)。

Bishop Lightfoot suggests, that these were not Essenes in the strict sense, but only 'like the third order of a Benedictine or Franciscan brotherhood.] yet admission to the order was only granted to adults, and after a novitiate which lasted three years.主教lightfoot表明,这些人不爱色尼在严格意义上说,但只有'像一个方济各兄弟情谊笃或第三顺序。]然而入学只是给予成年人的秩序,见习后,历时三年。 On entering, the novice received the three symbols of purity: an axe, or rather a spade, with which to dig a pit, a foot deep, to cover up the excrements; an apron, to bind round the loins in bathing; and a white dress, which was always worn, the festive garment at meals being of linen.在进入,新手获得纯度三个符号:斧头,或者更确切地说,一把铁锹,用它来挖一个坑,一英尺深,掩盖粪便,围裙,结合在洗澡的腰圆,以及一白色礼服,这是始终佩戴,在节日的亚麻服装正在吃饭。 At the end of the first year the novice was admitted to the lustrations.在第一年年底,新手被接纳为lustrations。He had now entered on the second grade, in which he remained for another year.他现在已经进入二年级,他在其中保持了一年。

After its lapse, he was advanced to the third grade, but still continued a novice, until, at the close of the third year of his probation, he was admitted to the fourth grade, that of full member, when, for the first time, he was admitted to the sacrifice of the common meals.失效后,他被提前到小学三年级,但仍持续的新手,直到在他的感化第三年结束时,他被接纳为第四级,即正式成员的时候,第一次,他被接纳为牺牲的共同进餐。 The mere touch of one of a lower grade in the order defiled the Essene, and necessitated the lustration of a bath.对一个低年级的顺序只需轻按一玷污了厄,并需要洁净的洗澡。Before admission to full membership, a terrible oath was taken.入院前为正式成员,采取了一个可怕的誓言。As, among other things, it bound to the most absolute secrecy, we can scarcely suppose that its form, as given by Josephus, [a War ii.为,除其他外,它必将以最绝对保密,我们几乎可以假设它的形式,由约瑟夫获得,[一第二次世界大战。8.7.] contains much beyond what was generally allowed to transpire.8.7。]包含了许多超出一般允许泄漏。Thus the long list given by the Jewish historian of moral obligations which the Essenes undertook, is probably only a rhetorical enlargement of some simple formula.因此,长长的名单由其中essenes答应犹太历史学家给予道义上的责任,大概只有一些简单的公式修辞扩大。

More credit attaches to the alleged undertaking of avoidance of all vanity, falsehood, dishonesty, and unlawful gains.更多的信贷的重视,对所有虚荣,虚伪,不诚实避免被指控的事业,违法所得。 The last parts of the oath alone indicate the peculiar vows of the sect, that is, so far as they could be learned by the outside world, probably chiefly through the practice of the Essenes.的誓言最后一部分,仅表明该教派的特殊,即是,到目前为止,因为他们可以通过了解外面的世界很可能主要是通过实践的essenes,誓言。 They bound each member not to conceal anything from his own sect, nor, even on peril of death, to disclose their doctrines to others; to hand down their doctrines exactly as they had received them; to abstain from robbery; [1 Can this possibly have any connection in the mind of Josephus with the later Nationalist movement?他们约束每一个成员不隐瞒任何东西从他自己的教派,也没有,甚至死亡的危险,披露他们的学说给他人;交出了他们的学说,正是因为他们收到了他们;弃权抢劫; [1,可这可能有在头脑中的约瑟夫后来国民运动连接?This would agree with his insistence on their respect for those in authority.这将同意他以了解他们对当权者方面的坚持。Otherwise the emphasis laid on abstinence from robbery seems strange in such a sect.] and to guard the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the Angels.否则,就由抢劫重点放在禁欲奇怪在这样一个教派。]和看守书籍属于他们的教派,并天使的名字。

It is evident that, while all else was intended as safeguards of a rigorous sect of purists, and with the view of strictly keeping it a secret order, the last-mentioned particulars furnish significant indications of their peculiar doctrines.很明显,虽然一切的目的是作为一个纯粹主义教派严格的保障措施,并在严守这个秘密秩序,最后提到的资料,其特有的学说提供重要​​指示。 Some of these may be regarded as only exaggerations of Judaism, though not of the Pharisaic kind.其中有些可能被视为犹太教只有夸张,虽然不是那种的Pharisaic。[2 I venture to think that even Bishop Lightfoot lays too much stress on the affinity to Pharisaism. [2我冒昧地认为,即使主教lightfoot侧重于对法利赛亲和力太多的压力。I can discover few, if any, traces of Pharisaism in the distinctive sense of the term.我可以发现在不同的任期意识法利赛很少,如果有的话,痕迹。Even their frequent washings had a different object from those of the Pharisees.] Among them we reckon the extravagant reverence for the name of their legislator (presumably Moses), whom to blaspheme was a capital offence; their rigid abstinence from all prohibited food; and their exaggerated Sabbath-observance, when, not only no food was prepared, but not a vessel moved, nay, not even nature eased.即使他们经常冲洗已从它们之间]那些法利赛我们估计,为他们的立委(想必摩西),其中,亵渎是死罪名称奢侈崇敬一个不同的对象。其刚性禁欲从所有违禁食品;及他们夸大安息日遵守的时候,不仅没有食物的准备,但没有器皿感动,不仅如此,即使是自然缓解。

[3 For a similar reason, and in order 'not to affront the Divine rays of light', the light as symbol, if not outcome, of the Deity, they covered themselves, in such circumstances, with the mantle which was their ordinary dress in winter.] But this latter was connected with their fundamental idea of inherent impurity in the body, and, indeed, in all that is material. [3出于同样原因,为了'不冒犯神圣的光线的光',作为标志灯,如果没有结果,在这种情况下,对神,它们涉及本身,与地幔这是他们普通的衣服在冬天。]但是后者是用自己的内在联系的基本思想杂质在体内,而事实上,在所有重大。 Hence, also, their asceticism, their repudiation of marriage, and their frequent lustrations in clean water, not only before their sacrificial meals, but upon contact even with an Essene of a lower grade, and after attending to the calls of nature.因此,同时,他们的禁欲主义,否定他们的婚姻,他们频繁lustrations在清水中,不仅在他们牺牲膳食,但即使是在接触了低年级厄,并在出席大自然的调用。 Their undoubted denial of the resurrection of the body seems only the logical sequence from it.他们对复活的身体无疑否定似乎只有从它的逻辑顺序。If the soul was a substance of the subtlest ether, drawn by certain natural enticement into the body, which was its prison, a state of perfectness could not have consisted in the restoration of that which, being material, was in itself impure.如果灵魂是物质的微妙醚,某些自然的诱惑吸引到身体,这是它的监狱,一个完好的状态不可能在该恢复它作为材料,本身就是不纯组成。

And, indeed, what we have called the exaggerated Judaism of the sect, its rigid abstinence from all forbidden food, and peculiar Sabbath-observance, may all have had the same object, that of tending towards an external purism, which the Divine legislator would have introduced, but the 'carnally-minded' could not receive.而且,事实上,我们所谓的教派夸张的犹太教,其僵化的禁欲从所有被禁止的食物,和奇特的安息日遵守,都可能有同样的对象,即对外部纯正主义,这神圣的立法者将趋于已经出台,但“肉体头脑'不能接受。 Hence, also, the strict separation of the order, its grades, its rigorous discipline, as well as its abstinence from wine, meat, and all ointments, from every luxury, even from trades which would encourage this, or any vice.因此,另外,该命令,其档次,其严格的纪律,以及其从酒,肉,和所有药膏禁欲严格分离,从每一个豪华,甚至从行业这将鼓励本,或任何副。 This aim after external purity explains many of their outward arrangements, such as that their labour was of the simplest kind, and the commonality of all property in the order; perhaps, also, what may seem more ethical ordinances, such as the repudiation of slavery, their refusal to take an oath, and even their scrupulous care of truth.这之后外部纯度的目的解释其向外安排很多,比如,他们的劳动是最简单的那种,和所有的财产在该命令的共性,也许,还什么似乎更合乎道德的条例,例如奴隶制的否定, ,他们拒绝宣誓,甚至他们的真相一丝不苟的照顾。

The white garments, which they always wore, seem to have been but a symbol of that purity which they sought.白色的服装,他们总是穿着,似乎已经是纯洁的,但他们寻求的象征。For this purpose they submitted, not only to strict asceticism, but to a discipline which gave the officials authority to expel all offenders, even though in so doing they virtually condemned them to death by starvation, since the most terrible oaths had bound all entrants into the order not to partake of any food other than that prepared by their 'priests.'为此,他们提出,不仅要严格的禁欲主义,而是一门学科,这给了官员的权力驱逐所有罪犯,即使这样,他们几乎谴责它们饿死,因为最可怕的宣誓了约束所有进入者订单不参加任何食物的准备,比其他“祭司”。

In such a system there would, of course, be no place for either an Aaronic priesthood, or bloody sacrifices.在这样的系统存在,当然,没有对不管是亚伦的祭司,或流血牺牲的地方。In fact, they repudiated both.事实上,他们都否定。Without formally rejecting the Temple and its services, there was no room in their system for such ordinances.如果没有正式拒绝寺和服务,并没有在他们对该等法例的系统空间。They sent, indeed, thank offerings to the Temple, but what part had they in bloody sacrifices and an Aaronic ministry, which constituted the main business of the Temple?他们发送的,的确,感谢供养的庙,但部分已在流血牺牲和亚伦部,它构成了寺主业呢?Their 'priests' were their bakers and presidents; their sacrifices those of fellowship, their sacred meals of purity.他们的“祭司”是他们的面包师和总统,他们的牺牲者的奖学金,纯洁自己的神圣的饭菜。It is quite in accordance with this tendency when we learn from Philo that, in their diligent study of the Scriptures, they chiefly adopted the allegorical mode of interpretation.正是在这种趋势进行比较,当我们从斐洛得知,在他们的圣经勤奋学习,他们主要是通过寓言的解释模式。 [a Ed.[A ED。Mang ii.孟二。p.458.]458。]

We can scarcely wonder that such Jews as Josephus and Philo, and such heathens as Pliny, were attracted by such an unworldly and lofty sect. 我们可以几乎不知道,作为约瑟夫和斐洛,如普利尼异教徒犹太人等,是由这样一个unworldly和崇高的教派所吸引。Here were about 4,000 men, who deliberately separated themselves, not only from all that made life pleasant, but from all around; who, after passing a long and strict novitiate, were content to live under the most rigid rule, obedient to their superiors; who gave up all their possessions, as well as the earnings of their daily toil in the fields, or of their simple trades; who held all things for the common benefit, entertained strangers, nursed their sick, and tended their aged as if their own parents, and were charitable to all men; who renounced all animal passions, eschewed anger, ate and drank in strictest moderation, accumulated neither wealth nor possessions, wore the simplest white dress till it was no longer fit for use; repudiated slavery, oaths, marriage; abstained from meat and wine, even from the common Eastern anointing with oil; used mystic lustrations, had mystic rites and mystic prayers, an esoteric literature and doctrines; whose every meal was a sacrifice, and every act one of self-denial; who, besides, were strictly truthful, honest, upright, virtuous, chaste, and charitable, in short, whose life meant, positively and negatively, a continual purification of the soul by mortification of the body. 这里约有4000人,谁故意分开自己,不仅从所有使生活愉快,而是从各地;谁后,通过一个漫长而严格的见习期,满足于生活在最严格的规则,服从上级;谁放弃了所有的财产等领域,以及他们的日常劳作的收入,或他们简单的行业,谁举行了共同利益的一切事物,受理陌生人,培养了他们的病,往往就好像自己的年龄父母,并分别慈善所有男人,谁放弃了所有动物的激情,避开愤怒,吃了喝了,在严格的节制,积累了既无财力又无财产,穿着简单的白色礼服,直到它已不再适合使用;推翻奴隶制,宣誓,婚姻;弃权肉和酒,甚至从常见的油膏抹东部;使用神秘lustrations,有神秘的祈祷仪式和神秘,深奥的文学理论;其每一餐是一种牺牲,每一个行为的自我否定之一;谁,此外,进行了严格真实,诚实,正直,善良,纯洁,和慈善,总之,他的生命的意思,正面和负面,一个灵魂的身体屈辱的不断净化。

To the astonished onlookers this mode of life was rendered even more sacred by doctrines, a literature, and magic power known only to the initiated.到了围观者惊讶的是这样的生活模式呈现更加神圣的教义,文学,只知道和神奇力量的开始。Their mysterious conditions made them cognisant of the names of Angels, by which we are, no doubt, to understand a theosophic knowledge, fellowship with the Angelic world, and the power of employing its ministry.他们神秘的条件使他们的天使,其中我们,毫无疑问的名字认识到,要了解一个theosophic知识,天使的世界奖学金,并聘请其部的权力。 Their constant purifications, and the study of their prophetic writings, gave them the power of prediction; [a Jos. War ii.他们不断净化,以及他们的预言著作的研究,给了他们的预测能力; [一个圣何塞大战。8, 12; comp.8,12;比赛。 Ant.蚂蚁。xiii.十三。11.11。2; xv.2;十五。10.10。5; xvii.5;十七。13.3.] the same mystic writings revealed the secret remedies of plants and stones for the healing of the body, [1 There can be no question that these Essene cures were magical, and their knowledge of remedies esoteric.] as well as what was needed for the cure of souls. 13.3]同神秘的著作揭示了植物和身体的愈合石头的秘密补救措施,[1毫无疑问,这些厄色尼治愈了神奇,他们的知识深奥的补救措施。]以及所需要的对于治愈的灵魂。

It deserves special notice that this intercourse with Angels, this secret traditional literature, and its teaching concerning mysterious remedies in plants and stones, are not unfrequently referred to in that Apocalyptic literature known as the 'Pseudepigraphic Writings.' Confining ourselves to undoubtedly Jewish and pre-Christian documents, [2 Bishop Lightfoot refers to a part of the Sibylline books which seems of Christian authorship.] we know what development the doctrine of Angels received both in the Book of Enoch (alike in its earlier and in its later portion [b ch. xxxi.-ixxi.]) and in the Book of Jubilees, [3 Comp. 它值得特别注意,这与天使,这个秘密传统文学,以及有关植物和石头的神秘补救教学交往,不unfrequently提到被称为文学的启示“Pseudepigraphic著作。”偏执于无疑犹太人和预基督教的文件,[2主教娜莱指的是哪些作者似乎女巫基督教书籍的一部分。]我们知道什么样的发展学说的天使都在以诺书(都在其前面和后面的部分在其收到的[B CH。xxxi. - ixxi。]),并在书的jubilees,[3比赛。Lucius, Essenismus, p.卢修斯,Essenismus,第109.109。This brochure, the latest on the subject, (though interesting, adds little to our knowledge.]) and how the 'seers' received Angelic instruction and revelations.这本小册子,关于这个问题的最新的,(虽然有趣,增加了小到我们的知识。]),以及如何'预言家'收到天使的指示和启示。

The distinctively Rabbinic teaching on these subjects is fully set forth in another part of this work.对这些科目的教学是完全独特拉比提出在另一这项工作的一部分。[1 See Appendix XIII. [1见附录XIII。on the Angelology, Satanology, and Demonology of the Jews.] Here we would only specially notice that in the Book of Jubilees [a Ch.在天使,Satanology和犹太人恶魔。]这里我们只会特别注意,在五十年节研究[A总书。x.] Angels are represented as teaching Noah all 'herbal remedies' for diseases, [b Comp.十]天使作为教学诺亚一切'草药'的疾病为代表,[B比赛。also the Sepher Noach in Jellinek's Beth.也是在耶利内克的贝丝Sepher Noach。haMidr.haMidr。part iii.第三部分。pp. 155, 156.] while in the later Pirqe de R. Eliezer [c c.第155,156],而在后来的Pirqe德河埃利泽[C C.48.] this instruction is said to have been given to Moses.48]这个指令是说已经给摩西。These two points (relation to the Angels, and knowledge of the remedial power of plants, not to speak of visions and prophecies) seem to connect the secret writings of the Essenes with that 'outside' literature which in Rabbinic writings is known as Sepharim haChitsonim, 'outside writings.'这两点(相对于天使,和植物的补救权力的知识,不要说理想和预言)似乎与该连接“外”文学这在拉比的著作是Sepharim haChitsonim已知的爱色尼的秘密著作“外面的著作”[2 Only after writing the above I have noticed, that Jellinek arrives at the same conclusion as to the Essene character of the Book of Jubilees (Beth ha-Midr. iii. p. xxxiv., xxxv.), and of the Book of Enoch (us ii. p. xxx.).] The point is of greatest importance, as will presently appear. [2只有在上面的字迹我注意到,这在以耶利内克的书厄的jubilees字符(贝斯公顷Midr。三,第三十四。,三十五。)到达相同的结论,并在书伊诺克(我们二,第XXX)。]最重要的一点的是,如将目前出现。

It needs no demonstration, that a system which proceeded from a contempt of the body and of all that is material; in some manner identified the Divine manifestation with the Sun; denied the Resurrection, the Temple-priesthood, and sacrifices; preached abstinence from meats and from marriage; decreed such entire separation from all around that their very contact defiled, and that its adherents would have perished of hunger rather than join in the meals of the outside world; which, moreover, contained not a trace of Messianic elements indeed, had no room for them, could have had no internal connection with the origin of Christianity.它不需要论证,进行了系统而从身​​体的蔑视和所有的材料;以某种方式确定了与太阳神的表现;否认复活,庙,祭司,和牺牲;鼓吹禁欲从肉类从婚姻;下令所有这些来自各地,他们非常接触玷污,而且整个分离其信徒会灭亡的饥饿,而不是参加外界的饭菜;,此外,包含不是救世主的微量元素的确,没有他们的空间,可以暂时还没有与基督教起源的内部连接。 Equally certain is it that, in respect of doctrine, life, and worship, it really stood outside Judaism, as represented by either Pharisees or Sadducees.它同样可以肯定的是,在学说,生命,尊重和崇拜,它真的站在外面犹太教,如法利或撒都该人或代表。

The question whence the foreign elements were derived, which were its distinctive characteristics, has of late been so learnedly discussed, that only the conclusions arrived at require to be stated.何处的问题,是根据外国的元素,这是其鲜明的特点,已晚了这么learnedly讨论,只有在需要的结论要指出来了。 Of the two theories, of which the one traces Essenism to Neo-Pythagorean, [3 So Zeller, Philosophie d.在这两个理论,其中一个痕迹Essenism以理学毕达哥拉斯,[3所以泽勒,哲学的D.Griechen, ed. Griechen,编辑。1881, iii. 1881年,三。pp. 277-337.] the other to Persian sources, [4 So Bishop Lightfoot, in his masterly treatment of the whole subject in his Commentary on the Ep.页277-337。]其他波斯语来源,[4所以主教娜莱,在他的在他的EP解说整个主题巧妙处理。to the Colossians.] the latter seems fully established, without, however, wholly denying at least the possibility of Neo-Pythagorean influences.向歌罗西书。]后者似乎完全建立起来,但不,完全否认至少理学毕达哥拉斯影响的可能性。To the grounds which have been so conclusively urged in support of the Eastern origin of Essenism, [5 By Bishop Lightfoot, us pp. 382-396.对于已在如此确凿的Essenism支持东部出身敦促理由,[主教娜莱5,我们第382-396。

In general, I prefer on many points such as the connection between Essenism and Gnosticism &c., simply to refer readers to the classic work of Bishop Lightfoot.] in its distinctive features, may be added this, that Jewish Angelology, which played so great a part in the system, was derived from Chaldee and Persian sources, and perhaps also the curious notion, that the knowledge of medicaments, originally derived by Noah from the angels, came to the Egyptians chiefly through the magic books of the Chaldees.在一般情况下,我宁愿等之间Essenism和诺斯替主义&C,连接点多仅提及读者的主教娜莱经典之作。]在其鲜明的特点,这可能会增加,即犹太天使,从而起到这么大在系统的一部分,是来自沙尔代和波斯的来源,或许也好奇的概念,认为药物的知识,最初是由诺亚来自天使,来到埃及人通过迦勒底的魔法书为主。 [a Sepher Noach ap.[A Sepher Noach AP。Jellinek iii.耶利内克三。p.156.] [1 As regards any connection between the Essenes and the Therapeutai, Lucius has denied the existence of such a sect and the Philonic authorship of de V. cont.156] [1至于任何之间的爱色尼和Therapeutai连接,卢修斯否认这样一个教派的存在和脱Philonic作者五续。The latter we have sought to defend in the Art.后者,我们都力求捍卫艺术。Philo (Smith and Wace's Dict. of Chr. Biogr. iv.), and to show that the Therapeutes were not a 'sect' but an esoteric circle of Alexandrian Jews.]斐罗(史密斯和WACE的快译通的染色体。Biogr。四),并表明Therapeutes是不是“邪教”,但对深奥的圈子亚历山大犹太人。]

It is only at the conclusion of these investigations that we are prepared to enter on the question of the origin and meaning of the name Essenes, important as this inquiry is, not only in itself, but in regard to the relation of the sect to orthodox Judaism. The eighteen or nineteen proposed explanations of a term, which must undoubtedly be of Hebrew etymology, all proceed on the idea of its derivation from something which implied praise of the sect, the two least objectionable explaining the name as equivalent either to 'the pious,' or else to 'the silent ones.' 只有在这些调查结论是,我们准备进入的起源和爱色尼的名字的含义问题,因为这项调查是,不仅本身重要,但在关于该教派与正统犹太教的 18或19提出的一个名词解释,这无疑是必须的希伯来语词源,就其从东西这意味着该教派的所有赞美的推导思路出发,至少有两个不良解释名称等同要么'的虔诚“,否则为”无声的。“

But against all such derivations there is the obvious objection, that the Pharisees, who had the moulding of the theological language, and who were in the habit of giving the hardest names to those who differed from them, would certainly not have bestowed a title implying encomium on a sect which, in principle and practices, stood so entirely outside, not only of their own views, but even of the Synagogue itself.但对所有这些衍生有明显的异议,认为法利赛,谁的神学语言成型,谁在给谁最难的名字从他们的不同习惯了,肯定不会赋予标题暗示推崇的一个宗派的,原则和做法,所以完全站在外面,不仅自己的看法,但即使是犹太教堂本身。

Again, if they had given a name of encomium to the sect, it is only reasonable to suppose that they would not have kept, in regard to their doctrines and practices, a silence which is only broken by dim and indirect allusions.同样,如果他们给了推崇名称的教派,它是唯一合理的假设,他们就不会保存,对于他们的学说和实践,这一只由暗淡和间接的典故打破沉默。 Yet, as we examine it, the origin and meaning of the name seem implied in their very position towards the Synagogue.然而,当我们研究它的起源和意义的名字似乎暗示他们对犹太教堂非常的地位。They were the only real sect, strictly outsiders, and their name Essenes ('E, 'E ) seems the Greek equivalent for Chitsonim ( ), 'the outsiders.'他们是唯一真正的邪教,严格外人,和他们的名字爱色尼('E'E)似乎对Chitsonim希腊相当于(),“外人”。 Even the circumstance that the axe, or rather spade ( ), which every novice received, has for its Rabbinic equivalent the word Chatsina, is here not without significance.即使是开刀的情况下,或者更确切地说,铲(),其中每一个新手获得,其拉比相当于字Chatsina,已在这里并非没有意义。

Linguistically, the words Essenoi and Chitsonim are equivalents, as admittedly are the similar designations Chasidim ( ) and Asidaioi ('A ).在语言,言Essenoi和Chitsonim是等值,固然是因为类似的名称Chasidim()和Asidaioi('A)。 For, in rendering Hebrew into Greek, the ch ( ) is 'often entirely omitted, or represented by a spiritus lenis in the beginning,' while 'in regard to the vowels no distinct rule is to be laid down.'因为,在渲染成希腊文时,CH()希伯来文是“经常完全省略,或在开始时醑lenis表示,”同时“在考虑到元音没有明显的规则是定下来。” [b Deutsch, Remains, pp. 359, 360.] Instances of a change of the Hebrew i into the Greek e are frequent, and of the Hebrew o into the Greek e not rare. [B德语,遗迹,第359,360]一进入希腊发送希伯来语我经常改变的实例,和希伯来文Ø发送到希腊并不少见。As one instance will suffice, we select a case in which exactly the same transmutation of the two vowel-sounds occurs, that of the Rabbinic Abhginos ( ) for the Greek ( ) Eugenes ('well-born').作为一个实例就足够了,我们选择一个案件中,正是这两个元音,听起来同样嬗变发生时,拉比Abhginos(为希腊()Eugenes)(“出身名门”)的。 [2 As other instances may be quoted such as Istagioth ( ) ( ) ( ), roof; Istuli ( ) ( ) ( ), a pillar; Dikhsumini ( ) ( ) ( ), cistern.[由于其他实例2可能如Istagioth()()(引),屋顶; Istuli()()(),一个支柱; Dikhsumini()()(),水箱。

This derivation of the name Essenes, which strictly expresses the character and standing of the sect relatively to orthodox Judaism, and, indeed, is the Greek form of the Hebrew term for 'outsiders,' is also otherwise confirmed.这个名字的爱色尼,严格表达的性质和该教派的地位相对正统的犹太教,的确,是为希伯来文希腊文的形式推导“外人”,也另有证实。 It has already been said, that no direct statement concerning the Essenes occurs in Rabbinic writings.它已经说过,没有直接声明关于爱色尼发生在拉比的著作。Nor need this surprise us, when we remember the general reluctance of the Rabbis to refer to their opponents, except in actual controversy; and, that, when traditionalism was reduced to writing, Essenism, as a Jewish sect, had ceased to exist.这也需要我们感到惊讶,当我们记住的拉比一般不愿提及他们的对手除了在实际的争论,以及,,当减少到传统主义写作,Essenism作为一个犹太节,已不复存在。 Some of its elements had passed into the Synagogue, influencing its general teaching (as in regard to Angelology, magic, &c.), and greatly contributing to that mystic direction which afterwards found expression in what is now known as the Kabbalah.它的一些元素已经传递到犹太教堂,影响其一般教学(如在关于天使,魔术,下略),并大大促进该神秘的方向,后来发现在现在的卡巴拉称为表达。

But the general movement had passed beyond the bounds of Judaism, and appeared in some forms of the Gnostic heresy.但一般的运动已经过去了超越犹太教的范围,并在某些形式的诺斯底异端出现。But still there are Rabbinic references to the 'Chitsonim,' which seem to identify them with the sect of the Essenes.但仍然有向“Chitsonim”,这似乎认同了他们的爱色尼教派拉比引用。Thus, in one passage [a Megill.因此,在一个通道[一个梅吉尔。24 b, lines 4 and 5 from bottom.] certain practices of the Sadducees and of the Chitsonim are mentioned together, and it is difficult to see who could be meant by the latter if not the Essenes.24 B,第4行和从底部5,撒都该人及Chitsonim]一起被提及的某些做法,这是很难看到谁可以由后者如果不是爱色尼的意思。Besides, the practices there referred to seem to contain covert allusions to those of the Essenes.此外,还有提到的做法似乎含有秘密典故的爱色尼人。Thus, the Mishnah begins by prohibiting the public reading of the Law by those who would not appear in a coloured, but only in a white dress.因此,该mishnah首先禁止对法律的那些谁也不会出现在彩色公众阅读,但只有在一个白色的礼服。

Again, the curious statement is made that the manner of the Chitsonim was to cover the phylacteries with gold, a statement unexplained in the Gemara, and inexplicable, unless we see in it an allusion to the Essene practice of facing the rising Sun in their morning prayers.再次,好奇的声明是,该Chitsonim方式是覆盖黄金,原因不明的一份声明中革马拉,和莫名的phylacteries,除非我们看到它一个典故到他们面临的早晨初升的太阳厄实践祈祷。 [1 The practice of beginning prayers before, and ending them as the sun had just risen, seems to have passed from the Essenes to a party in the Synagogue itself, and is pointedly alluded to as a characteristic of the so-called Vethikin, Ber. [1,开始前祈祷,并结束他们的太阳刚刚上升,做法似乎已经过去了,从爱色尼中的一个犹太教堂本身的党,是尖锐地提到作为所谓的Vethikin,误码率特性来。 9 b; 25 b; 26 a.9 B,25 B,26 A。But another peculiarity about them, noticed in Rosh haSh.但另一对他们的特点,发现在犹太哈希。 32 b (the repetition of all the verses in the Pentateuch containing the record of God in the so-called Malkhiyoth, Zikhronoth, and Shophroth), shows that they were not Essenes, since such Rabbinic practices must have been alien to their system.]32 B(所有在摩西五载有所谓的Malkhiyoth,Zikhronoth和Shophroth神节的重复记录),说明他们不是爱色尼,因为这种做法必须有拉比外国人到他们的系统。]

Again, we know with what bitterness Rabbinism denounced the use of the externe writings (the Sepharim haChitsonim) to the extent of excluding from eternal life those who studied them.再次,我们知道用​​什么苦Rabbinism谴责的externe著作(即Sepharim haChitsonim)来从永生不包括谁研究它们的程度。[b Sanh.[B Sanh。x 1.] But one of the best ascertained facts concerning the Essenes is that they possessed secret, 'outside,' holy writings of their own, which they guarded with special care.X 1]但是,关于爱色尼最好确定事实之一是,他们拥有的秘密,“外,”神圣的著作本身,他们有特殊照顾看守。And, although it is not maintained that the Sepharim haChitsonim were exclusively Essene writings, [2 In Sanh.而且,虽然它不是认为,Sepharim haChitsonim是专厄著作,[在Sanh 2。100 b they are explained as 'the writings of the Sadducees,' and by another Rabbi as 'the Book of Sirach' (Ecclus. in the Apocrypha).100 B他们解释为'撒都该人的著作,“和其他的(在伪经Ecclus.)”的西拉奇书“拉比。Hamburger, as sometimes, makes assertions on this point which cannot be supported (Real-Worterb. ii. p. 70).汉堡包,因为有时候,使得在这一点上不能得到支持(Real-Worterb.二,第70页)断言。Jer.哲。Sanh.Sanh。28 a explains, 'Such as the books of Ben Sirach and of Ben La'nah', the latter apparently also an Apocryphal book, for which the Midr.28日解释说:“如奔西拉奇和本La'nah书”,后者显然也是一个杜撰的书,为此,Midr。 Kohel.Kohel。(ed. warsh. iii. p. 106 b) has 'the book of Ben Tagla' 'La'nah' and 'Tagla' could scarcely be symbolic names. (编辑沃什。三,第106页B)有“La'nah”和“Tagla'”的本Tagla书“可能几乎是象征性的名称。

On the other hand, I cannot agree with Furst (Kanon d. AT p. 99), who identifies them with Apollonius of Tyana and Empedocles.另一方面,我不能同意弗斯特(加隆AT第99 D.),谁认同的Tyana和恩培多克勒阿波罗纽斯他们。Dr. Neubauer suggests that Ben La'nah may be a corruption of Sibylline Oracles.] the latter must have been included among them.诺伊鲍尔博士认为,本La'nah可能是女巫甲骨文腐败。]后者必须已列入其中。We have already seen reason for believing, that even the so-called Pseudepigraphic literature, notably such works as the Book of Jubilees, was strongly tainted with Essene views; if, indeed, in perhaps another than its present form, part of it was not actually Essene.我们已经看到的理由相信,即使是所谓的Pseudepigraphic文学,作为书Jubilees特别是这类作品,强烈的意见与厄污染;事实上,如果在或许比其目前的形式,它的一部分另一个是不实际上厄。 Lastly, we find what seems to us yet another covert allusion [a In Sanh.最后,我们找到我们看来,另一个隐蔽的典故[在Sanh一个。 x.X.1.] to Essene practices, similar to that which has already been noticed.1]到厄色尼的做法,类似于这已经注意到了。[b Meg.[B梅格。24 b.]24 B.]

For, immediately after consigning to destruction all who denied that there was proof in the Pentateuch for the Resurrection (evidently the Sadducees), those who denied that the Law was from heaven (the Minim, or heretics, probably the Jewish Christians), and all 'Epicureans' [1 The 'Epicureans,' or 'freethinkers,' are explained to be such as speak contemptuously of the Scriptures, or of the Rabbis (Jer. Sanh. 27 d).因为,后托运到销毁所有谁否认有五经证明是在为复活(显然撒都该人),那些谁否认,该法从天上(的微量,或异教徒,可能是犹太基督徒)是,所有“伊壁鸠鲁”[1“伊壁鸠鲁”或“自由思想家”的解释是这样讲的经文作为轻蔑,或拉比(耶Sanh 27 D)。In Sanh.在Sanh。38 ba distinction is made between 'stranger' (heathen) Epicureans, and Israelitish Epicureans. 38巴之间作出区别是“陌生人”(异教徒)伊壁鸠鲁和Israelitish伊壁鸠鲁。With the latter it is unwise to enter into argument.] (materialists), the same punishment is assigned to those 'who read externe writings' (Sepharim haChitsonim) and 'who whispered' (a magical formula) 'over a wound.'随着后者是不明智进入论点。](唯物论),同样的惩罚是分配给那些“谁读externe著作”(Sepharim haChitsonim)和“谁低声说”(一个神奇的公式)“过伤口。”[2 Both in the Jer. [2都在哲。and Bab.Talm.和Bab.Talm。it is conjoined with 'spitting,' which was a mode of healing, usual at the time.它是连体的“随地吐痰”,这在当时的治疗模式,一切如常。

The Talmud forbids the magical formula, only in connection with this 'spitting', and then for the curious reason that the Divine Name is not to be recorded while 'spitting.'犹太法典禁止神奇的公式,只有在这个“随地吐痰”的连接,然后好奇的原因,神的名字不被记录,而“随地吐痰”。 But, while in the Bab.但是,尽管在巴布。Talm.Talm。the prohibition bears against such 'spitting' before pronouncing the formula, in the Jer.禁止负有对这种'随地吐痰'宣判前,在哲公式。Talm.Talm。it is after uttering it.] Both the Babylonian and the Jerusalem Talmud [c Sanh.它是后一言不发了。]无论是巴比伦和耶路撒冷犹太法典[C Sanh。101 a; Jer.101 A;哲。Sanh.Sanh。p.28 b.] offer a strange explanation of this practice; perhaps, because they either did not, or else would not, understand the allusion.B. 28]这种做法提供了一个奇怪的解释,也许,因为他们要么没有,否则也不会,了解典故。But to us it seems at least significant that as, in the first quoted instance, the mention of the Chitsonim is conjoined with a condemnation of the exclusive use of white garments in worship, which we know to have been an Essene peculiarity, so the condemnation of the use of Chitsonim writings with that of magical cures.但对我们来说,似乎至少重要,由于在第一援引实例,对Chitsonim一提的是同一个的白色服装的崇拜,这是我们知道的特殊性一直是厄专用谴责联体,所以谴责对Chitsonim著作与神奇的治疗使用。

[3 Bishop Lightfoot has shown that the Essene cures were magical (us pp. 91 &c. and p. 377).] At the same time, we are less bound to insist on these allusions as essential to our argument, since those, who have given another derivation than ours to the name Essenes, express themselves unable to find in ancient Jewish writings any trustworthy reference to the sect. [3主教娜莱表明,厄色尼人神奇治愈(我们第91&C和第377页)。]与此同时,我们不必然要对这些典故坚持我们的观点是必不可少的,因为这些,谁给予另一推导比我们爱色尼的名字,表达自己无法在古代犹太著作找到任何值得信赖的参考节。

On one point, at least, our inquiry into the three 'parties' can leave no doubt. 有一点,至少,我们进入了三个“当事人的询问可以离开毫无疑问的。The Essenes could never have been drawn either to the person, or the preaching of John the Baptist. 爱色尼决不可能被抽无论对人,或施洗约翰讲道。Similarly, the Sadducees would, after they knew its real character and goal, turn contemptuously from a movement which would awaken no sympathy in them, and could only become of interest when it threatened to endanger their class by awakening popular enthusiasm, and so rousing the suspicions of the Romans. 同样,撒都该人会后,他们知道它的真正性质和目标,又轻蔑地从运动将没有唤醒他们的同情,也只能成为利益受到威胁时,它危害了他们的阶级觉醒流行的热情,所以扶正祛邪的怀疑的罗马人。 To the Pharisees there were questions of dogmatic, ritual, and even national importance involved, which made the barest possibility of what John announced a question of supreme moment. 为了法利有教条式的,仪式,甚至涉及国家的重要性,这使了什么约翰宣布了最高限度的可能性问题,现在的问题。

And, although we judge that the report which the earliest Pharisaic hearers of John [a St. Matt.而且,虽然我们判断,该报告其中约翰[一个圣马特最早的Pharisaic听众。iii.三。7.] brought to Jerusalem, no doubt, detailed and accurate, and which led to the dispatch of the deputation, would entirely predispose them against the Baptist, yet it behooved them, as leaders of public opinion, to take such cognisance of it, as would not only finally determine their own relation to the movement, but enable them effectually to direct that of others also. 7]带到耶路撒冷,毫无疑问,详细和准确,这导致了该团体派遣,将完全易患他们对浸会,但它behooved作为民意领袖他们,采取的是这样的认定,因为不仅将最终确定其对运动本身的关系,而是直接让他们有效果的人也说。

From: Book 3, Chapter 2, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah来自:第三册,第2章, 生活和时代的耶稣弥赛亚
by: Alfred Edersheim由:阿尔弗雷德爱德生

Author Edersheim refers to MANY reference sources in his works.作者爱德生提到许多参考来源,他的作品。 As a Bibliography resource, we have created a separate Edersheim References list.作为一个书目资源,我们创建了一个单独的爱德生参考清单。 All of his bracketed references indicate the page numbers in the works referenced.他表示在括号内的所有引用引用作品的页码。


Pharisees法利赛人

Jewish Viewpoint Information犹太观信息

Party representing the religious views, practises, and hopes of the kernel of the Jewish people in the time of the Second Temple and in opposition to the priestly Sadducees.党的代表宗教观点,做法,以及在第二圣殿时间和反对犹太人的祭司撒都该内核的希望。They were accordingly scrupulous observers of the Law as interpreted by the Soferim, or Scribes, in accordance with tradition.他们相应的法律一丝不苟观察员由Soferim,或文士按照传统,解释。No true estimate of the character of the Pharisees can be obtained from the New Testament writings, which take a polemical attitude toward them (see New Testament), nor from Josephus, who, writing for Roman readers and in view of the Messianic expectations of the Pharisees, represents the latter as a philosophical sect.没有对法利赛人性格的真实估计可从新约圣经的著作,这对他们采取论战态度(见新约),也没有从约瑟夫,谁,为罗马读者写作和对弥赛亚的期望法利赛人,代表作为哲学教派后者。 "Perisha" (the singular of "Perishaya") denotes "one who separates himself," or keeps away from persons or things impure, in order to attain the degree of holiness and righteousness required in those who would commune with God (comp., for "Perishut" and "Perisha," Tan., Wayeẓe, ed. Buber, p. 21; Abot iii. 13; Soṭah ix. 15; Midr. Teh. xv. 1; Num. R. x. 23; Targ. Gen. xlix. 26). “Perisha”(即“Perishaya”单数)表示“一分开谁自己”,或者可以防止人或事物不纯而去,为了实现程度的圣洁和公义在那些谁需要公社将与神(comp.,对于“Perishut”和“Perisha,”谭Wayeẓe,编辑布伯,第21页;。Abot三13;Soṭah九15;。Midr第十五1;。序号R. X. 23;塔尔格。将军XLIX 26段)。

The Pharisees formed a league or brotherhood of their own ("ḥaburah"), admitting only those who, in the presence of three members, pledged themselves to the strict observance of Levitical purity, to the avoidance of closer association with the 'Am ha-Areẓ (the ignorant and careless boor), to the scrupulous payment of tithes and other imposts due to the priest, the Levite, and the poor, and to a conscientious regard for vows and for other people's property (Dem. ii. 3; Tosef., Dem. ii. 1).法利赛人形成了自己的联盟​​或兄弟(“ḥaburah”),承认与“我只有那些谁,在三名成员的存在,保证自己的利未纯度的严格遵守,以避免了更密切的联系公顷AREZ(无知和不小心莽汉),到什一税和其他imposts一丝不苟支付因祭司,利未人,穷人,并认真考虑了誓言和他人财物(民主二3; Tosef ,,DEM二1)。They called their members "ḥaberim" (brothers), while they passed under the name of "Perishaya," or "Perushim."他们呼吁其成员“ḥaberim”(兄弟),而他们的名义下,通过“Perishaya”或“Perushim。” Though originally identical with the Ḥasidim, they reserved the title of "ḥasid" for former generations ("ḥasidim ha-rishonim"; see Essenes), retaining, however, the name "Perishut" (='Αμιξία = "separation," in contradistinction to 'Επιμιξία = "intermingling") as their watch word from the time of the Maccabean contest (see II Macc. xiv. 37; comp. verse 3).虽然最初的Ḥasidim相同,它们保留了“ḥasid”为前代(“ḥasidim公顷rishonim”,见色尼)标题,保留,不过,名称为“Perishut”(='Αμιξία=“分离”,在对比以“Επιμιξία=”混杂“作为自己的手表字)从马加比比赛时间(见二排雷十四37;。比赛第3节)。 Yet, while the more rigorous ones withdrew from political life after the death of Judas Maccabeus, refused to recognize the Hasmonean high priests and kings as legitimate rulers of the Temple and of the state, and, as Essenes, formed a brotherhood of their own, the majority took a less antagonistic attitude toward the Maccabean dynasty, who, like Phinehas, their "father," had obtained their title by zeal for God (I Macc. ii. 54); and they finally succeeded in infusing their own views and principles into the political and religious life of the people.然而,尽管从更严格的政治生活中退出后,犹大Maccabeus死亡,拒绝承认为合法统治者寺和国家的哈斯蒙尼大祭司和国王,并为爱色尼,形成了自己的兄弟,大多数人采取了对马加比王朝,谁像非尼哈,他们的“父亲”,曾获得热情的神(我排雷二54。)他们的头衔少对立的态度,而他们终于在注入了自己的看法和原则成功到了人民的政治和宗教生活。

Principle of Democracy.民主原则。

It was, however, only after a long and protracted struggle with the Sadducees that they won their lasting triumph in the interpretation and execution of the Law.这是,但是,只有在与撒都该人,他们赢得了法律解释和执行其长期和持久的长期斗争的胜利。The Sadducees, jealously guarding the privileges and prerogatives established since the days of Solomon, when Zadok, their ancestor, officiated as priest, insisted upon the literal observance of the Law; the Pharisees, on the other hand, claimed prophetic or Mosaic authority for their interpretation (Ber. 48b; Shab. 14b; Yoma 80a; Yeb. 16a; Nazir 53a; Ḥul. 137b; et al.), at the same time asserting the principles of religious democracy and progress.撒,独守的特权和特权,因为所罗门,当撒督,他们的祖先,作为牧师主礼,而在该法从字面上遵守坚持既定的日子;另一方面法利赛人,声称预言或马赛克的机关释义(Ber. 48B条;沙巴14B条。山脉80A条; Yeb 16A条。纳齐尔53A条。讫137B条;等。),同时宣称宗教民主和进步的原则时间。With reference to Ex.关于前。 xix.十九。6, they maintained that "God gave all the people the heritage, the kingdom, the priesthood, and the holiness" (II Macc. ii. 17, Greek). 6,他们认为,“上帝给了全体人民的遗产,英国,神职人员,以及成圣”(二排雷。二。17日,希腊文)。As a matter of fact, the idea of the priestly sanctity of the whole people of Israel in many directions found its expression in the Mosaic law; as, for instance, when the precepts concerning unclean meat, intended originally for the priests only (Ezek. xliv. 31; comp. verse 14 and Judges xiii. 4), were extended to the whole people (Lev. xi.; Deut. xiv. 3-21); or when the prohibition of cutting the flesh in mourning for the dead was extended to all the people as "a holy nation" (Deut. xiv. 1-2; Lev. xix. 28; comp. Lev. xxi. 5); or when the Law itself was transferred from the sphere of the priesthood to every man in Israel (Ex. xix. 29-24; Deut. vi. 7, xi. 19; comp. xxxi. 9; Jer. ii. 8, xviii. 18).作为事实上,在以色列的许多指示全民祭司神圣的想法找到了表达的镶嵌法,因为,例如,当有关戒律不洁肉类,供祭司的最初(结四十四31;。。。比赛韵文14和法官十三4),扩展到整个人(利未记十一。申命记十四3-21)。。或切割时,为死者哀悼的肉被禁止扩展到所有的人是“一个神圣的民族”(申命记十四1-2;。。列弗十九28;。。。比赛列弗二十一5。);或当法律本身就是从祭司领域转移到每一个男子在以色列(出十九29-24;。。。申六,七,十一19;。可比三十一9;。。。。耶二8,十八18。)。

The very institution of the synagogue for common worship and instruction was a Pharisaic declaration of the principle that the Torah is "the inheritance of the congregation of Jacob" (Deut. xxxiii. 3, Hebr.).该指令为共同的崇拜和犹太教堂是一个非常机构pharisaic的原则声明,诵读经文是“雅各的众继承”(申命记三十三。三,黑布尔。)。 In establishing schools and synagogues everywhere and enjoining each father to see that his son was instructed in the Law (Yer. Ket. vii. 32c; Ḳid. 29a; Sifre, Deut. 46), the Pharisees made the Torah a power for the education of the Jewish people all over the world, a power whose influence, in fact, was felt even outside of the Jewish race (see R.Meïr in Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 13; Matt. xxiii. 15; comp. Gen. R. xxviii.; Jellinek, "BH" vi., p. xlvi.).在世界各地建立学校和犹太教堂,并责令各父亲看到儿子被指示在法律(。Yer.酮七32C条。孩子的第29A条。。Sifre,申46),法利赛人所作的律法,为教育的权力对世界各地的犹太人民,权力的影响,事实上,有人认为,即使对犹太人种族(见R.在sifra,aḥare摩托罗拉,13梅尔外面。马特二十三15;。可比将军河。二十八。。耶利内克,“波黑”六,第四十六)。。 The same sanctity that the priests in the Temple claimed for their meals, at which they gathered with the recitation of benedictions (I Sam. ix. 13) and after ablutions (see Ablution), the Pharisees established for their meals, which were partaken of in holy assemblies after purifications and amidst benedictions (Geiger, "Urschrift," pp. 121-124).同样的神圣性,在圣殿祭司声称他们的吃饭,在他们的祝福与背诵聚集(我心。九。13),后浴室(见沐浴),为他们的吃饭,这是partaken的建立法利在经过纯化及(盖格,“Urschrift,”页121-124)中神圣的集会祝福。 Especially were the Sabbath and holy days made the means of sanctification (see Ḳiddush), and, as at the sacrifices, wine was used in honor of the day.尤其是安息日和圣日由成圣的手段(见Ḳiddush),并于牺牲,葡萄酒,按每天使用的荣誉。A true Pharisee observed the same degree of purity in his daily meals as did the priest in the Temple (Tosef., Dem. ii. 2; so did Abraham, according to BM 87a), wherefore it was necessary that he should avoid contact with the 'am ha-areẓ (Ḥag. ii. 7).一个真正的法利赛人观察他的日常膳食相同程度的纯度一样祭司在圣殿(Tosef.,数字高程模型二2。。所以没有亚伯拉罕,根据骨髓87A条),因此它是必要的,他应该避免接触在'我公顷AREZ上空(ḥag.二。7)。

From Temple practise were adopted the mode of slaughtering (Sifre, Deut. 75; Ḥul. 28a) and the rules concerning "ta'arubot" (the mingling of different kinds of food; comp. Hag. ii. 12; Zeb. viii.; Ḥul. viii. 1) and the "shi'urim" (the quantities constituting a prohibition of the Law; Yoma 80a).从实践中获得通过寺的屠宰方式(Sifre,申命记75;。。讫28A条)及本条例有关“ta'arubot”(即不同种类的食物混合。。比赛黑格二12;。瑞伯八。。 ;讫八1)和“shi'urim”(数量构成法律禁止。。山脉80A条)。Though derived from Deut.虽然来自申命记。vi.六。7 (comp. Josephus, "Ant." iv. 8, § 3), the daily recital of the "Shema'," as well as the other parts of the divine service, is a Pharisaic institution, the Pharisees having established their ḥaburah, or league, in each city to conduct the service (Ber. iv. 7; comp. "Ant." xviii. 2, § 3; Geiger, "Urschrift," p. 379).7(可比约瑟夫,“蚂蚁。”四。八,§ 3),日常演奏“架构”,以及作为神圣的服务的其他部分,是一个pharisaic机构,已建立了ḥaburah法利或联盟,在每个城市进行服务(Ber.四,七。。。比赛“。蚂蚁”十八2,§ 3;盖格,“Urschrift,”第379条)。The tefillin, or Phylacteries, as a symbolical consecration of head and arm, appear to be a counterpart of the high priest's diadem and breastplate; so with the Mezuzah as a symbolical consecration of the home, though both were derived from Scripture (Deut. vi. 8-9, xi. 18-19; Sanh. x. [xi.] 3), the original talismanic character having been forgotten (comp. Ex. xii. 13; Isa. lvii. 8).The tefillin,或圣物作为象征性的头部和手臂奉献,看来是一个大祭司的王冠和胸甲对口,所以与Mezuzah作为一个具有象征意义的家奉献,虽然它们都源于经文(申命记六。8-9,十一18-19;。。葬身十[。十一] 3),原来的字已被遗忘的护符(comp.前十二13;。。赛第五十七号8)。。。

In the Temple Service.在寺庙服务。

In the Temple itself the Pharisees obtained a hold at an early date, when they introduced the regular daily prayers besides the sacrifice (Tamid v. 1) and the institution of the "Ma'amadot" (the representatives of the people during the sacrifices).在寺庙本身的法利索取早日举行,当他们推出了,除了牺牲(Tamid五1)和“Ma'amadot”机构(在牺牲人民的代表)每天定时祷告。 Moreover, they declared that the priests were but deputies of the people.此外,他们还宣称,祭司,但人民的代表。On the great Day of Atonement the high priest was told by the elders that he was but a messenger of the Sanhedrin and must officiate, therefore, in conformity with their (the Pharisees') rulings (Yoma i. 5; comp. Josephus, "Ant." xviii. 1, § 4).在赎罪大日大祭司被告知,由长老,他只不过是一个公会的使者,必须主持,因此在与他们(法利')裁决的一致性,(山脉一5;。可比约瑟夫,“蚂蚁。“十八。1,§ 4)。While the Sadducean priesthood regarded the Temple as its domain and took it to be the privilege of the high priest to offer the daily burnt offering from his own treasury, the Pharisees demanded that it be furnished from the Temple treasury, which contained the contributions of the people (Sifra, Ẓaw, 17; Emor, 18).而sadducean神职人员视为其域寺,并把它成为高神父提供每日从自己的库房燔祭特权,法利赛人要求将其从庙国库,其中载有装饰的贡献人(Sifra,梭,17人; Emor,18)。Similarly, the Pharisees insisted that the meal-offering which accompanied the meat-offering should be brought to the altar, while the Sadducees claimed it for themselves (Meg. Ta'an. viii.).同样,法利坚持认为,膳食祭,伴随着肉祭应提请祭坛,而撒都该人声称自己身上(Meg. Ta'an。八。)。Trivial as these differences appear, they are survivals of great issues.微不足道的,因为这些差异出现,它们是大问题残余。Thus the high priests, who, as may be learned from the words of Simon the Just (Lev. R. xxi., close; comp. Ber. 7a; Yoma v. 1, 19b), claimed to see an apparition of the Shekinah when entering the Holy of Holies, kindled the incense in their censers outside and thus were enveloped in the cloud when entering, in order that God might appear in the cloud upon the mercy-seat (Lev. xvi. 2).因此,大祭司,谁,可从西门刚刚学会的话(利未记传译二十一,关闭。比赛第7A误码率。。山脉诉1,19B条),声称看​​到一个幽灵的Shekinah在进入至圣圣,点燃香在香炉外,并因此被笼罩在云中,以便在进入神后可能出现的施恩座(利未记十六。二)云。 The Pharisees, discountenancing such claims, insisted that the incense must be kindled by the high priest within the Holy of Holies (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 3; Tosef., Yoma i. 8; Yoma 19b; Yer. Yoma i. 39a).法利,discountenancing这种说法,坚持认为必须点燃香火之内由至圣所的大祭司(sifra,aḥare摩托罗拉,3;。Tosef,山脉一8;山脉19B条。也门里亚尔山脉一39A条)。

On the other hand, the Pharisees introduced rites in the Temple which originated in popular custom and were without foundation in the Law.另一方面,法利介绍了寺起源于流行的习俗,没有在法律的基础是礼仪。Such was the water-procession of the people, on the night of Sukkot, from the Pool of Siloam, ending with the libation of water in the morning and the final beating of the willow-trees upon the altar at the close of the feast.这样的水,游行的人,在住棚节的夜晚,从西罗亚池,在上午奠水和柳树树在坛的最后殴打的盛宴结束为止。The rite was a symbolic prayer for the year's rain (comp. Zach. xiv. 16-18; Isa. xiii. 3, xxx. 29; Tosef., Suk. iii. 18); and while the Ḥasidim took a prominent part in the outbursts of popular rejoicing to which it gave rise, the Sadducean priesthood was all the more averse to it (Suk. iv. 9-v. 4; 43b, 48b; Tosef., Suk. iii.).该仪式是为今年的雨象征祈祷(可比扎克十四16-18;。。。。赛第十三三,三十29;。。Tosef,锡三18。。),虽然采取了突出的Ḥasidim参与欣喜的爆发流行它所产生了,所有的Sadducean铎更厌恶它(淑四9 - V的4。。43B条,48B条; Tosef,锡三。。。)。In all these practises the Pharisees obtained the ascendency over the Sadducees, claiming to be in possession of the tradition of the fathers ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 6; 16, § 2; xviii. 1, §§ 3-4; Yoma 19b).在所有这些做法法利撒都该人取得了支配地位,自称是在传统的父亲(“蚂蚁。”十三占有10​​,§ 6。16,§ 2。十八1,§ § 3-4 ;山脉19B条)。

A Party of Progress.一个进步党。

Yet the Pharisees represented also the principle of progress; they were less rigid in the execution of justice ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 6), and the day when the stern Sadducean code was abolished was made a festival (Meg. Ta'an. iv.).然而,法利代表也进步的原则;他们在司法执行不严格,与在该船尾Sadducean代码被取消了言一节(Meg.大天(“蚂蚁。”十三10,§ 6。) '一。四。)。While the Sadducees in adhering to the letter of the law required "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth," the Pharisees, with the exception of Eliezer b.虽然坚持要求“以眼还眼,以牙还牙”的法利赛人的法律条文与埃利泽例外,撒都该湾Hyrcanus, the Shammaite, interpreted this maxim to mean due compensation with money (Mek., Mishpaṭim, 8; B. Ḳ. 84b; comp. Matt. v. 38).按蚊的Shammaite,这句格言的意思解释,由于金钱赔偿(Mek.,Mishpaṭim,8;乙ḳ计画:。。比赛马特诉38。)。 The principle of retaliation, however, was applied consistently by the Sadducees in regard to false witnesses in cases involving capital punishment; but the Pharisees were less fair.被报复的原则,但是,贯彻地采用撒都该人关于涉及死刑的案件中虚假的证人,但法利赛人少公平。The former referred the law "Thou shalt do unto him as he had intended unto his brother" (Deut. xix. 19, Hebr.) only to a case in which the one falsely accused had been actually executed; whereas the Pharisees desired the death penalty inflicted upon the false witness for the intention to secure the death of the accused by means of false testimony (Sifre, Deut. 190; Mark i. 6; Tosef., Sanh. vi. 6; against the absurd theory, in Mak. 5b, that in case the accused has been executed the false witness is exempt from the death penalty, see Geiger, lcp 140).前者指法律“你也要照样厚待他,因为他本来打算给兄弟”只有一宗个案,其中一诬称已实际执行(申命记十九19,黑布尔。。),而法利所期望的死亡刑罚造成的意向后,作假见证,以确保由虚假证词(Sifre,申190指被告人死亡。马克一6;。Tosef,葬身六6;。。反对荒谬的理论,在麦。 5b中,即在案件的被告人已被执行死刑的虚假证人从死刑豁免,看到盖格,LCP的140)。But in general the Pharisees surrounded the penal laws, especially the death penalty, with so many qualifications that they were rarely executed (see Sanh. iv. 1, vi. 1; Mak. i. 10; see Capital Punishment; Hatra'ah).但总的来说,法利包围了刑法,有这么多的资格,特别是死刑,他们很少被处决​​(见葬身四一,六一。。。麦一,10岁。看到死刑; Hatra'ah) 。

The laws concerning virginity and the levirate (Deut. xxii. 17, xxv. 9) also were interpreted by the Pharisees in accordance with the dictates of decency and common sense, while the Sadducees adhered strictly to the letter (Sifre, Deut. 237, 291; Yeb. 106b; instead of "Eliezer b. Jacob" [as siding with the Sadducees] probably "Eliezer ben Hyrcanus" should be read).有关的法律贞操和娶寡嫂(申命记二十二。17日,二十五。9)也被解释为,根据法利的礼仪和常识,而撒都该严格遵守的信(Sifre,申命记。237 291; Yeb 106B章。而不是“埃利泽乙雅各布”[如同撒都该人偏袒]可能“埃利泽贲按蚊”应读)。The difference concerning the right of inheritance by the daughter as against the son's daughter,which the Sadducees granted and the Pharisees denied (Yad. iv. 7; Meg. Ta'an. v.; Tosef., Yad. ii. 20; Yer. BB vii. 16a), seems to rest on differing practises among the various classes of people; the same is true with regard to the difference as to the master's responsibility for damage done by a slave or a beast (Yad. iv. 7; B. Ḳ. viii. 4; but see Geiger, lc pp. 143-144).所不同的方面作为对儿子的女儿,而撒都该人授予和法利赛人拒绝(Yad.四继承权的女儿7。。梅格Ta'an诉。Tosef,亚得二20。。。也门里亚尔。。BB心跳七16A条),似乎休息就不同人之间的各阶级的做法;同样是关于真实的差异,以主人的奴隶或由兽(Yad.四所造成的损害的责任7。湾K表八4;。。但看到盖格,信用证页143-144)。

Sabbaths and Festivals.安息日和节日。

Of decisive influence, however, were the great changes wrought by the Pharisees in the Sabbath and holy days, inasmuch as they succeeded in lending to these days a note of cheerfulness and domestic joy, while the Sadducees viewed them more or less as Temple festivals, and as imposing a tone of austerity upon the common people and the home.具有决定性的影响,但是,由在安息日和圣日法利赛人所造成的巨大变化,因为他们在贷款给这些天的快乐和喜悦注意国内成功,而撒都该人认为他们更多或更少的庙会,作为施加的紧缩后,普通百姓和家庭的基调。 To begin with the Day of Atonement, the Pharisees wrested the power of atoning for the sins of the people from the high priest (see Lev. xvi. 30) and transferred it to the day itself, so that atonement was effected even without sacrifice and priest, provided there was genuine repentance (Yoma viii. 9; Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 8).开始与赎罪日,夺取了从大祭司人民的罪作了挽回权力法利(见列弗。十六。30),转移到这一天本身,使赎罪是没有牺牲,甚至影响和牧师,只要有真正的忏悔(山脉八9;。sifra,aḥare摩托罗拉,8)。 So, too, the New Moon of the seventh month was transformed by them from a day of trumpet-blowing into a New-Year's Day devoted to the grand ideas of divine government and judgment (see New-Year).因此,太,新的月球第七月被他们从一个小号,专门为政府和神圣的宏伟构想判断的一种新型元旦吹天(见新年)。 On the eve of Passover the lessons of the Exodus story, recited over the wine and the maẓẓah, are given greater prominence than the paschal lamb (Pes. x.; See Haggadah [Shel Pesaḥ]).在逾越节前夕,出埃及记故事的教训,背诵过的酒和maẓẓah,给予比更加突出的逾越节羔羊(Pes.十,见哈加达[谢尔Pesaḥ])。 The Biblical command enjoining a pilgrimage to the Temple in the festival season is fulfilled by going to greet the teacher and listen to his instruction on a festal day, as in former days people went to see the prophet (Suk. 27b, after II Kings iv. 23; Beẓah 15; Shab. 152a; Sifra to Lev. xxiii. 44).圣经中的命令吩咐在节日季节朝圣寺是由老师去迎接,并听取他的指示,一个喜庆的节日在人们的前几天,履行去见先知(淑27B条,第四二国王后。23;Beẓah15;沙巴152A条。Sifra到列弗二十三44)。。。

But the most significant change was that which the Feast of Weeks underwent in its transformation from a Feast of Firstlings into a Feast of the Giving of the Law (Mek., Yitro, Baḥodesh, 3; Ex. R. xxxi.; see Jubilees, Book of).但最重要的变化是其中七七接受其从生的盛宴转变为对法(Mek.,Yitro,Baḥodesh,3给予盛宴。惠河三十一。看到五十年节,书)。 The Boethusians, as the heirs of the Sadducees, still retained a trace of the agricultural character of the feast in adhering to the letter of the law which places the offering of the 'omer (sheaf of the wave-offering) on the morrow after the Sabbath and the Shabu'ot feast on the morrow after the seventh Sabbath following (Lev. xxiii. 15-16); whereas the Pharisees, in order to connect the Shabu'ot feast with Passover and lend it an independent historical character, boldly interpreted the words "the morrow after Sabbath" as signifying "the day following the first Passover day," so that Shabu'ot always falls upon the close of the first week of Siwan (Meg. Ta'an. i.; Men. 65a, b; Shab. 88a).该Boethusians,作为撒都该人的继承人,仍保留了一丝的盛宴农艺性状在坚持法律的哪些地方后的'次日奥马尔(波祭捆)提供的信安息日和对明天在第七安息日Shabu'ot盛宴以下(利未记二十三15-16。),而法利,以连接与节日逾越节Shabu'ot借给一个独立的历史人物,大胆诠释改为“次日,安息日”作为象征“天逾越节后的第一天”,让Shabu'ot总是后,第一周的四碗(Meg. Ta'an密切属于一;。男人65A条。 B组;沙巴88A条)。。

Especially significant are the Pharisaic innovations in connection with the Sabbath.特别重要的是与安息日连接的Pharisaic创新。One of them is the special duty imposed upon the mistress of the home to have the light kindled before Sabbath (Shab. ii. 7), whereas the Samaritans and Karaites, who were in many ways followers of Sadducean teachings, saw in the prohibition against kindling fire on Sabbath (Ex. xxxv. 3) a prohibition also against light in the home on Sabbath eve.其中之一是特别职务后,这位家庭主妇的规定,以收到安息日点燃光(Shab.二。七),而撒玛利亚会和卡拉,谁在许多方面Sadducean教义追随者,在禁止锯关于火点燃安息日(出三十五。三)对轻禁止在安息日前夕首页上也。 The Samaritans and Karaites likewise observed literally the prohibition against leaving one place on Sabbath (Ex. xvi. 29), while the Pharisees included the whole width of the Israelitish camp-that is, 2,000 ells, or a radius of one mile-in the term "place," and made allowance besides for carrying things (which is otherwise forbidden; see Jer. xvii. 21-24) and for extending the Sabbath limit by means of an artificial union of spheres of settlement (see 'Erub; Sabbath).撒玛利亚会和卡拉同样地从字面上对留在一个地方禁止安息日(出十六。29),而法利包括整个宽度的israelitish阵营,也就是2000尺进,或一个半径一英里,在长期的“场所”,并提出除了把东西津贴(否则是禁见耶十七21-24。。),并通过一个扩展的解决领域(见'Erub;安息日)人工工会指安息日限制。 Their object was to render the Sabbath "a delight" (Isa. lviii. 13), a day of social and spiritual joy and elevation rather than a day of gloom.其目的是为了使安息日“的喜悦”(以赛亚lviii。13),社会和精神上的喜悦和高程,而不是每天的阴霾。The old Ḥasidim, who probably lived together in large settlements, could easily treat these as one large house (see Geiger, "Jüd. Zeit." ii. 24-27).旧的ḥasidim,谁可能住在大的定居点一起,可以很容易地把这些作为一个大房子(见盖格,“士。时代。”二。24-27)。 Yet while they excluded the women from their festal gatherings, the Pharisees, their successors, transformed the Sabbath and festivals into seasons of domestic joy, bringing into increasing recognition the importance and dignity of woman as the builder and guardian of the home (comp. Niddah 38a, b; and Book of Jubilees, i. 8, with Ezra's injunction; B. Ḳ. 82a).然而,尽管他们排除了妇女从他们的节日聚会转变,法利赛人,他们的继任者,把国内安息日和节日的欢乐季节,越来越认识到的重要性和作为建设者和民政(可比Niddah监护人女人带来尊严38A条,乙,以及书jubilees岛8,Ezra的禁令;乙ḳ82A条)。。

In regard to the laws of Levitical purity, which, in common with primitive custom, excluded woman periodically, and for weeks and months after child-birth, from the household (Lev. xii. 4-7, xv. 19-24), to which laws the ancient Ḥasidim adhered with austere rigor (Shab. 64b; Horowitz, "Uralte Toseftas," iv.-v.; "Pitḥe Niddah," pp. 54-56; Geiger, lc ii. 27-28), the Pharisees took the common-sense course of encouraging the wife, despite the letter of the Law, to take her usual place in the home and appear in her wonted dignity before her husband and children (Ket. 61a; Shab. 64b).在关于levitical纯洁性,其中,在常见的原始习俗,妇女排除在外,定期和几个星期后儿童出生后从家庭,法律(利未记十二。4-7,十五。19-24)到哪些法律古代ḥasidim严峻的严谨与坚持(Shab. 64B条,霍洛维茨,“Uralte Toseftas,”iv.-v.,“PitḥeNiddah,”页54-56;盖革,立法会二27-28。)时,法利采取了鼓励妻子常识性的过程中,尽管法律条文,采取她平常在家里的地方,出现在她之前,她的丈夫和孩子惯例的尊严(Ket. 61A条;沙巴64B条。)。So, too, it was with the Pharisaic leader Simeon b.因此,也有人用的Pharisaic领导人西麦乙Shetaḥ, who, in the reign of Queen Salome Alexandra, introduced the marriage document (Ketubah) in order to protect the wife against the caprice of the husband; and while the Shammaites would not allow the wife to be divorced unless she gave cause for suspicion of adultery (Sifre, 269; Giṭ. ix. 10, 90b; comp. Matt. v. 32), the Hillelites, and especially Akiba, in being more lenient in matters of divorce, had in view the welfare and peace of the home, which should be based upon affection (see Friedmann, "Pseudo-Seder Eliyahu Zuṭa," xv. 3). Shetaḥ,谁,在莎乐美亚历山德拉女王统治时期,婚姻介绍文件(Ketubah)为了防止丈夫的反复无常的妻子,而Shammaites不会让妻子要离婚,除非她给了怀疑的原因通奸(Sifre,269。Git的九10,90B型;。。。比赛马特诉32),该hillelites,特别是秋叶,在更加宽松的离婚问题,有鉴于社会福利和家庭和睦,而应该以感情为基础(见弗里德曼,“伪塞德埃利亚胡足踏,”十五。3)。 Many measures were taken by the Pharisees to prevent arbitrary acts on the part of the husband (Giṭ. iv. 2-3 et al.).采取了许多措施,以防止由法利对丈夫的一部分任意行为(Giṭ.四。2-3等。)。Possibly in order to accentuate the legal character of the divorce they insisted, against Sadducean custom, on inserting in the document the words "according to the law of Moses and of Israel" (Yad. iv. 8; but comp. Meg. Ta'an. vii.).可能是为了加剧的离婚,他们坚持,对Sadducean习俗在文件上插入,法律性质改为“根据摩西和以色列的法律”(Yad.四8;。。。但是比赛梅格助教一。七。)。 It was on account of such consideration for the welfare of the home that they stood in high favor with the Jewish women ("Ant." xvii. 2, § 4).正是基于这样的考虑占了家庭福利,站在他们的青睐与犹太妇女(“蚂蚁”。十七。2,§ 4)。 They discountenanced also the Sadducean custom of special purifications for the officiating priest (Parah iii. 7; Tosef., ii. 1), and laid more stress upon the purification of the Temple vessels and upon the holiness of the Scripture scrolls, which, according to them, transmitted their holiness to the hands which touched them so as to make them "defile" (ie, make "taboo") the things touched by them (Yad. iv. 6; Tosef., ii. 20; Tosef., Ḥag. iii. 35; see Geiger, "Urschrift," pp. 134-136).他们discountenanced也是主牧师的特殊净化Sadducean定制(Parah三7;。Tosef,二1。。),按在该庙的船只,并呼吁净化的经文卷轴,其中,根据圣洁更多的压力对他们来说,传播他们的圣洁而触及到他们的手中,使他们“玷污”(即,使“禁忌”),他们感动的事情(Yad.四6;。Tosef,二20;。。Tosef。 。女巫三35;。看到盖格,“Urschrift,”页134-136)。

Aristocracy of the Learned.贵族的教训。

Most of these controversies, recorded from thetime previous to the destruction of the Temple, are but faint echoes of the greater issues between the Pharisaic and Sadducean parties, the latter representing the interests of the Temple, while the former were concerned that the spiritual life of the people should be centered in the Torah and the Synagogue.从thetime记录前,以摧毁庙宇这些争议,但大多数的Pharisaic之间和Sadducean当事人,后者代表了庙的利益,更大的问题隐隐呼应,而前者关注到精神生活人民应该集中在圣经和犹太教堂。 While the Sadducean priesthood prided itself upon its aristocracy of blood (Sanh. iv. 2; Mid. v. 4; Ket. 25a; Josephus, "Contra Ap." i., § 7), the Pharisees created an aristocracy of learning instead, declaring a bastard who is a student of the Law to be higher in rank than an ignorant high priest (Hor. 13a), and glorying in the fact that their most prominent leaders were descendants of proselytes (Yoma 71b; Sanh. 96b).而引以为豪的Sadducean铎贵族的血液后,其本身(Sanh.四第2。中秋节诉4。氯胺酮25A条。约瑟夫“。魂斗罗鸭”一,§ 7),法利赛创造了一个学习,而不是贵族,宣布私生子谁是法律学生在一个无知的排名高于大祭司(Hor. 13A条),并在事实上自夸其最突出的领导人都的proselytes后裔(山脉71B条。葬身96B条)。For the decision of their Scribes, or "Soferim" (Josephus, σοπισταί; NT, γραμματεἴς), consisting originally of Aaronites, Levites, and common Israelites, they claimed the same authority as for the Biblical law, even in case of error (Sifre, Deut. 153-154); they endowed them with the power to abrogate the Law at times (see Abrogation of Laws), and they went so far as to say that he who transgressed their words deserved death (Ber. 4a).对于他们的文士的决定,或“Soferim”(约瑟夫,σοπισταί;新台币,γραμματεἴς)由最初的Aaronites,利,共同以色列人,他们声称,即使在错误情况下,对于圣经的法律同样的权力,(Sifre申命记28:4 153-154);。赋予他们的权力,废除有时法律(见法律废除)他们,他们竟然说,他谁违背他们的话值得死亡(Ber. 4A条)。By dint of this authority, claimed to be divine (RH 25a), they put the entire calendric system upon a new basis, independent of the priesthood.通过这种权威力,自称是神(铑25A条),戴在一个新的基础上整个历法体系,独立的神职人员。They took many burdens from the people by claiming for the sage, or scribe, the power of dissolving vows (Ḥag. i. 8; Tosef., i.).他们从人民通过为圣人,或文士声称许多负担,解散权力誓言(Ḥag.岛8; Tosef岛。)。On the whole, however, they added new restrictions to the Biblical law in order to keep the people at a safe distance from forbidden ground; as they termed it, "they made a fence around the Law" (Ab. i. 1; Ab. RN i.-xi.), interpreting the words "Ye shall watch my watch" (Lev. xviii. 30, Hebr.) to mean "Ye shall place a guard around my guard" (Yeb. 21a).总体上,然而,他们增加了新的限制,以圣经的法律,以保持在安全距离,从禁地的人,正如他们被称为是,“他们围绕法律的篱笆”(ab.一1;抗体。护士i.-xi.),解释的话:“你们看我的手表”(利未记十八。30,黑布尔。)是指“叶应放置在我毫无根据”(Yeb. 21A条)。Thus they forbade the people to drink wine or eat with the heathen, in order to prevent associations which might lead either to intermarriage or to idolatry (Shab. 17b).因此,他们禁止人们喝葡萄酒或吃的异教徒,为了防止可能导致协会要么通婚或偶像崇拜(Shab. 17B条)。To the forbidden marriages of the Mosaic law relating to incest (Lev. xviii.-xx.) they added a number of others (Yeb. ii. 4).到有关乱伦的镶嵌法(利未记xviii. -第xx。)禁止结婚的,他们加入了其他​​一些(Yeb.二。4)。 After they had determined the kinds of work prohibited on the Sabbath they forbade the use of many things on the Sabbath on the ground that their use might lead to some prohibited labor (see Sabbath).之后,他们已经确定了工作的各种禁止在安息日,他们不准在安息日对许多事情都在地面上使用它们的使用可能会导致一些禁止的劳动(见安息日)。 It was here that the foundation was laid of that system of rabbinic law which piled statute upon statute until often the real purpose of the Law was lost sight of (see Nomism).正是在这里,该基金会的那拉比法律法规体系,根据章程规定堆放,直到往往是法律的真正目的是失去了(见Nomism)视线。 But such restrictions are not confined to ritual laws.但是,这种限制不仅限于法律的仪式。Also in regard to moral laws there are such additional prohibitions, as, for instance, the prohibition against what is called "the dust of slanderous speech" (Yer. Peah i. 16a) or "the dust of usury" (BM 61b), or against unfair dealings, such as gambling, or keeping animals that feed on property of the neighbors (Tosef., B. Ḳ. vii. 8; Tosef., Sanh. v. 2, 5; Sanh. 25b, 26b).另外,在道德方面的法律有这种额外的禁令,因为,例如,对什么是所谓的“灰尘的诽谤言论”(Yer. Peah一16A条)或“高利贷尘”(骨髓61B条)禁止,或反对不公平的交易,例如赌博,或饲养动物,关于财产的邻居饲料(Tosef.湾K表七8;。。。Tosef,葬身诉二,五;。葬身第25B,26B条。)。

Doctrines of the Pharisees.学说的法利。

The aim and object of the Law, according to Pharisaic principles, are the training of man to a full realization of his responsibility to God and to the consecration of life by the performance of its manifold duties: the one is called "'ol malkut shamayim" (the yoke of God's Kingship) and the other "'ol hamiẓwot" (the yoke of His commandments).宗旨和法律的对象,根据pharisaic的原则,是人类对他的充分实现上帝的责任和对生活的多方面的职责,其表现的奉献培训:一个被称为“'醇malkut shamayim “(上帝的王权枷锁)和其他”'醇hamiẓwot“(他的诫命轭)。Every morning and evening the Jew takes both upon himself when reciting the "Shema'" (Ber. ii. 2).每天早晨和傍晚的犹太人发生后,自己既当念“架构”(Ber.二。2)。"The Torah preaches: Take upon yourselves the yoke of God's Kingdom; let the fear of God be your judge and arbiter, and deal with one another according to the dictates of love" (Sifre, Deut. 323). “律法鼓吹:承担起自己的上帝的王国枷锁,让上帝的恐惧与彼此根据你的爱驱使法官和仲裁者,并处理”(Sifre,申323。)。So says Josephus: "For the Jewish lawgiver all virtues are parts of religion" ("Contra Ap." ii., §§ 17, 19; comp. Philo, "De Opificio Mundi," §§ 52, 55).因此,约瑟夫说:“对于这个犹太立法者所有的美德是宗教部分”(“魂斗罗鸭。”二,§ § 17,19;比赛斐洛,“德Opificio曼迪,”§ § 52,55。。)。Cain and the generation of the Flood sinned in that they denied that there are a Judgment and a Judge and a future of retribution (Targ. Yer. to Gen. iv. 8; Gen. R. xxvi.).该隐和代罪的洪水中,他们否认有和法官的判断和未来的报应(targ.层到第四将军8。。。将军河XXVI)号决议。 The acceptance of God's Kingship implies acceptance of His commandments also, both such as are dictated by reason and the human conscience and such as are special decrees of God as Ruler (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 13).上帝的王权意味着我们也接受他的诫命,无论是出于这样的原因和人类良知,如神的特别法令是为统治者(sifra,aḥare摩托罗拉,13)。 It means a perfect heart that fears the very thought of sin (Sifra, Ḳedoshim, 2); the avoidance of sin from love of God (ib. 11); the fulfilment of His commandments without expectation of reward ('Ab. Zarah 19a); the avoidance of any impure thought or any act that may lead to sin (ib. 20b, with reference to Deut. xxiii. 10).这意味着一个完美的心,非常担心罪思想(Sifra,Ḳedoshim,2);从神的爱(同上11)罪回避;在他的命令没有期望报酬(。'抗体Zarah 19A条)的实现;任何不纯的思想或任何行动,避免可能导致罪恶(。参考申ib.二20B条,二十三10。)。The acceptance of God's Kingship implies also recognition of His just dealing with man, and a thankful attitude, even in misfortune (Sifre, Deut. 32, 53; Sifra, Shemini, 1; Mek., Yitro, 10; Ber. ix. 5, 60b).上帝的王权意味着我们也是他刚处理的人,是感谢的态度承认,即使在不幸(Sifre,申32,53;。Sifra,Shemini,1。丁酮,Yitro,10;。苏贝九5。 ,第60B)。God's Kingship, first proclaimed by Abraham (Sifre, Deut. 313) and accepted by Israel (Mek., Yitro, Baḥodesh, 2-3), shall be universally recognized in the future.神的王权,首先宣布由亚伯拉罕(Sifre,申命记。313)和以色列(Mek.,Yitro,Baḥodesh,2-3)接受,应在未来得到普遍认可。

The Future Life.未来的生活。

This is the Messianic hope of the Pharisees, voiced in all parts of the synagogal liturgy; but it meant also the cessation of the kingdom of the worldly powers identified with idolatry and injustice (Mek., 'Amalek).这是在各地的synagogal礼仪表达了法利,救世主的希望,但它也意味着对与偶像崇拜和不公正所确定的世俗权力王国(Mek.,'亚玛力)停止。 In fact, for the ancient Ḥasidim, God's Kingship excluded that of any other ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 6).事实上,在古代ḥasidim,上帝的王权排除任何其他(“蚂蚁”。十八。1,§ 6)。The Pharisees, who yielded to the temporary powers and enjoined the people to pray for the government (Abot iii. 2), waited nevertheless for the Kingdom of God, consoling themselves in the meantime with the spiritual freedom granted by the study of the Law (Abot vi. 2).法利赛人,谁屈服于临时权力并责成人民祈求政府(abot三。2),等待但为神的王国,在此期间与安慰的研究法赋予的精神自由本身( abot六。2)。"He who takes upon himself the yoke of the Torah, the yoke of the worldly kingdom and of worldly care, will be removed from him" (Abot iii. 5). “谁把自己身上的律法,对世俗的王国和世俗关怀的枷锁,从他身上的枷锁将被删除”(abot三。5)。Josephus ("BJ" ii. 8, § 14; "Ant." xiii. 5, § 9; xviii. 1, § 3) carefully avoids mentioning the most essential doctrine of the Pharisees, the Messianic hope, which the Sadducees did not share with them; while for the Essenes time and conditions were predicted in their apocalyptic writings.约瑟夫(“BJ的”二8,§ 14。。“蚂蚁”十三五,§ 9。。十八1,§ 3)小心避免提到的法利赛最重要的学说,救世主的希望,而撒都该人不与他们分享,而该essenes时间和条件进行了预测,在他们的世界末日的著作。 Instead, Josephus merely says that "they ascribe everything to fate without depriving man of his freedom of action."相反,约瑟夫只是说:“他们没有剥夺赋予他的一切行动自由的人的命运。”This idea is expressed by Akiba: "Everything is foreseen [that is, predestined]; but at the same time freedom is given" (Abot iii. 15).这个想法是由秋叶表示:“一切都预见[那就是命中注定];但在同一时间自由​​是给予”(abot三15。)。Akiba, however, declares, "The world is judged by grace [not by blind fate nor by the Pauline law], and everything is determined by man's actions [not by blind acceptance of certain creeds]."秋叶,但宣称,“世界是判断恩典[不被盲目的命运也不是由宝莲法],一切是由人的行动确定[按不盲目接受某些信条]。” Similar to Josephus' remark is the rabbinical saying, "All is decreed by God except fear of God" (Ber. 33b).类似约瑟夫'说法是犹太教说,“一切都颁布法令,除了恐惧上帝的上帝”(Ber. 33 B的)。"Man may act either virtuously or viciously, and his rewards or punishmentsin the future shall be accordingly" ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 3). “无论是合乎道德的行为人可能还是恶毒的,他的奖励或punishmentsin未来应相应地”(“蚂蚁”。十八。1,§ 3)。This corresponds with the "two ways of the Jewish teaching" (Ab. RN xxv.; see Didache).这符合“两个教学方式的犹太人”(Ab.护士二十五。看到十二使徒遗训)。But it was not the immortality of the soul which the Pharisees believed in, as Josephus puts it, but the resurrection of the body as expressed in the liturgy (see Resurrection), and this formed part of their Messianic hope (see Eschatology).但这是不是该相信灵魂不死法利,因为约瑟夫所说的那样,但复活的身体所表达的礼仪(见复活),这是他们的救世主和希望(见末世)组成部分。

In contradistinction to the Sadducees, who were satisfied with the political life committed to their own power as the ruling dynasty, the Pharisees represented the views and hopes of the people.在对比了撒都该人,谁是与致力于其作为自己的力量统治王朝的政治生活感到满意,法利代表的意见和人民的希望。The same was the case with regard to the belief in angels and demons.同样是关于在天使和魔鬼信仰情况。As Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus indicate, the upper classes adhered for a long time to the Biblical view concerning the soul and the hereafter, caring little for the Angelology and Demonology of the Pharisees.正如传道书和ecclesiasticus表明,上层很长一段时间的圣经的观点关于灵魂和来世坚持上课,卑视的天使和魔鬼的法利赛。 These used them, with the help of the Ma'aseh Bereshit and Ma'aseh Merkabah, not only to amplify the Biblical account, but to remove from the Bible anthropomorphisms and similarly obnoxious verbiage concerning the Deity by referring them to angelic and intermediary powers (for instance, Gen. i. 26), and thereby to gradually sublimate and spiritualize the conception of God.这些使用过它们,随着Ma'aseh Bereshit和Ma'aseh Merkaba上的帮助,不仅要健全圣经的帐户,而是要从圣经anthropomorphisms同样厌恶空话关于透过转介他们到天使和中介权力的神(例如,创一26),从而逐渐升华和spiritualize神的概念。

Ethics.伦理。

The Pharisees are furthermore described by Josephus as extremely virtuous and sober, and as despising luxuries; and Ab.法利赛人是由约瑟夫还描述为功德无量,清醒的,并作为奢侈品鄙视和抗体。 RN v. affirms that they led a life of privation.护士诉申明,他们率领一个穷困的生活。The ethics of the Pharisees is based upon the principle "Be holy, as the Lord your God is holy" (Lev. xix. 2, Hebr.); that is, strive to imitate God (Sifra and Tan., Ḳedoshim, 1; Mek., Shirah, 3; Sifre, Deut. 49; comp. Matt. v. 48: "Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect").法利赛人的伦理是建立在原则基础上“你们要圣洁,正如耶和华你们的神是圣洁的”(利未记十九2,黑布尔。。),也就是努力模仿神(Sifra谭,Ḳedoshim,1。丁酮,希雷,3; Sifre,申命记49;比赛马特诉48:。。。。“所以你们要完全,像你们的天父完全一样”)。So "Love thy neighbor as thyself" is declared by them to be the principal law (Shab. 30a; Ab. RN, text B, xxvi. [ed. Schechter, p. 53]; Sifra, Ḳedoshim, 4) and, in order to demonstrate its universality, to be based on the verse declaring man to be made in the image of God (Gen. v. 1).因此,“爱人如己”,是他们被宣布为主要的法律(shab. 30A条;​​。抗体护士,文本B,26。[编者按谢克特,第53页。]; Sifra,Ḳedoshim,4),并在为了表明它的普遍性,将根据申报人的诗,是在神(创五1)的画像。"As He makes the sun shine alike upon the good and the evil," so does He extend His fatherly love to all (Shir ha-Shirim Zuṭa, i.; Sifre, Num. 134, Deut. 31, 40). “当他使太阳照耀在善,恶都”,所以他是否延长他的慈父般的爱所有(事儿公顷Shirim足踏岛。。sifre,序号134,申31,40)。Heathenism is hated on account of the moral depravity to which it leads (Sifre, Num. 157), but the idolater who becomes an observer of the Law ranks with the high priest (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 13).异教是可恨的道德堕落帐户,它会导致(sifre,序号。157),但拜偶像谁成为法律队伍与高神父(sifra,aḥare摩托罗拉,13)的观察员。 It is a slanderous misrepresentation of the Pharisees to state that they "divorced morality and religion," when everywhere virtue, probity, and benevolence are declared by them to be the essence of the Law (Mak. 23b-24a; Tosef., Peah, iv. 19; et al.; see Ethics).这是一个污蔑歪曲法利声明,他们“离婚的道德和宗教,”当世界各地的美德,正直和仁爱是他们所申报成为法律的本质(Mak. 466 - 24A条。Tosef,Peah,四19;。等。见伦理)。

The Charge of Hypocrisy.虚伪的班主任。

Nothing could have been more loathsome to the genuine Pharisee than Hypocrisy.没有什么能比这更可恶的不是真正的法利赛人的虚伪。"Whatever good a man does he should do it for the glory of God" (Ab. ii. 13; Ber. 17a). “不管他是否好男人应该做的是神的荣耀”(Ab.二13;。误码率17A条。)。Nicodemus is blamed for having given of his wealth to the poor in an ostentatious manner (Ket. 66b).尼哥底母是指责他已发出了一个炫耀财富的方式(Ket.理应知道313A)给穷人。An evil action may be justified where the motive is a good one (Ber. 63a).邪恶的行动可能是合理的其中一个动机是好的(Ber. 63A条)。Still, the very air of sanctity surrounding the life of the Pharisees often led to abuses.尽管如此,围绕着生命的神圣的法利赛空气往往会导致非常滥用。Alexander Jannæus warned his wife not against the Pharisees, his declared enemies, but against "the chameleon- or hyena- ["ẓebo'im"-] like hypocrites who act like Zimri and claim the reward of Phinehas:" (Soṭah 22b).亚历山大Jannaeus警告说,不反对法利赛,其申报的敌人妻子,但反对“变色龙或鬣狗- [”ẓebo'im“ - ]喜欢伪君子谁像心利,并声称非尼哈奖励:”(Soṭah22B条)。An ancient baraita enumerates seven classes of Pharisees, of which five consist of either eccentric fools or hypocrites: (1) "the shoulder Pharisee," who wears, as it were, his good actions. baraita的一种古老的法利赛人列举七类,其中五任偏心傻瓜或伪君子包括:(1)“法利赛人的肩膀,”谁穿,因为它是,他的善行。ostentatiously upon his shoulder; (2) "the wait-a-little Pharisee," who ever says, "Wait a little, until I have performed the good act awaiting me"; (3), "the bruised Pharisee," who in order to avoid looking at a woman runs against the wall so as to bruise himself and bleed; (4) "the pestle Pharisee," who walks with head down like the pestle in the mortar; (5) "the ever-reckoning Pharisee," who says, "Let me know what good I may do to counteract my neglect"; (6) "the God-fearing Pharisee," after the manner of Job; (7) "the God-loving Pharisee," after the manner of Abraham (Yer. Ber. ix. 14b; Soṭah 22b; Ab. RN, text A, xxxvii.; text B, xlv. [ed. Schechter, pp. 55, 62]; the explanations in both Talmuds vary greatly; see Chwolson, "Das Letzte-Passahmahl," p. 116).夸张地在他的肩头;(2)“观望一,小法利赛人,”谁曾经说,“再等一会儿,直到我完成的良好行为,等待我的”;(3),“法利赛人的伤痕累累,”谁在为了避免在一看那女人违背了墙,以自己和挫伤出血;(4)“法利赛人的杵,”谁走头部像在砂浆杵下来;(5)“不断推算法利赛人, “谁在说,”让我知道什么是好的我可能做抵消我的疏忽“;(六)”虔诚的法利赛人,“之后的工作方式;(七)”神爱法利赛人,之后的方式“亚伯拉罕(Yer.苏贝九14B条。。Soṭah22B条;。抗体护士,文甲,三十七。文本B,四十五[编者按谢克特,第55,62。]。两个Talmuds的解释差别很大,见Chwolson,“达斯Letzte - Passahmahl”,第116页)。R. Joshua b.传译约书亚乙Hananiah, at the beginning of the second century, calls eccentric Pharisees "destroyers of the world" (Soṭah iii. 4); and the term "Pharisaic plagues" is frequently used by the leaders of the time (Yer. Soṭah iii. 19a).哈拿尼雅,在公元二世纪初,来电偏心法利“世界驱逐舰”(Soṭah三4。);和术语“pharisaic的瘟疫”,是经常被当时的领导人利用(Yer.Soṭah三19A条。) 。

It is such types of Pharisees that Jesus had in view when hurling his scathing words of condemnation against the Pharisees, whom he denounced as "hypocrites," calling them "offspring of vipers" ("hyenas"; see Ẓebu'im); "whited sepulchers which outwardly appear beautiful, but inwardly are full of dead men's bones"; "blind guides," "which strain out the gnat and swallow the camel" (Matt. vi. 2-5, 16; xii. 34; xv. 14; xxiii. 24, 27, Greek).这是耶稣在法利赛人的意见都反对法利投掷时,被他视为“伪君子”,称他们为“毒蛇的后代”他严厉谴责谴责的话(“土狼”,见Ẓebu'im),这种类型的“粉饰sepulchers的外表看起来漂亮,但内心是死了人的骨头全“,”盲人导“,”这株进行了GNAT并吞下骆驼“(太六2-5,16;。十二34;。十五14。 ;二十三,24,27,希腊文)。。He himself tells his disciples to do as the Scribes and "Pharisees who sit on Moses' seat [see Almemar] bid them do"; but he blames them for not acting in the right spirit, for wearing large phylacteries and ẓiẓit, and for pretentiousness in many other things (ib. xxiii. 2-7).他本人告诉他的弟子们做文士和“法利赛谁在摩西的座位坐下[见Almemar]叫他们做”,但他指责不采取行动,在正确的精神,身穿大phylacteries和ẓiẓit,他们,自负和在许多其他事情(ib.二二十三。2-7)。 Exactly so are hypocrites censured in the Midrash (Pes. R. xxii. [ed. Friedmann, p. 111]); wearing tefillin and ẓiẓit, they harbor evil intentions in their breasts.正是这样在米德拉士谴责伪君子(Pes.传译二十二。[编者按:弗里德曼,第111页。]);戴tefillin和ẓiẓit,他们在自己的乳房海港邪恶意图。 Otherwise the Pharisees appear as friends of Jesus (Luke vii. 37, xiii. 31) and of the early Christians (Acts v. 38, xxiii. 9; "Ant." xx. 9, § 1).否则法利显示为耶稣的朋友和(使徒行诉38,二十三9。。;“。蚂蚁”× × 9,§ 1)早期的基督徒(路七37,十三31。。)。

Only in regard to intercourse with the unclean and "unwashed" multitude, with the 'am ha-areẓ, the publican, and the sinner, did Jesus differ widely from the Pharisees (Mark ii. 16; Luke v. 30, vii. 39, xi. 38, xv. 2, xix. 7).只有在考虑到与不洁性交和“没洗过”群众的'我公顷AREZ上空时,税吏和罪人,耶稣不同于法利(马克二广16;。卢克诉30,七39。 ,十一。38,十五。二,十九。7)。In regard to the main doctrine he fully agreed with them, as the old version (Mark xii. 28-34) still has it.至于主要的学说,他完全赞同他们,因为旧版本(马克十二。28-34)仍然有它。Owing, however, to the hostile attitude taken toward the Pharisaic schools by Pauline Christianity, especially in the time of the emperor Hadrian, "Pharisees" was inserted in the Gospels wherever the high priests and Sadducees or Herodians were originally mentioned as the persecutors of Jesus (see New Testament), and a false impression, which still prevails in Christian circles and among all Christian writers, was created concerning the Pharisees.然而,由于采取的敌对态度,对由Pauline pharisaic的基督教学校,特别是在皇帝哈德良时间,“法利赛”是插在福音的地方高级神职人员和撒都该人或希律党原本作为耶稣的迫害者提到(见新约),和一个错误的印象,仍然在基督教界和所有基督教作家普遍存在,已建立有关法利。

History of the Pharisees.历史的法利。

It is difficult to state at what time the Pharisees, as a party, arose.这是很难在什么时候法利,作为一个政党,就起身到状态。Josephus first mentions them inconnection with Jonathan, the successor of Judas Maccabeus ("Ant." xiii. 5, § 9).约瑟夫首先提到他们与乔纳森,但仅限犹大maccabeus继承人(“蚂蚁”。十三。5,§ 9)。Under John Hyrcanus (135-105) they appear as a powerful party opposing the Sadducean proclivities of the king, who had formerly been a disciple of theirs, though the story as told by Josephus is unhistorical ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 5; comp. Jubilees, Book of, and Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs).根据约翰hyrcanus(135-105),他们似乎成为一个强大的反对国王的Sadducean倾向,谁,以前一直是他们的弟子党,虽然故事讲的是文保约瑟夫(“蚂蚁”。十三。10,§ 5。可比五十年节,书,和十二始祖)。The Hasmonean dynasty, with its worldly ambitions and aspirations, met with little support from the Pharisees, whose aim was the maintenance of a religious spirit in accordance with their interpretation of the Law (see Psalms of Solomon).该Hasmonean王朝,其野心和世俗与法利赛,其目的是一个宗教精神,按照维护其对法律的解释(见诗篇所罗门)很少支持符合愿望。 Under Alexander Jannæus (104-78) the conflict between the people, siding with the Pharisees, and the king became bitter and ended in cruel carnage ("Ant." xiii. 13, § 5; xiv. 1, § 2).在亚历山大Jannaeus(104-78)人民之间的冲突,与法利赛壁板,国王成了痛苦和残酷的屠杀(“蚂蚁。”十三13,§ 5。。第十四1,§ 2)结束。Under his widow, Salome Alexandra (78-69), the Pharisees, led by Simeon ben Shetaḥ, came to power; they obtained seats in the Sanhedrin, and that time was afterward regarded as the golden age, full of the blessing of heaven (Sifra, Beḥuḳḳotai, i.; Ta'an. 23a).在他的遗孀,莎乐美亚历山德拉(78-69),法利赛,由西蒙本Shetaḥ领导上台,他们在公会中获得席位,而且时间是后来视为黄金年龄,充满祝福的天堂( Sifra,Beḥuḳḳotai岛; Ta'an 23A条)。。But the bloody vengeance they took upon the Sadducees led to a terrible reaction, and under Aristobulus (69-63) the Sadducees regained their power ("Ant." xiii. 16, § 2-xiv. 1, § 2).但他们的血腥报复后,撒都该人导致了一个可怕的反应,并根据亚里斯多布鲁斯(69-63)撒都该人重新获得他们的权力(“蚂蚁”。十三。16 § 2至十四。1,§ 2)。

Amidst the bitter struggle which ensued, the Pharisees appeared before Pompey asking him to interfere and restore the old priesthood while abolishing the royalty of the Hasmoneans altogether ("Ant." xiv. 3, § 2).在一片激烈的斗争,随后,法利出现在庞培要求他干预和恢复旧的神职人员,同时取消版税的哈斯摩年王朝共(“蚂蚁”。十四。三,§ 2)。The defilement of the Temple by Pompey was regarded by the Pharisees as a divine punishment of Sadducean misrule (Psalms of Solomon, i., ii., viii. 12-19).该庙由庞培污辱被认为是由法利作为一个Sadducean暴政神的惩罚(诗篇所罗门岛,二。,八。12-19)。After the national independence had been lost, the Pharisees gained in influence while the star of the Sadducees waned.国家独立后,失去了,法利赛获得的影响力而撒都该人的明星减弱。Herod found his chief opponents among the latter, and so he put the leaders of the Sanhedrin to death while endeavoring by a milder treatment to win the favor of the leaders of the Pharisees, who, though they refused to take the oath of allegiance, were otherwise friendly to him ("Ant." xiv. 9, § 4; xv. 1, § 1; 10, § 4; 11, §§ 5-6).希律发现,其中后者他的主要对手,所以他把公会领导人死亡,而由一个较温和的治疗努力赢得了法利赛人的领袖,谁,但他们拒绝采取宣誓效忠的青睐,被否则对他友好的(“。蚂蚁”十四9,§ 4。第十五1,§ 1。10,§ 4,11,§ § 5-6)。Only when he provoked their indignation by his heathen proclivities did the Pharisees become his enemies and fall victims (4 BC) to his bloodthirstiness ("Ant." xvii. 2, § 4; 6, §§ 2-4).只有当他挑起了他的异教徒倾向他们的愤怒做了法利赛成了他的敌人和牺牲品(4年),他嗜血(十七2,§ 4“蚂蚁”。。6,§ § 2-4)。But the family of Boethus, whom Herod had raised to the high-priesthood, revived the spirit of the Sadducees, and thenceforth the Pharisees again had them as antagonists; still, they no longer possessed their former power, as the people always sided with the Pharisees ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 4).但Boethus,其中希律曾提出向高牧师,家庭恢复了撒都该人的精神,此后又曾法利作为拮抗剂向他们的,他们不再拥有他们的前权力,因为人民始终与片面法利(“蚂蚁”。十八。1,§ 4)。In King Agrippa (41-44) the Pharisees had a supporter and friend, and with the destruction of the Temple the Sadducees disappeared altogether, leaving the regulation of all Jewish affairs in the hands of the Pharisees.在亚基帕王(41-44)法利赛人的支持者和朋友,并与圣殿被毁撒都该人完全消失,留下的法利赛人手中的所有犹太人事务的管理规则。

Henceforth Jewish life was regulated by the teachings of the Pharisees; the whole history of Judaism was reconstructed from the Pharisaic point of view, and a new aspect was given to the Sanhedrin of the past.从此犹太人的生活是受了法利赛人的教导;整个历史的犹太教是从pharisaic的角度看重建,一个新的方面是考虑到过去的公会。 A new chain of tradition supplanted the older, priestly tradition (Abot i. 1).一个新的链取代传统的旧,祭司的传统(abot一1)。 Pharisaism shaped the character of Judaism and the life and thought of the Jew for all the future.法利赛塑造了性格和犹太教的犹太人生活和思想的一切未来。True, it gave the Jewish religion a legalistic tendency and made "separatism" its chief characteristic; yet only thus were the pure monotheistic faith, the ethical ideal, and the intellectual and spiritual character of the Jew preserved in the midst of the downfall of the old world and the deluge of barbarism which swept over the medieval world.的确,它给了犹太宗教墨守成规的倾向,并提出一个“分裂主义”的主要特征,然而只有这样是单纯的一神教信仰,道德理想,而犹太人的智力和精神品格在中间保留的垮台旧世界和野蛮的中世纪洪水超过席卷全球。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版01年至1906年之间。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
J. Elbogen, Die Religionsanschauung der Pharisäer, Berlin, 1904; Geiger, Urschrift, Breslau, 1857; idem. j的Elbogen,模具Religionsanschauung明镜Pharisäer,柏林,1904年,盖革,Urschrift,布雷斯劳,1857年;同上。 Sadducäer und Pharisäer, in Jüd. Sadducäer有限公司Pharisäer,在士。Zeit.时代。1863; Schürer, Gesch. 1863年,Schürer,Gesch。3d ed., ii.三维版。,二。380-419 (where list of the whole literature is given); Wellhausen, Die Pharisäer und Sadducäer, Göttingen, 1874.K.380-419(其中整个文学名单载);豪森,模具Pharisäer有限公司Sadducäer,哥廷根,1874.K.


Sadducees撒都该人

Jewish Viewpoint Information犹太观资料

Name from High Priest Zadok.撒督的名字从大祭司。

Name given to the party representing views and practises of the Law and interests of Temple and priesthood directly opposite to those of the Pharisees.考虑到党的代表的意见和法律实践和利益,寺名神职人员直接对面那些法利赛。The singular form, "Ẓadduḳi" (Greek, Σαδδουκαῖος), is an adjective denoting "an adherent of the Bene Ẓadoḳ," the descendants of Zadok, the high priests who, tracing their pedigree back to Zadok, the chief of the priesthood in the days of David and Solomon (I Kings i. 34, ii. 35; I Chron. xxix. 22), formed the Temple hierarchy all through the time of the First and Second Temples down to the days of Ben Sira (II Chron. xxxi. 10; Ezek. xl. 46, xliv. 15, xlviii. 11; Ecclus. [Sirach] li. 12 [9], Hebr.), but who degenerated under the influence of Hellenism, especially during the rule of the Seleucidæ, when to be a follower of the priestly aristocracy was tantamount to being a worldly-minded Epicurean.单数形式,“Ẓadduḳi”(希腊语,Σαδδουκαῖος),是一个形容词,表明“一贴的贝内撒督,”撒督的后裔,谁高级神职人员,追查他们的谱系回到撒督的神职人员在行政大卫和所罗门天(王一34,二35;。。。我专栏二十九22),形成全部通过第一和第二庙下至本西拉(二慢性天时间圣殿层次三十一。 。10;以西结书加大码46,四十四15,48 11。。。。。。。Ecclus [西拉奇]李12 [9],黑布尔),但谁堕落希腊文化的影响下,特别是在对Seleucidæ规则,当是一个追随者的司铎贵族等于是被推到了一个世俗的头脑伊壁鸠鲁。 The name, probably coined by the Ḥasidim as opponents of the Hellenists, became in the course of time a party name applied to all the aristocratic circles connected with the high priests by marriage and other social relations, as only the highest patrician families intermarried with the priests officiating at the Temple in Jerusalem (Ḳid. iv. 5; Sanh. iv. 2; comp. Josephus, "BJ" ii. 8, § 14).这个名字,很可能是作为对手的ḥasidimHellenists创造,成为时间的党的名称当然是适用于所有与婚姻和其他社会关系的高级神职人员连接贵族圈子,因为只有最高的贵族家庭的通婚祭司在耶路撒冷圣殿主(Ḳid.四5;。葬身四第2。。。比赛约瑟夫,“BJ的”二8,§ 14。)。

"Haughty men these priests are, saying which woman is fit to be married by us, since our father is high priest, our uncles princes and rulers, and we presiding officers at the Temple"-these words, put into the mouth of Nadab and Abihu (Tan., Aḥare Mot, ed. Buber, 7; Pesiḳ. 172b; Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxviii. 18), reflect exactly the opinion prevailing among the Pharisees concerning the Sadducean priesthood (comp. a similar remark about the "haughty" aristocracy of Jerusalem in Shab. 62b). “傲慢的男人这些牧师,他说这女人是适合由我们结婚了,因为我们的父亲是大祭司,我们的叔叔王子和统治者,而我们在寺主持人员”,将这些拿答放入口中的话,亚比户(Tan.,aḥare摩托罗拉,海关布伯,7;。Pesiḳ172b。。。。。Midr第七十八号到诗18),准确地反映民意之间有关的Sadducean铎(可比一对类似的话当时法利“傲慢”贵族耶路撒冷在沙巴。62b)。 The Sadducees, says Josephus, have none but the rich on their side ("Ant." xiii. 10, § 6).撒都该人,约瑟夫说,有没有,但站在他们一边丰富(“蚂蚁”。十三。10,§ 6)。The party name was retained long after the Zadokite high priests had made way for the Hasmonean house and the very origin of the name had been forgotten.党的名称被保留后不久Zadokite高级神职人员的Hasmonean作出了房子和这个名字的起源地已被遗忘。 Nor is anything definite known about the political and religious views of the Sadducees except what is recorded by their opponents in the works of Josephus, in the Talmudic literature, and in the New Testament writings.也不是什么明确的关于撒都该人的政治和宗教是什么,除了记录了他们的对手在约瑟夫的作品在talmudic文学,发表意见,并在新约圣经的著作。

Legendary Origin.传奇的起源。

Josephus relates nothing concerning the origin of what he chooses to call the sect or philosophical school of the Sadducees; he knows only that the three "sects"-the Pharisees, Essenes, and Sadducees-dated back to "very ancient times" (ib. xviii. 1, § 2), which words, written from the point of view of King Herod's days, necessarily point to a time prior to John Hyrcanus (ib. xiii. 8, § 6) or the Maccabean war (ib. xiii. 5, § 9).约瑟夫涉及任何有关他所选择的称呼撒都该人教派或哲学流派的起源,他只知道三个“教派”,法利赛人,爱色尼,和撒都该人,可追溯至“非常古老的时代”(同上十八。1,§ 2),其中字,书面的希律王的日子角度来看,必然指向一个时间之前,约翰hyrcanus(ib.十三。8,§ 6)或马加比战争(ib.十三。 5,§ 9)。Among the Rabbis the following legend circulated: Antigonus of Soko, successor of Simon the Just, the last of the "Men of the Great Synagogue," and consequently living at the time of the influx of Hellenistic ideas, taught the maxim, "Be not like servants who serve their master for the sake of wages [lit. "a morsel"], but be rather like those who serve without thought of receiving wages" (Ab. i. 3); whereupon two of his disciples, Zadok and Boethus, mistaking the high ethical purport of the maxim, arrived at the conclusion that there was no future retribution, saying, "What servant would work all day without obtaining his due reward in the evening?"在下面的拉比的传说流传:安提柯索罟,继任者西蒙公正,最后一个“大犹太教堂男人”,因此在时间的涌入希腊思想生活,教一句格言:“不要公务员任职喜欢谁的工资而他们的主人[上火“一一口”。],但谁是比较喜欢那些没有领取工资“(ab.一三)认为服务;他的弟子,于是两撒督和Boethus ,误以为高伦理的结论是没有未来的报应,他说,到了格言,声称“什么仆人就在工作未取得应有的报酬,晚上他整天?”Instantly they broke away from the Law and lived in great luxury, using many silver and gold vessels at their banquets; and they established schools which declared the enjoyment of this life to be the goal of man, at the same time pitying the Pharisees for their bitter privation in this world with no hope of another world to compensate them.转瞬间,他们脱离了法律和奢华生活,在他们的宴会用银和金器很多,他们建立了在同一时间宣布学校享受这种生活是人的目标,为他们的怜悯法利在这个没有希望的世界的另一个世界,以补偿他们的痛苦穷困。 These two schools were called, after their founders, Sadducees and Boethusians (Ab. RN v.).这两所学校被称为后,其创始人,撒都该和Boethusians(Ab.护士诉)。

The unhistorical character of this legend is shown by the simple fact, learned from Josephus, that the Boethusians represent the family of high priests created by King Herod after his marriage to the daughter of Simon, the son of Boethus ("Ant." xv. 9, § 3; xix. 6, § 2; see Boethusians).这个传说文保所表现出的特点是简单的事实从约瑟夫据悉,该Boethusians代表被希律王结婚后,他创建了西门,对Boethus(“蚂蚁。”十五儿子女儿大祭司的家人。 9,§ 3;第十九6,§ 2。见Boethusians)。Obviously neither the character of the Sadducees nor that of the Boethusians was any longer known at the time the story was told in the rabbinical schools.显然,无论是撒都该人的性格也不是Boethusians不再是在这个故事是在告诉时已知的犹太教学校。Nor does the attempt to connect the name "Sadducees" with the term "ẓedeḳ" or " ẓedaḳah" (= "righteousness"; Epiphanius, "Panarium," i. 14; Derenbourg, "Histoire de la Palestine," p. 454) deserve any more consideration than the creation by Grätz ("Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 88, 697) and others, for the purpose of accounting for the name, of a heretic leader called Zadok.也没有尝试,就可以与术语“ẓedeḳ”或“ẓedaḳah”名字“撒都该人”(=“义”,埃皮法尼乌斯,“Panarium,”岛14;德朗堡,“德拉巴勒斯坦历史学”,第454页)值得比由格拉茨创造更多的代价(的“Gesch。”三维版。,三。88,697)等人,为核算撒督的所谓领导人的名字,一个邪教组织,宗旨。 Geiger's ingenious explanation ("Urschrift," pp. 20 et seq.), as given above, indorsed by Well-hausen ("Die Pharisäer und die Sadducäer," p. 45), is very generally approved to-day (see Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 408); and it has received striking confirmation from the special blessing for "the Sons of Zadok whom God has chosen for the priesthood" in the Hebrew Ben Sira discovered by Schechter (see Schechter and Taylor, "Wisdom of Ben Sira," 1899, p.35). Geiger的巧妙解释(“Urschrift,”页20起。)作为鉴于上述情况,通过精心豪森(“死Pharisäer und模具Sadducäer”,第45页)背书,是非常普遍批准天(见Schürer,的“Gesch。”三维版,二408)。。,它已收到了特别的祝福引人注目确认本西拉在希伯来文“是撒督的儿子神所选择的神职人员”的谢克特发现(见谢克特和泰勒,“智慧的本西拉,”18​​99年,第35页)。 In the New Testament the high priests and their party are identified with the Sadducees (Acts v. 17; comp. ib. xxiii. 6 with ib. xxii. 30, and John vii. 30, xi. 47, xviii. 3 with the Synoptic Gospels; see also "Ant." xx. 9, § 1).在新约中的高级神职人员和他们的党被发现有撒都该人(使徒行诉17人;。比赛与IB国际文凭二十三6二十二30,约翰七30,十一47,十八3只。。。。。。。天气福音,又见“蚂蚁。”× × 9,§ 1)。。The views and principles of the Sadducees may be summarized as follows:的意见和撒都该人的原则可归纳如下:

(1) Representing the nobility, power, and wealth ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 4), they had centered their interests in political life, of which they were the chief rulers. (1)代表贵族,权力,财富(“蚂蚁”。十八。1,§ 4),他们集中在政治生活中他们的利益,其中他们的主要统治者。Instead of sharing the 'Messianic hopes of the Pharisees, who committed the future into the hand of God, they took the people's destiny into their own hands, fighting or negotiating with the heathen nations just as they thought best, while having as their aim their own temporary welfare and worldly success.而不是共享的'救世主的法利赛,谁致力于把上帝之手未来的希望,他们把自己手中的人的命运,战斗或异教徒的国家谈判,正如他们认为最好的,同时具有作为他们的目标的自己的临时福利和世俗的成功。 This is the meaning of what Josephus chooses to term their disbelief in fate and divine providence ("BJ" ii. 8, § 14; "Ant." xiii. 5 § 9).这是什么约瑟夫选择长远的命运,他们怀疑在天意的意思(“BJ的”二8,§ 14。。“蚂蚁”十三五§ 9。)。

(2) As the logical consequence of the preceding view, they would not accept the Pharisaic doctrine of the resurrection (Sanh. 90b; Mark xii. 12; Ber. ix. 5, "Minim"), which was a national rather than an individual hope. (2)由于前面的观点合乎逻辑的结果,他们也不会接受pharisaic的复活学说(Sanh. 90B型。马克十二12;苏贝九5,“微量”。。),这是一个国家,而不是一个人的希望。As to the immortality of the soul, they seem to have denied this as well (see Hippolytus, "Refutatio," ix. 29; "Ant." x. 11, § 7).至于不朽的灵魂,他们似乎已经否认了这一说法,以及(见西波吕,“Refutatio,”九29;。“蚂蚁。”十11,§ 7)。

(3) According to Josephus (ib. xiii. 10, § 6), they regarded only those observances as obligatory which are contained in the written word, and did not recognize those not written in the law of Moses and declared by the Pharisees to be derived from the traditions of the fathers.(3)根据约瑟夫(ib.十三。10,§ 6),他们认为只有那些强制性的守则,因为在文字中,并没有不承认在摩西律法上所写的,由法利赛人宣布是来自传统的父亲。Instead of accepting the authority of the teachers, they considered it a virtue to dispute it by arguments.而不是接受教师的权威,他们认为这是一种美德,争议它的论据。

(4) According to Acts xxiii.(4)根据行为的二十三。8, they denied also the existence of angels and demons.8时,他们也否认了天使和恶魔的存在。This probably means that they did not believe in the Essene practise of incantation and conjuration in cases of disease, and were therefore not concerned with the Angelology and Demonology derived from Babylonia and Persia.这可能意味着他们不相信的咒语,在咒语厄病例的做法,因此不与天使,从巴比伦和波斯衍生恶魔关注。Their Views and Principles.他们的意见和原则。

(5) In regard to criminal jurisdiction they were so rigorous that the day on which their code was abolished by the Pharisaic Sanhedrin under Simeon b. (五)关于刑事管辖权,他们是如此严格,这一天他们的代码上被取消的Pharisaic公会根据西麦乙Shetaḥ's leadership, during the reign of Salome Alexandra, was celebrated as a festival (Meg. Ta'an. iv.; comp. Ket. 105a).Shetaḥ的领导期间,莎乐美亚历山德拉统治,为节日(Meg. Ta'an四。。。。;比赛酮105A号)庆祝。 They insisted on the literal execution of the law of retaliation: "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth" (Ex. xxi. 24; Meg. Ta'an. iv.; B. Ḳ. 84a; comp. Matt. v. 38).他们坚持对法律的字面执行的报复:“以眼还眼,以牙还牙眼”(出埃及记二十一24;梅格Ta'an四;乙ḳ84A条;比赛马特诉38。。。。。。。 )。On the other hand, they would not inflict the death penalty on false witnesses in a case where capital punishment had been wrongfully carried out, unless the accused had been executed solely in consequence of the testimony of such witnesses (Mak. i. 8; Tosef., Sanh. vi. 6, where "Bocthusians" stands for "Sadducees").另一方面,他们也不会造成在一个死刑已经执行了错误的情况下,对虚假证人死刑,除非被告已被处决在这些证人的证词(Mak.岛8后果者; Tosef 。,葬身。六。6,其中“Bocthusians”代表着“撒都该人”)。

(6) They held the owner of a slave fully as responsible for the damage done by the latter as for that done by the owner's ox or ass; whereas the Pharisees discriminated between reasonable and unreasonable beings (Yad. iv. 7). (6)他们举行了一个奴隶完全可以作为该至于业主的牛或驴做,后者所造成的损害责任的业主,而人类之间的合理和不合理的歧视法利(Yad.四7。)。

(7) They also insisted, according to Meg.(7),他们还坚持,根据梅格。Ta'an.Ta'an。iv., upon a literal interpretation of Deut.四。,建立在对申字面解释。xxii.二十二。17 (comp. Sifre, Deut. 237; Ket. 46; see also the description of the custom still obtaining at weddings among the Jews of Salonica, in Braun-Wiesbaden's "Eine Türkische Reise," 1876, p. 235), while most of the Pharisaic teachers took the words figuratively. 17(可比Sifre,申237。氯胺酮46;。又见自定义的描述还获得萨洛尼卡之间在犹太人的婚礼,在布劳恩-威斯巴登的“Eine Türkische Reise,”1876年,第235页),而最pharisaic的教师的形象地接过话。The same holds true in regard to Deut.这同样适用于关于申。xxv.二十五。9: "Then shall his brother's wife . . . spit in his [her deceased husband's brother's] face," which the Pharisees explained as "before him" (Yeb. xii. 6; see Weiss, "Dor," i. 117, note). 9:。。“。。那时,他的兄弟的妻子在他[她已故丈夫的弟弟]的脸,吐”,这法利“之前他”(Yeb.十二六解释,见魏斯,“多尔,”岛117注)。

(8) They followed a traditional practise of their own in granting the daughter the same right of inheritance as the son's daughter in case the son was dead (Meg. Ta'an. v.; Tos. Yad. ii. 20; BB viii. 1, 115b). (8)他们走的情况下给予女儿的遗产而儿子的女儿,儿子享有同样的权利对自己的传统做法已经死了(Meg. Ta'an诉。。。陶氏亚得二20;。BB心跳八。1,115b)。

(9) They contended that the seven weeks from the first barley-sheaf-offering ("'omer") to Pentecost should, according to Lev. (9),他们争辩说,从第一大麦捆祭(“'奥马尔”)的七个星期内五旬要按照列弗。xxiii.二十三。15-16, be countedfrom "the day after Sabbath," and, consequently, that Pentecost should always be celebrated on the first day of the week (Meg. Ta'an. i.; Men. 65a). 15-16日,是countedfrom,因此,这应始终五旬节在一周的第一天庆祝“安息日后,日”(Meg. Ta'an一;。。男人65A条)。 In this they obviously followed the old Biblical view which regards the festival of the firstlings as having no connection whatsoever with the Passover feast; whereas the Pharisees, connecting the festival of the Exodus with the festival of the giving of the Law, interpreted the "morrow after the Sabbath" to signify the second day of Passover (see Jubilees, Book of).在这方面他们显然遵循旧圣经的观点其中认为有没有与任何连接逾越节对生的节日,而法利,连接的外流,随着法律赋予佳节,解释了“明天在安息日“,以示在逾越节第二天(见五十年节,书)。

Views on Temple Practises.寺Practises意见。

(10) Especially in regard to the Temple practise did they hold older views, based upon claims of greater sanctity for the priesthood and of its sole dominion over the sanctuary.(10)特别是在考虑到庙练习时,他们持有老的意见,立足更大的神圣索赔神职人员和其对圣殿唯一的统治。Thus they insisted that the daily burnt offerings were, with reference to the singular used in Num.因此,他们坚持每天的燔祭,参照在序号用单数。xxviii.二十八。4, to be offered by the high priest at his own expense; whereas the Pharisees contended that they were to be furnished as a national sacrifice at the cost of the Temple treasury into which the "she-ḳalim" collected from the whole people were paid (Meg. Ta'an. i. 1; Men. 65b; Sheḳ. iii. 1, 3; Grätz, lcp 694). 4,获得由他自费大祭司,而法利争辩说,他们将被布置成在圣殿的库房成本的民族牺牲到其中的“社ḳalim”从收集到全民支付(Meg. Ta'an一,1。男子65B条。石三1,3;。。格拉茨,LCP的694)。

(11) They claimed that the meal offering belonged to the priest's portion; whereas the Pharisees claimed it for the altar (Meg. Ta'an. viii.; Men. vi. 2). (11),他们声称,素祭属于神父的一部分,而法利声称对坛(Meg. Ta'an八。。。男人六2。)。

(12) They insisted on an especially high degree of purity in those who officiated at the preparation of the ashes of the Red Heifer. (12),他们坚持了高纯度,尤其是那些谁在红小母牛的骨灰准备主持的程度。The Pharisees, on the contrary, demonstratively opposed such strictness (Parah iii. 7; Tos. Parah iii. 1-8).法利赛人,与此相反,示范性反对这样严(Parah三7;。。陶氏Parah三1-8)。。

(13) They declared that the kindling of the incense in the vessel with which the high priest entered the Holy of Holies on the Day of Atonement was to take place outside, so that he might be wrapped in smoke while meeting the Shekinah within, according to Lev. (13),他们宣称,在点燃的香船只与该进入大祭司在赎罪日的至圣所,是发生在外面,所以他可能是包裹在烟雾,而会议的Shekinah内,根据对列弗。 xvi.十六。2; whereas the Pharisees, denying the high priest the claim of such super-natural vision, insisted that the incense be kindled within (Sifra, Aḥare Mot, 3; Yoma 19b, 53a, b; Yer. Yoma i. 39a, b; comp. Lev. R. xxi. 11). 2,而法利,否认了大祭司的这种超级自然视觉的要求,坚持内香(sifra,aḥare摩托罗拉,3点燃;山脉19B条,第53A,B组;。也门里亚尔山脉一39A条,乙;比赛。列弗。传译二十一。11)。

(14) They extended the power of contamination to indirect as well as to direct contact (Yad. iv. 7).(14),他们扩大了受污染的权力,间接以及直接接触(Yad.四。7)。

(15) They opposed the popular festivity of the water libation and the procession preceding the same on each night of the Sukkot feast, as well as the closing festivity, on which the Pharisees laid much stress, of the beating of the willow-trees (Suk. 43b, 48b; Tos. Suk. iii. 16; comp. "Ant." xiii. 13, § 5). (15),他们反对将水奠流行的节日和游行前的每个夜晚一样住棚节,以及闭幕庆典,对其中的法利奠定了杨柳树打大的压力,(淑43B条,48B条。。陶氏淑三16;。。。比赛“蚂蚁。”十三13,§ 5)。。

(16) They opposed the Pharisaic assertion that the scrolls of the Holy Scriptures have, like any holy vessel, the power to render unclean (taboo) the hands that touch them (Yad. iv. 6). (16),他们反对的Pharisaic断言的圣经卷轴有,像任何神圣的船只的权力,使不洁(禁忌)的手,触摸它们(Yad.四。6)。

(17) They opposed the Pharisaic idea of the 'Erub, the merging of several private precincts into one in order to admit of the carrying of food and vessels from one house to another on the Sabbath ('Er. vi. 2). (17),他们反对的Pharisaic想法'Erub,合并成一个以承认从一个房子的食品和船只上的安息日进行另一多家私人专用区('呃。六。2)。

(18) In dating all civil documents they used the phrase "after the high priest of the Most High," and they opposed the formula introduced by the Pharisees in divorce documents," According to the law of Moses and Israel" (Meg. Ta'an. vii.; Yad. iv. 8; see Geiger, lcp 34). (18)约会,他们使用的短语的所有民事文件“后,至高大祭司”,他们反对在离婚文件法利介绍的公式,“根据摩西和以色列的法律”(Meg.大'一七;。。。亚德瓦四8;。看到盖格,LCP的34)。

Decline of Sadduceeism.衰落Sadduceeism。

Whether the Sadducees were less strict in regard to the state of impurity of woman in her periods (Niddah iv. 2), and what object they had in opposing the determination by the Pharisees of the appearance of the new moon (RH ii. 1, 22b; Tos. RH i. 15), are not clear.无论是撒都该人不那么严格的关于妇女在月经来的杂质状态(Niddah四。2),和什么对象,他们在反对由新月(相对湿度测定的法利赛第二外观了。1 22B条。陶氏铑一15),不明确。Certain it is that in the time of the Tannaim the real issues between them and the Pharisees were forgotten, only scholastic controversies being recorded.能肯定的是,在它们之间的Tannaim时间和法利赛人的真正问题被遗忘了,只有在学术上的争论被记录下来。In the latter the Sadducees are replaced by the late Boethusians, who had, only for the sake of opposition, maintained certain Sadducean traditions without a proper understanding of the historical principles upon which they were based.后者的撒都该人所取代,由已故Boethusians,谁只为反对而,保持没有对后,他们是基于历史原则的正确理解某些Sadducean传统。 In fact, as Josephus ("Ant." xviii. 1, § 3) states in common with the Talmudical sources (Yoma 19b; Niddah 33b), the ruling members of the priesthood of later days were forced by public opinion to yield to the Pharisaic doctors of the Law, who stood so much higher in the people's esteem.事实上,正如约瑟夫(“。蚂蚁”十八1,§ 3。)各国在共同与Talmudical源(山脉19B条; Niddah 33B条),对后来的日子神职人员执政成员迫于舆论屈服的该法pharisaic的医生,谁站在人民的自尊心这么高得多。In the course of time the Sadducees themselves adopted without contradiction Pharisaic practises; it is stated (Shab. 108a) that they did so in regard to the tefillin, and many other observances appear to have been accepted by them (Hor. 4a; Sanh. 33b).在适当的时候撒都该人pharisaic的做法,完全没有矛盾采用,它是说(Shab. 108),他们这样做是考虑到tefillin,和许多其他纪念活动似乎已经接受了他们(Hor. 4A条;葬身。 33B条)。

With the destruction of the Temple and the state the Sadducees as a party no longer had an object for which to live.随着圣殿被毁,国家作为党的撒都该人不再有对象的生活。They disappear from history, though their views are partly maintained and echoed by the Samaritans, with whom they are frequently identified (see Hippolytus, "Refutatio Hæresium," ix. 29; Epiphanius, lc xiv.; and other Church Fathers, who ascribe to the Sadducees the rejection of the Prophets and the Hagiographa; comp. also Sanh. 90b, where "Ẓadduḳim" stands for "Kutim" [Samaritans]; Sifre, Num. 112; Geiger, lc pp. 128-129), and by the Karaites (see Maimonides, commentary on Ab. i. 3; Geiger, "Gesammelte Schriften," iii. 283-321; also Anan ben David; Karaites).他们从历史上消失,尽管他们的意见是部分维持和撒玛利亚呼应,与他们经常被认定(见西波吕,“Refutatio Hæresium,”九29;。埃皮法尼乌斯,立法会十四。及其他教会的父亲,谁归于撒都该人的先知和Hagiographa排斥;比赛也葬身90B型,其中“Ẓadduḳim”为“Kutim”[撒玛利亚]代表。。。sifre,序号112;盖格,立法会页128-129),并经卡拉(见迈蒙尼德,AB上的评注一3。盖格,的“gesammelte文集,”三283-321。阿南也贲大卫卡拉)。

In Literature.在文学。

The Book of Ecclesiastes in its original form, that is, before its Epicurean spirit had been toned down by interpolations, was probably written by a Sadducee in antagonism to the Ḥasidim (Eccl. vii. 16, ix. 2; see P. Haupt, "Koheleth," 1905; Grätz, "Koheleth," 1871, p. 30).作者:传道书在其原来的形式,即前伊壁鸠鲁精神已经被淡化了插下来,写的书很可能是一个撒都该在对立的Ḥasidim(传道书七16,九2。。见P.豪普特, “Koheleth,”1905年;格拉茨,“Koheleth,”1871年,第30页)。The Wisdom of Ben Sira, which, like Ecclesiastes and older Biblical writings, has no reference whatsoever to the belief in resurrection or immortality, is, according to Geiger, a product of Sadducean circles ("ZDMG" xii. 536).本西拉的智慧,其中,像传道书和老年人圣经的著作,没有丝毫的神仙信仰在复活或引用,是,根据盖革,一个Sadducean圈产品(“ZDMG”十二。536)。 This view is partly confirmed by the above-cited blessing of "the Sons of Zadok" (Hebrew Ben Sira, li. 129; see also C. Taylor, "Sayings of the Fathers," 1897, p. 115).这种观点是部分证实了上述提到的“是撒督的儿子”祝福(希伯来本西拉,李129;。又见泰勒,“熟语的父亲”,1897年,第115页)。 Also the first Book of Maccabees is, according to Geiger (lc pp. 217 et seq.), the work of a Sadducee.也是第一本书的马加比是,根据格尔(立法会第217起。),一个撒都该工作。Allusion to the Sadducees as "sinners" is found in the Psalms of Solomon (i. 1, iv. 1-10); they are "severe in judgment" (comp. "Ant." xiii. 10, § 6; xx. 9, § 1), "yet themselves full of sin, of lust, and hypocrisy"; "men pleasers," "yet full of evil desires" (ib. viii. 8; see HE Ryle and MR James, "Psalms of the Pharisees Commonly Called 'Psalms of Solomon,'" 1891, xlvi.-xlviii. and elsewhere; Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," pp. 128 et seq.).针对撒都该人的“罪人”,是在所罗门的诗篇(一,一,四,1-10。)发现,他们是“严重的判断”(可比“蚂蚁。”十三10,§ 6。二十。 9,§ 1)“,但自己充满了罪恶,欲望,和伪善”,“讨人喜欢”,“然而,邪恶的欲望充满了”(ib.八8;。看到他赖尔和MR詹姆斯,“的诗篇法利俗称'诗篇所罗门'“,1891年,xlvi.,四十八和其他地方。的Kautzsch,”Apokryphen“,第128页起)。。 Still more distinctly are the Sadducees described in the Book of Enoch (xciv. 5-9, xcvii.-xcviii., xcix. 2, civ. 10) as: "the men of unrighteousness who trust in their riches"; "sinners who transgress and pervert the eternal law."更明显的是撒都该人所述的以诺书为(xciv. 5-9 xcvii. -时候正好,xcix 2,持续输注10。。。):“不义的人谁相信他们的财富”,“罪人,谁违背和妨碍永恒的法律。“Sadducees, if not in name, at least in their Epicurean views as opposed to the saints, are depicted also in the Book of Wisdom (i. 16-ii. 22), where the Hellenistic nobility, which occupied high positions likewise in Alexandria, is addressed.撒都该人,如果不是在名称,至少在他们的伊壁鸠鲁的意见,而不是圣人,是描绘在这本书的智慧也(一16二。22),其中古希腊贵族,也占领了亚历山大的高位,正在解决。

In the New Testament the Sadducees are mentioned in Matt.在新约圣经的撒都该人都提到了马特。 iii.三。7 and xvi.7日和十六。1, 6, 11, where they are identical with the Herodians (Mark xii. 13), that is, the Boethusians (Matt. xxii. 23, 34; Mark xii. 18; Acts iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6-8). 1,6,11,在那里他们与希律党相同,即Boethusians(太二十二23,34(马克十二13。);。马克十二18;。行为四一,五17,二十三。。 6-8)。In John's Gospel they simply figure as "the chief priests" (vii. 23, 45; xi. 47, 57; xviii. 3).在约翰的福音说,他们只是数字为“祭司长”(vii. 23,45;十一47,57;。十八3。)。In rabbinical literature careful discrimination must be made between the tannaitic period and that of the Amoraim.在犹太教文学必须作出认真的歧视之间的tannaitic期间而该亚摩兰。The Mishnah and Baraita in the passages quoted above indicate at least a fair knowledge of the character and doctrines of the Sadducees (see, for instance, R. Akiba in Yoma 40b), even though the names "Boethusians" and "Sadducees" occur promiscuously (see Grätz, "Gesch." iii. 693, and Boethusians). mishnah和baraita的在上面引述的段落表明,至少一的性质和公平的撒都该人的学说的知识(例如见,河秋叶在山脉40B型),即使名称“Boethusians”和“撒都该人”会发生混杂(见格拉茨,的“Gesch。”三。693,和Boethusians)。 In the amoraic period the name "Ẓadduḳi" signifies simply "heretic," exactly like the term "min" = "gnostic"; in fact, copyists sometimes replaced, it may be intentionally, the word "min" by "Ẓadduḳi," especially when Christian gnostics were referred to.在amoraic期间命名为“Ẓadduḳi”标志是简单的“异教徒”一词完全一样“闽”=​​“诺斯底”,事实上,抄写员有时取代,它可能是故意,守信用“分”的“Ẓadduḳi”,特别是当基督教Gnostics被提及。

However, in many cases in which "Ẓadduḳim" stands for "minim" in the later Talmud editions the change was due to censorship laws, as is shown by the fact that the manuscripts and older editions actually have the word "minim."然而,在许多案件中,“Ẓadduḳim”代表“。微量”为“微量”塔木德在后来版本的变化是由于审查的法律,因为是由一个事实,即实际上的手稿和旧版本有字显示, Thus the Ẓadduḳi who troubled R. Joshua b.因此,Ẓadduḳi谁困扰传译约书亚乙Levi with Biblical arguments (Ber. 7a; Sanh. 105b), the one who argued with R. Abbahu and Beruriah, (Ber. 10a), the one who bothered R. Ishmael with his dreams (ib. 56b), and the one who argued with R. Ḥanina concerning the Holy Land in the Messianic time (Giṭ. 57a; Ket. 112a) and regarding Jesus ("Balaam," Sanh. 106b), were Christian gnostics; so were also the two Ẓadduḳim in the company of R. Abbahu (Suk. 48b).利维与圣经参数(Ber. 7A条;葬身105b。),谁与河Abbahu和Beruriah(Ber. 10A条),谁打扰他的梦想(同上56B条)规伊斯梅尔认为,和一个谁与R.关于救世主的时候说的圣地Ḥanina(Giṭ.57A条。氯胺酮112A条)(。“巴郎”葬身106B章)及有关耶稣,是基督教诺斯替派,所以亦是在公司两个Ẓadduḳim河Abbahu(淑48B条)。 But the Ẓadduḳim who argue in favor of dualism (Sanh. 37a [the original version of the Mishnah had "apikoresin" or "minim"], 38b-39a; Ḥul. 87 a) are gnostics or Jewish heretics, as are also those spoken of as "a vile people" (Yeb. 63b).但Ẓadduḳim谁赞成在争论的二元论(Sanh. 37A条[对原版本的mishnah有“apikoresin”或“微量”],第38B - 39A条。讫87)是诺斯替主义或犹太人的异教徒,也为那些发言作为“一个卑鄙的人”(Yeb. 63B条)。"Birkat ha-minim," the benediction against Christian informers and gnostics, is called also "Birkat ha-Ẓadduḳim" (Ber. 28b, 29a). “的Birkat公顷微量,”反对基督教举报人和诺斯替主义祝福,就是所谓的还“的Birkat公顷Ẓadduḳim”(Ber. 28B条,29A条)。 "The writings of the Ẓadduḳim" (Shab. 116a) are gnostic writings, the same as "Sefarim Ḥiẓonim" (Sanh. x. 1; "Sifre ha-Minim," Tos. Shab. xiii. 5).(Shab. 116a)“的Ẓadduḳim的著作”是诺斯底著作,如“SefarimḤiẓonim”相同(sanh.十1。。“Sifre公顷微量,”陶氏第十三沙巴5。)。 So it is said of Adam that he was a Ẓadduḳi, that is, a gnostic who did not believe in God as the Giver of the Law (Sanh. 38b).所以说,亚当,他是一个Ẓadduḳi,就是一个诺斯底谁不相信上帝作为法(Sanh. 38B条)的给予者。 "The Ẓadduḳim and informers" (Derek Ereẓ Rabbah ii.; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa i.) are Christian gnostics. “和告密的Ẓadduḳim”(德里克埃雷兹拉巴二;。德里克埃雷兹足踏岛)是基督教Gnostics。In Hor.在贺。11a a Ẓadduḳi is declared to be a transgressor of the dietary and other Mosaic laws, nay, an idolater. 11A条一Ẓadduḳi被宣布为一的饮食和其他镶嵌法,犯法者,不仅如此,一个偶像崇拜者。On the other hand, the Ẓadduḳim who conversed with Rab Sheshet (Ber. 58a), with Raba (Shab. 88a), and with R. Judah (Ned. 49b) seem to have been Manicheans.在另一方面,Ẓadduḳim谁与饶Sheshet(Ber. 58A条)和拉巴(Shab. 88A条),并与R.犹大(Ned.第49B)交谈似乎已经Manicheans。See Pharisees.见法利。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版01年至1906年之间。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
See that given under Pharisees.看到,在法利给出。


Essenes爱色尼

Jewish Viewpoint Information犹太观资料

A branch of the Pharisees who conformed to the most rigid rules of Levitical purity while aspiring to the highest degree of holiness.一个法利赛谁的利未纯度符合最严格的规则,而渴望程度最高的圣洁分支。They lived solely by the work of their hands and in a state of communism, devoted their time to study and devotion and to the practise of benevolence, and refrained as far as feasible from conjugal intercourse and sensual pleasures, in order to be initiated into the highest mysteries of heaven and cause the expected Messianic time to come ('Ab. Zarah ix. 15; Luke ii. 25, 38; xxiii. 51).他们生活完全由自己手中的工作,并在国家的共产主义,把时间用于学习和献身精神和对善的做法,并忍住从夫妻性交和感官享乐在可行的,为了将开始进入在天堂的最高奥秘,并导致预期的救世主的时间来('抗体Zarah九15;。。路加福音二25,38;。二十三51。)。 The strangest reports were spread about this mysterious class of Jews.最奇怪的报道就传遍了这个神秘的犹太人类。Pliny (lc), speaking of the Essene community in the neighborhood of the Dead Sea, calls it the marvel of the world, and characterizes it as a race continuing its existence for thousands of centuries without either wives and children, or money for support, and with only the palm-trees for companions in its retreat from the storms of the world.普林尼(立法会),讲的essene社区在死海附近,调用它的奇迹世界,作为一项持续的特点没有任何妻子和孩子,或资金支持其存在的种族数千百年了,并只用手掌在其从世界的风暴退却同伴树木。 Philo, who calls the Essenes "the holy ones," after the Greek ὅσιοι, says in one place (as quoted by Eusebius, "Præparatio Evangelica," viii. 11) that ten thousand of them had been initiated by Moses into the mysteries of the sect, which, consisting of men of advanced years having neither wives nor children, practised the virtues of love and holiness and inhabited many cities and villages of Judea, living in communism as tillers of the soil or as mechanics according to common rules of simplicity and abstinence.斐洛,谁来电后,希腊ὅσιοι的essenes“神圣的,”说,在一个地方(如尤西比乌斯引述“Præparatio Evangelica,”八。十一)十万元,他们已经开始把摩西的奥秘该教派,其中,有没有妻子也没有子女年事已高人组成,实行爱和圣洁和居住的许多城市和乡村的朱迪亚的美德,在共产主义的居住,生活和分蘖的土壤或岩石力学根据共同规则简单和禁欲。 In another passage ("Quod Omnis Probus Liber," 12 et seq.) he speaks of only four thousand Essenes, who lived as farmers and artisans apart from the cities and in a perfect state of communism, and who condemned slavery, avoided sacrifice, abstained from swearing, strove for holiness, and were particularly scrupulous regarding the Sabbath, which day was devoted to the reading and allegorical interpretation of the Law.在另一条通道(“狴Omnis普罗比斯或函”12起。)他只有四千爱色尼,谁生活的农民和手工业者除了城市和共产主义的理想状态,谁讲谴责奴隶制,避免牺牲,从宣誓就职弃权,争取圣洁,并特别谨慎关于安息日,这一天是专门用于阅读和寓言的法律解释。 Josephus ("Ant." xv. 10, § 4; xviii. 1, § 5; "BJ" ii. 8, §§ 2-13) describes them partly as a philosophical school like the Pythagoreans, and mystifies the reader by representing them as a kind of monastic order with semi-pagan rites.约瑟夫(“蚂蚁。”十五10,§ 4。十八1,§ 5。。“BJ的”二8,§ § 2-13)描述部分原因是像毕达哥拉斯哲学学派他们,迷惑读者的代表它们作为半异教仪式寺院秩序。Accordingly, the strangest theories have been advanced by non-Jewish writers, men like Zeller, Hilgenfeld, and Schürer, who found in Essenism a mixture of Jewish and pagan ideas and customs, taking it for granted that a class of Jews of this kind could have existed for centuries without leaving a trace in rabbinical literature, and, besides, ignoring the fact that Josephus describes the Pharisees and Sadducees also as philosophical schools after Greek models.因此,最奇怪的理论已经被非犹太作家先进,像泽勒,Hilgenfeld,并Schürer,谁在Essenism发现了犹太人和异教徒的观念和习俗的混合物,男人理所当然的是,犹太人难道这种类已经存在了几百年而不留痕迹,在犹太教文学,再说,不顾事实,约瑟夫描述模型后,希腊哲学法利赛人和撒都该人的学校也。

The Essenes in History.历史上的爱色尼。

The Essenes, as they appear in history, were far from being either philosophers or recluses.爱色尼,因为他们在历史上出现,还远远没有任何哲学家或隐士。They were, says Josephus ("Ant." xv. 10, §§ 4-5), regarded by King Herod as endowed with higher powers, and their principle of avoiding taking an oath was not infringed upon.他们说,约瑟夫(“蚂蚁”。十五。10,§ § 4-5),由国王希律视为具有较高的权力赋予,他们的宣誓回避原则不受侵犯。 Herod's favor was due to the fact that Menahem, one of their number who, excelling in virtuous conduct and preaching righteousness, piety, and love for humanity, possessed the divine gift of prophecy, had predicted Herod's rise to royalty.希律王的青睐,是由于这一事实,即梅纳海姆,他们当中一个谁,尤其擅长德行和说教正义,虔诚和拥有神圣的礼物的预言人类,爱曾预言希律王的崛起版税。 Whether Sameas and Pollio, the leaders of the academy (Abot i. 11), who also refused to take an oath ("Ant." xv. 10, § 4), belonged to the Essenes, is not clear.无论sameAs的和Pollio,香港演艺学院(abot一11)的领导人,谁也不肯采取宣誓(“蚂蚁”。十五。10,§ 4),属于爱色尼,目前尚不清楚。Menahem is known in rabbinical literature as a predecessor of Shammai (Ḥag. ii. 2).梅纳海姆被称为沙买的前身(ḥag.二。2),在犹太教文献。Of Judas the Essene Josephus relates ("Ant." xiii. 11, § 2; "BJ" i. 3, § 5) that he once sat in the Temple surrounded by his disciples, whom he initiated into the (apocalyptic) art of foretelling the future, when Antigonus passed by.犹大的essene约瑟夫的关系(“蚂蚁。”十三11,§ 2。“BJ的”一,三,§ 5),他曾在由他的弟子,其中他到(世界末日)的艺术圣殿坐在发起包围预言未来,当安提柯通过。Judas prophesied a sudden death for him, and after a while his prediction came true, like everyother one he made.犹大预言他突然死亡,一段时间后他的预言终于实现了他喜欢everyother之一。A similar prophecy is ascribed to Simon the Essene ("Ant." xvii. 13, § 3; "BJ" ii. 7, § 4), who is possibly identical with the Simon in Luke ii.类似的预言是归功于西蒙厄(“蚂蚁”。十七13,§ 3。“BJ的”二第7,§ 4。),谁可能是相同的西蒙在路加福音二。25.25。Add to these John the Essene, a general in the time of the Roman war ("BJ" ii. 20, § 4; iii. 2, § 1), and it becomes clear that the Essenes, or at least many of them, were men of intense patriotic sentiment; it is probable that from their ranks emanated much of the apocalyptic literature.添加到这些约翰厄,在战争时期的罗马一般(“BJ的”二20 § 4。三第二,§ 1。),它变得清晰,爱色尼,或至少有很多,强烈的爱国情感被男人很可能从他们的队伍大部分的世界末日文学所发出。Of one only, by the name of Banus (probably one of the Banna'im; see below), does Josephus ("Vita," § 2) relate that he led the life of a hermit and ascetic, maintaining by frequent ablutions a high state of holiness; he probably, however, had other imitators besides Josephus.一个仅由巴努斯名称(可能的Banna'im一见下文),并约瑟夫(“简历,”§ 2)有关,他领导了一个隐士,苦行生活,频繁的高保持浴室圣洁的状态,他可能,然而,有其他的模仿者除了约瑟夫。

Origin of the Essenes.原产地的爱色尼。

To arrive at a better understanding of the Essenes, the start must be made from the Ḥasidim of the pre-Maccabean time (I Macc. ii. 42, vii. 13; II Macc. xiv. 6), of whom both the Pharisees and the Essenes are offshoots (Wellhausen, "Israelitische und Jüdische Geschichte," 1894, p. 261).要得出一个更好地了解爱色尼,开始必须从预马加比时间的ḥasidim(我排雷二42,七13。。。。。二排雷十四6),其中既法利和爱色尼是分支(豪森,“Israelitische有限公司Jüdische文学历史馆”,1894年,第261页)。 Such "overrighteous ones," who would not bring voluntary sacrifices nor take an oath, are alluded to in Eccl.这种“overrighteous的,”谁不会使自愿牺牲,也不能采取宣誓,是暗示在传道书。vii.七。16, ix.16,九。2, while the avoidance of marriage by the pious seems to be alluded to in Wisdom iii. 2,而由虔诚避免婚姻似乎是暗示在智慧三。13-iv.13四。1 (comp. II Macc. xiv. 6, 25). 1(comp.二排雷。十四。6,25)。The avoidance of swearing became also to a certain extent a Pharisaic rule based on Ex.避免了宣誓成为也在一定程度上是基于对前pharisaic的规则。xx: 7 (see Targ.; Ned. 8b; Yer, Ned. iii. 38a; Soṭah 9b; Ber. 33a); and the rule (Matt. v. 37, RV) "Let your speech be, Yea, yea; Nay, nay," is also Talmudic (BM 49a).第XX:7(见塔尔格;奈德8B条,也门里亚尔,内德三38A条;Soṭah9B条;误码率33A条。。。。。)和规则(太五37,风疹病毒)“让你的发言是,是啊,是啊;不,不,“也是塔木德(骨髓49A条)。 As a matter of fact, the line of distinction between Pharisees ("Perushim") and Essenes was never very clearly drawn (see "Perishut" in Abot iii. 13; Soṭah iii. 4, xi. 15; Tosef., Soṭah, xv. 11; Ṭoh. iv. 12; BB 60b).作为事实上,在区别法利(“Perushim”)和essenes线从来没有非常明确划定了(见“Perishut”在abot三13;。Soṭah三四,十一15;。。Tosef,Soṭah,十五。 。11;的TOH四12;。。BB心跳第60B)。

Thus the more than six thousand Pharisees who claimed to be "highly favored by God" and to possess by "divine inspiration foreknowledge of things to come," and who refused to take an oath of fealty to Herod, predicting his downfall while promising children to Bagoas, the eunuch (Josephus, "Ant." xvii. 2, § 4), were scarcely different from those elsewhere called "Essenes" ("Ant." xv. 10, § 4).因此,超过六千法利谁自称是“高度青睐上帝”,并拥有了以“神圣的灵感预知的东西来,”谁拒绝采取宣誓效忠希律,预测他的下台而有前途的孩子Bagoas,宦官(约瑟夫,“蚂蚁”。十七。2,§ 4),几乎没有从其他地方被称为“爱色尼”(“蚂蚁”。十五。10,§ 4)有所不同。"The Ancient Ḥasidim." “古代ḥasidim。”

About the organization of the ancient Ḥasidim little is known; but each Pharisee had to be admitted by certain rites to membership in the association ("ḥeber" or "ḥaburah"), receiving the name "ḥaber" therefrom (Dem. ii. 3; Tosef., Dem. ii. 2; Bek. 30b); these fraternities assembled not only for worship but also for meals (see Geiger," Urschrift," pp. 122 et seq.).关于鲜为人知的古代ḥasidim组织;但每个法利赛人不得不承认,在某些仪式由协会成员(“希伯”或“ḥaburah”),接受命名为“哈勃”由此(民主二,三。 。Tosef,数字高程模型二2。。Bek 30B条);。这些兄弟组合,不仅为崇拜,而且吃饭(见盖格,“Urschrift”,第122页起)。。 The Pharisaic and Essene system of organization appears to have been at the outset the same, a fact which implies a common origin.pharisaic的的组织和厄系统似乎已经在开始时相同,事实上,这意味着一个共同的起源一直。 A remnant of this Ḥasidean brotherhood seems to have been the "Neḳiyye ha-Da'at" (the pure-minded) of Jerusalem, who would neither sit at the table or in court, nor sign a document, with persons not of their own circle (Giṭ. ix. 8; Sanh. 23a).阿残本Ḥasidean兄弟似乎已被人们称为“Neḳiyye公顷Da'at”(纯志同道合)耶路撒冷,谁也不坐在桌旁或在法庭上,也没有签署文件的不是自己的人,圆(Giṭ.九8;。葬身第23A条。)。 They paid special reverence to the scroll of the Law in the synagogue (Masseket Soferim, xiv. 14).他们给予了特别的崇敬到了在犹太教堂法(Masseket Soferim,十四14。)滚动。

But tradition has preserved certain peculiarities of these "ancient Ḥasidim" (Ḥasidim ha-rishonim) which cast some light on their mode of life.但传统的保留了这些“古代ḥasidim”(的ḥasidim公顷rishonim),它使人对他们的生活模式,一些轻一些特点。 (1) In order to render their prayer a real communion with God as their Father in heaven, they spent an hour in silent meditation before offering their morning prayer (comp. Didascalia in Jew. Encyc. iv. 593), and neither the duty of saluting the king nor imminent peril, as, for instance, from a serpent close to their heels, could cause them to interrupt their prayer (Ber. v. 1; Tosef., Ber. iii. 20; Ber. 32b). (1)为了使他们的祈祷与神作为他们的父亲在天堂真正的共融,他们花了早上的祈祷,然后提供他们在无声的沉思小时(可比didascalia认为在犹太人。Encyc。四。593),并且没有责任国王也不敬礼迫在眉睫的危险,因为,例如从蛇接近他们的高跟鞋,可能会导致他们打断他们的祈祷(ber.诉1。Tosef,误码率三20;。。误码率32B条。)。 (2) They were so scrupulous regarding the observance of the Sabbath that they refrained from sexual intercourse on all days of the week except Wednesday, lest in accordance with their singular calculation of the time of pregnancy the birth of a child might take place on a Sabbath and thereby cause the violation of the sacred day (Niddah 38a, b). (2)他们是那么一丝不苟关于遵守安息日,他们忍住性交在一周的日子,除了星期三,​​以免按照他们的怀孕时间的孩子出生在一个奇异的计算可能发生安息日,从而导致违反了神圣的一天(Niddah 38A条,二)。Peril of life could not induce them to wage even a war of defense on the Sabbath (I Macc. ii. 38; II Macc. v. 25, xv. 4).生命的危难不能诱导他们的工资甚至是国防部长在安息日战争(我排雷二38;。。二排雷25节,十五4。。)。(3) They guarded against the very possibility of being the indirect cause of injuring their fellow men through carelessness (Tosef., B. Ḳ. ii. 6; B. Ḳ. 30a, 50b; comp. Giṭ. 7a: "No injury is ever caused through the righteous"). (三)对被守卫的伤害他们的男同胞通过粗心大意(Tosef.,乙ḳ间接原因很可能二第6;乙ḳ30A条,50B条;比赛的Git七A:。。。。“没有受伤。是通过不断引起正义“)。 (4) Their scrupulousness concerning "ẓiẓit" (Men. 40b) is probably only one instance of their strict observance of all the commandments.(4)他们的认真态度有关“ẓiẓit”(Men. 40B条)可能是唯一一个将其所有的戒律严格遵守实例。(5) Through their solicitude to avoid sin (whence also their name "Yire'e Ḥeṭ" = "fearers of sin": Sheḳ. vi. 6; Soṭah ix. 15) they had no occasion for bringing sin-offerings, wherefore, according to R. Judah, they made Nazarite vows to enable them to bring offerings of their own; according to R. Simeon, however, they refrained from bringing such offerings, as they were understood by them to be "an atoning sacrifice for the sins committed against the soul" (Num. vi. 11, Hebr.). (5)通过他们的关怀,以避免单(那里也是他们的名字“Yire'e过度紧张”=“罪fearers”:。。。石六6;Soṭah九15)他们没有把赎罪祭,何故之际,根据传译犹大,他们在拿细耳人的誓言,让他们把自己的产品;根据河西梅翁,但是,他们将这种产品从克制,因为他们明白他们的罪孽是“一个赎罪祭犯下的灵魂“(民数记六。11,黑布尔。)。 This aversion to the Nazarite vow seems to have been the prevailing attitude, as it was shared by Simeon the Just (Sifre, Num. 22; Ned. 10a).这厌恶的拿细耳人的誓言似乎已被普遍的态度,因为它是由西蒙共享刚刚(sifre,序号22;。奈德10A条。)。(6) Especially rigorous were they in regard to Levitical purity ('Eduy. viii. 4; Tosef., Oh. iv. 6, 13, where "zeḳenim ha-rishonim" [the ancient elders] is only another name for "Ḥasidim ha-rishonim"; see Weiss, "Dor," i. 110); they were particularly careful that women in the menstrual state should keep apart from the household, perform no household duties, and avoid attractiveness in appearance (Sifra, Meẓora', end; Shab. 64b; Ab. RN ii.; "Baraita di Masseket Niddah," in Horowitz's "Uralte Tosefta," 1890, i. 5, p. 16, iii. 2-3, pp. 24-27; "Pitḥe Niddah," pp. 54 et seq.). (6)特别是在方面,他们严格对levitical纯度('Eduy八4;。。Tosef,呵呵四6,13,其中“zeḳenim公顷rishonim”[古长老]只是另一个“名字的ḥasidim。。。公顷rishonim“,见魏斯,”多尔,“一110);他们特别小心,妇女在经期应保持状态,除了家庭,没有家庭履行职责,并避免在外观上的吸引力(Sifra,Meẓora',结束;沙巴64B条。抗体护士二;。。“baraita的迪Masseket Niddah,”在Horowitz的“Uralte陀瑟他,”1890年,一5,第16页,三2-3,页24-27。“Pitḥe Niddah,“页54起。)。(7) This, however, forms only part of the general Ḥasidean rule, which was to observe the same degree of Levitical purity as did the priest who partook of the holy things of the Temple ("okel ḥullin be-ṭohorat ḳodesh"); and there were three or four degrees of holiness, of which the Pharisees, or "ḥaberim," observed only the first, the Ḥasidim the higher ones (Ḥag. ii. 6-7; Tosef., Dem. ii. 2). (7)然而,这种形式只是一般Ḥasidean规则,这是观察的levitical纯度相同程度做了牧师谁的圣殿(“okelḥullinBE的ṭohoratḳodesh”)的圣物分享了一部分;并有三,四度的圣德,其中法利,或“ḥaberim了,”只有第一,较高的Ḥasidim者(ḥag.二,6-7;。Tosef,数字高程模型二2。。。)。 The reason for the observance of such a high degree of holiness must be sought in the fact that Levites who ate "ma'aser" and priests who ate "terumah" and portions of the various sacrifices had their meals in common with the rest of the people and had to be guarded against defilement.对于这样一个高度尊重的神圣理由必须寻求一个事实,即谁吃利“ma'aser”和祭司谁吃了各种牺牲“terumah”,并与部分有共同的休息吃饭人,不得不防范污辱。

The "Zenu'im," or Chaste Ones.在“Zenu'im”或贞洁的。

Upon the observance of the highest state of purity and holiness depended also the granting of the privilege, accorded only to the élite of the priesthood, of being initiated into the mysteries of the HolyName and other secret lore.当上述的纯洁性和神圣的最高境界,还取决于遵守授予的特权,给予只对被纳入的HolyName和其他秘密传说的奥秘神职人员,精英。 "The Name of twelve letters [see God, Names of] was, after the Hellenistic apostasy, entrusted only to the 'Ẓenu'im' [the chaste ones] among the priesthood. The Name of forty-two letters was entrusted only to the 'Ẓanua'' and ''Anaw' [the chaste and the humble] after they had passed the zenith of life and had given assurance of preserving it [the Name] in perfect purity" (Ḳid. 71a; Eccl. R. iii. 11; Yer. Yoma 39d, 40a). “十二个字母的名称[见上帝,名称]是,在希腊变节,委托只对'Ẓenu'im'之间的神职人员[纯洁的]。在四十二个字母名称只向委托'Ẓanua''和'' Anaw'[纯洁和谦逊]后,他们已经通过了生命的顶峰,而且给了维护保证它[名称]在完美的纯洁性“(Ḳid.71A条。传道书传译三。 11;也门里亚尔山脉39D条,40A条)。。There was a twofold principle underlying the necessity of perfect chastity.有两方面的基本原则完美的贞洁的必要性。 When God revealed Himself to Moses and to the people of Israel they were enjoined to abstain from sexual intercourse, Israel for the time being, Moses for all time (Shab. 87a; Pes. 87b; Ab. RN ii., based upon Ex. xix. 15; Deut. v. 27).当上帝发现自己对摩西和以色列的,他们责成节制性交的人,以色列目前,所有的时间摩西(Shab. 87A条;瘟87B条。。抗体护士二,根据前基础。。十九15;。申五27)。。Those in hope of a divine revelation consequently refrained from sexual intercourse as well as other impurity (comp. Rev. xiv. 4; Enoch, lxxxiii. 2).在一个神圣的启示,希望那些因此克制性交以及其他杂质(可比启示录十四4;。伊诺克,LXXXIII号2。)。

But there was another test of chastity which seems to have been the chief reason for the name of "Ẓenu'im" (Essenes): the Law (Deut. xxiii. 10-15; comp. Targ. Yer. ad loc.; Sifra, 258; Ber. 62a) enjoins modesty in regard to the covering of the body lest the Shekinah be driven away by immodest exposure.但是有一个纯洁的测试,似乎一直是为“Ẓenu'im”(爱色尼)名称的主要原因:。。该法(申命记二十三10-15;比赛塔尔格也门里亚尔广告同上; Sifra。。。 258。误码率62A条)责成关于该以免被驱使的Shekinah暴露了身体覆盖谦虚谦虚。Prayer was prohibited in presence of the nude (Ber. 24b), and according to the Book of Jubilees (iii. 30 et seq., vii. 20) it was a law given to Adam and Noah "not to uncover as the Gentiles do."祈祷是禁止在场的裸体(Ber. 24B条),并根据这本书的jubilees(iii. 30起。,七。20)这是给亚当和诺亚“不揭露作为外邦人做了法律“。The chastity ("ẓeni'ut") shown in this respect by King Saul and his daughter (I Sam. xxiv. 4; II Sam. vi. 16) gave him and his household a place in rabbinical tradition as typical Essenes, who would also observe the law of holiness regarding diet and distribute their wealth among the (poor) people (Pesiḳ. R. 15; Midr. Teh. vii.; Num. R. xi.; Meg. 13b; Yer. Suk. v. 55c).的贞洁(“ẓeni'ut”)在这方面表现出国王扫罗和他的女儿(我心二十四4;。。。。二,三六16)给了他和他的家庭,在犹太教的传统,一个典型的爱色尼的地方,谁也遵守有关法律的神圣在分配饮食和(差)的人(pesiḳ.二命令第15的财富; Midr的七;。。。。编号河曦。梅格13B条;。。也门里亚尔淑诉55℃。 )。Every devotee of the Law was expected to be a "ẓanua'" (Abot vi. 1; Niddah 12a; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa vii.), such as were Rachel and Esther (Meg. 13b), Hanan ha-Neḥba, the grandson of Onias the Saint (Ta'an. 23b), R. Akiba (Ket. 62b), and Judah ha-Nasi (Yer. Meg. i. 72b).每一个信徒,预计该法是“ẓanua'”(abot六,1。Niddah 12A条。德里克埃雷兹足踏七)如被雷切尔和Esther(Meg. 13B条),哈南公顷Neḥba,对孙子阿尼亚圣(Ta'an。23B条),河秋叶(Ket. 62b),犹大公顷纳思(yer.梅格。一72B条)。

The "Hashsha'im," or Secret Ones.在“Hashsha'im”或秘密的。

The name "Ẓenu'im," which is replaced or explained by "Kesherim" (the blameless ones), another name for "Ḥasidim" (Yer. Dem. vi. 25d; Yer. Yoma iii. 40d; comp. Tosef., Dem. vi. 6; Ned. i. 1; Ab. RN, text B, iv., ed. Schechter, p. 14, and comp. note on p. 15), is also applied, like the term "Ḥashsha'im" (see below), to those reticent ones to whom a secret may be confided; eg, secret scrolls concerning the Temple service were entrusted to them (Tosef., Yoma, ii. 7; Yer. Yoma iii. 41a).命名为“Ẓenu'im”,这是替换或“Kesherim”(即无可指责的),另一个为“的ḥasidim”(Yer.民主主义名称解释第六25D条。。。也门里亚尔山脉三40D条。比赛Tosef。。 。民主主义六6;。奈德一,1。。。。。抗体护士,文本B,四,教育署谢克特,第14页,可比注意到第15页),也适用于像术语“Ḥashsha'聊天室“(见下文),以谁的秘密可能是那些沉默的倾诉,例如,关于春联的秘密庙服务委托给他们(Tosef.,山脉,二7。。也门里亚尔山脉三41A条。)。 It is not always clear, however, whether the name denotes the Essenes or simply the modest ones as a class (see Dem. vi. 6; Ma'as. Sh. v. 1; Tosef., Soṭah, xiii. 6).这并不总是很明确,不过,无论名称是指作为一个阶级的essenes或只是温和的(参见dem六6;。。。Ma'as SH诉1。Tosef,Soṭah,十三6。。)。R. Simeon the Ẓanua', who, while disregarding the Temple practise, shows a certain contempt for the high priest (Tosef., Kelim BB i. 6), appears on all accounts to have been an Essene priest.西缅Ẓanua河',谁,而不顾寺的做法,显示了大祭司(Tosef.,凯利姆BB心跳一6)某些蔑视,似乎已被一个essene牧师所有帐户。 In an old Armenian version of Philo's dictionary of Hebrew names "Essene" is explained as "in silence" (Philo, "De Vita Contempla tiva," ed. Conybeare, p. 247).在一个古老的斐洛的亚美尼亚版本的希伯来名字字典“厄”解释为“沉默”(斐洛,“德简历Contempla全凭静脉麻醉,”版。科尼比尔,第247页)。 The suggestion may be made that the Ḥashsha'im, "the observers of secrecy," designated also "the sin-fearing," who "had a chamber called 'lishkat ḥashsha'im' in the Temple, where they deposited their gifts of charity in secret and whence the respectable poor drew their support in secrecy," were the same Essenes from whom "the Gate of the Essenes" in Jerusalem (Josephus, "BJ" v. 42) derived its name.该建议可能在寺,在那里他们把自己的慈善礼物,在Ḥashsha'im,“保密的观察员,”指定也是“赎罪担心,”谁“有一个会议厅叫'lishkatḥashsha'im'在秘密和尊敬穷人何处提请他们在秘密支持,“来自同一个爱色尼人”的“在耶路撒冷(约瑟夫,”北京的爱色尼“诉42)门导出其名称。 According to Tosef., Sheḳ.据Tosef。石。ii.二。16, these Ḥashsha'im had in every city a special chamber for their charity-box, so that money could be deposited and taken in secret, a thing that could only be done upon the presumption that the money belonged to all alike; and since each city had its administrative body consisting of its best men, who took charge of the collection and distribution of charity (Tosef., Peah, iv. 6, 16; Tosef., Sheb. vii. 9), it is probable that these Essene-like ascetics ("Ẓenu'im": Tosef., Peah, ii. 18) followed their own traditions, though they probably also came under the general administration. 16日,这些Ḥashsha'im曾在每个城市一个特殊的会议厅的慈善箱,使资金可以存放,并采取秘密,一个只能在推定这些钱属于所有的事情都做;及自每个城市有它的行政机构,其最好的男人,谁负责收集和分配费用组成的慈善机构(Tosef.,Peah,四,六,16;。。。。Tosef,帅七9),很可能这些厄类似苦行者(“Ẓenu'im”:。。Tosef,Peah,二18),其次他们自己的传统,虽然他们可能也总局来下。 The explanation of Εσσάιοι given by Suidas (= ϑεωρήτικοι = "men of contemplation," or "mystics") suggests that the name "Ḥashsha'im," like "Ẓenu'im," denoted men entrusted with the secret lore given in a whisper "(Ḥag. 13a, 14a; Gen. R. iii.).对Εσσάιοι阐发Suidas定(=θεωρήτικοι=“沉思男人”或“神秘主义”)指出,名为“Ḥashsha'im,”像“Ẓenu'im,”表示与秘密传说赋予特定男子耳语“(Ḥag.13A条,第14A条;将军河三。)。

"Watikim" and "Holy Ones."“Watikim”和“神圣的。”

Another name denoting a class of pietistic extremists showing points of contact with the Essenes is "Watiḳim," (men of firm principles: Sifre, Num. 92; Sifre, Deut. 13; Müller, "Masseket Soferim," 1878, p. 257, who identifies them with the Essenes).另一名表示一个的展示与接触点的essenes类是虔诚的极端分子“Watiḳim”(男人的坚定的原则:。。sifre,序号92; Sifre,申命记13;缪勒“Masseket Soferim,”1878年,第257页,谁认同他们的爱色尼)。"The Watiḳim so arranged their morning prayer as to finish the Shema' exactly at the time when the sun came out in radiance" (Ber. 9b; comp. Wisdom xvi. 28; II Macc. x. 28); the Watiḳim closed the prayers "Malkiyyot, Shofarot" and "Zikronot" with Pentateuch verses (RH 32b).“这样安排的Watiḳim架构'正是在他们的时间,以完成早上的祈祷,当太阳的光辉来了”(Ber. 9B条。可比智慧十六28;。。二排雷十28);的Watiḳim关闭祈祷“Malkiyyot,Shofarot”和“Zikronot”与五节(铑32B条)。 As holders of ancient traditions, they placed their own custom above the universally accepted halakah (Masseket Soferim, xiv. 18).作为古老的传统持有人,他们把自己的定制以上公认halakah(Masseket Soferim,14。18)。Still another name which deserves special consideration is "ḳadosh" (saint).还有一个名字,值得特别考虑的是“卡多什”(圣)。"Such is he called who sanctifies himself, like the 'Nazir,' by abstaining from enjoyments otherwise permissible" (Ta'an. 11a, b; Yeb. 20a; comp. Niddah 12a, where the word "Ẓanu'a" is used instead).“这就是他所谓的谁成圣像'纳齐尔,'由弃权允许自己享受,否则,”(Ta'an第11A,B组;。Yeb 20A条。。比赛Niddah 12A条,其中单词“Ẓanu'a”是用来代替)。Menahem bar Simai is called "son of the saints" because he would not even look at a coin which bore the image of the emperor or pass under the shadow of an idol (Pes. 104a; Yer, 'Ab. Zarah iii. 42c, 43b, where he is called "Nahum, the most holy one").思迈梅纳海姆酒吧被称为“儿子的圣人”,因为他甚至不看一枚硬币口径的皇帝形象或通过下一个偶像(Pes. 104A条的阴影;也门里亚尔,'抗体Zarah三42C条。。 43B条,在那里他被称为“结果公布,最圣洁的一个”)。In Jerusalem there existed down to the second century a community by the name of "The Holy Congregation" ('Edah Ḳedoshah, or Ḳehala Ḳaddisha), which insisted on each member practising a trade and devoting a third part of the day to the study of the Torah, a third to devotion, and a third to work: probably a survival of an Essene community (Eccl. R. ix. 9; Ber. 9b; Tamid 27b).在耶路撒冷存在下至公元二世纪由“圣众”('EdahḲedoshah,或ḲehalaḲaddisha),它在每个练习的贸易和专门用一天的第三部分是研究的一个成员坚持一个社区的名称诵读经文,以奉献的三分之一,三分之一的工作:可能是一个essene社区的生存(传道书河九9;苏贝9B条; Tamid 27B款。。)。

In this connection mention should also be made of the "Banna'im" (builders: Miḳ. ix. 6; Shab. 114a), whom Frankel ("Zeitschrift für die Religiösen Interessen des Judenthums," 1846, p. 455) with great plausibility identifies with the Essenes.在这方面还应该提到的“Banna'im”(建商:Mik的九6;沙巴114A条。。。),其中弗兰克尔(“Zeitschrift毛皮死Religiösen Interessen德Judenthums”,1846年,第455页)与伟大可信性标识与爱色尼。Originally applied to a gild of builders belonging to the Essenes (see "Polistes," below; comp. Abba Ḳolon "the Builder," Cant. R. i. 6; Abba Joseph the Builder, Ex. R. xiii.; the "Bannai" [Builder] in the companyof R. Gamaliel, who was to hide in the walls the Targum to Job, Tosef., Shab. xiii. 2), their name was given the meaning of builders of a higher world and afterward applied to the Rabbis in general (Ber. 64a; Yer. Yoma iii. 40; Yer. Giṭ. vii. 48d; Ex. R. xxiii.; comp. οἰκοδομεῖν in the "Didascalia" and the Pauline writings).最初应用于一个属于爱色尼建设者镀金(见“果马蜂,”以下;比赛阿爸可隆“的生成器,”斜面河岛6;。。阿爸约瑟的生成器,防爆河十三。。的“ Bannai“[器]在companyof河加马,谁是在墙壁上的根隐藏来的工作,Tosef。,沙巴。十三。2),他们的名字被赋予了一个更高的世界意义和后来的建设者应用一般拉比(Ber.第64A条。也门里亚尔山脉三40;。也门里亚尔的Git七48D条。。。。前传译二十三。可比在“didascalia认为”和宝莲著作οἰκοδομεῖν。)。 Each hermit built his house himself; hence the names "Banus" and "Bannaia," adopted by men whose type was the legendary Benaiah ben Jehoiada (Ber. 4a; 18a, b).每个隐士建立了他自己的房子,所以冠以“巴努斯”和“Bannaia,”由男性的类型是传说中的比拿雅本耶大通过(Ber.第4A,18A条,乙)。

Survivals of the Hasidim.存活的ḥasidim。

The name of the Ḥasidim of olden times is coupled with that of the "Anshe Ma'aseh" (men of miraculous deeds: Suk. v. 4), a fact which shows that both belonged to the same class.在对古代的ḥasidim名称加上了“Anshe Ma'aseh”(男人的奇迹般的事迹:淑诉4。)表示,这一事实表明,这两个属于同一类。Ḥanina b.Ḥanina湾Dosa is called the last of "the miracle-workers" (Soṭah ix. 15).多萨被称为“奇迹工”昨(soṭah九。15)。But the Ḥasidim remained wonder-workers in Talmudic times (Ber. 18b; Lev. R. xxii., where "ish hama'aseh" is translated into "'asḳan bi-debarim").但仍留在塔木德的Ḥasidim倍难怪工(Ber. 18B条;。。列弗传译二十二,其中“上下的hama'aseh”被翻译成“'asḳan双向debarim”)。In fact, there existed books containing miraculous stories of the Ḥasidim, a considerable number of which were adopted by Talmud and Midrash (see Eccl. R. ix. 10), just as there existed secret scrolls ("Megillot Seṭarim") and ethical rules of the Ḥasidim ("Mishnat" or "Megillat Ḥasidim") to which allusion is made here and there in the Talmud (Yer. Ter. viii. 46b; Yer. Ber. ix. 14d), and the contents of which have found their way into the pseudepigraphic and early non-Talmudic, literature (see Horowitz, lc).事实上,存在着书包含的ḥasidim,其中相当多是由塔木德和米德拉士通过神奇的故事(见传道书。河九。10),只是由于存在秘密春联(“MegillotSeṭarim”)和道德规则的ḥasidim(“Mishnat”或“Megillat的ḥasidim”),以该典故是在这里和那里的塔木德(Yer.泰尔八560 17。。。。。也门里亚尔误码率第九14天),并发现其中的内容进入pseudepigraphic和早期非犹太法典,文学的方式(见霍洛维茨,立法会)。 The Ḥasidim mentioned in old baraitas like Temurah (15b) and Soṭah (ix. 15), and in Abot de-Rabbi Natan (viii.), who spent their time on works of charity, are none other but survivals of the ancient Ḥasidim.如Temurah(15B条)和Soṭah(ix. 15),并在abot德拉-拉比纳坦(viii.),谁花的慈善工作的时间,老baraitas提到该Ḥasidim是没有别的,而是古代ḥasidim残余。 The Ḥasidean traditions may, therefore, be traced from Jose ben Joezer, the martyr-saint and Ḥasidean leader of the Maccabean time (II Macc. xiv. 37, where "Razis" is a corruption of the name; Gen. R. lxv.; Frankel, in "Monatsschrift," lii. 406 [1851], down to Phinehas b. Jair, who was both in theory and in practise a disciple of the Ḥasidim (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." ii. 594 et seq.); indeed, there is little in Essene life which does not find its explanation in rabbinical sources.传统的Ḥasidean可能,因此,可以追溯到从圣荷西贲Joezer,烈士,圣和的Maccabean时间(二排雷Ḥasidean领导人十四37,其中“Razis”是一个腐败的名称。。将军河第六十五。 。。弗兰克尔在“月刊,”吕氏406 [1851],下至非尼哈乙珥谁无论在理论上还是在实践中的Ḥasidim弟子(见巴切尔,“。。银谈”二594起。);事实上,生活中有不厄中找到其来源的解释犹太教不大。

Viewed in the lightof these facts, the description of the Essenes given by Philo and Josephus will be better understood and appreciated.在这些事实角度来看,由斐洛和约瑟夫给予的essenes说明会得到更好的理解和赞赏。Philo describes them in his earlier work, "Quod Omnis Probus Liber," § 12, as Philo's Account of the Essenes.(comp. Ex. R. xii.: "Moses should not pray to God in a city full of idols").斐洛描述他的早期作品“狴Omnis普罗比斯或函”§ 12作为斐罗的爱色尼帐户,他们。(comp.前传译十二:。。“摩西不应该在一个城市充满了偶像祈祷上帝”) 。

"a number of men living in Syria and Palestine, over 4,000 according to my judgment, called 'Essæi' (ὂσιοι) from their saintliness (though not exactly after the meaning of the Greek language), they being eminently worshipers of God (θεραπευταί Θεον)-not in the sense that they sacrifice living animals (like the priests in the Temple), but that they are anxious to keep their minds in a priestly state of holiness. They prefer to live in villages and avoid cities on account of the habitual wickedness of those who inhabit them, knowing, as they do, that just as foul air breeds disease, so there is danger of contracting an incurable disease of the soul from such bad associations" “一个生活在叙利亚和巴勒斯坦人数超过4000人,根据我的判断,所谓'Essæi'(ὂσιοι)从他们的圣洁(虽然不完全后,希腊语意思),他们显然是上帝的信徒(θεραπευταίΘεον )未在某种意义上说,他们牺牲生命的动物(如在圣殿祭司),但他们都渴望保持在一个圣洁的祭司陈述自己的想法。他们更愿意生活在农村,避免对城市户口的惯性恶者谁居住在他们,知道,因为他们做的,就如同空气污浊品种疾病,所以从这种承包不好的联想的灵魂不治之症的危险“

This fear of contamination is given a different meaning by Philo ("De Vita Contemplativa," ed. Conybeare, pp. 53, 206).这种污染的恐惧被赋予不同的含义的斐罗(“德简历Contemplativa,”版。科尼比尔,第53,206)。Speaking of their occupations, he says:(comp. Ḳid. iv. 11; Tosef., Ḳid. v. 15; Masseket Soferim, xv. 10; all these passages being evidences of the same spirit pervading the Pharisaic schools).他们的职业时,他说:(可比孩子四11; Tosef,孩子诉15人; Masseket Soferim,十五10;所有这些通道是相同的pharisaic的学校普遍存在的精神依据。。。。。)。

"Some cultivate the soil, others pursue peaceful arts, toiling only for the provision of their necessary wants. . . . Among all men they alone are without money and without possession, but nevertheless they are the richest of all, because to have few wants and live frugally they regard as riches [comp. Abot iv. 1: "Who is rich? “一些培养土,其他艺术追求和平的辛勤劳作,为他们提供必要只想。。。。在所有的人,只有他们没有钱,没有占有权,但尽管如此,他们是所有最富有的,因为有一些想。。和省吃俭用他们作为财富[可比Abot四第一方面:“谁是有钱人? Who is contented with his lot?谁是他的很多满足的呢?for it is said: 'When thou eatest the labor of thy hands happy art thou and it shall be well with thee'" (Ps. cxxviii. 2, Hebr.)]. Among them there is no maker of any weapon of war [comp. Shab. vi. 4], nor any trader, whether huckster or dealer in large merchandise on land or sea, nor do they follow any occupation that leads to injustice or to covetousness" "There is not a single slave among them, but they are all free, serving one another; they condemn masters, not only as representing a principle of unrighteousness in opposition to that of equality, but as personifications of wickedness in that they violate the law of nature which made us all brethren, created alike."因为它是说:'当你eatest你双手的劳动快乐艺术你和它应当与你的好'“(。诗篇cxxviii 2,黑布尔。)],其中没有任何战争[武器制造商。比赛。沙巴。六。4],也没有任何交易,无论是叫卖或在陆地或海上大型商品交易商,也不遵循任何职业,导致不公平或贪婪“,”没有一个单一的,其中的奴隶,但他们都是免费的,为彼此,他们不仅谴责反对派的代表不义的原则,主人,平等,但作为人格化的邪恶,因为它们违反自然的规律,这使我们所有的弟兄们,创造了一致好评。 “[This means that, so far from keeping slaves, the Essenes, or Ḥasidim, made it their special object to ransom captives (see Ab. RN viii.; Ta'an. 22a; Ḥul. 7a); they emancipated slaves and taught them the Law, which says: "They are My servants (Lev. xxv. 42), but should not be servants of servants, and should not wear the yoke of flesh and blood" (Targ. Yer. to Deut. xxiii. 16-17; Tosef., BK vii. 5; Ḳid. 22b.; comp. 38b; Abot i. 10: "Hate mastership!" Abot vi. 2. In regard to their practise of mutual service comp. Ḳid. 32b; Luke xxii. 27; John xiii. 1 et seq.).] [这意味着,到目前为止,从饲养的奴隶,爱色尼,或的ḥasidim,使得他们的特殊对象,以勒索赎金的俘虏(见第八抗体护士。。Ta'an 22A条。讫7A条。),他们解放奴隶,并教他们法律,它说:“他们是我的仆人,但不应该是仆人的仆人,而不应穿的血肉轭(利未记二十五42。)”(targ.层至申二十三16 - 。。。 17; Tosef,浅滩七5;孩子22B条;比赛38B条; abot一10:。。。。。“恨主控权!”abot六,二,在实践方面的相互服务训练班的孩子32B条;路加福音二十二。。。。 。27;约翰十三1起)]。。。

Study of the Law.(comp. the name of "doreshe reshumot," allegorists, B. Ḳ. 82a).研究法。(可比的“doreshe reshumot,”allegorists,乙ḳ。82A条的名称)。

"Of natural philosophy . . . they study only that which pertains to the existence of God and the beginning of all things ["ma'ase merkabah" and "ma'aseh bereshit"], otherwise they devote all their attention to ethics, using as instructors the laws of their fathers, which, without the outpouring of the divine spirit ["ruaḥ ha-ḳodesh"], the human mind could not have devised. These are especially taught on the seventh day, when, abstaining from all other work, they assemble in their holy places, called synagogues, sitting in rows according to their age, the younger ones listening with becoming attention at the feet of the elder ones. One takes up the holy book and reads aloud, another one from among the most learned comes forward and explains whatever may not have been understood-for, following their ancient traditions, they obtain their philosophy by means of allegorical interpretation" "Thus they are taught piety, holiness, righteousness, the mode of governing private and social affairs, and the knowledge of what is conducive or harmful or indifferent to truth, so that they may choose the one and shun the other, their main rule and maxim being a threefold one: love of God, love of manhood (self-control), and love of man. Of the love of God they exhibit myriads of examples, inasmuch as they strive for a continued, uninterrupted life of purity and holiness; they avoid swearing and falsehood, and they declare that God causes only good and no evil whatsoever [comp. "kol de-abed Raḥmana le-ṭab 'abed," "What the Merciful does is for the good," Ber. 60b]. Their love of virtue is proved by their freedom from love of money, of high station, and of pleasure, by their temperance and endurance, by their having few wants, by their simplicity and mild temper, by their lack of pride, by their obedience to the Law, by their equanimity, and the like. Of their love for man they give proof by their good will and pleasant conduct toward all alike [comp. Abot i. 15, iii. 12: "Receive every man with a pleasant countenance!"], and by their fellowship, which is beautiful beyond description.“自然哲学。。。他们的研究只有那些以上帝的存在和万物之始属于[”ma'ase Merkaba上“和”ma'aseh bereshit“],否则,他们把全部注意力伦理,使用作为导师,他们的父亲,其中,没有源源不断的神圣精神[“ruaḥ公顷ḳodesh”]的法律,人的心灵不可能设计出来。这是​​特别是在第七天的时候,从其他一切工作的弃权教他们聚集在他们的圣地,被称为犹太教堂,坐在一排排根据自己的年龄,成为倾听着年轻的在姐姐们的脚重视。之一占用的圣书和朗读,从另一间最据悉来到,并说明任何可能没有被理解为,随着自己的古老传统,他们获取他们所寓言的解释是指哲学“”因此,教他们的虔诚,圣洁,公义,执政私人和社会事务的方式,和神,男子气概(自我控制)爱的爱,爱:什么是有利或有害的或漠不关心的真相,使他们可以从中选择一个与顺等,他们的主要规则和格言是一个三重一知识。人类的神的爱,他们表现出无数的例子,因为他们争取持续,不间断的纯洁和神圣的生命,他们避免宣誓就职和谬误,他们宣称,上帝的原因只有良好的,没有任何邪恶[可比。 “科尔去阿比德Raḥmana乐标签'卧床”,“没有什么慈悲为善,”误码率。60B条]。他们的爱的美德是他们的自由证明爱钱从高车站,以及快乐通过他们的节制和耐力,他们有一些希望,通过他们的淳朴和温和的脾气,他们缺乏自豪感,他们服从法律,他们的平静,等等。它们对人的爱,他们给的证明他们的良好意愿和对一切都愉快的行为[比赛abot一15,三12:。。“的接收和颜悦色每个人!”],并通过他们的奖学金,这是不可名状的美好。

Their Communism.(comp. BM ii. 11).他们的共产主义。(可比骨髓二。11)。

"No one possesses a house absolutely his own, one which does not at the same time belong to all; for in addition to living together in companies ["ḥaburot"] their houses are open also to their adherents coming from other quarters [comp. Aboti. 5]. They have one storehouse for all, and the same diet; their garments belong to all in common, and their meals are taken in common. . . . Whatever they receive for their wages after having worked the whole day they do not keep as their own, but bring into the common treasury for the use of all; nor do they neglect the sick who are unable to contribute their share, as they have in their treasury ample means to offer relief to those in need. [One of the two Ḥasidean and rabbinical terms for renouncing all claim to one's property in order to deliver it over to common use is "hefker" (declaring a thing ownerless; comp. Sanh. 49a); Joab, as the type of an Essene, made his house like the wilderness-that is, ownerless and free from the very possibility of tempting men to theft and sexual sin-and he supported the poor of the city with the most delicate food. “没有人拥有自己的房子绝对,一个不属于在同一时间向所有;在除了生活在一起的公司[”ḥaburot“]他们的房子,也开放给他们的信徒从其他宿舍[比赛的到来。 。。Aboti 5]他们有一个仓库的所有,而同样的饮食,他们的服装属于共同所有,他们的膳食中普遍采取不管他们为他们的工资得到工作后,他们做了整整一天。。。。作为自己跟不上,但带来了对于所有使用普通国库;也没有忽略谁生病无法贡献自己的份额,因为他们在国库充裕有办法提供救济有需要的人[之一。两个Ḥasidean和放弃,以都宣称自己的财产来提供了共同使用犹太教而言是“hefker”(宣布某事无主。可比葬身49A条。)约押,作为一个essene类型,提出他的房子就像荒野,也就是无主,从诱人的男子很可能自由地盗窃和性罪和他支持的最微妙的食物的城市贫民。

Similarly, King Saul declared his whole property free for use in warfare (Yalḳ.,Sam. i. 138).同样地,扫罗王宣布在战争中使用(Yalḳ.,山姆。岛138)他的整个财产的自由。The other term is "heḳdesh nekasim" (consecrating one's goods; comp. 'Ar. vi. ; Pes. 57: "The owners of the mulberry-trees consecrated them to God"; Ta'an. 24a: "Eliezer of Beeroth consecrated to charity the money intended for his daughter's dowry, saying to his daughter, 'Thou shalt have no more claim upon it than any of the poor in Israel.'" Jose ben Joezer, because he had an unworthy son, consecrated his goods to God (BB 133b). Formerly men used to take all they had and give it to the poor (Luke xviii. 22); in Usha the rabbis decreed that no one should give away more than the fifth part of his property ('Ar. 28a; Tosef., 'Ar. iv. 23; Ket. 50a).] They pay respect and honor to, and bestow care upon, their elders, acting toward them as children act toward their parents, and supporting them unstintingly by their handiwork and in other ways"其他术语是“heḳdeshnekasim”(供奉人的货物;比赛'氩六;瘟57:。。。“桑树的主人奉献给上帝”; Ta'an 24A条:“。比录埃利泽的神圣。给慈善机构为他的女儿的嫁妆,打算钱,说他的女儿,'你有没有赋予它更多的不是穷人以色列境内任何索赔。“何塞本Joezer,因为他有一个卑微的儿子为之献身的货物神。以前需要(BB心跳133b)以前所有队员,让他们给穷人(路加福音十八22)。。在乌莎的拉比颁布法令,任何人都不应该放弃比他的财产('氩第五部分更28A条; Tosef,'氩四23;。。。。。氯胺酮50A条)]他们敬意和荣誉,并赐给眷顾,他们的长辈,对他们作为儿童的行​​为对他们的父母,他们坚持不懈和支持他们的手工和在其他方面“

Not even the most cruel tyrants, continues Philo, possibly with reference to King Herod, have ever been able, to bring any charge against these holy Essenes, but all have been compelled to regard them as truly free men.即使是最残酷的暴君,继续斐洛,可能参考希律王,曾经能,把任何对这些神圣的爱色尼费,但都被迫把他们视为真正的自由人。 In Philo's larger work on the Jews, of which only fragments have been preserved in Eusebius' "Præparatio Evangelica" (viii.), the following description of the Essenes is given (ch. xi.):在斐洛的大对犹太人,其中只有片段已在尤西比乌斯'“Præparatio Evangelica”(viii.)保留的工作,下面的描述的essenes给出(章十一。):

The Essenes Advanced in Years.爱色尼上了年纪。

"Our lawgiver, Moses, has trained thousands of disciples who, on account of their saintliness, I believe, are honored with the name of Essæi. They inhabit many cities and villages, and large and populous quarters of Judea. Their institution is not based upon family connections, which are not matters of free choice, but upon zeal for virtue and philanthropy. There exist no new-born children, and no youth just entering upon manhood, in the Essene community, since the dispositions of such youth are unstable on account of their immaturity; but all are full-grown men, already declining toward old age [compare the meaning of "zeḳenim"], such as are no longer carried away by the vehemence of the flesh nor under the influence of their passions, but are in the enjoyment of genuine and true liberty." “我们的立法者,摩西,有弟子谁,对他们圣洁的帐户,我相信成千上万训练有素,很荣幸与Essæi的名字。他们居住的许多城市和村庄,犹太。所在单位的人口众多的大宿舍是不是基于在家庭关系,不属于自由选择的问题,但一经美德和慈善事业的热情。存在没有新出生的孩子,没有青年才刚刚进入成年后,在厄社区,因为这些年轻人的性格是不稳定的考虑他们的不成熟,但都完全长大成人了,已经对老年降低[比较“zeḳenim”的意思],如不再带走的肉也不激烈下,他们的激情的影响,但在真正的和真正自由的享受的。“ [This is the most essential feature of Essenism (comp. Pliny, lc), and has been almost entirely ignored. [这是最本质的特征的Essenism(可比普林尼,立法会),并已几乎完全被忽略。The divine command to marry and preserve the race is supposed to have been obeyed by every young man before the close of his twentieth year (Ḳid. 29b), and he has not discharged his obligation until he has been the father of at least two children, two sons according to the Shammaites, according to the Hillelites one son and one daughter (Yeb. vi. 6).神圣的结婚和维护命令的比赛应该是由每一个年轻的人服从之前,他20年结束(Ḳid.29B条),而他没有履行他的义务,直到他被至少有两个孩子的父亲,两个儿子根据Shammaites,根据该hillelites一个儿子和一个女儿(Yeb.六。6)。 It was therefore only at an advanced age that it was considered an act of extreme piety "to leave children, wife, and friends behind in order to lead a life of contemplation in solitude" (Philo, "De Vita Contemplativa," ed. Conybeare, p. 49).]因此,只有在一个先进的时代,它被认为是一个行为极端虔诚“离开孩子,妻子,朋友后面,以领导一个生活在孤独的沉思”(斐洛,“德简历Contemplativa,”版。科尼比尔,第49页)。]

Philo says here also that the Essenes have no property of their own, not house or slave or farm, nor flocks and herds, but hold in common everything they have or obtain; that they either pursue agriculture, or tend to their sheep and cattle, or beehives, or practise some handicraft.斐洛说,在这里还认为,爱色尼没有自己,没有房子或奴隶或农场,也没有牛羊财产,但他们都持有共同拥有或获得,使他们无论是从事农业,或倾向于自己的羊和牛,或蜂箱,或练习一些手工艺品。 Their earnings, he continues, are given in charge of an elected steward, who at once buys the food for their meals and whatever is necessary for life.他们的收入,他继续说,给出了一个民选的管家,谁在一次买了食品和吃饭什么是生命所必需的费用。Every day they have their meals together; they are contented with the same food because they love frugality and despise extravagance as a disease of body and soul.每一天,他们有他们一起吃饭,他们具有相同的食物心满意足,因为他们喜欢作为一个身体和心灵的疾病节俭,鄙视奢侈。They also have their dress in common, a thick cloak in winter and a light mantle in summer, each one being allowed to take whichever he chooses.他们也有他们穿着普通,在冬季厚厚的大衣和轻型地幔在夏季,每一个被允许采取任何他选择。If any one be sick, he is cured by medcines from the common stock, receiving the care of all.如果任何一个生病,由他治愈药效的普通股,获得照顾所有。Old men, if they happen to be childless, end their lives as if they were blessed with many and well-trained children, and in the most happy state, being treated with a respect which springs from spontaneous attachment rather than from kinship.老男人,如果他们碰巧是无子女,结束自己的生命,好像他们是幸运的多,受过良好培训的儿童,以及最快乐的国家,作为一个受到尊重的泉水从自发依恋,而不是从血缘关系。 Especially do they reject that which would dissolve their fellowship, namely, marriage, while they practise continence in an eminent degree, for no one of the Essæi takes a wife.尤其是做他们认为这将拒绝解散他们的奖学金,即婚姻,而他们的做法在一个杰出的程度毫无节制的Essæi一需要一个妻子。 (What follows regarding the character of women probably reflects the misogynous opinion of the writer, not of the Essenes.) Philo concludes with a repetition of the remark that mighty kings have admired and venerated these men and conferred honors upon them. (接下来关于妇女角色,可能反映了作家misogynous意见,而不是爱色尼)。斐洛用两句话重复,强大的国王们钦佩和崇敬总结这些男人和授予他们的荣誉。

Josephus' Account.约瑟夫的帐户。

In his "Antiquities" (xiii. 5, § 9), Josephus speaks of the Essenes as a sect which had existed in the time of the Maccabees, contemporaneously with the Pharisees and Sadducees, and which teaches that all things are determined by destiny (εἱμαρμένη), and that nothing befalls men which has not been foreordained; whereas the Pharisees make allowance for free will, and the Sadducees deny destiny altogether.在他的“古物”(xiii. 5,§ 9),约瑟夫说,作为一个教派的是曾在当时存在的马加比爱色尼,contemporaneously与法利赛和撒都该人,并教导我们,所有事情都是由命运决定( εἱμαρμένη),且无任何降临一直没有注定男人,而法利赛人的自由意志津贴,并撒都该人否认共命运。This refers not so much to the more or less absolute belief in Providence (comp. the saying, "Ha-kol hi-yede shamayim" = " All is in the hands of God": Ket. 30a; Ber. 33b; and R. Akiba's words, "Everything is foreseen, but free will is given," Abot iii. 15), which the Sadducees scarcely denied, as to the foreknowledge of future (political) events, which the Essenes claimed (comp. Josephus, "Ant." xv. 10, § 5, et al.); the Pharisees were more discreet, and the Sadducees treated such prophecies with contempt.这里指的不是那么多,在普罗维登斯或多或少绝对信仰(可比的说法,“哈,科尔高科技yede shamayim”=“一切都在上帝的手中”:氯胺酮30A条;​​苏贝33B条;和R。。 。秋叶的话来说,“一切都预见到,但自由意志,给出”abot三。15),这几乎是撒都该人否认,至于未来的(政治)事件,其中essenes声称预知(可比约瑟夫,“蚂蚁。“十五10,§ 5,等)。。法利赛人更加谨慎,并撒都该人蔑视这样的预言。In "Ant."在“蚂蚁”。xviii.十八。1, §§ 2-6, Josephus dwells at somewhat greater length on what he assumes to be the three Jewish philosophical schools.1,§ § 2-6,约瑟夫在一定程度上更大的长度住他已经被认为是哲学的三个犹太学校。Of the Essenes he says that they ascribe all things to God, that they teach the immortality of the soul, and that the reward of righteousness must be fought for (by martyrdom).(comp. Strabo, vii. 33).他的爱色尼说,他们都向上帝赋予的,他们教的灵魂不死的东西,而且必须是正义的奖励(减殉难)作战。(可比斯特拉波,七。33)。

"When they send gifts to the Temple they do not offer sacrifices because of the different degrees of purity and holiness they claim; therefore they keep themselves away from the common court of the Temple and bring offerings [vegetable sacrifices] of their own. [This certainly does not mean that they opposed animal sacrifices on principle, but that they brought no free-will offerings for reasons of their own; see above.] They excel all men in conduct, and devote themselves altogether to agriculture. Especially admirable is their practise of righteousness, which, while the like may have existed among Greeks or barbarians for a little while, has been kept up by them from ancient days [ἐκ παλαιον]; for they, like the Spartans of old and others, have still all things in common, and a rich man has no more enjoyment of his property than he who never possessed anything. There are about 4,000 men who live in such manner. They neither marry, nor do they desire to keep slaves, as they think the latter practise leads to injustice [comp. Abot ii. 7: "Many men servants, much theft"], and the former brings about quarrels; but, living to themselves, they serve one another. They elect good men ["ṭobim"; See Charity] to receive the wages of their labor and the produce of the soil, and priests for the preparation [consecration?] of their bread and meat. They all live alike, and resemble most the [holy unmarried] city-builders [pioneers] of the Dacæ" “当他们送礼物,他们的圣殿,因为不提供纯洁和神圣,他们要求的不同程度的牺牲;。因此,他们使自己远离普通法院的庙宇,把[蔬菜牺牲]他们自己的产品[本当然,这并不表示他们原则上反对动物牺牲,但他们带来了他们自己的原因没有自由意志的产品。。见上]他们擅长于进行所有的人,完全投身到农业,特别是令人钦佩的是他们的做法公义的,其中,而像可能有希腊人或野蛮人之间存在着一小会儿,一直保持他们从古代天[ἐκπαλαιον],因为他们,像老等人,斯巴达人仍然在所有的事情常见的,一个富有的人没有比他更享受他的财产谁从未拥有任何东西。大约有4000人谁的方式生活。他们既不结婚,也不希望保持奴隶,因为他们认为后者的做法导致不公平:,前者带来的争吵,但是,对自己的生活,他们互相服事他们选出的好男人[“ṭobim”,见慈善] [可比Abot二7:“很多男性公务员,许多盗窃”。。]。接受他们的劳动工资和土壤的生产,为筹备和祭司[奉献?]的面包和肉。他们都住一样,和大多数类似的[神圣的未婚]城市建设者的[先锋] Dacæ“

The chief information concerning the Essenes is given in "De Bello Judaico" (ii. 8, §§ 2-13).首席信息有关的essenes是由于在“德涛Judaico”(白介素8,§ § 2-13)。But this account seems to have been taken from another source and worked over, as the description preserved in Hippolytus' "Refutatio Omnium Hæresium" (ix. 18-28) presents a version which, unobserved by most writers, differs in many respects from that of Josephus, being far more genuinely Jewish, and showing greater accuracy in detail and none of the coloring peculiar to Josephus (see Duncker's ed., Göttingen, 1859, p. 472, note).但是,此帐户似乎已采取了从其他来源和工作过,如西波吕'“Refutatio Omnium公司Hæresium”(ix. 18-28)保留的描述提出了一个版本的,没有观察到大多数作家,在许多方面不同于约瑟夫,被远远真正的犹太人,并表现出更大的准确性,细节和色彩特有的约瑟夫无(见克尔的对外债务。,哥廷根,1859年,第472页,注)。 The following is Hippolytus' version, the variations in Josephus' being indicated by brackets with the letter J:以下是西波吕'版本,在约瑟夫的变化,正在通过与括号内的字母J表示:

Hippolytus' Description Compared with Josephus'的法利赛人,撒都该人,爱色尼几篇文章。信息来源,以便更深入地了解宗教科目。"> divisions [sects, αἱρετίσται = "philosophical divisions"] among them [the Jews]: the Pharisees and Sadducees and the Essenes. These [last] practise a holier life [J: "Jews by birth"] in their display of love for one another and of continence [comp. Ẓenu'im, above]; they abstain from every act of covetousness [J: "pleasure as an evil deed"] and avoid even listening to conversation concerning such things. They renounce matrimony, but they take children of strangers [J: "when they are still easily instructed"; but comp. Abraham in Gen. R. xxxix. and Targ. Yer. to Deut. xxiii. 17], and treat them as their own, training them in their own customs; but they do not forbid them to marry. Women, however, though they may be inclined to join the same mode of life, they do not admit, as they by no means place the same confidence in women."希波吕托斯'描述相比约瑟夫(可比传道书九8。。)“有三个师[教派,αἱρετίσται=”哲学分歧“],其中[犹太人]:。。法利赛和撒都该人的essenes这些[最后]一个圣洁的生活实践研究[J:对彼此和可控[可比“出生的犹太人”]在他们的爱情展示Ẓenu'im]地,他们从每一个贪婪研究[J行为弃权:。“快乐作为一个邪恶契约“],并避免在听对话就这样的事情他们放弃婚姻,但他们采取的陌生人研究[J孩子们:。。”当他们仍然很容易的指示“,但比赛亚伯拉罕在将军河三十九和Targ层。。 。以申二十三17],并视为己出,训练他们在自己的风俗。。。但是他们并不禁止他们结婚的妇女,然而,尽管他们可能倾向于加入同一模式的生活,他们不承认,因为并不意味着他们放置在妇女一样的信心。“ [This referssimply to questions of Levitical holiness and to the mysteries entrusted to the Ẓenu'im. [这referssimply的问题和利未圣洁的奥秘委托Ẓenu'im。Josephus has this sentence twisted into the following crude and unjust statement: "They do not forbid marriage and the procreation of children, but they guard against the lasciviousness of women and are persuaded that none preserves fidelity to one man."] Hippolytus continues: "They despise wealth, and do not refrain from sharing what they have with those in need; in fact, none among them is richer than the other; for the law with them is that whosoever joins their order must sell his possessions and hand the proceeds over to the common stock [Josephus adds here remarks of his own]; and the head [archon] distributes it to all according to their need. The overseers who provide for the common wants are elected by them. They do not use oil, as they regard anointing as a defilement, probably from fear that the oil was not kept perfectly pure. They always dress in white garments".约瑟夫已进入以下原油和不公正的声明扭曲了这样一句话:“他们并不禁止结婚和生育子女,但他们警惕淫荡的妇女,并相信,没有保留忠实于一个人。”]西波吕继续说:“他们鄙视财富,不要不要分享他们在有需要的人,事实上,其中没有一个是比其他更丰富,与他们的法律是无论何人加入他们的秩序,必须卖给他的财产和手的收益超过对普通股[约瑟夫在这里,他自己增添言论]。。和头部[执政官]分发到所有根据自己的需要监督员谁愿意为共同提供均由他们,他们不使用石油,因为它们认为这是污辱恩膏,可能是从担心石油并不是完全保持纯洁。他们总是穿着白色服装。“

Essenes Travel Constantly.爱色尼旅游不断。

"They have no special city of their own, but live in large numbers in different cities, and if any of their followers comes from a strange city everything they have is considered as belonging equally to the newcomer; those who were never known before are received as kindred and friends." “他们没有自己的特殊的城市,但大量生活在不同的城市,如果他们的追随者的任何一个陌生的城市一切,他们已经是属于同样的新人来考虑,那些从来没有谁知道前收到为亲属和朋友。“ "They traverse their native land [as "sheluḥe miẓwah," sent for charitable and for politico-religious purposes (comp. Apostles)], and whenever they go on a journey they carry nothing except arms. They find in every city an administrator of the collective funds, who procures clothing and food for them. “他们穿过他们的故土[作为”sheluḥemiẓwah,“送慈善和政治宗教目的(可比使徒)],而当他们去旅行,他们没有携带武器除外。他们在每个城市找到一个管理人集体资金,谁获得供他们衣服和食物。

Prayers and Meals.祈祷和餐点。

"Their way of dressing and their general appearance are decorous; but they possess neither two cloaks nor two pairs of shoes [comp. Matt. x. 10, and parallels]. At early dawn they rise for devotion and prayer, and speak not a word to one another until they have praised God in hymns. [Josephus has here: "They speak not a word about profane things before the rising of the sun, but they offer up the prayers they have received from their fathers facing the sun as if praying for its rising"; comp. the Watiḳim, above.] Thus they go forth, each to his work until the fifth hour, when, having put on linen aprons to conceal their privy parts [comp. Ber. 24b], they bathe in cold water and then proceed to breakfast, none being allowed to enter the house who does not share their view or mode of holiness [see Ḥag. iii. 2]. Then, having taken their seats in order amid silence, each takes a sufficient portion of bread and some additional food; but none eats before the benediction has been offered by the priest, who also recites the grace after the meal; both at the beginning and at the close they praise God in hymns [comp. Ber. 21a, 35a, in regard to the saying of grace; see, M. Ḳ. 28b; Meg. 28a]. After this they lay aside their sacred linen garments used at their meal, put on their working garments left in the vestibule, and betake themselves to their labor until the evening, when they take supper. “他们的穿着方式是他们的整体外观高雅,但他们既没有两个外衣也不是两个双鞋子[可比马特十,10,和平行线。。]在清晨的崛起对他们的奉献和祈祷,并说不是。一句话,直到他们彼此都赞扬上帝的圣歌[约瑟夫已在这里:。“他们说这话,不是之前的太阳升起一个关于亵渎的东西的话,但他们提供了他们得到他们的父亲仿佛对着太阳祈祷其崛起“的祈祷。。。。比赛的Watiḳim,上述]因此,他们出去,每到他直到第五小时,遇到这种时候,对亚麻围裙于隐瞒自己的[可比枢密院部分工作苏贝24B条],他们洗澡在冷水中,然后进行早餐,没有被允许进入房子谁不同意他们的看法或圣洁模式[见女巫。三。2]。然后,在沉默中采取了以自己的座位上,每次需足够部分面包和一些额外的食物,但没有吃之前,祝福一直由牧师,谁也朗诵了宽限期后,提供膳食,无论是在开始和结束,他们赞美圣歌[可比苏贝神21A条。。 35A条,在考虑到说的宽限期,见,先生K表28B款。。梅格28A条]在此之后,他们放下自己的神圣亚麻在他们的膳食对他们的工作在前厅左侧放衣服,用衣服,奔往自己。他们直到晚上,当他们把晚饭劳动。

The Law and the Prophets.[comp.法律和先知的道理。[可比。Wisdom vii.智慧七。20]20]

"There are no loud noise and vociferation heard [at their assembly]; they speak gently and allow the discourse to flow with grace and dignity, so that the stillness within impresses outsiders with a sense of mystery. They observe sobriety and moderation in eating and drinking. All pay due attention to the president, and whatever he orders they obey as law. Especial zeal they manifest in offering sympathy and succor to those in distress. [Josephus here adds a sentence of his own.] Above all they refrain from all forms of passion and anger as leading to mischief [see Anger]. No one among them swears; a word is regarded as more binding than an oath; and one who swears is despised as one not deserving of confidence. They are very solicitous in regard to the reading aloud of the Law and the Prophets [J: "the writings of the ancient ones"], and of any [apocalyptic?] scroll they have of the Faithful Ones [comp. Tan., Wa'era, ed. Buber, 4; and Eschatology; J: "and they select such as are for the salvation of soul and body"]. Especially do they investigate the magic powers of plants and stones.“有没有听到巨响,vociferation [在集会];他们说话轻轻的话语,让流动风度和尊严,从而使在寂静的印象与外界的神秘感,他们观察清醒和节制饮食和。饮酒。全部予以应有的重视,总统,不管他命令他们听从以法律。特殊的热情,他们提供的同情和救助那些处于困境的舱单。[约瑟夫这里增添了他自己的。一个句子]最重要的是他们停止一切激情和愤怒的形式为龙头,以恶作剧[见愤怒]没有其中之一发誓。一个字被视为更具约束力比宣誓。和一个谁发誓是一个不值得信任的鄙视他们非常殷勤方面在朗读的法律和先知[记者:“古代的著作”]。,以及任何[?世界末日]滚动他们的忠实者[可比有谈,Wa'​​era编布伯。。 ,4;和末世;记者:“他们选择定为灵魂和身体的救赎”],特别是他们调查的植物和石头的魔力。。

"To those desirous of becoming disciples they do not deliver their traditions [παραδόσεις; comp. Cabala] until they have tested them. Accordingly they set before the aspirant the same kind of food, outside the main hall, where he remains for a whole year after having received a mattock, a linen apron, and a white robe [as symbols of Ẓeni'ut (Essene, modesty and purity)]. After having given proof of self-control during this period, he is advanced and his ablutions are of a higher degree of purity, but he is not allowed to partake of the common meal until, after a trial of two years more, he has proved worthy to be admitted into membership. Then oaths of an awful character are administered to him: he swears to treat with reverence whatever is related to the Divinity [compare Blasphemy and God, Names of]; that he will observe righteousness toward men and do injustice to none; that he will not hate any one who has done him injustice, but will pray for his enemies [comp. Matt. v. 45]; that he will always side with the righteous in their contests [this proves, if anything, that the Essenes were fighters rather than mere quietists]; that he will show fidelity to all and particularly to those in authority; for, say they, without God's decree no one is given power to rule [this refers not to political rulers, as has been claimed with reference to "Ant." xv. 10, § 5, but to the head of the order, whose election is not made without the guidance of the Holy Spirit (Sifre, Num. 92: Ber. 58a, "min ha-shamayim"; comp. Didascalia, in Jew. Encyc. iv. 590a)]; that, if himself appointed to be ruler, he will not abuse his authority, nor refuse to submit to the rules, nor ornament himself beyond what is customary; that he will ever love the truth and reprove him who is guilty of falsehood; that he will neither steal nor pollute his conscience for the sake of gain; that he will neither conceal anything from the members of the order nor disclose anything to outsiders, even though tortured to death. He swears besides that he will not communicate the doctrines differently from the manner in which he received them himself. [Here Josephus has two conditions omitted in Hippolytus: "that he will abstain from robbery (which in this connection probably refers to the teachings which might be misappropriated and claimed for oneself; the rabbinical rule, which has, therefore, an Essene coloring, being: "He who tells a saying in the name of the author brings about the redemption," Abot vi. 6, based upon Esth. ii. 22), and "that he will with equal care guard the books of the order and the names of the angels." “对那些成为弟子,他们不交他们的传统渴望[παραδόσεις。比赛Cabala],直到他们测试他们因此他们的野心之前设置的,同类食品以外的主要大厅,他在那里整整一年依然。在收到后,在此期间给予的自我控制证明一锄,亚麻布围裙,一[作为Ẓeni'ut符号(厄,谦虚和纯洁性)]白色长袍。,他和他的高级浴室是在净化程度较高,但他不能参加的共同吃饭,直到两年后,更多的审判,他已证明值得被接纳为会员则是一个可怕的管理,以他性格宣誓:。他发誓治疗与崇敬只要是关系到神[比较亵渎上帝,名称],那他将遵守对正义和不公平的人无法比拟的,那他会不会恨他谁做任何不公正的,但会祈祷他的敌人[可比马特诉45。。],那他将永远在他们的比赛与正义的一边[这证明了,如果有的话,那爱色尼人,而不是单纯的quietists战士],那他将忠实于所有的显示,尤其对那些在权力,因为,说他们没有上帝的法令,没有人给予的权力,规则[这里指的不是政治统治者,因为一直参照“蚂蚁。”十五声称10,§ 5,但头部。该命令的,其选举是不是没有圣灵的指引作出(sifre,序号92:。。。。。。误码率58A条,“闽公顷shamayim”;比赛didascalia认为在犹太人Encyc,四590a)],这如果自己任命为统治者,他不会滥用他的权威,也没有拒绝服从的规则,也没有装饰超出了自己的习惯,那他将永远热爱真理和谴责他是谁犯的谬误,那他将既不偷也不污染他的良知而图利。说,他既不会隐瞒成员的命令,什么也没有透露任何外人,即使折磨致死,他发誓此外,他将无法沟通的方式,从不同的教义他在接受它们的人[约瑟夫已在这里省略西波吕两个条件:。“说,他会投弃权抢劫(在这方面可能是指这可能是为自己声称挪用和教诲;犹太教规则,这已因此,厄着色,即:“谁告诉他,在作者的名字说带来的赎回,”abot六,六,根据Esth基于二22),和“,他将与平等的照顾看守。。。该命令的书籍和天使的名字。“ These oaths give a better insight into the character and purpose of the Essene brotherhood than any other description, as will be shown later.]这些宣誓作深入角色和厄比任何其他描述兄弟的目的更好的洞察力,我们将会看到更高版本。]

Discipline of the Essene Order.纪律的essene秩序。

"If any of them be condemned for any transgression, he is expelled from the order, and at times such a one dies a terrible death [see Anathema and Didascalia], for inasmuch as he is bound by the oaths taken and by the rites adopted, he is no longer at liberty to partake of the food in use among others. [Here Josephus: "and being compelled to eat herbs, he famishes his body until he perishes."] Occasionally they pity those exposed to dissolution ["shammata"], considering punishment unto death sufficient. In their judicial decisions they are most accurate and just; they do not pass sentence unless in company with one hundred persons [this is possibly a combination of the higher court of seventy-two ("Sanhedrin gedolah") and the smaller court of twenty-three ("Sanhedrin ḳeṭannah")], and what has been decided by them is unalterable. After God they pay the highest homage to the legislator (that is to say, to the Law of Moses), and if any one is guilty of blasphemy against him (that is, against the Law), he is punished [J: "with death"]. They are taught to obey the rulers and elders [J: "the majority"]. “如果他们可以用在任何越轨的谴责,他被驱逐出秩序,而且有时这样的一个死一个可怕的死亡[见诅咒和didascalia认为]对于因为,因为他是受所采取的宣誓仪式,由通过,他是没有自由的时间来参加的食品等中使用。[这里约瑟夫:“和被强迫吃草药,他的身体,直到他famishes他死去。”]偶尔,他们怜悯那些暴露在解散[“shammata” 。],考虑足够的惩罚,以至于死在他们的司法决定,他们是最准确的,公正的,他们不通过,除非在公司与百人[这句话可能是一对七十二(“公会gedolah”上级法院的组合)和二三(“公会ḳeṭannah”)]小苑,和已经被他们决定是不可改变的。之后,上帝,他们付出最高的敬意立法者(也就是说,到摩西法)如果有什么人对他亵渎有罪(即违法),他是惩罚[记者:“与死亡”]他们被教导要服从统治者和长老[记者:“多数”]。。

Sabbath Observance.遵守安息日。

"When ten [the number necessary to constitute a holy congregation; See Minyan] sit together deliberating, no one speaks without permission of the rest [the rabbinical term is "reshut"; see the Talmudic dictionaries, sv ]. They avoid spitting into the midst of them [Ḥag. 5a; Ber. 62b], or toward the right [the right hand is used for swearing; see Brand, "Mandäische Religion," 1889, pp. 110 et seq.]. "In regard to Sabbath rest they are more scrupulous than other Jews, for they not only prepare their meals one day previously so as not to touch fire, but they do not even remove any utensil [rabbinical term, "muḳẓah"]; see Sabbath]; nor do they turn aside to ease nature. “当十[数量要构成一个神圣的聚集,见民谚]坐在一起商议,没有人不说,其余的许可[犹太教的术语是”。reshut“,见塔木德字典,希沃特]他们避免陷入吐痰他们中间[女巫5A条。。误码率62b],或向右[右手宣誓就职使用的是见品牌“Mandäische宗教”,1889年,第110页起。]“关于安息日休息。他们比其他犹太人谨慎,因为他们不仅准备吃饭一天以前,以便不碰火,但他们甚至不删除任何器具[犹太教来说,“muḳẓah”],见安息日];也不转除了自然缓解。 Some do not even rise from their couch [comp.有的甚至不上升,从他们的沙发[可比。Targ.塔尔格。to Ex.前。xvi.十六。27; Mek., Beshallaḥ, 5], while on other days they observe the law in Deut. 27日,丁酮,Beshallaḥ,5],而在其他时候,他们遵守法律,在申命记。。xxiii.二十三。13.13。After the easement they wash themselves, considering the excrement as defiling [comp.地役权后,他们洗澡,考虑到作为亵渎[可比粪便。Yoma iii.山脉三。3].3]。They are divided, according to their degree of holy exercises, into four classes."他们分成,根据自己的神圣演习程度分为四个班。“

The following paragraph, omitted by Josephus, is alluded to, in his "Ant."下面的段落,由约瑟夫省略,是暗示在他的“蚂蚁”。xviii.十八。1, § 6, as "the philosophy of a fourth sect founded by Judas the Galilean."1,§ 6,为“犹大伽利略创立四分之一节理念。”

Zealots Also Essenes.狂热者也爱色尼。

"For some of these observe a still more rigid practise in not handling or looking at a coin which has an image, nor will they even enter a city at the gates of which statues are erected [comp. Yer. 'Ab. Zarah iii. 42b, 43b]. Others again threaten to slay any Gentile taking part in a discourse about God and His Law if he refuses to be circumcised [comp. Sanh. 59a, Ex.R. xxxiii.]. From this they were called 'Zealots' [Ḳanna'im] by some, 'Sicarii' by others. Others again will call no one lord except God, even though they be tortured or killed. “对于其中的一些观察不处理或一枚硬币具有图像看起来更加灵活的惯例,他们甚至也不会进入的大门,其中雕像竖立[可比。也门里亚尔。'抗体。Zarah第三的城市。 42B条,43B条]。其他再次威胁要杀害任何参加詹蒂莱在对上帝的话语和他的律师,如果他拒绝接受割礼[可比。葬身。59A条,Ex.R.三十三。]。源自这一点,他们被称为'痴迷者'一些[Ḳanna'im],'Sicarii'别人。还有一些人没有,除了会请一位主神,即使他们被折磨或被杀害。

"Those of a lower degree of discipline [holiness] are so inferior to those of the higher degree that the latter at once undergo ablution when touched by the former, as if touched by a Gentile. [These are the four degrees of holiness mentioned in Ḥag. ii. 7: "ma'aser," "terumah," "ṭohorot," and "ḥaṭṭat," or "most holy." Another division is: κοινόβια = = "common meal," and "ṭohorot" = "priestly meal Tosef., Dem. “一个学科[圣洁]这些是如此低的程度不亚于较高程度后,在一次接受洗礼时,由前感动的,因为如果一个詹蒂莱。[这些感动是圣洁中提到的四个度。女巫二7:。。“至圣”,“ma'aser”,“terumah”,“ṭohorot”和“ḥaṭṭat”,或另一个部门是:κοινόβια= =“普通餐”和“ṭohorot”=“祭司餐Tosef。,数字高程模型。ii.二。11.] Most of them enjoy longevity; many attain an age of more than a hundred years. 11。]他们最喜欢的长寿,许多达到一比一百年的年龄。They declare that this is owing to their extreme piety [comp.他们宣布,这是由于他们的极端虔诚[可比。the frequent question: "Ba-meh ha'arakta yamim" (By what merit didst thou attain an old age? Meg. 27b, 28)] and to their constant exercise of self-control.频繁的问题:“巴咩ha'arakta yamim”(由你曾获得什么好处老年梅格27B条,28?。)]和他们的自我控制常数演习。[Josephus instead rationalizes.] They despise death, rejoicing when they can finish their course with a good conscience, they willingly undergo torment or death rather than speak ill of the Law or eat what has been offered to an idol." (Here Josephus adds something of his own experience in the Roman war.) [约瑟夫代替合理化。]他们鄙视死亡,值得庆幸时,他们可以完成一个良好的良心过程中,他们心甘情愿地接受折磨或死亡,而不是讲法律生病或吃了什么提供给偶像。“(这里约瑟夫增加他在罗马的战争中的经验吧。)

This leads Hippolytus, exactly as in the "Didascalia," to the Essene view of the future life, a view in which, contrary to the romantic picture given by Josephus, the belief in Resurrection is accentuated:这导致西波吕,完全一样的“didascalia认为,”到未来的生活厄认为,视图中,这违背了浪漫的图片由约瑟夫给出,在复活的信念是突出:

Essene View of Resurrection.厄观复活。

"Particularly firm is their doctrine of Resurrection; they believe that the flesh will rise again and then be immortal like the soul, which, they say, when separated from the body, enters a place of fragrant air and radiant light, there to enjoy rest-a place called by the Greeks who heard [of this doctrine] the 'Isles of the Blest.' “特别是他们的坚定学说的复活,他们相信,肉中刺将再次上升,然后像灵魂,他们说,当从体内分离不朽,进入了一个芬芳的空气和辐射光的地方,有享受休息给谁听的[本说]希腊人的地方的'的保佑那些群岛。' But," continues the writer, in a passage characteristically omitted by Josephus, "there are other doctrines besides, which many Greeks have appropriated and given out as their own opinions. For their disciplinary life [ἄσκησις] in connection with the things divine is of greater antiquity than that of any other nation, so that it can be shown that all those who made assertions concerning God and Creation derived their principles from no other source than the Jewish legislation. [This refers to the Ḥasidean "ma'aseh'merkabah" and "ma'aseh bereshit."] Among those who borrowed from the Essenes were especially Pythagoras and the Stoics; their disciples while returning from Egypt did likewise [this casts new light on Josephus' identification of the Essenes with the Pythagoreans: "Ant." xv. 10, § 4]; for they affirm that there will be a Judgment Day and a burning up of the world, and that the wicked will be eternally punished.(comp. Horwitz, "Baraita di Nidda," i. 2).但是,“延续了作家,在典型由约瑟夫省略一段话,”还有另外,许多希腊人都拨出并给出自己的意见的其他学说。因为他们的纪律生活[ἄσκησις]与神圣的事物的联系是更大的古物比其他任何国家,因此,它可以证明,所有这些谁中的说法,关于上帝与创作来自没有比其他来源的犹太法律的原则。[这是指Ḥasidean“ma'aseh'merkabah”和“。ma'aseh bereshit”在那些谁从借来的爱色尼]的,特别是毕达哥拉斯和斯多葛学派,他们的弟子而从埃及返回的,也是这样[这使人们对约瑟夫与毕达哥拉斯学派的essenes鉴定的新亮点:“蚂蚁。 “十五10,§ 4]。因为他们肯定会成为世界一审判日和一烧起来,而且将永远惩罚恶人(可比霍维茨。”baraita的迪Nidda,“一,二)。

"Also prophecy and the foretelling of future events are practised by them. [Josephus has in addition: "For this purpose they are trained in the use of holy writings, in various rites of purification, and in prophetic (apocalyptic?) utterances; and they seldom make mistakes in their predictions."] Then there is a section of the Essenes who, while agreeing in their mode of life, differ in regard to marriage, declaring that those who abstain from marrying commit an awful crime, as it leads to the extinction of the human race. But they take wives only after having, during three years' observation of their course of life, been convinced of their power of child-bearing, and avoid intercourse during pregnancy, as they marry merely for the sake of offspring. The women when undergoing ablutions are arrayed in linen garments like the men in order not to expose their bodies to the light of day" “。还预言和预言的未来事件是由他们的实践[约瑟夫已经此外:”为此,他们接受过的神圣的著作中使用的净化各种仪式,宗旨和在先知(世界末日?)的言论;和他们很少在各自的预测错误。“]则存在的essenes谁,而在他们的生活模式达成一致,关于婚姻的不同部分,宣布从结婚谁犯下的可怕罪行的,以投弃权票,因为它导致人类种族的灭绝。但它们只需要妻子后,在三年的过程中观察他们的生活,成为他们的生育力说服,避免在怀孕期间性交,因为他们结婚的缘故仅仅后代。沐浴时发生在男性一样顺序排列亚麻服装不暴露自己的身体妇女之日“

Purpose of the Essene Brotherhood.宗旨的essene兄弟。

A careful survey of all the facts here presented shows the Essenes to have been simply the rigorists among the Pharisees, whose constant fear of becoming contaminated by either social or sexual intercourse led them to lead an ascetic life, but whose insistence on maintaining the highest possible standard of purity and holiness had for its object to make them worthy of being participants of "the Holy Spirit," or recipients of divine revelations, and of being initiated into the mysteries of God and the future.一个所有事实在这里仔细调查显示提交的爱色尼已在法利赛人,他们时刻担心成为被社会或性交污染导致他们过一个简单的rigorists苦行生活,但其坚持在维持最高的纯洁和神圣标准已经为它的对象,使他们被与会者值得“圣灵”,或神的启示者,以及被纳入上帝和未来的奥秘。 "Wo to the wives of these men!" “禾到这些人的妻子!”exclaimed Zipporah, the wife of Moses, when she heard that Eldad and Medad had become prophets, for this meant cessation of conjugal intercourse (Sifre, Num. 99).西坡拉惊呼,在摩西,当她听说伊利达,Medad已成为这个夫妻性交(sifre,序号。99)意味着停止先知的妻子。Abstinence from whatever may imply the use of unrighteous Mammon was another condition of initiation into the mystery of the Holy Name (Yer. Yoma iii. 40d; comp. Ḥul. 7b; Phinehas b. Jair; Midr. Teh. xxiv. 4, cxxviii. 2; Ḥul. 44b, with reference to Prov. xv. 27).禁欲无论从任何可能意味着不义财神使用是另一个开始进入圣名(Yer.山脉40天的条件第三谜。比赛讫7B条。。非尼哈乙睚珥。。Midr的四条4,cxxviii。 2。。。讫44B条,参照省十五27)。。The purpose of their ablutions before every meal as well as before morning prayers, which practise gave them the name of "Ṭobele Shaḥarit" ( = Morning Baptists, Ἡμεροβαπτισταῖ), was to insure the pronunciation of the Name and the eating of holy things in a state of purity (Tosef., Yad. ii. 20; Ber. 2b, 22a).他们每顿饭前沐浴以及前晨祷,其中执业给了他们的“ṬobeleShaḥarit”(=上午浸信会,Ἡμεροβαπτισταῖ)的名称,目的是确保了名称的发音和神圣的东西在吃国家纯度(Tosef.,亚得二20。。误码率2b干扰素,22A条。)。 The existence of large numbers of Levites (Yeb. xv. 7) and Aaronites, the original teachers of the Law, whose holy food had to be eaten in holiness, was instrumental in the creation of a state of communism such as the Law prescribes for each seventh year (Peah vi. 1).对存在大量利(Yeb.十五。七)和Aaronites,法律的执行,其神圣的食品,必须在圣洁吃了,原来老师是在一个国家的共产主义创作工具,如法律规定了每七年(Peah六。1)。 Fear of defilement led Judas Maccabeus as Ḥasidean leader to live only on herbs (II Macc. v. 27).烦恼的恐惧LED作为Ḥasidean领导人犹大maccabeus住在中药只(二排雷。五27)。A glance at the Essene oath of initiation confirms the statement of Philo that love of God, or reverence for His Name, love of man, or pursuit of righteousness and benevolence, and love of virtue, or humility and chastity, were the chief aims of the Essene brotherhood.在宣誓的起始厄一瞥,证实了斐洛声明,上帝的爱,因为他的名字或崇敬,人的爱情,或追求正义与善,美德的,或谦逊和贞洁的爱,主要宗旨是的essene兄弟情谊。 Successors to the ancient Ḥasidim who instituted the liturgy (Midr. Teh. xvii. 4: "ḥasidim ha-rishonim"), they laid all possible stress on prayer and devotion, opposing the priesthood in the Temple out of mistrust as to their state of holiness and purity rather than out of aversion to sacrifice (Tosef., Ned. i. 1; Ker. 25a).以古代ḥasidim接班人谁提起的礼仪(midr.了第十七届四:。。“的ḥasidim公顷rishonim”),他们的祈祷和奉献精神放在一切可能的压力,反对圣殿祭司出来的不信任,以他们的状态圣洁和纯洁,而不是厌恶出来牺牲(Tosef.,内德一,1。ker的25A条。)。 They claimed to possess by tradition from the founders of the Synagogue ("anshe keneset ha-gedolah") the correct pronunciation and the magic spell of the Holy Name (Midr. Teh. xxxvi. 8, xci. 8), and with it they achieved miracles like the men of old (Midr. Teh. lxxviii. 12, xci. 2).他们声称拥有了从传统的犹太教堂(“anshe keneset公顷gedolah”)的正确发音和圣名紧箍咒的创始人(midr.了。三十六。八,xci。8),他们用它实现奇迹象古代的男人(midr.了。第七十八号。12 xci。2)。They taught Jews and Gentiles alike to cleanse themselves in living streams from their impurity of sin, and return to God in repentance and prayer (Sibyllines, iv. 164; Luke iii. 3; comp. Tan., ed. Buber, Introduction, 153).他们教导犹太人和外邦人都来净化自己的生活从他们的杂质流罪,并返回忏悔和祈祷上帝(Sibyllines,四164。路加福音三三。。。比赛谈,教育署布伯,导言​​,153。 )。Ever alert and restless while in hope of the Messianic time, they formed a strong political organization scattered through the Holy Land; and, in constant touch with one another, they traveled far and wide to organize Jewish communities and provide them with the three elements of Judaism: instruction, worship, and charity (Abot i. 2); and they were especially assiduous in pursuit of benevolent work (Ab. RN iii., viii.).自从警觉和不安,而在希望的救世主的时候,他们组成了一个强有力的政治组织通过圣地分散的,并在不断的相互接触,他们乘坐着广泛的犹太社区组织,提供它们的三要素犹太教:指令,崇拜和慈善(abot一2)以及他们特别刻苦追求的慈善工作(Ab.护士三,八。。)。 Each community had its seven good men, called "the Good Brotherhood of the Town" (Ḥeber 'Ir be-Ṭobaḥ: "Ant." iv. 8, § 14; Meg. 27a; Tosef., Peah, iv. 16; Sheb. vii. 9).每个社区都有其七好男人,所谓的“城市好兄弟”(希伯'铱是-Ṭobaḥ:。。。“。蚂蚁”四8,§ 14;梅格27A条; Tosef,Peah,四16;帅。 。七。9)。

Types of Essenes.爱色尼的类型。

Standing under the direction of the "mishmar," or "ma'amad" (the district authority: Tosef., Peah, iv. 7), the Essenes claimed, as direct successors to the Ḥasidim, Mosaic origin for their brotherhood (see Philo and Josephus, lc, in reference to Ex. xviii. 21; comp. Targ. Yer.; BM 30b; Mek., Yitro, 2).根据常委会的方向“mishmar”或“ma'amad”(区授权:。。Tosef,Peah,四,七),爱色尼声称,作为直接接班人的Ḥasidim,因为他们的兄弟马赛克起源(见斐洛和约瑟夫,立法会,在谈到前十八21;。。比赛塔尔格也门里亚尔。。。骨髓30B条,丁酮,Yitro,2)。。 Whatever their real connection with the Rechabites (Jer. xxxv.) was, they beheld in Jonadab, the founder of the sect of the "Water-Drinkers," as well as in Jabez (I Chron. ii. 55, iv. 10; see Targ.) and in Jethro the Kenite, prototypes, and possibly founders, of the Jericho colony (Mek., Yitro, 2; Sifre, Num. 78; Sheḳ. v. 48c; Nilus, "De Monastica Exercitatione,"iii.; "JQR" v. 418); likewise in Jesse, the father of David, regarded as sinless and deathless in their tradition (Shab. 55b; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa i.); and in Obed, Boaz, and his father Salma (Tan., Wayeḥi, ed. Buber, 4; Targ. to I Chron. ii. 54 et seq., iv. 22 et seq.). (。耶三十五)无论他们与利甲族的真正的联系是,他们在约拿达,在该教派创始人看到“水醉酒”,以及在雅比斯(我慢性二55,四10。。。; 。看到塔尔格)和杰思罗的基尼人,原型,并可能创始人,在杰里科的殖民地(Mek.,Yitro,2; sifre,序号78。。石诉48C条; Nilus,“德Monastica Exercitatione,”三。 ,“JQR”诉418),同样在杰西,大卫的父亲,因为无罪,并在其不朽的传统(shab.山东视为;德里克埃雷兹足踏岛),以及在俄备得,波阿斯,和他的父亲萨尔玛(谈。,Wayeḥi编布伯,4;。塔尔格到我专栏二54起,22起第四)。。。。。。。 In this manner Ahijah and Ahithophel became types of Essenes (Midr. Teh. v. 8), as well as King Saul, as mentioned above; but, above all, the Patriarchs and protoplasts.在这种方式下亚希雅和亚希多弗成为爱色尼类型(midr.了8节。),以及作为国王扫罗,如上所述,但是,最重要的是,长者和原生质体。 Other Essenic types were Abraham, called "Watiḳ," the prototype of the Anawim and Ḥasidim because "he rose early" for prayer (Ber. 6b, after Gen. xix. 27; Shab. 105a; Gen. R. liii.); Shem-Melchizedek as teacher of benevolence and true worshiper of God (Midr. Teh. xxxvii. 1, lxxvi. 3); Job as philanthropist and as teacher of mystic lore (BB 15a, b; see Kohler, "Testament of Job," in Kohut Memorial Volume, pp. 265 et seq.); Enoch (see Enoch, Books of); and Adam ('Er. 78b; Pirḳe R. El. xx.).其他Essenic类型亚伯拉罕,所谓的“Watiḳ”的原型的Anawim和的ḥasidim,因为“他清早起来的”祈祷(ber. 6B型,后将军十九27;。沙巴105A号。。将军河LIII)号;闪,麦基洗德的教师仁和真正的上帝的崇拜者(midr.了三十七1,lxxvi 3。。。);作为慈善家和神秘传说的教师(BB心跳15A条,工作B组;见科勒“的工作全书”在胡特纪念卷,第265页起)。伊诺克(见伊诺克,书籍的)和亚当('呃78B条。。pirḳe传译下午二十)。。 A passage in the Tanḥuma reads: "Only when Abraham separated from Lot and Jacob from Laban did God communicate with them as perushim" (Wayeẓe, ed. Buber, 21).一个在Tanḥuma一段说:“只有当亚伯拉罕从地段和拉班雅各分离,神与他们沟通perushim”(Wayeẓe,教育署布伯,21。)。 The claim of antiquity for Essene tradition is, accordingly, not the invention of Pliny or Philo; it is essential to the Essene traditional lore.在古代传统的Essene索赔,因此,不是普林尼或斐洛发明,它是必要的essene传统的传说。In truth, Abraham, as "'Anaw" (= "the humble one"), and all doers of works of benevolence, learned it from God, "their Father in heaven" (see Yalḳ. Mekiri to Ps. xviii. 36; Yalḳ. to II Sam. xxii. 36; comp. Sifre, Deut. 49).事实上,亚伯拉罕为“'Anaw”(=“不起眼的一个”),以及所有的作品,善实干家,记者从神了,“他们的父亲在天堂”(见YalḳMekiri以诗十八36。。。; Yalḳ二十二到二36三。。。。比赛Sifre,申命记49)。。They are "the lovers of God" (BB 8b; Yoma 28a).他们是“神的恋人”(BB心跳8B条;山脉28A条)。God unites with the brotherhoods of the humble ("ḥaburot ha-nemukin": Tan., Wa'era, ed. Buber, 3).上帝都团结与谦卑的兄弟会(“ḥaburot公顷nemukin”:。谈,Wa'​​era编布伯,3。)。He provides each day's food for them as He provided the manna for Israel (Mek., Beshalalḥ, 2, ed. Weiss, pp. 56 [note] et seq.; Sifre, Deut. 42; Ḳid. 82b; Matt. vi. 25).他提供每天的食物,因为他为他们提供了以色列甘露(Mek.,Beshalalḥ,2,教育署魏斯,第56 [注]起。。Sifre,申命记42;。孩子82B条。马特六。。 25)。"When men ceased to hate men's gifts [the Essene] longevity ceased" (Soṭah 47b, based on Prov. xv. 27). “当男人不再恨男人的礼物[的essene]长寿停止”(Soṭah47B条的基础上,省。十五。27)。

In regard to Sabbath observance the rabbinical tradition traced the more rigid laws, comprising even the removal of utensils, to Nehemiah's time, that is, to the ancient Ḥasidim (Shab. 123b), and the Book of Jubilees (1. 8-12) confirms the antiquity of the Essene view.关于安息日遵守犹太教传统追溯到更严格的法律,甚至包括清除餐具,以尼希米的时候,也就是给古代ḥasidim(Shab. 123b),以及图书的jubilees(1。8-12)证实了古代的essene看法。As the best characteristic of the Essene view the saying of Phinehas ben Jair, the last Essene of note, may be quoted: "The Torah leads to conscientiousness; this to alertness ["zerizut"] for holy work; this to blamelessness ["neḳiyyut"]; this to 'perishut' [Pharisaic separation from common things]; this to purity; this to 'ḥasidut' [Essene piety?]; this to humbleness; this to fear of sin; this to holiness, or to the possession' of the Holy Spirit; and this finally to the time of the Resurrection; but ḥasidut is the highest grade" ('Ab. Zarah 20b).作为厄非尼哈贲jair,最后厄的注意,说看法可能是最好的特点指出:“律法导致自觉性;这警觉[”zerizut“]为神圣的工作,这是无可指摘[”neḳiyyut “],这为'perishut'[pharisaic的来自]共同的东西分开;这纯度;这'ḥasidut'[厄虔诚];?这是谦逊,这罪恶的恐惧,这对圣洁,或管有'圣灵的人,这最终的复活的时候,但ḥasidut是最高等级“('抗体Zarah 20B条。)。

Traces of Essenism and Anti-Essenism.痕迹的Essenism和反Essenism。

Essenism as well as Ḥasidism represents that stage of religion which is called "otherworldliness."Essenism并表示为Ḥasidism对宗教的阶段被称为“来世”。It had no regard for the comfort of home life; woman typified only the feebleness and impurity of man.它没有为舒适的家居生活方面,妇女典型只有衰弱和人的杂质。In their efforts to make domestic and social life comfortable and cheerful, the Pharisees characterized the Essene as "a fool who destroys the world" (Soṭah iii. 4), and their ethics assumed an anti-Essene character (see Ethics).在他们的努力,使家庭和社会生活的舒适和愉悦,法利定性为“傻瓜谁破坏了世界”的essene(Soṭah三。4),并承担了他们的伦理反厄字符(见伦理)。 Exceptionally, some tannaim, such as R. Eliezer b.特殊情况下,一些诸如河埃利泽tannaim湾Hyrcanus (Shab. 153a; Ned. 20b) and Jose ben Ḥalafta (Shab. 118b), favored the ascetic view in regard to conjugal life, while some amoraim and tannaim gave evidence of Essene practise or special Essene knowledge (see Frankel in "Monatsschrift," ii. 72 et seq.).按蚊(Shab. 153A条。奈德20B条)和何塞本Ḥalafta(Shab. 118B条),赞成在夫妻生活方面苦行认为,虽然一些亚摩兰和tannaim给了厄实践的知识或特殊厄证据(见“月刊弗兰克尔,“二。72起。)。 Traces of Essenism, or of tendencies identical with it, are found throughout the apocryphal and especially the apocalyptic literature (see Kohler, "Pre-Talmudic Haggada," in "JQR" v. 403 et seq.; Jellinek, "BH" ii., Introduction, vii., xviii., et al.), but are especially noticeable in the Tanna debe Eliyahu, above all in the Targum Yerushalmi, where the Essenic colonies of Jericho and of the City of Palms are mentioned as inhabited by the disciples of Elijah and Elisha (Deut. xxxiv. 3); the sons of Levi are singled out as forming brotherhoods for the service of God (Gen. xxix. 34); Joseph, Kohath, Amram, and Aaron, as well as the Patriarchs, are called "Ḥasidim" (Targ. Yer. on Gen. xxix. 13, xlix. 22; Ex. vi. 18, 20; Num. xxi. 1); priest-like and angelic holiness is enjoined upon Israel (Ex. xxii. 30; Lev. xx. 7; Num. xvi. 40); angels are expelled from heaven for having disclosed divine mysteries (Gen. xxvii. 12); the Holy Name and the Holy Spirit play throughout a prominent rôle; and God's own time, like that of the Essenes, appears as divided between studying the Law, sitting in judgment, and providing for the world's support and for the maintenance of the race (Deut. xxxii. 4).的Essenism痕迹,或与它相同的倾向,被发现有未经证实的,特别是世界末日文学(见科勒,“预Haggada塔木德”,在“JQR”诉403起。耶利内克,“波黑”二。 ,导言,七。,十八。,等。),但特别是在塔纳debe埃利亚胡明显,上面的根耶路莎米,在杰里科和手掌市Essenic殖民地提到的弟子居住的所有以利亚和以利沙(申三十四3。)利未的儿子挑出来作为形成为上帝服务的兄弟(创二十九34)。约瑟,哥辖,阿姆拉姆,和亚伦,以及始祖,被称为“的ḥasidim”(targ.层上将军二十九13日,第四十九届22;。。。。前六18,20;。。序号二十一,1。)牧师般的和天使般的圣洁是要求以色列(出二十二责成。30;列弗二十七日。。编号十六40)。。天使从天上被驱逐因披露神圣的奥秘(创二十七12)。圣名和圣灵整个突出角色扮演,神的自己时间,像极了爱色尼说,出现作为划分法之间的研究,判断坐,和世界的支持和对比赛(申命记三十二。四)维护提供。

The Essenes seem to have originally consisted, on the one hand, of rigorous Zealots, such as the Book of Jubilees looks for, and such as were under the leadership of men like Abba Taḥna Ḥasida and Abba Sicara (Eccl. R. ix. 7); and, on the other hand, of mild-tempered devotees of the Law, such as were the Essenes at En Gedi (Yer. Soṭah ix. 24c; Pliny, lc) and the Therapeutæ of Egypt.爱色尼似乎本来组成,一方面严格的狂热者,如书jubilees,查找,如像下的阿爸TaḥnaḤasida和阿巴Sicara(传道书河九人领导了7。 ),以及另一方面,温和的脾气信徒的法律,如均在隐基底(Yer.Soṭah九爱色尼24C条。普林尼,LC)和埃及Therapeutæ。Rabbinical tradition knows only that under the persecution of Rome (Edom) the Essenes wandered to the south (Darom: Gen. R. lxxvi.; comp. Pes. 70b; Yeb. 62b; Midr. Teh. xix. 2), and occasionally mention is made of "the brethren" ("ḥabbarayya"), with reference to the Essene brotherhood (Lam. R. iv. 1; see also Levy, "Neuhebr. Wörterb." sv and ; Geiger's "Jüd. Zeit." vi. 279; Brüll's "Jahrb." i. 25, 44).犹太教的传统只知道,在罗马(以东)迫害的爱色尼流浪到南方(达罗姆:。。将军河lxxvi;比赛瘟70B条; Yeb 62b; Midr在十九2。。。。。),偶尔提到了“弟兄”(“ḥabbarayya”),参照厄兄弟(Lam.河四一。又见征费,“Neuhebr Wörterb。。”SV和; Geiger的。“士时代。”六。279; Brüll的“Jahrb。”一,25,44)。It is as charitable brotherhoods that the Essenic organization survived the destruction of the nation.这是该组织幸存下来的Essenic国家销毁慈善兄弟会。

Relation of Essenism to Christianity.关系的Essenism基督教。

John the Baptist seems to have belonged to the Essenes, but in appealing to sinners to be regenerated by baptism, he inaugurated a new movement, which led to the rise of Christianity.施洗约翰似乎都属于爱色尼,但在呼吁罪人受到再生的洗礼,他启动了一项新的运动,从而导致了基督教的兴起。 The silence of the New Testament about the Essenes is perhaps the best proof that they furnished the new sect with its main elements both as regards personnel and views.中有关新约的爱色尼的沉默也许是最好的证明,他们提供的,其主要内容的新教派之间在人员和看法。The similarity in many respects between Christianity and Essenism is striking: There were the same communism (Acts iv. 34-35); the same belief in baptism or bathing, and in the power of prophecy; the same aversion to marriage, enhanced by firmer belief in the Messianic advent; the same system of organization, and the same rules for the traveling brethrendelegated to charity-work (see Apostle and Apostleship); and, above all, the same love-feasts or brotherly meals (comp. Agape; Didascalia).在基督教和Essenism许多方面的相似性是惊人的:有相同的共产主义(行为四34-35。)沐浴在洗礼或相同的信念,并在预言的力量;同样厌恶结婚,更坚定增强相信在弥赛亚的到来;相同的组织系统,为乘客brethrendelegated向慈善机构的工作(见使徒和使徒的职分)相同的规则,以及最重要的是,同样的爱,节日或(可比爱德兄弟的膳食; didascalia认为)。Also, between the ethical and the apocalyptic teachings of the Gospels and the Epistles and the teachings of the Essenes of the time, as given in Philo, in Hippolytus, and in the Ethiopic and Slavonic Books of Enoch, as well as in the rabbinic literature, the resemblance is such that the influence of the latter upon the former can scarcely be denied.此外,与伦理和的福音和书信和当时的爱色尼世界末日的教义的教导,在中给出斐洛西波吕,并在埃塞俄比亚和斯拉夫语书籍的伊诺克以及在拉比文学, ,这种类似是这样的:后者对前者的影响几乎可以被拒绝。Nevertheless, the attitude of Jesus and his disciples is altogether anti-Essene, a denunciation and disavowal of Essene rigor and asceticism; but, singularly enough, while the Roman war appealed to men of action such as the Zealots, men of a more peaceful and visionary nature, who had previously become Essenes, were more and more attracted by Christianity, and thereby gave the Church its otherworldly character; while Judaism took a more practical and worldly view of things, and allowed Essenism to live only in tradition and secret lore (see Clementina; Ebionites; Gnosticism).然而,耶稣和他的弟子们的态度是完全反厄,一个谴责和厄严谨和禁欲主义的否定,但是,奇不够的,而罗马战争狂热者呼吁,如对行动的人,男人一个更加和平和有远见的性质,谁曾成为爱色尼,吸引了越来越多的基督教,从而给了教会的空想的性质,而犹太教采取了更实际的东西和世俗的看法,只允许Essenism生活在传统和秘密的传说(看到克莱门蒂娜,以便尼派,诺斯底主义)。

Kaufmann Kohler考夫曼科勒
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版01年至1906年之间。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
Frankel, Die, Essäer, in Zeitschrift für die Religiösen Interessen des Judenthums, 1846, pp. 441-461; idem, Die Essäer nach Talmudischen Quellen, in Monatsschrift, 1853, pp. 30-40, 61-73; J. Böhmer, Kitbe Yisrael Böhmer, Warsaw, 1849 (Hebrew); NL Weinstein, Beiträge zur Gesch.弗兰克尔,模具,Essäer,死在Zeitschrift毛皮Religiösen Interessen德Judenthums,1846年,第441-461;同上,模具Essäer胆碱Talmudischen Quellen,在月刊,1853年,第30-40,61-73的J.博默, Kitbe Yisrael博默,华沙,1849年(希伯来文),国联温斯坦,Beiträge楚Gesch。der Essäer, Vienna, 1892; Mitwoch, Essäer, in Zeit.明镜Essäer,维也纳,1892年; Mitwoch,Essäer,在时代。für Assyr.献给Assyr。1902; Grätz, Gesch. 1902年格拉茨,Gesch。iii.三。91 et seq., 697-703; Jost, Gesch.91起,697-703。乔斯特,Gesch。des Judenthums und Seiner Sekten, i.德Judenthums有限公司高阶Steine​​r Sekten岛207-214.207-214。Derenbourg, Hist.德朗堡,历史。 1867, pp. 166-175, 460 et seq.; L. Herzfeld, Gesch.1867年,第166-175,202-211,460起。属赫兹费尔德,Gesch。des Volkes Israel, iii.德Volkes以色列,三。368, 388, 509 et seq.; CD Ginsburg, The Essenes, Their History and Their Doctrines, London, 1864 (with summary of previous literature); idem, in Kitto's Dict. 368,388,509起。光碟金斯伯格,在爱色尼,他们的历史和他们的学说,伦敦,1864年(与以往文献综述)同上,在Kitto的快译通。 of the Bible, and in Smith-Wace, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities; Geiger, Jüd.圣经,并在史密斯- Wace,字典的基督教古物,盖格,士。Zeit, 1871, pp. 30-56; M. Friedländer, Zur Entstehungsgesch.时代周报,1871年,第30-56的M.德兰德,祖尔Entstehungsgesch。 des Christenthums, 1894, pp. 98-142; Kohler, The Essene Brotherhood, in Reform Advocate, anniversary number, 1894, pp. 15-19; JD Lightfoot, St. Paul's Epistles to the Colassians, 1876, pp. 349-419; Wellhausen, IJG 1895, pp. 292-296; Lucius, Der Essenismus in Seinem Verhältniss zum Judenthum; Schürer, Gesch.德Christenthums,1894年,页98-142;科勒的essene兄弟,改革倡导者,周年纪念号,1894年,页15-19;第纳尔娜莱,圣保禄书信向Colassians,1876年,第349-419 ;豪森,IJG 1895年,第292-296;卢修斯,在Seinem Verhältniss zum Judenthum明镜Essenismus; Schürer,Gesch。ii.二。556-584; Hilgenfeld, Ketzergesch.556-584; Hilgenfeld,Ketzergesch。des Urchristenthums, 1884, pp. 87-149; FC Conybeare, in Hastings, Dict.德Urchristenthums,1884年,页87-149;财委会科尼比尔,在黑斯廷斯,快译通。Bible; Philo, De Vita Contemplativa, ed.圣经斐洛,德简历Contemplativa,编辑。Conybeare, Oxford, 1895.K.科尼比尔,牛津,1895.K.



Also, see:此外,见:
Pharisees 法利
Essenes essenes
Sadducees 撒都该人

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