Primitive Religion原始宗教 中文 - Zhong Wen

General Information一般资料

Primitive religion is a name given to the religious beliefs and practices of those traditional, often isolated, preliterate cultures which have not developed urban and technologically sophisticated forms of society.原始宗教是考虑到宗教信仰和那些传统的,往往是孤立,尚未制定社会城市的先进做法的形式史前文化的名字。The term is misleading in suggesting that the religions of those peoples are somehow less complex than the religions of "advanced" societies.这个词是误导这表明这些国家的人民的宗教都是不那么比“先进”社会的宗教情结。 In fact, research carried out among the indigenous peoples of Oceania, the Americas, and sub Saharan Africa have revealed rich and very complex religions, which organize the smallest details of the people's lives.事实上,研究中进行了大洋洲,美洲的土著人民,撒哈拉以南非洲的发现了丰富的和非常复杂的宗教,它组织了人民的生活最微小的细节。

The religions of archaic cultures - the cultures of the Paleolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic ages - are also referred to as primitive.古老文化的宗教 - 的旧石器时代,中石器时代和新石器时代的文化时代 - 也被称为原始。The available evidence for prehistoric religions is so limited as to render any reconstruction highly speculative.史前宗教的现有证据,以使有限的重建提供任何高度投机性。Scholars such as Mircea Eliade, however, have emphasized the importance of contemporary fieldwork in recapturing a sense of the religious life of early humankind.如米尔恰伊利亚德学者,但都强调在夺回了早期人类的宗教生活意义上的当代田野调查的重要性。

Since the 17th century in the Western world scholars have speculated on the problem of the beginnings of human culture by making use of the empirical data collected about religious belief and practice among the non European cultures of the New World, Africa, Australia, the South Pacific, and elsewhere.由于在17世纪西方世界的学者们推测对人类文化的起源问题,通过利用有关宗教的信仰和实践中收集的非欧洲文化的实证数据的使用新的世界,非洲,澳大利亚,南太平洋和其他地方。 Religion thus became one of the areas of study that shaped current ideas about the origins of human consciousness and institutions.宗教从而成为研究的地区之一,约有人的意识和机构的起源形电流的想法。Religion, both as a human experience and as an expression of that experience, was viewed as a primitive model of human consciousness, most clearly seen in primitive cultures.宗教,无论是作为人类的经验,作为该经验的表达被认为是人类意识的原始模型来看,最清楚地看到,在原始文化。It is significant that the first systematic treatise in the discipline of Anthropology, Edward B Tylor's Primitive Culture (1871), had "Religion in Primitive Culture" as its subtitle, and that the first person to be appointed to a professorial chair of social anthropology in Britain was Sir James Frazer, author of the monumental study of comparative folklore, magic, and religion, The Golden Bough.值得注意的是,第一次在人类学学科的系统论述,爱德华乙泰勒的原始文化(1871),有“原始社会的文化宗教”为副标题,而第一人获委任为一种社会人类学教授椅子英国爵士詹姆斯弗雷泽,在比较民俗学,魔术,和宗教,金枝巨大的研究报告的作者。

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Theories of Primitive Religion原始宗教理论

Theories of the nature of primitive religion have moved between two poles: one intellectualistic and rational, the other psychological and irrational.对原始宗教性质的理论有两个极点之间移动:一intellectualistic和理性,其他心理和非理性。 Tylor and Frazer, both of whom saw primitive religion as characterized preeminently by a belief in magic and unseen forces or powers, represent the intellectual - rational position.泰勒和弗雷泽,两人看到原始宗教作为一种信仰的特点坦白,勇敢的魔法,而看不见的力量或权力,代表着智慧 - 理性的位置。Tylor based his interpretation of primitive religion on the idea that primitive people make a mistaken logical inference - an intellectual error.泰勒根据他的原始宗教的想法解释,即原始的人们作出了错误的逻辑推理 - 一个知识分子的错误。He thought that they confuse subjective and objective reality in their belief that the vital force (soul) present in living organisms is detachable and capable of independent existence in its own mode.他认为,他们的主观和客观的混淆他们认为重要力量(灵魂)在生物目前是可拆卸,并在其自己的模式能够独立存在的现实。Dreams, he thought, might be a basis for this error.梦,他认为,这可能是一个错误的基础。Tylor's definition of primitive religion as Animism, a belief in spiritual beings, expresses his interpretation that the basis of primitive religion is the belief that detached and detachable vital forces make up a suprahuman realm of reality that is just as real as the physical world of rocks, trees, and plants.泰勒的万物有灵论,在鬼神信仰,原始宗教的定义表达了他的解释,即原始宗教的基础是信仰,超脱和可拆卸的重要力量构成了现实suprahuman领域都一样,真正的岩石物理世界,树木和植物。

An opposing interpretation of primitive religion comes from an experimental and psychological approach to the data.一种原始宗教对立的解释来自一个实验和心理学的方法对数据。 RH Codrington's study The Melanesians (1891), in which he described the meaning of Mana as a supernatural power or influence experienced by the Melanesians, has provided a basis for other scholars to explain the origin and interpretation of primitive religion as rooted in the experience by primitive peoples of the dynamic power of nature.相对湿度科德林顿的研究美拉尼西亚人(1891年),其中他描述了法力作为一种超自然的力量或由美拉尼西亚人经历的影响意义,提供了其他学者的基础上,解释的起源和原始宗教的解释,在体验中根深蒂固的大自然的原始民族的动态功耗。 The most prominent interpreter of this point of view was the English anthropologist Robert R Marett.这种观点最突出的是英国人类学家解释罗伯特R玛丽特。Variations of this theory may be seen in the works of Lucien Levy - Bruhl, who distinguished between a logical and prelogical mentality in analyzing the kind of thinking that takes place through this mode of experience, and the writings of Rudolf Otto, who described the specific religious meaning of this mode of human consciousness.这一理论的变化可以看出,在征收工作的吕西安 - 布鲁尔,谁之间的逻辑和前逻辑思维分析了杰出的那种思维是通过这样的经验模式的地方,鲁道夫奥托,谁的著作中描述的特定宗教意义这一人类意识的方式。

Another intellectual - rationalist approach to primitive religion is exemplified by Emile Durkheim, who saw religion as the deification of society and its structures.另一种智慧 - 理性的方法来体现原始宗教是由埃米尔涂尔干,谁看到作为社会的神化及其结构的宗教。The symbols of religion arise as "collective representations" of the social sphere, and rituals function to unite the individual with society.宗教的符号出现的“集体”的重要思想的社会领域,团结和礼仪功能与社会中的个体。 Claude Levi - Strauss moved beyond Durkheim in an attempt to articulate the way in which the structures of society are exemplified in myths and symbols.列维 - 斯特劳斯超越了涂尔干,试图阐明其中的社会结构是在神话和符号体现方式。Starting from the structural ideas of contemporary linguistics, he argued that there is one universal form of human logic and that the difference between the thinking of primitive and modern people cannot be based on different modes of thought or logic but rather on differences in the data on which logic operates.从现代语言学的结构思想出发,他认为,有一个人的逻辑普遍的形式,两者之间的原始与现代人们思想的差异不能以思想或逻辑不同的模式,而是在数据中的分歧这逻辑。

Religious Experience and Expression宗教体验与表达

Whichever approach - psychological or intellectual - is accepted, it is clear that primitives experience the world differently than do persons in modern cultures.无论方法 - 心理或智力 - 被接受,很显然,基元体验世界不同的比在现代文化的人。Few would hold that that difference can be explained by a different level of intelligence.很少人会认为,这种差异可以通过不同层次的情报解释。Levi - Strauss, as has been indicated, believes that the intellectual powers of primitive peoples are equal to those of humans in all cultures and that differences between the two modes of thought may be attributed to the things thought upon.列维 - 斯特劳斯,正如已经指出的,认为,原始民族的智力是等于在人类的所有文化和思维之间的两种模式的差异可能是由于思想对的事情。He refers to primitive thought as concrete thought.他指的是原始思维的具体想法。By this he means that such thought expresses a different way of relating to the objects and experiences of the everyday world.他的意思,这种思想表达了有关的目标和世界的日常经验不同的方式。This form of thinking, he says, expresses itself in myth, rituals, and kinship systems, but all of these expressions embody an underlying rational order.这种思维方式,他说,表现在神话,仪式和亲属制度本身,而是这些表达都体现一个基本合理的秩序。

Mircea Eliade expressed a similar position.米尔恰伊利亚德表达了类似的立场。For him, primitive cultures are more open to the world of natural forms.对他来说,原始的文化是更加开放的自然形式的世界。This openness allows them to experience the world as a sacred reality.这种开放性使他们体验到作为一个神圣的现实世界。Anything in the world can reveal some aspect and dimension of sacredness to the person in primitive cultures.在世界上任何东西可以透露的一些神圣方面和层面,在原始文化的人。This mode of revelation is called a hierophany.这种模式被称为启示hierophany。In Eliade's theory, the revealing of the sacred is a total experience.在伊利亚德的理论,揭示了神圣的是一个总的经验。It cannot be reduced to the rational, the irrational, or the psychological; the experience of the sacred includes them all.它不能被降低到合理的,不合理的,或心理上的;神圣的经验,包括他们。It is the way in which these experiences are integrated and received that characterizes the sacred.它是这些经验是综合性的特点收到的神圣道路。The integration of many seemingly disparate and often opposed meanings into a unity is what Eliade means by the religious symbol.许多看似不相干的和经常反对整合成一个统一的含义是什么伊利亚德的宗教符号表示。

A myth is the integration of religious symbols into a narrative form.一个神话是宗教符号叙事形式融合成一个。Myths not only provide a comprehensive view of the world, but they also provide the tools for deciphering the world.神话不仅提供全面的世界的看法,但它们也为破译世界的工具。Although myths may have a counterpart in ritual patterns, they are autonomous modes of the expression of the sacredness of the world for primitive peoples.虽然神话可能在仪式的模式对应,他们是对世界的原始民族的神圣表达自治模式。


One of the most pervasive forms of religious behavior in primitive cultures is expressed by rituals and ritualistic actions.在原始文化中的宗教行为的最普遍的形式之一是表达的礼仪和仪式的行动。The forms and functions of rituals are diverse.礼仪的形式和功能是多种多样的。They may be performed to ensure the favor of the divine, to ward off evil, or to mark a change in cultural status.他们可能是为了确保有关神的青睐,以辟邪,或标志的文化地位的变化。In most, but not all, cases an etiological myth provides the basis for the ritual in a divine act or injunction.在大多数,但并非所有情况下,一个病因神话提供了在一个神圣的仪式行为或强制令的基础。

Generally, rituals express the great transitions in human life: birth (coming into being); puberty (the recognition and expression of sexual status); marriage (the acceptance of an adult role in the society); and death (the return to the world of the ancestors).一般来说,仪式表达人类生活的伟大转折:出生(就存在的),青春期(性的认同和地位的表达),婚姻(一个成年人在社会中的作用验收)和死亡(对世界的回报祖先)。 These passage rites vary in form, importance, and intensity from one culture to another for they are tied to several other meanings and rituals in the culture.这些通过仪式不同的形式,重要性和强度从一种文化到另一种为他们系于许多其他的意义和文化仪式。For example, the primitive cultures of south New Guinea and Indonesia place a great emphasis on rituals of death and funerary rites.例如,南新几内亚和印度尼西亚的原始文化的地方了关于死亡和丧葬仪式,仪式非常重视。They have elaborate myths describing the geography of the place of the dead and the journey of the dead to that place.他们描述了死者的地方的地理情况和死者的旅程到那个地方制定的神话。Hardly any ritual meaning is given to birth.几乎没有任何意义的仪式是给诞生。The Polynesians, on the other hand, have elaborate birth rituals and place much less emphasis on funerary rituals.波利尼西亚人,另一方面,有详细的出生礼仪和地方少得多的丧葬礼仪的重视。

Almost all primitive cultures pay attention to puberty and marriage rituals, although there is a general tendency to pay more attention to the puberty rites of males than of females.几乎所有的原始文化中注重青春期和结婚仪式,虽然是一个普遍的倾向,更注重男性比女性青春期仪式。Because puberty and marriage symbolize the fact that children are acquiring adult roles in the kinship system in particular, and in the culture in general, most primitive cultures consider the rituals surrounding these events very important.由于青春期和婚姻的象征其实,儿童是收购亲属制度,特别是成人的角色,并在一般的文化,最原始的文化认为围绕这​​些活动的仪式非常重要的。 Puberty rituals are often accompanied with ceremonial circumcision or some other operation on the male genitals.青春期仪式往往伴随着礼仪割礼或男性生殖器上的一些其他操作。Female circumcision is less common, although it occurs in several cultures.女性割礼是不太常见的,尽管它在几个文化发生。 Female puberty rites are more often related to the commencement of the menstrual cycle in young girls.女性青春期仪式往往涉及到年轻女孩在月经周期的开始。

In addition to these life cycle rituals, rituals are associated with the beginning of the new year and with planting and harvest times in agricultural societies.除了这些生命周期仪式,仪式都与新的一年,在农业社会中种植和收获时间的开始。Numerous other rituals are found in hunting - and - gathering societies; these are supposed to increase the game and to give the hunter greater prowess.发现许多其他仪式在狩猎 - 和 - 采集社会,这些都应该增加游戏,并给予更大的猎人的威力。

Another class of rituals is related to occasional events, such as war, droughts, catastrophes, or extraordinary events.另一个是有关礼仪类偶然事件,如战争,干旱,灾难,或特殊事件。Rituals performed at such times are usually intended to appease supernatural forces or divine beings who might be the cause of the event, or to discover what divine power is causing the event and why.在这种时候进行仪式通常是为了安抚超自然的力量或神的人谁可能是事件的原因,或者发现什么神圣的权力是导致事件及其原因。

Rituals are highly structured actions.仪式是高度结构化的行动。Each person or class of persons has particular stylized roles to play in them.每个人或一类人具有特殊的风格在其中发挥作用。 While some rituals call for communal participation, others are restricted by sex, age, and type of activity.虽然一些仪式的社会参与通话,其他的限制性别,年龄和类型的活动。Thus initiation rites for males and females are separate, and only hunters participate in hunting rituals.因此,男性和女性的入会仪式是分开的,只有猎人狩猎仪式参与。There are also rituals limited to warriors, blacksmiths, magicians, and diviners.有也仅限于战士,铁匠,术士,占卜仪式。 Among the Dogon of the western Sudan, the ritual system integrates life cycle rituals with vocational cults; these in turn are related to a complex cosmological myth.在苏丹西部的多贡,仪式系统集成与职业邪教仪式的生命周期,在这反过来又涉及到复杂的宇宙神话。

Divine Beings天人

Divine beings are usually known through the mode of their manifestation.天人通常称为透过其表现方式。Creator - gods are usually deities of the sky.造物主 - 神一般的天空神。The sky as a primordial expression of transcendence is one of the exemplary forms of sacred power.作为一种超越原始的表达天空的神圣权力的典范形式之一。Deities of the sky are often considered to possess an ultimate power.天空的神是一个常常被认为拥有最终解释权。

The apparent similarity in form between the supreme sky deities of primitive cultures and the single godheads of Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Zoroastrianism has led some Western students of religion to speak of a "primitive monotheism."在形式之间的原始文化最高的天空神和犹太教,基督教,伊斯兰教和拜火教单godheads明显的相似性,导致一些西方宗教学生谈论“原始一神教。” By this they were suggesting a devolution of religion rather than the more rationalistic evolution of religion from Polytheism, through henotheism (the presence of several gods, but with one dominant), to Monotheism.通过这一点,他们曾建议对宗教的权力下放,而不是宗教从多神教发展更加理性,通过henotheism(即几个神的存在,但是有一个占主导地位),到一神教。 The most avid proponent of the primitive monotheism was Wilhelm Schmidt, an Austrian Roman Catholic priest who was also an ethnologist.原始一神教的最热情的支持者是威廉施密特,奥地利罗马天主教神父谁也是一个民族学家。 In his view the original sacred form was a creator - god of the sky.在他看来,原来的形式是一个神圣的创造者 - 是天空之神。This original and first revelation of deity was lost or obscured by the attention evoked by other lesser sacred beings, and throughout the history of human culture this original creator - sky - god has been rediscovered or remembered in the monotheistic religions.这种原始的神的启示和第一丢失或由其他较小的神圣的人引起注意遮蔽,并在整个人类文化的这种原始的创造者的历史 - 天空 - 神已经被重新发现或一神教记住。This position has been largely rejected by contemporary scholars.这一立场在很大程度上是当代​​学者所拒绝。

Allied to and existing within the same sphere as the sky - god are the manifestations of divine presence in the sun and the moon.在盟军和天空一样的领域现有 - 上帝是在太阳和月亮神的存在的表现。The symbolism of the sun, while sharing the transcendent power of the sky, is more intimately related to the destiny of the human community and to the revelation of the rational power necessary to order the world.太阳的象征,同时共享的天空超然力量,更是密切相关的人类社会的命运和理性的力量必须以世界的启示。 Sun - deities are creators by virtue of their growth - producing powers, whereas the sky - god creators often create ex nihilo ("out of nothing"); they do not require human agency in their creative capacities, and in many instances they withdraw and have little to do with humankind.太阳 - 神是凭借他们的成长创造者 - 生产的权力,而天空 - 神创作者常常创造无中生有(“无中生有”),他们并不需要在他们的创造能力人的机构,在许多情况下,它们撤回有什么与人类。

The manifestation and presence of the deity in the moon is different from that of the sun.表现形式和月亮神的存在是从太阳的不同。Moon - deities are associated with a more rhythmic structure; they wax and wane, seem more vulnerable and more capable of loss and gain.月亮 - 神都与一个更有韵律结构,它们蜡和衰落,似乎更容易,更得与失的能力。 Moon - deities are often female in form and associated with feminine characteristics.月亮 - 神往往是女性与女性在形式和特性相关。The moon - goddess is the revelation of the vulnerability and fragility of life, and unlike solar gods, her destiny is not the historical destiny of powerful rulers and empires, but the destiny of the human life cycle of birth, life, and death.月亮 - 女神是脆弱性和揭示生命的脆弱,而不像太阳神,她的命运是不是强大的统治者和帝国的历史命运,但其出生,生活,人的生命周期和死亡的命运。Other places where deities show themselves are in the natural forms of water, vegetation, agriculture, stones, human sexuality, and so on.其中神等地展示自己在水,植被,农业,石头,人类性行为等的自然形态。

The pattern of deities, of course, varies markedly among different types of societies.对神的模式,当然,不同社团之间明显不同的类型。Hunting - and - gathering cultures, for example, not only have language and rituals related to hunting, but also often have a Lord, Master, or Mistress of Animals - a divine being who not only created the world of humans and animals but who also cares for, protects, and supplies the animals to the hunters.狩猎 - 和 - 采集文化,例如,不仅有语言和相关的狩猎仪式,但还经常有一主,船长或情妇的动物 - 一个神圣的生命,谁不仅创造了人类和动物世界,但谁也关心,保护和提供了动物的猎人。Religious cultures of this kind still exist among the Mbuti pygmies, the San of the Kalahari desert in Africa, Australian Aborigines, and Eskimo.这种宗教文化中仍然存在姆巴提俾格米人,是在非洲,澳洲原住民,爱斯基摩人的卡拉哈里沙漠的圣。

A somewhat more complex religious culture is found in early agricultural societies.一个较为复杂的宗教文化存在于早期农业社会。It is commonly accepted that the earliest form of agriculture was both a feminine rite and a female right.人们普遍认为,农业的最早形式既是一个女性礼仪和女性的权利。This means that the gift and power of agriculture provided a means by which the sacredness of the world could be expressed in the femininity of the human species.这意味着农业的恩赐和力量提供了一种手段,其中世界神圣可以在人类物种的女性表示。Agricultural rituals became a powerful symbolic language that spoke of gestation, birth, nurture, and death.农业成为一个强大的象征仪式语言,妊娠,分娩,培育和死亡讲话。This development does not imply an early Matriarchy nor the dominance of society by females.这种发展并不意味着早期母权制社会,也不是由女性主导地位。In agricultural societies males dominate in the conventional sense of the term, but the power of women is nevertheless potent and real.在男性占主导地位的农业社会中的传统意义上的任期,但妇女的力量是强大的和真实不过。

In some cultures of West Africa three layers of cultural religious meaning may be discerned.在西非一些文化,宗教文化三个层次的含义,可看出端倪。One refers to an earlier agriculture, in which the feminine symbolism and power predominated.一指到一个较早的农业,其中女性占主导地位和权力的象征。In the second the theft of the ritual and rights of agriculture is portrayed in masculine symbolism and language.在第二个仪式的权利,盗窃和农业是描绘在男性象征和语言。By contrast, the equal cooperation of masculine and feminine in the power and meaning of cultural life is symbolized in the third level.相比之下,对男性和女性在权力和文化生活的意义是在平等合作的第三个层次的象征。In present cultures of this area the older layer can be seen in the Queen Mother, who is "owner of the land"; the second layer in the kingship system; and the third layer in the myths associated with egg symbolism, which on the cosmological level are a means of transmuting sexual tensions into practical harmonies.在目前的这种旧的文化层可以得到女王的母亲,谁是“土地所有者”看到面积;在王权制度的第二层,并对其相关的神话鸡蛋象征第三层,这对宇宙学水平是一个能够把实际的和声性的紧张局势的手段。

Sacred Personages神圣的人物

Just as sacredness tends to be localized in the natural forms of the world in primitive religious cultures, sacred meaning is also defined by specific kinds of persons.正如神圣往往是在原始宗教文化在世界的自然形态的本地化,神圣的意义时,还应遵守特定种类的人。On the one hand, sacredness may be located in and defined by office and status in a society.一方面,神圣可能位于和办事处,并在社会中定义的状态。In such cases the role and function of the chief or king carries a sacred meaning because it is seen as an imitation of a divine model, which is generally narrated in a cultural myth; it may also be thought to possess divine power.在角色和职能的行政或国王这种情况下进行一项神圣的意义,因为它是作为一个神圣的模式,一般是在讲述一个文化神话模仿看到,它也可能被认为具有神圣的权力。 Offices and functions of this kind are usually hereditary and are not dependent on any specific or unique personality structure in the individual.办事处及这种功能通常是世袭的,并没有任何具体的个人或独特的人格结构而定。

On the other hand, forms of individual sacredness exist that do depend on specific types of personality structures and the calling to a particular religious vocation.另一方面,个别神圣形式存在的不依赖于特定类型的人格结构和调用特定的宗教使命。Persons such as shamans fall into this category.例如巫师的人属于这一类。Shamans are recruited from among young persons who tend to exhibit particular psychological traits that indicate their openness to a more profound and complex world of sacred meanings than is available to the society at large.巫师是谁招募中往往表现出开放特别是要表明自己的神圣意义更为深刻和复杂的世界比提供给整个社会心理特征的青少年。Once chosen, shamans undergo a special shamanistic initiation and are taught by older shamans the peculiar forms of healing and behavior that identify their sacred work.一旦选择,萨满教巫师经历一个特殊的启动和老萨满教是医治和行为,找出自己的神圣工作的特殊形式。Given the nature of their sacred work, they must undergo long periods of training before they are capable practitioners of the sacred and healing arts.鉴于其神圣的工作性质,他们必须经过长期的训练才愈合的神圣和艺术工作者的能力。The same is true of medicine men and diviners, although these often inherit their status.同样是医学和占卜的人如此,尽管这些往往继承他们的地位。

Each person in a primitive society may also bear an ordinary form of sacred meaning.原始社会中的每个人也可以承受普通形式的神圣意义。Such meaning can be discerned in the elements of the person's psychological structure.这样的意思可以看出在该人的心理结构的元素。For example, among the Ashanti of Ghana, an individual's blood is said to be derived from the goddess of the earth through that individual's mother, an individual's destiny from the high - god, and personality and temperament from the tutelary deity of the individual's father.例如,在加纳,阿散蒂一个人的血液被认为是从地球通过个别的母亲女神所得,个人的从高的命运 - 神,个性和从个人的父亲守护神的气质。On the cosmological level of myths and rituals all of these divine forms have a primordial meaning that acquires individual and existential significance when it is expressed in persons.关于宇宙的神话和礼仪水平,这些神圣的形式都有一个原始的意思是获得个人和存在的意义时,它是在人的表达。


Underlying all the forms, functions, rituals, personages, and symbols in primitive religion is the distinction between the sacred and the profane.基本所有的形式,功能,礼仪,人物,并在原始宗教符号是之间的神圣与世俗的区别。The sacred defines the world of reality, which is the basis for all meaningful forms and behaviors in the society.神圣定义了现实世界,这是所有有意义的形式和社会行为的基础。The profane is the opposite of the sacred.世俗的,是神圣的对面。Although it has a mode of existence and a quasi - reality, reality is not based on a divine model, nor does it serve as an ordering principle for activities or meanings.虽然它的存在和准模式 - 现实,现实是不是基于神的模式,也没有作为意义的活动或订购的原则。For example, the manner in which a primitive village is laid out in space imitates a divine model and thus participates in sacred reality.例如,在其中一个原始村落的布局方式模仿在太空中一个神圣的模式,从而在神圣的实际参与。The space outside of the organized space of the village is considered profane space, because it is not ordered and therefore does not participate in the meaning imparted by the divine model.外村的组织被认为是亵渎的空间空间的空间,因为它不是命令,因此没有参加由神传授模式的含义。

This characteristic distinction between the sacred and the profane is present at almost every level of primitive society.这之间的神圣和世俗的特点区别是在原始社会几乎每个级别中。The tendency to perceive reality in the terms provided by the sacred marks a fundamental difference between primitive and modern Western societies, where this distinction has been destroyed.目前的趋势能够真正感觉到的神圣标记提供了原始与现代西方社会里这种区别已被破坏的根本区别的条款现实。The openness to the world as a sacred reality is probably the most pervasive and common meaning in all forms of primitive religion and is present in definitions of time, space, behaviors, and activities.作为一项神圣的现实向全世界开放可能是在原始宗教的一切形式的最普遍的和共同的含义,在时间,空间,行为和活动的定义中。

The sacred is able to serve as a principle of order because it possesses the power to order.神圣的是能成为一个秩序的原则,因为它拥有的权力秩序。The power of the sacred is both positive and negative.神圣的权力是正面和负面的。It is necessary to have the proper regard for the sacred; it must be approached and dealt with in very specific ways.这是需要有正确的方面为神圣的,它必须加以处理和解决在非常特殊的方式与。

A kind of ritual behavior defines the proper mode of contact with the sacred.一种仪式行为定义了一种神圣的接触与正确的模式。Failure to act properly with respect to the sacred opens the door to the negative experience and effects of sacred power.如果不采取行动就打开了正确的神圣的负面经验和神圣的力量影响的大门。The specific term for this negative power among the Melanesians is Taboo.此负电源之间的美拉尼西亚人指定任期是禁区。This word has become a general term in Western languages expressing the range of meanings implied by the force and effects of a power that is both negative and positive and that attracts as well as repels.这个词已经成为表达了受力和权力的影响是消极和积极的,寓意范围吸引西方语言的总称,以及排斥。

Charles H Long长查尔斯ħ

Bibliography: 参考书目:
E Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1915); M Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane (1959), and A History of Religious Ideas (1978); EE Evans - Pritchard, Theories of Primitive Religion (1965); JG Frazer, The Golden Bough (1911 - 36); C Levi - Strauss, The Savage Mind (1962); L Levy - Bruhl, Primitive Mentality (1923); B Malinowski, Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays (1948); RR Marett, The Threshold of Religion (1914); J Skorupski, Symbol and Theory: A Philosophical Study of Theories of Religion in Social Anthropology (1976); EB Tylor, Primitive Culture (1891); AFC Wallace, Religion: An Anthropological View (1966). é涂尔干,宗教生活的(1915)基本形式;米eliade,神圣与凡俗(1959年),以及宗教思想史(1978); EE的埃文斯 - 普里查德,原始宗教理论(1965年); JG弗雷泽,金枝(1911 - 36); ç列维 - 斯特劳斯,野蛮人的心灵(1962年)的L征费 - 布鲁尔,原始思维(1923);乙马林诺夫斯基,魔术,科学与宗教(1948年)等文章;率玛丽特,宗教的阈值(1914年); Ĵ Skorupski,符号和理论:在社会人类学宗教(1976)理论的哲学研究;光大泰勒,原始文化(1891年);亚足联华莱士,宗教:人类学的视野(1966) 。

EE Evans - Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande (1937) and Nuer Religion (1956); M Griaule, Conversations with Ozotemmeli: An Introduction to Dogon Religious Ideas (1948); G Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka (1961); J Middleton, Lugbara Religion (1987); BBC Ray, African Religions (1976); C Turnbull, The Forest People (1962); V Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (1967).EE的埃文斯 - 普里查德,巫术,神谕和魔法之间的阿赞德(1937)和努尔宗教(1956年)〔M Griaule,对话与Ozotemmeli:就多贡人的宗教思想(1948)导言; Ğ Lienhardt,神和经验:宗教丁卡(1961年); Ĵ米德尔顿,Lugbara宗教(1987年);英国广播公司雷,非洲宗教(1976年); ç特恩布尔称,森林人(1962年); V特纳,象征的森林:Ndembu仪式方面(1967)。

F Barth, Ritual and Knowledge among the Baktaman of New Guinea (1975); G Bateson, Naven (1958); R / C Berndt, Djanggawul (1952); KO Burridge, Mambu: A Melanesian Millennium (1960); M Eliade, Australian Religions: An Introduction (1973); R Firth, Tikopia Ritual and Belief (1967); B Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) and Coral Gardens and their Magic: Soil - Tilling and Agricultural Rites in the Trobriand Islands (1965).F巴特,仪式和了解新几内亚Baktaman(1975)100贝特森,纳文(1958年);的R / C贝恩特,Djanggawul(1952年);高伯里奇,Mambu:美拉尼西亚千年(1960年);米eliade,澳大利亚宗教:简介(1973)与r弗斯,蒂科皮亚仪式和信仰(1967年);乙马林诺夫斯基,阿尔戈西太平洋(1922)和珊瑚花园和他们的魔法:土 - 在特罗布里恩群岛和农业耕作礼(1965) 。

The Americas:美洲:
A Hultkrantz, The Religions of the American Indians (1967) and Belief and Worship in Native North America (1981); C Levi - Strauss, Introduction to a Science of Mythology (1969); BG Myerhoff, Peyote Hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichol Indians (1976); GA Reichard, Navaho Religion: A Study of Symbolism (1963); G Reichel - Dolmatoff, Amazonian Cosmos: The Sexual and Religious Symbolism of the Tukano Indians (1971).阿Hultkrantz,在(1967)和信仰与北美原住民的崇拜(1981)美国印第安人的宗教; ç列维 - 斯特劳斯,介绍一种科学的神话(1969年);保函Myerhoff,佩特亨特:神圣之旅Huichol印第安人(1976年);遗传赖克德,纳瓦霍宗教:象征研究(1963)100赖歇尔 - Dolmatoff,亚马逊宇宙:印第安人的图卡诺式(1971)性和宗教的象征意义。

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