Talmud犹太法典

General Information一般资料

The Talmud (Hebrew for "teaching" or "study"), a vast compendium of Jewish law and lore, is a unique literary document - a sequel to the Hebrew Bible - and the basis of Jewish religious life.犹太法典(简称“教”或“研究”希伯来文),一个犹太法和传说广大汇编,是一种独特的文学文件 - 以希伯来文圣经续集 - 和犹太宗教生活的基础。It consists of the Mishnah and lengthy, rambling commentary called Gemara (Aramaic for "learning" or "tradition").它由mishnah和冗长,漫无边际称为革马拉(对于“学习”或“传统”阿拉姆)的评注。There are two Gemaras - the Palestinian Gemara, a product of the 3d and 4th centuries AD, and the Babylonian Gemara, completed about 499, with some later additions.有两个Gemaras - 巴革马拉,一个是公元4世纪的3D和产品,以及巴比伦革马拉,约499完成,后面的一些补充。Hence, there are two Talmuds: the Talmud Yerushalmi and the Talmud Babli.因此,有两个Talmuds:犹太法典yerushalmi和犹太法典Babli。The latter, the Babylonian Talmud, remains for traditional Jews the final authority on the law.后者,巴比伦犹太法典,在法律上仍是传统的犹太人最终决定权。The Mishnah is predominantly in Hebrew, the Gemaras largely in Aramaic.该mishnah主要是希伯来文,主要是在阿拉姆的Gemaras。 In addition to exhaustive and subtle discussions of civil, criminal, domestic, and ritual law, the Talmuds contain materials called haggadah ("narration") - statements on faith and morals, explanations of Bible verses, parables, and historical and legendary narratives.除了民事,刑事,家庭,和礼法详尽和微妙的讨论,Talmuds含有一种叫哈加达(“叙述”)材料 - 信仰和道德上的陈述,经文,寓言,历史和传说中的叙述说明。

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Despite difficulties of language and content, the Talmud was for centuries the principal subject of Jewish study.尽管语言和内容的困难,犹太法典是几个世纪以来,犹太人研究的主要课题。It was provided with innumerable commentaries and annotations, the most important of which was by the 11th century scholar Rashi.它提供了无数的评论和注解,最重要的是由11世纪的学者Rashi了。It was also the object of violent attacks by persons who had no knowledge of its contents, from medieval fanatics - 24 cartloads of Talmud manuscripts were burned in Paris in 1242 - to Nazi propagandists in the 1930s.它也是由人谁没有其内容的知识,从中世纪的狂热分子,暴力袭击的对象 - 在20世纪30年代纳粹宣传家 - 24犹太法典手稿cartloads被烧毁,1242年在巴黎。Modern scholars have come increasingly to recognize its importance as a cultural monument.现代学者都越来越多地认识到作为文化古迹的重要性。New Testament scholars in particular have used material from the Talmud and the related literature of Midrash for an understanding of Christian origins.特别是新约学者用从塔木德和米德拉士相关文献为基督教起源的认识材料。

Bernard J Bamberger伯纳德J班贝格

Bibliography: 参考书目:
I Epstein, ed., The Babylonian Talmud (1961); A Feinnsilver, ed., The Talmud Today (1980); M Mielziner, Introduction to the Talmud (1969); CG Montefiore and H Loeww, A Rabbinic Anthology (1938); J Neusner, The Talmud of the Land of Israel: An Introduction (1990); A Steinsaltz, The Essential Talmud (1977) and The Talmud: A Reference Guide (1989); HL Strack, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (1969); I Unterman, The Talmud: An Analytical Guide (1985).我爱泼斯坦,教育署,巴比伦犹太法典(1961年);一个Feinnsilver,教育署,塔木德今天(1980年);,M Mielziner,介绍了塔木德(1969年); CG蒙蒂菲奥里和H Loeww,一个拉比文集(1938); J Neusner,在以色列的土地犹太法典:简介(1990年),A Steinsaltz,基本塔木德(1977)和犹太法典:一个参考指南(1989年); HL施特拉克,介绍了塔木德和米德拉士(1969年);我Unterman,犹太法典:一个分析指南(1985年)。


Talmud塔木德

General Information一般资料

The Talmud is the body of Jewish civil and religious law, including commentaries on the Torah, or Pentateuch.该塔木德是犹太民间和宗教的法律,包括诵读经文,或摩西五评机构。The Talmud consists of a codification of laws, called the Mishnah, and a commentary on the Mishnah, called the Gemara.犹太法典由一系列法律的编纂工作,被称为米示拿,和对mishnah评论,称为革马拉。The material in the Talmud that concerns decisions by scholars on disputed legal questions is known as the Halakah; the legends, anecdotes, and sayings in the Talmud that are used to illustrate the traditional law are known as Haggada.犹太法典中的材料问题上有争议的法律问题的决定被称为学者的halakah,传说,轶事,并在塔木德是用来说明传统法律谚语作为Haggada闻名。

Two compilations of the Talmud exist: the Palestinian Talmud, sometimes called the Jerusalem Talmud, and the Babylonian Talmud.两个汇编的犹太法典存在:巴勒斯坦犹太法典,有时也被称为耶路撒冷犹太法典,巴比伦犹太法典。Both compilations contain the same Mishnah, but each has its own Gemara.这两个汇编含有相同的米示拿,但每个都有自己的革马拉。 The contents of the Palestinian Talmud were written by Palestinian scholars between the 3rd century AD and the beginning of the 5th century; those of the Babylonian Talmud, by scholars who wrote between the 3rd century and the beginning of the 6th century.在巴勒斯坦犹太法典的内容是写在公元3世纪之间和5世纪初的巴勒斯坦学者;的巴比伦犹太法典的人,谁的学者之间的第3个世纪和6世纪初写道。 The Babylonian Talmud became authoritative because the rabbinic academies of Babylonia survived those in Palestine by many centuries.巴比伦犹太法典成为权威,因为巴比伦的拉比院校遗下许多世纪在巴勒斯坦人。

The Talmud itself, the works of talmudic scholarship, and the commentaries concerning it constitute the greatest contributions to rabbinical literature in the history of Judaism.犹太法典本身,塔木德奖学金的作品,评论和关于它构成在历史的犹太教拉比文学的最大贡献。One of the most important of the works of scholarship is the Mishneh Torah (Repetition of the Torah, c. 1180) by the Spanish rabbi, philosopher, and physician Maimonides; it is an abstract of all the rabbinical legal literature in existence at his time.其中最重要的学术工程之一,是Mishneh托拉(在诵读经文,C. 1180重复)由西班牙拉比,哲学家和医师迈蒙尼德,它是所有犹太教法律文献存在于他的时间的抽象。The most widely known commentaries are those on the Babylonian Talmud by the French rabbi Rashi and by certain scholars known as tosaphists, who lived in France and Germany between the 12th and 14th centuries and included some of Rashi's grandsons.最广​​为人知的评论都在巴比伦犹太法典的由法国拉比Rashi和作为tosaphists,谁住在法国和德国之间的第12和14世纪,包括Rashi的孙子一些已知的某些学者。

The Babylonian Talmud and the Palestinian Talmud were first printed in 1520-22 and in 1523 in Venice by the printer Daniel Bomberg.巴比伦塔木德和巴勒斯坦塔木德印在威尼斯首次由打印机丹尼尔在1520至1522年邦贝里和1523。The entire Babylonian Talmud is available in an English translation (1935-52) edited by the British rabbi and scholar Isidore Epstein.整个巴比伦犹太法典,可在英文译本(1935年至1952年)由英国拉比和学者伊西多尔爱泼斯坦编辑。Most of the Palestinian Talmud is available in a 19th-century French translation, but the rendering is defective and inaccurate.大部分的巴勒斯坦犹太法典是在19世纪法国的翻译可用,但渲染是有缺陷的和不准确的。Twenty tractates of the Palestinian Talmud are found in a Latin translation, in the Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum (1744-69) of Blasio Ugolino, an 18th-century Italian historian and antiquarian.二是巴勒斯坦犹太法典tractates被发现在拉丁语翻译的词库Antiquitatum Sacrarum(1744年至1769年)的Blasio Ugolino,是18世纪意大利历史学家和古籍。

Saul Lieberman扫罗利伯曼


Talmud塔木德

Jewish Viewpoint Information犹太观信息

Name of two works which have been preserved to posterity as the product of the Palestinian and Babylonian schools during the amoraic period, which extended from the third to the fifth century CE One of these compilations is entitled "Talmud Yerushalmi" (Jerusalem Talmud) and the other "Talmud Babli" (Babylonian Talmud).两个名称都被保存下来作为在amoraic期间,巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的学校,扩大从第三到第五世纪CE这些汇编之一是名为“塔木德•耶路莎米”(耶路撒冷犹太法典)和产品后世的作品其他的“塔木德Babli”(巴比伦犹太法典)。 Used alone, the word "Talmud" generally denotes "Talmud Babli," but it frequently serves as a generic designation for an entire body of literature, since the Talmud marks the culmination of the writings of Jewish tradition, of which it is, from a historical point of view, the most important production.单独使用时,将“塔木德经”,一般是指“塔木德Babli”,但它经常充当一个文学的整个身体一般的称号,因为犹太法典标志着犹太传统,它是从著作之大成,历史来看,最重要的生产。

The Name.这个名字。

"Talmud" is an old scholastic term of the Tannaim, and is a noun formed from the verb "limmed" = "to teach."“塔木德”是一个古老的该tannaim学术术语,并且是由“limmed”=动词组成一个名词“教”。 It therefore means primarily "teaching," although it denotes also "learning"; it is employed in this latter sense with special reference to the Torah, the terms "talmud" and "Torah" being usually combined to indicate the study of the Law both in its wider and in its more restricted sense, as in Pe'ah i.因此,它首先意味着“教”,虽然它也表示“学习”,它是在这个特别提到了后一种意义上托拉就业中,“塔木德经”和“圣经”通常被结合起来,表明该法的研究都在更广泛和更严格意义上的在Pe'ah岛, 1, where the term "talmud Torah" is applied to study as a religious duty.1,这里的术语“塔木德圣经”应用研究作为一个宗教义务。 On the other hand, the learning acquired by study is also called "talmud," so that Akiba's pupil Judah ben Ilai could say: "He from whom one derives the greater part of his knowledge ["talmudo"] must be regarded as the teacher" (Tosef., BM ii., end; Yer. BM 8d; BM 33a has "ḥokmah" instead of "talmud").另一方面,通过学习获得的学习也被称为“塔木德经”,让秋叶的瞳孔犹大贲Ilai可以说:“他从其中一人源于他的知识,大部份[”talmudo“]必须作为教师认为“(Tosef.,BM二,结束;。也门里亚尔BM 8D; BM 33A有”ḥokmah“而不是”塔木德“)。To designate the study of religion, the word "talmud" is used in contrast with "ma'aseh," which connotes the practise of religion.要指定对宗教的研究中,“塔木德经”是用在与“ma'aseh”,它蕴含的宗教实践的对比。Akiba's view that on this account the "talmud" ranked above the "ma'aseh" was adopted as a resolution by a famous conference at Lydda during the Hadrianic persecution (see Sifre, Deut. 41; Ḳid. 40b; Yer. Pes. 30b; Cant. R. ii. 14).秋叶的观点,在这个帐户的“塔木德经”上面“ma'aseh”排名被认为是第一个通过利达在Hadrianic迫害著名的会议(见Sifre,申命记41;。小子40B;也门里亚尔PES 30B。 ;。Cannot R.二14)。The two terms are contrasted differently, however, in the tannaitic saying (BB 130b), "The Halakah [the principles guiding decisions in religious law] may not be drawn from a teaching of the master ["talmud"] nor be based upon an act of his ["ma'aseh"], unless the master expressly declare that the teaching or act under consideration is the one which is applicable to the practise."这两个词的对比不同,但是在说的tannaitic(BB 130B),“[塔木德经”]的[原则指导宗教法决定]可能无法从主教学绘制Halakah“,也不是基于的他的行为[“ma'aseh”],除非主人明确声明,教学或正在考虑采取行动是一个是适用的做法。“

In the second place, the word "talmud"-generally in the phrase "talmud lomar"-is frequently used in tannaitic terminology in order to denote instruction by means of the text of the Bible and of the exegetic deductions therefrom.在第二位,单词“犹太法典”,一般一语中的“塔木德lomar”,是经常使用的术语在tannaitic以表示由圣经的文字和由此exegetic扣减手段指令。 In the third place, the noun "talmud" has the meaning which alone can be genetically connected with the name "Talmud"; in tannaitic phraseology the verb "limmed" denotes the exegetic deduction of a halakic principle from the Biblical text (for examples see RH ii. 9; Sifre, Num. 118); and in harmony with this meaning of the word "talmud" denotes that exposition of a halakic saying which receives an exegetic confirmation from the Biblical text.在第三位,名词“犹太法典”有只有这样才能通过基因名为“塔木德”关连的意思,在tannaitic用语动词“limmed”表示了从圣经文本halakic原则exegetic扣(为例子见RH二9; Sifre,序号118);并与这个词的含义和谐“塔木德经”表示了halakic说这收到来自圣经的文本exegetic确认的论述。Of the terms, therefore, denoting the three branches into which the study of the traditional exegesis of the Bible was from earliest times divided by the Tannaim (see Jew. Encyc. iii. 163, sv Bible Exegesis), "midrash" was the one identical in content with "talmud" in its original sense, except that the Midrash, which includes any kind of Biblical hermeneutics, but more especially the halakic, deals with the Bible text itself, while the Talmud is based on the Halakah.的条款,因此,代表三个部门将其中的圣经传统训诂学研究由该tannaim(见犹太人。百科全书。三,163,SV圣经训诂)除以最早的时候了,“米德拉士”是一个在与“塔木德经”,在其原有的意义,内容相同,只是认为米德拉士,其中包括任何种类的圣经解释学,但更特别是halakic,与圣经文本本身的交易,而犹太法典上的halakah基础。 The Midrash is devoted to Biblical exposition, the result being the Halakah (comp. the phrase "mi-kan ameru" [= "beginning here the sages have said"], which occurs frequently in the tannaitic Midrash and which serves to introduce halakic deductions from the exegesis).米德拉士致力于圣经的论述,结果被的halakah(comp.短语“MI -根ameru”[=“从这儿开始的先贤说”],这经常发生在其中的tannaitic米德拉士和服务引入halakic扣除从注释)。In the Talmud, on the other hand, the halakic passage is the subject of an exegesis based on the Biblical text.在犹太法典,在另一方面,halakic的通过是对圣经的文本为基础的注释的问题。

Relation to Midrash.有关米德拉士。

In consequence of the original identity of "Talmud" and "Midrash," noted above, the former term is sometimes used instead of the latter in tannaitic sentences which enumerate the three branches of traditional science, Midrash, Halakah, and Haggadah (see Ber. 22a [comp. M. Ḳ. 15a and Yer. Ber. 6c, 39]; Ḳid. 30a; Suk. 28a; BB 134a; Ab. RN xiv. [comp. Masseket Soferim, xvi. 8]; Yer. B. Ḳ. 4b, 31 [comp. Sifre, Deut. 33]; Tosef., Soṭah, vii. 20 [comp. Yer. Soṭah 44a]), while sometimes both "Talmud" and "Midrash" are used (M. Ḳ. 21a; Ta'an. 30a); it must be noted, however, that in the editions of the Babli, "Gemara" is usually substituted for "Talmud," even in the passages here cited.在对“塔木德经”和原身份的后果“米德拉士,”如上所述,前者术语有时被用来代替在tannaitic句子后者的枚举传统科学,米德拉士,Halakah和哈加达的三个分支(见误码率。 22A [COMP M.Ḳ15a和也门里亚尔误码率6C,39。];孩子30A;淑28A; BB 134A; [。排版Masseket Soferim,十六8] AB RN十四;也门里亚尔B. Ḳ4B,31 [比赛Sifre,申命记33。]。Tosef,Soṭah,七20 [COMP也门里亚尔Soṭah44A。]),而有时两个“塔木德经”和“米德拉士”使用(M. K。 21A; Ta'an 30A),它必须指出,然而,在Babli的版本,“革马拉”通常用于取代“犹太法典”,即使在这里引用的段落。The word "Talmud" in all these places did not denote the study subsequently pursued by the Amoraim, but was used instead of the word "Midrash," although this did not preclude the later introduction of the term "Talmud" into tannaitic sayings, where it either entirely displaced "Midrash" or was used side by side with it.单词“犹太法典”在所有这些地方并没有表示随后由亚摩兰追求的研究,但被用来代替单词“米德拉士”,虽然这并没有妨碍到tannaitic熟语的对“塔木德经”之后推出,其中它要么完全流离失所“米德拉士”或者是使用与它并排。

After the term "Talmud" had come to denote the exegetic confirmation of the Halakah, it was applied also to the explanation and exposition of halakic passages in general.经过长期“塔木德经”是来表示的halakah exegetic确认,这是也适用于解释和一般halakic段落的论述。 As early as the end of the tannaitic period, when the halakot were finally redactedby the patriarch Judah I. and were designated as "Mishnah," a term originally applied to the entire system of traditional learning, the Talmud was developed as a new division of this same science; and it was destined to absorb all others.早在年初的tannaitic期结束时的halakot终于redactedby族长犹大一,被指定为“米示拿”,原本适用于传统的学习整个系统的一个术语,犹太法典是发展成为一个新的划分同样的科学,它是注定要吸收一切别人。 In a baraita dating, according to the amora Johanan, from the days of Judah I. (BM 33a; comp. Yer. Shab. 15c, 22 et seq.), the Mishnah and the Talmud are defined as subjects of study side by side with the "Miḳra" (Bible), the study of the Talmud being mentioned first.在baraita约会,根据阿莫拉约哈难,从犹大一(BM 33A。。;比赛也门里亚尔沙巴15C,22及以下)的日子,mishnah和犹太法典被定义为研究对象并排与“Miḳra”(圣经),对犹太法典的研究被提到首位。 To this baraita there is an addition, however, to the effect that more attention should be given to the Mishnah than to the Talmud.为了达到这个baraita有加法,但是,认为应给予更多的关注比对犹太法典的米示拿的效果。Johanan explains this passage by the fact that the members of Judah's academy, in their eagerness to investigate the Talmud, neglected the Mishnah; hence the patriarch laid stress upon the duty of studying the Mishnah primarily.约哈难解释的是,在犹大的学院成员在他们的渴望,调查犹太法典,忽略了米示拿这段话,因此族长后,奠定了学习的mishnah主要责任的压力。 In these passages the word "Talmud" is used not in its more restricted sense of the establishment of halakot by Biblical exegesis, but in its wider signification, in which it designates study for the purpose of elucidating the Mishnah in general, as pursued after Judah's death in the academies of Palestine and Babylon.在这些通道的单词“犹太法典”用于不在其较受限制的,由圣经注释的halakot建立感,但在其更广泛的意义,其中指定为澄清一般的mishnah目的的学习,作为追赶犹大死亡的巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的院校。 This baraita is, furthermore, an authentic document on the origin of the Talmud.这baraita是,此外,一项对犹太法典的起源真实的文件。

Three classes of members of the academy are mentioned in an anecdote referring to Judah I. (BB 8a): (1) those who devoted themselves chiefly to the Bible ("ba'ale Miḳra"); (2) those whose principal study was the Mishnah ("ba'ale Mishnah"); and (3) those whose main interest lay in the Talmud ("ba'ale Talmud").三个班的学院成员提到在谈到犹大一(BB 8A)趣闻:(1)主要是那些谁投身到圣经(“ba'aleMiḳra”)(2)的,其主要研究米示拿(“ba'ale米示拿”)和(3)那些主要兴趣在于塔木德(“ba'ale塔木德”)。 This is the original reading of the passage, although the editions mention also the "ba'ale Halakah" and the "ba'ale Haggadah" (see below).这是通过原始的阅读,虽然版本还提到了“ba'ale Halakah”和“ba'ale哈加达”(见下文)。These three branches of knowledge are, therefore, the same as those enumerated in BM 33a.知识这三个分支,因此,在BM 33A条列举的相同。Tanḥum b. TanḥumB.Ḥanilai, a Palestinian amora of the third century, declared, with reference to this threefold investigation ('Ab. Zarah 19b): "Let the time given to study be divided into three parts: one-third for the Bible, one-third for the Mishnah, and one-third for the Talmud." Ḥanilai,一个巴勒斯坦人的第三个世纪阿莫拉宣布,参照本三重调查('抗体Zarah 19B):“让我们给予学习的时间被分为三个部分:三分之一为圣经,有三分之一的该mishnah,和犹太法典的三分之一。“In Ḳid.在孩子。33a this saying is quoted in the name of the tanna Joshua b.33A这句话是引述在塔纳约书亚乙名Hananiah, although this is probably a corruption of the name of Jose b.哈拿尼雅,虽然这可能是对圣何塞湾名腐败Ḥanina (amora). Ḥanina(阿莫拉)。Yudan, a Palestinian amora of the fourth century, found in Eccl.鱼蛋,一个四世纪巴勒斯坦阿莫拉,发现传道书。xi.十一。9 an allusion to the pleasure taken in the three branches of study, Miḳra, Mishnah, and Talmud. 9日,在学习,Miḳra,米示拿,和犹太法典的三个部门采取的乐趣典故。

The Three Subjects of Study.三科的研究。

The old trichotomy of traditional literature was changed, however, by the acceptance of the Mishnah of Judah I., and by the new study of the Talmud designed to interpret it.旧的传统文学三分法被改变,然而,由一米示拿的犹大验收,并经塔木德新研究,旨在解释。The division termed "Halakot" (singular, "Halakah") in the old classification was then called "Mishnah," although in Palestine the Mishnah continued to be designated as "Halakot."该部门被称为在当时被称为旧分类“的halakot”(单数,“Halakah”)“米示拿”,虽然在巴勒斯坦的mishnah继续被指定为“的halakot。” The Midrash became a component part of the Talmud; and a considerable portion of the halakic Bible hermeneuties of the Tannaim, which had been preserved in various special works, was incorporated in the Babylonian Talmud.米德拉士成为犹太法典组成部分,以及对halakic圣经该tannaim,它已在各种特殊的作品保存下来,相当一部分是hermeneuties在巴比伦犹太法典中。 The Haggadah (plural, "Haggadot") lost its importance as an individual branch of study in the academies, although it naturally continued to be a subject of investigation, and a portion of it also was included in the Talmud.该哈加达(复数,“Haggadot”)失去了它作为在个别院校研究分支的重要性,尽管它自然仍然是一个调查对象,和它的一部分也被包括在犹太法典。 Occasionally the Haggadah is even designated as a special branch, being added as a fourth division to the three already mentioned.有时,甚至哈加达指定为特别支部,被作为第四师补充的三个已经提到。Ḥanina ben Pappa, an amora of the early part of the fourth century, in characterizing these four branches says: "The countenance should be serious and earnest in teaching the Scriptures, mild and calm for the Mishnah, bright and lively for the Talmud, and merry and smiling for the Haggadah" (Pesiḳ. 110a; Pes. R. 101b; Tan., Yitro, ed. Buber, p. 17; Massek. Soferim, xvi. 2). Ḥanina本Pappa,一个第四世纪初阿莫拉说,在描述这四个分支:“的面容,应在教学中的经文,温和平静的mishnah,明亮,活泼的犹太法典严肃认真,和快乐和为哈加达“微笑(Pesiḳ.110A; PES R. 101B;谭Yitro编布伯,第17页;。马塞克Soferim,十六2)。As early as the third century Joshua ben Levi interpreted Deut.早在三世纪初申约书亚贲利维解释。ix.九。10 to mean that the entire Law, including Miḳra, Mishnah, Talmud, and Haggadah, had been revealed to Moses on Sinai (Yer. Pes. 17a, line 59; Meg. 74d, 25), while in Gen. R. lxvi. 10意味着整个法律,包括Miḳra,米示拿,犹太法典,和哈加达,已透露西奈摩西(Yer. PES,59行17A;。梅格74D,25),而在将军河LXVI。3 the blessings invoked in Gen. xxvii.3祝福援引将军二十七。28 are explained as "Miḳra, Mishnah, Talmud, and Haggadah."28顷解释为“Miḳra,米示拿,犹太法典,和哈加达。”The Palestinian haggadist Isaac divided these four branches into two groups: (1) the Miḳra and the Haggadah, dealing with subjects of general interest; and (2) the Mishnah and the Talmud, "which can not hold the attention of those who hear them" (Pesiḳ. 101b; see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." ii. 211).巴勒斯坦haggadist艾萨克分为两组,这四个分支:(1)Miḳra和哈加达,与普遍感兴趣的题目交易;及(2)mishnah和犹太法典“,这也挡不住那些谁听到他们的关注“(Pesiḳ.101B,见巴切尔,” 银帕尔阿穆尔“二211)。

According to a note of Tanḥuma ben Abba (of the latter part of the 4th cent.) on Cant.据一位Tanḥuma本阿巴(在第四届占后者的一部分。)上Cannot说明。v. 14 (Cant. R. ad loc.), a student must be familiar with all four branches of knowledge, Miḳra, Mishnah, Halakah (the last-named term used here instead of "Tatmud"), and Haggadah; while Samuel b.14节(。Cant. R.广告同上),学生必须与所有四个分支的知识熟悉,Miḳra,米示拿,Halakah(最后命名的术语,用来代替“Tatmud”在这里)和哈加达;而塞缪尔B. Judah b.犹大B.Abun, a Palestinian amora of the same century, interpreted Prov.丰度,同一个世纪的巴勒斯坦阿莫拉,解释省。xxviii.二十八。11 as an allusion to the halakist ("man of the Talmud") and to the haggadist ("man of the Haggadah"; Yer. Hor. 48c; see also Pesiḳ. 176a; Lev. R. xxi., Talmud and Haggadah).作为对halakist(“塔木德的人”),并在haggadist典故11(;也门里亚尔贺48C;“的哈加达人”又见Pesiḳ176A;。列夫R. XXI,塔木德和哈加达) 。Here may be mentioned also the concluding passage of the mishnaic treatise Abot (v., end): "At the age of five to the Bible; at the age of ten to the Mishnah; at the age of fifteen to the Talmud."这里也可能提到的mishnaic论文Abot(五,完)最后一段话:“在五岁以下的圣经;在十岁时的mishnah;在十五岁的犹太法典”。 This is ascribed by many to the ancient tanna Samuel ha-Ḳaṭon (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." i. 378), although the sequence of study which it mentions is evidently that which was customary during the amoraic period (comp. also the saying of Abaye in Ket. 50a).这是许多人归因于古代塔纳塞缪尔公顷Katon医师(见巴切尔,“银。谭。”岛378),虽然它提到学习的顺序,显然是这是在amoraic期(comp.也习惯在色菊说的Abaye。50A)。 The following passages from the Babylonian Talmud may likewise serve to illustrate the special usage which finally made the word "Talmud" current as the name of the work.从巴比伦犹太法典以下段落同样可能有助于说明特殊用途,最终使单词“犹太法典”作为当前工作的名称。Samuel, one of the earliest Babylonian amoraim, interpreted the words of Zech.萨穆埃尔,最早的巴比伦亚摩兰之一,解释了撒加利亚的话。 viii.八。10, "neither was there any peace to him that went out or came in," as applying to the restlessness of one who turns from the Talmud and confines himself to the study of the Mishnah (Ḥag. 10a). 10,“既不是对他有任何和平出去或进来,”为适用于在一个躁动谁从塔木德和局限自己转向的米示拿(Ḥag.10A)的研究。Johanan, the younger Palestinian contemporary of Samuel, extends the allusion to "him also who turns from one Talmud to study another," referring here to Babli and to Yerushalmi.约哈难,年轻的塞缪尔巴勒斯坦当代,扩展了典故的“他也从一个犹太法典谁去研究另一个转弯,”在这里指的Babli和耶路莎米。 It is very possible that he had noticed that in the case of his numerous Babylonian pupils the transition from the mishnaic exegesis which they had acquired at home to that of the Palestinian schools was not made without disturbing their peace of mind.这是非常可能的,他已经注意到,在他的许多学生的情况下,从巴比伦的mishnaic训诂学,他们曾在主场对巴勒斯坦学校获得的过渡并非没有打扰他们安心了。 Allusions to the "Talmud of Babylon" by two prominent Babylonians who settled in Palestine (Ze'era and Jeremiah) have likewise been pre-served (BM 85c; Sanh. 24a); and they confirm Johanan's conception of the meaning of the term.到“巴比伦犹太法典”的两个突出巴比伦人谁在巴勒斯坦定居典故(Ze'era和耶利米)也同样被预先送达(BM 85C; Sanh 24A);他们证实约哈难的一词的含义的概念。

The Gemara.革马拉。

In Babylonia the Aramaic noun "gemar" (emphatic state, "gemara") was formed from the verb (which does not occur in Palestinian texts), having the meaning of "learn."在巴比伦的阿拉姆语名词“gemar”(有力的状态,“革马拉”)是形成了从动词(这不会发生在巴勒斯坦文本)具有的意义,“取经”。 This substantive accordingly designates that which has been learned, and the learning transmitted to scholars by tradition, although it is used also in a more restricted sense to connote the traditional exposition of the Mishnah; and it therefore gained currency as a designation of the Talmud.这相应地将指定的实质性据了解,学习和传播的学者通过传统,虽然它是用在较受限制的感觉也意味着对传统的mishnah博览会,并因此获得了作为犹太法典指定货币。 In the modern editions of the Babylonian Talmud the term "Gemara" occurs very frequently in this sense; but in nearly every case it was substituted at a later time for the objectionable word "Talmud," which was interdicted by the censor.在巴比伦犹太法典的现代版本的术语“革马拉”发生在这个意义上非常频​​繁,但在几乎所有情况下,它是在以后的时间取代了不良的单词“犹太法典”,这是由检查员停职。 The only passage in which "Gemara" occurs with the meaning of "Talmud" in the strict sense of that term and from which it was not removed by the censor is 'Er.唯一的通道中,“革马拉”与“塔木德经”中说,从严格意义上它不是由删除的含义发生检查员'呃。32b, where it is used by Naḥman bar Jacob, a Babylonian amora of the second half of the third century. 32B,它是由Naḥman酒吧雅各布的第三个世纪下半叶巴比伦阿莫拉使用。For further details see Bacher, "Gemara," in "Hebrew Union College Annual," pp. 26-36, Cincinnati, 1904, where the word is shown to have been used for "Talmud" from the geonic period (see also idem, "Die Terminologie der Amoräer," pp. 31 et seq., Leipsic, 1905).详情见巴切尔,“革马拉”,在“希伯来联合学院年报”,页26-36,辛辛那提,1904年,这里所说的是证明已经“犹太法典”,从若尼克期使用(参见同上, “模具Terminologie DER Amoräer,”第31页起,Leipsic,1905年)。The later editions of the Talmud frequently substitute for the word "Gemara" the abbreviation (Aramaic, = "the six orders of the Mishnah"), which has come to be, with the pronunciation "Shas," a popular designation for the Babylonian Talmud.后来的犹太法典的版本经常代替单词“革马拉”的缩写(阿拉姆,=“的mishnah六号令”),这已经到了与发音“沙斯”,为巴比伦犹太法典流行的称号, 。

Here may be mentioned the term "Shem'ata" (), which was used in Babylonia to designate the halakic portion of the Talmud, and which was thus contrasted with "Haggadah" (see Ḥag. 26a; Soṭah 20a; Sanh. 38b; comp. also M. Ḳ. 23a, where "Shemu'ah," the Hebrew form, occurs in a baraita).这里可能会提到这个词“Shem'ata”(),这是在巴比伦用于指定的犹太法典halakic部分,并因此与“哈加达”(见女巫26A对比;Soṭah20A; Sanh 38B。比赛还M. K。23A,其中“Shemu'ah”的希伯来文的形式,在baraita发生)。In the tenth century this word was used in Mohammedan circles to designate Jewish tradition as well as its chief source, the Talmud; so that Mas'udi refers to Saadia Gaon as an "ashma'ti" (ie, a believer in the tradition), using this term in contrast to "Karaite" (see Pinsker, "Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot," i. 5).在十世纪这个词被用在穆罕默德界划定犹太人的传统,也是它的主要来源,犹太法典,使Mas'udi指萨蒂娅Gaon作为“ashma'ti”(即在传统的信徒) ,使用对比“Karaite”这个词(见平斯克,“LiḳḳuṭeḲadmoniyyot,”一5)。A "Kitab al-Ashma'ah" (ie, "Talmud") is also mentioned ("ZDMG" lviii. 659).A“Kitab AL - Ashma'ah”(即“塔木德”)也提到(“ZDMG”LVIII 659)。

The theorem that the Talmud was the latest development of traditional science has been demonstrated by this discussion of the meaning and the use of the word itself.该定理说,塔木德是传统科学的最新发展已经证明了这一意义和词本身使用的讨论。The Talmud accordingly dates from the time following the final redaction of the Mishnah; and it was taught in the academy of Judah I. as the commentary on the tannaitic Halakah.犹太法典相应日期从以下节录的mishnah最后时间,以及它是在犹大一,学院教授作为上的tannaitic Halakah评论。The editorial activity which, from the mass of halakic material that had accumulated since Akiba's Mishnah, crystallized the Talmud in accordance with the systematic order introduced by that teacher, implied the interpretation and critical examination of the Halakah, and was, therefore, analogous to Talmudic methodology.社论活动当中,从halakic材料以来秋叶的mishnah结晶与该老师介绍了系统的顺序按照犹太法典,积累了大量隐含的解释和的halakah严格审查,并且是,因此,类似于塔木德方法。

There were, likewise, many elements of tannaitic tradition, especially the midrashic exegesis of the Bible, as well as numerous halakic interpretations, lexicographical and material, which were ready for incorporation into the Talmud in its more restricted meaning of the interpretation of the Mishnah of Judah I. When this Mishnah became the standard halakic work, both as a source for decisions of questions of religious law, and, even more especially, as a subject of study in the academies, the Talmud interpretation of the mishnaic text, both in theory and in practise, naturally became the most important branch of study, and included the other branches of traditional science, being derived from the Halakah and the Midrash (halakic exegesis), and also including haggadic material, though to a minor degree.有,同样,许多元素tannaitic传统,特别是圣经midrashic注释,以及众多halakic解释,辞书和材料,这是在较受限制的米示拿的意思解释为进入犹太法典纳入准备一,当米示拿犹大成为标准halakic工作,作为对宗教法律问题的决定都源,而且,更特别是,作为一个在院校研究的课题,对犹太法典的mishnaic文本的解释,无论在理论上并在实践中,自然就成了最重要的研究分支,包括传统科学的其他分支,被来自的halakah和midrash(halakic训诂学)派生,也包括haggadic材料,但向未成年人的程度。 The Talmud, however, was not an independent work; and it was this characteristic which constituted the chief difference between it and the earlier subjects of study of the tannaitic period.犹太法典,但不是一个独立的工作,正是这种特性构成了它与对tannaitic期间研究课题的主要区别较早。It had no form of its own, since it served as a running commentary on the mishnaic text; and this fact determined the character which the work ultimately assumed.它没有自己的形式,因为它作为一个正在运行的mishnaic文字解说服务;这个事实决定了它的工作性质,最终承担。

Relation to Mishnah.关于米示拿。

The Talmud is practically a mere amplification of the Mishnah by manifold comments and additions; so that even those portions of the Mishnah which have no Talmud are regarded as component parts of it and are accordingly included in the editions of Babli.犹太法典实际上是一个由多方面的意见和补充米示拿单纯的放大,因此,即使这些部分的mishnah有没有犹太法典被认为是它的组成部分,并相应地在Babli的版本中。 The history of the origin of the Talmud is the same as that of the Mishnah-a tradition, transmitted orally for centuries, was finally cast into definite literary form, although from the moment in which the Talmud became the chief subject of study in the academies it had a double existence, and was accordingly, in its final stage, redacted in two different forms.的起源历史的犹太法典,是因为这相同的mishnah,一个传统,几百年来口头传播,终于铸成一定的文学形式,虽然从目前所处的犹太法典成为研究的院校主要议题它有一个双重的存在,并据此在其最后阶段,在两种不同的形式节录。 The Mishnah of Judah I. was adopted simultaneously in Babylon and Palestine as the halakic collection par excellence; and at the same time the development of the Talmud was begun both at Sepphoris, where the Mishnah was redacted, and at Nehardea and Sura, where Judah's pupils Samuel and Rab engaged in their epoch-making work.犹大一米示拿的是通过同时在巴比伦和巴勒斯坦作为halakic收集出类拔萃;并在同一时间的犹太法典的发展既在Sepphoris,那里的mishnah是节录开始,在Nehardea和苏拉,在犹大的塞缪尔和Rab学生从事的具有划时代意义的工作。 The academies of Babylon and of Palestine alike regarded the study of the Mishnah and its interpretation as their chief task.巴比伦和巴勒斯坦的院校都认为该mishnah和其作为自己的首要任务解释的研究。The Amoraim, as the directors and members of these academies were called ( see Amora), became the originators of the Talmud; and its final redaction marked the end of the amoraic times in the same way that the period of the Tannaim was concluded by the compilation of the Mishnah of Judah I. Like the Mishnah, the Talmud was not the work of one author or of several authors, but was the result of the collective labors of many successive generations, whose toil finally resulted in a book unique in its mode of development.该亚摩兰,作为董事和这些院校的成员被称为(见阿莫拉),成为了犹太法典的发起人,而且它最终节录标志着以同样的方式结束了amoraic倍说,该tannaim期由完成该米示拿一样的mishnah的犹大一编译,犹太法典不是一个作者或多个作者的工作,但对许多世代,他们的辛劳终于在一书在其独特的模式导致了集体劳动的结果发展。

The Palestinian Talmud.巴勒斯坦犹太法典。

Before entering into any discussion of the origin and peculiar form of the Talmud, the two recensions of the work itself may be briefly described.在进行任何的起源和奇特的犹太法典的形式进行讨论之前,工作本身的两个可能的recensions简要介绍。 The general designation of the Palestinian Talmud as "Talmud Yerushalmi," or simply as "Yerushalmi," is precisely analogous to that of the Palestinian Targum.而作为一般指定巴勒斯坦犹太法典“塔木德•耶路莎米”,或简称为“耶路莎米,”恰恰是类似的巴勒斯坦Targum的。 The term originated in the geonic period, when, however, the work received also the more precise designations of "Talmud of Palestine," "Talmud of the Land of Israel," "Talmud of the West," and "Talmud of the Western Lands."这个词起源于若尼克时期,然而,工作也得到了“塔木德的巴勒斯坦”,“在以色列的土地塔木德经”,“西方的犹太法典”和“西部土地犹太法典的更精确的名称“ Yerushalmi has not been preserved in its entirety; large portions of it were entirely lost at an early date,while other parts exist only in fragments.耶路莎米没有被保存下来的全部,它的很大一部分是完全失去了早日,而其他部分只在片段存在。The editio princeps (ed. Bomberg, Venice, 1523 et seq.), on which all later editions are based, terminates with the following remark: "Thus far we have found what is contained in this Talmud; and we have endeavored in vain to obtain the missing portions."该editio princeps(。主编邦贝里,威尼斯,1523及以下),对所有后来的版本的基础,终止与以下评语:“到目前为止,我们已经找到了在这个犹太法典中,而我们在徒劳地努力获得缺少的部分。“ Of the four manuscripts used for this first edition (comp. the note at the conclusion of Shab. xx. 17d and the passage just cited), only one is now in existence; it is preserved in the library of the University of Leyden (see below).对于这第一个版本(。comp.在沙巴XX的17D和刚刚通过的结论引注)使用的四个手稿,只有一个是现在存在,它是在莱顿大学图书馆保存(见下文)。 Of the six orders of the Mishnah, the fifth, Ḳodashim, is missing entirely from the Palestinian Talmud, while of the sixth, Ṭohorot, it contains only the first three chapters of the treatise Niddah (iv. 48d-51b).对订单的mishnah六,第五,Ḳodashim,缺少完全从巴勒斯坦犹太法典,而第六,Ṭohorot,它仅包含了前三个章节Niddah论文(iv. 48D - 51B)。The treatises of the orders of the Mishnah are arranged in the following sequence in this Talmud; the pagination also is given here, in parentheses, to indicate the length of the several treatises:对订单的mishnah的论文被安排在这个犹太法典以下顺序;分页也给出这里,括号中,以指示的几个论文长度:

I. Zera'im:一,Zera“IM:

Berakot (2a-14d); Pe'ah (15a-21b); Demai (21c-26c); Ki'layim (26d-32d); Shebi'it (33a-39d); Terumot (40a-48b); Ma'aserot (48c-52a); Ma'aser Sheni (52b-58d); Ḥallah (57a-60b); 'Orlah (60c-63b); Bikkurim (63c-65d).Berakot(2A - 14D); Pe'ah(15A - 21B),安德麦(21C - 26C); Ki'layim(26D - 32D); Shebi'it(33A - 39D); Terumot(40A - 48B);马“ aserot(48C - 52A); Ma'aser Sheni(52B - 58D);Ḥallah(57A - 60B)“; Orlah(60C - 63B); Bikkurim(63C - 65D)。

II. II。Mo'ed: Mo'ed:

Shabbat (2a-18a); 'Erubin (18a-26d); Pesaḥim (27a-37d); Yoma (38a-45c); Sheḳalim (45c-51b); Sukkah (51c-55d); Rosh ha-Shanah (56a-59d); Beẓah (59d-63b), Ta'anit (63c-69c); Megillah (69d-75d); Ḥagigah (75d-79d); Mo'ed Ḳaṭan (80a-83d).安息日(2A - 18A)“; Erubin(18A - 26D);Pesaḥim(27A - 37D);山脉(38A - 45C);Sheḳalim(45C - 51B); Sukkah(51C - 55D),犹太公顷Shanah(56A - 59D);Beẓah(59D - 63B),Ta'anit(63C - 69C); Megillah(69d - 75D);Ḥagigah(75D - 79D); Mo'edḲaṭan(80A - 83D)。

III. III。Nashim: Nashim:

Yebamot (2a-15a); Soṭah (15a-24c); Ketubot (24c-36b); Nedarim (36c-42d); Giṭṭin (43a-50d); Nazir (51a-58a); Ḳiddushin (58a-66d).Yebamot(2A - 15A);Soṭah(15A - 24C); Ketubot(24C - 36B); Nedarim(36C - 42D);Giṭṭin(43A - 50D);纳齐尔(51A - 58A);Ḳiddushin(58A - 66D)。

IV. IV。Neziḳin: Neziḳin:

Baba Ḳamma (2a-7c); Baba Meẓi'a (7c-12c); Baba Batra (12d-17d); Sanhedrin (17d-30c); Makkot (30d-32b); Shebu'ot (32c-38d); 'Abodah Zarah (39a-45b); Horayot (45c-48c).巴巴业力(2A - 7C);巴巴Meẓi'a(7C - 12C);巴巴巴特拉(12D - 17D);公会(17D - 30C); Makkot(30D - 32B); Shebu'ot(32C - 38D)“; Abodah Zarah(39A - 45B); Horayot(45C - 48C)。

VI. VI。Ṭohorot: Ṭohorot:

Niddah (48d-51b).Niddah(48D - 51B)。

In order ii.为了II。the last four chapters of Shabbat are missing from the Palestinian Talmud, while the treatise Sheḳalim has been incorporated into the editions of the Babylonian Talmud from Yerushalmi, and is found also in a Munich manuscript of Babli.安息日的最后四个章节缺少从巴勒斯坦犹太法典,而论文Sheḳalim已被纳入从耶路莎米巴比伦塔木德的版本,并发现了Babli慕尼黑手稿也。 In order iv.为了四。the treatises Abot and 'Eduyot are missing in both Talmudim, and the concluding chapter of Makkot is wanting in Yerushalmi.的论文Abot和“Eduyot缺少两个Talmudim,以及Makkot最后一章是在耶路莎米希望。In order vi.为了六。the treatise Niddah ends abruptly after the first lines of ch.突然结束的论文Niddah CH后的第一行。iv.四。

Maimonides expressly states in the introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah that in his time Yerushalmi was extant for the entire first five orders (comp. Abraham ibn Daud, ed. Neubauer, "MJC" i. 57); therefore he must have seen the Yerushalmi of the order Ḳodashim, although he himself does not quote it in his commentary on this order (see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 45b).迈蒙尼德明确规定,在介绍了他对mishnah,在他的时间耶路莎米是为整个前五个订单(comp.亚伯拉罕伊本达乌德编诺伊鲍尔,“澳门赛马会”一57。)现存的评论,因此他必须看到该命令Ḳodashim耶路莎米,虽然他自己也没有引述他在这交易的评注(见弗兰克尔,“湿润烧伤膏”,第45B)。 Except for the treatise Niddah, on the other hand, there was, according to Maimonides (lc), no Yerushalmi for the sixth order.除论文Niddah,另一方面,有根据迈蒙尼德(LC),没有对六阶耶路莎米。A South-Arabian work of the fifteenth century, however, quotes the Gemara "on 'Uḳẓin in the Gemara of the people of Jerusalem," which is said to contain a passage on the zodiac (see Steinschneider, "Catalog der Hebräischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin," p. 65, Berlin, 1878).十五世纪的南方阿拉伯工作,但是,报价革马拉“关于”在耶路撒冷的人,革马拉Uḳẓin“,这是据说含有对十二生肖通过(见Steinschneider,”目录DER Hebräischen Handschriften DER Königlichen Bibliothek祖柏林“,第65,柏林,1878)。 The author of this quotation, therefore, knew Yerushalmi for the last treatise of the sixth order, although it is possible that the passage quoted may have been in the lost portion of the treatise Niddah, and that the name "'Uḳẓin" may have been used instead of "Ṭohorot."这个报价作者,因此,知道为六阶最后的论文耶路莎米,虽然它有可能是通过引用可能在论文Niddah已经失去了一部分,并且命名为“'Uḳẓin”可能已而不是用“Ṭohorot。” For further details on the missing sections of Yerushalmi see Frankel, lc pp. 45a et seq.; Weiss, "Dor," iii.如需进一步的细节上耶路莎米见弗兰克尔,信用证页45A及以下的缺失部分;魏斯,“多尔,”三。232; Buber, in Berliner's "Magazin," v. 100-105; and Strack, "Einleitung in den Talmud," pp. 63-65. 232;布伯,在柏林的“Magazin”诉100-105;和施特拉克,“导论在书斋塔木德经”,页63-65。The mishnaic text on which the Palestinian Talmud is based has been preserved in its entirety in a manuscript belonging to the library of the University of Cambridge, and has been edited by WH Lowe ("The Mishnah on Which the Palestinian Talmud Rests," Cambridge, 1883).文字上的mishnaic巴勒斯坦犹太法典是基于一直保存在其在属于英国剑桥大学图书馆手稿的整体,并已通过WH罗威(“该mishnah的巴勒斯坦犹太法典上休息,”剑桥编辑, 1883年)。

The Palestinian Talmud is so arranged in the editions that each chapter is preceded by its entire mishnaic text with the paragraphs numbered, this being followed by the Talmud on the several paragraphs.巴勒斯坦犹太法典是如此,在每个章节是由它与整个编号的段落文本之前版本的mishnaic安排,这是其次是犹太法典上的几个段落。 In the first seven chapters of Berakot the paragraphs are designated as "First Mishnah" (), "Second Mishnah," etc.; while in the remainingchapters and all the other treatises the paragraphs are termed "halakot" ().在第一章七Berakot段落被指定为“第一米示拿”(),“二米示拿”等;而在remainingchapters和所有其他论文的段落被称为“的halakot”()。 In the early chapters the mishnaic text of each paragraph is repeated entire in the Talmud at the beginning of the paragraph; but later only the first words are prefaced to the Talmudic text.在早期的章节,每个段落的mishnaic文本是重复整个犹太法典在段落的开头,但后来仅在第一个字开头的塔木德文本。 Even in cases where there is no Talmud the designation of the paragraph and the beginning of the mishnaic text are given.即使在不存在的情况下,该段塔木德和指定的mishnaic文本的开头给出。The editio princeps seems to have borrowed this arrangement from the manuscripts, although the system is much more simple in the fragment of Yerushalmi edited by Paul von Kokowzoff in the "Mémoires de la Société Archéologique de St. Petersbourg" (xi. 195-205), which contains some paragraphs of the sixth and eighth chapters of Baba Ḳamma.该editio princeps似乎借鉴了手稿本的安排,虽然该系统在更简单的耶路莎米片段由保罗冯Kokowzoff编辑在“Mémoires DE LA SOCIETE Archéologique德圣Petersbourg”(xi. 195-205) ,其中包含了巴巴业力的第六和第八章的一些段落。This fragment begins with the concluding lines of the Talmudic text of ch.这个片段开始的CH塔木德文本的最后行。 v.; but between them and the beginning of ch.诉,但它们之间的通道的开始。vi.六。the Mishnah is lacking, so that the superscription, "Chapter vi.," is followed immediately by the Talmudic text.该mishnah缺乏,从而使上标“,第六章,”其次是塔木德文本立即There is no reference to the beginning of the paragraph, either in the first or in the succeeding paragraphs; nor is there any explanation of the fact that paragraphs 4 and 7 of ch.没有到该段开头提到,无论是在第一或在随后的段落,也没有任何解释的事实是第4和第7章。viii.八。have no Talmud.没有犹太法典。 It is clear, therefore, that the manuscript to which this fragment belonged contained only the Talmudic text, thus presupposing the use of a special copy of the Mishnah.很明显,因此,该手稿本片段属于只载塔木德文本,从而预先假定了一个特殊的mishnah复制使用。It is likewise noteworthy that in the first two chapters of Berakot the sections of the Talmudic text on some of the paragraphs are designated in the editions by the word "pisḳa" (section), a term found occasionally also in other portions of the text of Yerushalmi.同样值得注意的是,在头两章的Berakot对某些段落塔木德文本的部分版本中指定的单词“pisḳa”(部分),这个词有时也发现在其他部分的文本耶路莎米。

The Style of the Yerushalmi.该耶路莎米风格。

The style of Yerushalmi may be indicated by a brief analysis of a few sections, such as Ber.该耶路莎米风格可以由一个几节,如BER,简要分析。i.1; RH i.1; RH岛1, 2; Giṭ.1,2; GIT。 ii.II。1; and BB i.1,和BB岛6.6。Ber.误码率。i.1: The text of this paragraph, which begins the Mishnah, is as follows: "During what time in the evening is the reading of the 'Shema'' begun? From the time when the priests go in to eat their leaven [see Lev. xxii. 7] until the end of the first watch of the night, such being the words of R. Eliezer. The sages, however, say until midnight, though R. Gamaliel says until the coming of the dawn." 1:本段中,其中一开始的mishnah,全文如下:“在什么时间是在晚上的”射麻''开始阅读时起祭司吃进去的酵[见列夫? 。XXII 7]直到第一只手表的夜晚结束时,这种幸福河埃利泽的话。圣人,但是,直到午夜说,虽然R.加马说,直到黎明来临。“

Examples.示例。

The Talmud on this paragraph (2a, line 34-3a, line 3) contains three sections, which correspond to the three opinions and the contents of which are as follows: (1)关于这个段塔木德(2A,第34行- 3A,3号线)包含三个部分,分别对应的三个意见,其中的内容如下:(1)

A citation, from a baraita, of another tannaitic regulation defining the Mishnah that governs the reading of the "Shema'" in the evening; two sayings of Jose (a Palestinian amora of the 4th cent.), serving to elucidate the baraita (2a, 34-45).来自另一tannaitic定义的mishnah是执政的“架构”“在晚上阅读调控baraita,引用;两个何塞熟语(。一个第四百分之巴勒斯坦阿莫拉),为澄清baraita(2A ,34-45)。Remarks on the position of one who is in doubt whether he has read the "Shema'," with analogous cases, according to Jeremiah, whose views were transmitted by Ze'era II.备注上一个谁在怀疑是他是否有看过“玛”,“相类似的情况下,根据耶利米,其被Ze'era II传输意见的立场。(4th cent.), the first case being decided according to the baraita already mentioned (2a, 45-2b, 4). (第4美分),第一种情况是根据委托baraita已经提到(2A,45 - 2B,4)。Another passage from the baraita, designating the appearance of the stars as an indication of the time in question; explanation of this baraita by Abba bar Pappai (transmitter, Phinehas; both of the 4th cent.); other passages on the appearance of the stars as bearing on the ritual, together with a dialectic explanation by Jose b.另外,在baraita通道,指定作为在质询时间指示星星的外观;解释这一baraita由阿巴栏Pappai(发射机,非尼哈;都在百分之四),关于星星的外观其他通道作为轴承的仪式,由Jose B.用辩证的解释在一起Abin (second half of the 4th cent.) and a saying by Judah b.阿斌(第四届百分之下半年)和一个由犹大乙说 Pazzi (2b, 5-31). Pazzi(2B,5-31)。A baraita on the division between day and night, and other passages bearing on the same subject (ib. lines 31-41).一个在白天和夜晚,并在同一主题(同上线31-41)轴承其他段落划分baraita。The meaning of "ben ha-shemashot" (twilight), and an answer by Tanḥuma b.而“本公顷shemashot”(黄昏)的含义,以及由TanḥumaB.答案Abba (latter part of the 4th cent.), together with another solution given by a baraita (ib. lines 41-46).阿巴(第四届百分之后期),连同由baraita(同上线41-46)给出另一种解决方案。Discussion of this baraita by Aḥa and Jose (4th cent.); reference by Mani to a question dealing with this subject which he addressed to Hezekiah of Cæsarea (4th cent.) from Mishnah Zab.讨论这个baraita由AHA和何塞(第4美分);由摩尼引用的一个问题与解决这个问题,他从米示拿扎卜到凯撒利亚希西家(第4美分)处理。 i.6, and the answer of the latter (2b, 46-2c, 9).6,后者的答案(2B,46 - 2C,9)。Amoraic sayings and a baraita on the beginning of the day (ib. lines 9-20). Amoraic说法和对一天的开始(同上线9-20)baraita。A sentence of tannaitic origin in no way related to the preceding matters: "One who prays standing must hold his feet straight," and the controversy on this subject between Levi and Simon (3d cent.), the one adding, "like the angels," and the other, "like the priests"; comments on these two comparisons (2c, 20-31).一个在前面的有关事宜没有办法tannaitic原产地一句话:“一个站在谁祈祷必须持有他的脚直”,并在此之间利维和西蒙(三维美分),一个补充,像天使“主体的争议“和其他”之类的祭司“;评论这两个比较(2C,20-31)。 Further discussion regarding the beginning of the day, introduced by a saying of Ḥanina's (3d cent.); haggadic statements concerning the dawn; a conversation between Ḥiyya the Elder and Simeon b.进一步讨论关于在一天的开始,由Ḥanina的说法介绍(三维美分);关于黎明haggadic报表;之间Ḥiyya长辈和西麦B.谈话 Ḥalafta (latter part of the tannaitic period); cosmological comments: dimensions of the firmament, and the cosmic distances expressed in units of 50 and 500 years, together with similar haggadic material, chiefly tannaitic in origin; Haggadic sayings on Gen. i. Ḥalafta(后者的tannaitic期间部分);宇宙点评:苍穹尺寸,和宇宙的距离在50和500年单位表示,加上类似haggadic材料,主要是在产地tannaitic;上将军岛Haggadic熟语 6, introduced by a saying of Abin's (4th cent.), and including sayings by Rab, Judah b. 6,一种说法是阿斌的(第4美分),并包括RAB,犹大B.谚语介绍Pazzi, and Ḥanina; Haggadic material on Isa.Pazzi和Ḥanina;在ISA Haggadic材料。xl.XL。22, introduced by a controversy between Johanan and Simeon b.22日,推出由一间约哈难和西麦B.争议Laḳish (3d cent.), and on Gen. ii.Laḳish(三维美分),并在将军二。4 (2c, 31-2d, 11).4(2C,31 - 2D,11)。On the second part of the first mishnaic sentence; the views of Judah I. and Nathan on the number of the night-watches, and an exegetic discussion of them, with an allusion to Ps.在第一个的mishnaic一句第二部分;对夜间手表数量的犹大一及弥敦道的意见,并讨论了它们exegetic对诗与典故。 cxix.cxix。62 ("at midnight"), as well as haggadic material concerning David and his harp, with especial reference to Ps. 62(“午夜”),以及haggadic有关材料与特殊参考大卫和他的竖琴,以聚苯乙烯。lvii.LVII。9 (2d, 11-44). 9(2D,11-44)。

(2) (2)

Assi in the name of Johanan: "The ruling of the sages ["until midnight"] is the valid one, and forms the basis for the counsel given by Jose [4th cent.] to the members of the academy" (ib. lines 45-48).阿西的约哈难的名字:“执政党的先哲[”直到午夜“]是有效的,并形成了由Jose [4以上。]到学院的成员给予律师的基础”(同上线45-48)。Baraita on the reading of the "Shema'" in the synagogue; a question bearing on this matter, and Huna's answer in the name of the Babylonian amora Joseph (ib. lines 48-52), an illustration being given in an anecdote regarding Samuel b. Baraita对“架构”“,在犹太教堂阅读;就此事关系问题,并小娜的在巴比伦阿莫拉约瑟夫(同上线48-52)的名称答案,即在一个给定的一个例子轶事就塞缪尔B. Naḥman, together with a haggadic saying by him (ib. lines 52-58).Naḥman,连同他(同上线52-58)haggadic说。A contradictory view by Joshua b.一个由Joshua B.矛盾的观点Levi, together with pertinent haggadic sayings to the effect that the "Shemoneh 'Esreh" must follow immediately the after-benediction of the "Shema'" (ib. lines 59-73).利维,连同相关haggadic谚语,大意是在“Shemoneh”Esreh“必须立即遵循的”玛后祝福'“(同上线59-73)。

(3) (3)

R. Gamaliel's view compared with an analogous opinion of Simeon b. R.加马利亚的看法与此相比西缅B.类似意见Yoḥai, together with a question which remains unanswered (2d, 74-3a, 3).Yoḥai,连同一个问题仍然没有答案(2D,74 - 3A,3)。RH i. RH岛1, 2: These two paragraphs, which are combined into one in Babli, deal with the commencement of the four seasons (new years): Nisan 1, Elul 1, Tishri 1, and Shebaṭ 1 (or 15).1,2:这两个段落,这是在Babli成一体,随着四季(新岁)开始处理:尼散月1 Elul 1,提斯利1,Shebaṭ1(或15)。The Talmud on par.票面​​上的犹太法典。1 is found in 56a, 44-56d, 52, and that on par.1存在于56A,44 56D,52,和看齐的。2 in 56d, 52-57a, 30.在56D 2,52 - 57A,30。Talmud on par.塔木德相提并论。1:1:

(a) (一)

The "new year of the kings."“新一年的国王。”Exegetic deductions and elucidations, beginningwith the interpretation of Ex. Exegetic扣除和阐发,beginningwith的前解释。xii.十二。1; Johanan's explanation of II Chron.1,约哈难的第二专栏解释。iii.三。2; a controversy between Hananiah and Mani regarding the same verse; an explanation by Aḥa of Ex. 2,一个争议之间哈拿尼雅和玛尼就同一诗句,一个由前阿哈的解释。xii.十二。1; a baraita by Samuel on the same verse; and similar material (56a, 44-56b, 10). 1,在同一诗句baraita由塞缪尔;和类似材料(56A,44 - 56B,10)。Ḥanina's saying that even the years of Gentile kings were dated from Nisan, and the confirmation thereof by Biblical passages from Haggai and Zechariah, together with the contradictory view of the Babylonian amora 'Efa or Ḥefa; remarks and objections by Jonah and Isaac (56b, 10-29). Ḥanina的说法,即使是外邦君王年是日尼散,而由哈该和撒迦利亚圣经段落予以确认,连同巴比伦阿莫拉“鄂或鹤发矛盾的观点,言论和约拿和艾萨克反对(56B, 10-29)。Jonah on the practical importance of the new year for dating business documents (ib. lines 29-33).约拿在新的一年里为约会商务文件(同上线29-33)的实际重要性。On the new year in the chronology of the kings of Israel and Judah, together with an interpretation of I Kings ii.就在对以色列和犹大的君王年表连同对我王二的解释,新的一年。11, and several haggadic passages referring to David (ib. lines 33-52). 11,和几个提到大卫(同上线33-52)haggadic通道。

(b) (二)

The "new year of the feasts."“新一年的节日。”Statement that according to Simeon b.声明说,根据缅湾Yoḥai Nisan 1 marks the beginning of the year for the sequence of the feasts; a tannaitic midrash of considerable length on Lev.Yoḥai尼散1马克今年为节日序列的开始,一个相当长的上列弗tannaitic米德拉士。xxiii.二十三。38, and a reply by Ela (4th cent.) to a question bearing on this matter; additional, remarks and objections by amoraim of the fourth century, together with the citation of a saying by the scholars "of that place" (ie, Babylonia; 56b, 52-56c, 15); various discussions on kindred subjects, especially those whose content involved halakic exegesis (56c, 15-56d, 14). 38,和一个由俄拉(第4美分)回答记者提问就此事影响;另外,意见和反对由四世纪亚摩兰加上一个说法的学者“的那个地方”被引用的(即,巴比伦,56B,52 56C,15);对骨肉科目,特别是那些内容涉及halakic训诂学(56C,15 - 56D,14)的各种讨论。

(c) (三)

The "new year for tithes of cattle," declared by Meïr to be Elul 1.而“牛什一税的新的一年里,”梅尔宣布要Elul 1。Proof by the Babylonian amora Huna, who deduced an opposing view from Ps.证明由巴比伦阿莫拉小娜,谁演绎出从诗的反对意见。lxv.第六十五。14; the relation between Ben 'Azzai, who is mentioned in a baraita belonging to this passage, and Akiba (ib. lines 14-33); interpretation of Mishnah Bek. 14;的米示拿BEK解释;之间奔“Azzai,​​谁是在一个baraita属于提到这段话,和秋叶(同上线14-33)的关系。vii.七。7 as being analogous in content; a citation by Mani of a halakic exegesis by his father, Jonah (ib. lines 33-52).7作为是在内容上类似,由一个由他的父亲,约拿(同上线33-52)halakic训诂学摩尼引用。

Talmud on par.塔木德相提并论。2: (a) Tishri 1, the "new year for the counting of the years."2:(一)提斯利1,“为新的一年的年票”Deductions from Biblical passages; discussion on the subject between Jonah and the members of the college; Jonah's quotation of Ḥanina's saying on the names of the months, and a saying of Simeon b.从圣经段落扣除;讨论之间的约拿和学院的成员主体;约拿的Ḥanina就在几个月的名字说报价,以及西蒙B.说Laḳish on the names of the angels (56d, 52-77).Laḳish上的天使(56D,52-77)的名称。(b) The "new year for the Sabbatical years and the years of jubilee."(二)“新的一年的休假年和周年纪念年。”Biblical inference (56d, 77-57a, 2).圣经推理(56D,77 - 57A,2)。(c) The "new year for the planting of trees."(三)“新的一年,种植树木。”Explanation and exegetical deduction (ib. lines 3-14).解释和训诂扣(同上线3-14)。(d) The "new year for vegetables."(四)“新的一年里为蔬菜。”Elucidation and discussion (ib. lines 14-23).澄清和讨论(同上线14-23)。(e) The "new year for trees," this section being supplemented by an example from a tannaitic account of Akiba's practise, with explanations (ib. lines 23-30). (五)“树木新的一年,”本条是辅以从秋叶的实践tannaitic帐户例如,使用说明(同上线23-30)。

Further Examples.进一步的例子。

Giṭ. Git的。ii. II。1: Inadequate attestation of the preparation of a bill of divorce. 1:一个离婚的法案准备不足认证。The Talmud on the passage (44a, 34-71); a special case in the Mishnah shown to contain the opinion of Judah b.关于通过塔木德(44A,34-71),在特殊情况下的mishnah显示包含犹大B.意见Ilai (ib. lines 34-40); two casuistic questions by Jose and the Babylonian amora Ḥisda, and the answers furnished by the Mishnah (ib. lines 40-50); a more detailed discussion of another question of similar content, with reference to a controversy between Johanan and Simeon b. Ilai(同上行34-40),两个诡辩问题的圣何塞和巴比伦阿莫拉Ḥisda,由米示拿(同上线40-50)提供的答案,另一个类似的内容问题的详细讨论,参考,一间约哈难和西麦B.争议 Laḳish, together with notes thereon by Ammi and Ze'era, and a discussion concluding with a comment by Mani (ib. lines 50-71).Laḳish,连同附注由安米和Ze'era,并讨论了由玛尼(同上线50-71)评论总结。BB i.BB岛6: (a) A short exegetic proof by Ela, based on Prov.6:(一)由俄拉短exegetic证明,在省为主。xviii.十八。11 (12d, 71 et seq.). 11(12D,71及以下)。(b) A baraita dealing with analogous matter, together with a remark by Jose b. (二)baraita处理类似的问题,以及按圣何塞湾备注Abin (ib. lines 72-75).阿斌(同上线72-75)。Although this analysis of the contents of four parts of Yerushalmi gives no adequate idea of the structure of the entire work, it will serve to show the difference between its several parts in regard both to their length and to their amplifications of the simple explanations of the Mishnah.虽然这四个部分的内容分析耶路莎米没有给整个作品的结构足够的想法,它将为显示几个部分之间的差异方面都以它们的长度和对简单的解释,他们的扩增米示拿。 A comparison of the portions of the Palestinian Talmud here summarized with the corresponding sections of Babli, as given below, is especially instructive.一,巴勒斯坦犹太法典的部分比较这里总结与Babli相应的部分,因为下面给出,尤其是有启发。

Passages Repeated.段落重复。

Yerushalmi, when regarded as a work of literature, is noteworthy for a textual peculiarity which is characteristic of it, though found also in Babli, namely, the large number of literal repetitions.耶路莎米,当作为文学作品看作是一个文本特点是它的特点虽然发现Babli,即大量重复的文字也值得注意。 Entire passages, sometimes whole columns, of the Talmud are found in two, occasionally in three, separate treatises, in which they differ from each other by mere variants, most of them due to corruptions of the text.整个段落,有时整列的犹太法典,是在二,三偶尔发现,独立论文,他们在不同的只是彼此的变种,其中大部分是由于损坏的文本。 These repetitions throw some light on the redaction of the Talmudic text, since they prove that before the editing of the treatises was undertaken a uniform mass of material was already at hand in a definitely revised form; they likewise show that in the compilation of the Talmud one portion was explained by another, as was natural in view of the character of the contents.这些重复扔在了塔木德文字节录一些光,因为他们证明之前的论文编辑的材料进行了统一的质量是眼下已形成了一定的修订,他们同样表现出的犹太法典的汇编一个部分是由另一解释,因为在该视图中的内容性质自然。 The opportunity was gladly seized, moreover, to repeat didactic material in passages where it did not strictly belong.抓住机会是很乐意的,而且,重复的段落在它不属于严格的教学材料。These repetitions are obviously of great value in the textual criticism of the Talmud.这些重复显然具有极大的价值在塔木德考证。Since sufficient attention has never yet been paid to this phenomenon of Yerushalmi, a list is here given of those passages of the first order, Zera'im, which are repeated in other orders.由于一直没有引起足够的重视尚未支付给本耶路莎米现象,列表在这里给出的一阶,Zera'im,这是在其他命令重复的段落。 It must be noted, however, that this list includes neither citations based on passages of another treatise nor parallel passages consisting of a single sentence.必须指出的是,这份名单包括了其他的论文,也不是单句组成的平行通道,通道的既不引文。

(a) (一)

Passages from the order i.从订单一段落repeated in the order ii.: Ber.重复的顺序二:误码率。3b, lines 10-55 = Shab. 3B,线条10-55 =沙巴。3a, 69-3b, 20.3A,69 - 3B,20。Ber.误码率。4a, 30-56 = Sheḳ.4A,30-56 =石。47a, 13-59 = M. Ḳ.47A,13-59 = M. K。83c, 40-83d, 8.83C,40 - 83D,8。Ber.误码率。5a, 33-62 = M. Ḳ.5A,33-62 = M. K。82b, 14-47.82B,14-47。Ber.误码率。5d, 14-20 = Shab.5D,14-20 =沙巴。3a, 55-61. 3A,55-61。Ber.误码率。5d, 65-6a, 9 = M. Ḳ.5D,65 - 6A,9 = M. K。83a, 5-27. 83A,5-27。Ber.误码率。6c, 4-17 = Yoma 44d, 58-68. 6C,4-17 =山脉44D,58-68。Ber.误码率。6d, 60-67 = Meg.6D,60-67 =梅格。73d, 15-22.73D,15-22。Ber.误码率。7b, 70-7d, 25 = Ta'an.7B,70 - 7D,25 = Ta'an。67c, 12-67d, 47.67C,12 - 67D,47。Ber.误码率。7d, 75-8a, 59 = Ta'an.7D,75 - 8A,59 = Ta'an。65c, 2-69. 65C,2-69。Ber.误码率。8c, 60-69 = RH 59d, 16-25. 8C,相对湿度60-69 = 59D,16-25。Ber.误码率。9a, 70-9b, 47 = Ta'an.9A,70 - 9B,47 = Ta'an。63c, 66-63d, 44.63C,66 - 63D,44。Ber.误码率。9c, 20-31 = Meg.9C,20-31 =梅格。75c, 8-19. 75C,8-19。Ber.误码率。9c, 49-54 = Meg.9C,49-54 =梅格。75b, 31-36.75B,31-36。Ber.误码率。10a, 32-43 = Pes.10A,32-43 = PES。29c, 16-27.29C,16-27。Ber.误码率。11c, 14-21 = Pes.11C,14-21 = PES。37c, 54-71.37C,54-71。Ber.误码率。12c, 16-25 = 'Er.12C,16-25 ='呃。22b, 29-37.22B,29-37。Ber.误码率。12c, 44-62 = Suk.12C,44-62 =淑。24a, 6-21 = Meg.24A,6-21 =梅格。72a, 15-31.72A,15-31。 Ber.误码率。13d, 72-14a, 30 = Ta'an.13D,72 - 14A,30 = Ta'an。64a, 75-64b, 35.64A,75 - 64B,35。Pe'ah 15a, 67-15b, 21 = Ḥag.Pe'ah 15A,67 - 15B,21 =女巫。76b, 24-53.76B,24-53。 Pe'ah 17a, 39-72 = Ḥag.Pe'ah 17A,39-72 =女巫。76b, 13-47.76B,13-47。Pe'ah 18d, 16-33 = Sheḳ.Pe'ah 18D,16-33 =石。46a, 48-67.46A,48-67。Pe'ah 18d, 66-19a, 5 = Sheḳ. Pe'ah 18D,66 - 19A,5 =石。48c, 75-48d, 13.48C,75 - 48D,13。Pe'ah 21a, 25-29 = Sheḳ.Pe'ah 21A,25-29 =石。48d, 55-58.48D,55-58。 Dem.DEM。22a, 31-40 = Sheḳ.22A,31-40 =石。48d, 40-49.48D ,40 - 49岁。Kil.基尔加丹。29b, 27-61 = 'Er.29B,27-61 ='呃。19c, 15-49 = Suk.19C,15-49 =淑。52a, 40-73.52A,40-73。 Kil.基尔加丹。29b, 62-76 = Suk.29B,62-76 =淑。52a, 73-52b, 11.52A,73 - 52B,11。Sheb.帅。34c, 27-49 = M. Ḳ.34C,27-49 = M. K。80b, 26-52.80B,26-52。Sheb.帅。38a, 50-60 = Shab.38A,50-60 =沙巴。3c, 55-65. 3C,55-65。Ter.之三。44a, 32-38 = Shab.44A,32-38 =沙巴。44d, 4-10. 44D,4-10。Ter.之三。45d, 42-51 = Shab.45D,42-51 =沙巴。3d, 2-15 (comp. 'Ab. Zarah 41d, 13-28).3D,2-15(comp.'抗体。Zarah 41D,13-28)。Ter.之三。46a, 41-46b, 35 = Pes.46A,41 - 46B,35 = PES。28a, 34-28b, 37.28A,34 - 28B,37。Ma'as.Ma'as。49a, 22-28 = Suk.49A,22-28 =淑。53d, 43-53.53D,43-53。Ma'as.Ma'as。49b, 14-32 = Shab.49B,14-32 =沙巴。6b, 17-36. 6B,17-36。Ma'as. Ma'as。49b, 39-48 = Beẓah 62b, 72-62c, 6.49B,62B 39-48 =Beẓah,72 - 62C,6。Ma'as.Ma'as。Sh.SH。53b, 6-44 = Yoma 45c, 2-36 (comp. Shebu. 32b. 56-34c, 3).53B,45C 6-44 =山脉,2-36(comp.射埠。32B 56 - 34C,3)。Ma'as. Ma'as。Sh. SH。54b, 48-58 = Sheḳ.54B,48-58 =石。51b, 15-25.51B,15-25。 Ma'as.Ma'as。Sh.SH。55a, 23-55 = 'Er.55A,23-55 ='呃。24c, 33-66.24C,33-66。Ma'as.Ma'as。Sh.SH。55d, 62-67 = M. Ḳ.55D,62-67 = M. K。80b, 72-80c, 10.80B,72 - 80C,10。Ḥal.HAL。57c, 16-20 = RH 57b, 60-63. 57C,57B RH = 16-20,60-63。

(b) (二)

Passages from the order i.从订单一段落repeated in the order iii.: Ber.三,重复的顺序:误码率。6a, 35-6b, 17 = Naz.6A,35 - 6B,17 =纳兹。56a, 12-68.56A,12-68。Ber.误码率。6b, 51-56 = Ḳid.6B,51-56 =孩子。61c, 11-17.61C,11-17。Ber.误码率。9d, 3-19 = Giṭ.9D,3-19 = GIT。47b, 49-63.47B,49-63。Ber.误码率。11b, 42-68 = Naz.11B,42-68 =纳兹。54b, 2-27. 54B,2-27。Ber.误码率。14b, 45-70 = Soṭah 20c, 40-64. 14B,20C 45-70 =Soṭah,40-64。Pe'ah 15b, 41-47 = Ket.Pe'ah 15B,41-47 =色菊。32c, 10-16.32C,10-16。Pe'ah 15c, 7-16 = Ḳid.Pe'ah 15C,7-16 =孩子。61a, 75-61c, 10.61A,75 - 61C,10。Dem.DEM。25b, 60-45c, 7 = Ḳid.25B,60 - 45C,7 =孩子。63a, 75-63b, 21.63A,75 - 63B,21。Kil.基尔加丹。32a, 64-32d, 7 = Ket.32A,64 - 32D,7 =色菊。34d, 74-35b, 56.34D,74 - 35B,56。Sheb.帅。36b, 25-68 = Ḳid.36B,25-68 =孩子。61c, 56-61d, 17.61C,56 - 61D,17。Ter.之三。40c, 42-40d, 6 = Yeb.40C,42 - 40D,6 = YEB。13c, 70-13d, 32.13C 70 - 13D,32。Ter.之三。42b, 44-53 = Naz.42B,44-53 =纳兹。53d, 16-27.53D,16-27。Ter.之三。44c, 9-44d, 44 = Ket.44C,9 - 44D,44 =色菊。27b, 5-27c, 39.27B,5 - 27C,39。Ma'as.Ma'as。Sh.SH。55a, 69-55b, 13 = Giṭ.55A,69 - 55B,13 = GIT。47d, 55-70.47D,55-70。'Orlah 61b, 8-33 = Naz.“Orlah 61B,8-33 =纳兹。55c, 32-63.55℃,32-63。Bik.青碧。64a.64A。32-44 = Yeb.32-44 = YEB。 9b, 71-9c, 8.9B,71 - 9C,8。

(c) (三)

Passages from the order i.从订单一段落repeated in the order iv.: Ber.重复的顺序四:误码率。3a, 52-69 = Sanh.3A,52-69 = Sanh。30a, 65-30b, 8 = 'Ab.30A,65 - 30B,8 ='抗体。Zarah 41c, 46-63.Zarah 41C,46-63。Ber.误码率。6b, 20-41 = Sanh.6B,20-41 = Sanh。20a, 43-60.20A,43-60。Pe'ah 16b, 22-25, 43-60 = Sanh. Pe'ah 16B,22-25,43-60 = Sanh。27c, 38-60.27C,38-60。 Sheb.帅。35b, 26-40 = 'Ab.35B,26-40 ='抗体。Zarah 44b, 27-41.Zarah 44B,27-41。Sheb.帅。39b, 14-38 = Mak.39B,14-38 =麦。31a, 33-50.31A,33-50。Ter.之三。45c, 24-45d, 11 = 'Ab.45C,24 - 45D,11 ='抗体。Zarah 41a, 18-41b, 3.Zarah 41A,18 - 41B,3。Ter.之三。47c, 66-47d, 4 = 'Ab.47C 66 - 47D,4 ='抗体。Zarah 41c, 13-23.Zarah 41C,13-23。Ma'as.Ma'as。Sh.SH。54d, 71-55a, 8 = Sanh.54D,71 - 55A,8 = Sanh。19a, 63-76.19A,63-76。Ma'as.Ma'as。Sh.SH。56c, 9-18 = Sanh.56C,9-18 = Sanh。18d, 13-22.18D,13-22。'Orlah 62b, 49-62c, 10 = 'Ab. “Orlah 62B,49 - 62C,10 ='抗体。Zarah 45a, 32-45b, 10.Zarah 45A,32 - 45B,10。The following parallel passages from the second and fourth orders may also be mentioned on account of their length: Shab.从下面的第二个和第四个订单平行通道也可能提到其长度帐户:沙巴。9c, 62-9d, 59 = Sanh.9C,62 - 9D,59 = Sanh。24c, 19-24d, 14; Shab.24C 19 - 24D,14;沙巴。14d, 10-15a, 1 = 'Ab.14D,10 - 15A,1 ='抗体。Zarah 40d, 12-41a, 4.Zarah 40D,12 - 41A,4。

Despite these parallel passages in the four orders of Yerushalmi, which might be regarded as a proof of the uniform redaction of the entire work, there is proof to the contrary, which shows that the first two orders differ in origin from the third and fourth.尽管在耶路莎米四个订单,这可能是作为整个工作的统一redaction证明认为这些平行通道,有相反的证据,这表明前两个订单来源不同,第三和第四位。 While the first and second contain a large number of baraitot with the introductory formula "Samuel transmits []," there is not a single baraita by Samuel in the third and fourth orders.虽然第一和第二含有的介绍公式“塞缪尔传输[],”没有一个由塞缪尔在第三和第四个订单单baraita。大量的baraitot These latter two include, on the other hand, many controversies between Mani and Abin, two amoraim of the second half of the fourth century, while Zera'im and Mo'ed contain very few (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 398).这后两种包括,另一方面,与摩尼和阿斌,两个第四世纪下半叶亚摩兰,许多争议而Zera'im和Mo'ed包含极少(见巴切尔,“银。帕尔。阿莫尔。 “三,398)。The redaction of Yerushalmi is discussed in further detail below.节录的耶路莎米讨论了进一步详细说明。

The Haggadot of the Yerushalmi.该耶路莎米Haggadot。

The haggadic portions of Yerushalmi are also characteristic of its style.对耶路莎米的haggadic部分,也是其风格特点。As in Babli, they frequently have only a slight bearing, sometimes none at all, on the subject of the mishnaic section and its Talmudic interpretation, being added to the passages in which they are found either because they were mentioned in the academy on account of some subject under discussion, or because, in the process of the redaction of the treatise, this haggadic material, which was valued for some special reason, seemed to fit into the Talmudic text at the passage in question.正如Babli,他们经常只有轻微的影响,有时根本就没有,在它的mishnaic段和塔木德解释的问题,被添加到中,他们发现无论是机票,因为他们在学院提及帐户一些正在讨论的主题,或者是因为,在该论文编撰过程中,这种haggadic材料,这对于一些特殊的原因看重,似乎适合于在有关通过塔木德文本。 Many haggadic portions of Yerushalmi are likewise found almost word for word in the earlier works of Palestinian midrashic literature, especially in Genesis Rabbah, Leviticus Rabbah, Pesiḳta di-Rab Kahana, Ekah (Lamentations) Rabbati, and Midrash Shemuel.许多的耶路莎米haggadic部分也同样发现,几乎在巴勒斯坦Midrashic文学的早期作品,特别是在创世纪拉巴,利未记拉巴,PesiḳtaDI - Rab的Kahana,Ekah(悲叹)Rabbati和米德拉士Shemuel,一个字一个字。These parallel passages do not always prove actual borrowing; for the same earlier source may have been used in the redaction both of Yerushalmi and of the midrashic works.这些平行通道并不总是证明实际借款;为同一较早源可能已在这两个yerushalmi和的midrashic作品节录使用。 The haggadot of the Palestinian Talmud were collected and annotated by Samuel ben Isaac Jaffe Ashkenazi in his "Yefeh Mar'eh" (Venice, 1589), and they were translated into German by Wünsche ("Der Jerusalemische Talmud in Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen," Zurich, 1880).巴勒斯坦犹太法典haggadot收集并注明由塞缪尔本艾萨克谢菲德系在他的“Yefeh Mar'eh”(威尼斯,1589),他们被翻译成德文Wünsche(“明镜Jerusalemische犹太法典中Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen,”苏黎世,1880)。

Linguistically, the Palestinian Talmud is Aramaic, in so far as its framework (like the elucidations of the mishnaic text by the members of the academies and the amoraic discussions connected with them) is redacted in that language; the greater portion of the terminology is in like manner Aramaic.语言上,巴勒斯坦犹太法典是阿拉姆语,在其框架的范围内(如由院校成员,并与他们相连的amoraic讨论阐发的mishnaic文本)是在该语言节录;了较大部分的术语是阿拉姆喜欢的方式。 The same dialect is employed in general for the narrative sections, including both the haggadot and the accounts of the lives of the sages and their pupils.同样的方言,是采用一般的叙事部分,既包括haggadot和对先贤和他们的学生生活的账户。The Aramaic portion consequently comprises all that is popular in origin or content.因此该部分包括所有阿拉姆是起源或内容受欢迎。The Hebrew sections, on the other hand, include the halakic sayings of the Tannaim, the citations from the collections of baraitot, and many of the amoraic discussions based on the tannaitic tradition, together with other sayings of the Amoraim.希伯来文的部分,另一方面,包括该tannaim的halakic俗语,从baraitot集合的引用,以及对tannaitic传统的基础上amoraic讨论连同亚摩兰其他说法很多。 This linguistic usage is due to the fact that both in Palestine and in Babylon the Halakah was for the most part elucidated and expanded by the Amoraim themselves in the language in which it had been transmitted by the Tannaim.这种语言的使用是由于这样的事实:无论是在巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的halakah为阐明,由亚摩兰在其中它是由该tannaim传输语言本身扩大了大部分了。 In the academy the Hebrew of the Mishnah held its place side by side with the Aramaic, thus giving to the latter a certain coloring, especially from a lexicographic point of view.在学院的希伯来语的mishnah与阿拉姆持有方一侧的地方,从而使后者的观点,特别是从字典点一定着色。Hebrew was retained in great measure also in the amoraic Haggadah.希伯来语被保留在很大程度上也是在amoraic哈加达。The Aramaic, which assumed a fixed literary form in Yerushalmi, is almost the same as that of the earlier Palestinian midrashic works, differing from them only in a few peculiarities, mostly orthographic.在阿拉姆语,其中承担了固定耶路莎米文学形式,几乎是作为巴勒斯坦midrashic早期作品一样,从他们不同的只在少数特殊性,大多是字形。 This idiom, together with that of the Palestinian Targum on the Pentateuch, has been analyzed in G. Dalman's "Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinischen Aramäisch" (Leipsic, 1894; 2 ed. 1905).这个成语,连同就pentateuch巴勒斯坦Targum的是,已经分析了G.达尔曼的“Grammatik DES Jüdisch - Palästinischen Aramäisch”(Leipsic,1894年; 2版1905年)。

Editions of the Babli.版本的Babli。

The first complete edition of the Babylonian Talmud () was printed at Venice, 1520-23, by Daniel Bomberg, and has become the basis, down to the present day, of a very large number of editions, including that of Basel, 1578-81, which, with the changes and omissions made by the censor, exerted a powerful influence on later texts until the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1720-22, with its additions, became the model of all subsequent editions of the Talmud (see below).第一的巴比伦犹太法典()完整版被印在威尼斯,1520年至1523年,由丹尼尔邦贝里,并已成为基础上,下降到目前的一天一版本非常多,包括巴塞尔,1578年是 - 81,其中的变化和检查员提出疏漏,对后世产生了强大的影响力,直到文本的法兰克福发表了主版,1720年至1722年,其增加,成为后续版本的所有模式塔木德(见下文)。 The external form of Babli was determined by the editio princeps.该Babli外在形式确定由editio princeps。 While the first edition of Yerushalmi, in its two columns on each folio page, contains only the text, the editio princeps of Babli adds the commentary of Rashi on one margin and the tosafot on the other, together with kindred matter.虽然耶路莎米第一版,在它的两个对开页上的每个列,只包含文本,Babli editio princeps增添了Rashi在一个保证金和对其他tosafot评论,加上亲属的问题。Especially noteworthy is the fact that the first edition of Babli has a pagination which has been retained in all subsequent editions, thus rendering it possible to quote passages with exactness, and to find citations readily.尤其值得一提的是,在Babli第一版都有一个一直保留在所有后续版本,从而使人们有可能用精确报价通道,并找到引文容易分页。 The mishnaic treatises which have no Babylonian Talmud are included in the editions of the Talmud, together with commentaries, and these same tractates are likewise found in the only complete manuscript of Babli (that at Munich), where they form an appendix, although they precede the post-Talmudic treatises, which are likewise contained in the editions.当中有没有巴比伦塔木德的mishnaic论文都包括在塔木德的版本,加上评论,而这些相同tractates也同样在只有Babli完整的手稿发现(即慕尼黑),在那里形成了一个附录,虽然他们之前后塔木德论文,这是同样的版本中。 It has been noted above that the editions of Babli contain the Yerushalmi for the treatiseSheḳalim; and this is also the case in the Munich manuscript.人们已经注意到上面的那个Babli的版本包含了treatiseSheḳalim耶路莎米,这也是在慕尼黑手稿的情况。

The following list gives the names of the treatises of Babli which have been preserved, together with the sequence generally followed in the editions, and the number of folios in each tractate, the pagination always beginning with fol.下面的列表给出的Babli的论文已被保存下来的名字,加上一般在随后的版本的序列,以及对开纸在每个短文数,分页总是FOL开始。 2.2。Of the 570 leaves of the Munich codex, containing about eighty lines to a page, 490 belong to Babli; this gives an approximate idea of the size of this Talmud.对慕尼黑法典570叶含有约八十线一页,490属于Babli,这给出了这个犹太法典的大小近似的想法。The amount of text on each page of the editions, however, varies greatly on account of the varying length of the commentary of Rashi and the tosafot which accompany it; but the number of leaves shows the comparative lengths of the several treatises.关于各版本的页面文字数量,但是,对良莠不齐的Rashi和tosafot的陪伴它的评论不同长度的帐户;但叶片数显示了几个论文的相对长度。

I. Zera'im: Berakot (64).一,Zera“IM:Berakot(64)。II.II。Mo'ed: Shabbat (157); 'Erubin (105); Pesaḥim (121); Beẓah (40); Ḥagigah (27); Mo'ed Ḳaṭan (29); Rosh ha-Shanah (35); Yoma (88); Sukkah (56); Ta'anit (31); Megillah (32). Mo'ed:安息日(157);“Erubin(105);Pesaḥim(121);Beẓah(40);Ḥagigah(27); Mo'edḲaṭan(29);犹太公顷Shanah(35);山脉(88) ; Sukkah(56); Ta'anit(31); Megillah(32)。III. III。Nashim: Yebamot (122); Ketubot (112); Ḳiddushin (82); Giṭṭin (90); Nedarim (91); Nazir (66); Soṭah (49).Nashim:Yebamot(122); Ketubot(112);Ḳiddushin(82);Giṭṭin(90); Nedarim(91);纳齐尔(66);Soṭah(49)。IV.IV。Neziḳin: Baba Ḳamma (119); Baba Meẓi'a (119); Baba Batra (176); 'Abodah Zarah (76); Sanhedrin (113); Shebu'ot (49); Makkot (24); Horayot (14). Neziḳin:巴巴业力(119);巴巴Meẓi'a(119);巴巴巴特拉(176);“Abodah Zarah(76);公会(113); Shebu'ot(49); Makkot(24); Horayot(14) 。V. Ḳodashim: Zebaḥim (120); Menaḥot (110); Bekorot (161); Ḥullin (142); 'Arakin (34); Temurah (34); Keritot (28); Me'ilah (22); Tamid (9).五,Ḳodashim:Zebaḥim(120);Menaḥot(110); Bekorot(161);Ḥullin(142);​​“Arakin(34条); Temurah(34条); Keritot(28); Me'ilah(22); Tamid(9 )。VI. VI。Ṭohorot: Niddah (73).Ṭohorot:Niddah(73)。

Missing Gemaras.缺少Gemaras。

Babli thus contains but one treatise each of the first and sixth orders; of the second, Sheḳalim (see above) is lacking; and there is no Talmud on 'Eduyot or Abot either in Babli or Yerushalmi. Babli从而包含而是一个论文的第一和第六的订单每;第二,Sheḳalim(见上文)的缺乏,以及没有对“塔木德Eduyot或Abot在Babli或耶路莎米任。 The fifth order of Babli contains neither Middot nor Ḳinnim, nor the third, fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of Tamid.五阶的Babli包含既不Middot也不Ḳinnim,也不是第三,第五,第六,七届Tamid章节。It is incorrect, however, to speak of missing portions of the Babylonian Talmud, since in all probability the sections which it omits were entirely disregarded in the final redaction of the work, and were consequently never committed to writing (for a divergent opinion see Weiss, "Dor," iii. 271).这是不正确的,但是,谈论的巴比伦犹太法典缺少的部分,因为在所有的概率部分被完全忽略了它在工作的最后节录忽视,并因此永远致力于写作(对于不同的意见看魏斯,“多尔,”三271)。 It will be shown further on that the mishnaic treatises lacking in Babli were subjects of study in the Babylonian academies.这将进一步显示,在Babli缺乏的mishnaic论文的研究对象是在巴比伦院校。

Earliest Manuscript ofthe Babli.最早手稿的Babli。

In the editions the Babylonian Talmud is so arranged that each paragraph of the Mishnah is followed by the portion of the Talmud which forms the commentary on it; the portions are frequently divided into sections, rubricked by the successive sentences of the mishnaic paragraph on which they are based, although an entire paragraph occasionally serves as a single text.在版本的巴比伦塔木德是这样安排的每一个段落的mishnah其次是部分犹太法典的形式就可以评注;的部分往往分为几个部分,通过连续的mishnaic段上,他们的句子rubricked的基础,但整个段落偶尔作为一个单一的文本服务。 Thus Babli on Ket.因此Babli的色菊。ii.II。1 (16a-18b) is divided into six sections; but there is no division into sections for ii.1(16A - 18B)分为六个部分,但目前还没有转化为第二部分划分。2 (18b-20b), ii.2(18B - 20B),II。3 (20b-22a), ii.3(20B - 22A),II。5 (23b), and ii. 5(23B),及ii。9 (27b-28a).9(27B - 28A)。There are three sections for ii.有三种第二部分。4 (23a); two for ii. 4(23A)为二二。6 (23b-26a), ii.6(23B - 26A),II。7 (26b-27a), and ii.7(26B - 27A),及ii。8 (27a, b); and eight for ii.8(27A,B),以及为二八。10 (28a, b).10(28A,B)。 In the Munich codex, which is based on a manuscript of the middle of the ninth century (see Lewy in "Breslauer Jahresbericht," 1905, p. 28), the text of the entire chapter of the Mishnah is written in large characters on the inner portion of the page, separated from the Talmudic text, which is in a different script.在慕尼黑食品法典委员会,它是建立在第九世纪中叶手稿(见“Breslauer Jahresbericht,”1905年,第28页路易)为基础,对整章的mishnah是写在文字上的大字内页部分,从塔木德文本,在不同的脚本是分开的。 In the fragments in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, written in 1123 and containing a portion of the treatise Keritot (see "JQR" ix. 145), each chapter is headed by the entire mishnaic text on which it is based.在大学图书馆,牛津大学在1123和书面包含的论文Keritot(见“jqr”九145)部分,片段,每章为首的整个的mishnaic文本上它是基于。 Then follow the sections of the Talmud, each beginning with the word and the first part of the mishnaic paragraph in question, although some sections are marked by the superscription (= ).然后按照犹太法典,每个字和有问题的第一部分的mishnaic段的开头部分,虽然有些部分是由上标(=)标记。The superscription , which in the editions marks the beginning of the Talmud on each paragraph of the Mishnah, is found neither in the Munich codex nor in the Bodleian fragments.在上标,这在版本标志着犹太法典上的每个段落的开头的mishnah,发现无论是在慕尼黑食品法典委员会也没有在伯德雷恩片段。 Most of the manuscripts containing one or more treatises of Babli, and described by RN Rabbinovicz in the introductions to vols.大多数包含一个或多个Babli论文手稿,并介绍在介绍到二卷由RN Rabbinovicz。i., iv., viii., ix., and xi.一,四,八,九和十一。of his "Diḳduḳe Soferim," are so arranged that the entire mishnaic text is placed at the beginning of the chapter; and this is also occasionally the case in the editions, as in the first chapter of the treatise Sanhedrin.他的“DiḳduḳeSoferim,”是这样安排的,整个的mishnaic文本是在本章开始放置,这也是偶尔的情况下,在版本中的公会的论文的第一章。 In a St. Petersburg manuscript said to date from 1112 the paragraphs are repeated in their proper places (ib. viii. 3).在圣彼得堡的手稿说,从1112年迄今的段落在他们(同上八,3)适当地重复。A number of codices in the Vatican Library are arranged partly in the one way and partly in the other (xi. 13, 15, 17, 18), while the system adopted in the printed texts occurs in manuscripts also (see ib. iv. 6, 8; xi. 20).一个在梵蒂冈图书馆抄本数量部分被安排在一个方法,部分在其他(xi. 13,15,17,18),而在印刷文本采用的制度也发生在手稿(见兴业。四。 6,8,十一20)。It may be mentioned as a curious circumstance that in one manuscript of the Vatican (ib. xi. 19), containing the treatise Pesaḥim, many passages are vocalized and accented, as is also the case in a Bodleian fragment of Yerushalmi on Berakot ("JQR" ix. 150).它可以作为一个奇怪的情况下,在一个梵蒂冈(同上十一19),其中包含论文Pesaḥim,手稿,许多段落都vocalized和重音提到,因为也是一个耶路莎米上Berakot伯德雷恩片段的情况下(“ jqr“九,150)。A fragment of considerable length in the Cambridge Library, and possibly the earliest extant manuscript of Babli, also contains the treatise Pesaḥim; it has been edited by Lowe ("The Fragment of Talmud Babli of the Ninth or Tenth Century," Cambridge, 1879); and in its four folios it includes the text of fols.一个在剑桥大学图书馆相当长的片段,也可能是现存最早的Babli手稿,也包含了论文Pesaḥim,它已被罗威(“的第九,第十世纪的犹太法典Babli片段,”剑桥,1879年)编辑以及在其四个对开它包括了前方作战的文本。 7a, below -9a, middle, and 13a, below -16a, above, of the editions.7A,低于- 9A,中,13A,低于16A,上面的版本。The pages are divided into two columns; and the entire mishnaic text precedes the chapter; the several sections, even those beginning with a new paragraph of the Mishnah, have an introduction only in the case of the first word of the mishnaic passage in question, with the word as superscription.该页面分为两栏,以及整个的mishnaic文本前面的一章;的几个部分,即使是那些具有新的mishnah段落的开头,有一个只有在对有问题的mishnaic通过的第一个字的情况介绍,同为上标字。 The character of Babli and its divergencies from Yerushalmi may best be illustrated by a citation of its commentary on the same passages of the Mishnah as those contained in the sections of the Palestinian Talmud already analyzed.该Babli和耶路莎米其分歧字符可能最好的说明了其对作为在巴勒斯坦犹太法典已经分析部分所载的米示拿同样的段落评论引用。

(a) (一)

The initial question of the Mishnah and its basis; two divergent answers, together with an objection and its refutation (2a; all anonymous).而该mishnah及其依据最初的问题,两个不同的答案,连同异议及其驳(2A,所有的匿名)。The initial statement of the Mishnah, and an interpretation of Lev.在最初的mishnah声明,以及对列弗的解释。xxii.二十二。7 based on a baraita on this verse and concluding with a note of Rabbah b.7基于对这个诗句baraita和一个拉巴b.注意总结 Shela (2b), and the method of teaching this interpretation in Palestine.Shela(2B),和教学方法在巴勒斯坦这一解释。The contradictions between the statement of the Mishnah and three baraitot which are successively stated and dialectically refuted (all anonymous).之间的mishnah声明和三个baraitot是先后提出和辩证地驳斥(所有匿名)的矛盾。A discussion of the third baraita (3a).阿第三baraita(3A)的讨论。The opinion of R. Eliezer ("until the end of the first watch of the night"), and the problem whether three or four night-watches were implied; a haggadic baraita with a saying of R. Eliezer on the three watches of the night, together with a discussion of it.该河埃利泽(“直到第一只手表的夜晚结束”)的意见,是否三,四夜手表隐含的问题,一个有河埃利泽说对三个手表haggadic baraita晚上,连同它的讨论。A haggadic excursus of some length, beginning with Rab's saying regarding the three watches of the night, and containing a baraita (a poem by Jose b. Ḥalafta) and a disquisition on it (3b).约长haggadic附记,与拉布的关于夜的三个手表说,和它(3B)包含baraita(由何塞B.Ḥalafta诗)和disquisition开始。 Further details of the night-watches, beginning with a controversy between Judah I. and Nathan (in a baraita); a haggadic saying of Joshua b.进一步详情夜间手表,开始了与弥敦道之间的犹大一(在baraita)争论,一个说的约书亚乙haggadicLevi transmitted by Zeriḳa and Ammi, this section concluding with a saying of Ashi.列维转交Zeriḳa和安米,本节用的阿说结论。Another saying of Joshua b.另一个约书亚乙说Levi, transmitted in like manner, together with two versions of a comment by Abba b.利维,在喜欢的方式传播,有两个版本的评论在一起阿爸湾Kahana.Kahana。Discussion of the first saying of Joshua b.讨论的约书亚乙先说Levi, beginning with the rising of David "at midnight" (Ps. cxix. 62), and devoted in the main to the connotation of the word "neshef" (ib. cxix. 147), together with sayings of Babylonian amoraim.利维开始,上升大卫“午夜”(诗篇cxix 62),并在主要致力于词的“neshef”(同上cxix 147)内涵,连同巴比伦亚摩兰说法。The way in which David knew when midnight had arrived, and concerning his harp, (4a).以何种方式大卫知道当午夜来了,和有关他的竖琴,(4A)。Further details regarding David, Ps.关于大卫,诗的进一步细节。lvii.LVII。9, and Ex.9,和前。xi.十一。4, with an exegesis by Ashi, which concludes the entire discussion.4,与由阿,它总结了整个讨论注释。Additional haggadic material concerning David, and a controversy between the Palestinian haggadists Levi and Isaac on Ps.其他haggadic物质有关大卫和巴勒斯坦之间的利维和艾萨克haggadists在PS争议。lxxxvi.捌拾陆。2 with reference to Ps. 2,参考诗篇。cxix. cxix。62, together with comments and citations of a kindred nature.62,再加上一个亲属的意见和性质引文。

Examples from the Babli.从Babli例子。

(b) (二)

Dialectic exposition of the relation of the view of the scholars to the opinions of R. Eliezer and R. Gamaliel, together with the citation of a baraita (4b).辩证地阐述了该观点的学者就对河埃利泽和R.加马利亚的意见,连同一个baraita(4B)引用。A controversy between Johanan and Joshua b.之间约哈难和约书亚乙争议Levi on the sequence of the "Shema'" and prayer, based on a sentence in this baraita ("the 'Shema'' is read: prayer is offered"), together with a discussion devoted chiefly to exegetic inferences.连同主要致力于向exegetic推论讨论:对“架构”“和祈祷在这baraita句(”的基础上,“祈祷是提供斯玛''是读”)序列列维。 An objection alleged by Mar b.由三月B.指称的反对Rabina and based on a passage in the Mishnah, and a haggadic saying of Eleazar b.雷比内和在在mishnah通道为基础,并为埃莱亚萨湾haggadic说Abina to the effect that he who recites Ps.Abina,大意是他谁朗诵诗篇。cxlv.cxlv。thrice daily is assuredly a son of the world to come, the citation being made in this place on account of an aphorism of similar content given by Johanan in the course of the same debate.每日三次无疑是对世界的儿子来了,正在这个地方就在一个由约哈难给出了相同的辩论过程类似内容的格言帐户的引用。A discussion of these matters, and a saying of Johanan on Ps.对这些问题的讨论,以及约哈难在PS说。cxlv., together with another haggadic aphorism by Eleazar b.cxlv。连同另一项埃莱亚萨湾haggadic警句Abina on the angels Michael and Raphael, and its elucidation.Abina对天使迈克尔和拉斐尔,其澄清。The view of Joshua b.而约书亚乙观点Levi on the evening "Shema'," which should be recited in bed (5a), and amoraic sayings on the same subject, together with a confirmation, by a citation of Ps.在晚上“玛”,“应在床上背诵(5A),并在同一主题amoraic熟语,连同确认由诗引,列维。iv.四。6, of the ruling of Joshua b. 6,执政党的约书亚乙Levi; a haggadic saying of Simeon b.列维,一个西缅湾haggadic说Laḳish transmitted by Levi b. Laḳish转交列维湾Laḥma, as well as another aphorism of this scholar transmitted by the same authority. Laḥma,以及另一个由同一机关转交了这一格言的学者。A haggadic saying by Isaac on reading the "Shema'" in bed, and a comment by Ashi, followed by another haggadic aphorism by Isaac based on Job v. 7; interpretation of this verse as denoting afflictions sent by God ("yissurim"), against which the study of the Torah gives protection; haggadic sentences on the Law.一个由Isaac haggadic说阅读的“架构”“在床上,和一个由阿评论,另一个由艾萨克haggadic警句根据工作7节之后,本节解释为表示上帝派来的苦难(”yissurim“) ,对其中的托拉研究提供了保障;对法律haggadic句子。A long series of haggadic sayings by Palestinian and Babylonian amoraim, and especially by Johanan, regarding affliction (5b), with anecdotes from Palestine and Babylon.一个haggadic熟语由巴勒斯坦和巴比伦亚摩兰,由约哈难,特别是关于与巴勒斯坦和巴比伦轶事苦恼(5B),长系列。 A baraita with a saying of Abba Benjamin regarding prayer before retiring, and its elucidation, together with three other baraitot and haggadic sayings of Abba Benjamin regarding prayer (6a), regarding demons (with various sayings of Babylonian authors), and praying in the synagogue.具有一种说法就退休前祈祷的阿爸本杰明,其澄清,连同其他三个baraitot和阿巴本杰明haggadic熟语就祈祷(6A),关于魔(与巴比伦的作者不同的说法),并在犹太教堂祷告baraita 。A haggadic saying by Isaac on the last subject transmitted by Rabin b.一个由Isaac haggadic说由拉宾B.传输的最后一个问题Adda, together with a saying of Ashi and additional elucidations, followed by another aphoriam transmitted by Rabin in the name of Isaac regarding the "phylacteries of God," and by a discussion of the subject by Babylonian amoraim, the view of Ashi standing last.阿达,再加上说的和额外的阿阐发,由拉宾传送以撒的名字另aphoriam关于“神的phylacteries,”和一个由巴比伦亚摩兰,对阿认为站在最后一个问题讨论。 A third haggadic saying of Isaac, of similar transmission, concerning prayer in the synagogue (6b), and a series of aphorisms of a like nature, the first being by Johanan, and the second by Huna transmitted by Ḥelbo.第三haggadic以撒说,类似的传输,就在犹太教堂(6B)祈祷,以及类似性质,第一次是由约哈难,并通过小娜第二次Ḥelbo传输警句系列。 These, interspersed with other sayings, are followed by five more aphorisms transmitted by Ḥelbo in the name of Huna and regarding departure from the synagogue, the Minḥah prayer, participation in marriage festivities, the fear of God, and the refusal to return a salutation.这些,与其他说法穿插,后面是五个转交Ḥelbo在小娜的名称和有关的犹太教堂,Minḥah祈祷,在婚姻庆祝活动的参与,对上帝的敬畏,并拒绝返回一个称呼出发警句。 A series (7a) of five haggadic sayings transmitted by Johanan in the name of Jose ben Ḥalafta: the prayer offered by God, pacification of an angry neighbor, discipline of one's own conscience, three requests of Moses, and the teaching that a threat or promise by God is not recalled, even though given only conditionally, and that neither, therefore, is ever unfulfilled.一个由约哈难传输的何塞本Ḥalafta的5个haggadic谚语系列(7A):由神所提供的祈祷,一个愤怒的邻居平定,对自己的良心自律,三摩西要求,教学是一种威胁或上帝的承诺是不记得,即使只给有条件的,那也不,因此,是永远无法实现。

After a number of sayings, partly tannaitic and partly amoraic in origin, come six haggadic aphorisms (7b) transmitted by Johanan in the name of the tanna Simeon ben Yoḥai, the second treating of the same subject as the corrresponding one in the previous series.经过数说法,部分tannaitic和部分amoraic在原产地,来six haggadic警句(7B)由约哈难传输在塔纳西麦贲yoḥai名称,同一主题的第二次作为以往系列corrresponding one治疗。 To these sayings are appended various aphorisms and elucidations, followed by a conversation between Naḥman b.对于这些说法被追加各种警句和阐发,由一间NaḥmanB.谈话之后Jacob and Isaac, in which the latter cites a sixth saying, concerning prayer in the synagogue, transmitted by Johanan in the name of Simeon ben Yoḥai.雅各布和Isaac,其中后者列举了第六说,关于在犹太教堂祷告,由约哈难传送的西麦贲yoḥai名称。Additional haggadic aphorisms (8a) on this subject as well as on the importance of the synagogue, followed by three sayings of 'Ulla transmitted by Ḥiyya b.其他haggadic警句就这一问题以及对犹太教堂的重要性(8A),其次是三化“乌拉由ḤiyyaB.传输熟语Ammi, and by various aphorisms on the reading of the Torah in the synagogue (8b) and other kindred matters.安米,并通过对圣经的犹太教堂(8B)及其他亲属的事项阅读各种警句。This portion is concluded by the instructions which Joshua b.这部分是最后的指令,约书亚乙Levi gave to his sons, and by the analogous instructions which Raba gave to his children, as well as by elucidations of details of these teachings and by sayings of a similar import.列维给他的儿子,并经其拉巴给他孩子类似的说明,以及由这些细节阐发教义和类似进口说法。

(c) (三)

In the name of Samuel, Judah declares that the opinion of R. Gamaliel is authoritative.在塞缪尔的名字,犹大声明说,R.加马利亚认为是权威的。A baraita giving a similar view by Simeon ben Yoḥai, followed by an interpretation of it with a final decision by Joshua ben Levi, and by another version of the relation to it of the ruling of Joshua ben Levi.一个baraita给予了西麦贲yoḥai类似的看法,其次是它的一个带有由约书亚贲利维最后决定的解释,以及另一对约书亚贲利维裁决关系到它的版本。 The section (9a) terminates with an opinion on this baraita by a scholar who had come from Palestine to Babylon.本节(9A)终止与这baraita由一个谁了来自巴勒斯坦巴比伦学者的意见。

Further Examples.进一步的例子。

RH i. RH岛1 (§§ 1-2 in Yerushalmi; the Talmud on these sections is contained in 2a-15b):1(§ § 1-2耶路莎米,对这些路段在2A - 15B中塔木德):

(a) (一)

Ḥisda's answer to the question as to the practical importance of the "new year of the kings," with a citation of the mishnaic passage (Sheb. x. 5) regarding antedated and postdated promissory notes. Ḥisda的答案,至于实际的重要性“的国王新的一年里,”用的mishnaic通过关于antedated和日后兑现的期票(Sheb. X. 5)引用的问题。A baraita on the reckoning of regnal years, and its elucidation (2b), together with hermeneutic deductions from the Bible regarding Nisan as the beginningof the regnal year, introduced by an inference of Johanan based on I Kings vi.一份关于regnal年清算baraita,其澄清(2B),连同有关的圣经解释学作为beginningof的regnal年由一个约哈难在我的推论国王六世介绍,尼散月扣除。 1 as compared with Num. 1较数。xxxiii.三十三。38, Deut.38,申。i.3, 4, Num.3,4,序号。xxi.XXI。1 (3a), and similar passages, preference being finally given to Eleazar's deduction founded on II Chron.1(3A)和类似的通道,偏好正在终于给埃莱亚萨的扣在二专栏成立。iii.三。2.2。A baraita giving the deduction of Johanan.一个baraita给予扣除约哈难。The assertion of Ḥisda that the regnal years of non-Israelitish kings were reckoned from Tishri, together with Biblical passages in confirmation of this view, beginning with Neh.该Ḥisda断言,非Israelitish国王regnal年是计算从提斯利,加上在此确认圣经的段落,与尼开始。i.1 and its hermeneutic exposition (3b), the conclusion being formed by a variety of haggadic material on the Persian kings mentioned in the Bible (4a). 1及其诠释学博览会(3B),即由一对波斯国王haggadic各种材料形成的结论中提到的圣经(4A)。

(b) (二)

Ḥisda's answer to the query why Nisan 15, the first day of the Feast of Passover, was not made the "new year of the feasts," while a baraita shows that this view was promulgated by Simeon ben Yoḥai himself. Ḥisda的答案,为什么尼散月15日,在逾越节的第一天,是不是做出了“新的一年的节日”,而baraita表明这一观点是由他自己颁布西麦贲yoḥai查询。 Another baraita (4b) on the ritual order of the festivals, together with exegetic deductions from the views contained therein and additional discussions, concluding with an elucidation (5a) of other halakic and exegetic sayings on festivals and sacrifices.另一对节日礼仪秩序baraita(4B),连同所载的意见,并进一步讨论exegetic扣减,与其他halakic和exegetic在节日和牺牲的说法作出澄清(5A)结束。 Baraita (5b) on Deut. Baraita(5B)在申。xxiii.二十三。22 et seq., and a detailed discussion, followed by a similar section (6a, b) on Deut. 22及以下,并有详细的讨论,通过了类似的申(6A,B),其次。xxiii.二十三。24.24。Baraita (7a) on Nisan 1 and its four meanings, the first being deduced from Ex. Baraita在尼散月1和它的四个含义(7A),第一次被推断前。xii.十二。2 and Deut.2,申。xvi.十六。1, although an objection caused Lev.1,虽然异议造成列弗。xxiii.二十三。39 to be regarded by Ḥisda as the basic passage, while Zech.39被视为由Ḥisda为基本通过,而撒加利亚。i.7 was cited to refute an allegation made by Rabina, additional Biblical passages being quoted by the Babylonian amoraim 'Ulla, Kahana, and Ashi; the section is concluded by a deduction of the three other meanings of Nisan 1 (7b) mentioned in the baraita. 7被引反驳雷比内作出的指控,另外圣经段落被引述巴比伦亚摩兰“乌拉,Kahana,和阿,部分是由三个尼散1(7B)扣除其他含义的结论中提到,在baraita 。

(c) (三)

The signification of Elul 1 as the "new year for tithes of cattle," as taught by R. Meïr.作为意义的Elul 1“牛什一税新的一年里,”为教由R.梅尔。The various origins of the sentences collected in RH i.的句子在RH岛收集各种来源1, together with a saying by Joseph, followed by a series of aphorisms of later Babylonian amoraim, and one by Ashi (8a).1,再加上由一个后来的巴比伦亚摩兰警句系列,并通过阿(8A)一个接着约瑟夫说。Johanan's deduction, from Ps.约哈难的演绎,从聚苯乙烯。lxv.第六十五。14, of the double view concerning the new year for tithes of cattle, and its dialectic elucidation. 14,双认为有关的牛什一税,并阐明其辩证的新一年。Second half of the mishnaic paragraph:下半年的mishnaic段:

(a) (一)

The question regarding the practical utility of the new year for the counting of the years, answered by Pappa in exactly the same way as Ḥisda had solved the question concerning the new year of the kings; solution of the discrepancy and further elucidations of the principle that Tishri 1 was the new year for the counting of the years.关于这个问题为年计算的新的一年的实际效用,由Pappa回答如出一辙方式Ḥisda已经解决的问题有关的新的一年里的国王;解决方案的差异和原则的进一步阐发提斯利1是新一年的年票。 Two baraitot on Ps.两个baraitot在PS。lxxxi.捌拾。4 et seq.4起。(8b).(8B)。

(b) (二)

An inference regarding the year of jubilee, based on Lev.一个推理关于禧年,基于对列弗。xxv.二十五。4; and the obviation of the difficulty presented by Lev.4,以及由列夫提出的困难obviation。xxv.二十五。9 (with reference to the Sabbatical year) by means of a baraita on the following verse, together with two other baraitot on the same subject (9a) and an elucidation of Tishri 10, concluded by a baraita on Lev. 9(参照休假年)一​​对下列诗句baraita手段,有两个关于同一主题(9A)和一个提斯利10阐发,通过对列弗baraita缔结的其他baraitot在一起。 xxv.二十五。11 and its interpretation (9b). 11和它的解释(9B)。

(c) (三)

Biblical deduction regarding the planting of trees and a baraita thereon, with an inference drawn from the Bible by Johanan (10a), and an elucidation of another baraita cited in explanation of the first, Johanan's deduction from Gen. viii.扣除有关圣经与圣经制定的约哈难(10A)推断,以及另一baraita阐明了树木和baraita就此种植,引首,约哈难的从将军八扣的解释。 13 regarding the opposing views of R. Meïr and R. Eleazar (10b) as to whether a day may be reckoned like a year, thus introducing a baraita containing the controversy between R. Eliezer and R. Joshua on the month of Creation, the former arguing for Tishri and the latter for Nisan; exegetic haggadot of considerable length (11a-12a) on this section. 13关于R.梅尔和R.埃莱亚萨(10B)是否每天可能像去年估计的反对意见,从而引入baraita载有关于创作月份之间的河埃利泽和R.约书亚争议,前者主张对提斯利和对尼散后者;相当长的本条第(11A - 12A)exegetic haggadot。

(d) (四)

A baraita stating that "tithes" and "vows" as well as "vegetables" belong to Tishri 1, together with interpretations by hermeneutics and other methods (12b), and with discussions of the subject by the Palestinian and Babylonian schools, and halakic exegeses (13a-14a).一个baraita指出“什一税”和“誓言”以及“蔬菜”属于提斯利1,连同诠释学和(12B)等方法的解释,并与这个问题的讨论由巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的学校,halakic注疏解(13A - 14A)。

(e) (五)

An argument by Hoshaiah transmitted by Eleazar (14a), and a baraita recording the practise of R. Akiba (14b-15b), as well as elucidations of it.一个由Hoshaiah参数转交埃莱亚萨(14A)和baraita记录R的秋叶(14B - 15B)的做法,以及它的阐发。 Another baraita on Shebaṭ 15, with a controversy between Johanan and Simeon ben Laḳish, and a discussion of it.另一项Shebaṭ15 baraita,之间有一个约哈难和西麦贲Laḳish争议,以及它的讨论。Giṭ.Git的。ii.II。1 (the Talmud on this section is contained in 15a-17a):1(这部分犹太法典包含在15A - 17A):

(a) (一)

The purpose of the entire paragraph, although its content is immediately apparent from the opening sentence of the mishnaic treatise.整个款的目的,但其内容是立即从论文的开头一句的mishnaic明显。

(b) (二)

The problem of the connotation of "the half of the bill of divorce, and Ashi's answer.而在“的一半的离婚法案,阿的回答内涵的问题。

(c) (三)

The law regarding a case in which only "the half" of a bill of divorce is signed by witness in the presence of the bearer; the more rigorous interpretation of it by Ḥisda and subsequent modifications by Raba and (15b) Ashi, as well as a dialectic discussion of these three sayings.该法在这方面只有一个离婚法案“半”是在承载在场见证签署的情况下,它的更严格的Ḥisda和拉巴和(15B)阿后续修改的解释,以及这三句话是辩证的讨论。 Analogous cases from other branches of the Halakah and casuistic questions bearing on them (16a), concluding with one by Pappa which remains unanswered.类似的案件,诡辩的halakah和他们(16A)轴承其他部门的问题,由Pappa one这仍然未结束。

(d) (四)

Case in which one of the bearers of a bill of divorce witnesses the engrossing of the document and the other the signature; exact definition given by Johanan and transmitted by Samuel b.其中一个案例中的一个离婚证人的文件及其他引人入胜的签名法案的承担者;给出确切的定义由约哈难和塞缪尔B.传播 Judah (16b); the answer of the latter to the objection of Abaye, although another version of the entire affair makes Ashi the author of the objection; controversy on the subject between Hoshaiah and 'Ulla.犹大(16B)对到Abaye反对后者的答案,虽然整个事件的另一个版本使得阿的反对者;论Hoshaiah和“乌拉受到争议。 Anecdote of a visit made by Judah b.轶事由犹大B.提出了访问Ezekiel to Rabbah bar bar Ḥana during an illness of the latter, and their conversation on a problem connected with Giṭ.以西结对拉巴酒吧酒吧花过程中对后者的疾病,以及它们对使用Git连接问题的谈话。i.1.1。

(e) (五)

The case in which the engrossing of a bill of divorce is witnessed by one and the signature by two persons (17a), and the exact definition of such an event, given by Johanan and transmitted by Ammi, the section being concluded by a discussion between Ammi and Assi.在其中的一个引人入胜的离婚法案是由一个由两个人(17A),以及这些事件给出确切的定义由约哈难和安米发送,签名见证的情况下,最后一节被之间的讨论安米和阿西。

Legal Example.法律例。

BB i. BB岛6 (the Talmud on this section is contained in 7b-11a):6(犹太法典对本节包含在7B - 11A):

(a) "One who is part owner of a courtyard is obliged to contribute to the cost of the gateway as well as of the door itself"; -the citation of a legend concerning Elijah to prove that a gateway is not necessarily a subject for praise, concluded by a casuistic definition of the case presupposed by the Mishnah. (一)“一谁是一部分,庭院业主是有责任作出贡献,以及门本身网关的成本​​”; - 传奇的引用有关利亚证明一个网关并不一定是主题赞美,由一组的mishnah先决条件的情况下诡辩定义结束。

(b) According to R. Simeon b.(二)根据河西梅翁湾Gamaliel, "Every courtyard is not adapted to a gateway"; a baraita containing the complete version of this saying.加马利亚,“每个庭院不适应网关”,一个baraita载有这句话的完整版本。

(c) According to R. Simeon b.(三)根据河西梅翁湾Gamaliel, "One who dwells in a city is obliged to contribute toward the building of the walls and the doors," etc.; a baraita containing the complete version ofthis saying.加马利亚,“一个谁在一个城市dwells有责任做出贡献的墙壁和门的建设,”等,一个baraita包含完整版本ofthis说。 Johanan's answer to the query advanced by Eleazar concerning the method of levying contributions, followed by a second version of the same account.约哈难的回答查询的先进的埃莱亚萨有关征收会费的方法,由同一个帐户之后的第二个版本。The patriarch Judah II.犹大的族长II。and the scholars contributed toward building the wall, although the legality of this action was questioned by Simeon b.对作出贡献的学者和修建隔离墙,虽然这一行动的合法性受到质疑西麦B.Laḳish on the basis of a haggadic deduction from Ps.Laḳish对从诗haggadic扣除的基础。cxxxix.cxxxix。18, while Johanan proposed another verse, Cant.18,约哈难而提出的另一个诗句,公会。viii, 10, to aid in the solution of the problem (8a); Rabbah's interpretation of this passage of Canticles.八,10,以协助问题的(8A)解决方案;拉巴的这canticle的通行解释。An instance of contributions on the part of the scholars of Babylonia, and the proof of their illegality furnished by the exegesis of three Biblical passages, taken respectively from the Pentateuch, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa.对一个学者的巴比伦王国的一部分,其违法证据由三个圣经经文训诂布置,采取从pentateuch,先知,和Hagiographa分别贡献的实例。 Pappa's proof that a certain tax was imposed on orphans, and a discussion of it, followed by a tannaitic account (half Aramaic) by Judah I. of the support of scholars during a time of famine. Pappa的证明,是在一定的税收征收孤儿,和它的讨论,由tannaitic帐户犹大的学者支持一(半阿拉姆)在随后的饥荒时间。

(d) "How long must one dwell in a city to have equal rights with its citizens? Twelve months"; a conflicting baraita which speaks of thirty days; Rabbah's solution of this contradiction, while Johanan reconciles the discrepancy between the period of twelve months and that given in another baraita. (四)“多久人们必须住在一个城市能与它的公民的平等权利十二个月”;一个冲突baraita这三十天说话;拉巴的这一矛盾的解决方案,而约哈难调和之间的十二个月内差异而在另一baraita给出。 The saying of Johanan as to the liability of scholars to taxation, and various statements regarding the practise of the Babylonian sages.俗话说的约哈难,以学者的税务责任,以及有关的巴比伦先贤实践各种报表。The way in which Joseph (4th cent.) expended a sum of money sent him by the mother of King Sapor, together (8b) with an interpretation of Jer.以何种方式约瑟夫(第4美分)花了一笔钱送到了国王Sapor,连同(8B)的母亲与他的哲解释。xv.十五。2.2。Baraita on the mode of levying taxes for the poor, and the right of assessment of municipal taxes. Baraita上为穷人模式征税,以及市政税的评估权。The rule of the Mishnah (Sheḳ. v. 2) that the smallest number of persons who may be entrusted with raising taxes is two, and its Biblical basis according to Naḥman b.该米示拿(Sheḳ.诉2)的人谁可能与增加税收委托最小的数是两个,其圣经基础上根据NaḥmanB.规则Jacob, together with sayings and examples bearing on this matter.雅各布,连同熟语及例子在这个问题上的影响。An interpretation of Dan.一个丹的解释。xii.十二。3 as referring to the collectors and trustees of the tax for the poor, followed by two baraitot on these collectors and Abaye's statements regarding the practise of Rabbah b. 3指的是作为收藏家和受托人的税收为穷人,由两个baraitot对这些收藏家和关于拉巴B.实践Abaye的陈述之后Naḥmani, as well as (9a) by a note of Ashi and an opinion of Rabbah.Naḥmani,以及(9A)由阿注和一个拉巴意见。Baraita on the auditing of the accounts of the trustees of the tax for the poor, and elucidations of it. Baraita上的差税为受托人,并阐发它的账目审计。Notes and anecdotes illustrating Mishnah Pe'ah viii.笔记和掌故说明米示拿Pe'ah八。7 (on the amount to be given to the poor), followed by haggadic passages on the importance of almsgiving, among these aphorisms being one cited by Rabbah as transmitted to Eleazar by a certain 'Ulla with a curious surname, which forms the basis of an anecdote. 7(关于给予穷人的数量),通过对施舍其中警句,重要haggadic通道之后被拉巴引为传播通过一定的“乌拉,以利亚撒与好奇姓,这构成了依据之一一个轶事。 Further haggadic passages on the charity of Eleazar, Isaac, and others.对埃莱亚萨,艾萨克和其他慈善机构进一步haggadic通道。A baraita giving R. Meïr's answer (10a) to the question why God Himself does not nurture the poor, followed by an account of the conversation on this subject between R. Akiba and Tineius Rufus.一个baraita给予R.梅尔的回答(10A)的问题,为什么上帝没有培育穷人,由一个在此之间R.秋叶和Tineius鲁弗斯主题谈话的账户交易。 Sermon by Judah b.讲道的犹大湾 Shalom (Palestinian amora of the 4th cent.) on Jer.沙洛姆在哲(第四届占巴勒斯坦阿莫拉)。lvii.LVII。17, and anecdotes from the lives of Johanan b.17,和轶事从约哈难乙的生命Zakkai and Pappa. Zakkai和Pappa。Haggadic sayings by tannaim and amoraim on alms.由tannaim和亚摩兰Haggadic说法就施舍。The vision of Joseph b.约瑟的B.视力Joshua b.约书亚乙Levi (10b) of the future life, together with baraitot on the interpretation of Prov.列维(10B)的未来生活,再加上对省解释baraitot。xiv.十四。34 by Johanan b.34约哈难乙 Zakkai and his scholars as well as by Gamaliel II.Zakkai和他的学者,以及由加马利亚二。and the other sages of Jabneh.和Jabneh其他先贤。The charity of the mother of Sapor, and two baraitot: one (11a) the story of the beneficence of Benjamin ha-Ẓaddiḳ; the other an account of the generosity of King Monobaz.而在Sapor母亲和两个baraitot慈善:一(11A)的本杰明公顷Ẓaddiḳ善行的故事,另外一个慷慨的国王Monobaz帐户。

(e) "If one obtains a dwelling-place in the city, he immediately receives equal rights with the citizens"; an opposing view by Simeon b. (五)“如果一个人获得一个在城市居住位,他立刻接收到公民平等的权利”;一个由西麦B.相反的观点Gamaliel transmitted in two versions.加马利亚传送两个版本。Framework of Commentary.框架的评论。This analysis of four different passages of the Babylonian Talmud shows, in the first place, that the framework, as in the Palestinian Talmud, is formed by a running interpretation of the Mishnah, despite the heterogeneity of the material which is interwoven with it.这四个不同的段落巴比伦塔木德经分析表明,首先,该框架,为在巴勒斯坦犹太法典,是由一个运行的mishnah解释尽管这是与它交织材料异质性。 The Talmud, however, is not a mere commentary on the Mishnah, since, in addition to its haggadic portions, it contains a varied mass of halakic material, connected only loosely, if at all, with the contents of the mishnaic paragraphs in question; and while the Talmud sometimes adheres closely to the text of such a paragraph, its commentary on a single section of the Mishnah is often expanded into the compass of a small book.犹太法典,但是,是不是一个单纯的mishnah评论,因为,除了其haggadic部分,它包含了halakic材料不同的质量,只有松散的连接问题的mishnaic段落的内容,如果在所有;虽然犹太法典有时坚持密切合作,以这样的一段文字,它在单节的mishnah评论往往是扩大到了一本小书的指南针。 In this respect Babli is much more free than Yerushalmi, which is more concise in other regards as well; the wider interests of the former and its greater variety and length are due at least in large part to the fact that the Babylonian academies enjoyed a longer existence and hence its redaction extended over a more protracted period.在这方面Babli远比耶路莎米,这是在其他方面更简洁以及自由;前者更广泛的利益和更多种类和长度是由于至少在很大程度上是一个事实,即巴比伦院校享有更长因此它的存在和节录扩展到一个更加漫长的时期。

Haggadah of the Babli.哈加达的Babli。

The fact that the Haggadah is much more prominent in Babli, of which it forms, according to Weiss ("Dor," iii. 19), more than one-third, while it constitutes only one-sixth of Yerushalmi, was due, in a sense, to the course of the development of Hebrew literature.事实表明,哈加达是在Babli更突出,它的形式,按照魏斯(“多尔,”三19),超过三分之一,而它只占耶路莎米六分之一,是由于在从某种意义上说,到了希伯来文学的发展历程。 No independent mass of haggadot developed in Babylon, as was the case in Palestine; and the haggadic writings were accordingly collected in the Talmud.没有独立的haggadot群众在巴比伦的发展,因为是在巴勒斯坦的情况,以及haggadic著作因此而在犹太法典收集。 The most curious example of this is a midrash on the Book of Esther, found at the end of the first chapter of the treatise Megillah (pp. 10b-17a).这方面最好奇的例子是在以斯帖记米德拉士,在该论文Megillah(第10B - 17A)第一章末尾。Except for the fact that the text of this section naturally alludes to the Book of Esther, the midrash has no connecting-link with the preceding portion of the Talmud.除事实是,这一节文字自然暗示的以斯帖记,米德拉士没有与前面的犹太法典部分连接链路。It is a true midrashic compilation in the style of the Palestinian midrashim, introduced by sixteen proems (mostly by Palestinian authors), and followed by exegeses and comments on individual verses of Esther in the order of the text, each preceded by a catch word (for further details on this midrash see Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 119).它是一个真正midrashic汇编巴勒斯坦米大示风格,推出由16个proems(大多是由巴勒斯坦作家),并注疏解和以斯帖个别经文注释中的文字的顺序,由追赶前面的每个字后面(有关此米德拉士详情见巴切尔,“银。巴布。奥马尔。”第119页)。 A fragment of a similar compilation on Lamentations, treating of a few verses of the first two chapters, is found in the last chapter of Sanhedrin (104, 4 et seq.), this fragment being inserted there on account of the preceding casual allusion to the Babylonian exile (ib. p. 120).一个类似的哀歌汇编片段,对前两章几节治疗,是在公会(104,4起。)最后一章发现,这个片段被插入在前面有休闲暗示帐户巴比伦流亡(同上第120页)。 The treatise Giṭṭin (55a-58a) contains a haggadic compilation on the destruction of Jerusalem, its elements being found partly in the Palestinian literature, partly in Ekah Rabbati, and partly in the treatise Ta'anit of the Jerusalem Talmud.该论文Giṭṭin(55A - 58A)载有关于耶路撒冷毁灭haggadic汇编,它的元素被发现部分在巴勒斯坦文学部分在Ekah Rabbati,以及部分在耶路撒冷犹太法典论文Ta'anit。This haggadah, which begins with a saying by Johanan, is appended to the brief halakic elucidation of the first sentence of the mishnaic paragraph on the law of the Sicarii (Giṭ. v. 6), mentioning those who fell in the war against the Romans.这哈加达,它有一个由约哈难开始说,被附加到简要的对Sicarii(Giṭ.诉6)法律的mishnaic段落的第一句halakic澄清,提反对罗马人在战争中谁下跌。 In Babli such haggadic interpolations, often of considerable length, are extremely frequent, while the very content of the mishnaic paragraphs often affords a basis for lengthy haggadic excursuses.在Babli这样haggadic插值,往往相当长,非常频繁,而内容的mishnaic段落往往提供了一次非常冗长haggadic excursuses基础。Thus the last (in Yerushalmi, next to the last) chapter of Sanhedrin is made the foundation for a mass of haggadic comments, most of them only loosely connected by an association of ideas with the text of the passages of the Mishnah to which they are assigned.因此,最后(在耶路莎米,旁边的最后一个)公会章提出了一个haggadic意见的群众基础,他们大多只有松散的联系由协会与思想的的mishnah以他们为段落文本分配。 In this exceptionally long chapter of Babli (pp. 90a-113b) only that portion (111b-112b) which refers to the Law in Deut.在这个Babli(第90A - 113B)只是部分(111B - 112B),它指的是在申命记法特别长的篇章。xiii.十三。12 et seq.12起。is halakic in nature.在本质上是halakic。The haggadic conclusion of the first chapter of Soṭah furnishes the basis for further Talmudic comments in the style of the Haggadah (8b, 14a); so that, for example, the interpretation of Ex.而在Soṭah第一章haggadic结论furnishes为在哈加达(8B,14A)风格意见的基础上进一步塔木德,因此,对于例如,前解释。 ii.II。4, cited in the Mishnah (11a), is followed (11a-13b) by an independent section which forms a running midrash on Ex.4,在mishnah(11A)引用,其次是(11A - 13B)由一个独立的部分构成对前运行米德拉士。i.8-ii.8 - II。4.4。Additional examples may be found in nearly every treatise of the Babylonian Talmud.其他的例子可以发现,几乎每一个巴比伦犹太法典的论文。The haggadic sections of this Talmud, which form an important part of the entire work, have been collected in the very popular "'En Ya'aḳob" of Jacob ibn Ḥabib (1st ed. 1516), as well as in the rarer "Haggadot ha-Talmud" (Constantinople, 1511; comp. Rabbinovicz, "Diḳduḳe Soferim," viii. 131); and they have been translated into German by A. Wünsche ("Der Babylonische Talmud in Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen," 3 vols., Leipsic, 1886-89).这个犹太法典的haggadic部分,形成了整个工作的重要组成部分,已在非常流行的“”恩Ya'aḳob“雅各的伊本哈(第1版1516)收集,以及在罕见的”Haggadot HA -塔木德“(君士坦丁堡,1511;比赛Rabbinovicz,”DiḳduḳeSoferim,“八131);,他们已被翻译成德文,由A. Wünsche(”明镜Babylonische犹太法典中Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen,“3卷,Leipsic。 ,1886年至1889年)。

An important factor in the composition of the Talmud, and consequently one it is necessary to consider in a discussion of its literary form, is the frequent juxtaposition of several sayings ascribed to one and the same author.一个在犹太法典的组成,从而之一是要考虑在其文学形式的讨论,重要的因素是冲高到一个数的说法和作者频繁相拼。These sayings, which are frequently linked together by the name of their common transmitter as well as by that of their author, were evidently taught in this connected form in the academies, thus finding their way into the appropriate passages of the Talmudic text.这些说法,这是经常联系在一起的共同发射的名称,以及由它们的作者一起,均明显教授在这院校连接形式,从而寻找到合适的talmudic文本段落的方式。 Such groups of aphorisms are extremely frequent in Babli; and several of them are found in the passage from Ber.这些团体的警句是极为Babli频繁,其中几位是通过发现,从误码率。2a-9a which has been analyzed above (regarding Yerushalmi see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 39a).2A - 9A已分析以上(关于耶路莎米见弗兰克尔,“湿润烧伤膏,”第39A条)。Other circumstances which must be considered in discussing the composition of the text of the Talmud are set forth in the account of its origin and redaction given below.必须在讨论的犹太法典文本的组成考虑的其他情况载于它的起源和节录如下帐户。

Style and Language.风格和语言。

The remarks already made concerning the relation of the Hebrew and the Aramaic elements in the vocabulary of Yerushalmi apply with little modification to Babli, although the Aramaic of the latter is more nearly akin to the Syriac (the eastern Aramaic dialect then current in Babylonia) and is even more closely related to Mandæan (see Nöldeke, "Mandäische Grammatik," p. xxvi., Halle, 1875; on the Persian elements in the vocabulary of Babli see Jew. Encyc. vii. 313b, sv Judæo-Persian).已经作出的言论有关的希伯来文和阿拉姆语词汇的耶路莎米元素适用于小修改Babli关系,尽管后者的阿拉姆更接近类似的叙利亚(东部阿拉姆语方言巴比伦然后电流)和更是密切相关的Mandæan(见Nöldeke,“Mandäische Grammatik”,第二十六,哈雷,1875年;关于在Babli词汇波斯元素见犹太人百科全书七313B,SV犹太 - 波斯。)In regard to Greek and Latin terms Levy makes the incomprehensible statement ("Neuhebr. Wörterb." iv. 274a) that "no Greek or Latin words are found in the Babylonian Talmud."关于希腊和拉丁术语利维使难以理解的声明(“Neuhebr。Wörterb。”四。274A),即“没有希腊或拉丁词在巴比伦塔木德发现。” This is, however, incorrect; for a large number of words from the Latin and Greek (see Krauss, "Lehnwörter," ip xxiii.) are employed in the Talmud, both in the tannaitic passages found in Babli, and in the sayings of Palestinian as well as of Babylonian amoraim, such as Rab (see Bacher, lcp 32).这一点,但是,不正确的;一个从拉丁文和希腊词大量(见克劳斯,“Lehnwörter,”IP二十三)受聘于犹太法典都在Babli发现的tannaitic通道,并在格言,巴勒斯坦以及巴比伦亚摩兰如Rab的(见巴切尔,LCP 32)。On the exegetic terminology as applied in Biblical and traditional hermeneutics, see Bacher, "Terminologie der Amoräer," Leipsic, 1905.在exegetic术语在圣经和传统诠释学应用,见巴切尔,“Terminologie DER Amoräer,”Leipsic,1905年。An interesting linguistic peculiarity of Babli is the fact that tannaitic traditions, especially stories, are occasionally given entirely in Aramaic, or an anecdote, begun in Hebrew, is continued in Aramaic (such as the story, designated by as a baraita, concerning Joshua b. Peraḥyah and his pupil Jesus [Sanh. 107b]).一个有趣的Babli语言特点是,tannaitic传统,尤其是故事,偶尔会给出完全阿拉姆语,或轶事,在希伯来文开始,是继续在阿拉姆(如故事,被指定为baraita,关于约书亚b事实。Peraḥyah和他的瞳孔耶稣[Sanh。107B])。

The Halakah in Babli.在Babli Halakah。

The contents of the Talmud-this term being restricted to Babli, although much which applies to it holds true of Yerushalmi as well-fall into the two main divisions of Halakah and Haggadah.犹太法典的内容,这个词只限于Babli,虽然它非常适用于持有耶路莎米真正为进的两个Halakah和哈加达主要部门良好的下降。 Although, as stated above, the Mishnah itself frequently furnishes the ground for the inclusion of haggadic elements in the Talmud, and although the subjects discussed in the Halakah frequently lead of themselves to haggadic treatment, the Haggadah occupies only a secondary position in the Talmud, since this is, both in origin and in purpose, a halakic work, and was intended to serve as a commentary on the chief authoritative work of the tannaitic Halakah, the Mishnah of Judah I. Those portions, therefore, which treat of the interpretation of the Mishnah are the substance of the Talmud.虽然,如上所述,经常furnishes的mishnah本身为在塔木德haggadic要素列入地,虽然在讨论的主题的halakah经常导致自己haggadic治疗,哈加达只占次要地位,在犹太法典,因为这是,无论是在起源和目的,halakic工作,并打算作为一个行政的tannaitic Halakah,犹大的一米示拿的那部分工作的权威评论,因此,其中的解释治疗该mishnah是物质的犹太法典。This interpretation, however, was not merely theoretical, but was primarily devoted to a determination of the rules applying to the practise of the ceremonial law; on the other hand, the development of the Halakah had not ceased in the academies of the Amoraim, despite the acceptance of the Mishnah, so that the opinions and the decisions of the Amoraim themselves, even when they were not based merely on an interpretation of the Mishnah and other tannaitic halakot, became the subject of tradition and comment.这种解释,但是,不只是理论上的,但主要是用于对申请者的法律实践中的礼仪规则的确定;另一方面,在发展的halakah没有在亚摩兰院校停止,尽管对接受的mishnah,使意见和亚摩兰自己的决定,即使他们不是基于对mishnah和其他tannaitic的halakot解释只是,成为传统和评论的主题。 In addition to the Mishnah, furthermore, the Midrash (the halakic exegesis of the Bible) and the Halakah in the more restricted sense became the subject of tradition and of study, and were preserved in different collections as being the other results of the tannaitic period.除了米示拿,此外,米德拉士(圣经halakic训诂学)和在较狭义Halakah成为传统和研究的课题,并分别保存在不同的集合作为是的tannaitic期间,其他结果。 In this way the Talmud, in its strict connotation of the interpretation of the Mishnah, was increased by an inexhaustible mass of material, which afforded the amoraic academies a basis both for the interpretation and for the criticism of the Mishnah; for since the Talmud deals with the criticism of the Mishnah, not only in text and meaning, but also in its relation to the baraitot, these baraitot themselves were frequently interpreted in the same way as were mishnaic passages (eg, RH 10a, 12b, 29a), and were supplied with their Talmud.在这样的犹太法典,在它的严格解释的mishnah内涵,增加了取之不尽,用之不竭的物质的质量,其中所提供的amoraic院校一个既解释和对批评的mishnah基础;为自犹太法典交易随着批评的mishnah不仅在文字和含义,而且在其关系到baraitot,这些baraitot本身也经常以同样的方式解释为是的mishnaic通道(如RH 10A,12B,29A),并提供与他们的犹太法典。Moreover, the Talmud was further augmented by the inclusion within it of the views which the scholars expressed in the course of their public, judicial, and other activities, as well as by the data regarding their private lives and their religious practises which were discussed and memorized in the academies.此外,犹太法典,进一步增强了在它的其中学者在他们的公开,司法等活动,以及关于他们的私人生活和宗教习俗的数据进行了讨论过程中提出的意见纳入和记忆中的院校。 If this brief sketch of the Talmud as regards its halakic contentsbe supplemented by the statement that the sayings of the several amoraim as well as the opposing views of their contemporaries and the members of the academies, whether teachers or pupils, are frequently recorded in connection with the report of the discussions of the academies, a more complete view of the nature of the Talmud and a better conception of its form may be gained.如果这短暂的犹太法典草图至于其halakic contentsbe的声明补充说,熟语的几个亚摩兰以及他们同时代和院校的成员,反对的意见,无论是教师还是学生,经常在连接与记录该讨论的院校,一对犹太法典的性质进行更全面的了解和其形式可能是更好的概念报告获得。

The Framework Anonymous.该框架匿名。

The real framework of the Talmud, however, on which the entire structure was built, was, as noted above, provided by the questions, comments, and discussions which are based on individual paragraphs of the Mishnah, and which are anonymous, or not ascribed to any author.而真正的犹太法典的框架,但是,对其中的整个结构建造的,如上所述,由问题,意见,哪些是基于对个别段落的mishnah,哪些是匿名的,或者不提供冲高讨论任何作者。 Appended to these passages and interspersed among them are sayings whose authors are named; and this class frequently preponderates greatly.追加到这些通道和穿插其中的说法,其署名作者和本级经常preponderates很大。The anonymous framework of the Talmud may be regarded as the warp resulting from the united activity of the members of the academy, and upon which the woof of the Talmud was interwoven and developed during three centuries, until its final redaction gave it definitive form.匿名的犹太法典框架可能被视为从学院的成员团结活动产生变形,并呼吁它的犹太法典纬交织和发展是在三个世纪,直到其最后节录了它最终的形式。 The Talmud is really the work of the body of scholars in the academies, who devoted themselves to it generation after generation, and kept its traditions alive.犹太法典是真正的学者身上,在院校,谁投身到它一代又一代,并保持它的传统活工作。Although many members of the academie-sthe great as well as the small, teachers as well as pupils-are mentioned as the authors of various sayings and decisions, and as taking part in the discussions and controversies, some of them being deemed scholars worthy of record on account of a single remark, the background of the Talmud, or rather the background for those elements regarding whose authorship statements are made, was formed by the united efforts of those who labored to produce that work.尽管许多成员琪,sthe大以及小,教师以及学生,都提到的各种说法和决策的作者,由于参加的讨论和争议,部分学者认为其中一些是值得的记录单一句话帐户,背景的犹太法典,或者说对这些元素,其作者是关于发言的背景下,成立了由这些谁生产,工作辛劳的团结努力。 The manifold objections and refutations introduced by the word "metibi" (= "they object"), and the questions (generally casuistic in nature) preceded by the formula "ibba'ya lehu" (= "they have asked") refer to this body of scholars, regardless of the date at which they lived.在多方面的反对和单词“metibi”(=“他们反对”)和问题(一般性质的诡辩)由公式“ibba'ya勒”(=“他们问”)之前介绍了反驳指这学者身上,无论他们居住的日期。

Redaction.节录。

This allusion to the anonymous framework of the Talmud suggests the problem of its redaction, which is partially answered by the allusion itself; for the work began with the inception of the collection, and the first amoraim laid the foundation for the task, which was carried on by succeeding generations, the final result being the Talmud in its present form.这对匿名的犹太法典框架典故表明其节录,这部分由典故本身回答问题;为与集合开始以来,首次亚摩兰奠定任务的基础,这是进行由后代,最后的结果是塔木德在其目前的形式。 The system of mishnaic hermeneutics, which was in a sense official, and was at all events sanctioned by the lectures delivered in the academy, was determined as early as the first generation, and remained valid thenceforth.本的mishnaic诠释学,这是在一定意义上的官员,以及在该学院发表的演讲被认可的所有事件,系统被认定为与第一代早,此后仍然有效。 It is interesting to notice that the only certain occurrence of the word "Gemara" in the sense of "Talmud" ('Er. 32b) is found in connection with an account which throws a flood of light upon the first stages of the redaction of the Talmud.有趣的是注意到,唯一的单词“革马拉”,在“塔木德经”的感觉('呃。32B)一定是发生在其中的帐户抛出后的密文的第一阶段的光连接发现洪水犹太法典。 This account begins with the interpretation of 'Er.此帐户开始了“二的解释。iii.三。4, and is as follows: "R. Ḥiyya b. Abba, R. Assi [Palestinian amoraim in Babylon], and Rabba b. Nathan sat; and beside them sat also Rab Naḥman. They sat and said [here follows a dialectic discussion on the nature of the place of the tree mentioned in the paragraph of the Mishnah]. Then R. Naḥman said: 'It is correct; and Samuel also has approved of this explanation.'4,如下:“R.ḤiyyaB.阿爸,R.阿西[巴勒斯坦巴比伦亚摩兰]和Rabba B.弥敦道坐,并在他们旁边还坐着拉布Naḥman他们坐下,说[这里如下辩证的讨论。上树的地方自然提到的mishnah段] R.Naḥman接着说:“它是正确的;和萨穆埃尔也有这种解释的批复”Then the first three asked: 'Hast thou established this explanation in the Gemara?'然后第一个三问:“难道你成立于革马拉这个解释?”[ie, "Hast thou included it as a fixed element in the Talmud?[即,“难道你包含它作为一个固定在塔木德元素?Naḥman answers in the affirmative, whereupon a confirmatory amoraic tradition is added; and, in the name of Samuel, Rab Naḥman interprets the mishnaic passage under consideration in the light of that exegesis]." The term "ḳaba'" ("establish") was used in a later age by Sherira Gaon to designate the incorporation of portions that were used to make up the Talmud into its text (see Lewy, "Interpretation des Ersten Abschnitts des Palästinischen Talmud-Traktates Nesikin," p. 4; Bacher, in "Hebrew Union College Annual," 1904, p. 34), while in the Talmud itself the word was applied to the redaction of tannaitic traditions (see RH 32a, above; Ḳid. 25a; Sanh. 21b; Zeb. 114b). This account, which dates from the beginning of the amoraic period in the Academy of Nehardea, is, curiously enough, an isolated instance; for among the many dates and accounts which the Talmud contains in reference to the academy and its members, there is no direct statement concerning the redaction of the text, either in its earlier stages or at its conclusion, although certain statements on divergent traditions of amoraic sayings and discussions afford an idea of the way in which the Talmudic text emerged from the various versions given by the scholars and schools that transmitted it. These statements, which have been collected by Lewy (lc pp. 4-14), use the verb "tanni" ("pa'el" from ) in referring to lectures on the Talmudic text as well as amoraic sayings or discussions on them (Bacher, "Terminologie der Amoräer," p. 239). Thus it is stated (Shab. 48b; BB 86a) that at Sura a certain interpretation was given in the name of Ḥisda and at Pumbedita in that of Kahana. There are a number of other similar statements concerning traditions, in regard to differences, as between Sura and Pumbedita, and between Sura and Nehardea, in the wording of the amoraic sayings and in their ascribed authorship (Giṭ. 35a). Especially frequent is the mention of amoraim of the fourth and fifth centuries as transmitters of these divergent statements, either two amoraim being named as authorities for two different versions, or an amora being cited as opposing another version to an anonymous tradition. As examples of the former may be mentioned Rabba and Joseph (Zeb. 25b), Pappa and Zebid (Shab. 66b), Kahana and Tabyomi (Ned. 16b), Ashi and Mar Zuṭra (Shab. 119a), and Rabina and Aḥa (Ket. 31b); while many other instances are cited by Lewy (lc).答案是肯定的Naḥman,于是了验证amoraic传统加和,在萨穆埃尔的名字,RABNaḥman解释正在考虑在该注释光的mishnaic通过]“术语”哈巴河县'“(”建立“)。是使用Sherira Gaon指定该被用来制造成其文本犹太法典(见路易,“解读DES Ersten Abschnitts DES Palästinischen塔木德 - Traktates Nesikin”,第4部分纳入在以后的年龄;巴切尔,在“希伯来联合学院周年,”1904年,第34页),而在犹太法典本身这个词被应用到tannaitic传统节录(见RH 32A以上;孩子25A; Sanh 21B;。瑞伯114B)这帐户,这从在Nehardea学院amoraic期开始的日期,是,奇怪的是,一个孤立的实例,为在众多的日期和账目的犹太法典中提到了学院和它的成员包括,没有直接的声明有关的文字节录,无论是在它的早期阶段或在其结论,虽然在amoraic熟语和讨论不同的传统负担的某些陈述的方式,从塔木德文本的学者提供的各种版本出现的想法,学校是传播这些声明,这已被路易(立法会页4-14)收集,使用指讲座塔木德文本以及amoraic熟语动词“坦妮”(“pa'el”从) ,或对他们的讨论(巴切尔,“Terminologie DER Amoräer,”第239页)因此,它是说(Shab. 48B; BB 86A),在苏拉一定的解释是在Ḥisda名称和Pumbedita给予的Kahana的 有一个关于方面的分歧,苏拉和Pumbedita之间,与苏拉和Nehardea在amoraic熟语措辞和作者在他们的冲高,(Giṭ.35A)的传统,其他类似的语句的数量,特别是频繁在亚摩兰为这些不同的陈述发射的第四和第五世纪提到,两根亚摩兰被评为机关两个不同的版本,或阿莫拉被视为反对另一个版本,以匿名的传统引,由于前者的例子可提到Rabba和约瑟夫(Zeb. 25B),Pappa和Zebid(Shab. 66B),Kahana和Tabyomi(Ned. 16B),阿和MarZuṭra(Shab. 119A)和雷比内和AHA(Ket. 31B),而许多其他实例引用由路易(LC)。

Technical Terms for Tradition.对于传统的技术术语。

Particularly interesting are the cases in which a divergent account is presented before Ashi, and thus before the one who projected the definitive redaction of the Talmud, Ashi appearing in all these cases as representing the version first given.特别有趣的是在其中一个发散帐户是阿之前提出的案件,从而在一个谁预测的犹太法典,在所有这些为代表的第一个版本的情况下给予明确的节录出现阿。 Thus the amora Mordecai said to Ashi: "Thou teachest thus; but we teach differently" (Men. 42b; Ber. 5a).因此,阿莫拉末底改说阿:“你teachest因此,但我们教导不同”(Men. 42B;误码率5A)。In addition to such statements, which are ascribed to members of the Babylonian academies, and which indicate divergencies in amoraic tradition, the extant text of the Talmud contains also a number of othervariants, which are included without such statements.除了这些声明,这是归因于巴比伦的院校成员,这表明在amoraic传统分歧,在现存的犹太法典文本还包含了othervariants数,这是没有这样的报表。 These are introduced by such formulas as "And if you will say (), referring to other authorities, or "There are those who say," or "There are those who teach," and similar phrases. The expression "another version" () frequently appears in the text as a superscription to a divergent account (Naz. 9b; B. Ḳ. 59a; Ḥul. 119b; Tem. 5a, 6a, 9b; 11b, 30b [comp. Frankel in "Monatsschrift," 1861, x. 262]; Niddah 29a, 38a). All these instances afford an idea, even though but an imperfect one, of the gradual development of the Talmudic text. To comprehend why only practically a single Talmud was produced, despite the various academies, the great number of authoritative transmitters of the mass of material, and the number of generations that collaborated on the work, it must be borne in mind that there was a continual interchange of ideas between the academies, and that the numerous pupils of the successive generations who memorized the Talmud, and perhaps committed at least a part of it to writing, drew from a single source, namely, the lectures of their masters and the discussions in the academies; further, that, since the work on the Talmud was continued without interruption along the lines laid down by the first generation of amoraim, all succeeding generations may be regarded as one body of scholars who produced a work which was, to all intents and purposes, uniform. This unity finds its expression in the phraseology adopted in the anonymous framework of the Talmud, which terms the authors "we," exactly as a writer speaks of himself as "I" in an individual work. Examples of this phraseology occur in the following formulas: ("We then raised the question"; see Shab. 6b, 71a, 99b; Yoma 74a, 79b; Suk. 33a; Meg. 22a; Yeb. 29b; Ḳid. 49a; Giṭ. 60b; Shebu. 22b; 'Ab. Zarah 35a, 52b; Niddah 6b); ("We have opposed [another teaching to the one which has been quoted]"); ("We have learned," or, in other words, "have received by tradition"), the conventional formula which introduces mishnaic passages; and, finally, ("Whence have we it?"), the regular preface to an inquiry regarding the Biblical basis of a saying. In all these formulas the "we" denotes the authors of the Talmud regarded as a collective unity, and as the totality of the members of the academies whose labors, covering three centuries of collaboration, resulted in the Talmud. It was in the Babylonian Academy of Sura, moreover, that the final redaction of the Talmud took place, the very academy that took the lead in the first century of the amoraic period; and the uniformity of the Talmud was thus assured, even to the place of its origin.这些都是通过下列公式引入“如果你会说(),指的是其他机构,或”有那些谁说,“或”有那些谁教“等类似的短语,表达”另一版本“( )频频出现在作为上标文本到不同的帐户(Naz. 9B; B.Ḳ59A;讫119B;。泰姆5A,6A,9B; 11B,30B [COMP弗兰克尔在“月刊,”1861年, X. 262]; Niddah 29A,38A)所有这些实例负担的想法,但即使一个不完美的一对犹太法典文本的逐步发展,要切实理解为什么只有一个单一的犹太法典制作,尽管各院校。在对材料的质量,以及几代人合作的工作数量大量权威的发射机,它必须铭记的是有一个思想不断院校之间的交流,以及对后代的无数学生谁记住了犹太法典,也许犯下至少它的一部分,以书面形式,吸引了来自单一来源,即它们的主人和院校的讨论讲座;进一步说,由于对犹太法典的工作继续进行,没有沿所定的第一代亚摩兰上下行中断,所有后代可能是作为一个学者谁制作了工作,是向所有意图和目的,统一的机构认为,这种团结发现在其通过的用语表达匿名框架的犹太法典,这方面的作者“我们”,正是作为一个作家说,作为“我”自己一个人在此工作用语的例子发生在下面的公式:(“然后,我们提出的问题”,见。沙巴6B,71A,99B;山脉74A,79B;淑33A;梅格22A; YEB 29B;孩子49A;混帐60B;。射埠22B;'抗体Zarah 35A,52B; Niddah 6B)( “我们反对[另一个教学,目前已援引一位]”)(“我们已经了解到,”或者,换句话说,“都收到由传统”),常规公式介绍的mishnaic通道,以及最后(“从哪里有我们吗?”),经常序言询问关于一个说法圣经的基础上,在所有这些公式中的“我们”指的犹太法典作为一个集体的团结视为作者,并作为整体在院校的劳动力,覆盖三个世纪的合作成员,导致犹太法典,它是在巴比伦学院的苏拉,此外,在最后的犹太法典节录发生了,非常学院发生在第一个带头世纪的amoraic期,以及统一的犹太法典因此保证,甚至到了它的产地。

Date of Redaction.日期的节录。

The statements already made concerning the continuous redaction of the Babylonian Talmud apply with equal force to the Yerushalmi, this fact being expressed by Lewy (lc pp. 14-15) in the following words: "In Palestine, as in Babylon, there may have been different Talmudim in the various schools at different periods. . . . Similarly in the Palestinian Talmud different versions of amoraic sayings are quoted in the names of different authors, from which it may be inferred that these authors learned and taught different Talmudim."已经作出有关的巴比伦犹太法典连续节录同样适用于对耶路莎米的声明,这一事实被路易(信用证页14-15)表现为以下的话:“在巴勒斯坦在巴比伦,有可能产生被不同Talmudim在各个学校在不同的时期。同样在巴勒斯坦犹太法典的amoraic熟语不同版本均以不同的作者,从中可以推断,这些作者的经验和教不同Talmudim的名字。“ Lewy speaks also (lcp 20) of several redactions which preceded the final casting of the Palestinian Talmud into its present form.路易说话也(LCP 20),其中前将其目前的形式巴勒斯坦犹太法典的最后铸造几个节录。The actual condition of affairs can scarcely be formulated in these terms, however, since the divergencies consist, for the most part, of mere variants in certain sentences, or in the fact that there were different authors and transmitters of them; and although many of these deviations are cited by R. Jonah and R. Jose, who lived and taught contemporaneously at Tiberias, this fact scarcely justifies the assumption that there were two different Talmudim, one taught by Jonah and the other by Jose; it will nevertheless be evident, from the statements cited above, that the Talmud existed in some definite form throughout the amoraic period, and that, furthermore, its final redaction was preceded by other revisions.该事务的实际情况制定几乎可以在这些方面,但是,由于分歧组成,在大多数情况下,仅仅在某些句子的变种,还是在实际上有不同的作者,其中发射机;虽然许多这些偏差是由R.约拿和R.圣何塞,谁住在太巴列contemporaneously,教引,这一事实证明几乎假设有两种不同的Talmudim,一个由约拿和其他由何塞教授,它仍将是显而易见的,从上面提到的声明,即犹太法典中存在的一些明确的形式在整个amoraic时期,而且,而且,其最后节录了其他修改之前。 It may likewise be assumed that the contemporaneous schools of Tiberias, Sepphoris, and Cæsarea in Palestine taught the Talmud in different redactions in the fourth century.它同样可能被认为太巴列的同期学校,Sepphoris,并在巴勒斯坦凯撒利亚讲授不同的节录在第四世纪的犹太法典。 Lewy assumes, probably with correctness, that in the case of Yerushalmi the treatise Neziḳin (the three treatises Baba Ḳamma, Baba Meẓi'a, and Baba Batra) was taken from a redaction differing from that of the other treatises.路易假设,可能与正确性,在耶路莎米的论文Neziḳin(三个论文巴巴业力,巴巴Meẓi'a和巴巴巴特拉)的情况下是从来自其他论文是采取不同的节录。 (Allusion has already been made to a difference of content between the first two and the last two orders of the Yerushalmi.) With regard to Babli. (典故已作出的内容之间的前两个和最后两个耶路莎米订单的区别。)关于Babli。Frankel has shown ("Monatsschrift," x. 194) that the treatise Tamid, in which only three chapters out of seven are accompanied by a Talmud, belongs to a different redaction from that of the other treatises; and he endeavors to show, in like manner (ib. p. 259), both "that the redactor of the treatise Ḳiddushin is not identical with that of Baba Batra and Nedarim," and "that the redactor of the treatise Giṭṭin is not the same as that of Keritot and Baba Batra."弗兰克尔证明(“月刊,”X 194)的论文Tamid,其中只有三个出七个章节是由塔木德的陪同下,属于从其他论文,不同的节录,以及他努力显示,在喜欢的方式(同上第259页),既“,该论文Ḳiddushinredactor的不符合巴巴巴特拉和Nedarim是相同的,”和“,该论文Giṭṭinredactor的是不一样的Keritot和巴巴相同巴特拉“。 However, as these remarks refer to the final redaction of the Talmud, they do not touch upon the abstract unity of the work as emphasized above.但是,由于这些言论指的是最后节录的犹太法典,他们不涉及工作的抽象的团结,强调以上。 It is sufficient to assume, therefore, that the final redaction of the several treatises was based on the versions used in the different academies.它足以承担,因此,在最后的几个论文节录于在不同的院校所使用的版本为基础。 It may be postulated, on the whole, that the Palestinian Talmud received its present form at Tiberias, and the Babylonian Talmud at Sura (comp. the passages in Yerushalmi in which [= "here"] refers to Tiberias, and those in Babli in which the same word denotes Sura [Lewy, lcp 4]).这可能是推测,从总体上看,巴勒斯坦犹太法典收到以其目前的形式在太巴列,而在苏拉巴比伦塔木德(comp.在耶路莎米通道,其中[=“这里”]指的是太巴列,并在Babli那些这同一个词是指苏拉[路易,LCP 4])。

The chief data regarding the academies of Palestine and Babylon, whose activity resulted in the Talmud, have been set forth elsewhere (see Jew. Encyc. i. 145-148, sv Academies), so that here stress need be laid only on those events in the history of the two schools and of their teachers which are especially noteworthy in connection with the origin and the final redaction of the two Talmudim.关于巴勒斯坦和巴比伦,其活动在犹太法典的结果,院校主要数据已经提出了在其他地方(见犹太人。百科全书。岛145-148,SV学院),所以在这里需要强调只有在这些事件奠定在两所学校和教师是在与原产地和两个Talmudim最后节录连接尤其值得注意的历史。 It may be said, by way of preface, that the academies of Palestine and Babylon were in constant intercommunication, notwithstanding their geographical position.可以说,由序言方式,即巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的院校都在不断地互通,尽管他们的地理位置。Many prominent Babylonian scholars settled permanently in Palestine, and many eminent Palestinians sojourned in Babylon for some time, or even for a considerable portion of their lives.许多著名学者巴比伦永久定居在巴勒斯坦,和许多著名的巴勒斯坦人在巴比伦旅居一段时间,甚至为他们的生活相当一部分。 In the second half of the third century Babylonian students sought the Palestinian schools with especial frequency, while many pupils of Johanan went during the same period to Babylon; and in the troublous days of the fourth century many Palestinian scholars sought refuge in the more quiet regions along the Euphrates.在第三个世纪下半叶巴比伦学生寻求与特殊频率的巴勒斯坦学校,而许多学生约哈难在同一时期到巴比伦去,并在第四世纪的焦急天许多巴勒斯坦学者寻求在更安静的地区避难沿幼发拉底河。 This uninterrupted association of scholars resulted in an active interchange of ideas between the schools, especially as the activity of both was devoted in the main to the study of the Mishnah.这不间断协会的学者造成了学校之间的积极交换意见,尤其是在两个活动是在主要致力于研究的mishnah。The Jerusalem Talmud accordingly contains a large number of sayings by Babylonian authorities, and Babli quotes a still larger number of sayings by Palestinian scholars in addition to the proceedings of the Palestinian academies, while it likewise devotes a very considerable space to the halakic and haggadic teachings of such Palestinian masters as Johanan, Simeon b.耶路撒冷犹太法典相应包含由巴比伦当局的说法众多,并Babli引号的巴勒斯坦学者的说法仍然较大,除对巴勒斯坦院校的诉讼数量,同时它也专门用了非常可观的空间给halakic和haggadic教诲为约哈难,西麦B.巴勒斯坦等大师 Laḳish, and Abbahu. Laḳish和Abbahu。Anonymous Palestinian sentences are quoted in Babli with the statement, "They say in the West"; and similar maxims of Babylonian origin are quoted in Yerushalmi in the name of "the scholars there."匿名巴勒斯坦句话是在Babli引述他的发言,“他们说,在西部大开发”,以及类似的格言是巴比伦起源于耶路莎米引用的名义“的学者那里。” Both the Talmudim thus acquired more traits in common than they had formerly possessed despite their common foundation, while owing to the mass of material which Babli received from the schools of the Holy Land it was destined in a measure to supplant the Palestinian Talmud even in Palestine.无论是Talmudim从而获得更多的共同点比他们以前,尽管他们拥有共同的基础,特征,同时由于对材料Babli从圣地它是注定要取代的措施,即使在巴勒斯坦巴勒斯坦塔木德学校接到群众。

Activity of Jonah and Jose.活动约拿及荷西。

The history of the origin of Yerushalmi covers a period of two centuries.而在耶路莎米起源的历史涵盖了两个世纪的时期。Its projector was Johanan, the great teacher of Tiberias, who, together with his pupils and contemporaries, some of them of considerable prominence, laid the foundations for the work which was continued by succeeding generations.它的投影机是约哈难,在太巴列伟大的老师,谁,与他的学生和同时代人,其中一些相当突出,奠定了这是由后代继续工作的基础。 The extreme importance of Johanan in the genesis of the Palestinian Talmud seems to have been the basis of the belief, which first found expression in the twelfth century, although it is certainly older in origin, that he was the author of Yerushalmi (see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 47b).约哈难在巴勒斯坦犹太法典起源的极端重要性,似乎一直是相信,这首先发现于十二世纪的表达,虽然它的基础肯定是年长的出身,他是作者的耶路莎米(见弗兰克尔, “湿润烧伤膏”,第47B)。As a matter of fact, however, almost a century and a half elapsed after the death of Johanan (279) before this Talmud received its present form, but it was approximated to this form, toward the end of the fourth century, by Jonah and Jose, the two directors of the Academy of Tiberias.由于事实上,然而,几乎是一个半世纪后,经过约哈难(279)死亡在此之前犹太法典收到以其目前的形式,但它是近似这种形式,向第四世纪末约拿,和圣何塞,在太巴列学院的两名董事。 Their joint halakic sentences, controversies, and divergent opinions on the utterances of their predecessors are scattered throughout Yerushalmi; but the conclusion that Jose redacted it twice, which has been drawn from certain statements in this Talmud, is incorrect (Frankel, lcp 101a; Weiss, "Dor," iii. 113 et seq., 211; see Lewy, lc pp. 10, 17; Halevy, "Dorot ha-Rishonim," ii. 322).他们联合halakic判决,争议,和前人的话语不同的意见是分散在整个耶路莎米,但这样的结论何塞节录两次,这已经从这个犹太法典中得出的某些陈述,是不正确的(弗兰克尔,LCP 101A;魏斯,“多尔,”三113页起,211;见路易,立法会第10,17; Halevy,“Dorot公顷Rishonim,”二322)。 Jonah's son Mani, one of the scholars most frequently named in Yerushalmi, seems, after studying at Cæsarea, where noteworthy scholars were living in the fourth century, to have raised the school of Sepphoris to its highest plane; and a large number of the sayings of the "scholars of Cæsarea" was included in Yerushalmi (see "Monatsschrift," 1901, pp. 298-3l0).约拿的儿子玛尼,最经常在耶路莎米命名的学者之一,看来,以后在该撒利亚,其中值得一提的学者们生活在第四世纪,提出了Sepphoris学校的最高境界是学习,以及对熟语大量的“的cæsarea学者”在耶路莎米包括(见“月刊,”1901年,第298 - 3l0)。The only other halakist of importance among the Palestinian amoraim is Jose b.只有在巴勒斯坦亚摩兰的其他重要halakist是何湾Abin (or Abun).阿斌(或丰度)。 According to Frankel (lcp 102a), he occupied about the same position in regard to the redaction of Yerushalmi as was held by Ashi in regard to that of Babli (see also Weiss, lc iii. 117).据弗兰克尔(LCP 102A),他约占在关于耶路莎米节录的是由阿举行的关于对Babli相同的位置(见魏斯,立法会三117)。The final redaction of the Talmud was reserved for the succeeding generation, probably because the activity of the Academy of Tiberias ceased with the discontinuance of the patriarchate (c. 425).的犹太法典最后redaction是保留给后代子孙,大概因为太巴列学院活动与东正教终止(约425)停止。This was the time during which Tanḥuma b.这是时间,期间Tanḥuma湾Abba (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 502) made his collection and definite literary arrangement of the haggadic exegesis of the amoraic period.阿巴(见巴切尔,“银。帕尔。阿莫尔。”三502)做了他的收集和明确的训诂的amoraic期haggadic文学的安排。 The beginnings of the Babylonian Talmud are associated both with Nehardea, where the study of the tradition had flourished even before the close of the tannaitic period, and with Sura, where Rab founded a new academy which soon surpassed Nehardea in importance.的巴比伦犹太法典的起源与​​Nehardea既相关联,这里的传统研究甚至前的tannaitic期结束蓬勃发展,并与苏拉,在那里建立了一个新的学院拉布很快超过了它的重要性Nehardea。 Rab and Samuel, who respectively presided with equal distinction over the two schools, laid the foundation of the Babylonian Talmud through their comments on the Mishnah and their other teachings.拉布和萨穆埃尔,谁与平等的区别分别主持了两所学校,通过铺设在mishnah和他们的其他教导他们的意见的巴比伦犹太法典的基础。 Their views are frequently contrasted in the form of controversies; but on the other hand they are often mentioned as the common authors of sentences which were probably transmitted by certain pupils who had heard them from both masters.对比他们的观点经常在争议的形式,但另一方面他们往往因为其中很可能是由来自谁听说过他们的主人一定的学生传播句子的共同作者提及。 One of these pupils, Judah b.其中的一个学生,犹大湾Ezekiel, when asked to explain some of the more obscure portions of the Mishnah, subsequently alluded plaintively to the "hawayyot" of Rab and Samuel, meaning thereby the questions and comments of the two masters on the entire Mishnah (Ber. 20a and parallels).以西结,当被要求解释的mishnah一些较为模糊的部分,随后提到哀怨的“hawayyot”的RAB和萨穆埃尔,意义的问题,并由此对整个米示拿(Ber. 20A和Parallels)的两位大师的意见。In like manner, scholars of the fourth century spoke of the hawayot of Abaye and Raba, which formed, as it were, the quintessence of the Talmud, and which, according to an anachronistic addition to an old baraita, were even said to have been included in the branches of knowledge familiar to Johanan b.同样地,第四世纪学者的Abaye和拉巴,这就形成,因为它是,该塔木德的精髓,并根据不合时宜的除了一个老baraita hawayot说话,甚至说已经包括在知识的熟悉约哈难乙分行Zakkai (Suk. 28a; BB 134a). Zakkai(Suk. 28A; BB 134A)。

Activity of Raba.活动的拉巴。

The pupils of Rab and Samuel, the leading amoraim of the second half of the third century-Huna, Ḥisda, Naḥman b.在拉布和萨穆埃尔,在第三世纪的小娜,Ḥisda下半年领先亚摩兰,NaḥmanB的学生Jacob, Sheshet, and the Judah mentioned above, who is especially prominent as a transmitter of the sayings of his two teachers-added a mass of material to the Talmud; and the last-named founded the Academy of Pumbedita, where, as at Sura, the development of the Talmud was continued.雅各,Sheshet和犹大如上所述,谁是尤其是作为对他的两个突出的教师的说法发射机,增加了材料质量的犹太法典,以及最后命名创立了Pumbedita学院,在那里,截至苏拉,对犹太法典的发展继续进行。 Pumbedita was likewise the birth-place of that casuistic and hair-splitting method of interpreting and criticizing halakic passages which forms the special characteristic of the Babylonian Talmud, although the scholars of this academy devoted themselves also to the study of the collections of tannaitic traditions; and at the beginning of the fourth century the representatives of the two movements, "Sinai" Joseph and Rabbah, the "uprooter of mountains," succeeded their master Judah and became the directors of the school. Pumbedita是同样的那解释和批评形成的巴比伦犹太法典的特点halakic通道诡辩和头发分裂法出生的地方,虽然这个学院的学者潜心也给了tannaitic传统的收藏研究;并在第四世纪初的两个运动的代表,“西奈”约瑟夫和拉巴,有“山uprooter,”犹大成功自己的主人,成为学校的董事。 Their sayings and controversies, together with the still more important dicta and debates of their pupils Abaye and Raba, form a considerable part of the material of the Talmud, which was greatly increased at the same time by the halakic and haggadic sentences brought from Palestine to Babylon.他们的说法和争议,再加上更重要的格言和他们的学生辩论Abaye和拉巴,形成的犹太法典材料,它是在同一时间大大增加,从巴勒斯坦带来了halakic和haggadic句子相当一部分巴比伦。 All the six orders of the Mishnah were then studied, as is statedby Raba (not Rabba; see Rabbinovicz, "Diḳduḳe Soferim," on Ta'anit, p. 144), although in Judah's time the lectures had been confined to the fourth order, or, according to the view of Weiss ("Dor," iii. 187), which is probably correct, to the first four orders (comp. Meg. 28b; Ta'an. 24a, b; Sanh. 106b; Raba's pupil Pappa expresses a similar view in Ber. 20a).所有六个订单的mishnah再研究,因为是statedby拉巴(不Rabba见Rabbinovicz,“DiḳduḳeSoferim,”关于Ta'anit,第144页),虽然在犹大的一次演讲已经局限在四阶,或根据魏斯(“多尔,”三187),这可能是正确的,到了前四的订单视图(comp.梅格28B;。Ta'an 24A,B; Sanh 106B;拉巴的瞳孔Pappa表达了误码率。20A类似的观点)。

Rab's activity marks the culmination of the work on the Talmud.拉布活动标志着犹太法典上的工作成果。 The time had now come when the preservation and arrangement of the material already collected were more important than further accretions.现在的时间已经到来的保存和已经收集到的材料进一步安排均超过增生的重要。Naḥman b.NaḥmanB.Isaac, pupil and successor of Raba (d. 352), whom he survived but four years, expressed the task of the epigoni in the following words (Pes. 105b): "I am neither a sage nor a seer, nor even a scholar as contrasted with the majority. I am a transmitter ["gamrana"] and an arranger ["sadrana"]."艾萨克,瞳孔和拉巴(草352),他幸免于难,但四年来,表达了在下面的话epigoni(Pes. 105B)任务的继任者:“我既不是圣人,也不是预言家,甚至也没有一个学者作为对比的是多数。我是一个发射器[“gamrana”]和编曲[“sadrana”]。“ The combination of the former term with the latter, which occurs only here, very concisely summarizes the activity of the redactor.此次与后者,只发生在这里,前项组合非常简洁地概括了的redactor活动。It is clear that Naḥman b.很显然,Naḥman湾Isaac actually engaged in this task from the fact that he is mentioned as the Babylonian amora who introduced Mnemonics ("simanim"), designed to facilitate the memorizing and grouping of Talmudic passages and the names of their authors.艾萨克实际上从事这项工作的,他是谁介绍的巴比伦阿莫拉助记符(“simanim”),旨在方便记忆和犹太法典通道和其作者的姓名分组中提到的事实。 The mnemonics ascribed to him in the Talmud (see J. Brüll, "Die Mnemonotechnik des Talmuds," p. 21; Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 134), however, constitute only a very small part of the simanim included in the text of that work.在犹太法典赋予他(;“ 银巴布阿穆尔”见J. Brüll,“模具Mnemonotechnik DES Talmuds”,第21巴切尔,第134页)的助记符,但是,只占了很小的一部分simanim包括在该工作文本。These again form but a remnant of the entire mass of what N. Brüll ("Jahrb." ii. 60) terms the "mnemotechnic apparatus," of which only a portion was included in the printed text of the Talmud, although many others may be traced both in the manuscripts of the Talmud and in ancient citations (see N. Brüll, lc pp. 62 et seq., 118 et seq.).但这些又形成了整个质量残余什么N. Brüll(“Jahrb。”二60)条款“mnemotechnic仪器”,其中只有一部分是在塔木德印文在内,虽然很多人可能追溯到无论是在塔木德的手稿和古代文献(见N. Brüll,立法会第62页起,118页起)。The material, to which the epigoni of the second half of the fourth century had added little, was now ready for its final redaction; and it was definitively edited by Ashi (d. 427), who during his long period of activity infused fresh life into the Academy of Sura.的材料,其中的第四世纪下半叶epigoni没有增加多少,现在供其最后节录准备,以及它是明确由芦(四427),谁在他的长期活动注入新鲜的生活编辑进入苏拉学院。 In view of his recognized authority, little was left for the two succeeding generations, except to round out the work, since another redaction was no longer possible.在他被认可的权威,很少有人离开这两个后代,除了全面开展的工作,因为另一个节录已不再可能。The work begun by Ashi was completed by Rabina (Abina), whose death in 499 marks, according to an ancient tradition, the end of the amoraic period and the completion of the redaction of the Talmud.由阿开始这项工作是由雷比内完成(Abina),其死亡499马克,根据一个古老的传统,在amoraic期和节录的犹太法典完成结束。

Committed to Writing.致力于写作。

The date at which the Talmud was committed to writing is purely conjectural.在该塔木德是致力于写作日期是纯粹的推测。The work itself contains neither statements nor allusions to show that any complete or partial copy of the work redacted and completed by Ashi and Rabina had been made in their days; and the same lack of information characterizes both Yerushalmi and the Mishnah (the basis of both the Talmudim), as well as the other works of the tannaitic period.这项工作本身含有既不报表,也不典故表明,任何节录和阿和雷比内完成的工作全部或部分复制已经在其日内作出;和信息缺乏的特点都相同yerushalmi和米示拿(两者的基础在Talmudim),以及作为tannaitic时期的其他作品。 There are, however, allusions, although they are only sporadic, which show that the Halakah and the Haggadah were committed to writing; for copies were described as being in the possession of individual scholars, who were occasionally criticized for owning them.有,但是,典故,虽然他们只是零星的,这表明的halakah和哈加达都致力于写作,为份,如在个别学者,谁是偶尔批评为拥有他们拥有被描述。 This censure was based on an interdiction issued in the third century, which forbade any one to commit the teachings of tradition to writing or to use a manuscript of such a character in lecturing (see Giṭ. 60a; Tem. 14b).这种指责是根据在第三世纪发出停职,其中禁止任何人以犯传统的教诲,以书面或使用在讲课的这种性格手稿(见混帐60A;。泰姆14B)。 Replying to the scholars of Kairwan, Sherira Gaon in his letter (ed. Neubauer, "MJC" i. 26) alludes to this prohibition as follows: "In answer to your question asking when the Mishnah and the Talmud were respectively committed to writing, it should be said that neither of them was thus transmitted, but both were arranged [redacted] orally; and the scholars believe it to be their duty to recite them from memory, and not from written copies."在回答他的信(编辑纽鲍尔,“澳门赛马会”岛26)至Kairwan,Sherira Gaon学者暗示这一禁令如下:“在回答你的问题问时mishnah和犹太法典分别致力于写作,应该说,他们没有因此传播,但都被安排[节录]口服;和学者认为这是他们的责任,他们背诵记忆,从书面副本不是“ From the second part of this statement it is evident that even in Sherira's time the "scholars," a term here restricted to the members of the Babylonian academies, refrained from using written copies of the Talmud in their lectures, although they were sufficiently familiar with it to be able to recite it from memory.从这个声明的第二部分很明显,即使在Sherira的时间,“学者”一词在这里限制的巴比伦院校的成员,使用在他们讲课塔木德经书面副本忍住了,虽然他们充分熟悉它要能背诵记忆体中。 The statement that the exilarch Naṭronai (8th cent.), who emigrated to Spain, wrote a copy of the Talmud from memory (see Brüll, "Jahrb." ii. 51), would show that the scholars of the geonic period actually knew the work by heart.声明说,exilarchNaṭronai(8美分),谁移民到西班牙,从内存中写道(见Brüll,“Jahrb。”二51)对犹太法典的副本,将显示,若尼克时期的学者居然知道工作的核心。 Although this statement is not altogether free from suspicion, it at least proves that it was believed to be within the powers of this exilarch to make a copy of the Talmud without having an original at hand.虽然这种说法是不完全的自由,从怀疑,它至少证明,它被认为在本exilarch的权力是使手,而不必在原始的犹太法典的副本。 This passage also throws light upon the period of the development and redac tion of the Talmud, during which the ability to memorize the mass of material taught in the schools was developed to an extent which now transcends conception.这段话后,也引发了对犹太法典的发展和redac TION期光,在此期间能够记住,在学校教材料的质量是发展到现在的程度超越概念。

On the other hand, Sherira's statement shows that his denial of the existence of the Talmud and the Mishnah in written form was limited to an officially recognized redaction; for manuscripts of the kind mentioned by him were then current, as they had been in the geonic period, despite the interdiction; for they were used at least as aids to study, and without them the Talmud could not possibly have been memorized.另一方面,Sherira的声明表明,他对犹太法典,并以书面形式米示拿的存在拒绝被限制在官方认可的节录,对他所说的那种手稿当时的,因为他们在若尼克被期间,尽管停职,因为他们使用了至少为艾滋病研究,如果没有当时的犹太法典不可能被记忆。 In like manner, this prohibition, in the light of Sherira's words, does not preclude the existence of private copies of portions of the traditional literature, even in earlier times.同样地,这项禁令,在Sherira的话轻,不排除对传统文学的部分传抄的存在,甚至在更早的时候。The concealed rolls ("megillot setarim") with halakic comments which Rab found in the house of his uncle Ḥiyya (Shab. 6b; BM 92a), as well as the note-books (πίνακες) mentioned at the beginning of the amoraic period and in which such scholars as Levi b.隐蔽卷(“megillot setarim”)与该拉布在他的叔叔Ḥiyya(Shab. 6B; BM 92A)家发现halakic意见,以及注意图书(πίνακες)在amoraic期开始所提及其中作为利维湾等学者Sisi, Joshua b.思思,约书亚乙 Levi, Ze'iri, and Ḥilfai or Ilfa (Shab. 156a; Yer. Ma'as. 49d, 60b; Men. 70a), entered sentences, some of them halakic in character, indicate that such personal copies were frequently used, while the written Haggadah is repeatedly mentioned.列维,Ze'iri和Ḥilfai或Ilfa(Shab. 156A;。也门里亚尔Ma'as 49D,60B;男子70A),进入句子,其中一些在性格halakic,表明这种个人份,经常使用,而书面哈加达一再提及。It may therefore be assumed that the Mishnah and other tannaitic traditional works were committed to writing as early as the time of the Amoraim.因此,可以假定mishnah和其他tannaitic传统的作品都致力于为作为亚摩兰时间早写作。In like manner, there may have been copies of the amoraic comments on the Mishnah, as aids to the memory and to private study.在这样的方式,有可能被对mishnah的amoraic意见副本,艾滋病的内存和私人研究。In the early part of the fourth century Ze'era disputed the accuracy of the halakic tradition taught by the Babylonian amora Sheshet, and as he based his suspicions on Sheshet's blindness,he evidently believed that it was impossible for the Babylonian scholar to confirm and verify his knowledge by the use of written notes (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 4).在第四世纪初Ze'era有争议的,由巴比伦阿莫拉Sheshet教halakic传统的准确性,并作为他的基础上Sheshet的盲目性他的怀疑,他显然认为对巴比伦的学者,这是不可能的确认和验证他的知识由书面说明使用(见巴切尔,“银。帕尔。阿莫尔。”三4)。 When Ashi undertook the final redaction of the Talmud he evidently had at his disposal notes of this kind, although Brüll (lcp 18) is probably correct in ascribing to Rabina the first complete written copy of the Talmud; Rabina had as collaborators many of the Saboraim, to whom an ancient and incontrovertible tradition assigns numerous additions to the Talmudic text.当阿承担了最后的节录的犹太法典他显然已经在他掌握这种笔记,虽然Brüll(LCP 18)大概是指称,以雷比内第一个完整的书面副本犹太法典正确;雷比内曾作为合作者的Saboraim许多,给谁一个古老的,而且是不容置疑的传统分配无数增加的塔木德文本。

No Formal Ratification.没有正式批准。

When Rabina died a written text of the Talmud was already in existence, the material contributed by the Saboraim being merely additions; although in thus extending the text they simply continued what had been done since the first redaction of the Talmud by Ashi.当雷比内死去的犹太法典书面文字是在已经存在,该材料提供者暂时只增加Saboraim;虽然从而延长他们的文字只是持续了哪些自犹太法典第一个由阿密文做。 The Saboraim, however, confined themselves to additions of a certain form which made no change whatsoever in the text as determined by them under the direction of Rabina (on these saboraic additions as well as on other accretions in Babli, see the statements by Brüll, lc pp. 69-86).该Saboraim,但是,囿于自己的某种形式,并没有任何变化,在文本经其下,雷比内确定方向(以下saboraic增加,以及其他在Babli增生的增加,看到Brüll的声明,信用证页69-86)。 Yet there is no allusion whatever to a formal sanction of the written text of the Talmud; for neither did such a ratification take place nor was a formal one at all necessary.然而,没有任何一个典故的书面文字的犹太法典正式处分;对也没有发生这样的批准,也不是在所有必要的形式之一。 The Babylonian academies, which produced the text in the course of 300 years, remained its guardians when it was reduced to writing; and it became authoritative in virtue of its acceptance by the successors of the Amoraim, as the Mishnah had been sanctioned by the latter and was made the chief subject of study, thus becoming a basis for halakic decisions.巴比伦的院校,其中产于300年的历程的文字,仍是其监护人,当它以书面记录,并成为权威凭借其接受由亚摩兰的接班人,为的mishnah已被后者批准并作出了研究的主要课题,从而成为一个halakic决定的依据。 The traditions, however, underwent no further development; for the "horayot," or the independent exegesis of the Mishnah and the halakic decisions based on this exegesis, ceased with Ashi and Rabina, and thus with the completion of the Talmud, as is stated in the canon incorporated in the Talmud itself (BM 86a).的传统,但是,没有进行进一步的发展;为“horayot”,或者的mishnah并在此基础上训诂学halakic决定独立训诂学,与阿和雷比内停止,从而与完成的犹太法典,因为据称在犹太法典本身(BM 86A)纳入了佳能。The Mishnah, the basal work of halakic tradition, thenceforth shared its authority with the Talmud.该mishnah,halakic传统的基础工作,此后共享其与犹太法典的权威。

Among the Jews who came under the influence of western Arabic culture the belief that the Talmud (and the Mishnah) had been redacted orally was superseded by the view that the initial redaction itself had been in writing.在犹太人谁下的西方文化的阿拉伯犹太法典(和米示拿)已节录信念是口头的影响来所取代,最初的密文本身已被书面意见。 This theory was first expressed by R. Nissim of Kairwan ("Mafteaḥ," p. 3b), although even before his time the question addressed, as already noted, to Sherira Gaon by the Jews of Kairwan had shown that they favored this view, and the gaon's response had received an interpolation postulating the written redaction of the Talmud.这一理论最早是由R.表示的Kairwan瓦克宁(“Mafteaḥ”,第3B),虽然他的时间之前解决这个问题,正如已经指出的,由Kairwan犹太人Sherira Gaon表明,他们赞成这个观点,和gaon的反应已收到插值的假设的犹太法典书面节录。

The definitive redaction of the Babylonian Talmud marks a new epoch in the history of the Jewish people, in which the Talmud itself becomes the most important factor, both as the pivotal point of the development and the manifestation of the spirit of Judaism, and as a work of literature deeply influenced by the fortunes of those who cherished it as their palladium.的巴比伦犹太法典明确节录标志着犹太人民,其中犹太法典本身成为最重要的因素都作为发展和犹太教的精神体现的关键点,历史的新时代,并作为文学作品深受那些谁珍惜它作为钯的命运。 On the internal history of Judaism the Talmud exerted a decisive influence as the recognized source for a knowledge of tradition and as the authoritative collection of the traditional religious doctrines which supplemented the Bible; indeed, this influence and the efforts which were made to escape from it, or to restrict it within certain limits, constitute the substance of the inner history of Judaism.在内部历史的犹太教犹太法典施加作为公认的传统知识的来源和传统的宗教教义补充圣经权威集合了决定性的影响,事实上,这种影响力和它作了摆脱它努力,或限制在一定范围内它,构成了历史的犹太教内部物质。 The Babylonian academies, which had gradually become the central authority for the entire Jewish Diaspora, found their chief task in teaching the Talmud, on which they based the answers to the questions addressed to them.巴比伦的院校,这已逐渐成为整个犹太人散居中央的权威,在教学中发现犹太法典的首要任务,在他们的基础上,以解决他们的问题的答案。 Thus was evolved a new science, the interpretation of the Talmud, which produced a literature of wide ramifications, and whose beginnings were the work of the Geonim themselves.因此,发展是一个新的科学,犹太法典,这就产生了广泛影响的文学,其起点是自己工作的Geonim解释。

Influence of the Talmud.犹太法典的影响。

The Talmud and its study spread from Babylon to Egypt, northern Africa, Italy, Spain, France, and Germany, regions destined to become the abodes of the Jewish spirit; and in all these countries intellectual interest centered in the Talmud.犹太法典及其研究蔓延,从巴比伦到埃及,北非,意大利,西班牙,法国,德国,注定要成为犹太精神的住所地区,以及在所有这些国家的智力兴趣集中在犹太法典。 The first great reaction against its supremacy was Karaism, which arose in the very strong-hold of the Geonim within two centuries after the completion of the Talmud.第一个反对它的优势很大反应Karaism,这两个世纪内出现在非常的Geonim强后举行的犹太法典完成。The movement thus initiated and the influence of Arabic culture were the two chief factors which aroused the dormant forces of Judaism and gave inspiration to the scientific pursuits to which the Jewish spirit owed many centuries of marvelous and fruitful activity.因此,该运动发起和阿拉伯文化的影响是两个引起了犹太教的休眠力量,给了灵感,对其中的犹太精神欠下的奇妙和富有成果的活动的许多世纪以来的科学追求的主要因素。 This activity, however, did not infringe in the least on the authority of the Talmud; for although it combined other ideals and intellectual aims with Talmudic study, which it enriched and perfected, the importance of that study was in no wise decried by those who devoted themselves to other fields of learning.这项活动,但是,没有侵犯中最少的犹太法典的权威;因为尽管它结合塔木德的研究,它丰富和完善其他的理想和智力的目的,该研究的重要性是在那些谁谴责任何明智的潜心学习等领域。 Nor did the speculative treatment of the fundamental teachings of Judaism lower the position of the Talmud; for Maimonides, the greatest philosopher of religion of his time, was likewise the greatest student of the Talmud, on which work he endeavored to base his philosophic views.也没有对犹太教的基本教义投机待遇低的犹太法典的地位;对迈蒙尼德,在他那个时代最伟大的哲学家的宗教,也同样的犹太法典,其上工作,他努力的最大基地他的哲学观点的学生。 A dangerous internal enemy of the Talmud, however, arose in the Cabala during the thirteenth century; but it also had to share with the Talmud the supremacy to which it aspired.一个危险的内部敌人的犹太法典,但是,出现在Cabala在13世纪,但它也与大家分享犹太法典至上其所向往。During the decline of intellectual life among the Jews which began in the sixteenth century, the Talmud was regarded almost as the supreme authority by the majority of them; and in the same century eastern Europe, especially Poland, became the seat of its study.在这之中的犹太人在十六世纪开始精神生活下降,犹太法典被认为几乎为最高权威,其中大多数;在同一个世纪东欧,特别是波兰,成为其研究的席位。 Even the Bible was relegated to a secondary place, and the Jewish schools devoted themselves almost exclusively to the Talmud; so that "study" became synonymous with "study of the Talmud."即使圣经是退居次要位置,而犹太学校投身几乎完全向犹太法典;“。研究的犹太法典”,使“学习”成了代名词A reaction against the supremacy of the Talmud came with the appearance of Moses Mendelssohn and the intellectual regeneration of Judaism through its contact with the Gentile culture of the eighteenth century, the results of this struggle being a closer assimilation to European culture, the creation of a new science of Judaism, and the movements for religious reform.一个反对犹太法典至上反应过来与摩西门德尔松的外观,并通过其与十八世纪泰尔文化联系的犹太教知识再生,这是一个更接近欧洲文化同化的斗争中,创造了一个结果新的科学的犹太教,和宗教的改革运动。 Despite the Karaite inclinations which frequently appeared in these movements, the great majority of the followers of Judaism clung to the principle, authoritatively maintained by the Talmud, that tradition supplements the Bible; and the Talmud itself retained tained its authority as the work embodying the traditions of the earliest post-Biblical period, when Judaism was molded.尽管它经常出现在这些运动Karaite倾向,对犹太教的追随者绝大多数固守的原则,由权威的犹太法典,即保持传统补充圣经和犹太法典本身的工作tained保留其权威体现的传统最早的后圣经时期,犹太教是成型。 Modern culture, however, has gradually alienated from the study of the Talmud a number of Jews in the countries of progressive civilization, and it is now regarded by the most of them merely as one of the branches of Jewish theology, to which only a limited amount of time can be devoted, although it occupies a prominent place in the curricula of the rabbinical seminaries.现代文化,然而,已逐渐疏远的犹太法典的犹太人在进步文明的国家研究,它现在被认为是由他们大多只是作为犹太神学的一个分支,其中只有有限的时间可以投入,尽管它占据了在犹太教神学院的课程设置突出的位置。 On the whole Jewish learning has done full justice to the Talmud, many scholars of the nineteenth century having made noteworthy contributions to its history and textual criticism, and having constituted it the basis of historical and archeological researches.在整个犹太人学习做了充分的正义的犹太法典,在十九世纪的许多学者有其历史和考据学作出突出贡献,并具有构成它的历史和考古研究的基础上。 The study of the Talmud has even attracted the attention of non-Jewish scholars; and it has been included in the curricula of universities.该塔木德研究甚至吸引了非犹太学者的关注,并已在大学课程中。

Edict of Justinian.上谕查士丁尼。

The external history of the Talmud reflects in part the history of Judaism persisting in a world of hostility and persecution.该塔木德外部历史,部分反映了历史的犹太教在世界的敌视和迫害坚持。Almost at the very time that the Babylonian saboraim put the finishing touches to the redaction of the Talmud, the emperor Justinian issued his edict against the abolition of the Greek translation of the Bible in the service of the Synagogue, and also forbade the use of the δευτέρωσις, or traditional exposition of Scripture.几乎是在非常时期的巴比伦saboraim把临门一脚的节录的犹太法典,皇帝查士丁尼发表他反对的圣经犹太教堂在希腊语翻译服务取消诏书,也禁止了使用δευτέρωσις,或圣经传统的阐述。 This edict, dictated by Christian zeal and anti-Jewish feeling, was the prelude to attacks on the Talmud, conceived in the same spirit, and beginning in the thirteenth century in France, where Talmudic study was then flourishing.这诏书,由基督教的热情和反犹太人的感情支配,是对犹太法典的前奏攻击,以同样的精神构想,并在法国,在塔木德研究当时蓬勃十三世纪初。 The charge against the Talmud brought by the convert Nicholas Donin led to the first public disputation between Jews and Christians and to the first burning of copies of the work (Paris, 1244).反对犹太法典费由转换尼古拉Donin带来导致了第一个犹太人和基督徒之间的公开争论,并在该作品的复制品第一次燃烧(巴黎,1244)。 The Talmud was likewise the subject of a disputation at Barcelona in 1263 between Moses ben Naḥman and Pablo Christiani.犹太法典也同样是一个在巴塞罗那之间的争议在1263摩西本Naḥman和Pablo克里斯蒂亚尼的主题。 In this controversy Naḥmanides asserted that the haggadic portions of the Talmud were merely "sermones," and therefore devoid of binding force; so that proofs deduced from them in support of Christian dogmas were invalid, even in case they were correct.在这场争论中Naḥmanides宣称的犹太法典的haggadic部分也仅仅是“sermones”,并因此缺乏约束力,因此他们推断,从基督教教条的支持证明是无效的,即使在情况下,他们是正确的。

Attacks on the Talmud.袭击犹太法典。

This same Pablo Christiani made an attack on the Talmud which resulted in a papal bull against it and in the first censorship, which was undertaken at Barcelona by a commission of Dominicans, who ordered the cancelation of passages reprehensible from a Christian point of view (1264).同样的巴勃罗克里斯蒂亚尼作出了袭击犹太法典是在反对罗马教皇的公牛在第一审查,这是在巴塞罗那进行的由多米尼加委托,谁下令从基督教的观点来看(1264的通道应受谴责取消的结果)。 At the disputation of Tortosa in 1413, Geronimo de Santa Fé brought forward a number of accusations, including the fateful assertion that the condemnations of pagans and apostates found in the Talmud referred in reality to Christians.截至1413托尔托萨争议,Geronimo的德圣菲提出的指控,其中包括了决定命运的说法,即对异教徒和叛教者发现在犹太法典的谴责在现实中称为基督徒。 Two years later, Pope Martin V., who had convened this disputation, issued a bull (which was destined, however, to remain inoperative) forbidding the Jews to read the Talmud, and ordering the destruction of all copies of it.两年后,教皇马丁五,谁曾召开这次争论,发出了牛市(这是注定,但是,仍然不起作用)禁止犹太人读塔木德,并下令销毁它的所有副本。 Far more important were the charges made in the early part of the sixteenth century by the convert Johann Pfefferkorn, the agent of the Dominicans.更为重要的是在十六世纪初由约翰Pfefferkorn的转换,对多米尼加代理费。The result of these accusations was a struggle in which the emperor and the pope acted as judges, the advocate of the Jews being Johann Reuchlin, who was opposed by the obscurantists and the humanists; and this controversy, which was carried on for the most part by means of pamphlets, became the precursor of the Reformation.这些指控的结果是斗争,即皇帝和教皇的法官担任,犹太人被约翰Reuchlin,谁是受人文主义反对蒙昧主义和主张,而这种争议,这是进行大部分的通过小册子的手段,成为了改革的前兆。 An unexpected result of this affair was the complete printed edition of the Babylonian Talmud issued in 1520 by Daniel Bomberg at Venice, under the protection of a papal privilege.这件事情的一个意想不到的结果是完整的印刷版的巴比伦犹太法典颁布于1520年由丹尼尔邦贝里在威尼斯,在罗马教皇的特权的保护。 Three years later, in 1523, Bomberg published the first edition of the Palestinian Talmud.三年后,在1523年,邦贝里出版了第一版的巴勒斯坦犹太法典。After thirty years the Vatican, which had first permitted the Talmud to appear in print, undertook a campaign of destruction against it.经过三十多年的梵蒂冈,它最初允许犹太法典出现在印刷品,进行反对的破坏活动。On New-Year's Day (Sept. 9), 1553, the copies of the Talmud which had been confiscated in compliance with a decree of the Inquisition were burned at Rome; and similar burnings took place in other Italian cities, as at Cremona in 1559.在新的一年的天(9月9日),1553年,在犹太法典装置已被没收遵守与法令的宗教裁判所被烧毁的副本在罗马和类似烧发生在意大利其他城市发生于克雷莫纳,1559年。 The Censorship of the Talmud and other Hebrew works was introduced by a papal bull issued in 1554; five years later the Talmud was included in the first Index Expurgatorius; and Pope Pius IV.该塔木德和其他希伯来语工程检查介绍了于1554年出台了罗马教皇的公牛;五年后的犹太法典被列入第一个索引Expurgatorius;和教皇比约四。 commanded, in 1565, that the Talmud be deprived of its very name.指挥,于1565年,该塔木德是其非常名剥夺。The first edition of the expurgated Talmud, on which most subsequent editions were based, appeared at Basel (1578-1581) with the omission of the entire treatise of 'Abodah Zarah and of passages considered inimical to Christianity, together with modifications of certain phrases.该删减犹太法典,在以后的版本是其中最基础,第一版出现在巴塞尔(1578年至1581年)用了“Abodah Zarah和基督教认为不利于整个论文的段落遗漏,连同某些词句的修改。A fresh attack on the Talmud was decreed by Pope Gregory XIII.关于犹太法典颁布新的袭击是由罗马教皇格雷戈里十三。(1575-85), and in 1593 Clement VIII.(1575年至1585年),并于1593年克莱门特八。renewed the old interdiction against reading or owning it.再次对阅读或拥有这老停职。The increasing study of the Talmud in Poland led to the issue of a complete edition (Cracow, 1602-5), with a restoration of the original text; an edition containing, so far as known, only two treatises had previously been published at Lublin (1559-76).而在波兰犹太法典增加研究导致了一个完整版(克拉科夫,1602-5)的问题,与原始文本恢复;一个版本包含,所以目前所知,只有两个论文先前已发表在卢布林(1559年至1576年)。 In 1707 some copies of the Talmud were confiscated in the province of Brandenburg, but were restored to their owners by command of Frederick, the first king of Prussia. 1707年的犹太法典中的一些副本被没收的勃兰登堡省,但恢复了弗雷德里克,普鲁士的第一位国王命令将它们的主人。The last attack on the Talmud took place in Poland in 1757, when Bishop Dembowski, at the instance of the Frankists, convened a public disputation at Kamenetz-Podolsk, and ordered all copies of the work found in his bishopric to be confiscated and burned by the hangman.犹太法典上的最后一次袭击发生在波兰举行的1757年,当主教Dembowski,在Frankists实例,召开了在Kamenetz -波多利斯克公众争议,并下令所有的工作在他的主教发现副本予以没收并烧毁的刽子手。

.The external history of the Talmud includes also the literary attacks made upon it by Christian theologians after the Reformation, since these onslaughts on Judaism were directed primarily against that work, even though it was made a subject of study by the Christian theologians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.的外部历史的犹太法典还包括由基督教神学家在它之后的改革文学的攻击,因为这些都是针对于犹太教onslaughts主要针对这项工作,即使它是由十七基督教神学家的研究课题和十八世纪。 In 1830, during a debate in the French Chamber of Peers regarding state recognition of the Jewish faith, Admiral Verhuell declared himself unable to forgive the Jews whom he had met during his travels throughout the world either for their refusal to recognize Jesus as the Messiah or for their possession of the Talmud. 1830年,在一次在有关国家的犹太信仰承认法国商会对等的辩论中,海军上将Verhuell宣布自己无法原谅的人,他会见了他的旅行期间在世界各地无论是对他们拒绝承认耶稣为弥赛亚的犹太人或他们拥有的犹太法典。 In the same year the Abbé Chiarini published at Paris a voluminous work entitled "Théorie du Judaïsme," in which he announced a translation of the Talmud, advocating for the first time a version which should make the work generally accessible, and thus serve for attacks on Judaism.同年出版的阿贝Chiarini在巴黎大量的工作,题为“Théorie杜Judaïsme,”他在其中宣布了对犹太法典的翻译,首次倡导的版本,应该使工作一般访问,从而为攻击服务在犹太教。 In a like spirit modern anti-Semitic agitators have urged that a translation be made; and this demand has even been brought before legislative bodies, as in Vienna.在这样的精神,现代反犹搅拌器已敦促翻译作,而这种需求,甚至被送交立法机构在维也纳。The Talmud and the "Talmud Jew" thus became objects of anti-Semitic attacks, although, on the other hand, they were defended by many Christian students of the Talmud.犹太法典和“塔木德犹太人”,从而成为了反犹太人的攻击对象,虽然,另一方面,他们是由许多基督教的犹太法典的学生辩护。

In consequence of the checkered fortunes of the Talmud, manuscripts of it are extremely rare; and the Babylonian Talmud is found entire only in a Munich codex (Hebrew MS. No. 95), completed in 1369, while a Florentine manuscript containing several treatises of the fourth and fifth orders dates from the year 1176.在对犹太法典的格仔财富的结果,它是非常罕见的手稿,以及整个巴比伦塔木德经发现只有在慕尼黑食品法典委员会(希伯来语MS第95号)在1369落成,而佛罗伦萨手稿包含几个论文第四个和第五个订单的日期从今年1176。 A number of Talmudic codices containing one or more tractates are extant in Rome, Oxford, Paris, Hamburg, and New York, while the treatise Sanhedrin, from Reuchlin's library, is in the grand-ducal library at Carlsruhe.一个包含一个或多个tractates塔木德抄本是现存数量在罗马,牛津,巴黎​​,汉堡,纽约,而从Reuchlin论文公会的图书馆,在AT Carlsruhe大公国库。In the introduction to vols.在对卷的介绍。i., iv., viii., ix., and xi.一,四,八,九和十一。of his "Diḳduḳe Soferim, Variæ Lectiones in Mischnam et in Talmud Babylonicum," which contains a mass of critical material bearing on the text of Babli, N. Rabbinovicz has described all the manuscripts of this Talmud known to him, and has collated the Munich manuscript with the printed editions, besides giving in his running notes a great number of readings collected with much skill and learning from other manuscripts and various ancient sources.他的“DiḳduḳeSoferim,在Mischnam等Variæ Lectiones在塔木德Babylonicum”,它包含了对Babli文本关键材料轴承的质量,N. Rabbinovicz形容这个犹太法典所有已知的对他的手稿,并整理慕尼黑与印刷版本手稿,笔记,除了在他的竞选给人一种具有多大的本事和其他手稿和各种古老的来源学习大量收集读数。 Of this work, which is indispensable for the study of the Talmud, Rabbinovicz himself published fifteen volumes (Munich, 1868-86), containing the treatises of the first, second, and fourth orders, as well as two treatises (Zebaḥim and Menaḥot) of the fifth order.这项工作,这对于研究不可缺少的犹太法典,Rabbinovicz自己出版的fifteen卷(慕尼黑,1868年至1886年),载有第一,第二和第四个订单论文,以及两个论文(Zebaḥim和Menaḥot)第五顺序。 The sixteenth volume (Ḥullin) was published posthumously (completed by Ehrentreu, Przemysl, 1897).第十六卷(Ḥullin)出版追授(由Ehrentreu,普热梅希尔,1897年完成)。Of the Palestinian Talmud only one codex, now at Leyden, has been preserved, this being one of the manuscripts used for the editio princeps.在巴勒斯坦犹太法典只有一个法典,现在在莱顿,一直保存下来,这为editio princeps正在使用的手稿之一。Excepting this codex, only fragments and single treatises are extant.除外此抄本,只有片段和单论文是现存。Recently (1904) Luncz discovered a portion of Yerushalmi in the Vatican Library, and Ratner has made valuable contributions to the history of the text in his scholia on Yerushalmi ("Sefer Ahabat Ẓiyyon we-Yerushalayim"), of which three volumes have thus far appeared, comprising Berakot, Shabbat, Terumot, and Ḥallah (Wilna, 1901, 1902, 1904).最近(1904年)Luncz在梵蒂冈图书馆发现的耶路莎米部分,拉特纳已就耶路莎米(“之书AhabatẒiyyon我们 - 耶路撒冷区”)的宝贵贡献,他的scholia以文字的历史,其中三卷迄今出现,包括Berakot,安息日,Terumot和Ḥallah(维尔纳,1901年,1902年,1904年)。

Early Editions.早期版本。

The first edition of Babli (1520) was preceded by a series of editions, some of them no longer extant, of single treatises published at Soncino and Pesaro by the Soncinos.该Babli(1520)第一版之前,一个版本,其中一些不再现存在Soncino和佩萨罗公布的Soncinos单一论文,系列。 The first to appear was Berakot (1488); this was followed by the twenty-three other tractates which, according to Gershon Soncino, were regularly studied in the yeshibot.第一次出现是Berakot(1488),这是由其中,根据革顺Soncino,分别定期在yeshibot研究23其他tractates其次。 The first edition by Bomberg was followed by two more (1531, 1548), while another was published at Venice by Giustiniani (1546-51), who added to Bomberg's supplements (such as Rashi and the Tosafot, which later were invariably appended to the text) other useful marginal glosses, including references to Biblical quotations and to parallel passages of the Talmud as well as to the ritual codices.由邦贝里第一版之后由两个以上(1531,1548),而另一个是在威尼斯出版Giustiniani(1546年至1551年),谁加入邦贝里的补充(如Rashi和Tosafot,后来都不约而同地追加到文本)其他有用的边缘敷衍了事,包括圣经的报价和平行通道的犹太法典以及仪式抄本引用。 At Sabbionetta in 1553, Joshua Boaz (d. 1557), the author of these marginalia, which subsequently were added to all editions of the Talmud, undertook a new and magnificent edition of the Talmud.在Sabbionetta在1553年,约书亚波阿斯(卒于1557年),这些旁注,随后被添加到所有版本的犹太法典的作者,进行了新的犹太法典,宏伟的版本。 Only a few treatises were completed, however; for the papal bull issued against the Talmud in the same year interrupted the work.只有少数论文已经完成,但是,对于反对犹太法典颁布,同年教皇公牛中断的工作。As a result of the burning of thousands of copies of the Talmud in Italy, Joseph Jabez published a large number of treatises at Salonica (1563 et seq.) and Constantinople (1583 et seq.).作为对在意大利犹太法典上千份燃烧的结果,发表在萨洛尼卡约瑟夫雅比斯(1563及以下)和君士坦丁堡(1583起。)大量的论文。 The mutilated Basel edition (1578-81) and the two editions which first appeared in Poland have been mentioned above.在肢解巴塞尔版(1578年至1581年)和两个版本的第一个出现在波兰已如上所述。The first Cracow edition (1602-5) was followed by a second (1616-20); while the first Lublin edition (1559 et seq.), which was incomplete, was followed by one giving the entire text (1617-39); this was adopted for the Amsterdam edition (1644-48), the partial basis of the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Oder (1697-99).第一克拉科夫版(1602-5),其次是第二次(1616年至1620年),而第一卢布林版(。1559及以下),这是不完整的,是给予整个文本(1617年至1639年)之一次之;这是通过了阿姆斯特丹版(1644年至1648年),该版的部分基础法兰克福发表的,奥得河(1697年至1699年)。 Many useful addenda were made to the second Amsterdam edition (1714-19), which was the subject of an interesting lawsuit, and which was completed by the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Main (1720-22).许多有用的增编作了阿姆斯特丹第二版(1714年至1719年),这是一个有趣的诉讼主体,这是由法兰克福发表了主版(1720年至1722年)完成。 This latter text has served as the basis of almost all the subsequent editions.后者文本已担任了几乎所有的后续版本的基础。 Of these the most important are: Prague, 1728-39; Berlin and Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1734-39 (earlier ed. 1715-22); Amsterdam, 1752-65; Sulzbach, 1755-63, 1766-70; Vienna, 1791-1797, 1806-11, 1830-33, 1840-49, 1860-73; Dyhernfurth, 1800-4, 1816-21; Slawita, Russia, 1801-6, 1808-13, 1817-22; Prague, 1830-35, 1839-46; Wilna and Grodno, 1835-54; Czernowitz, 1840-49; Jitomir, 1858-64; Warsaw, 1859-64, 1863-67 et seq.; Wilna, 1859-66; Lemberg, 1860-65 et seq.; Berlin, 1862-68; Stettin, 1862 et seq.其中最重要的是:布拉格,1728年至1739年,柏林和法兰克福上的,奥得河,1734年至1739年(早期版1715年至1722年);阿姆斯特丹,1752年至1765年;苏尔茨巴赫,1755年至1763年,1766年至1770年;维也纳,1791年至1797年,1806年至1811年,一八三〇年至1833年,1840年至1849年,1860年至1873年; Dyhernfurth,1800-4,1816年至1821年; Slawita,俄罗斯,1801-6,1808年至1813年,1817年至1822年,布拉格,1830至1835年,1839年至1846年,维尔纳和格罗德诺,1835年至1854年; Czernowitz,1840至49年; Jitomir,1858年至1864年,华沙,1859年至1864年,1863年至1867年及以下;维尔纳,1859年至1866年;伦贝尔,一八六○年至1865年及以下;柏林,1862年至1868年,什切青,1862起。 (incomplete).(不完整)。 The edition of the Widow and Brothers Romm at Wilna (1886) is the largest as regards old and new commentaries, glosses, other addenda, and aids to study.本的遗孀和兄弟在维尔纳(1886年)罗姆版是中国最大的关于新老评论,敷衍了事,其他增编,以及艾滋病研究。

Two other editions of Yerushalmi have appeared in addition to the editio princeps (Venice, 1523 et seq.), which they closely follow in columniation-those of Cracow, 1609, and Krotoschin, 1866.两个耶路莎米其他版本有除了editio princeps(威尼斯,1523及以下),他们紧跟在出现柱内,那些克拉科夫,1609年,和Krotoschin,1866。A complete edition with commentary appeared at Jitomir in 1860-67.具有完整的评论版出现在1860至1867年在Jitomir。 The latest edition is that of Piotrkow (1898-1900).最新版是Piotrkow(1898-1900)的。There are also editions of single orders or treatises and their commentaries, especially noteworthy being Z. Frankel's edition of Berakot, Pe'ah, and Demai (Breslau, 1874-75).也有单一订单或论文和评论,尤其值得一提的是Z.弗兰克尔的的Berakot,Pe'ah版,安德麦(布雷斯劳,1874年至1875年)的版本。

"Variæ Lectiones" and Translations.“Variæ Lectiones”和翻译。

A critical edition of Babli has been proposed repeatedly, and a number of valuable contributions have been made, especially in the huge collections of variants by Rabbinovicz; but so far this work has not even been begun, although mention should be made of the interesting attempt by M. Friedmann, "Kritische Edition des Traktates Makkoth," in the "Verhandlungen des Siebenten Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses, Semitische Section," pp. 1-78 (Vienna, 1888).一个关键的Babli版已经提出多次,以及一些宝贵的贡献,特别是在已经取得的Rabbinovicz变种的巨大集合;但至今这项工作还没有开始,甚至被,虽然值得一提的有趣的尝试使由M.弗里德曼,“Kritische版DES Traktates Makkoth”,在“Verhandlungen DES Siebenten Internationalen Orientalisten - 大会,Semitische节”,页1-78(维也纳,1888)。Here the structure of the text is indicated by such external means as different type, sections, and punctuation.在这里,文本的结构是不同类型的指示,路段和标点符号等外部手段。The edition of Yerushalmi announced by Luncz at Jerusalem promises a text of critical purity.该耶路莎米版由在耶路撒冷Luncz宣布承诺的关键纯度的文本。

The earliest allusion to a translation of the Talmud is made by Abraham ibn Daud in his historical "Sefer ha-Ḳabbalah" (see Neubauer, "MJC" i. 69), who, referring to Joseph ibn Abitur (second half of 10th cent.), says: "He is the one who translated the entire Talmud into Arabic for the calif Al-Ḥakim."最早的一个典故翻译的犹太法典,是在他的历史“之书公顷,卡巴拉”(见纽鲍尔,“澳门赛马会”岛69),谁,指的是约瑟夫伊本Abitur(下半年的百分之十由亚伯拉罕伊本达乌德。 ),说:“他是一个谁翻译成阿拉伯文整个犹太法典的加州哈基姆。”The tradition was therefore current among the Jews of Spain in the twelfth century that Ibn Abitur had translated the Talmud for this ruler of Cordova, who was especially noted for his large library, this tradition being analogous to the one current in Alexandria in antiquity with regard to the first Greek translation of the Bible.因此,当前的传统,在十二世纪的伊本Abitur已翻译为这种科尔多瓦,谁是专为他的大库,这个传统正在与有关古代类似于一个电流在亚历山大指出统治者的犹太法典之中,西班牙的犹太人第一个希腊翻译的圣经。 No trace, however, remains of Joseph Abitur's translation; and in all probability he translated merely detached portions for the calif, this work giving rise to the legend of his complete version.无迹,但是,仍然是约瑟夫Abitur的翻译,并在所有的概率只为他翻译的加州,这项工作引起了他的完整版本的传奇分离的部分。 The need of a translation to render the contents of the Talmud more generally accessible, began to be felt by Christian theologians after the sixteenth century, and by Jewish circles in the nineteenth century.翻译的需要提供的犹太法典的内容更广泛的访问,开始被基督教神学家认为在十六世纪,犹太圈在十九世纪。This gave rise to the translations of the Mishnah which have been noted elsewhere (see Jew. Encyc. viii. 618, sv, Mishnah).由此引发的其他地方已经指出(见犹太人。百科全书。八,618,SV,米示拿)米示拿的翻译。In addition to the complete translations mentioned there, single treatises of the Mishnah have been rendered into Latin and into modern languages, a survey being given by Bischoff in his "Kritische Geschichte der Thalmud-Uebersetzungen," pp. 28-56除了提到有完整的翻译,单论文的mishnah已变得成拉丁语和成现代语言,被比肖夫给予他的一项调查“Kritische历史馆DER Thalmud - Uebersetzungen”,页28-56

(Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1899). (法兰克福上的主,1899年)。Twenty treatises of Yerushalmi were translated into Latin by Blasio Ugolino in his "Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum," xvii.二十国耶路莎米论文被翻译Blasio Ugolino在他的“词库Antiquitatum Sacrarum,”十七成拉丁文。(1755), xxx.(1755),XXX。 (1765); and the entire text of this Talmud was rendered into French by Moïse Schwab ("Le Talmud de Jérusalem," 11 vols., Paris, 1871-1889). (1765年),以及本犹太法典整个文本渲染成法语莫伊兹施瓦布(“乐德耶路撒冷犹太法典”11卷,巴黎,1871年至1889年)。The translation by Wünsche of the haggadic portions of Yerushalmi has already been mentioned; and an account of the translations of single portions is given by Bischoff (lc pp. 59 et seq.).通过对耶路莎米Wünsche翻译的haggadic部分已经提到,以及对单一帐户部分的翻译是由比肖夫(立法会第59页起)给出。 In 1896 L. Goldschmidt began the translation of a German version of Babli, together with the text of Bomberg's first edition; and a number of volumes have already appeared (Berlin, 1898 et seq.).1896年L.施密特开始了一个Babli德语版的翻译,加上邦贝里的第一版文本;和卷数已出现(柏林,1898年及以下)。 The insufficiency of this work apparently corresponds to the rapidity with which it is issued.这项工作的不足显然是对应于与它发出的速度。In the same year ML Rodkinson undertook an abridged translation of the Babylonian Talmud into English, of which seven volumes appeared before the translator's death (1904); Rodkinson's point of view was quite unscholarly.同年ML Rodkinson进行了一次成英文巴比伦犹太法典,其中七卷之前,译者的死亡(1904年)出现简略翻译; Rodkinson的观点是相当unscholarly。Of translations of single treatises the following may be mentioned (see Bischoff, lc pp. 68-76): Earlier Latin translations: Ugolino, Zeḅaḥim, Menaḥot (in "Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum," xix.), Sanhedrin (ib. xxv.); GE Edzard, Berakot (Hamburg, 1713); FB Dachs, Sukkah (Utrecht, 1726).对单个论文翻译以下可能会提到(见比肖夫,信用证页68-76):刚才拉丁翻译:Ugolino,Zeḅaḥim,Menaḥot(在“词库Antiquitatum Sacrarum,”十九),公会(同上二十五。)葛Edzard,Berakot(汉堡,1713); FB Dachs,Sukkah(乌得勒支,1726)。Noteworthy among the Jewish translators of the Talmud are M. Rawicz (Megillah, 1863; Rosh ha-Shanah, 1886; Sanhedrin, 1892; Ketubot, 1897); EM Pinner (Berakot, 1842, designed as the first volume of a translation of the entire Talmud); DO Straschun (Ta'anit, 1883); and Sammter (Baba Meẓi'a, 1876).之间的犹太法典犹太翻译值得注意的是M. Rawicz(Megillah,1863;犹太公顷Shanah,1886年;公会,1892年; Ketubot,1897年); EM Pinner(Berakot,1842年,作为一个翻译的第一册设计整个犹太法典); DO Straschun(Ta'anit,1883年)和Sammter(巴巴Meẓi'a,1876年)。Their translations are entirely in German.他们的翻译是完全在德国。Translations published by Christian scholars in the nineteenth century: FC Ewald (a baptized Jew), 'Abodah Zarah (Nuremberg, 1856); in 1831 the Abbé Chiarini, mentioned above, published a French translation of Berakot; and in 1891 AW Streane prepared an English translation of Ḥagigah.由基督教学者发表在十九世纪翻译:FC埃瓦尔德(一受洗的犹太人),“Abodah Zarah(纽伦堡,1856年),在1831年阿贝Chiarini,如上所述,出版了Berakot法语翻译;和1891年编制了AW Streane英语翻译Ḥagigah。A French version of several treatises is included in JM Rabbinovicz's works 'Législation Civile du Talmud" (5 vols., Paris, 1873-79) and "Législation Criminelle du Talmud" (ib. 1876), while Wünsche's translation of the haggadic portions of Babli (1886-89) has been mentioned above.在几个论文法文版包含在JM Rabbinovicz的作品“立法CIVILE杜塔木德”(5卷,巴黎,1873年至1879年)和“立法Criminelle杜塔木德”(同上1876年),而Wünsche的翻译的haggadic部分Babli(1886年至1889年)已经提到以上。

Function in Judaism.在犹太教的功能。

To gain a comprehensive view of the Talmud it must be considered as a historical factor in Judaism as well as a literary production.为了获得全面的看法的犹太法典它必须被视为一个犹太教以及文学生产的历史因素。In the latter aspect it is unique among the great masterpieces of the literatures of the world.在后一方面它是其中的​​世界文学的伟大杰作是唯一的。In form a commentary, it became an encyclopedia of Jewish faith and scholarship, comprising whatsoever the greatest representatives of Judaism in Palestine and in Babylon had regarded as objects of study and investigation and of teaching and learning, during the three centuries which elapsed from the conclusion of the Mishnah to the completion of the Talmud itself.在形成一个评论,它成为一个犹太信仰和学术百科全书,包括任何犹太教的最大的巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的代表认为,作为调查研究的教学和学习对象在三个经过几个世纪的结论,在对犹太法典本身完成米示拿。 When the Mishnah, with the many ancient traditions to which it had given rise since the latter centuries of the Second Temple, was incorporated into the Talmud as its text-book, the Talmud became a record of the entire epoch which was represented by the Jewish schools of Palestine and Babylon, and which served as a stage of transition from the Biblical period to the later aspect of Judaism.当该mishnah,与它所给了,因为后者的第二圣殿世纪rise许多古老的传统,被纳入到犹太法典作为其课本,犹太法典成为了整个时代的纪录是由犹太代表巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的学校,并担任一个过渡期,从圣经的犹太教后来方面的阶段。 Although the Talmud is an academic product and may be characterized in the main as a report (frequently with the accuracy of minutes) of the discussions of the schools, it also sheds a flood of light on the culture of the people outside the academies.虽然犹太法典是一个学术产品,可能在主要的特点作为对学校的讨论情况的报告(经常与准确性分钟),它也揭示了外院校的人文化的光洪水。 The interrelation between the schools and daily life, and the fact that neither teachers nor pupils stood aloof from that life, but took part in it as judges, instructors, and expounders of the Law, caused the Talmud to represent even non-scholastic affairs with an abundance of minute details, and made it an important source for the history of civilization.之间的学校和生活,而事实上,无论是教师还是学生站在超然的生命,但它发生在法官,教师,律师expounders的一部分,引起了犹太法典代表甚至非学术事务中的相互关系一个微小的细节丰富,并使其成为文明史上的重要来源。 Since, moreover, the religious law of the Jews dealt with all the circumstances of life, the Talmud discusses the most varied branches of human knowledge-astronomy and medicine, mathematics and law, anatomy and botany-thus furnishing valuable data for the history of science also.因为,此外,犹太人的宗教法律与所有生命的情况下处理,犹太法典讨论了科学史的人类知识,天文和医学,数学,法律,解剖学和植物学,因此家具的宝贵数据最多样的分支机构也。

The Talmud, furthermore, is unique from the point of view of literary history as being a product of literature based on oral tradition and yet summarizing the literature of an entire epoch.犹太法典,而且,是从文学史角度独一无二的,因为作为一个文学产品的基础上口头传统,但总结了整个时代的文献。Aside from it, those to whose united efforts it may be ascribed have left no trace of intellectual activity.除了它,那些他们的团结努力,可能归因于有没有留下智力活动的痕迹。Though anonymous itself, the Talmud, like other products of tannaitic and amoraic literature, cites the names of many authors of sayings because it was a universal practise to memorize the name of the author together with the saying.虽然匿名本身,犹太法典,像tannaitic和amoraic文学等产品,列举了许多作者的说法的名字,因为它是一个普遍的做法,记忆与说作者的名字在一起。 Many of these scholars are credited with only a few sentences or with even but one, while to others are ascribed many hundreds of aphorisms, teachings, questions, and answers; and the representatives of Jewish tradition of those centuries, the Tannaim and the Amoraim, received an abundant compensation for their renunciation of the fame of authorship when tradition preserved their names together with their various expositions, and thus rescued even the least of them from oblivion.这些学者的许多赞誉只有少数句子或即使只有一个,而对另一些冲高的警句,教导,问题和答案数以百计,以及那些百年犹太传统的代表,该tannaim和亚摩兰,收到了他们对名利的作者放弃传统保留丰富的赔偿时,他们的各种论述与他们的名字一起,从而救出甚至遗忘了他们最少。 The peculiar form of the Talmud is due to the fact that it is composed almost entirely of individual sayings and discussions on them, this circumstance being a result of its origin: the fact that it sought especially to preserve the oral tradition and the transactions of the academies allowed the introduction only of the single sentences which represented the contributions of the teachers and scholars to the discussions.奇特的犹太法典的形式,是因为它是由个人的说法和他们的讨论,这种情况被其起源的结果几乎完全的事实:事实,寻求特别保护的口头传统和交易院校允许的占教师和学者讨论的贡献只有单句介绍。 The preservation of the names of the authors of these apothegms, and of those who took part in the discussions, transactions, and disputations renders the Talmud the most important, and in many respects the only, source for the period of which it is the product.而这些题辞作者的姓名,和那些谁参加了讨论,事务和disputations部分保存呈现犹太法典中最重要的,而且在许多方面唯一的,期间的,它是产品的来源。 The sequence of generations which constitute the framework of the history of the Tannaim and Amoraim may be determined from the allusions contained in the Talmud, from the anecdotes and stories of the academies, and from other valuable literary material, which exhibit the historical conditions, events, and personages of the time, not excepting cases in which the facts have been clothed in the garb of legend or myth.几代人的构成的tannaim和亚摩兰历史框架序列可决定从犹太法典中的典故,轶事和来自院校的故事,文学及其他有价值的材料,它展示的历史​​条件下,事件和人士的时间,而不是除在该事实已在传说或神话的外衣穿的案件。 Although it was undertaken with no distinctly literary purpose, it contains, especially in its haggadic portions, many passages which are noteworthy as literature, and which for many centuries were the sole repositories of Jewish poetry.虽然它没有明显的文学而进行的,它包含,尤其是在其haggadic部分,这是值得注意的文学许多段落,并为许多世纪以来都是犹太诗歌的唯一库。

Its Authority.其权威。

After the completion of the Talmud as a work of literature, it exercised a twofold influence as a historical factor in the history of Judaism and its followers, not only in regard to the guidance and formulation of religious life and thought, but also with respect to the awakening and development of intellectual activity.之后,作为一个犹太法典的文学作品完成后,行使其在犹太教和其追随者的历史历史因素双重影响,不仅对于指导和宗教生活和思想的制定,而且还就觉醒和智力活动的发展。 As a document of religion the Talmud acquired that authority which was due to it as the written embodiment of the ancient tradition, and it fulfilled the task which the men of the Great Assembly set for the representatives of the tradition when they said, "Make a hedge for the Torah" (Ab. i. 2).作为宗教文件犹太法典的机构,这是收购作为古老传统的书面体现,由于它,它完成了它的大男人为大会代表的传统定任务时,他们说,“制作对冲的圣经“(ab.一2)。 Those who professed Judaism felt no doubt that the Talmud was equal to the Bible as a source of instruction and decision in problems of religion, and every effort to set forth religious teachings and duties was based on it; so that even the great systematic treatise of Maimonides, which was intended to supersede the Talmud, only led to a more thorough study of it.这些谁自称犹太教认为毫无疑问,犹太法典是平等作为教学和宗教问题的决定来源,并尽一切努力来阐述宗教教义和义务是基于它的圣经,所以,即使是伟大的系统论述迈蒙尼德,其目的是取代犹太法典,只有导致了更深入的研究。 In like manner, the Shulḥan 'Aruk of Joseph Caro, which achieved greater practical results than the Mishneh Torah, of Maimonides, owed its authority to the fact that it was recognized as the most convenient codification of the teachings of the Talmud; while the treatises on the philosophy of religion which strove as early as the time of Saadia to harmonize the truths of Judaism with the results of independent thinking referred in all possible cases to the authority of the Talmud, upon which they could easily draw for a confirmation of their theses and arguments.在这样的方式,Shulḥan“约瑟夫Aruk卡罗,取得比Mishneh诵读经文,对迈蒙尼德更大的实际效果,欠其权威的,这是作为对犹太法典的教义最方便的编纂公认的事实,而论文对宗教哲学,争取早的时间萨蒂娅协调与所有可能的情况下提到的犹太法典的权威独立思考的结果犹太教的真理,在他们可以很容易地画出了他们的论文确认和论据。 The wealth of moral instruction contained in the Talmud exercised a profound influence upon the ethics and ideals of Judaism.在犹太法典中包含丰富的道德指令行使后,道德和犹太教的理想了深刻的影响。Despite all this, however, the authority enjoyed by it did not lessen the authority of the Bible, which continued to exercise its influence as the primal source of religious and ethical instruction and edification even while the Talmud ruled supreme over religious practise, preserving and fostering in the Diaspora, for many centuries and under most unfavorable external conditions, the spirit of deep religion and strict morality.尽管这一切,但是,所享有的权力也没有减轻圣经的权威,这继续行使作为宗教和道德的指令和熏陶原始来源的影响力甚至在塔木德经最高法院裁定对宗教的做法,保护和促进在散居,许多世纪以来,最不利的外部条件下,深宗教和严格的道德精神。

The history of Jewish literature since the completion of the Talmud has been a witness to its importance in awakening and stimulating intellectual activity among the Jews.对犹太文学的犹太法典以来,完成历史上一直是其在觉醒的重要见证和刺激之间的犹太人的智力活动。The Talmud has been made the subject or the starting-point of a large portion of this widely ramified literature, which has been the product of the intellectual activity induced by its study, and to which both scholars in the technical sense of the word and also a large number of the studious Jewish laity have contributed.犹太法典已经取得了此广泛分枝文学,一直是其研究引起的智力活动的产物大部分主题或出发点,并以这在技术意义上的字,也都学者一个好学犹太俗人大量贡献。 The same faculties which had been exercised in the composition of the Talmud were requisite also for the study of it; the Talmud therefore had an exceedingly stimulating influence upon the intellectual powers of the Jewish people, which were then directed toward other departments of knowledge.而这已在犹太法典组成行使同一院系也有必要为它的研究;犹太法典,因此有一个在犹太人民,然后将其向其他部门的知识导向的智力权力极其刺激的影响。 It is a noteworthy fact that the study of the Talmud gradually became a religious duty, and thus developed into an intellectual activity having no ulterior object in view.这是一个值得注意的事实是,塔木德研究逐渐成为一种宗教义务,从而成为一个智力有没有不可告人的对象在视图开发活动。Consequently it formed a model of study for the sake of study.因此它形成了研究型的学习着想。

The Talmud has not yet entirely lost its twofold importance as a historical factor within Judaism, despite the changes which have taken place during the last century.犹太法典尚未完全丧失了在犹太教历史因素的双重重要性,尽管它已在上个世纪发生的变化。For the majority of Jews it is still the supreme authority in religion; and, as noted above, although it is rarely an object of study on the part of those who have assimilated modern culture, it is still a subject of investigation for Jewish learning, as a product of Judaism which yet exerts an influence second in importance only to the Bible.对于大多数犹太人它仍然是宗教的最高权威,如上所述,尽管它几乎是不存在的对那些谁也吸收现代文化的一部分,研究对象,它仍然是一个调查的对象为犹太人学习,作为犹太教的产品,还发挥有影响的重要性仅次于圣经。 The following works of traditional literature not belonging to the Talmud have been included in the editions of Babli: Abot de-Rabbi Natan; Derek Ereẓ Rabbah; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa; Kallah; Semaḥot; Soferim.不属于传统文学的犹太法典以下工程已列入Babli的版本:Abot去拉比纳坦;德里克埃雷兹拉巴;德里克埃雷兹足踏; Kallah;Semaḥot; Soferim。

Wilhelm Bacher威廉巴切尔
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901-1906之间。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
The manuscripts, editions, and translations have been discussed in the article.该手稿,版本和翻译已经讨论的文章。 For an introduction to the Talmud the following works may be mentioned in addition to the general ones on Jewish history: Weiss, Dor, iii.; Halevy, Dorot ha-Rishonim, ii., Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1901; HL Strack, Einleitung in den Talmud, 2d ed., Leipsic, 1894 (covers the Mishnah also and contains an extensive bibliography of the Talmud);对于引进的犹太法典以下工作中可能会提及除了对一般的犹太人的历史:魏斯,DOR,三; Halevy,Dorot公顷Rishonim,二,法兰克福发表了主,1901年; HL。施特拉克,导论在书房犹太法典,第2版,Leipsic,1894(包括该mishnah也并包含大量的犹太法典书目);

M. Mielziner, Introduction to the Talmud, Cincinnati (also gives good bibliography of the Talmud; the second part of this work contains a clear discussion of the hermeneutics and the methodology of the Talmud).M. Mielziner,介绍犹太法典,辛辛那提(也给出了很好的书目犹太法典,这项工作的第二部分包含一个明确的解释学讨论和方法论的犹太法典)。 On the Palestinian Talmud: Z. Frankel, Mebo, Breslau, 1870; J. Wiener, Gib'at Yerushalayim, Vienna, 1872 (reprinted from Ha-Shaḥar); A. Geiger, Die Jerusalemische Gemara, in his Jüd.在巴勒斯坦犹太法典:Z.弗兰克尔,湿润烧伤膏,布雷斯劳,1870年的J.维纳,Gib'at耶路撒冷区,维也纳,1872年(从哈沙哈尔重印); A.盖格,模具Jerusalemische革马拉,在他的达瓦慈善会。Zeit.时代周报。1870, pp. 278-306 (comp. Monatsschrift, 1871, pp. 120-137); I. Lewy, Interpretation des Ersten Abschnitts des Palästinischen Talmud-Traktates Nesikin, in Breslauer Jahresbericht, 1895, pp. 1-19.1870年,第278-306(comp.月刊,第120-137 1871);一路易,口译DES Ersten Abschnitts DES Palästinischen塔木德 - Traktates Nesikin,在Breslauer Jahresbericht,1895年,页1-19。On the Babylonian Talmud: Z. Frankel, Beiträge zur Einleitung in den Talmud, in Monatsschrift, 1861, pp. 168-194, 205-212, 258-272;在巴比伦犹太法典:Z.弗兰克尔,Beiträge楚导论在书房犹太法典,在月刊,1861年,第168-194,205-212,258-272;

N. Brüll, Die Entstehungsgeschichte des Babylonischen Talmuds als Schriftwerkes, in his Jahrb.N. Brüll,模具Entstehungsgeschichte DES Babylonischen Talmuds ALS Schriftwerkes在他Jahrb。1876, ii.1876​​年,二。 1-123.1-123。On the earlier works introductory to the Talmud: JH Weiss, in Bet Talmud, i., ii., Vienna, 1881, 1882; Samuel b.在早期的作品介绍给犹太法典:JH魏斯,在投注犹太法典,一,二,维也纳,1881年,1882年,塞缪尔B。Hophni, Madkhal ila 'al-Talmud (= "Introduction to the Talmud"; this is the earliest work bearing the title and is known only through a quotation in the lexicon of Ibn Janaḥ, sv ); Samuel ha-Nagid, Mebo ha-Talmud (forming an appendix to the first volume of modern editions of the Talmud); Joseph ibn 'Aḳnin, an introduction to the Talmud (Hebr. transl. from the Arabic), edited in the Jubelschrift des Breslauer Seminars zum Siebzigen Geburtstage Frankels, 1871.何弗尼,Madkhal ILA“基地塔木德(=”介绍犹太法典“,这是最早的工作产生影响的称号,并且只能通过在伊本Janaḥ,SV词典报价已知);塞缪尔公顷Nagid,湿润烧伤膏公顷塔木德(形成一个附录到现代版的犹太法典上册);约瑟夫伊本Aḳnin,向塔木德介绍(。H​​ebr.译从阿拉伯文),编辑在Jubelschrift DES Breslauer研讨会ZUM Siebzigen Geburtstage Frankels,1871 。

For other works on the subject see Talmud Hermeneutics;有关这一问题的其他作品看犹太法典诠释学;

a list is given in Jellinek, Ḳonṭres ha-Kelalim, Vienna, 1878.列表给出了耶利内克,Ḳonṭres公顷Kelalim,维也纳,1878年。General articles on the Talmud in reviews and encyclopedias: Emil Deutsch, in Quarterly Review, 1867, frequently reprinted and translated; J. Derenbourg, in Lichtenberg's Encyclopédie des Sciences Religieuses, 1882, xii.的J.德朗堡,在利希滕贝格的百科全书DES科学Religieuses,1882年,十二埃米尔德语,在评论季刊,1867年,经常重印和翻译:关于审查和百科全书犹太法典一般文章。 1007-1036; Arsène Darmesteter, in REJ xviii.1007年至1036年,阿瑟Darmesteter,在REJ十八。(Actes et Conferences, pp. ccclxxxi.-dcxlii.); S. Schechter, in Hastings, Dict.(Actes等会议,第ccclxxxi. - dcxlii); S.谢克特,在黑斯廷斯,快译通。Bible, extra vol., 1904, pp. 57-66;圣经,额外卷,1904年,第57-66;

E. Bischoff, Talmud-Katechismus, Leipsic, 1904. E.比肖夫,犹太法典,Katechismus,Leipsic,1904年。

On the literature of the Talmud commentaries see Talmud Commentaries.在文学评论的犹太法典评见塔木德。On grammatical and lexicographical aids to the study of the Talmud see Jew.在语法和辞书艾滋病的犹太法典研究见犹太人。Encyc.百科全书。vi.80, sv Grammar, Hebrew, and ib.vi.80,SV语法,希伯来语和IB。iv.四。580-585, sv Dictionaries, Hebrew.580-585,SV字典,希伯来语。On the terminology of the Talmud see, in addition to the works on Talmudic methodology: A. Stein, Talmudische Terminologie, Alphabetisch Geordnet, Prague, 1869; W. Bacher, Die Exegetische Terminologie der Jüdischen Traditionslitteratur: part i., Die Bibelexegetische Terminologie der Tannaiten, Leipsic, 1899 (original title, Die Aelteste Terminologie der Jüdischen Schriftauslegung); part ii., Die Bibel- und Traditionsexegetische Terminologie der Amoräer, ib.在术语的犹太法典看到,除了在塔木德方法的工作:A.斯坦因,Talmudische Terminologie,Alphabetisch Geordnet,布拉格,1869年,W.巴切尔,模具Exegetische Terminologie DER Jüdischen Traditionslitteratur:第一部分,模具Bibelexegetische Terminologie DER Tannaiten,Leipsic,1899年(原题,模具Aelteste Terminologie DER Jüdischen Schriftauslegung);第二部分,模具Bibel - UND Traditionsexegetische Terminologie DER Amoräer,兴业。1905.WB 1905.WB


Talmud Commentaries塔木德评

Jewish Viewpoint Information犹太观信息

Earliest Attempts.最早的尝试。

The commentaries on the Talmud constitute only a small part of halakic literature in comparison with the responsa literature and the commentaries on the codices.在犹太法典的评论构成与responsa文学和抄本上的评论比较只有halakic文学的一小部分。At the time when the Talmud was concluded the traditional literature was still so fresh in the memory of scholars that there was no need of writing Talmudic commentaries, nor were such works undertaken in the first period of the gaonate.在塔木德得出的结论时,当时的传统文学仍然是那么新鲜,在学者的内存,没有写作塔木德的评论需要,也没有在gaonate第一期进行有关工程。 Palṭoi Gaon (c. 840) was the first who in his responsa offered verbal and textual comments on the Talmud. PalṭoiGaon(约840)是第一个谁在他的responsa提供口头上的犹太法典和文本的意见。Ẓemaḥ b.ẒemaḥB.Palṭoi (c. 872) paraphrased and explained the passages which he quoted; and he composed, as an aid to the study of the Talmud, a lexicon which Abraham Zacuto consulted in the fifteenth century. Palṭoi(约872)转述并解释他引述的段落,以及他作为一个组成的犹太法典,一个词典的亚伯拉罕Zacuto在十五世纪咨询研究援助。Saadia Gaon is said to have composed commentaries on the Talmud, aside from his Arabic commentaries on the Mishnah (Benjacob, "Oẓar ha-Sefarim," p. 181, No. 430).萨蒂娅Gaon据说组成的犹太法典评论除了对mishnah(Benjacob,“Oẓar公顷Sefarim”,第181,第430号)他的阿拉伯语评论。 According to the Karaite Solomon b.据Karaite所罗门湾Jeroham, a commentary on Yerushalmi by Ephraim b.耶罗罕,对耶路莎米由以法莲B.评论Jacob existed as early as the time of Saadia, although this is highly improbable (Pinsker, "Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot," Supplement, p. 4; Poznanski, in "Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," p. 182).雅各布存在只要在萨蒂娅时间早,虽然这是极不可能(平斯克,“LiḳḳuṭeḲadmoniyyot,”补编,第4页; Poznanski,在“考夫曼Gedenkbuch,”第182页)。

Rashi. Rashi。

The last three great geonim, Sherira, Hai, and Samuel b.最后三个大geonim,Sherira,海,和Samuel B.Ḥofni, did much in this field.Ḥofni,并在这一领域了。Most of Sherira's comments were explanations of difficult terms.对Sherira的意见大都难以术语的解释。Many of these are quoted by Abu al-Walid (Bacher, "Leben und Werke des Abulwalid Merwân ibn Gānāḥ," etc., p. 85).其中许多都引述阿布 - 瓦利德(巴切尔,“别人的生活UND Werke公司DES Abulwalid Merwân伊本Gānāḥ”等,第85页)。It appears from the quotations in the "'Aruk" that Hai Gaon wrote commentaries on at least eleven treatises (Kohut, "Aruch Completum," xiii. et seq.).看来,从在“'Aruk”的报价是海Gaon写了至少有11论文(科胡特,“Aruch Completum,”十三,起。)评论。Abu al-Walid quotes Hai's commentary on Shabbat (Bacher, lcp 87).阿布 - 瓦利德引号海的评论对安息日(巴切尔,LCP 87)。In the eleventh century commentaries on the Talmud were composed not only in Babylon but also in Africa, Spain, and Germany.在十一世纪的犹太法典评论人组成,不仅在巴比伦,而且在非洲,西班牙和德国。In the first half of that century Nissim b.在一个世纪前半瓦克宁B.Jacob, of Kairwan in northern Africa, composed his "Kitab Miftaḥ Maghaliḳ al-Talmud" (Hebr. title, "Sefer Mafteaḥ Man'ule ha-Talmud" = "Key to the Locks of the Talmud"), a commentary in which he explains difficult passages by references to parallel ones and occasionally to Yerushalmi also.雅各布在北部非洲Kairwan,组成了他的“KitabMiftaḥMaghaliḳAL -塔木德经”(Hebr.称号,“之书MafteaḥMan'ule公顷,塔木德经”=“键的犹太法典的锁”),他在其中的一篇评论解释了和偶尔耶路莎米也很难平行的参考通道。 The work of Hananeel b. B.工作的HananeelḤushiel corresponds more to a commentary in the exact sense of the term. Ḥushiel对应更多的术语的确切意义的评注。He sums up the Talmudic discussions, perhaps in order to facilitate the halakic decision, devoting his attention principally to determining the correct text of the Talmud.他总结了塔木德的讨论,也许是为了方便halakic决定,投入他的注意力主要是为了确定正确的犹太法典文本。The first teachers in Spain, Enoch ben Moses, Joseph ibn Abitur, Isaac ibn Ghayyat, and Isaac Albargeloni, are also known to have composed commentaries on the Talmud (Weiss, "Dor," iv. 276 et seq.).在西班牙,伊诺克贲摩西,约瑟伊本Abitur,以撒伊本Ghayyat,和Isaac Albargeloni的,首先教师也已知有组成的犹太法典评论(魏斯,“多尔,”四,276页起)。Naḥmani quotes Talmudic comments from a work by Samuel ha Nagid (Benjacob, lc No. 481). Naḥmani报价由塞缪尔公顷Nagid(Benjacob,LC 481号)塔木德从工作的意见。According to a not entirely authenticated statement (ib. No. 247), the famous exegete Abraham ibn Ezra composed a commentary on the treatise Ḳiddushin.据不完全认证的声明(同上第247号),著名的注释家伊本以斯拉组成的亚伯拉罕在论文Ḳiddushin评论。 In Germany, Gershom b.在德国,革顺湾Judah engaged in similar labors, though his commentaries have come to light only in the last century: they appear to have been the chief sources used by Rashi (1040-1105), the greatest commentator of the Talmud.犹大从事类似的劳动,虽然他的评论,来光在上个世纪唯一的:他们似乎已被Rashi(1040年至1105年)中,最大的犹太法典评论员使用的主要来源。 Although Rashi drew upon all his predecessors, yet his originality in using the material offered by them has always been admired.虽然Rashi借鉴了他所有的前辈,但他在使用他们提供的材料独创性历来推崇。His commentaries, in turn, became the basis of the work of his pupils and successors, who composed a large number of supplementary works that were partly in emendation and partly in explanation of Rashi's, and are known under the title "tosafot."他的评论,反过来,成了他的学生和接班人,谁组成的补充部分作品在校正和部分在Rashi的解释是大量工作的基础,并在标题称为“tosafot。” These works were printed together with Rashi's commentaries in the first editions of single Talmud treatises, and then in the collective editions.这些作品印制连同Rashi的评论在单塔木德论文的第一版本,然后在集体的版本。 The tosafot included in the present editions are taken from various collections.在目前的版本中包含的tosafot取自不同的集合。There are tosafot of Sens, tosafot of Evreux, tosafot of Touques, etc. (Winter and Wünsche, "Die Jüdische Litteratur," ii. 465).有桑斯,tosafot的埃夫勒,对Touques tosafot等tosafot(冬Wünsche,“模具Jüdische Litteratur,”二465)。Instead of the simple, strictly logical method of exegesis a dialectic method showing great acumen is frequently employed in the tosafot.取而代之的是简单的,严格的逻辑的训诂方法的辩证方法表现出极大的智慧经常受雇于tosafot。Originating in the German and French schools, and thence adopted by the Spanish and Arabic, it found in the following centuries (13th to 15th) brilliant representatives in Moses b.原产于德国和法国的学校,那里的西班牙语和阿拉伯语通过,它主要体现在以下几个世纪(13日至15日)在摩西湾辉煌的代表Naḥman, Solomon ben Adret, and others in Spain, as well as in various scholars in Turkey, although the Oriental Jews generally followed the simple method of Talmud study. Naḥman,所罗门贲Adret,和其他人在西班牙,以及在不同的学者在土耳其,虽然东方犹太人普遍遵循的犹太法典研究的简单方法。The commentators are called "rishonim" (elders) down to the sixteenth century, and subsequently "aḥaronim" (juniors).该评论员称为“rishonim”(长老)下降到十六世纪,后来“aḥaronim”(晚辈)。

Method of Ḥilluḳim.方法Ḥilluḳim。

In the sixteenth century the hair-splitting dialectic study of the Talmud known as the Pilpul came to the fore.在十六世纪的犹太法典吹毛求疵辩证法研究的Pilpul已知来到脱颖而出。The method called "ḥilluḥ," originating in Augsburg and Nuremberg, claimed chief attention, especially through the influence of Jacob Pollak of Poland, that country becoming in the course of the century the principal center of the study of the Talmud.所谓“ḥilluḥ,”在奥格斯堡和纽伦堡,原称该方法的主要关注,特别是通过雅各波拉克波兰,该国在本世纪的犹太法典的过程成为研究的主要中心的影响力。 Special rules were formulated for composing the ḥilluḳim (Jellinek, in Keller's "Bikkurim," i. 3).制定特别规则组成的ḥilluḳim(耶利内克,在凯勒的“Bikkurim,”一3)。It is frequently intimated in subsequent pilpulistic works that the author himself regards his expositions as artificial, though he believes them to contain a grain of truth.它经常暗示在随后pilpulistic作品,作者自己视为人为他的论述,但他认为它们包含有一定道理的。This method still dominates to some extent the study of the Talmud in the eastern countries of Europe.这种方法在一定程度上仍然占主导地位的犹太法典在欧洲东部国家的研究。But Jewish science demands a scientific treatment of the Talmud-an examination of its sources and parallel passages from a historical, archeological, and philological point of view, a methodical analysis of its text, and a comparative study of it by the side of other monuments of antiquity.但是,犹太科学的要求,从历史的角度,考古和语言学的角度,其文字有条理的分析了犹太法典,是其来源和平行通道检查的科学治疗,它的一个比较研究的其他古迹方古代。

Palestinian Talmud.巴勒斯坦犹太法典。

The Palestinian Talmud was studied much less than the Babylonian, although occasional comments on Yerushalmi are found in Alfasi and other earlier authorities, especially in the commentary of Samson of Sens on the mishnaic order Zera'im.巴勒斯坦犹太法典进行了研究比巴比伦少,虽然偶尔在耶路莎米意见是Alfasi和其他有关部门发现较早,特别是在黄山上的mishnaic秩序Zera'im桑斯评论。 The first connected commentary on many treatises of Yerushalmi was composed in the seventeenth century by R. Joshua Benveniste, who had at hand R. Solomon Sirillo's commentary on certain treatises.第一个连接上耶路莎米许多论文的评论是由十七世纪由R.约书亚本维尼斯特,谁手头R.所罗门Sirillo的某些论文的评注。 ElijahFulda commentated in 1710 the order Zera'im and part of the order Neziḳin.ElijahFulda commentated在1710年的顺序Zera'im和秩序Neziḳin的一部分。The greater part of Yerushalmi was edited about the middle of the eighteenth century by Mendelssohn's teacher David Fränkel; and a complete commentary was written by Moses Margolioth.大部份的耶路莎米被编辑对由门德尔松的老师大卫弗兰克尔十八世纪中叶,以及一个完整的评注是由摩西Margolioth写的。 Noteworthy as commentators in the nineteenth century are Nahum Trebitsch and Zacharias Frankel.在十九世纪评论家值得注意的是那鸿Trebitsch和撒迦利亚弗兰克尔。

The commentaries on Babli may be divided into: (1) "perushim," running commentaries accompanying the text; (2) "tosafot" (additions), glosses on Rashi's commentary; (3) "ḥiddushim" (novellæ), explicit comments on certain passages of the Talmud text; and (4) "haggahot," or marginal glosses.在Babli的评论可分为:(1)“perushim,”跑评论陪同文本;(2)“tosafot”(增补),对Rashi的评论敷衍了事;(3)“ḥiddushim”(novellæ),在明确的意见某些段落的犹太法典文本;及(4)“haggahot”或边缘掩盖。 As appears from the following chronological list, the treatises Seder Mo'ed, Nashim, and Ḥullin, which deal particularly with the religious life and which were therefore made special subjects of study and instruction, were most frequently commentated, while the Seder Ḳodashim is less often made the subject of comment.由于从以下按时间顺序列表中,该论文家宴Mo'ed,Nashim和Ḥullin,其中处理特别是与宗教生活并因此提出了学习和教学专题,最频繁commentated,而家宴Ḳodashim少经常做了评论的主题。 In the subjoined list only the edited commentaries are enumerated, no note being taken of treatises on which there are no commentaries.在subjoined只列出编辑的评论列举,没有注意到正在采取的论文上没有评论。The letter "W" indicates the Wilna (Widow & Brothers Romm) Talmud edition of 1886.字母“W”表示维尔纳(遗孀和兄弟罗姆)1886年版的犹太法典。

Chronological List of Commentators on Both Talmudim.按时间顺序排列名单上都Talmudim论。

Eleventh Century.十一世纪。

Nissim b.瓦克宁B.Jacob (d. 1040), Sefer Mafteaḥ (see above; Ber., Shab., 'Er.), ed.雅各布(草1040),之书Mafteaḥ(见以上;。BER,沙巴,“ER),编辑。I. Goldenthal, Vienna, 1847; in W. Gershom b.一,登泰,维也纳,1847年,在西革顺湾Judah (d. 1040), perush (Ber., Ta'an., BB, entire Seder Ḳodashim excepting Zeb.); in W. Hananeel b.犹大(卒于1040),perush(Ber.,Ta'an,BB,全家宴Ḳodashim瑞伯除外。)B.在W Hananeel Ḥushiel (d. 1050), perush (Seder Mo'ed, Seder Neziḳin excepting BB); in W. Solomon b. Ḥushiel(卒于1050),perush(家宴Mo'ed,家宴NeziḳinBB除外),在所罗门B. W.Isaac (Rashi), commentary on thirty treatises; in all editions.艾萨克(Rashi),评注thirty论文,在所有版本。

Twelfth to Fifteenth Century.第十二至第十五世纪。

Samuel b.塞缪尔湾Meïr, commentary on Baba Batra from the third section and on the last section of Pesaḥim; in all editions.梅尔,评注巴巴巴特拉从第三部分,对Pesaḥim最后一节,在所有版本。Isaac b.艾萨克湾Nathan, commentary on Makkot; in all editions, beginning with 19b.弥敦道,评上Makkot,在所有版本开始,19B。Eliezer b.埃利泽湾Nathan, commentary on Nazir; in W. Jacob Tam (d. 1171), , on thirty-one treatises, Vienna, 1811.弥敦道上,纳齐尔评论,在W.雅各布谭(四1171),在31论文,维也纳,1811。Isaac b.艾萨克湾Samuel of Dampierre, tosafot to Ḳiddushin; in W. Joseph ibn Migash, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Salonica, 1759; BB, Amsterdam, 1702).的皮埃尔,tosafot到Ḳiddushin塞缪尔,在伊本西约瑟夫Migash,ḥiddushim(Sheb.,萨洛尼卡,1759; BB,阿姆斯特丹,1702)。Moses b.摩西湾Maimon, perush (RH), Paris, 1865.迈蒙,perush(RH),巴黎,1865年。Judah Sir Leon (d. 1224), tosafot (Ber., in ), Warsaw, 1863.犹大布里坦爵士(卒于1224),tosafot(Ber.,中),华沙,1863年。Samson of Sens, tosafot (Shab., 'Er., Men., in all editions; Soṭah in W.).的桑斯,tosafot参孙(Shab.,'呃,男装,在所有版本;中W.Soṭah)。Perez, tosafot (Beẓah, Ned., Naz., Sanh., Mek., Me'i., in all editions; B. Ḳ., Leghorn, 1819).佩雷斯,tosafot(Beẓah,斯内德,纳兹,Sanh,MEK,Me'i,在所有版本;。。。。。。B. K,里窝那,1819)。Moses of Evreux, tosafot (Ber.); in all editions.摩西的埃夫勒,tosafot(Ber.),在所有版本。Samuel of Evreux, tosafot to Soṭah, ib.的埃夫勒,tosafot塞缪尔Soṭah,兴业。Samuel of Falaise, tosafot to 'Abodah Zarab, ib.塞缪尔的法莱斯,tosafot以“Abodah Zarab,兴业。Baruch, tosafot to Zebaḥim, ib.巴鲁克,tosafot到Zebaḥim,兴业。Meïr Abulafia (d. 1244), (BB, Salonica, 1803; Sanh., ib. 1798).梅尔Abulafia(卒于1244),(BB,萨洛尼卡,1803; Sanh,IB 1798)。Judah b.犹大B.Benjamin ha-Rofe, perush (Sheḳ.); in W. Peraḥyah b.本杰明公顷Rofe,perush(Sheḳ.),在W.Peraḥyah湾Nissim (c. 1250) ,ḥiddushim, in , Venice, 1752.瓦克宁(约1250),ḥiddushim,在威尼斯,1752。Isaiah di Trani (c. 1250), tosafot (i., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, 'Ab. Zarah, Niddah, Shab., Ḥag.; ii., 'Er., RH, Yoma, Suk., Meg., M. Ḳ., Pes., Beẓah, Ned., Naz., Lemberg, 1862; Ket., Giṭ., in W.).赛迪特拉尼(约1250),tosafot(一,二K,BM,BB,'抗体Zarah,Niddah,沙巴,女巫;。。二,“。呃,RH,山脉,淑,梅格,M. K,PES,Beẓah,斯内德,纳兹,伦贝格,1862;。。KET,混帐在W.)。Jonah Gerondi (d. 1263), ḥiddushim (Sanh., in ), Leghorn, 1801.乔纳Gerondi(草1263),ḥiddushim(Sanh.,中),里窝那,1801年。Moses b.摩西湾Naḥman (dc 1270), ḥiddushim (Ber., 'Er., Pes., M. ḳ., Ḥag., RH, Suk., Ta'an., Meg., in , Salonica, 1791; Shab., in , Presburg, 1837; Yeb., Homburg, 1700; Ket., Metz, 1765; Giṭ., Niddah, in , Sulzbach, 1762; BB, Venice, 1723).Naḥman(DC 1270),ḥiddushim(Ber.,'呃,PES,M. K,HAG,RH,淑,Ta'an梅格在,萨洛尼卡,1791;。。。。沙巴,中, Presburg,1837; YEB,洪堡,1700; KET,梅斯,1765;的Git,Niddah,中,苏尔茨巴赫,1762; BB,威尼斯,1723)。Todros ha-Levi (d. 1283), (on the haggadot), Novidvor, 1808; hiddushim (Meg., Yoma, in ), Leghorn, 1801.Todros公顷列维(卒于1283),(在haggadot),Novidvor,1808; hiddushim(Meg.,山脉,中),里窝那,1801年。Aaron ha-Levi (d. 1293), ḥiddushim (Ket., Prague, 1742; Beẓah, in , Leghorn, 1810).亚伦公顷利维(四1293),ḥiddushim(Ket.,布拉格,1742;Beẓah,中,里窝那,1810年)。 Meïr of Rothenburg (d. 1293), tosafot to Yoma; in all editions.梅尔的罗腾堡(卒于1293),tosafot到山脉,在所有版本。Solomon b.索罗门湾Adret (d. 1310), ḥiddushim (Shab., RH, Meg., Yeb., Ned., B. Ḳ., Ḥul., Constantinople, 1720; Sheb., Salonica, 1729; Niddah, Altona, 1737; Men., Warsaw, 1861; 'Er., ib. 1895). Adret(卒于1310),ḥiddushim(Shab.,RH,梅格,YEB,斯内德,B. K,讫,君士坦丁堡,1720;。。帅,萨洛尼卡,1729; Niddah,阿尔托纳,1737;男子。 ,华沙,1861;'呃,IB 1895)。Yom-Ṭob b.赎罪,尖湾Abraham, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Salonica, 1805; 'Er., Ta'an., M. Ḳ., Ket., BM, Amsterdam, 1729; RH, Königsberg, 1858; Yoma, Constantinople, 1754; Meg., Warsaw, 1880; Yeb., Leghorn, 1787; Ḳid., Sabbionetta, 1553; Giṭ., Salonica, 1758; 'Ab. Zarah, in , ib. 1759; Sanh., in , Leghorn, 1781; Sheb., in , ib. 1780; Mak., Sulzbach, 1762; Ḥul., Prague, 1735; Niddah, Vienna, 1868).亚伯拉罕,ḥiddushim(Sheb.,萨洛尼卡,1805;'呃,Ta'an,M. K,KET,BM,阿姆斯特丹,1729;。RH,康尼斯堡,1858;山脉,君士坦丁堡,1754;梅格,华沙,1880; YEB,里窝那,1787;孩子,Sabbionetta,1553;的Git,萨洛尼卡,1758;。'抗体Zarah,中,IB 1759;。Sanh,中,里窝那,1781;帅,中,兴业。 ,1780;麦苏尔茨巴赫,1762;讫,布拉格,1735; Niddah,维也纳,1868)。Menahem Me'iri (c. 1300), (Shab., Leghorn, 1794; Yoma, ib. 1760; Meg., Ḥag., Ta'an., Prague, 1810; Ned., Naz., Soṭah, Beẓah, Berlin, 1859; Yeb., Salonica, 1794).梅纳海姆Me'iri(约1300),(Shab.,里窝那,1794;山脉,IB 1760;梅格,HAG,Ta'an,布拉格,1810;。。斯内德,纳兹,Soṭah,Beẓah,柏林,1859; YEB,萨洛尼卡,1794)。 Asher b.舍湾Jehiel (d. 1327), perush (Ned., Naz.), in W.; tosafot (Ber., in , Warsaw, 1862; Suk., Jerusalem, 1903; RH, ib. 1871; Meg., ib. 1884; 'Ab. Zarah, ib. 1888; Giṭ., Constantinople, 1711; BM, Dyhernfurth, 1823; Sanh., Ḥul., in , Sulzbach, 1762; Sheb., Venice, 1608; Niddah, under the title , Venice, 1741); Aaron ha-Levi, , Ḳid., Husiatyn, 1902; (Pes.), Jerusalem, 1873.杰希勒(草1327),perush(Ned.,纳兹),在W; tosafot(Ber.,在华沙,1862年;淑,耶路撒冷,1903年; RH,IB 1871;梅格,IB 1884。 ;'抗体Zarah,IB 1888;的Git,君士坦丁堡,1711; BM,Dyhernfurth,1823; Sanh,讫,中,苏尔茨巴赫,1762;。帅,威尼斯,1608; Niddah,在标题之下,威尼斯, 1741);亚伦公顷列维,孩子,Husiatyn,1902年;(Pes.),耶路撒冷,1873年。Isaac Aboab (d. 1493), ḥiddushim (in the responsa of Moses Galante), Venice, 1608.艾萨克Aboab(草1493),ḥiddushim(在摩西加兰特responsa),威尼斯,1608。

Sixteenth Century.十六世纪。

Jacob be-Rab (d. 1546), ḥiddushim (Ket., Ḳid.), in his responsa, Venice, 1663.雅各布是- RAB(四1546),ḥiddushim(Ket.,孩子 ),在他的responsa,威尼斯,1663年。1549.1549。Joshua Boaz Baruch, the indexes , , Venice.约书亚波阿斯巴鲁克,索引,威尼斯。1552.1552。Mattathias Delacrut, ḥiddushim ('Er.), Lublin.玛他提亚Delacrut,ḥiddushim('呃 ),卢布林。1561.1561。Joseph ibn Leb, ḥiddushim (Ket., B. Ḳ., Sheb., Constantinople, 1561; Giṭ., ib. 1573).约瑟夫伊本LEB,ḥiddushim(Ket.,B. K,帅,君士坦丁堡,1561;。混帐,IB 1573)。Solomon Luria (d. 1573), (Beẓah, Lublin, 1638; Yeb., Altona, 1740; Ḳid., Berlin, 1766; Ket., Lemberg, 1862; Giṭ., Berlin, 1761; Ḥul., Cracow, 1615); on nineteen treatises, Cracow, 1581.所罗门卢里亚(草1573),(Beẓah,卢布林,1638; YEB,阿尔托纳,1740;孩子,柏林,1766; KET,伦贝格,1862;的Git,柏林,1761;。讫,克拉科夫,1615) ;在nineteen论文,克拉科夫,1581。1573.1573。Judah b.犹大B.Moses, , Constantinople.摩西,君士坦丁堡。1577.1577。Jacob (Beẓah), Jerusalem, 1865.雅各布(Beẓah),耶路撒冷,1865年。1587.1587。Samuel Jaffe Ashkenazi, on the haggadot of Yerushalmi, Venice, 1590.塞缪尔谢菲德系,对耶路莎米,威尼斯,1590 haggadot。Abraham Burjil, (Yeb., Ket., B. Ḳ., Bik.), ib.亚伯拉罕Burjil(Yeb.,KET,,B. K。碧水),兴业。1605.1605。1591.1591。Joseph ibn Ezra, (Ḳid.), Salonica.约瑟夫伊本以斯拉(Ḳid.),萨洛尼卡。Bezaleel Ashkenazi, (Ber., Warsaw, 1863; Beẓah, Constantinople, 1731; Ket., ib. 1738; Naz., Leghorn, 1774; Soṭah, ib. 1800; B. Ḳ., Venice, 1762; BM, Amsterdam, 1726; BB, Lemberg, 1809; Seder Ḳodashim, excepting Ḥul., in W.). Bezaleel德系,(Ber.,华沙,1863年;Beẓah,君士坦丁堡,1731; KET,IB 1738;。纳兹,里窝那,1774;Soṭah,IB 1800;。B. K,威尼斯,1762; BM,阿姆斯特丹, 1726年,BB,伦贝格,1809;家宴Ḳodashim,除讫于W.)。

Seventeenth Century.17世纪。

1602. 1602。Samuel b.塞缪尔湾Eleazer, ḥiddushim (Ket., Giṭ.), Prossnitz. Eleazer,ḥiddushim(Ket.,GIT),Prossnitz。1603.1603。Jedidiah Galante, ḥiddushim (Beẓah, Yeb., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., 'Ab. Zarah), Venice. Jedidiah加兰特,ḥiddushim(Beẓah,YEB。,GIT​​。,B. K。“抗体。Zarah),威尼斯。1608.1608。Abraham Ḥayyim Shor, ('Er., Pes., B. Ḳ., BM, BB Sanh., Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Lublin; (Seder Ḳodashim), Wandsbeck, 1729.亚伯拉罕Ḥayyim肖尔,( “。。。呃,PES,B. K,BM,BB Sanh,帅,'抗体Zarah,讫),卢布林(家宴Ḳodashim),Wandsbeck,1729。Mordecai Jaffe (d. 1611), (glosses); in W. Moses b.末底改贾菲(草1611),(敷衍了事),在摩西B. W.Isaiah, ḥiddushim (Zeb.), Berlin, 1701.以赛亚,ḥiddushim(Zeb.),柏林,1701。1612.1612。Samuel Edels, ḥiddushim ( on all treatises), Lublin.塞缪尔Edels,ḥiddushim(在所有的论文),卢布林。1614.1614。Issachar Bär, (Hor., Ker., Soṭah, Ḥul.), Venice.萨迦酒吧,(Hor.,长青春科尔。,Soṭah,讫),威尼斯。1619.1619。Meïr Lublin, (on most of the treatises), ib.梅尔卢布林,(对大部分的论文),兴业。Isaac ha-Levi, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Beẓab, Yeb., Ḳid., Ket., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Neuwied, 1736.艾萨克公顷列维,ḥiddushim(Sheb.,Beẓab,YEB。,孩子。,KET。“抗体。Zarah,讫),Neuwied,1736。 Abraham di Boton (d. 1625), ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., in ), Venice, 1599.亚伯拉罕迪波顿(卒于1625年),ḥiddushim(B. K。,中),威尼斯,1599。Joseph di Trani (d. 1639), ḥiddushim (Ḳid.), ib.约瑟夫迪特拉尼(卒于1639年),ḥiddushim(Ḳid.),兴业。1645.1645。Joel Sirkes (d. 1640), haggahot; in W. Joshua b.乔尔Sirkes(卒于1640),haggahot,在W.约书亚乙Solomon (d. 1648), (Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., B. Ḳ., Ḥul.), Amsterdam, 1715.所罗门(草1648),(Shab.,PE的,Beẓah,YEB。,KET,,孩子。,B. K。,讫),阿姆斯特丹,1715。Lipmann Heller (d. 1654), (notes); in W. 1652.李普曼海勒(卒于1654),(票据),在W. 1652。Ḥiyya Rofe, (on nineteen treatises), Venice.ḤiyyaRofe,(在nineteen论文),威尼斯。1660.1660。Mordecai Kremsier, (on the haggadot of Ber.), Amsterdam.末底改Kremsier,(在误码率haggadot),阿姆斯特丹。1662.1662。Joshua Benveniste, (Yer. Zera'im, Constantinople, 1662; Mo'ed, Nashim Neziḳin, ib. 1754).约书亚本维尼斯特(Yer. Zera'im,君士坦丁堡,1662; Mo'ed,NashimNeziḳin,IB 1754)。Meïr Schiff b.梅尔希夫B. Jacob, ḥiddushe halakot (i., ii., Sheb., Beẓah, Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Sanh., Zeb., Ḥul.), Zolkiev, 1826, and in the editions.雅各,ḥiddushe的halakot(一,二,,帅。,Beẓah,KET,,GIT。,B. K。,BM,BB,Sanh。,瑞伯,,讫),Zolkiev,1826年,在版本。Joshua Höschel (d. 1663), ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., BM, BB), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1725.约书亚Höschel(卒于1663),ḥiddushim(B. K。,BM,BB),法兰克福发表了主,1725。1664.1664。Solomon Algazi, ('Ab. Zarah, Ber., Ḥul., Venice, 1664; , Salonica, 1655; and , Constantinople, 1683; on haggadot).所罗门Algazi,('抗体Zarah,BER,讫,威尼斯,1664; ,萨洛尼卡,1655;和,君士坦丁堡,1683年,在haggadot)。1669.1669。Aaron Samuel Kaidanover, (Zeb., Men., 'Er., Ker., Tem., Me'i.), Amsterdam, 1669; (Pes., Beẓah, Yeb., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1696.亚伦塞缪尔Kaidanover(Zeb.,男装,“呃,长青春科尔,TEM,Me'i。。),阿姆斯特丹,1669;。(Pes.,Beẓah,YEB,KET,GIT,B. K。 ,BM,讫),法兰克福发表了主,1696。1670.1670。Jonah Teomim (d. 1699), (on thirteen treatises), Amsterdam.乔纳Teomim(草1699),(包含了十三论文),阿姆斯特丹。1671.1671。Moses Benveniste of Segovia, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Smyrna.摩西本维尼斯特塞哥维亚(Ber.,家宴Mo'ed),士麦那。Ḥayyim ben Israel Benveniste (d. 1673), (Sanh.), Leghorn, 1802.Ḥayyim本以色列维尼斯特(卒于1673),(Sanh.),里窝那,1802。 1682.1682。Samuel Eliezer b.塞缪尔埃利泽湾 Judah, ḥiddushe aggadot, Frankfort.犹大,ḥiddusheaggadot,法兰克福。1686.1686。Isaac Benjamin Wolf, ḥiddushim (BM), ib.艾萨克本杰明沃尔夫ḥiddushim(BM),兴业。Moses ibn Ḥabib (d. 1696), (RH, Yoma, Suk.), Constantinople, 1727.摩西伊本哈(卒于1696),(RH,山脉,淑),君士坦丁堡,1727。 1693.1693。Moses b.摩西湾Simeon, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Prague.西蒙(Ber.,家宴Mo'ed),布拉格。1698.1698。Judah b.犹大B.Nissan, (Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Ḥul.), with ḥiddushim of David Oppenheim, Dessau.日产(Yeb.,KET,,孩子。,GIT​​。,B. K。,BM,BB,讫),与大卫奥本海姆,德绍ḥiddushim。 1698.1698。Naphtali Cohen, (Ber.), Frankfort.拿弗他利科恩(Ber.),法兰克福。1699.1699。Samuel Ẓarfati, (Ber., 'Er., Beẓah, RH, B. Ḳ., Hor.), Amsterdam.塞缪尔Ẓarfati(Ber.,'呃。,Beẓah,RH,B. K。贺),阿姆斯特丹。Meïr Schiff b.梅尔希夫B.Soloman, (Ber., Sheb., Beẓah, Pes., Men.), Fürth, 1798.所罗门(Ber.,帅。,Beẓah,PES,由于男人),菲尔特,1798年。Baruch Angel, ḥiddushim (Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Salonica, 1717.巴鲁克天使,ḥiddushim(Ket.,GIT。,B. K。,BM,帅。“抗体。Zarah,讫),萨洛尼卡,1717。 Nehemiah b.B.尼希米Abraham Feiwel Duschnitz, (on twelve treatises), Amsterdam, 1694.亚伯拉罕Feiwel Duschnitz,(十二个论文),阿姆斯特丹,1694。Judah Liva b.B.犹大Liva Bezaleel (Shab., 'Er., Pes.), Lemberg, 1861.Bezaleel(Shab.,'呃。,PES),伦贝格,1861。

Eighteenth Century.十八世纪。

1700. 1700。Joseph b.约瑟夫BJacob, (on the haggadah), Amsterdam.雅各布(在哈加达),阿姆斯特丹。Elijah Spira (d. 1712), (Ḳid., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Fürth, 1768.以利亚Spira(草1712),(Ḳid.,KET,,GIT。,B. K。,BM,讫),菲尔特,1768。Abraham Broda (d. 1717), (Pes., Giṭ., BM, BB), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1747; (Ḳid., Ket.), Fürth, 1769; ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., BM, Sanh. in ), Offenbach, 1723.亚伯拉罕Broda(卒于1717年),(Pes.,混帐,BM,BB),法兰克福发表了主,1747;(Ḳid.,KET),菲尔特,1769;ḥiddushim(B. K,BM ,Sanh中),奥芬巴赫,1723。1710.1710。Elijah b.B.以利亚Judah, perush on Yer.犹大,在也门里亚尔perush。Zera'im and Sheḳ., Amsterdam, 1710; B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Frankfort, 1742.Zera'im及石,阿姆斯特丹,1710;。B. K,BM,BB,法兰克福,1742。1710.1710。Abraham Naphtali Spitz, (on most of the treatises), Frankfort-on-the-Main.亚伯拉罕拿弗他利斯皮茨,(对大部分的论文),法兰克福发表了主。 1711.1711。Samuel Shotten, (Seder Neziḳin, excepting Hor.), ib.塞缪尔Shotten(家宴Neziḳin,除贺),兴业。1714.1714。Akiba b.秋叶B.Judah Löb, (Ket.), ib.犹大LOB,(Ket.),兴业。1715.1715。Meïr Eisenstadt (d. 1744), (part i., Zeb., Shab., Ḥul., Amsterdam, 1715; part ii., Giṭ., Sulzbach, 1733; part iii., Ḳid., Beẓah, ib. 1738; also B. Ḳ., Sudilkov, 1832).梅尔艾森斯塔特(卒于1744),(第一部分,瑞伯,沙巴,讫,阿姆斯特丹,1715;。第二部分,GIT,苏尔茨巴赫,1733;。第三部分,孩子,Beẓah,IB 1738。。;也B. K。,Sudilkov,1832)。Joseph ha-Kohen Tanuji (d. 1720), (B. Ḳ., BM, 'Ab. Zarah), Leghorn, 1793.约瑟夫公顷Kohen Tanuji(卒于1720),(二K。,BM,'抗体。Zarah),里​​窝那,1793年。1720.1720。Solomon Kohen, ḥiddushim (on eleven treatises), Wilmersdorf.所罗门Kohen,ḥiddushim(论文在十一),威默尔斯多夫。1725.1725。Samuel di Avila, (Naz.), Amsterdam.塞缪尔二阿维拉(Naz.),阿姆斯特丹。Menahem Nahum b.梅纳海姆那鸿湾 Jacob, (on fourteen treatises), Dyhernfurth, 1726.雅各布(上fourteen论文),Dyhernfurth,1726。1728.1728。Johanan Kremnitzer, (Naz.), Berlin.约哈难Kremnitzer(Naz.),柏林。1728.1728。Elijah b.B.以利亚Jacob, (Pes., Ḳid., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ.), Wandsbeck.雅各布(Pes.,孩子。,KET,,GIT。,B. K。)Wandsbeck。Elijah ha-Kohen (d. 1729), (Yer. Zera'im), Smyrna, 1755.以利亚公顷Kohen(卒于1729),(Yer. Zera'im),士麦那,1755。 1729.1729。Judah of Gross-Glogau, (on most of the treatises), Amsterdam.犹大的毛,格洛高,(对大部分的论文),阿姆斯特丹。1729.1729。Jacob b.B.雅各布Joseph Reischer, (on haggadot), Wilmersdorf.约瑟夫Reischer,(在haggadot),威默尔斯多夫。1730.1730。Menahem Manuele, (on most of the treatises), Wandsbeck.梅纳海姆Manuele,(对大部分的论文),Wandsbeck。1731.1731。Isaac b.艾萨克湾David, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Amsterdam.大卫(Ber.,家宴Mo'ed),阿姆斯特丹。Jacob b.B.雅各布Joseph Kremer, (RH, Amsterdam, 1731; Meg., Altona, 1735).约瑟夫克雷默(RH,阿姆斯特丹,1731;梅格,阿尔托纳,1735)。Aryeh Löb b.Aryeh前厅湾 Asher, (Ta'an.), Wilna, 1862; (RH, Ḥag., Meg.), Metz, 1781.阿舍(Ta'an),维尔纳,1862;(RH,女巫,梅格。),梅斯,1781。 1733.1733。Selig b.塞利格B.Phoebus, (on haggadot), Offenbach.太阳神,(在haggadot),奥芬巴赫。1733.1733。Ephraim b.莲湾Samuel, (on most of the treatises), Altona.萨穆埃尔,(对大部分的论文),阿尔托纳。1737.1737。Ẓebi Hirsch b.Ẓebi赫希B. Joshua, (Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Prague.约书亚(Yeb.,KET,,孩子。,B. K。,BM,讫),布拉格。1739.1739。Jacob Joshua Falk (d. 1756), (Ket., Giṭ., Ḳid., Amsterdam, 1739; Ber., Shab., Pes., RH, Suk., Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1752; B. Ḳ., BM, ib. 1756; Ḥul., Mak., Sheb., Fürth, 1780).雅各约书亚福尔克(四1756),(Ket.,Git的,孩子,阿姆斯特丹,1739;。BER,沙巴,PES,RH,淑,法兰克福发表了主,1752;。B.Ḳ ,,BM,IB 1756;讫,麦帅,菲尔特,1780)。1740.1740。Shabbethai b.Shabbethai B.Moses, (on most of the treatises), Fürth.摩西,(对大部分的论文),菲尔特。1741.1741。Israel b.以色列湾Moses, (on the mathematical passages), Frankfort-on-the-Oder.摩西,(在数学通道),法兰克福发表的 - 奥得。1743.1743。David Fränkel, and (Yer. Seder Mo'ed, Dessau, 1743; Seder Nashim, ib. 1757).大卫弗兰克尔和(Yer.家宴Mo'ed,德绍,1743;家宴Nashim,IB 1757)。1750.1750。Moses Margolioth, (Yer. Nashim, Amsterdam, 1750; Neziḳin, Leghorn, 1770).摩西Margolioth(Yer. Nashim,阿姆斯特丹,1750;Neziḳin,里窝那,1770年)。1751.1751。Jacob Samosc, (Ber., Suk., Beẓah, Ḳid., B. Ḳ., BM, Sheb.), Rödelheim.雅各Samosc(Ber.,淑。,Beẓah,孩子。,B. K。,BM,帅),Rödelheim。1755.1755。Aaron b.亚伦B.Nathan, (on most of the treatises), Zolkiev.弥敦道,(对大部分的论文),Zolkiev。1756.1756。Ḥayyim Joseph David Azulai, (Hor.), Leghorn.Ḥayyim约瑟夫大卫Azulai(Hor.),里窝那。Akiba Eger (d. 1758), (Ber., Shab., 'Er., Pes., Beẓah, Suk., Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., Seder Neziḳin, Seder Ḳodashim, Niddah), Fürth, 1781.秋叶埃格尔(卒于1758年),(Ber.,沙巴。“呃。,PE的,Beẓah,淑。,YEB。,KET,,孩子。,GIT​​。,家宴Neziḳin,家宴Ḳodashim,Niddah),菲尔特, 1781。1757. 1757。Joseph b.约瑟夫BMeïr Teomim (d. 1793), (Yeb., Ket.).梅尔Teomim(卒于1793年),(Yeb.,KET)。Zolkiev, 1757; (Ḥul., Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1794; Sheb., Meg., Lemberg, 1863). Zolkiev,1757;(Ḥul.,法兰克福上的,奥得河,1794;。帅,梅格,伦贝格,1863年)。1760.1760。Isaiah Berlin, and (notes on all the treatises: ḥiddushim on Naz.), np; haggahot in W. 1763.以赛亚柏林,(在所有的论文指出:在纳兹ḥiddushim),NP,在W. 1763 haggahot。Joseph Darmstadt, (Ber., Beẓah, Meg.), Carlsruhe.约瑟夫达姆施塔特(Ber.,Beẓah,梅格),Carlsruhe。Jonathan Eybeschütz (d. 1764), (on most of the treatises), Piotrkow, 1897.乔纳森Eybeschütz(卒于1764),(对大部分的论文),Piotrkow,1897年。1766.1766。Isaac Ashkenazi, (Giṭ., Ket., B. Ḳ.), Salonica.艾萨克德系,(Giṭ.,KET,,B. K。)萨洛尼卡。1766.1766。Isaac Nuñez-Vaez, (Yoma, Leghorn, 1766; Ḥag., ib. 1794).艾萨克努涅斯- Vaez(山脉,里窝那,1766;。HAG,IB 1794)。Jacob Emden (d. 1776), glosses; in W. 1776.雅各埃姆登(草1776),敷衍了事,在W. 1776。Elijah Sidlov, (Zeb., Men., Tem.), Fürth, 1776.以利亚Sidlov(Zeb.,男装,,TEM),菲尔特,1776。1776.1776。Eleazar Kallir (d. 1801), (Pes., Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1776; Ḳid., Vienna, 1799).埃莱亚萨Kallir(四1801),(Pes.,法兰克福上的 - 奥得,1776;孩子,维也纳,1799年)。 Judah Lissa, (Zeb.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1776; (Men.), Prague, 1788.犹大利萨(Zeb.),法兰克福发表了主,1776;(Men.),布拉格,1788。1777.1777。Itzig b.Itzig B.Samson, (Yoma, Beẓah, Sheb., Ḥul., 'Ar., Tem., Me'i., Ker.), Sulzbach.参孙(山脉,Beẓah,帅,,讫。“河,TEM,,Me'i。,长青春科尔),苏尔茨巴赫。1778.1778。Saul b.扫罗B.Aryeh (d. 1790), (on fourteen treatises), Amsterdam.Aryeh(卒于1790年),(在fourteen论文),阿姆斯特丹。1778.1778。Raphael Peiser, (Pes., Shab., Beẓah, Ket., RH, Ḥul.), Dyhernfurth, 1778; (Ḳid., Giṭ.), ib.拉斐尔Peiser(Pes.,沙巴,Beẓah,KET,RH,讫。)Dyhernfurth,1778;(Ḳid.,GIT),兴业。 1805.1805。1781.1781。Eliezer de Avila, (i., BM, Hor.; ii., Ket., Ḳid., Leghorn, 1781-85).埃利泽DE阿维拉(一,BM,贺;。二,KET,孩子,里窝那,1781年至1785年)。1784.1784。Nathan Maas, (Sanh., Offenbach, 1784; 'Ab. Zarah, ib. 1796).弥敦道马斯(Sanh.,奥芬巴赫,1784;。'抗体Zarah,IB 1796)。 1784.1784。Ezekiel Landau (Pes., Prague, 1784; Ber., ib. 1791; Beẓah, ib. 1799; Sheb., 'Er., Warsaw, 1879; RH, Yoma, Suk., Ta'an., Hag., Meg., ib. 1890; Ḥul., Zeb., Men., ib. 1891); glosses; in W. Elijah Wilna (d. 1797), glosses and elucidations of both Talmudim in various editions.以西结书朗(Pes.,布拉格,1784; BER,IB 1791;。Beẓah,IB 1799;。帅,“呃,华沙,1879年; RH,山脉,淑,Ta'an,女巫,梅格。 ,,IB 1890;讫,瑞伯,男装,IB 1891年);。敷衍了事,在W.利亚维尔纳(草1797),敷衍了事和两个不同版本Talmudim阐发。1785.1785。Moses Katz, (Sheḳ.), Fürth.摩西卡茨(Sheḳ.),菲尔特。1786.1786。Phinehas Horwitz, (part i., Ket., Offenbach, 1786; part ii., Ḳid., ib. 1801; part iii., Ber., Munkacs, 1895).非尼哈霍维茨(第一部分,KET,奥芬巴赫,1786;第二部分,孩子,IB 1801;。。第三部分,误码率,Munkacs,1895年)。1786.1786。Meïr Barby, ḥiddushe halakot (i., Beẓah, Pes., Ḳid., Ket., Dyhernfurth, 1786; ii., Yoma, Suk., Giṭ., Ḥul., Sheb., Prague, 1793).梅尔巴尔比,ḥiddushe的halakot(一,Beẓah,PES,孩子,KET,Dyhernfurth,1786;。。。。二,山脉,淑,GIT,讫,帅,布拉格,1793)。 Uziel Meisels, (Sheb.), Lemberg, 1886.Uziel Meisels(Sheb.),伦贝格,1886年。1788.1788。Wolf Lasch, (i., ii., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., Brẓnn, 1788; Vienna, 1829).狼Lasch,(一,二,KET,小子,GIT,Brẓnn,1788;。维也纳,1829)。1789.1789。Joseph David Sinzheim, (Ber., entire Seder Mo'ed), Offenbach.约瑟夫大卫Sinzheim(Ber.,整个家宴Mo'ed),奥芬巴赫。David Schiff (d. 1792), (on most of the treatises), ib.大卫希夫(四1792),(对大部分的论文),兴业。1822.1822。1791.1791。Levi Pollak, (B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah), Prague.列维波拉克(B. K。,BM,BB,帅。“抗体。Zarah),布拉格。1792.1792。Isaac b.艾萨克湾Ẓebi, (Zeb.), Lemberg. Ẓebi(Zeb.),伦贝格。1792. 1792。Meïr Spitz, (RH, Yoma, Suk., Meg., Ta'an.), Vienna.梅尔斯皮茨(RH,山脉,淑。,梅格。,Ta'an),维也纳。 1794.1794。Judah Najar, (Sheb.), Leghorn, 1794; (Ker.), Pisa, 1816.犹大Najar(Sheb.),里窝那,1794;(Ker.),比萨,1816。1796.1796。Baruch b.巴鲁克B.Samuel Zanwil, (Ket.), Vienna, 1796.塞缪尔Zanwil(Ket.),维也纳,1796。1796.1796。Joseph b.约瑟夫BMoses, (B. Ḳ.), Lemberg.摩西(B. K。)伦贝格。1799. 1799。Elijah Ventura, (on twenty-one treatises), Salonica.以利亚文图拉,(在21论文),萨洛尼卡。Aryeh Judah Löb Teomim, (Ber., Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Ḥul., Ḳid., Sheb.), Zolkiev, 1802. Aryeh犹大前厅Teomim(B​​er.,沙巴。,PE的,Beẓah,讫。,孩子。,帅),Zolkiev,1802。Ḥayyim Shabbethai Lago, (Ber., Pes., Ḳid., Sanh., Ḥul.), Salonica, 1801. ḤayyimShabbethai拉戈(Ber.,PE的,孩子。,Sanh。,讫),萨洛尼卡,1801。Abraham b.亚伯拉罕湾Jacob Mutal, (Naz.), np, 1821.雅各Mutal(Naz.),NP,1821。Ḥayyim Abraham. Ḥayyim亚伯拉罕。b. B.Samuel, ḥiddushim (Shab., RH, Suk., Ḥul.), Salonica, 1804.萨穆埃尔,ḥiddushim(Shab.,RH,淑。,讫),萨洛尼卡,1804。

Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries.十九世纪和二十世纪。

1801. 1801。Ẓebi Hirsch Horwitz, (14 treatises), Offenbach.Ẓebi赫希霍维茨(14论文),奥芬巴赫。1801.1801。Eleazar Karpeles, (Hor.), Prague; (Ḥul., 'Ar.), ib.埃莱亚萨Karpeles(Hor.),布拉格(Ḥul.,“AR),兴业。1815.1815年。1802.1802。Bezaleel Ronsburg, (Hor.), Prague; , notes, in W. 1802.Bezaleel Ronsburg(Hor.),布拉格;,所指出的,W. 1802。 Eleazar Löw, (Ber., Pes., Beẓah), Prague.埃莱亚萨低,(Ber.,PE的,Beẓah),布拉格。1804.1804。Abraham Aryeh Kahana, (on most of the treatises), Ostrog.亚伯拉罕Aryeh Kahana,(对大部分的论文),Ostrog。1810.1810。Meïr Schlesinger, (Shab., RH, Giṭ., BM), Prague.梅尔施莱辛格(Shab.,RH,GIT。,BM),布拉格。1811.1811。Jacob Simeon Shabbethai, (Meg., Ta'an.), Pisa, 1821; (Ker.), ib.雅各西蒙Shabbethai(Meg.,Ta'an),比萨,1821;(Ker.),兴业。1811.1811。1814.1814。Jacob Günzburg, (Ber., Shab.), Prague.雅各Günzburg(Ber.,沙巴),布拉格。1815.1815年。Benedetto Frizzi, (on haggadot), Leghorn.贝内代托Frizzi,(在haggadot),里窝那。1821.1821。Nahum Trebitsch, (Yer. Seder Mo'ed), Vienna.那鸿Trebitsch(Yer.家宴Mo'ed),维也纳。1822.1822。David Deutsch, (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1822, 1825; Presburg, 1836; Ungvar, 1867.大卫德语,(对大部分的论文),维也纳,1822,1825; Presburg,1836; Ungvar,1867年。 Moses Sofer, (Beẓah, Piotrkow, 1898; BB, ib. 1896; Shab., Vienna, 1889; Ḥul., Giṭ., ib. 1893; Pes., Jerusalem, 1894); haggahot in W. 1822.摩西Sofer(Beẓah,Piotrkow,1898年,BB,IB 1896年;。沙巴,维也纳,1889年,讫,GIT,IB 1893年;。PES,耶路撒冷,1894年),在W. 1822 haggahot。 Gabriel Cohen, (BB, Sheb.), Vienna.加布里埃尔科恩(BB,帅),维也纳。1823.1823。Jacob Lissa, (Ket.), Hrubisov.雅各利萨(Ket.),Hrubisov。1824.1824年。Marcus Hirsch, (Seder Mo'ed excepting Shab., 'Er., Ḥag.), Prague.马库斯赫希(家宴Mo'ed沙巴除外。“呃。,女巫),布拉格。Shalom Ullmann (d. 1825), (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1826.沙洛姆乌尔曼(卒于1825年),(对大部分的论文),维也纳,1826年。 Akiba Eger (d. 1837), (Ber., Seder Mo'ed, Yeb., Ket.), Warsaw, 1892; (BM, Giṭ.), Berlin, 1858; notes in W. 1826.秋叶埃格尔(卒于1837年),(Ber.,家宴Mo'ed,YEB,KET ),华沙,1892年;(BM,GIT),柏林,1858年,在W. 1826笔记。Ẓebi Hirsch Leipnik, (Ber., Shab., 'Er., Pes., Beẓah, Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., BM, Ker., Zeb.), Ofen. Ẓebi赫希Leipnik(Ber.,沙巴。“呃。,PE的,Beẓah,KET,,孩子。,GIT​​。,BM,长青春科尔。,瑞伯),奥芬。 Isaac Ardit, ('Ar.), Salonica, 1828.艾萨克Ardit(“AR),萨洛尼卡,1828。1829.1829。Jacob Weiler, ('Er.), Zolkiev.雅各维勒,('呃 ),Zolkiev。Aaron Kuttner (d. 1829), (Nid.), Paks, 1901.亚伦库特纳(草1829),(Nid.),套组,1901年。Cosman Wodianer (d. 1831), (2 parts, on most of the treatises), ed.Cosman Wodianer(卒于1831年),(2件上的论文最多,),编辑。Bacher, Vienna, 1890.巴切尔,维也纳,1890年。Ẓebi Hirsch Heller, (Giṭ.), Zolkiev, 1844.Ẓebi赫希海勒(Giṭ.),Zolkiev,1844年。1834.1834。Solomon Kluger, (Niddah), Zolkiev 1834; (Beẓah), Lemberg, 1891.所罗门克鲁格(Niddah),Zolkiev 1834(Beẓah),伦贝格,1891。Ezekiel Binet (d. 1836), (Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Kid., Giṭ., Mek., Ḥul.), Paks, 1899.以西结比奈(卒于1836年),(Shab.,PE的,Beẓah,孩子。,GIT​​。,MEK,,讫),套组,1899年。 Wolf Bär Schiff (d. 1842), ('Er.), Cracow, 1894.狼柏尔希夫(四1842),('呃 ),克拉科夫,1894年。Koppel Reich, , Presburg, 1837.科佩尔帝国,Presburg,1837。Benjamin Rapoport, (Mak.), Vienna, 1839.本杰明拉波波特(Mak.),维也纳,1839年。1840.1840年。Hirsch Chajes, haggahot; in W. Aryeh Judah b.赫希Chajes,haggahot,在犹大B. W. AryehAkiba, (Ḥul.), Lemberg, 1861.秋叶(Ḥul.),伦贝格,1861。1850.1850年。Samuel Freund, (Seder Mo'ed), Prague.塞缪尔弗氏(家宴Mo'ed),布拉格。1850.1850年。Jacob Ettlinger (d. 1869), (Ker., Altona, 1850; Yeb., ib. 1854; RH, Sanh., Warsaw, 1873); (Suk.), Altona, 1858.雅各Ettlinger(草1869),(Ker.,阿尔托纳,1850; YEB,IB 1854年;。RH,Sanh,华沙,1873年);(Suk.),阿尔托纳,1858。1851.1851。David b.戴维BSamuel, (Seder Ḳodashim), Leghorn, 1851; (Naz.), Algiers, 1853.塞缪尔(家宴Ḳodashim),里窝那,1851年;(Naz.),阿尔及尔,1853年。1851.1851。Isaac Kamarun, (Sheḳ.), Lemberg.艾萨克Kamarun(Sheḳ.),伦贝格。1854.1854年。Nathan Coronel, (Ber.), Vienna.弥敦道科罗内尔(Ber.),维也纳。1857.1857年。Issachar Bär ben Sinai, (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1857.萨迦柏尔之本西奈半岛,(对大部分的论文),维也纳,1857年。1859.1859年。Wiesner, scholia on Babli (part i., Ber., Prague, 1859; part ii., Shab., ib. 1862; part iii., 'Er., Pes., ib. 1867).威斯纳,scholia(第一部分,误码率,布拉格,1859年;第二部分,沙巴,IB 1862;。。。。。第三部分,“呃,PES,IB 1867)上Babli。1860. 1860年。Zeeb Ettinger and Joseph Nathansohn, , (glosses, etc., on Yer.), Jitomir. Zeeb艾丁格和约瑟夫Nathansohn,(敷衍了事等,对也门里亚尔。)Jitomir。1861.1861年。Ezekiel b.以西结书B.Moses, (Ket., Ned.), Warsaw.摩西(Ket.,斯内德),华沙。Mordecai Müller, (Shab.), Vienna.末底改米勒(Shab.),维也纳。1862.1862。Weissman Chajes, Solomon Brann, Judel Slabatki, notes on Yer., Krotoschin.韦斯曼Chajes,所罗门布莱恩,Judel Slabatki,票据上也门里亚尔。,Krotoschin。1864.1864年。Mordecai Herzka, (Ber.), Vienna.末底改Herzka(Ber.),维也纳。Issachar Präger, (Giṭ.), Lemberg.萨迦普拉格(Giṭ.),伦贝格。1867.1867年。A. Krochmal, (notes on Yer.), Lemberg.A.科罗赫马尔,(在也门里亚尔纸币),伦贝格。1867-97.1867年至1897年。 Rabbinovicz, , i.-xvi. Rabbinovicz,岛,十六。(variant readings on the entire Talmud), Munich and Przemysl.(在整个犹太法典变读),慕尼黑和普热梅希尔。1869.1869年。Aryeh Löb Zunz, (Giṭ.), Warsaw. Aryeh前厅聪茨(Giṭ.),华沙。Joshua Eizik, (Yer. Seder Neziḳin), Wilna.约书亚Eizik(Yer.家宴Neziḳin),维尔纳。1874.1874年。Zacharias Frankel, (i., Yer. Ber., Beẓah; ii., Dem.), Breslau, 1874-75.撒迦利亚弗兰克尔(一,也门里亚尔BER,Beẓah;。二,DEM),布雷斯劳,1874年至1875年。1876.1876​​。Asher Cohen, (Naz.), Warsaw.灰粉科恩(Naz.),华沙。1877.1877年。Raphael Schlesinger, (Sanh., Sheb.), Berlin.拉斐尔施莱辛格(Sanh.,帅),柏林。1878.1878。Naphtali Ẓebi ha-Levi, (Giṭ.), Przemysl.拿弗他利ẒebiHA -列维(Giṭ.),普热梅希尔。1880.1880。I. Ḥayyim Deiches, (Yer. B. Ḳ.), Wilna.一,ḤayyimDeiches(Yer. B. K。),维尔纳。1883.1883。Benjamin Ḥeshin, (Seder Neziḳin, Ḳodashim), Warsaw.本杰明Ḥeshin(家宴Neziḳin,Ḳodashim),华沙。1888.1888。Meïr Friedmann, notes on his edition of Mak., Vienna.梅尔弗里德曼,指出他的麦版。维也纳。1888.1888。A. Schmidl, (Ḳid.), in "Oẓar ha-Sifrut," ii.-iii.A. Schmidl(Ḳid.),在“Oẓar公顷Sifrut,”白介素- III。 1888.1888。Simon Sidon, (Beẓah), Vienna.西蒙西顿(Beẓah),维也纳。1895.1895年。I. Lewy, interpretation of the first three sections of Yer.一路易,前三部分的也门里亚尔的解释。Neziḳin, Breslau, 1895-1902. Neziḳin,布雷斯劳,1995至02年。1897.1897年。SL Brill, "Aus den Talmudischen Randnoten des . . . von Ludwig Blau," in "Monatsschrift," 1897. SL布里尔,“澳大利亚巢穴Talmudischen Randnoten沙漠。路德维希冯布劳,”在“月刊,”1897年。1899.1899年。Isaac Chajes, (Mak.), Podgorze.艾萨克Chajes(Mak.),Podgorze。1897-1903.1897年至1903年。 Joseph Dünner, haggahot (i., 'Er., Beẓah, Suk.; ii., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ.; iii., Sanh., Mak., Sheb., Hor.), Frankfort.约瑟夫Dünner,haggahot(一,“呃,Beẓah,淑;二,KET,孩子,Git的;。。。。三,Sanh,麦帅,贺),法兰克福。 1901.1901。Dob Baer Ratner, (on Yer. Ber., Shab., Ter., Ḥal.), Wilna, 1901-4. DOB巴尔拉特纳,(在也门里亚尔。误码率。,沙巴,,之三,HAL),维尔纳,1901-4。1905.1905年。Sal.萨尔。Friedländer, and (on Yer. Yeb.), Szinervareya.德兰德,以及(在也门里亚尔。YEB),Szinervareya。

Wilhelm Bacher, M. Richtmann威廉巴切尔,M. Richtmann
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901-1906之间。

Bibliography: 参考书目:
Weiss, Dor, iv., v., Vienna, 1887, 1891; Zunz, ZG pp. 29-59, Berlin, 1845; Jellinek, Ḳorot Seder ha-Limmud, in Keller's Bikkurim (Vienna), i.魏斯,多尔,四,五,维也纳,1887年,1891年;聪茨,ZG第29-59,柏林,1845年,耶利内克,Ḳorot家宴公顷Limmud,在凯勒的Bikkurim(维也纳)岛 1-26, ii.1-26,二。1-19; idem, Ḳonṭres ha-Mefaresh, Vienna, 1877; Frankel, Introductio in Talmud Hierosolymitanum, pp. 138-141, Breslau, 1870; Steinschneider, Cat. 1-19;同上,Ḳonṭres公顷Mefaresh,维也纳,1877年,弗兰克尔,Introductio在塔木德Hierosolymitanum,页138-141,布雷斯劳,1870; Steinschneider,猫。Bodl.Bodl。passim; Zedner, Cat.各处; Zedner,猫。Hebr.黑布尔。Books Brit.图书英国人。Mus.亩。passim; Fürst, Bibl.各处;弗斯特,Bibl。Jud.达瓦慈善会。passim.WBM Ri. passim.WBM日。


Talmud塔木德

Catholic Information天主教信息

1. 1。DEFINITION定义

Talmud was a post-Biblical substantive formation of Pi'el ("to teach"), and originally signified "doctrine" or "study".塔木德是后圣经的Pi'el(“教”)实质性的形成,标志着原来“主义”或“研究”。In a special sense, however, it meant the justification and explanation of religious and legal norms or Halakhoth ("conduct", signifying "the law in accordance with which the conduct of life is to be regulated").在一个特殊的意义,但是,它意味着宗教和法律规范或Halakhoth理由和解释(“行为”,标志着“法律根据其中的生活行为加以规范”)。 When in the third century the Halakhoth collection of Jehuda I or the recorded Mishna became the chief object of study, the expression "Talmud" was applied chiefly to the discussions and explanations of the Mishna.当在第三世纪的那户大我,或者拍摄的密西拿Halakhoth集合成为主要的研究对象中,“塔木德经”的应用主要是在讨论和密西拿的解释。 Finally, it became the general designation for the Mishna itself and the collection of discussions concerned with it.最后,它成为了密西拿自己和与它有关的讨论,收集的统称。For the latter the designation Gemara, interpreted as "completion" from the Hebrew and Aramaic words meaning "to complete", subsequently became the accepted term.对于后者的指定革马拉,为“完成”从希伯来文和解释,意思是“完成”阿拉姆话,后来成为公认的术语。The word first found entrance into the Talmud editions through Christian censorship; manuscripts and the old printed editions use the expression Talmud.这个词第一次发现到通过审查的基督教犹太法典版本的入口;手稿和老印版使用表达犹太法典。We therefore understand by Talmud a compilation consisting of the Mishna, ie the codification of Jewish religious and legal norms, and of the Gemara, or the collection of discussions and explanations concerning the Mishna.因此,我们理解犹太法典的汇编组成的密西拿,即犹太人的宗教和法律规范的编纂,以及革马拉,或讨论和收集有关密西拿的解释。

II. II。ORIGIN OF THE TALMUD起源的犹太法典

Since Esdras the foundation of the Jewish religious community was the law.自埃斯德拉斯的犹太宗教社区的基础是法律。Everything was regulated in accordance with fixed norms; nothing could be added or changed in the law laid down in the Pentateuch.一切都按照固定的标准规范的规定,没有什么可以增加或减少规定的五法改变。Yet the ever-varying conditions of life called for new ordinances, and these were decreed in accordance with the needs of the time and the special cases to be determined.然而,生活的不断变化的条件,要求新的条例,这些都与时间和将要确定的特殊情况下,根据需要颁布。There were thus formed a traditional law and custom orally transmitted.从而形成了一个有传统的法律和习俗口头传播。Every decree of this kind (halakha), if it had existed from time immemorial and nothing further could be said in regard to its origin, was called a law given to Moses on Mount Sinai.每一个这种(halakha)法令,如果它存在了从远古时代并没有什么进一步可以在关于它的起源说,被称为给摩西在西奈山的法律。 Even for orthodox Judaism of today it is an article of faith that Moses, at the same time that he received the written law recorded in the Pentateuch, also received detailed explanations of the different laws which were handed down by tradition as oral law.即使是正统犹太教的今天它是一个信条,摩西,在同一时间,他收到的书面法律中的摩西五记录,也收到了当中转交由口服法传统下不同的法律详细的解释。 In addition to this the scribes at an early period attempted, by interpretation of the Torah, to make the law applicable to the changed conditions of life, to base the new precepts at least retrospectively on the Torah, and to draw out of it further religious laws.除了在尝试,通过诵读经文的解释,使法律适用于生活条件的变化早期这段期间内的文士,以生成新的戒律在托拉至少追溯,并绘制出来的进一步的宗教法律。 For this kind of Scriptural learning hermeneutic rules (Middoth) were at a later period established, at first seven, which were then divided into fourteen, and finally increased to thirty-two.对于这种学习圣经解释学的规则类型(Middoth)是建立在稍后时期,前七,然后将植物之分,并最终提高到32。 All the older additions to the Torah as well as the constantly increasing new material were for a long time transmitted orally, and, according to the prevailing view, it was forbidden to record it in writing.所有老增加的托拉以及不断增加的新材料很长一段时间被口头传播,并且,根据普遍的看法,它被禁止以书面记录。But it is at all events wrong to assume that there was a formal prohibition to record Halakhoth in writing.但是,假定有一个正式的禁令,以书面记录Halakhoth在所有事件是错误的。The prohibition probably referred to written records intended for public use; for a fixed record of the traditional law would have acted as a hindrance to its further development in accordance with the existing needs of the day.这项禁令可能转介到公众使用的书面记录;针对传统法固定记录将作为其进一步发展的障碍行事同一天,按照现有的需求。It is by no means improbable that the final reduction of the Mishna was preceded by previous written records, especially after Rabbi Agiba, at the beginning of the second century, had divested the study of the law of its previous Midrash character and had undertaken to arrange the materials systematically.这绝不是不可能的是,密西拿最终减少是由以前的文字记载之前,特别是在拉比Agiba,在第二个世纪初,已经剥离了其先前的米德拉士性格学法,并承诺安排材料系统。 Among his pupils it was probably Rabbi Me'ir who continued these systematic labours.在他的学生是可能拉比Me'ir谁继续这些系统的劳作。But of such collections only one finally attained canonical recognition, and therefore was called Mishna par excellence, viz.但这样的集合只有一个最后达到规范的认可,并因此被称为密西拿出类拔萃,即the one edited about the end of the second century of our era by Rabbi Jehuda I, called Ha-nashi (the prince) or Ha-gadosh (the saint) or simply the Rabbi.因此,现在的我们的拉比那户大时代的第二个世纪末我编辑的,叫哈那氏(王子)或哈gadosh(圣)或简单的拉比。This then is our Mishna, the basis of the Talmud.这则是我们的密西拿,对犹太法典的基础。

Rabbi Jehuda had adopted only a part of the doctrines, which in course of time had been handed down in the different schools.拉比那户大通过了唯一的学说,它随着时间的推移已转交下来,在不同学校的一部分。Although he selected what was most important, he sometimes omitted much that seemed important to others; and, on the other hand, it was felt that even the unimportant should not be allowed to sink into oblivion.虽然他选择什么是最重要的是,他有时略多,似乎重要的是别人;,并在另一方面,有人认为,即使是不重要的,不应允许沉入遗忘。 In consequence, other collections soon originated, which, though not canonical, were nevertheless highly valued.结果,其他收藏品很快起源,这虽然不规范,还是被高度重视。All the Halakhoth which were not included in the Mishna of Jehuda received the name Baraithoth (sing. Baraitha, "omitted doctrine").所有这些都没有在那户大密西拿包括Halakhoth收到的名称Baraithoth(sing. Baraitha,“省略主义”)。The most important Baraitha collection is the Tosephta.最重要的Baraitha集合是Tosephta。

The precise brevity of expression and the pregnant form in which the Mishna had codified the Halakhoth made an interpretation of them necessary, while the casuistic features of the work were a stimulus to further casuistic development.的表达形式和怀孕,其中密西拿曾编纂Halakhoth精确简洁作出他们的解释是必要,而工作的诡辩特点是诡辩发展,以进一步刺激。 In the profound study and explanation of its contents much weight was placed upon the Haggada, ie the doctrines not included in the law (folklore, legends, historic recollections, ethics and didactics, etc.), of which Jehuda, who aimed to draw up a code of laws had taken little or no account.在深入学习及其后的重量是Haggada放在内容的解释,即在法律上不包括教义(民俗,传说,历史回忆,道德和教学法等),其中那户大,谁的目的是制定一个法典采取了很少或没有考虑。 Everything, in fact, that tradition offered was brought within the range of discussion.所有的一切,事实上,这一传统被带到提供的讨论范围之内。In order to give a suitable designation to the new tendency in the teaching of the law, scholars, up to the time of the final transcription of the Mishna, were known as Tanna'im (sing Tanna, "teacher"), those who came after them, Amora'im (sing. Amora, "speaker").为了给一个在法律教学的新趋势适合称号,学者,到了最后的密西拿转录时间,分别为Tanna'im(唱塔纳岛,“老师”)称,那些谁来到在他们之后,Amora'im(sing.阿莫拉,“喇叭”)。 The collection of the Amora'im, as finally recorded, was called, as stated above, Talmud, later Gemara: that of the Palestinian schools, the Palestinian Gemara, that of the Babylonian schools, the Babylonian Gemara.该Amora'im集合,最后记录,被称为,如上所述,犹太法典,后来革马拉:对巴勒斯坦学校,巴勒斯坦革马拉,即巴比伦的学校,巴比伦革马拉的。 The combined edition of the Mishna and Gemara, or the Talmud in our sense of the word, discriminates, therefore, between Mishna and Palestinian Gemara, or "Palestinian Talmud", and Mishna and Babylonian Gemara or "Babylonian Talmud".该密西拿和革马拉结合版,或者在我们的犹太法典意义上,歧视,因此,革马拉和巴勒斯坦之间的密西拿,或“巴勒斯坦塔木德经”,和密西拿和巴比伦的革马拉或“巴比伦塔木德经”。 The latter is meant when the Talmud without further specification is referred to.后者是指当没有进一步规范犹太法典被称为。

III. III。THE MISHNA的密西拿

(From the Hebrew meaning "repetition", translated by the Fathers of the Church deuterosis).(从希伯来文,意思是“重复”,由教会deuterosis的父亲译)。The word is a substantive formation from the Hebrew root meaning "to repeat".这个词是从希伯来文根,意思是“重复”实质性的形成。 From this meaning was developed, in the language of the later schools, the characteristic method of all teaching and learning, particularly of doctrines orally transmitted, which was accomplished by repeated enunciation on the part of the teacher and frequent repetition on the part of the pupil.从这个意义上的开发,在以后的学校,所有的教学和学习特点的方法,尤其是口传的教义,这是实现对教师和频繁重复的部分通过反复阐述对学生的部分语言。 Both expressions thus became a term for the science of tradition, the former signifying the special study of orally transmitted law, the latter the law itself in contrast to the first one meaning the written law.两个表达式从而成为对传统的科学术语,前者标志着口传法,相对于第一个法律意义的书面后者的法律本身的特殊研究。But the expression is also used for each of the doctrines orally transmitted, and differs from Halakha in that the latter signifies the traditional law so far as it is binding, while the former designates it as an object of study.但表达也是用于每个口传的教义,并从Halakha不同之处在于后者标志着传统法律至今,因为它是有约束力,而前者指定作为研究对象。 Furthermore, the word Mishna is applied to the systematic collection of such doctrines, and finally to that collection which alone has attained canonical recognition, ie the collection of Jehuda I. This collection represents Jewish law codified in that development which it received in the schools of Palestine up to the end of the second century after Christ.此外,字密西拿,是适用于这些理论系统地收集,最后到这里面就有达到规范认可的集合,即一,那户大集合该集合代表犹太法律的发展,它在学校收到的编纂巴勒斯坦直至公元二世纪后,基督结束。 Through it the orally transmitted law was finally established along with the written law or the Torah.通过它的口传法终于确立随着成文法或诵读经文。The foundation of this collection is formed by the collections which already existed before Jehuda, particularly that of Rabbi Me'ir.这个集合的基础是由它的藏品已存在之前那户大,尤其是拉比Me'ir。The Mishna does not pretend to be a collection of sources of the Halakha, but merely to teach it.在密西拿不假装自己是对的Halakha源集合,而只是教。Whether its fixation in writing was the work of Jehuda himself or took place after him is a debated point; but the former is the more probable theory.无论是其以书面形式固定了自己的那户大的工作或发生后,他是一个争论不休的问题,但前者是更可能的理论。The only question then is how much of it he wrote; in the extended form which it now presents it could not have been written by him alone.那么唯一的问题是有多少,他说,在扩展形式,它现在呈现它已经不能由他编写的孤独。It has evidently received additions in course of time, and in other respects also the text has been altered.它显然在时间过程中得到补充,并在其他方面也文本已被更改。

As regards the subject matter the Mishna is divided into six institutes or Sedarim; for this reason Jew are accustomed to call the Talmud Shas.至于题材的密西拿分为六个学院或Sedarim分;这样做的原因犹太人习惯于致电犹太法典沙斯。Each Seder has a number (7-12) of treatises; these are divided into chapters or Peraqim, and each chapter into precepts.每个家宴有论文数(7-12),这些都将章节或Peraqim,每章分为成戒律。The six institutes and their treatises are as follows:这六个机构和他们的论文如下:

A. Seder Zera'im (harvest)A.家宴Zera'im(收获)

Containing in eleven treatises the laws on the cultivation of the soil and its products.含在十一论文对土壤和栽培及其产品的法律。

(1) Berakhoth (benedictions) blessings and prayers, particularly those in daily use. (1)Berakhoth(祝福)的祝福和祈祷,特别是在日常使用的。(2) Pe'a (corner), concerning the parts of the fields and their products which are to be left to the poor (cf. Leviticus 19:9 sq.; 23:22; Deuteronomy 24:19 sq.) and in general concerning the poor laws.(2)Pe'a(角),涉及的领域和他们的产品,要留给穷人的部分(参见利未记十九点09平方米; 23时22;申命记24:19平方)和一般关于穷人的法律。(3) Demai, more properly Dammai (doubtful), concerning the fruits of the soil of which it is doubtful whether the tithes have been paid. (3)德迈,更恰当Dammai(可疑),关于它的土壤是令人怀疑是否已经支付什一税的成果。(4) Kil'ayim (heterogenea), concerning the unlawful combinations of plants, animals, and garments (cf. Leviticus 19:19; Deuteronomy 22:9 sq.). (4)Kil'ayim(heterogenea),有关植物,动物,服装(参见利未记19点19;申命记22时09平方米)的非法组合。(5) Shebi'ith (seventh), ie Sabbatical year (Deuteronomy 15:1 sq.).(5)Shebi'ith(第七位),即休假一年(申命记15:1平方)。 (6) Terumoth (heave offerings) for the priests (Numbers 18:8 sq.; Deuteronomy 18:4). (6)Terumoth(升沉产品)为祭司(民数记十八时08分平方米;申命记18时04分)。(7) Ma'asroth (tithes) for the Levites (Numbers 18:21 sq.).(7)Ma'asroth的利(什一税)(民数记18时21分平方米)。(8) Ma'aser sheni (second tithe), (Deuteronomy 14:22 sq.; 26:12 sq.) which had to be spent at Jerusalem. (8)Ma'aser sheni(二十分之一),(申命记14时22平方米; 26:12平),它必须是在耶路撒冷度过的。(9) Halla (yeast) (cf. Numbers 15:18 sq.).(9)汉拿山(酵母)(参见号码十五点18平方米)。(10) 'Orla (foreskin) concerning uncircumcised fruits and trees (Leviticus 19:23). (10)“奥尔拉(包皮)关于割包皮的水果和树木(利未记19时23分)。(11) Bikkurim (first fruits) brought to the temple (Deuteronomy 26:1 sq.; Exodus 23:19). (11)Bikkurim(第一水果)提请庙(申命记26:1平方米;出埃及记23点19)。

B. Seder Mo'ed (season of feasts)B.家宴Mo'ed(的节日季节)

Treats in twelve treatises of the precepts governing rest on the Sabbath, the other feast and holy days, as well as fast days.在十二个理事在安息日,其他节日和宗教节日,以及快速天休息戒律论文黄柏。(1) Shabbath. (1)Shabbath。(2) 'Erubin (combinations), the means by which one could circumvent especially onerous provisions of the Sabbath laws. (2)“Erubin(组合)的方法,使人们可以规避法律的安息日,特别是苛刻的规定。(3) Pesahim (Passover). (3)Pesahim(逾越节)。(4) Sheqalim (shekels), treats of the tax of half a shekel for the maintenance of Divine service in the temple (cf. Neh. x, 33), based upon Ex., xxx, 12 sq. (5) Yoma (day), ie day of expiation. (4)Sheqalim(谢克尔),治疗的一半,为神圣的寺庙的维修服务(参尼,X,33)谢克尔税,根据前。,XXX,12平方米(5)山脉(天),即赎罪日。 (6) Sukka (Tabernacle), treats of the feast of Tabernacles.(6)Sukka(幕),待人的住棚节。(7) Beca (egg), taken from the first word with which the treatise begins or Yom tob (feast), is concerned with the kinds of work permitted or prohibited on festivals. (7)贝科(蛋),从第一个字与该论文开始或赎罪TOB(宴)采取的,是有关的工作许可或禁止各种节日。(8) Rosh hashana (beginning of the year), treats of the civil new year on the first of Tishri (Leviticus 23:24 sq.; Numbers 29:1 sq.). (8)犹太新年​​(年初),治疗上的第一提斯利(利未记23时24平方米;号码29:1平方)民用新的一年。(9) Ta'anith (fast). (9)Ta'anith(快)。(10) Megilla (roll) of Esther, respecting the laws to be observed on the feast of Purim.(10)Megilla以斯帖(卷),尊重要在遵守法律的普珥节盛宴。(11) Mo'ed qatan (minor feast), the laws relating to the feasts intervening between the first and last days of the Passover and Sukkoth.(11)Mo'ed qatan(小宴),法律有关的节日之间的逾越节和Sukkoth第一个和最后几天干预。(12) Hagiga (feast-offering), treats (chaps. i and iii) of the duty of pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the private offerings on such occasions (cf. Deuteronomy 16:16 sq.). (12)Hagiga(宴祭),黄柏(第一和第三)的朝圣耶路撒冷和义务(参见申命记16时16分平方米)等场合的私人产品。

C. Seder Nashim (women)C.家宴Nashim(女)

Elucidates in seven treatises the laws of marriage and all pertaining thereto, vows, and the marriage laws of the Nazarites.在七个论文阐明婚姻和所有与此有关的法律,誓言,以及Nazarites婚姻的法律。(l) Jebamoth, levirate marriages (Deuteronomy 25:5 sq.).(L)Jebamoth,娶寡嫂制婚姻(申命记25:5平方)。(2) Kethuboth ("marriage deeds" and marriage settlements).(2)Kethuboth(“婚姻契约”和婚姻住区)。(3) Nedarim ("vows") and their annulment.(3)Nedarim(“誓言”)及其废止。(4) Nazir (Nazarite; cf. Numbers 6).(4)纳齐尔(拿细耳人;比照号码6)。(5) Sota ("suspected woman"; cf. Numbers 5:11 sq.).(5)索塔(“疑似女人”;比照号5点11平方米)。(6) Gittin (letters of divorce; cf. Deuteronomy 24:1 sq.).(6)Gittin(离婚书;比照申命记24:1平方)。(7 Giddushin (betrothals).(7 Giddushin(订婚)。

D. Seder Nezigin "damages")D.家宴Nezigin“损害赔偿”)

Explains in eight treatises civil and criminal law.说明在八论文民法和刑法。In this institute are included the Eduyyoth, a collection of traditions, and the Haggadic treatise, Aboth.在这个研究所是包括Eduyyoth,一个传统的集合,而Haggadic论文,Aboth。

The treatises 1-3, Baba Kamma (the first gate), Baba meci'a (the middle gate), and Baba bathra (the last gate), originally formed a single treatise, the subdivision of which was caused by its great length (30 chaps.). 1-3的论文,巴巴业力(第一门),巴巴meci'a(中门),和巴巴bathra(最后一个门),最初形成一个单一的论文,细分其中的原因是其巨大的长度( 30章)。They treat of the laws of property, inheritance, and obligation.他们对待财产,继承和义务的法律。 Baba Kamma treats of damages in a narrow sense (along with theft, robbery, and bodily injury) and the right to damages; Baba meci'a is concerned chiefly with legal questions in regard to capital and treats finding, deposits, interest and loans; Baba Bathra is concerned with questions of social polity (possessions, limitations, buying and selling, security, inheritance and documents).巴巴业力处理损害赔偿在狭义(连同盗窃,抢劫,人身伤害)和损害赔偿的权利;巴巴meci'a而言,主要是在资本方面的法律问题和处理发现,存款利率和贷款;巴巴Bathra关注的是社会的政体(财产,限制,购买和销售,安全,继承和文件)的问题。 (4) Sanhedrin, treats of the law courts, legal processes, and criminal justice. (4)公会,对待法律的法院,司法程序和刑事司法。(5) Makkoth (stripes), treats of punishment by stripes legally acknowledged (cf. Deuteronomy 25:1 sq.). (5)Makkoth(条纹),黄柏法律承认(参见申命记25:1平方)由条纹处罚。(6) Shebu'oth (oaths). (6)Shebu'oth(宣誓)。(7) 'Eduyyoth (test), containing a collection of legal decisions gathered from the testimonies of distinguished authorities.(7)“Eduyyoth(测试),载有从杰出当局收集的证词法律决定的集合。(8) 'Aboda Zara (idolatry). (8)“Aboda扎拉(偶像)。(9) 'Aboth (fathers) or Pirqe Aboth (sections of fathers) contains ethical maxims of the Tanna'im (200 BC - AD 200).(9)“Aboth(父亲)或Pirqe Aboth(父亲节)包含Tanna'im(公元前200年 - 公元200)道德格言。(10) Horayoth (decisions), concerning legal decisions and religious questions which were erroneously rendered.(10)Horayoth(决定),有关法律问题的决定,哪些是错误的渲染宗教问题。

E. Seder Qodashim (sacred things)E.家宴Qodashim(神圣的东西)

Treats in twelve treatises of the sacrifices, temple service, and dedicated objects (1) Zebahim (animal sacrifices).在十二个牺牲,寺庙的服务,竭诚为对象的论文黄柏(1)Zebahim(动物的牺牲)。 (2) Menahoth (meat offerings). (2)Menahoth(肉类产品)。(3) Hullin (things profane) of the sacrifice of pure and impure animals and of laws concerning food. (3)Hullin的纯和不纯的动物和食物有关的法律牺牲(东西亵渎)。(4) Bekhoroth (first born) of men and animals (cf. Exodus 13:2, 12 sq.; Leviticus 27:26 sq.; Numbers 8:16 sq.; 18:15 sq.; Deuteronomy 15:19 sq.) (5) 'Arakhin (valuations), that is equivalents to be given for the redemption of persons and things dedicated to God (Leviticus 17:2 sq., 25:15 sq.). (4)Bekhoroth(第一出生)的男性和动物(见出埃及记13点02分,12平方米;利未记27:26平方米;号8点16平方米; 18点15平方米;申命记15时19分平)(5)“Arakhin(估值),也就是要为个人和致力于神(利未记17:2平,25:15平)赎回给予等值的东西。 (6) Temura (exchange) of a sacred object (Leviticus 27:10-33).(6)Temura一个神圣的对象(利未记27:10-33)(外汇)。 (7) Kerithoth (excisions), concerning the sins punished by this penalty, and what was to be done when anyone intentionally committed such a sin. (7)Kerithoth(删剪),涉及本罪刑罚处罚的,什么是必须做的时候任何人故意实施这样的罪。(8) Me'ild (violation) of a sacred object (cf. Numbers 5:6 sq.; Leviticus 5:15 sq.). (8)Me'ild(冲突)的一个神圣的对象(参见数5:6平;利未记5:15平方米)。(9) Tamid (continual sacrifice), concerning the daily morning and evening sacrifice and the temple in general.(9)Tamid(不断牺牲),关于每天早晨和傍晚的牺牲和一般寺庙。(10) Middoth (measurements), a description of the temple and of the temple service. (10)Middoth(测量),一个寺庙和寺庙的服务描述。(11) Quinnim ("nest" of birds), of the sacrifices of doves by the poor (Leviticus 1:14 sq.; 12:8). (11)Quinnim(“鸟巢”的鸟),是穷人的鸽子的牺牲(利未记1:14平方米; 12:8)。

F. Seder Teharoth (purifications)F.家宴Teharoth(净化)

Treats in twelve treatises of the ordinances of cleanness and of purifications.黄柏在十二的清洁和净化条例论文。(l) Kelim (vessels), treats of the conditions under which domestic utensils, garments, etc., become unclean. (L)凯利姆(船),治疗的条件下,家庭用具,服装等,成为不洁净。(2) Ohaloth (tents) of the defilement of dwellings by a corpse (Numbers 19:14 sq.). (2)Ohaloth的住房由一具尸体(民数记19:14平方)污秽(帐篷)。(3) Nega'im (leprosy). (3)Nega'im(麻风病)。(4) Para (red heifer; cf. Numbers 19).(4)段(红色小母牛;比照19号)。(5) Teharoth (purifications) (euphemistically), treats of the lesser degrees of defilement lasting only till sunset.(5)Teharoth(净化)(委婉),待人的污辱较小,直到日落才持久度。(6) Miqwa'oth (wells), the condition under which wells and reservoirs are fit to be used for ritual purification.(6)Miqwa'oth(井),条件下水井和水库适合用于祭祀纯化。(7) Nidda (menstruation). (7)Nidda(月经)。(8) Makhshirin (preparers), the conditions under which certain articles, by coming in contact with liquids, become ritually unclean (Leviticus 11:34, 37, 38). (8)Makhshirin(编制),在何种条件下的某些条款,在与液体接触,成为仪式不洁(利未记11:34,37,38)。(9) Zabim (persons afflicted with running issues; cf. Leviticus 15).(9)Zabim(人得了运行问题;比照利未记15)。 (10) Tebul yom (immersed at day), ie the condition of the person who had taken the ritual bath, but who has not been perfectly purified by sunset. (10)Tebul赎罪(沉浸在天),即对谁采取了仪式洗澡条件的人,但谁没有被完全纯化的落日。(11) Yadayim (hands), treats of the ritual uncleanness of the hands and their purification. (11)Yadayim(手),待人的手和他们的净化仪式的污秽。(12) 'Uqcin (stalks) of fruits and shells and their ritual uncleanness.(12)“Uqcin(秸秆)水果和贝壳及其仪式的污秽。

In our editions the number of treatises is sixty-three; originally there were only sixty, because the four paragraphs of the treatise Baba kamma, Baba bathra, Baba meci'a, likewise Sanhedrin and Makkoth, formed only one treatise.在我们的版本的论文数是63;原本只有六十,因为业力的论文巴巴,巴巴bathra,巴巴meci'a,同样公会和Makkoth,四个段落组成只有一个论文。 The Mishna exists in three recensions: in the manuscripts of editions of the separate Mishna, in the Palestinian Talmud in which the commentaries of the Amora'im follow short passages of the Mishna, and in the Babylonian Talmud, in which the Gemara is appended to an entire chapter of the Mishna.在密西拿有三种的recensions:在密西拿的单独版本的手稿,在巴勒斯坦犹太法典中的Amora'im评注遵循密西拿短文,并在巴比伦犹太法典,其中革马拉追加到在密西拿一个整章。 The contents of the Mishna, aside from the treatises Aboth and Middoth, are with few exceptions Halakhic.该密西拿内容除了论文Aboth和Middoth,与少数例外Halakhic。The language, the so-called Mishna Hebrew or New Hebrew, is a fairly pure Hebrew, not without proof of a living development -- enriched by words borrowed from Greek and Latin and certain newly-created technical expressions, which seem partly developed as imitations of Roman legal formulas.语言,所谓的密西拿希伯来语或新希伯来语,是一个相当纯粹的希伯来文,不是没有生活的发展证明 - 由希腊文和拉丁文和一些新创建的技术表现,这似乎部分原因是由于模仿发达国家借词丰富罗马法律的公式。The Mishna is cited by giving the treatise, chapter, and precept, eg 'Berakh, i, 1.在密西拿被引论文给予的,章节和戒律,如“Berakh,我,1。Among the commentators of the whole Mishna the following deserve special mention: Maimonides, the Hebrew translation of whose Arabic original is printed in most edition of the Mishna; Obadia di Bertinoro (d. 1510), Jom Tob Lippmann Heller (d. 1654), Jisrael Lipschutz (his Mishna with Commentary in 6 vols., Königsberg, 1830-50).在整个密西拿评论员以下特别值得一提:迈蒙尼德,希伯来文翻译的阿拉伯语原来是最有密西拿版印刷; Obadia二贝尔蒂诺罗(卒于1510),惦TOB李普曼海勒(卒于1654), Jisrael利普舒茨(他在密西拿6卷的评注。,康尼斯堡,1830年至1850年)。

The first edition of the complete Mishna was at Naples in 1492.而完整的密西拿第一版于1492年在那不勒斯。Texts with Hebrew commentaries exist in great numbers.与希伯来文的评论文本存在很大的数字。Of importance as a Conformation of the Palestinian version is the edition of WH Lowe (Cambridge, 1883), after the Cambridge manuscript.作为对巴勒斯坦版本构象重要的是WH罗威(剑桥,1883年版),经过剑桥手稿。Also deserving of mention are: "Misna . . . Latinitate donavit G. Lurenhusius" (text, Latin translation, notes, Latin translation of Maimonides and Obadia, 6 vols., Amsterdam, 1698-1703); "Mishnajoth", with punctuation and German translation in Hebrew letters, begun by Sammter (Berlin, 1887 -- still incomplete); Ger.另外值得一提的是:“Misna Latinitate donavit G. Lurenhusius ”(文,拉丁文翻译,注释,翻译和拉丁美洲的迈蒙尼德Obadia,6卷,阿姆斯特丹,1698年至1703年);“Mishnajoth”与标点符号,和德国翻译希伯来字母,由Sammter(柏林,1887年 - 仍然不完整)开始; GER。tr.风帆。of the Mishna by Rabe (6 parts, Onolzbach, 1760-63).在由拉贝(6件,Onolzbach,1760至1763年),密西拿。

IV. IV。THE PALESTINIAN TALMUD巴勒斯坦犹太法典

On the basic of the Mishna, juridical discussions were continued, at first in the schools of Palestine, particularly at Tiberias, in the third and fourth centuries.在基本的密西拿,司法讨论继续在巴勒斯坦学校第一,特别是在太巴列,在第三和第四世纪。Through the final codification of the material thus collected, there arose in the second half of the fourth century the so-called Jerusalem, more properly Palestinian, Talmud.因此,通过对收集到的材料最终编纂,都产生在第四世纪的所谓的耶路撒冷,更正确巴勒斯坦,犹太法典下半年。The usual opinion, which originated with Maimonides, that its author was Rabbi Jochanan, who lived in the third century is untenable because of the names of the later scholars which occur in it.通常认为,这与迈蒙尼德起源,它的作者是拉比Jochanan,谁住在三世纪,是站不住脚的,因为这在它的发生后来的学者的名字。 In the Palestinian Talmud the text of the Mishna is taken sentence by sentence, and explained with increasingly casuistic acumen.在巴勒斯坦犹太法典的密西拿文本由一句一句,越来越诡辩敏锐解释。The Baraithoth, ie the maxims of the Torah not found in the Mishna, as well as the legal paragraphs are always given in Hebrew, and so are most of the appended elucidations; the remainder is written in a West Aramaic dialect (G. Dalman, "Grammatik des judisch-Palastinischen Aramaisch", Leipzig, 1905).该Baraithoth,即格言的律法中没有发现密西拿,以及法律段落总是在希伯来文给予的,因此是最追加阐发,其余是在西阿拉姆语方言书面(G.达尔曼, “Grammatik DES judisch - Palastinischen Aramaisch”,莱比锡,1905年)。Along with the Halakha it contains rich Haggadic material.随着Halakha它含有丰富的Haggadic材料。Whether the Palestinian Talmud ever included the entire Mishna is a matter of dispute.无论是巴勒斯坦犹太法典过包括整个密西拿,是一个有争议的问题。The only parts preserved are the commentaries on the first four Sedarim (with the exception of several chapters and the treatises Eduyyoth and Aboth) and on the three first divisions of the treatise Nidda in the sixth Seder.只有部分的保存上的前四个Sedarim(与一些章节和论文Eduyyoth和Aboth除外)和三个在第六家宴论文Nidda第一师的评注。 The supposed discovery by S. Friedländer of treatises on the fifth Seder is based upon a forgery (cf. "Theologische Literaturzeitung", 1908, col. 513 sq., and "Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenlandisch. Gesellsch.", LXII, 184).由S.上的第五个家宴论文德兰德应该发现是基于一个伪造(参见“Theologische Literaturzeitung”,1908年,山口513平方米,而“Zeitschr。D.德语。Morgenlandisch。Gesellsch”,LXII, 184)。The Palestinian Talmud is generally cited by giving the treatise, chapter, page, and column after the Venetian and Cracow editions, mostly also the line, indicated by j (=jerus.) or pal.; eg pal.巴勒斯坦犹太法典是普遍给予的论文引用,章节页和列后,威尼斯和克拉科夫版本,大多也行,由J(= jerus)或PAL表示;如PAL。Makkoth, 2 Bl. Makkoth,2个BL。31d 56. 31D 56。Many scholars cite in the same manner as for the Mishna, but this is not to be recommended.不少学者举出与为密西拿同样的方式,但这是不被推荐。

Editions: Venice (Bomberg), 1523-24; Cracow, 1609; Krotoshin, 1866; Zhitomir, 1860-67; Piotrkow, 1900-02.版本:威尼斯(邦贝里),1523年至1524年,克拉科夫,1609; Krotoshin,1866年,日托米尔,1860至67年; Piotrkow,一九○○年至1902年。French translation by M. Schwab, 11 vols., Paris, 1879-80; I2 1890.法文译本由M.施瓦布,11卷,巴黎,1879年至1880年; I2 1890年。

Several treatises are printed with Latin translations in Ugolini, "Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum", vols.一些论文都印有拉丁文的译本Ugolini,“词库antiquitatum sacrarum”,第一卷和第二卷。XVII-XXX, Venice, 1755-65; Wunsche, "Der palastinische Talmud in seinen haggadischen Bestandteilen ins Deutsche übersetzt" (Zurich, 1880).第十七- XXX,威尼斯,1755年至1765年; Wunsche,“明镜palastinische犹太法典中seinen haggadischen Bestandteilen插件德意志übersetzt”(苏黎世,1880年)。

V. BABYLONIAN TALMUD五,巴比伦塔木德

The Mishna is said to have been brought to Babylon by Aba Areka, generally called Rab (d. 247), a pupil of Rabbi Jehuda.在密西拿,据说已经带来阿坝Areka一般称为拉布(四247),一个拉比那户大的学生到巴比伦。In the schools there it became a norm of legal religious life and a basis of juridical discussion.在学校有它成为法律的宗教生活和规范的法人讨论的基础。But while in Palestine there was a greater tendency to preserve and propagate what had been handed down, the Babylonian Amora'im developed their interpretation of the law in all directions, which explains why the Babylonian Talmud acquired a greater significance for Judaism than the Palestinian.但是,在巴勒斯坦有一个较大的倾向,维护和传播了什么流传下来,巴比伦Amora'im在所有方向发展,这解释了为什么巴比伦塔木德收购了犹太教比巴勒斯坦更大的意义他们对法律的解释。 Thus the material grew rapidly and gradually led to a codification, which was undertaken by R. Ashi (d. 427), head of the school at Sura, and by R. Abina or Rabbina (d. 499), the last of the Amora im.因此,材料的快速增长,并逐渐导致了编纂工作,这是由R.芦(四427),学校负责人苏拉,和R. Abina或Rabbina(卒于499),在最后进行的阿莫拉IM。The scholars who lived after him (at the end of the fifth and in the first half of the sixth centuries), called Sabora im ("those who reflect, examine", because they weighed and also completed what had been written by the Amora'im), are to be regarded as those who really completed the Babylonian Talmud.谁在他之后的学者生活(在第五年底在第六世纪前半),称为Sabora IM(“谁反映,检查”,因为他们体重也完成了由什么阿莫拉书面IM),将被视为那些谁真正完成了巴比伦塔木德认为。

Like the Palestinian, the Babylonian Talmud does not include the entire Mishna.像巴勒斯坦,巴比伦犹太法典并不包括整个密西拿。In the first and sixth divisions only the treatises Berakhoth and Nidda are considered; in the second division Shegalim is omitted, in the fourth Eduyyoth and Aboth, in the fifth Middoth, Ginnim, and half of Tamid.在第一和第六师只有论文Berakhoth和Nidda被认为是在第二个师Shegalim被省略,在第四Eduyyoth和Aboth在第五Middoth,Ginnim,和一半Tamid。 It is indeed questionable if the greater number of these treatises were included in the Babylonian Gemara; Eduyyoth and Aboth are excluded, by reason of the subject matter, while the remainder treat for the most part ordinances which could not be applied outside of Palestine.这实在是值得怀疑如果这些论文被更多的巴比伦革马拉内; Eduyyoth和Aboth被排除在外,由题材的原因,而其余的大部分处理一些不能超出巴勒斯坦应用条例。The Babylonian Talmud therefore includes only 36 1/2 treatises, but is at least four times the extent of the Palestinian, although the latter deals with 39 treatises.巴比伦犹太法典,因此只包括36 1 / 2的论文,但至少四次巴勒斯坦的程度,虽然与39论文的。后者的交易The Haggada is even more fully represented than in the Palestinian.该Haggada更全面的代表比巴勒斯坦人。The language, excepting the legal paragraphs and the quotations of the older scholars and Palestinian rabbis, is that of the East Aramaic dialect of Babylonia (cf. Levias, "A Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom contained in the Babylonian Talmud", Cincinnati, 1900; ML Margolis, "Grammatik des babylonischen Talmuds", Munich, 1910).语言,除法律段落和老学者和巴勒斯坦拉比的报价,是​​东方的巴比伦阿拉姆语方言(见Levias,辛辛那提,1900年“一个在巴比伦犹太法典中的阿拉姆语成语语法”的; ML马戈利斯,“Grammatik DES babylonischen Talmuds”,慕尼黑,1910年)。The Babylonian Talmud is cited according to treatise, folio, and page, as the content in nearly all the editions since that of the third Bomberg one (1548) is the same, eg Berakh 22a.巴比伦犹太法典是根据论文引用,对开,和页面,在几乎所有自第三邦贝里之一(1548)是相同的,如Berakh 22A版本的内容。In these editions there are usually appended at the end of the fourth Seder seven small treatises, partly from Talmudic, partly from post-Talmudic times, among which is the post-Talmudic treatise Sopherim (directions for the writer and public reader of the Torah).在这些版本通常有附加在第四家宴七个小论文结束,部分来自塔木德部分来自后塔木德时期,是后塔木德的论文,其中苏菲林(方向为作家和读者的律法公开) 。Among the commentaries the first place belongs to that of Rashi (d. 1105), completed by his grandson Samuel ben Me'ir (d. about 1174).其中评论放在首位属于Rashi(卒于1105)由他的孙子塞缪尔贲Me'ir(约1174 D.)完成的。Chiefly of a supplementary character are the works of the Tosaphists or authors of the Tosaphoth (additions), who lived in France and Germany during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.主要是补充性质的Tosaphists或Tosaphoth(新增),谁住在法国和德国在12和13世纪作家的作品。 They give amplifications and learned explanations of certain treatises.他们给扩增和学习了一些论文的解释。Other commentaries are enumerated by Strack, op.其他的评论列举了施特拉克,OP。cit.CIT。infra, 149-51.红外线,149-51。 The Babylonian Talmud has often been printed but until the present time a critical edition has remained a desideratum.巴比伦塔木德经常被打印,但直到目前的关键仍然是一个版本所愿望之物。Material for this purpose is furnished by Raphael Rabbinovicz, among others, in his "Variae lectiones in Mischnam et in Talm. Babyl.", etc. (15 vols., Munich, 1868-86); Vol.为此目的提供的材料是由拉斐尔Rabbinovicz,等等,在他等(15卷,慕尼黑,1868年至1886年)“中Mischnam在Talm Babyl等Variae lectiones。”;卷。XVI was edited by Ehrentreu (Przemysl, 1897).第十六被编辑由Ehrentreu(普热梅希尔,1897)。Serious mutilations and bungling changes in the text were caused by the Christian censorship, at first in the Basle edition (1578-81).严重肢解和笨拙的文字变化造成的基督教审查,在巴塞尔版(1578年至1581年)的第一个。The numerous bickerings among the Jews had the further consequence that they themselves practised censorship.犹太人之间的许多bickerings有进一步的结果,他们自己实行审查制度。The excised passages were partly collected in small treatises, published for the most part anonymously.该通道被部分切除收集的小论文,在大多数匿名的一部分发布。

EDITIONS版本

Raphael Rabbinovicz, (Ma'amar al hadpasath ha-talmud -- Munich, 1877), a critical review of the editions of the Babylonian Talmud, as a whole or in part since 1484.拉斐尔Rabbinovicz(Ma'amar人hadpasath公顷,塔木德 - 慕尼黑,1877年),是巴比伦犹太法典的严格审查的版本作为一个整体或部分,自1484。The first complete edition appeared at Venice (Bomberg), (12 vols., 1520-23).第一个完整版出现在威尼斯(邦贝里),(12卷,1520至1523年)。The advantage of this edition consists in its complete character; the text itself is full of errors.该版本的优势在于它完整的字符,文本本身是完整的错误。A certain reputation is enjoyed by the Amsterdam edition (1644-48), in which the censured passages have been as far as possible restored.享有一定的声誉是由阿姆斯特丹版(1644年至1648年),其中谴责通道已尽量恢复。The edition of Frankfort (1720-22) served directly or indirectly as a basis for those which followed.而法兰克福版(1720年至1722年)担任直接或间接为那些遵循的依据。Of the later editions may be mentioned those of Berlin (1862-68), Vienna (1864-72), and Vilna (1880-86).在后来的版本中可能会提到的柏林(1862年至1868年),维也纳(1864年至1872年),和维尔纳(1880年至1886年)的。 A quarto edition, the text after the editio princeps, with the variants of the Munich manuscripts and a German translation, was begun by Lazarus Goldschmidt in 1897.一个四开版,后editio princeps同德国慕尼黑的手稿和翻译的变种,文字,是开始由拉撒路施密特于1897年。Up to date 6 vols., containing the Institutes I, II, IV, V, and the two first treatises of III have appeared.到今天为止6卷,包含研究所一,二,四,五,和两个三首论文出现。Unfortunately this publication is by no means faultless.不幸的是这个刊物绝不是完美无缺的。ML Rodkinson, "New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud", New York, 1896; M. Mielziner, "Introduction to the Talmud" (Cincinnati, 1894; New York, 1903); ML Rodkinson, "The History of the Talmud" (New York, 1903); HL Strack, "Einleitung in den Talmud" (Leipzig 1908), pp. 139-175, containing an extensive bibliography of the Talmud and of the questions concerning it.ML Rodkinson,“新版本的巴比伦犹太法典”,纽约,1896年,M. Mielziner,“塔木德介绍”(辛辛那提,1894年,纽约,1903年); ML Rodkinson,他说:“塔木德经史”(新纽约,1903年); HL施特拉克,“导论在巢穴塔木德经”(莱比锡1908年),页139-175,其中载有犹太法典和关于它的问题广泛的书目。

Publication information Written by F. Schühlein.出版信息F. Schühlein书面。Transcribed by Scott Anthony Hibbs and Wendy Lorraine Hoffman.转录由斯科特安东尼希布斯和Wendy洛林霍夫曼。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.天主教百科全书,体积十四。Published 1912.1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年7月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约



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