The Talmud (Hebrew for "teaching" or "study"), a vast compendium of Jewish law and lore, is a unique literary document - a sequel to the Hebrew Bible - and the basis of Jewish religious life.犹太法典（希伯来语为"教学"或"研究" ） ，广大汇编犹太法和传说，是一个独特的文学文件-续集以希伯来语圣经-和基础的犹太宗教生活。 It consists of the Mishnah and lengthy, rambling commentary called Gemara (Aramaic for "learning" or "tradition").它的mishnah和冗长，漫谈评所谓gemara （阿拉姆语为"学习型"或"传统" ） 。 There are two Gemaras - the Palestinian Gemara, a product of the 3d and 4th centuries AD, and the Babylonian Gemara, completed about 499, with some later additions.有两个gemaras -巴勒斯坦g emara，建立了产品的三维和第4次百年专案，并巴比伦g emara，完成约4 99个，与一些后来的增补。 Hence, there are two Talmuds: the Talmud Yerushalmi and the Talmud Babli.因此，有两个talmuds ：犹太法典yerushalmi和犹太法典babli 。 The latter, the Babylonian Talmud, remains for traditional Jews the final authority on the law.就后者而言，巴比伦犹太法典，仍然是传统犹太教徒的最后管理局就法。 The Mishnah is predominantly in Hebrew, the Gemaras largely in Aramaic.该mishnah主要是希伯来文， gemaras主要集中在阿拉姆语。 In addition to exhaustive and subtle discussions of civil, criminal, domestic, and ritual law, the Talmuds contain materials called haggadah ("narration") - statements on faith and morals, explanations of Bible verses, parables, and historical and legendary narratives.除了详尽和微妙的讨论中的民事，刑事，家庭，礼法， talmuds包含材料所谓haggadah （ "叙事" ） -报表上的信仰和道德，有文化，有解释圣经小诗， p arables，以及历史和传说中的叙述。
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Bernard J Bamberger伯纳德j巴姆博格
Bibliography:
参考书目：
I Epstein, ed., The Babylonian Talmud
(1961); A Feinnsilver, ed., The Talmud Today (1980); M Mielziner, Introduction
to the Talmud (1969); CG Montefiore and H Loeww, A Rabbinic Anthology (1938); J
Neusner, The Talmud of the Land of Israel: An Introduction (1990); A Steinsaltz,
The Essential Talmud (1977) and The Talmud: A Reference Guide (1989); HL Strack,
Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (1969); I Unterman, The Talmud: An
Analytical Guide (1985). i爱泼斯坦，版，巴比伦犹太法典（ 1961年） ; feinnsilver ，版，犹太法典今天（
1980年） ;米梅尔齐纳，介绍了这一犹太法典（ 1969年） ;的CG montefiore和H loeww ， rabbinic选集（ 1938年） ; j
neusner ，犹太法典的以色列土地上：导言（ 1990 ） ; steinsaltz ，基本犹太法典（ 1977年）和犹太法典：一个参考指南（ 1989年）
;的HL strack ，介绍了这一犹太法典和midrash （ 1969年） ; i温特曼，犹太法典：一个分析指南（ 1985 ） 。
The Talmud is the body of Jewish civil and religious law, including commentaries on the Torah, or Pentateuch.犹太法典，是身体的犹太民间和宗教法，其中包括评论，对律法，或pentateuch 。 The Talmud consists of a codification of laws, called the Mishnah, and a commentary on the Mishnah, called the Gemara.犹太法典组成编纂的法律，被称为mishnah ，和一篇评论对mishnah ，被称为gemara 。 The material in the Talmud that concerns decisions by scholars on disputed legal questions is known as the Halakah; the legends, anecdotes, and sayings in the Talmud that are used to illustrate the traditional law are known as Haggada.该材料在犹太法典表示关注，决定由学者，对有争议的法律问题是众所周知的，因为halakah ;传说，掌故，并熟语在犹太法典是用来说明传统法律被称为haggada 。
Two compilations of the Talmud exist: the Palestinian Talmud, sometimes called the Jerusalem Talmud, and the Babylonian Talmud.两个汇编的犹太法典存在：巴勒斯坦犹太法典，有时被称为耶路撒冷犹太法典，巴比伦塔木德经。 Both compilations contain the same Mishnah, but each has its own Gemara.双方汇编含有相同mishnah ，但每个都有自己的gemara 。 The contents of the Palestinian Talmud were written by Palestinian scholars between the 3rd century AD and the beginning of the 5th century; those of the Babylonian Talmud, by scholars who wrote between the 3rd century and the beginning of the 6th century.内容巴勒斯坦犹太法典写的，由巴勒斯坦学者之间的3世纪广告，并开始5世纪;人士的巴比伦犹太法典中，学者们写之间第三届世纪交替之际， 6世纪。 The Babylonian Talmud became authoritative because the rabbinic academies of Babylonia survived those in Palestine by many centuries.巴比伦塔木德经成为权威的，因为rabbinic院校的巴比伦王国生还者在巴勒斯坦的许多世纪。
The Talmud itself, the works of talmudic scholarship, and the commentaries concerning it constitute the greatest contributions to rabbinical literature in the history of Judaism.犹太法典本身，工程talmudic奖学金，并评论它构成了伟大的贡献犹太教文学史上的犹太教。 One of the most important of the works of scholarship is the Mishneh Torah (Repetition of the Torah, c. 1180) by the Spanish rabbi, philosopher, and physician Maimonides; it is an abstract of all the rabbinical legal literature in existence at his time.其中一个最重要的作品，奖学金是事审判律法（重复的律法，长1180名） ，是由西班牙的拉比，哲学家和医师迈蒙尼德，它是一个抽象的所有犹太教法律文献存在于他的时候。 The most widely known commentaries are those on the Babylonian Talmud by the French rabbi Rashi and by certain scholars known as tosaphists, who lived in France and Germany between the 12th and 14th centuries and included some of Rashi's grandsons.最广为人知的评论，是那些对巴比伦犹太法典由法国拉比rashi和某些学者称为tosaphists ，住在法国和德国之间的第12次和14世纪，并包括一些rashi的孙儿。
The Babylonian Talmud and the Palestinian Talmud were first printed in 1520-22 and in 1523 in Venice by the printer Daniel Bomberg.巴比伦塔木德经和巴勒斯坦犹太法典第一次印刷在1520年至1522年，并于1523年在威尼斯通过打印机丹尼尔邦贝里。 The entire Babylonian Talmud is available in an English translation (1935-52) edited by the British rabbi and scholar Isidore Epstein.整个巴比伦犹太法典，是在现有的英文译本（ 1935年至1952年）的主编是由英国拉比及学者伊西多尔爱泼斯坦。 Most of the Palestinian Talmud is available in a 19th-century French translation, but the rendering is defective and inaccurate.大部分巴勒斯坦犹太法典，是在一个19世纪的法语翻译，但渲染是有缺陷的和不准确的。 Twenty tractates of the Palestinian Talmud are found in a Latin translation, in the Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum (1744-69) of Blasio Ugolino, an 18th-century Italian historian and antiquarian.第二十五tractates的巴勒斯坦犹太法典是指一个拉丁语翻译，在词库antiquitatum sacrarum （ 1744至1769年）的blasio ugolino ，一个18世纪的意大利历史学家和博学。
Saul Lieberman娑罗双树利伯曼
The Name.真实姓名。
"Talmud" is an old scholastic term of the Tannaim, and is a noun formed from the verb "limmed" = "to teach." "塔木德经"是一个古老的学术任期的tannaim ，是一个名词，形成从动词" limmed " = "教导" 。 It therefore means primarily "teaching," although it denotes also "learning"; it is employed in this latter sense with special reference to the Torah, the terms "talmud" and "Torah" being usually combined to indicate the study of the Law both in its wider and in its more restricted sense, as in Pe'ah i.因此，它的手段主要是"教学" ，虽然78也"学习" ，它是受雇于这后一种意义上，并特别提及律法中， "塔木德经" ， "律法" ，通常被合并，以显示规律的研究都在更广泛的，并在其较受限制的意义上说，作为在pe'ah一。 1, where the term "talmud Torah" is applied to study as a religious duty. 1 ，凡任期内的"塔木德经律法" ，是适用于学习作为一项宗教责任。 On the other hand, the learning acquired by study is also called "talmud," so that Akiba's pupil Judah ben Ilai could say: "He from whom one derives the greater part of his knowledge ["talmudo"] must be regarded as the teacher" (Tosef., BM ii., end; Yer. BM 8d; BM 33a has "ḥokmah" instead of "talmud").另一方面，关于学习所获得的研究也被称为"犹太法典" ，让秋叶的瞳孔犹大贲ilai可以说： "他从其中产生更大的一部分，据他所知[ " talmudo " ]必须被视为老师" （ tosef. ，骨髓二，完;也门里亚尔。骨髓为8 D ;骨髓33A条" ḥokmah " ，而不是"犹太法典" ） 。 To designate the study of religion, the word "talmud" is used in contrast with "ma'aseh," which connotes the practise of religion.指定研究宗教中， "塔木德经"是用对比的" ma'aseh " ，其中蕴含了行医的宗教。 Akiba's view that on this account the "talmud" ranked above the "ma'aseh" was adopted as a resolution by a famous conference at Lydda during the Hadrianic persecution (see Sifre, Deut. 41; Ḳid. 40b; Yer. Pes. 30b; Cant. R. ii. 14).秋叶的看法，即对本帐"犹太法典"的排名高于" ma'aseh "获得通过，成为一项决议，由一位著名的招待会上lydda在hadrianic迫害（见sifre ， deut 。 41 ; ḳid 。 40B的;也门里亚尔。狗。第三十B ;斜面。传译二14 ） 。 The two terms are contrasted differently, however, in the tannaitic saying (BB 130b), "The Halakah [the principles guiding decisions in religious law] may not be drawn from a teaching of the master ["talmud"] nor be based upon an act of his ["ma'aseh"], unless the master expressly declare that the teaching or act under consideration is the one which is applicable to the practise."这两个名词是对比不同的，但是，在tannaitic说（ BB心跳130b ） ， " halakah [指导原则，决定在宗教法]可能不是来自教学的主人[ "塔木德经" ，也不是基于一种法令他的[ " ma'aseh " ] ，除非主人明确宣布这一项教学或法正在审议的是一个适用于实践" 。
In the second place, the word "talmud"-generally in the phrase "talmud lomar"-is frequently used in tannaitic terminology in order to denote instruction by means of the text of the Bible and of the exegetic deductions therefrom.在第二位，加上"犹太法典" -笼统地说，在"塔木德经l omar" ，是常用的t annaitic术语，以外延的教学手段文圣经的e xegetic克扣了。 In the third place, the noun "talmud" has the meaning which alone can be genetically connected with the name "Talmud"; in tannaitic phraseology the verb "limmed" denotes the exegetic deduction of a halakic principle from the Biblical text (for examples see RH ii. 9; Sifre, Num. 118); and in harmony with this meaning of the word "talmud" denotes that exposition of a halakic saying which receives an exegetic confirmation from the Biblical text.在第三位的名词"犹太法典"的含义，其中单是可以遗传与取名"犹太法典" ; tannaitic用语，动词" limmed " ，是指exegetic扣一个halakic原则，从圣经的文字（例如见铑二，九; sifre ，序号118 ） ，而且在和谐这个词的含义： "塔木德经"是指说，博览会一halakic俗语都会收到一份exegetic确认从圣经文本。 Of the terms, therefore, denoting the three branches into which the study of the traditional exegesis of the Bible was from earliest times divided by the Tannaim (see Jew. Encyc. iii. 163, sv Bible Exegesis), "midrash" was the one identical in content with "talmud" in its original sense, except that the Midrash, which includes any kind of Biblical hermeneutics, but more especially the halakic, deals with the Bible text itself, while the Talmud is based on the Halakah.该条款，因此，代表3家分行，成为其中的研究传统训诂学的圣经是从最早的时候，除以该tannaim （见犹太人。 encyc三163 ， sv圣经注释） ， " midrash " ，是一内容一致，与"犹太法典" ，在其原来的意义上说，除这midrash ，其中包括任何种类的圣经诠释学，而更特别是halakic ，涉及圣经文本本身，而犹太法典的基础上， halakah 。 The Midrash is devoted to Biblical exposition, the result being the Halakah (comp. the phrase "mi-kan ameru" [= "beginning here the sages have said"], which occurs frequently in the tannaitic Midrash and which serves to introduce halakic deductions from the exegesis).该midrash致力于圣经中的论述，其结果作为halakah （ comp.短语"智多根阿姆鲁" = "开始在这里先哲说过： " ] ，其中经常出现在tannaitic midrash和服务引入halakic扣除额从训诂学） 。 In the Talmud, on the other hand, the halakic passage is the subject of an exegesis based on the Biblical text.在犹太法典，但另一方面， halakic通道，是受到一个训诂学的基础上，圣经的文字。
Relation to Midrash.有关midrash 。
In consequence of the original identity of "Talmud" and "Midrash," noted above, the former term is sometimes used instead of the latter in tannaitic sentences which enumerate the three branches of traditional science, Midrash, Halakah, and Haggadah (see Ber. 22a [comp. M. Ḳ. 15a and Yer. Ber. 6c, 39]; Ḳid. 30a; Suk. 28a; BB 134a; Ab. RN xiv. [comp. Masseket Soferim, xvi. 8]; Yer. B. Ḳ. 4b, 31 [comp. Sifre, Deut. 33]; Tosef., Soṭah, vii. 20 [comp. Yer. Soṭah 44a]), while sometimes both "Talmud" and "Midrash" are used (M. Ḳ. 21a; Ta'an. 30a); it must be noted, however, that in the editions of the Babli, "Gemara" is usually substituted for "Talmud," even in the passages here cited.在后果原来的身份， "塔木德经"与" midrash ， "如上所述，前者来说是有时被用来代替后者在tannaitic判刑，其中列举了3家分行的传统科学， midrash ， halakah ， haggadah （见误码率。 22A条[可比。米ḳ 。 15A条和也门里亚尔。误码率。 6 C条， 39 〕 ; ḳid 。 30A条;淑。 28a中; BB心跳134a的;抗体。氡十四[可比。 masseket soferim ，十六8 ] ;也门里亚尔。乙ḳ 。 4B条， 31 [可比。 sifre ， deut 33 〕 ; tosef ， soṭah ，第七章20条[可比。也门里亚尔。 soṭah 44 ] ） ，而有时这两个"塔木德经"与" midrash "是用来（米ḳ 。 21 ; ta'an 。 30A条） ，但必须注意，不过，在版本的babli ， " gemara "通常是取代"犹太法典" ，即使是在通道这里引用。 The word "Talmud" in all these places did not denote the study subsequently pursued by the Amoraim, but was used instead of the word "Midrash," although this did not preclude the later introduction of the term "Talmud" into tannaitic sayings, where it either entirely displaced "Midrash" or was used side by side with it.加上"犹太法典"在所有这些地方，并没有指明这项研究后来所亚摩兰，但没有使用的字" midrash ， "虽然这并不排除在稍后推出的"塔木德经"纳入tannaitic熟语，如它要么完全撤换" midrash "或用并肩合作。
After the term "Talmud" had come to denote the exegetic confirmation of the Halakah, it was applied also to the explanation and exposition of halakic passages in general.任期届满后的"塔木德经"来指exegetic确认各项halakah ，它也适用于解释和阐发的halakic通道，在一般。 As early as the end of the tannaitic period, when the halakot were finally redactedby the patriarch Judah I. and were designated as "Mishnah," a term originally applied to the entire system of traditional learning, the Talmud was developed as a new division of this same science; and it was destined to absorb all others.早在去年底该tannaitic期间，当halakot终于redactedby牧犹大一，被指定为" mishnah ， "一任原本适用于整个系统的传统学习，犹太法典，是发展成为一个新的分工这同科学，它是注定要吸收一切别人。 In a baraita dating, according to the amora Johanan, from the days of Judah I. (BM 33a; comp. Yer. Shab. 15c, 22 et seq.), the Mishnah and the Talmud are defined as subjects of study side by side with the "Miḳra" (Bible), the study of the Talmud being mentioned first.在baraita约会，据该amora约哈难，从天的犹大一（骨髓33A条;可比。也门里亚尔。沙巴。 15 C ， 22页起） ， mishnah和犹太法典，是指研究课题，并排与" miḳra " （圣经） ，学习犹太法典被提到第一。 To this baraita there is an addition, however, to the effect that more attention should be given to the Mishnah than to the Talmud.这baraita是有然而，除此之外，其大意是，应更多地注意考虑到mishnah比对犹太法典。 Johanan explains this passage by the fact that the members of Judah's academy, in their eagerness to investigate the Talmud, neglected the Mishnah; hence the patriarch laid stress upon the duty of studying the Mishnah primarily.约哈难解释了这一点，通过事实，那就是大家的犹大的学院，在他们的渴望，调查犹太法典，而忽略mishnah ，因此，牧，着重强调了后，当值的学习mishnah为主。 In these passages the word "Talmud" is used not in its more restricted sense of the establishment of halakot by Biblical exegesis, but in its wider signification, in which it designates study for the purpose of elucidating the Mishnah in general, as pursued after Judah's death in the academies of Palestine and Babylon.在这些通道改为"犹太法典" ，是不是用在较受限制的意识，建立halakot由圣经注释，但在其更广泛的意义，在它指定的研究为目的，以澄清mishnah一般而言，由于追求后，犹大的而死在院校的巴勒斯坦和巴比伦。 This baraita is, furthermore, an authentic document on the origin of the Talmud.这baraita是，而且，一个真实的文件，对原产地的犹太法典。
Three classes of members of the academy are mentioned in an anecdote referring to Judah I. (BB 8a): (1) those who devoted themselves chiefly to the Bible ("ba'ale Miḳra"); (2) those whose principal study was the Mishnah ("ba'ale Mishnah"); and (3) those whose main interest lay in the Talmud ("ba'ale Talmud"). 3班的学院成员都提到在一个轶闻指犹大一（ BB心跳8 ） ： （ 1 ）那些投身最主要圣经（下称" ba'ale miḳra " ） ; （ 2 ） ，其主要研究该mishnah （ " ba'ale mishnah " ） ，以及（ 3 ） ，其主要的兴趣在于在犹太法典（ " ba'ale犹太法典" ） 。 This is the original reading of the passage, although the editions mention also the "ba'ale Halakah" and the "ba'ale Haggadah" (see below).这是原来读通过，虽然版本何况，又是" ba'ale halakah "和" ba'ale haggadah " （见下文） 。 These three branches of knowledge are, therefore, the same as those enumerated in BM 33a.这3个党支部的知识，因此，同样的，作为列举的BM 33A条。 Tanḥum b. tanḥum乙 Ḥanilai, a Palestinian amora of the third century, declared, with reference to this threefold investigation ('Ab. Zarah 19b): "Let the time given to study be divided into three parts: one-third for the Bible, one-third for the Mishnah, and one-third for the Talmud." ḥanilai ，一名巴勒斯坦amora的第三个世纪，申报的，参照本三重调查（ '抗体。 zarah 19B条）说： "让时间给研究可分为3个部分：其中三分之一为圣经中，有三分之一为该mishnah ，其中三分之一为犹太法典" 。 In Ḳid.在ḳid 。 33a this saying is quoted in the name of the tanna Joshua b. 33A条这句话是引述姓名的tanna约书亚乙 Hananiah, although this is probably a corruption of the name of Jose b.哈拿尼雅，尽管这可能是腐败的名义圣荷西乙 Ḥanina (amora). ḥanina （ amora ） 。 Yudan, a Palestinian amora of the fourth century, found in Eccl.豫单时，一名巴勒斯坦amora的第四个世纪，发现在eccl 。 xi.十一。 9 an allusion to the pleasure taken in the three branches of study, Miḳra, Mishnah, and Talmud.九，暗指游乐场所采取的三个支部的学习中， miḳra ， mishnah ，和犹太法典。
The Three Subjects of Study.三个研究课题。
The old trichotomy of traditional literature was changed, however, by the acceptance of the Mishnah of Judah I., and by the new study of the Talmud designed to interpret it.老三分法的传统文学被改变，但所接受的mishnah的犹大一，由新的研究犹太法典旨在解释。 The division termed "Halakot" (singular, "Halakah") in the old classification was then called "Mishnah," although in Palestine the Mishnah continued to be designated as "Halakot."该司被称为" halakot " （奇异， " halakah " ） ，在旧的分类，当时所谓的" mishnah ， "虽然在巴勒斯坦mishnah继续被指定为" halakot " 。 The Midrash became a component part of the Talmud; and a considerable portion of the halakic Bible hermeneuties of the Tannaim, which had been preserved in various special works, was incorporated in the Babylonian Talmud.该midrash成为一个组成部分，犹太法典以及相当一部份的halakic圣经hermeneuties的tannaim ，一直保存在各种形式的专项工程，是成立于巴比伦塔木德经。 The Haggadah (plural, "Haggadot") lost its importance as an individual branch of study in the academies, although it naturally continued to be a subject of investigation, and a portion of it also was included in the Talmud.该haggadah （复数， " haggadot " ） ，失去了它的重要性，作为一个单独的分支研究中的院校，虽然它自然继续成为一个调查对象，以及一部分，它也被列在犹太法典。 Occasionally the Haggadah is even designated as a special branch, being added as a fourth division to the three already mentioned.偶尔haggadah更是被指定为特别支部，增加一条，作为第四条记名表决，以3个已经提到。 Ḥanina ben Pappa, an amora of the early part of the fourth century, in characterizing these four branches says: "The countenance should be serious and earnest in teaching the Scriptures, mild and calm for the Mishnah, bright and lively for the Talmud, and merry and smiling for the Haggadah" (Pesiḳ. 110a; Pes. R. 101b; Tan., Yitro, ed. Buber, p. 17; Massek. Soferim, xvi. 2). ḥanina贲pappa ， amora的早期部分的第四个世纪，在描述这四个党支部说： "国家进行，应该严肃认真，在教学中会念经，温和，平静，为mishnah ，明亮，活泼，为犹太法典，并欢乐和微笑，为haggadah " （ pesiḳ. 110a ;聚醚砜。传译101b ;火炭， yitro ，教育署。布伯，第17页;马塞克。 soferim ，十六2 ） 。 As early as the third century Joshua ben Levi interpreted Deut.早在公元三世纪约书亚贲利维解释deut 。 ix.九。 10 to mean that the entire Law, including Miḳra, Mishnah, Talmud, and Haggadah, had been revealed to Moses on Sinai (Yer. Pes. 17a, line 59; Meg. 74d, 25), while in Gen. R. lxvi. 10日至意味着整个法律，包括miḳra ， mishnah ，犹太法典，并haggadah ，已被泄露给摩西对西奈（ yer.狗。 17A条，线路59条;梅格。条文" ， 25 ） ，而在将军传译lxvi 。 3 the blessings invoked in Gen. xxvii. 3祝福援引将军二十七。 28 are explained as "Miḳra, Mishnah, Talmud, and Haggadah."有28人解释为" miḳra ， mishnah ，犹太法典，并haggadah " 。 The Palestinian haggadist Isaac divided these four branches into two groups: (1) the Miḳra and the Haggadah, dealing with subjects of general interest; and (2) the Mishnah and the Talmud, "which can not hold the attention of those who hear them" (Pesiḳ. 101b; see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." ii. 211).巴勒斯坦haggadist艾萨克划分这四个分支机构分为两组： （ 1 ） miḳra和haggadah ，处理与会者普遍感兴趣的题目;及（ 2 ）条的规定mishnah和犹太法典" ，这是完全站不住脚的注意那些听到他们" （ pesiḳ. 101b ;见bacher ， "银。帕尔。阿穆尔"二211 ） 。
According to a note of Tanḥuma ben Abba (of the latter part of the 4th cent.) on Cant.根据一项注意到tanḥuma贲雅伯金曲（对后者的一部分第四届一分钱）于斜面。 v. 14 (Cant. R. ad loc.), a student must be familiar with all four branches of knowledge, Miḳra, Mishnah, Halakah (the last-named term used here instead of "Tatmud"), and Haggadah; while Samuel b.五， 14 （ cant.传译专案同上） ，学生必须熟悉所有四个分支机构的知识， miḳra ， mishnah ， halakah （上一次命名所用的字眼，而是在这里的" tatmud " ） ，并haggadah而塞缪尔乙 Judah b.犹大乙 Abun, a Palestinian amora of the same century, interpreted Prov. abun ，一名巴勒斯坦amora的同一世纪，诠释省。 xxviii.二十八。 11 as an allusion to the halakist ("man of the Talmud") and to the haggadist ("man of the Haggadah"; Yer. Hor. 48c; see also Pesiḳ. 176a; Lev. R. xxi., Talmud and Haggadah).十一作为一个典故到halakist （ "人的犹太法典" ） ，并且向haggadist （ "人的haggadah " ;也门里亚尔。激素。 48c ;又见pesiḳ 。 176a ;列弗。传译二十一，犹太法典以及haggadah ） 。 Here may be mentioned also the concluding passage of the mishnaic treatise Abot (v., end): "At the age of five to the Bible; at the age of ten to the Mishnah; at the age of fifteen to the Talmud."这里可能也提到结论通过本mishnaic伤寒abot （五，完）说： "在5岁以下，以圣经，在十岁那年到mishnah ;当时年仅十五至塔木德经" 。 This is ascribed by many to the ancient tanna Samuel ha-Ḳaṭon (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." i. 378), although the sequence of study which it mentions is evidently that which was customary during the amoraic period (comp. also the saying of Abaye in Ket. 50a).这可能归因于许多古代tanna塞缪尔哈ḳaṭon （见bacher ， "银。谭" ，一378 ） ，虽然序列的研究，其中提到，显然是说，这是习惯在amoraic期（ comp.还俗语的abaye在KET的。 50条A ） 。 The following passages from the Babylonian Talmud may likewise serve to illustrate the special usage which finally made the word "Talmud" current as the name of the work.以下段落巴比伦塔木德经同样可能有助于说明特殊用法，终于取得了两个字： "犹太法典" ，目前为作品名称。 Samuel, one of the earliest Babylonian amoraim, interpreted the words of Zech.萨穆埃尔，其中最早的巴比伦亚摩兰，这句话解释的撒加利亚。 viii.八。 10, "neither was there any peace to him that went out or came in," as applying to the restlessness of one who turns from the Talmud and confines himself to the study of the Mishnah (Ḥag. 10a). 10 ， "不存在任何和平向他表示，走出去或来的话， "作为申请到焦躁情绪的人轮流从犹太法典和禁锢自己，以学习贯彻mishnah （ ḥag. 10A ）为。 Johanan, the younger Palestinian contemporary of Samuel, extends the allusion to "him also who turns from one Talmud to study another," referring here to Babli and to Yerushalmi.约哈难，年轻的巴勒斯坦当代的萨穆埃尔，延伸典故，以"他的人也轮流从一个犹太法典研究的另一" ，在这里指的babli并yerushalmi 。 It is very possible that he had noticed that in the case of his numerous Babylonian pupils the transition from the mishnaic exegesis which they had acquired at home to that of the Palestinian schools was not made without disturbing their peace of mind.这是非常可能的，他曾注意到，在案件多次巴比伦学生过渡到mishnaic训诂学，他们获得了在国内可说是巴勒斯坦学校并非没有感到不安，他们内心的平静。 Allusions to the "Talmud of Babylon" by two prominent Babylonians who settled in Palestine (Ze'era and Jeremiah) have likewise been pre-served (BM 85c; Sanh. 24a); and they confirm Johanan's conception of the meaning of the term.典故，以"塔木德经巴比伦" ，由两个突出巴比伦人人定居在巴勒斯坦（ ze'era和耶利米） ，也同样被前送达（骨髓85C号; sanh 。 24A条） ，以及他们证实约哈难的观念一词的含义。
The Gemara.该gemara 。
In Babylonia the Aramaic noun "gemar" (emphatic state, "gemara") was formed from the verb (which does not occur in Palestinian texts), having the meaning of "learn."在巴比伦王国的阿拉姆语名词" gemar " （强调状态， " gemara " ）成立，由动词（这并不发生在巴勒斯坦文本） ，具有意义的"学习" 。 This substantive accordingly designates that which has been learned, and the learning transmitted to scholars by tradition, although it is used also in a more restricted sense to connote the traditional exposition of the Mishnah; and it therefore gained currency as a designation of the Talmud.本次实质性据此将指定其中，据了解，并学习传送到学者，由传统，尽管它的使用也处于较受限制的意义上，以内涵传统博览会的mishnah ;因此，它获得了货币作为指定犹太法典。 In the modern editions of the Babylonian Talmud the term "Gemara" occurs very frequently in this sense; but in nearly every case it was substituted at a later time for the objectionable word "Talmud," which was interdicted by the censor.在现代版本的巴比伦塔木德经"一词gemara "现象已非常频密，在这个意义上，但几乎每一个案例，它取代了，在稍后时间，让不良"犹太法典" ，这是停职受审查。 The only passage in which "Gemara" occurs with the meaning of "Talmud" in the strict sense of that term and from which it was not removed by the censor is 'Er.唯一的通道中， " gemara "现象与所指的"犹太法典" ，在严格意义上说，任期从它不能完全取消，由检查员是'呃。 32b, where it is used by Naḥman bar Jacob, a Babylonian amora of the second half of the third century. 32 B条，因为它正在使用的naḥman酒吧雅各布，巴比伦amora的下半年，三世纪。 For further details see Bacher, "Gemara," in "Hebrew Union College Annual," pp.进一步的细节见bacher ， " gemara " ，在"希伯莱联合学院每年， "页。 26-36, Cincinnati, 1904, where the word is shown to have been used for "Talmud" from the geonic period (see also idem, "Die Terminologie der Amoräer," pp. 31 et seq., Leipsic, 1905). 26-36 ，辛辛那提， 1904年，而这个词是显示已被用作"犹太法典" ，从若尼克期（亦见同上，在"死术语明镜amoräer "页31页起， leipsic ， 1905 ） 。 The later editions of the Talmud frequently substitute for the word "Gemara" the abbreviation (Aramaic, = "the six orders of the Mishnah"), which has come to be, with the pronunciation "Shas," a popular designation for the Babylonian Talmud.后来版本的犹太法典经常替代字" gemara "的缩写（阿拉姆语， = "六个订单的mishnah " ） ，这已到了，与发音的"沙斯"流行指定为巴比伦塔木德经。
Here may be mentioned the term "Shem'ata" (), which was used in Babylonia to designate the halakic portion of the Talmud, and which was thus contrasted with "Haggadah" (see Ḥag. 26a; Soṭah 20a; Sanh. 38b; comp. also M. Ḳ. 23a, where "Shemu'ah," the Hebrew form, occurs in a baraita).这里不妨提到而言， " shem'ata " （ ） ，它是用来在巴比伦王国到指定halakic部分犹太法典，并因此形成对照的" haggadah " （见ḥag 。 26A条; soṭah 20A条; sanh 。第38B ;可比，而且米ḳ 。 23A条的规定下， " shemu'ah " ，希伯来文的形式，出现在baraita ） 。 In the tenth century this word was used in Mohammedan circles to designate Jewish tradition as well as its chief source, the Talmud; so that Mas'udi refers to Saadia Gaon as an "ashma'ti" (ie, a believer in the tradition), using this term in contrast to "Karaite" (see Pinsker, "Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot," i. 5).在10世纪这个词用在穆罕默德界划定犹太人的传统，以及其首席消息人士说，犹太法典;使mas'udi指saadia gaon作为" ashma'ti " （即信奉传统）使用这个名词对照的" karaite " （见pinsker ， " liḳḳuṭe ḳadmoniyyot ， "一5 ） 。 A "Kitab al-Ashma'ah" (ie, "Talmud") is also mentioned ("ZDMG" lviii. 659). "文化发展基地ashma'ah " （即"塔木德经" ）是也提到（ " zdmg " lviii 。 659 ） 。
The theorem that the Talmud was the latest development of traditional science has been demonstrated by this discussion of the meaning and the use of the word itself.该定理认为，犹太法典是最新的发展，传统科学已经证明了这一讨论的意义和使用这个词本身。 The Talmud accordingly dates from the time following the final redaction of the Mishnah; and it was taught in the academy of Judah I. as the commentary on the tannaitic Halakah.犹太法典相应的日期从时间后，最后编撰学的mishnah ;这是教学院的犹大一，作为评论tannaitic halakah 。 The editorial activity which, from the mass of halakic material that had accumulated since Akiba's Mishnah, crystallized the Talmud in accordance with the systematic order introduced by that teacher, implied the interpretation and critical examination of the Halakah, and was, therefore, analogous to Talmudic methodology.社论活动，从群众的halakic材料已累积自秋叶的mishnah ，凝结着犹太法典按照系统命令介绍说，老师，隐含的解释和严格审核的halakah ，并，因此，类似于talmudic方法论。
There were, likewise, many elements of tannaitic tradition, especially the midrashic exegesis of the Bible, as well as numerous halakic interpretations, lexicographical and material, which were ready for incorporation into the Talmud in its more restricted meaning of the interpretation of the Mishnah of Judah I. When this Mishnah became the standard halakic work, both as a source for decisions of questions of religious law, and, even more especially, as a subject of study in the academies, the Talmud interpretation of the mishnaic text, both in theory and in practise, naturally became the most important branch of study, and included the other branches of traditional science, being derived from the Halakah and the Midrash (halakic exegesis), and also including haggadic material, though to a minor degree.还有，同样的，许多内容的tannaitic传统，尤其是米大示解经注释的圣经，以及众多halakic表述，辞书和物质，其中准备，以便将其纳入犹太法典在较受限制的含义的解释，该mishnah的犹大的时候，一本mishnah成为标准halakic工作中，既作为源决定的问题，宗教法，而且，更特别是，作为一门学科的研究中的院校，犹太法典解释该mishnaic文本中，无论是在理论并在练习，自然成了最重要的分支研究，并列入了其他学科的传统科学，被来自halakah和midrash （ halakic训诂学） ，而且还包括与haggadic素材，但一个小的程度。 The Talmud, however, was not an independent work; and it was this characteristic which constituted the chief difference between it and the earlier subjects of study of the tannaitic period.犹太法典，不过，这也不是一个独立的工作，这是这一特点构成行政区别，它和早先研究课题的tannaitic时期。 It had no form of its own, since it served as a running commentary on the mishnaic text; and this fact determined the character which the work ultimately assumed.它已没有任何形式的本身，因为它提供了运行评论mishnaic文本;这个事实，决定了字的工作，最终假设。
Relation to Mishnah.有关mishnah 。
The Talmud is practically a mere amplification of the Mishnah by manifold comments and additions; so that even those portions of the Mishnah which have no Talmud are regarded as component parts of it and are accordingly included in the editions of Babli.犹太法典实际上只是功放的mishnah由多方面的意见和补充，因此，即使这些部分的mishnah有没有犹太法典，被视为组成部分，这一点，并据此纳入版本babli 。 The history of the origin of the Talmud is the same as that of the Mishnah-a tradition, transmitted orally for centuries, was finally cast into definite literary form, although from the moment in which the Talmud became the chief subject of study in the academies it had a double existence, and was accordingly, in its final stage, redacted in two different forms.历史起源的犹太法典是一样的mishnah -一个传统，传播口头几百年，终于铸就了一定的文学形式，虽然从受孕起，其中犹太法典成为行政的课题研究中的院校它有一个双重的存在，并据此在其最后阶段，在经过编辑的两种不同形式。 The Mishnah of Judah I. was adopted simultaneously in Babylon and Palestine as the halakic collection par excellence; and at the same time the development of the Talmud was begun both at Sepphoris, where the Mishnah was redacted, and at Nehardea and Sura, where Judah's pupils Samuel and Rab engaged in their epoch-making work.该mishnah的犹大一获得通过，同时在巴比伦和巴勒斯坦作为halakic收集出色;或在同一时间的发展，犹太法典开始在sepphoris ，那里mishnah是编辑，并在nehardea和苏拉，而犹大的学生和萨穆埃尔Rab的从事自己的，具有划时代的工作。 The academies of Babylon and of Palestine alike regarded the study of the Mishnah and its interpretation as their chief task.该院校的巴比伦和巴勒斯坦一样把学习的mishnah及其解释作为其首要任务。 The Amoraim, as the directors and members of these academies were called ( see Amora), became the originators of the Talmud; and its final redaction marked the end of the amoraic times in the same way that the period of the Tannaim was concluded by the compilation of the Mishnah of Judah I. Like the Mishnah, the Talmud was not the work of one author or of several authors, but was the result of the collective labors of many successive generations, whose toil finally resulted in a book unique in its mode of development.该亚摩兰，由于董事局的成员，这些院校的，被称为（见amora ） ，成为原创者的犹太法典，而且它的最后编撰学标志着结束了amoraic倍，在以同样的方式将这段期间的tannaim得出的结论是，由汇编了mishnah的犹大一像mishnah ，犹太法典，是不是工作的一个作家或几个作家，但是由于集体劳动的许多世代，其辛劳，终于导致了一本书，有其独特的模式的发展。
The Palestinian Talmud.巴勒斯坦犹太法典。
Before entering into any discussion of the origin and peculiar form of the Talmud, the two recensions of the work itself may be briefly described.然后进入任何讨论的起源和形成特有的犹太法典，两recensions的工作本身，可简要描述。 The general designation of the Palestinian Talmud as "Talmud Yerushalmi," or simply as "Yerushalmi," is precisely analogous to that of the Palestinian Targum.一般指定巴勒斯坦犹太法典"塔木德经yerushalmi " ，或干脆为" yerushalmi " ，正是类似当年的巴勒斯坦targum 。 The term originated in the geonic period, when, however, the work received also the more precise designations of "Talmud of Palestine," "Talmud of the Land of Israel," "Talmud of the West," and "Talmud of the Western Lands."一词起源于若尼克时期，但是，当工作，也收到了较准确的番号的"犹太法典的巴勒斯坦" ， "犹太法典的以色列土地" ， "犹太法典的西方" ， "犹太法典的西部地" Yerushalmi has not been preserved in its entirety; large portions of it were entirely lost at an early date,while other parts exist only in fragments. yerushalmi没有被保存在整;很大一部分，它完全失去了早日在一个，而其他部分，只存在于片段。 The editio princeps (ed. Bomberg, Venice, 1523 et seq.), on which all later editions are based, terminates with the following remark: "Thus far we have found what is contained in this Talmud; and we have endeavored in vain to obtain the missing portions."该editio princeps （编辑邦贝里，威尼斯，第1523页起） ，对所有后来的版本是根据，即终止与以下这句话： "到目前为止，我们已经找到什么是包含在这个犹太法典;我们已经发放完毕，妄图获得失踪的部分" 。 Of the four manuscripts used for this first edition (comp. the note at the conclusion of Shab. xx. 17d and the passage just cited), only one is now in existence; it is preserved in the library of the University of Leyden (see below).上述四个手稿用于这一首版（ comp.说明，在总结沙巴的XX 。 17d ，并通过刚刚提到） ，只有一个是现在存在的，它是保存在图书馆的大学莱登（见下文） 。 Of the six orders of the Mishnah, the fifth, Ḳodashim, is missing entirely from the Palestinian Talmud, while of the sixth, Ṭohorot, it contains only the first three chapters of the treatise Niddah (iv. 48d-51b).该6项命令的mishnah ，第五， ḳodashim ，失踪完全从巴勒斯坦犹太法典，而中六， ṭohorot ，它只包含前三个章节的论文niddah （ iv. 48d - 51B条） 。 The treatises of the orders of the Mishnah are arranged in the following sequence in this Talmud; the pagination also is given here, in parentheses, to indicate the length of the several treatises:该论文的命令的mishnah排列顺序如下，在这个犹太法典;分页，也就是由于此，在括号中，以显示长度的几个论文：
I. Zera'im:一zera '即时通讯：
Berakot (2a-14d); Pe'ah (15a-21b); Demai (21c-26c); Ki'layim (26d-32d); Shebi'it (33a-39d); Terumot (40a-48b); Ma'aserot (48c-52a); Ma'aser Sheni (52b-58d); Ḥallah (57a-60b); 'Orlah (60c-63b); Bikkurim (63c-65d). berakot （甲- 14d ） ; pe'ah （ 15A条- 21 ） ; demai （ 21世纪- 26 C ） ; ki'layim （ 26d - 32 D条） ; shebi'it （ 33A条- 39d ） ; terumot （ 40A条- 48b ） ;马' aserot （ 48c - 52 ） ; ma'aser sheni （ 52 b型- 58D " ） ; ḥallah （ 57A条- 60b ） ; ' orlah （ 60c - 63 B ） ; bikkurim （ 63c - 65d ） 。
II.二。 Mo'ed: mo'ed ：
Shabbat (2a-18a); 'Erubin (18a-26d); Pesaḥim (27a-37d); Yoma (38a-45c); Sheḳalim (45c-51b); Sukkah (51c-55d); Rosh ha-Shanah (56a-59d); Beẓah (59d-63b), Ta'anit (63c-69c); Megillah (69d-75d); Ḥagigah (75d-79d); Mo'ed Ḳaṭan (80a-83d). shabbat （甲- 18 ） ; ' erubin （ 18 - 26d ） ; pesaḥim （ 27A条- 37 D ） ; yoma （ 38A条- 45c ） ; sheḳalim （ 45c - 51B条） ; sukkah （ 51c - 55d ） ;羁绊夏shanah （第56A号- 59 D条） ; beẓah （ 59 D条- 63 B ） ， ta'anit （ 63c - 69c ） ; megillah （ 69d - 75d ） ; ḥagigah （ 75d - 79d ） ; mo'ed ḳaṭan （ 80 A条- 83d ） 。
III.三。 Nashim:女之部：
Yebamot (2a-15a); Soṭah (15a-24c); Ketubot (24c-36b); Nedarim (36c-42d); Giṭṭin (43a-50d); Nazir (51a-58a); Ḳiddushin (58a-66d). yebamot （甲-15甲） ; soṭah （ 15A条- 24摄氏度） ; ketubot （ 24摄氏度- 36B条） ; nedarim （ 36C条- 42d ） ; giṭṭin （ 43 A条- 50 D ） ;纳齐尔（ 51 - 10 ） ; ḳiddushin （ 58A条- 66d ） 。
IV.四。 Neziḳin: neziḳin ：
Baba Ḳamma (2a-7c); Baba Meẓi'a (7c-12c); Baba Batra (12d-17d); Sanhedrin (17d-30c); Makkot (30d-32b); Shebu'ot (32c-38d); 'Abodah Zarah (39a-45b); Horayot (45c-48c).巴巴ḳamma （甲- 7C条） ;巴巴meẓi'a （ 7C条-碳-12 ） ;巴巴巴特拉（ 12 D - 17d ） ;公会（ 17d - 30摄氏度） ; makkot （三楼三十D号- 32 B条） ; shebu'ot （ 32 - 38 D条） ; '阿布达zarah （ 39A条- 45 B ） ; horayot （ 45c - 48c ） 。
VI.六。 Ṭohorot: ṭohorot ：
Niddah (48d-51b). niddah （ 48d - 51B条） 。
In order ii.为了二。 the last four chapters of Shabbat are missing from the Palestinian Talmud, while the treatise Sheḳalim has been incorporated into the editions of the Babylonian Talmud from Yerushalmi, and is found also in a Munich manuscript of Babli.最后四章shabbat下落不明，从巴勒斯坦的犹太法典，而伤寒sheḳalim已纳入版本的巴比伦塔木德经从yerushalmi ，并还发现，在慕尼黑手稿babli 。 In order iv.为了四。 the treatises Abot and 'Eduyot are missing in both Talmudim, and the concluding chapter of Makkot is wanting in Yerushalmi.该论文abot和' eduyot失踪，在这两个talmudim ，最后一章的makkot是要在yerushalmi 。 In order vi.为了六。 the treatise Niddah ends abruptly after the first lines of ch.该论文niddah突然结束后，第一线的甲烷。 iv.四。
Maimonides expressly states in the introduction to his commentary on the Mishnah that in his time Yerushalmi was extant for the entire first five orders (comp. Abraham ibn Daud, ed. Neubauer, "MJC" i. 57); therefore he must have seen the Yerushalmi of the order Ḳodashim, although he himself does not quote it in his commentary on this order (see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 45b).迈蒙尼德明确规定，在介绍他的评论就mishnah ，在他的时候yerushalmi是现存为整个第5项命令（ comp.亚伯拉罕的Ibn daud ，教育署。 neubauer ， " mjc "一57 ） ，因此，他必须看到yerushalmi该命令ḳodashim ，虽然他本人并不引用它在他的评论对这项命令（见弗兰克尔， "湿润烧伤膏" ，第45 B ） 。 Except for the treatise Niddah, on the other hand, there was, according to Maimonides (lc), no Yerushalmi for the sixth order.除为伤寒niddah ，另一方面，有根据迈蒙尼德（立法会） ，没有yerushalmi为第六届秩序。 A South-Arabian work of the fifteenth century, however, quotes the Gemara "on 'Uḳẓin in the Gemara of the people of Jerusalem," which is said to contain a passage on the zodiac (see Steinschneider, "Catalog der Hebräischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin," p. 65, Berlin, 1878).南方阿拉伯工作， 15世纪，然而，行情的gemara "关于' uḳẓin在gemara的人的耶路撒冷" ，据说这是含有一个通道就十二生肖（见steinschneider ， "目录明镜hebräischen handschriften明镜königlichen图书馆祖柏林， "第65页，柏林， 1878年） 。 The author of this quotation, therefore, knew Yerushalmi for the last treatise of the sixth order, although it is possible that the passage quoted may have been in the lost portion of the treatise Niddah, and that the name "'Uḳẓin" may have been used instead of "Ṭohorot."作者的这一报价，因此，应该知道自己yerushalmi为去年伤寒的第六秩序，它虽然是有可能通过援引可能已经在失去了部分的论文niddah ，并命名为" ' uḳẓin "可能已被不是" ṭohorot " 。 For further details on the missing sections of Yerushalmi see Frankel, lc pp.进一步的细节就失踪路段yerushalmi见弗兰克尔，信用证页。 45a et seq.; Weiss, "Dor," iii. 45 A条等条;魏斯， " dor ， "三。 232; Buber, in Berliner's "Magazin," v. 100-105; and Strack, "Einleitung in den Talmud," pp. 232 ;布伯，在柏林的"杂志， "五100-105 ; strack ， " einleitung在书斋犹太法典" ，页。 63-65. 63-65 。 The mishnaic text on which the Palestinian Talmud is based has been preserved in its entirety in a manuscript belonging to the library of the University of Cambridge, and has been edited by WH Lowe ("The Mishnah on Which the Palestinian Talmud Rests," Cambridge, 1883).该mishnaic文本上的巴勒斯坦犹太法典，是基于一直保存在一个整体在手稿属于图书馆的大学，剑桥大学，并已主编低于起（下称" mishnah就巴勒斯坦犹太法典在于， "剑桥1883年） 。
The Palestinian Talmud is so arranged in the editions that each chapter is preceded by its entire mishnaic text with the paragraphs numbered, this being followed by the Talmud on the several paragraphs.巴勒斯坦犹太法典是这样安排在版本，每章之前，其整个mishnaic文字与段落的编号，这是其次是犹太法典上的几个段落。 In the first seven chapters of Berakot the paragraphs are designated as "First Mishnah" (), "Second Mishnah," etc.; while in the remainingchapters and all the other treatises the paragraphs are termed "halakot" ().在今年首七个月的章节berakot段被命名为"第一届mishnah " （ ） ， "第二mishnah "等，而在remainingchapters和所有其他论文段落被称为" halakot " （ ） 。 In the early chapters the mishnaic text of each paragraph is repeated entire in the Talmud at the beginning of the paragraph; but later only the first words are prefaced to the Talmudic text.在早期的章节了mishnaic文本每个段落重复，在整个犹太法典在该段开头，但后来只有第一个字序向talmudic文本。 Even in cases where there is no Talmud the designation of the paragraph and the beginning of the mishnaic text are given.即使在的情况下，是没有塔木德经指定该段，并开始了mishnaic文本作出适当的解释。 The editio princeps seems to have borrowed this arrangement from the manuscripts, although the system is much more simple in the fragment of Yerushalmi edited by Paul von Kokowzoff in the "Mémoires de la Société Archéologique de St. Petersbourg" (xi. 195-205), which contains some paragraphs of the sixth and eighth chapters of Baba Ḳamma.该editio princeps似乎都借用这种安排从手稿，尽管该系统是更简单的，在片段yerushalmi主编保罗冯kokowzoff在"德，为本香格里拉协会archéologique德圣petersbourg " （ xi. 195-205 ） ，其中载有某些段落的第六和第八章的巴巴ḳamma 。 This fragment begins with the concluding lines of the Talmudic text of ch.这个片段开始与结束线的talmudic文本的CH 。 v.; but between them and the beginning of ch.五，但他们之间并开始了CH 。 vi.六。 the Mishnah is lacking, so that the superscription, "Chapter vi.," is followed immediately by the Talmudic text.该mishnah欠缺，因此，只要superscription " ，第六章" ，紧接着，由talmudic文本。 There is no reference to the beginning of the paragraph, either in the first or in the succeeding paragraphs; nor is there any explanation of the fact that paragraphs 4 and 7 of ch.然而，却没有提及该段开头，不论是在第一或在接替段，也就是有任何解释的事实，即第4和第7的CH 。 viii.八。 have no Talmud.没有犹太法典。 It is clear, therefore, that the manuscript to which this fragment belonged contained only the Talmudic text, thus presupposing the use of a special copy of the Mishnah.很明显，因此，手稿，即在本片段属于只载talmudic文本，因此，假设使用一种特殊的副本提交mishnah 。 It is likewise noteworthy that in the first two chapters of Berakot the sections of the Talmudic text on some of the paragraphs are designated in the editions by the word "pisḳa" (section), a term found occasionally also in other portions of the text of Yerushalmi.这是同样值得注意的是，前两章的berakot路段的talmudic文本上的某些段落是在指定版本一词由" pisḳa " （段） ，任期发现，偶尔也有其他部分的案文yerushalmi 。
The Style of the Yerushalmi.风格的yerushalmi 。
The style of Yerushalmi may be indicated by a brief analysis of a few sections, such as Ber.作风yerushalmi可能显示简要分析了几个章节，如误码率。 i.一。 1; RH i. 1 ;铑一。 1, 2; Giṭ.一日，二日; giṭ 。 ii.二。 1; and BB i. 1 ，和BB一。 6. 6 。 Ber.误码率。 i.一。 1: The text of this paragraph, which begins the Mishnah, is as follows: "During what time in the evening is the reading of the 'Shema'' begun? From the time when the priests go in to eat their leaven [see Lev. xxii. 7] until the end of the first watch of the night, such being the words of R. Eliezer. The sages, however, say until midnight, though R. Gamaliel says until the coming of the dawn." 1 ：文这一段，即开始mishnah ，具体内容如下： "在什么时间，在傍晚是读'射麻''开始？从的时候，牧师去吃饭，他们尚基[见列弗。 22 。 7 ] ，直到去年底第一次观赏的夜晚，这样的话传译埃利泽。先哲，不过，说，直到午夜十二时，虽然传译加马说，直到未来的曙光" 。
Examples.例子。
The Talmud on this paragraph (2a, line 34-3a, line 3) contains three sections, which correspond to the three opinions and the contents of which are as follows: (1)犹太法典对本款（甲线34 - 3A型， 3号线）包含三个部分，对应到三个意见，其内容分别是： （ 1 ）
A citation, from a baraita, of another tannaitic regulation defining the Mishnah that governs the reading of the "Shema'" in the evening; two sayings of Jose (a Palestinian amora of the 4th cent.), serving to elucidate the baraita (2a, 34-45).引文，从baraita ，另一tannaitic调控界定mishnah执政阅读的"架构" ，在傍晚;两个熟语的圣荷西（一巴勒斯坦amora的第四届一分钱） ，在职澄清baraita （甲， 34-45 ） 。 Remarks on the position of one who is in doubt whether he has read the "Shema'," with analogous cases, according to Jeremiah, whose views were transmitted by Ze'era II.言论上的立场之一，究竟是谁在怀疑他是否有看过"射麻' ， "相类似的情况下，根据耶利米，他们的意见转交ze'era二。 (4th cent.), the first case being decided according to the baraita already mentioned (2a, 45-2b, 4). （第4美分） ，第一宗案件正在根据委托baraita已经提到的（甲， 45乙， 4 ） 。 Another passage from the baraita, designating the appearance of the stars as an indication of the time in question; explanation of this baraita by Abba bar Pappai (transmitter, Phinehas; both of the 4th cent.); other passages on the appearance of the stars as bearing on the ritual, together with a dialectic explanation by Jose b.另一条通道，从baraita ，指定外观星作为标志的时间问题;解释这一baraita由雅伯金曲酒吧pappai （发射机，非尼哈，两个第四。 ） ，其他通道，就出现了星级由于事关仪式，同时推出了辩证的解释，由圣荷西乙 Abin (second half of the 4th cent.) and a saying by Judah b.巴西情报局（下半年的第四届一分钱） ，并说，犹大乙 Pazzi (2b, 5-31).帕齐（ 2B卫星， 5月31日） 。 A baraita on the division between day and night, and other passages bearing on the same subject (ib. lines 31-41). 1 baraita关于分工的白天和夜晚，以及其他段落轴承就同一主题（ ib.线31-41 ） 。 The meaning of "ben ha-shemashot" (twilight), and an answer by Tanḥuma b.所指的"本哈shemashot " （曙光） ，并回答由tanḥuma乙 Abba (latter part of the 4th cent.), together with another solution given by a baraita (ib. lines 41-46).雅伯金曲（后者的一部分第四届一分钱） ，连同另一种解决办法是由一名baraita （ ib.线41-46 ） 。 Discussion of this baraita by Aḥa and Jose (4th cent.); reference by Mani to a question dealing with this subject which he addressed to Hezekiah of Cæsarea (4th cent.) from Mishnah Zab.讨论这个baraita由aḥa及荷西（第4美分） ;参考玛尼的一个问题，在处理这个问题，他给hezekiah的cæsarea （第4次。 ）由mishnah zab 。 i.一。 6, and the answer of the latter (2b, 46-2c, 9). 6 ，并回答了后者（乙， 46 -二C ， 9 ） 。 Amoraic sayings and a baraita on the beginning of the day (ib. lines 9-20). amoraic熟语和baraita于当日开始（ ib.线9-20 ） 。 A sentence of tannaitic origin in no way related to the preceding matters: "One who prays standing must hold his feet straight," and the controversy on this subject between Levi and Simon (3d cent.), the one adding, "like the angels," and the other, "like the priests"; comments on these two comparisons (2c, 20-31).服刑tannaitic原产地，绝不涉及前款事项： "祈祷者常委会必须持有他的脚直" ，并在争议，就这个问题与利维和西蒙（三维。 ） ，其中加入" ，像天使" ，另一方面， "像神职人员" ;就这两个比较（ 2C型， 20-31 ） 。 Further discussion regarding the beginning of the day, introduced by a saying of Ḥanina's (3d cent.); haggadic statements concerning the dawn; a conversation between Ḥiyya the Elder and Simeon b.进一步的讨论就开始了一天，推出的一个说法的ḥanina的（三维美分） ; haggadic报表有关黎明;谈话之间ḥiyya长辈和西麦乙 Ḥalafta (latter part of the tannaitic period); cosmological comments: dimensions of the firmament, and the cosmic distances expressed in units of 50 and 500 years, together with similar haggadic material, chiefly tannaitic in origin; Haggadic sayings on Gen. i. ḥalafta （后者部分的tannaitic期） ;宇宙评论：尺寸的firmament ，与宇宙的距离单位表示的50和500年，再加上类似haggadic材料，主要是tannaitic在原居地; haggadic熟语对将军一。 6, introduced by a saying of Abin's (4th cent.), and including sayings by Rab, Judah b. 6 ，推出一个说法的巴西情报局的（第4美分） ，并包括熟语由Rab的，犹大乙 Pazzi, and Ḥanina; Haggadic material on Isa.帕齐， ḥanina ; haggadic材料伊萨。 xl.销售。 22, introduced by a controversy between Johanan and Simeon b. 22 ，由一个争议之间约哈难和西麦乙 Laḳish (3d cent.), and on Gen. ii. laḳish （三维美分） ，并于将军二。 4 (2c, 31-2d, 11). 4 （ 2C型， 31 -二维， 11 ） 。 On the second part of the first mishnaic sentence; the views of Judah I. and Nathan on the number of the night-watches, and an exegetic discussion of them, with an allusion to Ps.对第二部分的第一mishnaic一句;意见犹大一及弥敦道上的人数夜间手表，并exegetic讨论，其中一个典故到PS 。 cxix. cxix 。 62 ("at midnight"), as well as haggadic material concerning David and his harp, with especial reference to Ps. 62 （ "午夜" ） ，以及haggadic物质有关大卫和他的竖琴，尤其是提到的PS 。 lvii. 57 。 9 (2d, 11-44). 9 （二维， 11-44 ） 。
(2) （ 2 ）
Assi in the name of Johanan: "The ruling of the sages ["until midnight"] is the valid one, and forms the basis for the counsel given by Jose [4th cent.] to the members of the academy" (ib. lines 45-48). assi在名称的约哈难： "执政党的先哲[ " ，直到午夜十二时" ] ，是一个有效的，形式的基础上，为律师所给予的圣荷西[第四。 ]向奥斯卡组委会的成员" （ ib.线45-48 ） 。 Baraita on the reading of the "Shema'" in the synagogue; a question bearing on this matter, and Huna's answer in the name of the Babylonian amora Joseph (ib. lines 48-52), an illustration being given in an anecdote regarding Samuel b. baraita就读的"架构" ，在犹太教堂;一个问题，关系到这件事，而湖南的答案在名称巴比伦amora约瑟夫（ ib.线48-52 ） ，说明正考虑在一个轶事就塞缪尔乙 Naḥman, together with a haggadic saying by him (ib. lines 52-58). naḥman ，连同一haggadic说，由他（ ib.线52-58 ） 。 A contradictory view by Joshua b.矛盾的观点约书亚乙 Levi, together with pertinent haggadic sayings to the effect that the "Shemoneh 'Esreh" must follow immediately the after-benediction of the "Shema'" (ib. lines 59-73).利维，连同相关haggadic熟语，其大意是" shemoneh ' esreh "必须遵循立即离职后功德的"架构" （ ib.线59-73 ） 。
(3) （ 3 ）
R. Gamaliel's view compared with an analogous opinion of Simeon b.传译加马' s查看比较类似的意见西麦乙 Yoḥai, together with a question which remains unanswered (2d, 74-3a, 3). yoḥai ，连同一个问题，仍然是悬而未决（二维， 74 - 3 ， 3 ） 。 RH i.铑一。 1, 2: These two paragraphs, which are combined into one in Babli, deal with the commencement of the four seasons (new years): Nisan 1, Elul 1, Tishri 1, and Shebaṭ 1 (or 15). 1 ， 2 ：这两个段落，这是合而为一在babli ，处理与展开四季（新的一年） ：尼散月14日1 ， elul 1 ，提斯利1 ， shebaṭ 1 （或15 ） 。 The Talmud on par.犹太法典相提并论。 1 is found in 56a, 44-56d, 52, and that on par.一日发现在第56A号， 44 56d ， 52 ，并就相提并论。 2 in 56d, 52-57a, 30. 2 56d ， 52 - 50 ， 30 。 Talmud on par.犹太法典相提并论。 1: 1 ：
(a) （一）
The "new year of the kings." "新的一年里的国王" 。 Exegetic deductions and elucidations, beginningwith the interpretation of Ex. exegetic克扣和阐发， beginningwith的解释当然。 xii.十二。 1; Johanan's explanation of II Chron. 1 ，约哈难的解释二慢性。 iii.三。 2; a controversy between Hananiah and Mani regarding the same verse; an explanation by Aḥa of Ex. 2 ;争议之间哈拿尼雅和玛尼就同一韵文;解释，由aḥa特惠。 xii.十二。 1; a baraita by Samuel on the same verse; and similar material (56a, 44-56b, 10).一; baraita由塞缪尔就同一韵文;相似材料（第56A号， 44 - 56b ， 10 ） 。 Ḥanina's saying that even the years of Gentile kings were dated from Nisan, and the confirmation thereof by Biblical passages from Haggai and Zechariah, together with the contradictory view of the Babylonian amora 'Efa or Ḥefa; remarks and objections by Jonah and Isaac (56b, 10-29). ḥanina的说，连多年的gentile国王日期分别由尼散月14日，并予以确认，由圣经通道，从哈该书和zechariah ，加上相互矛盾的看法巴比伦amora '全民教育或ḥefa ;言论和反对意见，由约拿和艾萨克（ 56b ， 10月29日） 。 Jonah on the practical importance of the new year for dating business documents (ib. lines 29-33).约拿就实际的重要性，新的一年里为约会商务文件（ ib.线29-33 ） 。 On the new year in the chronology of the kings of Israel and Judah, together with an interpretation of I Kings ii.在新的一年里，在年谱中的国王，以色列和犹大，连同解读王二。 11, and several haggadic passages referring to David (ib. lines 33-52). 11 ，和几个haggadic通道，是指大卫（ ib.线33-52 ） 。
(b) （二）
The "new year of the feasts." "新的一年里的节日" 。 Statement that according to Simeon b.声明表示，根据西麦乙 Yoḥai Nisan 1 marks the beginning of the year for the sequence of the feasts; a tannaitic midrash of considerable length on Lev. yoḥai尼散1马克今年年初，为序列席间; tannaitic midrash相当的篇幅介绍列弗。 xxiii.二十三。 38, and a reply by Ela (4th cent.) to a question bearing on this matter; additional, remarks and objections by amoraim of the fourth century, together with the citation of a saying by the scholars "of that place" (ie, Babylonia; 56b, 52-56c, 15); various discussions on kindred subjects, especially those whose content involved halakic exegesis (56c, 15-56d, 14). 38 ，并答复的ELA （第4美分） ，以一个问题，关系到这件事;额外的，言论和反对意见，由亚摩兰的第四个世纪，愿与引文的一个说法是由学者" ，这个地方的" （即巴比伦王国; 56b ， 52 - 56c ， 15岁） ;各种讨论骨肉科目，特别是那些内容涉及halakic训诂学（ 56c ， 15 56d ， 14 ） 。
(c) （三）
The "new year for tithes of cattle," declared by Meïr to be Elul 1. "新的一年tithes黄牛" ，宣布由meïr被elul 1 。 Proof by the Babylonian amora Huna, who deduced an opposing view from Ps.证明由巴比伦amora湖南，推导出另一种相反的看法，从聚苯乙烯。 lxv. lxv 。 14; the relation between Ben 'Azzai, who is mentioned in a baraita belonging to this passage, and Akiba (ib. lines 14-33); interpretation of Mishnah Bek. 14个;关系奔'缅拉比，他们提到在一个baraita属于这一通道，并秋叶（ ib.线14-33 ） ;诠释mishnah bek 。 vii.七。 7 as being analogous in content; a citation by Mani of a halakic exegesis by his father, Jonah (ib. lines 33-52).七日被类似内容;引文由玛尼一个halakic训诂学由他的父亲，约拿（ ib.线33-52 ） 。
Talmud on par.犹太法典相提并论。 2: (a) Tishri 1, the "new year for the counting of the years." 2 ： （一）提斯利1 ， "新的一年里为计数的岁月" 。 Deductions from Biblical passages; discussion on the subject between Jonah and the members of the college; Jonah's quotation of Ḥanina's saying on the names of the months, and a saying of Simeon b.扣除圣经段落;就此议题进行讨论与约拿和委员团成员;约拿的报价ḥanina的话说姓名的几个月里，一个说法的西麦乙 Laḳish on the names of the angels (56d, 52-77). laḳish上的名字天使（ 56d ， 52-77 ） 。 (b) The "new year for the Sabbatical years and the years of jubilee." （二） "新的一年里为安息年和多年的银禧" 。 Biblical inference (56d, 77-57a, 2).圣经的推理（ 56d ， 77 - 50 ， 2 ） 。 (c) The "new year for the planting of trees." （三） "新的一年里，为种植树木" 。 Explanation and exegetical deduction (ib. lines 3-14).解释和训诂扣减（ ib.线3-14 ） 。 (d) The "new year for vegetables." （四） "新的一年里为蔬菜" 。 Elucidation and discussion (ib. lines 14-23).澄清和讨论（ ib.线14-23 ） 。 (e) The "new year for trees," this section being supplemented by an example from a tannaitic account of Akiba's practise, with explanations (ib. lines 23-30). （五） "新的一年里，为树木， "这一节，辅以一个例子，从一个tannaitic帐户的秋叶的练习，与解释（ ib.线23-30 ） 。
Further Examples.进一步的例子。
Giṭ. giṭ 。 ii.二。 1: Inadequate attestation of the preparation of a bill of divorce. 1 ：不足核签的编制一项法案离婚。 The Talmud on the passage (44a, 34-71); a special case in the Mishnah shown to contain the opinion of Judah b.犹太法典上通过（ 44 ， 34-71 ） ;一个特殊的情况，在mishnah显示，以控制舆论的犹大乙 Ilai (ib. lines 34-40); two casuistic questions by Jose and the Babylonian amora Ḥisda, and the answers furnished by the Mishnah (ib. lines 40-50); a more detailed discussion of another question of similar content, with reference to a controversy between Johanan and Simeon b. ilai （ ib.线34-40 ） ;两个诡辩的问题，由圣何塞和巴比伦amora ḥisda ，答由其mishnah （ ib.线40-50 ） ;更为详细的讨论另一个问题是类似的内容，是参考一争论之间约哈难和西麦乙 Laḳish, together with notes thereon by Ammi and Ze'era, and a discussion concluding with a comment by Mani (ib. lines 50-71). laḳish ，加上附注的AMMI所和ze'era ，并讨论了总结与评论，玛尼（ ib.线50-71 ） 。 BB i. BB心跳一。 6: (a) A short exegetic proof by Ela, based on Prov. 6 ： （一）短期exegetic空调的ELA ，根据省。 xviii.十八。 11 (12d, 71 et seq.). 11 （ 12 D ， 71页起） 。 (b) A baraita dealing with analogous matter, together with a remark by Jose b. （二） baraita处理类似的事情，加上这句话，由圣荷西乙 Abin (ib. lines 72-75).巴西情报局（ ib.线72-75 ） 。 Although this analysis of the contents of four parts of Yerushalmi gives no adequate idea of the structure of the entire work, it will serve to show the difference between its several parts in regard both to their length and to their amplifications of the simple explanations of the Mishnah.虽然这一分析的内容包括四个部分的yerushalmi没有足够的思想结构的全部工作中，它一定会以示区别，其几部分，在这两个方面给他们的长度和其扩增的简单解释的mishnah 。 A comparison of the portions of the Palestinian Talmud here summarized with the corresponding sections of Babli, as given below, is especially instructive.比较了部分巴勒斯坦犹太法典这里总结了与相应章节babli ，正如下文，特别是启发性。
Passages Repeated.通道重演。
Yerushalmi, when regarded as a work of literature, is noteworthy for a textual peculiarity which is characteristic of it, though found also in Babli, namely, the large number of literal repetitions. yerushalmi ，当被视为工作的文学，值得注意的是，对于语篇的特殊性，这是特点，虽还发现，在babli ，即大量的字面重复之处。 Entire passages, sometimes whole columns, of the Talmud are found in two, occasionally in three, separate treatises, in which they differ from each other by mere variants, most of them due to corruptions of the text.整个通道，有时整个栏目，该塔木德经发现有两个，偶尔在三，单独论文，其中，他们各不相同，由单纯变种，他们大多数是由于腐败的案文。 These repetitions throw some light on the redaction of the Talmudic text, since they prove that before the editing of the treatises was undertaken a uniform mass of material was already at hand in a definitely revised form; they likewise show that in the compilation of the Talmud one portion was explained by another, as was natural in view of the character of the contents.这些重复扔一些光对编撰学的talmudic文本，因为它们证明之前，编辑的论文工作是一个统一的大规模的材料已经在手，在肯定修订表格，他们同样表明，在编纂犹太法典其中部分进行了解释，因为是天然鉴于性质的内容。 The opportunity was gladly seized, moreover, to repeat didactic material in passages where it did not strictly belong.借此机会愉快地抓住不放，而且，重复教材，在通道，而它不属于严格。 These repetitions are obviously of great value in the textual criticism of the Talmud.这些重复的，显然具有极大的价值，在考据学的犹太法典。 Since sufficient attention has never yet been paid to this phenomenon of Yerushalmi, a list is here given of those passages of the first order, Zera'im, which are repeated in other orders.因为足够的重视，从未尚未支付给这一现象的yerushalmi ，名单是在这里给那些段落的第一个命令，泽拉伊姆，这是重复了其他命令。 It must be noted, however, that this list includes neither citations based on passages of another treatise nor parallel passages consisting of a single sentence.但必须注意，不过，这份名单既不包括引文基于通道的另一论文也不平行通道构成一个单句。
(a) （一）
Passages from the order i.通道，从议事程序一。 repeated in the order ii.: Ber.重复命令二：误码率。 3b, lines 10-55 = Shab. 3B室线路10-55 =沙巴。 3a, 69-3b, 20.第3 A ， 69 - 3B型， 20 。 Ber.误码率。 4a, 30-56 = Sheḳ.第4 A ， 30-56 = sheḳ 。 47a, 13-59 = M. Ḳ. 47A条， 13-59 =米ḳ 。 83c, 40-83d, 8. 83c ， 40 83d ， 8 。 Ber.误码率。 5a, 33-62 = M. Ḳ. 5A条， 33-62 =米ḳ 。 82b, 14-47. 82b ， 14-47 。 Ber.误码率。 5d, 14-20 = Shab. 5 ， 14-20 =沙巴。 3a, 55-61.第3 A ， 55-61 。 Ber.误码率。 5d, 65-6a, 9 = M. Ḳ. 5 ， 65 6 ， 9 =米ḳ 。 83a, 5-27.第83A条， 5月27日。 Ber.误码率。 6c, 4-17 = Yoma 44d, 58-68. 6 C条， 4月17日= yoma 44 D ， 58-68 。 Ber.误码率。 6d, 60-67 = Meg. 6D条， 60-67 =梅格。 73d, 15-22. 73 D ， 15-22 。 Ber.误码率。 7b, 70-7d, 25 = Ta'an.今年7月70 - 7天， 25 = ta'an 。 67c, 12-67d, 47. 67 C条， 12 - 67d ， 47 。 Ber.误码率。 7d, 75-8a, 59 = Ta'an. 7D条， 75 - 8A型， 59 = ta'an 。 65c, 2-69. 65 C ， 2-69 。 Ber.误码率。 8c, 60-69 = RH 59d, 16-25. 8C条， 60-69 =铑59 D条， 16-25 。 Ber.误码率。 9a, 70-9b, 47 = Ta'an. 9A条， 70 - 9B条， 47 = ta'an 。 63c, 66-63d, 44. 63c ， 66 63d ， 44 。 Ber.误码率。 9c, 20-31 = Meg. 9C条， 20-31 =梅格。 75c, 8-19. 75c ， 8-19 。 Ber.误码率。 9c, 49-54 = Meg. 9C条， 49-54 =梅格。 75b, 31-36. 75b ， 31-36 。 Ber.误码率。 10a, 32-43 = Pes.第十A 32-43 =狗。 29c, 16-27. 29 C款， 16日至27日。 Ber.误码率。 11c, 14-21 = Pes.碳-11 ， 14-21 =狗。 37c, 54-71. 37 C ， 54-71 。 Ber.误码率。 12c, 16-25 = 'Er.碳-12 ， 16-25 = '呃。 22b, 29-37. 22 B条， 29-37 。 Ber.误码率。 12c, 44-62 = Suk.碳-12 ， 44-62 =淑。 24a, 6-21 = Meg. 24A条， 6月21日=梅格。 72a, 15-31. 72A及15-31 。 Ber.误码率。 13d, 72-14a, 30 = Ta'an.第13 ， 72 - 14 A条， 30 = ta'an 。 64a, 75-64b, 35. 64 ， 75 - 64b ， 35 。 Pe'ah 15a, 67-15b, 21 = Ḥag. pe'ah 15A条， 67 - 15B条， 21 = ḥag 。 76b, 24-53. 76b ， 24-53 。 Pe'ah 17a, 39-72 = Ḥag. pe'ah 17A条， 39-72 = ḥag 。 76b, 13-47. 76b ， 13-47 。 Pe'ah 18d, 16-33 = Sheḳ. pe'ah 18d ， 16-33 = sheḳ 。 46a, 48-67. 46A条， 48-67 。 Pe'ah 18d, 66-19a, 5 = Sheḳ. pe'ah 18d ， 66 - 19A条， 5 = sheḳ 。 48c, 75-48d, 13. 48c ， 75 48d ， 13 。 Pe'ah 21a, 25-29 = Sheḳ. pe'ah 21 ， 25-29 = sheḳ 。 48d, 55-58. 48d ， 55-58 。 Dem.数字高程模型。 22a, 31-40 = Sheḳ. 22A条， 31-40 = sheḳ 。 48d, 40-49. 48d ， 40-49 。 Kil.九龙内地段第。 29b, 27-61 = 'Er. 29 B款， 27-61 = '呃。 19c, 15-49 = Suk. 19摄氏度， 15-49 =淑。 52a, 40-73. 52 ， 40-73 。 Kil.九龙内地段第。 29b, 62-76 = Suk. 29 B款， 62-76 =淑。 52a, 73-52b, 11. 52 ， 73 - 52 b型， 11 。 Sheb. sheb 。 34c, 27-49 = M. Ḳ. 34C条， 27-49 =米ḳ 。 80b, 26-52. 80B条， 26-52 。 Sheb. sheb 。 38a, 50-60 = Shab. 38A条， 50-60 =沙巴。 3c, 55-65.在P3C ， 55-65 。 Ter.之三。 44a, 32-38 = Shab. 44 ， 32-38 =沙巴。 44d, 4-10. 44 D ， 4-10 。 Ter.之三。 45d, 42-51 = Shab. 45天， 42-51 =沙巴。 3d, 2-15 (comp. 'Ab. Zarah 41d, 13-28).三维， 2月15日（ comp. '抗体。 zarah 41厚， 13-28 ） 。 Ter.之三。 46a, 41-46b, 35 = Pes. 46A条， 41 - 46b ， 35 =狗。 28a, 34-28b, 37. 28a中， 34 - 28 B款， 37 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 49a, 22-28 = Suk. 49A条， 22-28 =淑。 53d, 43-53.第五十三届联合国人权， 43-53 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 49b, 14-32 = Shab.第49B ， 14-32 =沙巴。 6b, 17-36.六， 17-36 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 49b, 39-48 = Beẓah 62b, 72-62c, 6.第49B ， 39-48 = beẓah它能中，有72 - 62c ， 6 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 Sh.巯基。 53b, 6-44 = Yoma 45c, 2-36 (comp. Shebu. 32b. 56-34c, 3). 53b ， 6-44 = yoma 45c ， 2-36 （ comp. shebu 。 32 B条56 - 34C条， 3 ） 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 Sh.巯基。 54b, 48-58 = Sheḳ. 54b ， 48-58 = sheḳ 。 51b, 15-25. 51B条， 15-25 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 Sh.巯基。 55a, 23-55 = 'Er.第55 A 23-55 = '呃。 24c, 33-66. 24摄氏度， 33-66 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 Sh.巯基。 55d, 62-67 = M. Ḳ. 55d ， 62-67 =米ḳ 。 80b, 72-80c, 10. 80B条， 72 - 80C条， 10 。 Ḥal. ḥal 。 57c, 16-20 = RH 57b, 60-63. 57c ， 16-20 =铑57 B条， 60-63 。
(b) （二）
Passages from the order i.通道，从议事程序一。 repeated in the order iii.: Ber.重复该命令三：误码率。 6a, 35-6b, 17 = Naz. 6 ， 35 - 6B型， 17 = naz 。 56a, 12-68.第56A ， 12-68 。 Ber.误码率。 6b, 51-56 = Ḳid.六， 51-56 = ḳid 。 61c, 11-17. 61c ， 11-17 。 Ber.误码率。 9d, 3-19 = Giṭ. 9D条， 3月19日= giṭ 。 47b, 49-63. 47b ， 49-63 。 Ber.误码率。 11b, 42-68 = Naz. 11 B款， 42-68段= naz 。 54b, 2-27. 54b 2日至27日。 Ber.误码率。 14b, 45-70 = Soṭah 20c, 40-64.第14B 45-70 = soṭah 20C条，保健40-64 。 Pe'ah 15b, 41-47 = Ket. pe'ah 15B条， 41-47 = KET的。 32c, 10-16. 32 ， 10-16 。 Pe'ah 15c, 7-16 = Ḳid. pe'ah 15 C ， 7-16 = ḳid 。 61a, 75-61c, 10. 61A条， 75 - 61c ， 10 。 Dem.数字高程模型。 25b, 60-45c, 7 = Ḳid. 25B条， 60 45c ， 7 = ḳid 。 63a, 75-63b, 21. 63 A条， 75 - 63 B ， 21 。 Kil.九龙内地段第。 32a, 64-32d, 7 = Ket. 32A条， 64 - 32 D条， 7 = KET的。 34d, 74-35b, 56. 34d ， 74 - 35 B ， 56 。 Sheb. sheb 。 36b, 25-68 = Ḳid. 36B条， 25-68 = ḳid 。 61c, 56-61d, 17. 61c ， 56 61d ， 17 。 Ter.之三。 40c, 42-40d, 6 = Yeb. 40 ， 42 - 40 D条， 6 = yeb 。 13c, 70-13d, 32. 13 ， 70 -第13 ， 32 。 Ter.之三。 42b, 44-53 = Naz. 42b ， 44-53 = naz 。 53d, 16-27.第五十三届联合国人权， 16日至27日。 Ter.之三。 44c, 9-44d, 44 = Ket. 44c ， 9 - 44 D ， 44 = KET的。 27b, 5-27c, 39. 27 B款， 5 - 27C条， 39条。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 Sh.巯基。 55a, 69-55b, 13 = Giṭ.第55 A ， 69 -山东， 13 = giṭ 。 47d, 55-70.相机皮套， 55-70 。 'Orlah 61b, 8-33 = Naz. ' orlah 61 B条， 8-33 = naz 。 55c, 32-63. 55c ， 32-63 。 Bik.公牛。 64a. 64 。 32-44 = Yeb. 32-44 = yeb 。 9b, 71-9c, 8. 9B条， 71 - 9C条， 8 。
(c) （三）
Passages from the order i.通道，从议事程序一。 repeated in the order iv.: Ber.重复该命令四：误码率。 3a, 52-69 = Sanh.第3 A ， 52-69 = sanh 。 30a, 65-30b, 8 = 'Ab. 30 ， 65 - 30 B条， 8 = '抗体。 Zarah 41c, 46-63. zarah 41C条， 46-63 。 Ber.误码率。 6b, 20-41 = Sanh.六， 20-41 = sanh 。 20a, 43-60. 20A条， 43-60 。 Pe'ah 16b, 22-25, 43-60 = Sanh. pe'ah 16B条， 22-25 ， 43-60 = sanh 。 27c, 38-60. 27C条， 38-60 。 Sheb. sheb 。 35b, 26-40 = 'Ab. 35 B ， 26-40 = '抗体。 Zarah 44b, 27-41. zarah 44 B ， 27至41段。 Sheb. sheb 。 39b, 14-38 = Mak. 39B条， 14-38 =麦。 31a, 33-50. 31 A条， 33-50 。 Ter.之三。 45c, 24-45d, 11 = 'Ab. 45c ， 24 - 45天， 11 = '抗体。 Zarah 41a, 18-41b, 3. zarah 41A条规定， 18 41b ， 3 。 Ter.之三。 47c, 66-47d, 4 = 'Ab. 47 c ， 66 -相机皮套， 4 = '抗体。 Zarah 41c, 13-23. zarah 41C条， 13-23 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 Sh.巯基。 54d, 71-55a, 8 = Sanh. 54d ， 71 -第55 A 8 = sanh 。 19a, 63-76. 19A条， 63-76 。 Ma'as. ma'as 。 Sh.巯基。 56c, 9-18 = Sanh. 56c ， 9日至18日= sanh 。 18d, 13-22. 18d ， 13日至22日。 'Orlah 62b, 49-62c, 10 = 'Ab. ' orlah它能， 49 - 62c ， 10 = '抗体。 Zarah 45a, 32-45b, 10. zarah 45 A条， 32 - 45 B ， 10 。 The following parallel passages from the second and fourth orders may also be mentioned on account of their length: Shab.下列平行通道，从第二届和第四届订单也可能提到根据其长度：沙巴。 9c, 62-9d, 59 = Sanh. 9C条， 62 - 9D条， 59 = sanh 。 24c, 19-24d, 14; Shab. 24摄氏度， 19 -草案第24D ， 14票;沙巴。 14d, 10-15a, 1 = 'Ab. 14d ， 10 - 15A条， 1 = '抗体。 Zarah 40d, 12-41a, 4. zarah 40 D条， 12 - 41A条， 4 。
Despite these parallel passages in the four orders of Yerushalmi, which might be regarded as a proof of the uniform redaction of the entire work, there is proof to the contrary, which shows that the first two orders differ in origin from the third and fourth.尽管有这些平行通道，在4项命令的yerushalmi ，这可能会被视为一个证明统一编撰学的全部工作中，有相反的证据，这表明前两项命令，在不同产地，由第三和第四位。 While the first and second contain a large number of baraitot with the introductory formula "Samuel transmits []," there is not a single baraita by Samuel in the third and fourth orders.而第一次和第二次还包含大量baraitot与引言公式"塞缪尔传递[ ] ， "不存在一个单一的baraita由塞缪尔在第三次和第四次订单。 These latter two include, on the other hand, many controversies between Mani and Abin, two amoraim of the second half of the fourth century, while Zera'im and Mo'ed contain very few (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 398).这后两种包括，在另一方面，许多争论与玛尼和巴西情报局，两个亚摩兰的下半年，四世纪，而泽拉伊姆和mo'ed含有极少数（见bacher ， "银。帕尔。奥马尔。 "三， 398 ） 。 The redaction of Yerushalmi is discussed in further detail below.节录的yerushalmi讨论进一步的细节如下。
The Haggadot of the Yerushalmi.该haggadot的yerushalmi 。
The haggadic portions of Yerushalmi are also characteristic of its style.该haggadic部分yerushalmi也有特点，其风格。 As in Babli, they frequently have only a slight bearing, sometimes none at all, on the subject of the mishnaic section and its Talmudic interpretation, being added to the passages in which they are found either because they were mentioned in the academy on account of some subject under discussion, or because, in the process of the redaction of the treatise, this haggadic material, which was valued for some special reason, seemed to fit into the Talmudic text at the passage in question.作为在babli ，他们经常都只是轻微的影响，有时一个都不要，关于这一主题的mishnaic科及其talmudic诠释，被加入到通道中，他们发现，可能是因为它们已被提到，在学院就交代一些正在讨论的议题，还是因为，在这一过程中节录的论文，这haggadic材料，这是价值，为一些特殊的原因，似乎融入talmudic文本上通行的问题。 Many haggadic portions of Yerushalmi are likewise found almost word for word in the earlier works of Palestinian midrashic literature, especially in Genesis Rabbah, Leviticus Rabbah, Pesiḳta di-Rab Kahana, Ekah (Lamentations) Rabbati, and Midrash Shemuel.许多haggadic部分yerushalmi也同样发现，几乎是逐字逐句地在早期作品与巴勒斯坦米大示解经文学，尤其是在成因rabbah利未记rabbah ， pesiḳta迪Rab的kahana ， ekah （悲叹） rabbati ， midrash shemuel 。 These parallel passages do not always prove actual borrowing; for the same earlier source may have been used in the redaction both of Yerushalmi and of the midrashic works.这些平行通道并不总是证明实际借款;为同一来源，较早前可能已被用在编撰学均yerushalmi和的米大示解经工程。 The haggadot of the Palestinian Talmud were collected and annotated by Samuel ben Isaac Jaffe Ashkenazi in his "Yefeh Mar'eh" (Venice, 1589), and they were translated into German by Wünsche ("Der Jerusalemische Talmud in Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen," Zurich, 1880).该haggadot的巴勒斯坦塔木德经采集后注明由塞缪尔贲艾萨克谢斐德系在他的" yefeh mar'eh " （威尼斯， 1589年） ，他们被翻译成德文，由wünsche （ "明镜jerusalemische犹太法典中seinen haggadischen bestandtheilen ， "苏黎世， 1880 ） 。
Linguistically, the Palestinian Talmud is Aramaic, in so far as its framework (like the elucidations of the mishnaic text by the members of the academies and the amoraic discussions connected with them) is redacted in that language; the greater portion of the terminology is in like manner Aramaic.在语言上，巴勒斯坦犹太法典是阿拉姆语，无论如何，就在其框架内（如阐发的mishnaic文本中成员组成的院校以及amoraic讨论与他们） ，是编辑在这语言;较大部分的术语，是在一样地阿拉姆语。 The same dialect is employed in general for the narrative sections, including both the haggadot and the accounts of the lives of the sages and their pupils.相同方言是受雇于一般为叙事章节，既包括haggadot和决算的生命先哲和他们的学生。 The Aramaic portion consequently comprises all that is popular in origin or content.该阿拉姆语部分组成，因此所有的流行起源或内容。 The Hebrew sections, on the other hand, include the halakic sayings of the Tannaim, the citations from the collections of baraitot, and many of the amoraic discussions based on the tannaitic tradition, together with other sayings of the Amoraim.希伯来文的路段，在另一方面，包括halakic熟语的tannaim ，引文收藏baraitot ，和很多的amoraic讨论的基础上， tannaitic传统，再加上其他熟语的亚摩兰。 This linguistic usage is due to the fact that both in Palestine and in Babylon the Halakah was for the most part elucidated and expanded by the Amoraim themselves in the language in which it had been transmitted by the Tannaim.这种语言的使用，这是由于该事实，即无论是在巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的halakah是在大多数情况明确和扩大，以亚摩兰自己在语言之中，它已转交由tannaim 。 In the academy the Hebrew of the Mishnah held its place side by side with the Aramaic, thus giving to the latter a certain coloring, especially from a lexicographic point of view.在学院希伯来语的mishnah举行的地方并排与阿拉姆语，从而给后者一定的色彩，特别是从字典的角度来看。 Hebrew was retained in great measure also in the amoraic Haggadah.希伯来语被保留，在很大程度上还表现在amoraic haggadah 。 The Aramaic, which assumed a fixed literary form in Yerushalmi, is almost the same as that of the earlier Palestinian midrashic works, differing from them only in a few peculiarities, mostly orthographic.该阿拉姆语，而假定一个固定的文学形式，在yerushalmi ，几乎是一样的早些时候，巴勒斯坦米大示解经作品，从不同的，他们只在少数的特殊性，大多字形。 This idiom, together with that of the Palestinian Targum on the Pentateuch, has been analyzed in G. Dalman's "Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinischen Aramäisch" (Leipsic, 1894; 2 ed. 1905).这个成语，再加上同巴勒斯坦targum就pentateuch ，进行了分析，在g. dalman '的"文法万jüdisch - palästinischen aramäisch " （ leipsic ， 1894年2版1905年） 。
Editions of the Babli.版本的babli 。
The first complete edition of the Babylonian Talmud () was printed at Venice, 1520-23, by Daniel Bomberg, and has become the basis, down to the present day, of a very large number of editions, including that of Basel, 1578-81, which, with the changes and omissions made by the censor, exerted a powerful influence on later texts until the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1720-22, with its additions, became the model of all subsequent editions of the Talmud (see below).第一个完整版的巴比伦塔木德经（ ） ，是印在威尼斯， 1520年至1523年，由丹尼尔邦贝里，并已成为基础，下跌至目前的国庆节，一个很大的数字版本，其中包括巴塞尔， 1578 - 81 ，其中，变化和遗漏所作出的，检查员施加了强大的影响力后的文本，直到版法兰克福发表了主， 1720年至1722年，它的添加，成为示范的所有后续版本的犹太法典（见下文） 。 The external form of Babli was determined by the editio princeps.外在形式的babli确定由editio princeps 。 While the first edition of Yerushalmi, in its two columns on each folio page, contains only the text, the editio princeps of Babli adds the commentary of Rashi on one margin and the tosafot on the other, together with kindred matter.而首版yerushalmi ，在其两个栏目，对每对开页，只含有文本， editio princeps的babli加上评rashi一保证金和tosafot对其他，连同骨肉此事。 Especially noteworthy is the fact that the first edition of Babli has a pagination which has been retained in all subsequent editions, thus rendering it possible to quote passages with exactness, and to find citations readily.特别值得注意的是一个事实，即第1版babli有分页一直保留在以后的版本中，从而使有可能竞标通道与正确性，并找到引文容易。 The mishnaic treatises which have no Babylonian Talmud are included in the editions of the Talmud, together with commentaries, and these same tractates are likewise found in the only complete manuscript of Babli (that at Munich), where they form an appendix, although they precede the post-Talmudic treatises, which are likewise contained in the editions.该mishnaic论文，其中有没有巴比伦塔木德经都包括在版本的犹太法典，再加上评论，而且这些相同tractates也同样发现，在只完成手稿babli （在慕尼黑） ，在那里形成一个附录，虽然他们先后talmudic论文，其中也同样包含在版本。 It has been noted above that the editions of Babli contain the Yerushalmi for the treatiseSheḳalim; and this is also the case in the Munich manuscript.人们已注意到以上版本babli遏制yerushalmi为treatisesheḳalim ;这也是如此，在慕尼黑的手稿。
The following list gives the names of the treatises of Babli which have been preserved, together with the sequence generally followed in the editions, and the number of folios in each tractate, the pagination always beginning with fol.下列清单，让名字的论文的babli已被保存下来，我们会联同序列普遍遵循的版本，以及有多少folios在每个tractate ，分页总是从随访。 2. 2 。 Of the 570 leaves of the Munich codex, containing about eighty lines to a page, 490 belong to Babli; this gives an approximate idea of the size of this Talmud.该570叶片慕尼黑法典，其中载有大约80线某页， 490属于babli ，这给人一种近似的想法大小这个犹太法典。 The amount of text on each page of the editions, however, varies greatly on account of the varying length of the commentary of Rashi and the tosafot which accompany it; but the number of leaves shows the comparative lengths of the several treatises.数额文本上的每一页的版本，但都有很大的不同是考虑到不同长度的评论中的rashi和tosafot伴随着它，但叶片数，显示了比较长的若干论文。
I. Zera'im: Berakot (64).一zera '即时通讯： berakot （ 64 ） 。 II.二。 Mo'ed: Shabbat (157); 'Erubin (105); Pesaḥim (121); Beẓah (40); Ḥagigah (27); Mo'ed Ḳaṭan (29); Rosh ha-Shanah (35); Yoma (88); Sukkah (56); Ta'anit (31); Megillah (32). mo'ed ： shabbat （ 157 ） ; ' erubin （ 105 ） ; pesaḥim （ 121 ） ; beẓah （ 40 ） ; ḥagigah （ 27 ） ; mo'ed ḳaṭan （ 29 ） ;羁绊夏shanah （ 35 ） ; yoma （ 88 ） ; sukkah （ 56 ） ; ta'anit （ 31 ） ; megillah （ 32 ） 。 III.三。 Nashim: Yebamot (122); Ketubot (112); Ḳiddushin (82); Giṭṭin (90); Nedarim (91); Nazir (66); Soṭah (49).女之部： yebamot （ 122 ） ; ketubot （ 112 ） ; ḳiddushin （ 82 ） ; giṭṭin （ 90 ） ; nedarim （ 91 ） ; NAZIR公司（ 66 ） ; soṭah （ 49 ） 。 IV.四。 Neziḳin: Baba Ḳamma (119); Baba Meẓi'a (119); Baba Batra (176); 'Abodah Zarah (76); Sanhedrin (113); Shebu'ot (49); Makkot (24); Horayot (14). neziḳin ：巴巴ḳamma （ 119 ） ;巴巴meẓi'a （ 119 ） ;巴巴巴特拉（ 176 ） ; '阿布达zarah （ 76 ） ;公会（ 113 ） ; shebu'ot （ 49 ） ; makkot （ 24 ） ; horayot （ 14 ） 。 V. Ḳodashim: Zebaḥim (120); Menaḥot (110); Bekorot (161); Ḥullin (142); 'Arakin (34); Temurah (34); Keritot (28); Me'ilah (22); Tamid (9).五ḳodashim ： zebaḥim （ 120 ） ; menaḥot （ 110 ） ; bekorot （ 161 ） ; ḥullin （ 142 ） ; ' arakin （ 34 ） ; temurah （ 34 ） ; keritot （ 28 ） ; me'ilah （ 22 ） ; tamid （ 9 ） 。 VI.六。 Ṭohorot: Niddah (73). ṭohorot ： niddah （ 73 ） 。
Missing Gemaras.失踪gemaras 。
Babli thus contains but one treatise each of the first and sixth orders; of the second, Sheḳalim (see above) is lacking; and there is no Talmud on 'Eduyot or Abot either in Babli or Yerushalmi. babli因此载，但其中伤寒每次的第一和第六的订单;第二， sheḳalim （见上文） ，是缺乏;不存在犹太法典上' eduyot或abot无论在babli或yerushalmi 。 The fifth order of Babli contains neither Middot nor Ḳinnim, nor the third, fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of Tamid.第五秩序babli载既不middot也不ḳinnim ，也不是第三，第五，第六，和第七章的tamid 。 It is incorrect, however, to speak of missing portions of the Babylonian Talmud, since in all probability the sections which it omits were entirely disregarded in the final redaction of the work, and were consequently never committed to writing (for a divergent opinion see Weiss, "Dor," iii. 271).这是不正确，不过，发言的失踪部分巴比伦犹太法典，因为在所有的概率路段，它忽略了人，完全不顾在最后编撰学的工作，并因此从来没有承诺要以书面形式（对不同的意见，看看维斯" dor ， "三。 271 ） 。 It will be shown further on that the mishnaic treatises lacking in Babli were subjects of study in the Babylonian academies.它将会显示进一步表示， mishnaic论文缺乏babli分别研究课题，在巴比伦的院校。
Earliest Manuscript of the Babli.最早的手稿的babli 。
In the editions the Babylonian Talmud is so arranged that each paragraph of the Mishnah is followed by the portion of the Talmud which forms the commentary on it; the portions are frequently divided into sections, rubricked by the successive sentences of the mishnaic paragraph on which they are based, although an entire paragraph occasionally serves as a single text.在版本巴比伦塔木德经是这样安排的每一段的mishnah其次是部分犹太法典形式，其中的评注;部分往往分为路段， rubricked由历届服刑的mishnaic段上，他们是以，虽然整段偶尔充当一个单一文本。 Thus Babli on Ket.因此babli对KET的。 ii.二。 1 (16a-18b) is divided into six sections; but there is no division into sections for ii. 1 （ 16A条- 18B条） ，分为六节，但有没有划分路段为二。 2 (18b-20b), ii. 2 （ 18B条- 20B条） ，二。 3 (20b-22a), ii. 3 （ 20B条- 22A条） ，二。 5 (23b), and ii. 5 （ 23B条） ，和第二卷。 9 (27b-28a). 9 （ 27 B款-第28A ） 。 There are three sections for ii.有三节为二。 4 (23a); two for ii. 4 （ 23A条） ， 2个为二。 6 (23b-26a), ii. 6 （ 23B条- 26A条） ，二。 7 (26b-27a), and ii. 7 （ 26 B - 27A条） ，和第二卷。 8 (27a, b); and eight for ii. 8 （ 27 A款， B款） ;八名为二。 10 (28a, b). 10 （ 28a中，乙） 。 In the Munich codex, which is based on a manuscript of the middle of the ninth century (see Lewy in "Breslauer Jahresbericht," 1905, p. 28), the text of the entire chapter of the Mishnah is written in large characters on the inner portion of the page, separated from the Talmudic text, which is in a different script.在慕尼黑食品法典委员会，这是基于对手稿中的第九世纪（见路易在" breslauer jahresbericht " ， 1905年，第28页） ，文整章的mishnah是写在大字符就党内部份的一页，脱离talmudic文本，这是一个不同的剧本。 In the fragments in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, written in 1123 and containing a portion of the treatise Keritot (see "JQR" ix. 145), each chapter is headed by the entire mishnaic text on which it is based.在该片段在国立图书馆，牛津，写在1123年，并载有部分的论文keritot （见" jqr "九。 145 ） ，每章为首的整个mishnaic文本，它是基于。 Then follow the sections of the Talmud, each beginning with the word and the first part of the mishnaic paragraph in question, although some sections are marked by the superscription (= ).然后沿着路段犹太法典，每个月初同一个字，第一部分的mishnaic款问题，虽然部分路段的标志是该superscription （ = ） 。 The superscription , which in the editions marks the beginning of the Talmud on each paragraph of the Mishnah, is found neither in the Munich codex nor in the Bodleian fragments.该superscription ，在版本标志着犹太法典上的每一段的mishnah ，发现无论是在慕尼黑的食品法典委员会，也没有在国立碎片。 Most of the manuscripts containing one or more treatises of Babli, and described by RN Rabbinovicz in the introductions to vols.大部分的手稿含有一个或一个以上论文的babli ，并阐述了由氡rabbinovicz在介绍卷。 i., iv., viii., ix., and xi.一，四，八，九，十一。 of his "Diḳduḳe Soferim," are so arranged that the entire mishnaic text is placed at the beginning of the chapter; and this is also occasionally the case in the editions, as in the first chapter of the treatise Sanhedrin.他的" diḳduḳe soferim ， "如此安排，即整个mishnaic文本放置在一开始的一章;这也是偶尔如此，在版本，在第一章的论文公会。 In a St. Petersburg manuscript said to date from 1112 the paragraphs are repeated in their proper places (ib. viii. 3).在圣彼得堡的手稿说，迄今为止，从1112年的段落重复了自己应有的地方（ ib.八， 3 ） 。 A number of codices in the Vatican Library are arranged partly in the one way and partly in the other (xi. 13, 15, 17, 18), while the system adopted in the printed texts occurs in manuscripts also (see ib. iv. 6, 8; xi. 20).一些codices在梵蒂冈图书馆都安排了部分中的一个方法，部分在其他（ xi. 13 ， 15 ， 17 ， 18 ） ，而该系统所采用的印刷文本发生在手稿也（见兴业四。 6日， 8日;十一， 20 ） 。 It may be mentioned as a curious circumstance that in one manuscript of the Vatican (ib. xi. 19), containing the treatise Pesaḥim, many passages are vocalized and accented, as is also the case in a Bodleian fragment of Yerushalmi on Berakot ("JQR" ix. 150).值得一提的是一个奇怪的情况下，在一个手稿梵蒂冈（ ib.十一19 ） ，其中载有伤寒pesaḥim ，许多段落都是vocalized和口音，情况也一样，在国立片段yerushalmi对berakot （ " jqr "九。 150 ） 。 A fragment of considerable length in the Cambridge Library, and possibly the earliest extant manuscript of Babli, also contains the treatise Pesaḥim; it has been edited by Lowe ("The Fragment of Talmud Babli of the Ninth or Tenth Century," Cambridge, 1879); and in its four folios it includes the text of fols.片段相当长在剑桥大学图书馆，并在可能的最早的现存手稿babli ，同时也包含了伤寒pesaḥim ，它已主编低于（以下简称"片段的犹太法典babli的第九，第十世纪， "剑桥， 1879年）以及在其四个folios它包括文本fols 。 7a, below -9a, middle, and 13a, below -16a, above, of the editions.第7 A ，低于-9 ，中， 13A条，以低于16A条，上面的版本。 The pages are divided into two columns; and the entire mishnaic text precedes the chapter; the several sections, even those beginning with a new paragraph of the Mishnah, have an introduction only in the case of the first word of the mishnaic passage in question, with the word as superscription.该页面分为两栏，以及整个mishnaic文本在先章;几个章节，甚至那些开始一个新段的mishnah ，有一个导言，只有在案件的第一个字的mishnaic通道问题，与Word作为superscription 。 The character of Babli and its divergencies from Yerushalmi may best be illustrated by a citation of its commentary on the same passages of the Mishnah as those contained in the sections of the Palestinian Talmud already analyzed.性格babli及其差异，从yerushalmi得到最好的说明引文的，其评同一通道的mishnah至于那些载于路段巴勒斯坦犹太法典已经分析。
(a) （一）
The initial question of the Mishnah and its basis; two divergent answers, together with an objection and its refutation (2a; all anonymous).最初的问题，该mishnah及其依据;两个不同的答案，连同异议及其驳（甲;所有无名氏） 。 The initial statement of the Mishnah, and an interpretation of Lev.最初声明的mishnah ，并解释列弗。 xxii.二十二。 7 based on a baraita on this verse and concluding with a note of Rabbah b. 7日的基础上， baraita就这首诗，并总结了一份说明，对rabbah乙 Shela (2b), and the method of teaching this interpretation in Palestine. shela （乙） ，以及教学方法的这一解释在巴勒斯坦。 The contradictions between the statement of the Mishnah and three baraitot which are successively stated and dialectically refuted (all anonymous).矛盾的声明的mishnah和三个baraitot其中也陆续说明和辩证地驳斥（所有无名氏） 。 A discussion of the third baraita (3a).讨论第三baraita （ 3 ） 。 The opinion of R. Eliezer ("until the end of the first watch of the night"), and the problem whether three or four night-watches were implied; a haggadic baraita with a saying of R. Eliezer on the three watches of the night, together with a discussion of it.民意钢筋混凝土埃利泽（ "直到去年底第一次观赏的夜" ） ，以及是否有问题，三，四晚间的手表暗示; haggadic baraita同一个说法钢筋混凝土埃利泽就这三个手表的晚上，加上一个讨论的。 A haggadic excursus of some length, beginning with Rab's saying regarding the three watches of the night, and containing a baraita (a poem by Jose b. Ḥalafta) and a disquisition on it (3b). 1 haggadic excursus一些长度，从Rab的的说，关于这三个手表的夜，并包含baraita （一首诗，由圣荷西乙ḥalafta ）和成因，它（ 3B ）条。 Further details of the night-watches, beginning with a controversy between Judah I. and Nathan (in a baraita); a haggadic saying of Joshua b.进一步的细节晚间手表，一开始与争议之间犹大一及弥敦道（一baraita ） ; haggadic说约书亚乙 Levi transmitted by Zeriḳa and Ammi, this section concluding with a saying of Ashi.利维转发和zeriḳa的AMMI ，本节结束与一个说法阿。 Another saying of Joshua b.另一个说法约书亚乙 Levi, transmitted in like manner, together with two versions of a comment by Abba b.利维，转发类似的方式，再加上两个版本的评论雅伯金曲乙 Kahana. kahana 。 Discussion of the first saying of Joshua b.讨论的第一次说的约书亚乙 Levi, beginning with the rising of David "at midnight" (Ps. cxix. 62), and devoted in the main to the connotation of the word "neshef" (ib. cxix. 147), together with sayings of Babylonian amoraim.利维开始，随着大卫"午夜" （诗篇cxix 62 ） ，并专门在主要向内涵改为" neshef " （ ib. cxix 147 ） ，连同熟语的巴比伦亚摩兰。 The way in which David knew when midnight had arrived, and concerning his harp, (4a).以何种方式大卫知道当午夜来了，和他的竖琴， （ 4A ）条。 Further details regarding David, Ps.进一步的细节就大卫，聚苯乙烯。 lvii. 57 。 9, and Ex. 9 ，和前。 xi.十一。 4, with an exegesis by Ashi, which concludes the entire discussion. 4 ，与一个由训诂学离职，其中的结论是整个讨论。 Additional haggadic material concerning David, and a controversy between the Palestinian haggadists Levi and Isaac on Ps.额外haggadic物质有关大卫，以及之间的争议巴勒斯坦haggadists利维和艾萨克对聚苯乙烯。 lxxxvi. lxxxvi 。 2 with reference to Ps.二是参考的PS 。 cxix. cxix 。 62, together with comments and citations of a kindred nature. 62 ，连同意见，并改写了同类性质。
Examples from the Babli.例子，从babli 。
(b) （二）
Dialectic exposition of the relation of the view of the scholars to the opinions of R. Eliezer and R. Gamaliel, together with the citation of a baraita (4b).辩证地阐述了相关的看法，学者们给的意见传译埃利泽和R.加马，加上引用一个baraita （ 4 ） 。 A controversy between Johanan and Joshua b.争议之间约哈难和约书亚乙 Levi on the sequence of the "Shema'" and prayer, based on a sentence in this baraita ("the 'Shema'' is read: prayer is offered"), together with a discussion devoted chiefly to exegetic inferences.利维对序列的"架构" ，并祈祷，基于对句在这baraita （ " '架构''是改为：祈祷是提供" ） ，加上一个专门的讨论，主要是为了exegetic推论。 An objection alleged by Mar b.异议指称三月乙 Rabina and based on a passage in the Mishnah, and a haggadic saying of Eleazar b.雷比内和基础上，通过在mishnah ，并haggadic的说法埃莱亚萨乙 Abina to the effect that he who recites Ps. abina其大意是，他朗诵的PS 。 cxlv. cxlv 。 thrice daily is assuredly a son of the world to come, the citation being made in this place on account of an aphorism of similar content given by Johanan in the course of the same debate.每天三次，是保证一个儿子的未来世界，引文正在取得在这个地方就到了一个道理类似的内容所给予的约哈难在执行过程中进行同样的辩论。 A discussion of these matters, and a saying of Johanan on Ps.讨论这些事项，并在一个说法的约哈难上的PS 。 cxlv., together with another haggadic aphorism by Eleazar b. cxlv ，联同另一haggadic警句由埃莱亚萨乙 Abina on the angels Michael and Raphael, and its elucidation. abina对天使迈克尔和拉斐尔，其澄清。 The view of Joshua b.观点约书亚乙 Levi on the evening "Shema'," which should be recited in bed (5a), and amoraic sayings on the same subject, together with a confirmation, by a citation of Ps.利维当天晚上， "射麻' ， "这应该背诵，在床（ 5 ） ，并amoraic熟语就同一主题，并附上一份确认书，由一个引文的PS 。 iv.四。 6, of the ruling of Joshua b. 6 ，对执政党的约书亚乙 Levi; a haggadic saying of Simeon b.利维; haggadic的说法西麦乙 Laḳish transmitted by Levi b. laḳish转发利维乙 Laḥma, as well as another aphorism of this scholar transmitted by the same authority. laḥma ，以及另一警句的这位学者转交由同一个权威。 A haggadic saying by Isaac on reading the "Shema'" in bed, and a comment by Ashi, followed by another haggadic aphorism by Isaac based on Job v. 7; interpretation of this verse as denoting afflictions sent by God ("yissurim"), against which the study of the Torah gives protection; haggadic sentences on the Law. 1 haggadic话说艾萨克读"架构" ，在病床上，并发表评论，由芦，然后再haggadic警句由艾萨克基于就业诉7项;诠释这首诗象苦恼派出由神（ " yissurim " ） ，而这方面的研究律法给予保护; haggadic句话对法律的。 A long series of haggadic sayings by Palestinian and Babylonian amoraim, and especially by Johanan, regarding affliction (5b), with anecdotes from Palestine and Babylon.长长的一系列haggadic熟语由巴勒斯坦和巴比伦亚摩兰，特别是由约哈难，就通病（ 5B ）条，与掌故，从巴勒斯坦和巴比伦。 A baraita with a saying of Abba Benjamin regarding prayer before retiring, and its elucidation, together with three other baraitot and haggadic sayings of Abba Benjamin regarding prayer (6a), regarding demons (with various sayings of Babylonian authors), and praying in the synagogue. 1 baraita同一个说法的雅伯金曲本杰明就祈祷之前卸任，其澄清，连同其他三个baraitot和haggadic熟语的雅伯金曲本杰明就祈祷（ 6 ） ，关于魔（各种熟语的巴比伦作者） ，并祈求在犹太教堂。 A haggadic saying by Isaac on the last subject transmitted by Rabin b. 1 haggadic话说艾萨克对去年受传染拉宾乙 Adda, together with a saying of Ashi and additional elucidations, followed by another aphoriam transmitted by Rabin in the name of Isaac regarding the "phylacteries of God," and by a discussion of the subject by Babylonian amoraim, the view of Ashi standing last. adda ，连同一说，阿的和额外的阐发，然后再aphoriam转发拉宾的名字艾萨克关于" phylacteries的神" ，并进行了讨论的主题，由巴比伦亚摩兰，还有人认为，阿常委最后一次。 A third haggadic saying of Isaac, of similar transmission, concerning prayer in the synagogue (6b), and a series of aphorisms of a like nature, the first being by Johanan, and the second by Huna transmitted by Ḥelbo.第三haggadic说，以撒，相近的传送，关于祈祷，在犹太教堂（六） ，及一系列的警句一个喜欢大自然，首先是由约哈难，第二次由湖南转发ḥelbo 。 These, interspersed with other sayings, are followed by five more aphorisms transmitted by Ḥelbo in the name of Huna and regarding departure from the synagogue, the Minḥah prayer, participation in marriage festivities, the fear of God, and the refusal to return a salutation.其中，穿插其他熟语，然后才五个多警句转发ḥelbo在名称和湖南就偏离了犹太教堂， minḥah祈祷，参加婚礼的庆祝活动，由于担心上帝，并拒绝返回一个称呼。 A series (7a) of five haggadic sayings transmitted by Johanan in the name of Jose ben Ḥalafta: the prayer offered by God, pacification of an angry neighbor, discipline of one's own conscience, three requests of Moses, and the teaching that a threat or promise by God is not recalled, even though given only conditionally, and that neither, therefore, is ever unfulfilled.一系列（ 7 ） 5 haggadic熟语转发了由约哈难在名称圣荷西贲ḥalafta ：祈祷所提供的上帝，安抚愤怒的邻居，纪律，对自己的良心，三项要求的摩西，和教学这是一种威胁和诺言，上帝不是回忆说，即使只给有条件释放，并没有因此，这是以往任何时候都没有兑现。
After a number of sayings, partly tannaitic and partly amoraic in origin, come six haggadic aphorisms (7b) transmitted by Johanan in the name of the tanna Simeon ben Yoḥai, the second treating of the same subject as the corrresponding one in the previous series.经过数熟语，部分tannaitic和部分amoraic在原产地，来六个haggadic警句（ 7B条）转发了由约哈难在名称的tanna西麦贲yoḥai ，第二次治疗的同一主题为corrresponding之一，在先前的数列。 To these sayings are appended various aphorisms and elucidations, followed by a conversation between Naḥman b.这些说法都是附在各种警句和阐发，随后进行了交谈之间naḥman乙 Jacob and Isaac, in which the latter cites a sixth saying, concerning prayer in the synagogue, transmitted by Johanan in the name of Simeon ben Yoḥai.雅各布和Isaac ，其中后者举了个第六说，关于祈祷，在犹太教堂，这是由约哈难在名称西麦贲yoḥai 。 Additional haggadic aphorisms (8a) on this subject as well as on the importance of the synagogue, followed by three sayings of 'Ulla transmitted by Ḥiyya b.额外haggadic警句（ 8 ） ，就这个问题，以及对重要的是犹太教堂，其次是三句话中的' ulla转发ḥiyya乙 Ammi, and by various aphorisms on the reading of the Torah in the synagogue (8b) and other kindred matters.的AMMI ，并通过各种警句就读的律法，在犹太教堂（ 8B条）及其他亲属的事宜。 This portion is concluded by the instructions which Joshua b.这部分是总结的指示，其中约书亚乙 Levi gave to his sons, and by the analogous instructions which Raba gave to his children, as well as by elucidations of details of these teachings and by sayings of a similar import.利维送给他的儿子，以及由类似指示，其中使用了他的孩子们，以及所阐发的细节，这些遗训和熟语一个类似的进口。
(c) （三）
In the name of Samuel, Judah declares that the opinion of R. Gamaliel is authoritative.在名称的萨穆埃尔，犹大声明，认为钢筋混凝土加马是具有权威性。 A baraita giving a similar view by Simeon ben Yoḥai, followed by an interpretation of it with a final decision by Joshua ben Levi, and by another version of the relation to it of the ruling of Joshua ben Levi. 1 baraita给予了类似的看法，由西麦贲yoḥai ，随后进行了解释，它与最后决定由约书亚贲利维，由另一版本的与它有关的裁决，约书亚贲利维。 The section (9a) terminates with an opinion on this baraita by a scholar who had come from Palestine to Babylon.该科（ 9 ）终止与民意对这个baraita由一个学者，他们来自巴勒斯坦巴比伦。
Further Examples.进一步的例子。
RH i.铑一。 1 (§§ 1-2 in Yerushalmi; the Talmud on these sections is contained in 2a-15b): 1 （ § § 1-2在yerushalmi ;犹太法典对这些路段载甲- 15B条） ：
(a) （一）
Ḥisda's answer to the question as to the practical importance of the "new year of the kings," with a citation of the mishnaic passage (Sheb. x. 5) regarding antedated and postdated promissory notes. ḥisda的问题的答案，至于实际的重要性， "新的一年里的国王" ，它采用了引文的mishnaic通道（ sheb.十五）关于antedated和postdated本票。 A baraita on the reckoning of regnal years, and its elucidation (2b), together with hermeneutic deductions from the Bible regarding Nisan as the beginningof the regnal year, introduced by an inference of Johanan based on I Kings vi. 1 baraita就推算regnal年了，它的澄清（乙） ，连同诠释学扣除额从圣经中关于尼散月14日作为beginningof该regnal ，今年推出的一个推论约哈难基于I国王六。 1 as compared with Num.一日相比序号。 xxxiii.三十三。 38, Deut. 38 ， deut 。 i.一。 3, 4, Num. 3日， 4日，一名学士。 xxi.二十一。 1 (3a), and similar passages, preference being finally given to Eleazar's deduction founded on II Chron.一（ 3 ） ，以及类似的通道，偏好正在终于给埃莱亚萨的扣税成立于二慢性。 iii.三。 2. 2 。 A baraita giving the deduction of Johanan. 1 baraita给予扣除约哈难。 The assertion of Ḥisda that the regnal years of non-Israelitish kings were reckoned from Tishri, together with Biblical passages in confirmation of this view, beginning with Neh.断言的ḥisda认为regnal多年的非israelitish国王被忽视，从提斯利，加上圣经段落证实了这一点来看，一开始与neh 。 i.一。 1 and its hermeneutic exposition (3b), the conclusion being formed by a variety of haggadic material on the Persian kings mentioned in the Bible (4a). 1及其诠释学博览会（ 3B ）条，结论正在形成由多种haggadic材料对波斯国王提到，在圣经中（ 4A ）条。
(b) （二）
Ḥisda's answer to the query why Nisan 15, the first day of the Feast of Passover, was not made the "new year of the feasts," while a baraita shows that this view was promulgated by Simeon ben Yoḥai himself. ḥisda的答案质疑，为什么尼散月15日，第一天的节日逾越节，是不会作出"新的一年席间， "而baraita发现这种看法是颁布西麦贲yoḥai自己。 Another baraita (4b) on the ritual order of the festivals, together with exegetic deductions from the views contained therein and additional discussions, concluding with an elucidation (5a) of other halakic and exegetic sayings on festivals and sacrifices.另一baraita （ 4 ）对礼仪秩序的节日，加上exegetic扣减所载的意见，并进一步讨论，结论与澄清（ 5 ）其他halakic和exegetic熟语对节日和牺牲。 Baraita (5b) on Deut. baraita （ 5B ）条就deut 。 xxiii.二十三。 22 et seq., and a detailed discussion, followed by a similar section (6a, b) on Deut. 22段及以下各段，并详细讨论，随后进行了类似的组（ A或b ）关于deut 。 xxiii.二十三。 24. 24 。 Baraita (7a) on Nisan 1 and its four meanings, the first being deduced from Ex. baraita （ 7 ）对尼散月14日1和它的四个含义，第一种推断，从前。 xii.十二。 2 and Deut. 2和deut 。 xvi.十六。 1, although an objection caused Lev. 1 ，虽然异议造成列弗。 xxiii.二十三。 39 to be regarded by Ḥisda as the basic passage, while Zech. 39个被认为是由ḥisda为基本通过，而撒加利亚。 i.一。 7 was cited to refute an allegation made by Rabina, additional Biblical passages being quoted by the Babylonian amoraim 'Ulla, Kahana, and Ashi; the section is concluded by a deduction of the three other meanings of Nisan 1 (7b) mentioned in the baraita.七是引用来反驳指控所作出的雷比内，额外的圣经段落被引述的巴比伦亚摩兰' ulla ， kahana ，并在芦;节是在总结扣除其他三个含义尼散月14日1 （ 7B条）提到，在baraita 。
(c) （三）
The signification of Elul 1 as the "new year for tithes of cattle," as taught by R. Meïr.意义elul 1 ， "新的一年tithes牛， "作为老师传译meïr 。 The various origins of the sentences collected in RH i.各源流的句子收集在铑一。 1, together with a saying by Joseph, followed by a series of aphorisms of later Babylonian amoraim, and one by Ashi (8a). 1 ，连同一说，由约瑟夫，随后进行了一系列的警句后来巴比伦亚摩兰， 1人被芦（ 8 ） 。 Johanan's deduction, from Ps.约哈难的扣税额，由聚苯乙烯。 lxv. lxv 。 14, of the double view concerning the new year for tithes of cattle, and its dialectic elucidation. 14 ，关于双重查看关于新的一年里为tithes牛，及其辩证澄清。 Second half of the mishnaic paragraph:下半年，由于mishnaic段：
(a) （一）
The question regarding the practical utility of the new year for the counting of the years, answered by Pappa in exactly the same way as Ḥisda had solved the question concerning the new year of the kings; solution of the discrepancy and further elucidations of the principle that Tishri 1 was the new year for the counting of the years.问题就实际效用的新的一年里为计数的这些年来，回答pappa一模一样作为ḥisda已经解决了的问题，新的一年里的国王;解决方案的差异，并进一步阐发的原则，即提斯利1是新的一年里为计数的。 Two baraitot on Ps.两个baraitot对聚苯乙烯。 lxxxi. lxxxi 。 4 et seq.第4页起。 (8b). （ 8B条） 。
(b) （二）
An inference regarding the year of jubilee, based on Lev.推论对于今年的春雷，基于列弗。 xxv.二十五。 4; and the obviation of the difficulty presented by Lev. 4 ，与排除的困难，由列弗。 xxv.二十五。 9 (with reference to the Sabbatical year) by means of a baraita on the following verse, together with two other baraitot on the same subject (9a) and an elucidation of Tishri 10, concluded by a baraita on Lev. 9 （参照该休假一年）通过一项baraita对下列诗句，加上其他两个baraitot就同一主题作（ 9 ）和一个澄清的提斯利10日结束的由baraita对列弗。 xxv.二十五。 11 and its interpretation (9b). 11和它的解释（ 9B条） 。
(c) （三）
Biblical deduction regarding the planting of trees and a baraita thereon, with an inference drawn from the Bible by Johanan (10a), and an elucidation of another baraita cited in explanation of the first, Johanan's deduction from Gen. viii.圣经中扣除就种植树木和baraita就此问题，所以推断取自圣经，由约哈难（ 10A ）为，并澄清的另一个baraita引用的解释，第一，约哈难的扣税额从将军八。 13 regarding the opposing views of R. Meïr and R. Eleazar (10b) as to whether a day may be reckoned like a year, thus introducing a baraita containing the controversy between R. Eliezer and R. Joshua on the month of Creation, the former arguing for Tishri and the latter for Nisan; exegetic haggadot of considerable length (11a-12a) on this section. 13关于反对意见的钢筋混凝土meïr和R.埃莱亚萨（ 10 B条） ，至于是否有一天可以算是像一年，因此，引进baraita载之间争议的传译埃利泽和R.约书亚对一个月的创作方面，前者争论提斯利和后者为尼散; exegetic haggadot相当的长度（ 11A条- 12 ）对本节规定。
(d) （四）
A baraita stating that "tithes" and "vows" as well as "vegetables" belong to Tishri 1, together with interpretations by hermeneutics and other methods (12b), and with discussions of the subject by the Palestinian and Babylonian schools, and halakic exegeses (13a-14a). 1 baraita表示， " tithes " ， "誓言"以及"蔬菜"属于提斯利1 ，再加上诠释诠释学等多种方法研究（ 12b ） ，并与讨论的主题，由巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的学校，并halakic exegeses （ 13 - 14 A条） 。
(e) （五）
An argument by Hoshaiah transmitted by Eleazar (14a), and a baraita recording the practise of R. Akiba (14b-15b), as well as elucidations of it.一种说法是由hoshaiah转发埃莱亚萨（ A的） ，并baraita记录执业R的秋叶（第14B - 15B条） ，以及阐发的。 Another baraita on Shebaṭ 15, with a controversy between Johanan and Simeon ben Laḳish, and a discussion of it.另一baraita对shebaṭ 15 ，与争议之间约哈难和西麦贲laḳish ，并讨论了这一点。 Giṭ. giṭ 。 ii.二。 1 (the Talmud on this section is contained in 15a-17a): 1 （犹太法典对本节载于15A条- 17A条） ：
(a) （一）
The purpose of the entire paragraph, although its content is immediately apparent from the opening sentence of the mishnaic treatise.目的是整段，尽管它的内容是立竿见影的，从开头一句的mishnaic伤寒。
(b) （二）
The problem of the connotation of "the half of the bill of divorce, and Ashi's answer.这个问题的内涵， "有一半的法案离婚，并在芦的答案。
(c) （三）
The law regarding a case in which only "the half" of a bill of divorce is signed by witness in the presence of the bearer; the more rigorous interpretation of it by Ḥisda and subsequent modifications by Raba and (15b) Ashi, as well as a dialectic discussion of these three sayings.该法对于一个案件中，只有"半"的法案，离婚是签署证人在场的持票人;更为严格的解释，它是由ḥisda和随后的修改使用和（ 15B条）芦，以及辩证地讨论这三句话。 Analogous cases from other branches of the Halakah and casuistic questions bearing on them (16a), concluding with one by Pappa which remains unanswered.类似的情况下，由其他部门对halakah和诡辩的问题，事关他们（ 16A条） ，在结束与一个由pappa仍然没有答案。
(d) （四）
Case in which one of the bearers of a bill of divorce witnesses the engrossing of the document and the other the signature; exact definition given by Johanan and transmitted by Samuel b.个案，其中一宗的主事的一项法案离婚时可以亲眼目睹引人入胜的文件以及其他签字;确切的定义，由约哈难，并转交由塞缪尔乙 Judah (16b); the answer of the latter to the objection of Abaye, although another version of the entire affair makes Ashi the author of the objection; controversy on the subject between Hoshaiah and 'Ulla.犹大（ 16B条） ;答案的，后者所反对的abaye ，虽然是另一种版本的整个内政，使阿是作者所反对的;争论，就此事与hoshaiah和' ulla 。 Anecdote of a visit made by Judah b.轶事的访问所作的犹大乙 Ezekiel to Rabbah bar bar Ḥana during an illness of the latter, and their conversation on a problem connected with Giṭ.以西结书，以rabbah酒吧酒吧ḥana在生病后，他们的谈话内容上的问题，与giṭ 。 i.一。 1. 1 。
(e) （五）
The case in which the engrossing of a bill of divorce is witnessed by one and the signature by two persons (17a), and the exact definition of such an event, given by Johanan and transmitted by Ammi, the section being concluded by a discussion between Ammi and Assi.案件，其中引人入胜的一项法案离婚见证，是一个与签名，由两个人（ 17A条） ，以及确切的定义，这样的活动，由于是由约哈难和转发的AMMI ，该科正在得出结论进行了讨论之间的AMMI和assi 。
Legal Example.法律的例子。
BB i. BB心跳一。 6 (the Talmud on this section is contained in 7b-11a): 6 （犹太法典对本节载于7B条- 11A条） ：
(a) "One who is part owner of a courtyard is obliged to contribute to the cost of the gateway as well as of the door itself"; -the citation of a legend concerning Elijah to prove that a gateway is not necessarily a subject for praise, concluded by a casuistic definition of the case presupposed by the Mishnah. （一） "一个人，是部分拥有一个庭院是有责任作出贡献，费用由网关以及作为门本身" ; -引文的一个传说，关于以利亚，以证明一个网关并不一定是一个议题称赞，结束了一个诡辩定义的情况下假定由mishnah 。
(b) According to R. Simeon b. （二）根据传译西麦乙 Gamaliel, "Every courtyard is not adapted to a gateway"; a baraita containing the complete version of this saying.加马， "每个院落是还不能很好地适应门户" ; baraita载有完整版的这句话。
(c) According to R. Simeon b. （三）根据传译西麦乙 Gamaliel, "One who dwells in a city is obliged to contribute toward the building of the walls and the doors," etc.; a baraita containing the complete version ofthis saying.加马， "一人居住在一个城市是有责任作出贡献，对建筑物的墙壁和门"等; baraita含有完整版ofthis说。 Johanan's answer to the query advanced by Eleazar concerning the method of levying contributions, followed by a second version of the same account.约哈难的答案质疑提前埃莱亚萨有关征收办法的贡献，随后进行了第二版的同一帐户。 The patriarch Judah II.牧犹大二。 and the scholars contributed toward building the wall, although the legality of this action was questioned by Simeon b.和学者的贡献，对修建隔离墙，虽然合法性的这一行动提出质疑西麦乙 Laḳish on the basis of a haggadic deduction from Ps. laḳish就根据一项haggadic克扣的PS 。 cxxxix. CXXXIX号。 18, while Johanan proposed another verse, Cant. 18 ，而约哈难提出另外韵文，斜面。 viii, 10, to aid in the solution of the problem (8a); Rabbah's interpretation of this passage of Canticles.第八，十，以帮助解决这个问题（ 8 ） ; rabbah的诠释这段文字的canticles 。 An instance of contributions on the part of the scholars of Babylonia, and the proof of their illegality furnished by the exegesis of three Biblical passages, taken respectively from the Pentateuch, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa.一个实例的贡献对部分与会学者的巴比伦王国，并证明其非法由其训诂学三个圣经段落，分别采取从pentateuch ，先知，和hagiographa 。 Pappa's proof that a certain tax was imposed on orphans, and a discussion of it, followed by a tannaitic account (half Aramaic) by Judah I. of the support of scholars during a time of famine. pappa的证据，证明某一个税是对孤儿，并讨论了它，随后进行了tannaitic帐户（半阿拉姆语） ，由犹大一的支持，学者们在当时的饥荒。
(d) "How long must one dwell in a city to have equal rights with its citizens? Twelve months"; a conflicting baraita which speaks of thirty days; Rabbah's solution of this contradiction, while Johanan reconciles the discrepancy between the period of twelve months and that given in another baraita. （四） "多久必须一个住在一个城市，以拥有平等的权利与公民吗？十二个月" ;冲突baraita其中谈到三十天; rabbah的解决这一矛盾，而约哈难调和的差异，在十二个月内并表示，鉴于在另一baraita 。 The saying of Johanan as to the liability of scholars to taxation, and various statements regarding the practise of the Babylonian sages.俗语的约哈难，以赔偿责任的学者，在税收方面，以及各种报表的有关执业的巴比伦的圣人。 The way in which Joseph (4th cent.) expended a sum of money sent him by the mother of King Sapor, together (8b) with an interpretation of Jer.以何种方式约瑟夫（第4美分） 。花费了一笔钱送到他的母亲景味，再加上（ 8B条）的解释哲。 xv.十五。 2. 2 。 Baraita on the mode of levying taxes for the poor, and the right of assessment of municipal taxes. baraita关于模式的征税为穷人服务，并有权对评估的市税。 The rule of the Mishnah (Sheḳ. v. 2) that the smallest number of persons who may be entrusted with raising taxes is two, and its Biblical basis according to Naḥman b.法治的mishnah （ sheḳ.诉二日）表示，最小的有多少人可以委托加税是两个，其圣经基础上，根据naḥman乙 Jacob, together with sayings and examples bearing on this matter.雅各布，连同熟语及例子，关系到这件事。 An interpretation of Dan.解读丹。 xii.十二。 3 as referring to the collectors and trustees of the tax for the poor, followed by two baraitot on these collectors and Abaye's statements regarding the practise of Rabbah b.三是指收藏家及受托人的税款为穷人服务，其次是两个baraitot对这些收藏者和abaye的报表就行医的rabbah乙 Naḥmani, as well as (9a) by a note of Ashi and an opinion of Rabbah. naḥmani ，以及（ 9 ）由一注阿和民意的rabbah 。 Baraita on the auditing of the accounts of the trustees of the tax for the poor, and elucidations of it. baraita关于审计的帐目受托人税为穷人服务，并阐发的。 Notes and anecdotes illustrating Mishnah Pe'ah viii.笔记和掌故说明mishnah pe'ah八。 7 (on the amount to be given to the poor), followed by haggadic passages on the importance of almsgiving, among these aphorisms being one cited by Rabbah as transmitted to Eleazar by a certain 'Ulla with a curious surname, which forms the basis of an anecdote. 7 （就等于给穷人） ，其次是haggadic通道上的重要性救济，其中警句之一举rabbah作为转发给埃莱亚萨由某种' ulla与好奇姓，形式的基础上一个轶事。 Further haggadic passages on the charity of Eleazar, Isaac, and others.进一步haggadic通道，对慈善机构的埃莱亚萨，艾萨克和等。 A baraita giving R. Meïr's answer (10a) to the question why God Himself does not nurture the poor, followed by an account of the conversation on this subject between R. Akiba and Tineius Rufus. 1 baraita给予传译meïr奇摩答案（ 10A ）为上述问题，为什么上帝没有培育穷人，其次是一个帐户的谈话就此事与传译秋叶和tineius rufus 。 Sermon by Judah b.讲道中，由犹大乙 Shalom (Palestinian amora of the 4th cent.) on Jer.沙洛姆（巴勒斯坦amora的第四届一分钱）于哲。 lvii. 57 。 17, and anecdotes from the lives of Johanan b. 17 ，和轶事，从生活中的约哈难乙 Zakkai and Pappa. zakkai和pappa 。 Haggadic sayings by tannaim and amoraim on alms. haggadic熟语由tannaim和亚摩兰对施舍。 The vision of Joseph b.远景约瑟夫乙 Joshua b.约书亚乙 Levi (10b) of the future life, together with baraitot on the interpretation of Prov.利维（ 10 B条） ，对未来的生活，再加上baraitot关于解释省。 xiv.十四。 34 by Johanan b. 34 ，由约哈难乙 Zakkai and his scholars as well as by Gamaliel II. zakkai和他的学者，以及由加马二。 and the other sages of Jabneh.和其他先哲的贾卜奈。 The charity of the mother of Sapor, and two baraitot: one (11a) the story of the beneficence of Benjamin ha-Ẓaddiḳ; the other an account of the generosity of King Monobaz.慈善的母亲，味，以及两个baraitot ：一（ 11A ）条故事的功德本杰明夏ẓaddiḳ ;另一个帐户的慷慨国王monobaz 。
(e) "If one obtains a dwelling-place in the city, he immediately receives equal rights with the citizens"; an opposing view by Simeon b. （五） " ，如果获得了歌特式的地方，在这个城市，他立即获得平等的权利与公民" ;另一种相反的观点西麦乙 Gamaliel transmitted in two versions.加马转发了两个版本。 Framework of Commentary.框架评注。 This analysis of four different passages of the Babylonian Talmud shows, in the first place, that the framework, as in the Palestinian Talmud, is formed by a running interpretation of the Mishnah, despite the heterogeneity of the material which is interwoven with it.这一分析的四种不同的通道，巴比伦塔木德经表明，摆在首位，该框架，为在巴勒斯坦犹太法典，是由一个运行的诠释了mishnah ，尽管非均质性物质，是相互交织。 The Talmud, however, is not a mere commentary on the Mishnah, since, in addition to its haggadic portions, it contains a varied mass of halakic material, connected only loosely, if at all, with the contents of the mishnaic paragraphs in question; and while the Talmud sometimes adheres closely to the text of such a paragraph, its commentary on a single section of the Mishnah is often expanded into the compass of a small book.犹太法典，但不是一个纯粹的评论对mishnah ，这是因为，除了其haggadic部分，它包含了各种不同质量的halakic素材，只有连接松散，如果在所有的，随着内容的mishnaic段落中的问题;而犹太法典有时坚持密切合作，以文有这样一段话，其评一节的mishnah往往扩大到指南针的一个小书。 In this respect Babli is much more free than Yerushalmi, which is more concise in other regards as well; the wider interests of the former and its greater variety and length are due at least in large part to the fact that the Babylonian academies enjoyed a longer existence and hence its redaction extended over a more protracted period.在这方面babli是更自由，比yerushalmi ，这是更为简洁，在其他方面也是如此广泛的利益，也符合前和其更大的种类和长度，是因为至少在很大程度上是一个事实，即巴比伦院校享有更长存在，因此其编撰学延伸到一个更加漫长的时期。
Haggadah of the Babli. haggadah的babli 。
The fact that the Haggadah is much more prominent in Babli, of which it forms, according to Weiss ("Dor," iii. 19), more than one-third, while it constitutes only one-sixth of Yerushalmi, was due, in a sense, to the course of the development of Hebrew literature.这一事实，即haggadah更为突出babli ，它的形式，根据维斯（ " dor ， "三。 19 ） ，有三分之一以上，而它构成只占六分之一yerushalmi ，是因为，在从某种意义上说，以这个发展过程中的希伯莱文学。 No independent mass of haggadot developed in Babylon, as was the case in Palestine; and the haggadic writings were accordingly collected in the Talmud.没有独立的质量haggadot发达，在巴比伦的情况一样，在巴勒斯坦和haggadic著作因此而收集在塔木德经。 The most curious example of this is a midrash on the Book of Esther, found at the end of the first chapter of the treatise Megillah (pp. 10b-17a).最奇怪的例子，这是一个midrash关于这本书的埃丝特发现，在去年底的第一篇的论文megillah （第10 B条- 17A条） 。 Except for the fact that the text of this section naturally alludes to the Book of Esther, the midrash has no connecting-link with the preceding portion of the Talmud.除事实，那就是文本的这一节，自然提到了这本书的埃丝特， midrash没有连接链路与前一部份的犹太法典。 It is a true midrashic compilation in the style of the Palestinian midrashim, introduced by sixteen proems (mostly by Palestinian authors), and followed by exegeses and comments on individual verses of Esther in the order of the text, each preceded by a catch word (for further details on this midrash see Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 119).它是一个真正的米大示解经汇编，在作风上的巴勒斯坦米大示，介绍了由16个proems （大多是由巴勒斯坦作者） ，其次为exegeses和意见，对个别小诗的埃丝特，在有序的文字，每一个之前有一个追赶字（进一步的细节就这个midrash见bacher ， "银。 2000年银行业。阿穆尔" ，第119页） 。 A fragment of a similar compilation on Lamentations, treating of a few verses of the first two chapters, is found in the last chapter of Sanhedrin (104, 4 et seq.), this fragment being inserted there on account of the preceding casual allusion to the Babylonian exile (ib. p. 120).片段一个类似的汇编就悲叹，治疗了数小诗的前两章，发现在最后一章的公会（ 104 ，第4页起） ，这个片段插入有相应的前款散暗指巴比伦流亡（ ib.第120页） 。 The treatise Giṭṭin (55a-58a) contains a haggadic compilation on the destruction of Jerusalem, its elements being found partly in the Palestinian literature, partly in Ekah Rabbati, and partly in the treatise Ta'anit of the Jerusalem Talmud.该论文giṭṭin （第55 A - 10 ）载有一项haggadic汇编的关于销毁耶路撒冷，其元素被发现，部分在巴勒斯坦文献，部分ekah rabbati的，而部分在论文ta'anit的耶路撒冷犹太法典。 This haggadah, which begins with a saying by Johanan, is appended to the brief halakic elucidation of the first sentence of the mishnaic paragraph on the law of the Sicarii (Giṭ. v. 6), mentioning those who fell in the war against the Romans.这haggadah ，其中一开始就具有的话说：约哈难，是附在短暂halakic澄清的第一句的mishnaic一段关于法的sicarii （ giṭ.五，六日） ，一提那些掉在战争入乡随俗。 In Babli such haggadic interpolations, often of considerable length, are extremely frequent, while the very content of the mishnaic paragraphs often affords a basis for lengthy haggadic excursuses.在babli这种haggadic插值，往往要相当长，是极为频繁，而非常满意的mishnaic段落往往使基础冗长haggadic excursuses 。 Thus the last (in Yerushalmi, next to the last) chapter of Sanhedrin is made the foundation for a mass of haggadic comments, most of them only loosely connected by an association of ideas with the text of the passages of the Mishnah to which they are assigned.因此，昨（在yerushalmi ，明年到最后）章的公会是基础，为大规模的haggadic意见，他们大多数只联系松散的，由一个协会的理念与文本通道的mishnah要它们转让。 In this exceptionally long chapter of Babli (pp. 90a-113b) only that portion (111b-112b) which refers to the Law in Deut.在这格外长章babli （第90 A - 113b ）只有那一部分（ 111b - 112b ） ，是指依法在deut 。 xiii.十三。 12 et seq.十二页起。 is halakic in nature.是halakic性质。 The haggadic conclusion of the first chapter of Soṭah furnishes the basis for further Talmudic comments in the style of the Haggadah (8b, 14a); so that, for example, the interpretation of Ex.该haggadic结论的第一章soṭah提供了依据，为进一步talmudic评论，在作风上的haggadah （ 8B条， 14 A条） ，因此，举例而言，释义的特惠。 ii.二。 4, cited in the Mishnah (11a), is followed (11a-13b) by an independent section which forms a running midrash on Ex. 4 ，列举在mishnah （ 11A条） ，其次是（ 11A条- 13B条） ，由一个独立的组，形成了一个运行midrash特惠。 i.一。 8-ii. 8 -二。 4. 4 。 Additional examples may be found in nearly every treatise of the Babylonian Talmud.额外的例子可发现，在几乎每一个伤寒的巴比伦塔木德经。 The haggadic sections of this Talmud, which form an important part of the entire work, have been collected in the very popular "'En Ya'aḳob" of Jacob ibn Ḥabib (1st ed. 1516), as well as in the rarer "Haggadot ha-Talmud" (Constantinople, 1511; comp. Rabbinovicz, "Diḳduḳe Soferim," viii. 131); and they have been translated into German by A. Wünsche ("Der Babylonische Talmud in Seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen," 3 vols., Leipsic, 1886-89).该haggadic路段这个犹太法典，其中的一个重要组成部分的全部工作中，已经收集了非常流行的"恩ya'aḳob "雅各布的Ibn ḥabib （第1版1516年） ，以及在罕见的" haggadot医管局-塔木德经" （君士坦丁堡，第1511 ;可比。 rabbinovicz ， " diḳduḳe soferim ， "八。 131 ） ;它们已经被翻译成德文，由甲wünsche （ "明镜babylonische犹太法典中seinen haggadischen bestandtheilen ， " 3卷， leipsic ， 1886年至1889年） 。
An important factor in the composition of the Talmud, and consequently one it is necessary to consider in a discussion of its literary form, is the frequent juxtaposition of several sayings ascribed to one and the same author.一个重要的因素组成的犹太法典，因此，一个是要考虑在讨论它的文学形式，是频繁并列几个熟语属于同一个作者。 These sayings, which are frequently linked together by the name of their common transmitter as well as by that of their author, were evidently taught in this connected form in the academies, thus finding their way into the appropriate passages of the Talmudic text.这些说法，这是经常联系在一起的名字，他们共同的发射机，以及由它们的作者，明显教授在这相连的形式，在院校，从而设法进入适当的通道的talmudic文本。 Such groups of aphorisms are extremely frequent in Babli; and several of them are found in the passage from Ber.这类群体的警句是极为频繁，在babli ;几位领导人，他们都发现，在通过从误码率。 2a-9a which has been analyzed above (regarding Yerushalmi see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 39a).甲-9已分析了上述（关于yerushalmi弗兰克尔看到， "美宝湿润烧伤膏， "第39A条） 。 Other circumstances which must be considered in discussing the composition of the text of the Talmud are set forth in the account of its origin and redaction given below.其他的情况必须加以考虑，在讨论组成的文本犹太法典阐述了该帐户的，其原产地和节录如下。
Style and Language.风格和语言。
The remarks already made concerning the relation of the Hebrew and the Aramaic elements in the vocabulary of Yerushalmi apply with little modification to Babli, although the Aramaic of the latter is more nearly akin to the Syriac (the eastern Aramaic dialect then current in Babylonia) and is even more closely related to Mandæan (see Nöldeke, "Mandäische Grammatik," p. xxvi., Halle, 1875; on the Persian elements in the vocabulary of Babli see Jew. Encyc. vii. 313b, sv Judæo-Persian).这番话已经作出关于关系的希伯来语及阿拉米文内容中的词汇yerushalmi申请很少修改babli ，虽然阿拉姆语的，后者是更接近类似于向叙利亚文（东部阿拉姆语方言，然后电流巴比伦王国）更是密切相关mandæan （见nöldeke ， " mandäische文法中， "第26页，哈雷， 1875年上波斯语元素在词汇的babli见犹太人。 encyc七。 313b ， sv judæo -波斯语） 。 In regard to Greek and Latin terms Levy makes the incomprehensible statement ("Neuhebr. Wörterb." iv. 274a) that "no Greek or Latin words are found in the Babylonian Talmud."至于希腊文和拉丁文计算征收，使难以理解的声明（ " neuhebr 。 wörterb "四。 274a ）表示， "没有希腊文字，拉丁文字被发现，在巴比伦塔木德经" 。 This is, however, incorrect; for a large number of words from the Latin and Greek (see Krauss, "Lehnwörter," ip xxiii.) are employed in the Talmud, both in the tannaitic passages found in Babli, and in the sayings of Palestinian as well as of Babylonian amoraim, such as Rab (see Bacher, lcp 32).但是，这是不正确;一大批换言之，从拉丁语和希腊语（见克劳斯， " lehnwörter ， "叶二十三）现受聘于犹太法典，无论在tannaitic通道发现babli ，并在格言巴勒斯坦人，以及作为巴比伦亚摩兰，如Rab的（见bacher ，液晶高分子32 ） 。 On the exegetic terminology as applied in Biblical and traditional hermeneutics, see Bacher, "Terminologie der Amoräer," Leipsic, 1905.关于exegetic术语适用于圣经和传统诠释学，见bacher ， "术语明镜amoräer ， " leipsic ， 1905 。 An interesting linguistic peculiarity of Babli is the fact that tannaitic traditions, especially stories, are occasionally given entirely in Aramaic, or an anecdote, begun in Hebrew, is continued in Aramaic (such as the story, designated by as a baraita, concerning Joshua b. Peraḥyah and his pupil Jesus [Sanh. 107b]).一个有趣的语言特殊性babli是事实，即tannaitic传统，特别是故事，偶尔能够完全阿拉姆语，或轶闻，开始在希伯来语，是继续在阿拉姆语（如故事，指定作为baraita ，关于约书亚b 。 peraḥyah和他的瞳孔耶稣[ sanh 。 107b ] ） 。
The Halakah in Babli.该halakah在babli 。
The contents of the Talmud-this term being restricted to Babli, although much which applies to it holds true of Yerushalmi as well-fall into the two main divisions of Halakah and Haggadah.内容犹太法典-这个名词只限于babli ，尽管还有许多工作，适用于它所拥有的真正的yerushalmi为善良落入两个主要分部halakah和haggadah 。 Although, as stated above, the Mishnah itself frequently furnishes the ground for the inclusion of haggadic elements in the Talmud, and although the subjects discussed in the Halakah frequently lead of themselves to haggadic treatment, the Haggadah occupies only a secondary position in the Talmud, since this is, both in origin and in purpose, a halakic work, and was intended to serve as a commentary on the chief authoritative work of the tannaitic Halakah, the Mishnah of Judah I. Those portions, therefore, which treat of the interpretation of the Mishnah are the substance of the Talmud.虽然，正如前文所述， mishnah本身往往提供了地面列入haggadic分子在犹太法典，虽然讨论的主题，在halakah经常导致自己以haggadic治疗后， haggadah占地只是一个次要的位置，在犹太法典，因为这是，无论是在原产地，并在目的上， halakic工作，并意图是作为评论，对行政权威的工作，该tannaitic halakah ， mishnah的犹大一的那部分，因此，治疗的诠释该mishnah是物质的犹太法典。 This interpretation, however, was not merely theoretical, but was primarily devoted to a determination of the rules applying to the practise of the ceremonial law; on the other hand, the development of the Halakah had not ceased in the academies of the Amoraim, despite the acceptance of the Mishnah, so that the opinions and the decisions of the Amoraim themselves, even when they were not based merely on an interpretation of the Mishnah and other tannaitic halakot, became the subject of tradition and comment.然而，这种解释不只是理论，但主要是用于所确定的规则适用于执业的礼仪法;另一方面，发展的halakah没有停止过在院校的亚摩兰，尽管接受该mishnah ，以便将有关的意见和决定的亚摩兰自己，甚至当他们并不仅仅依据解释该mishnah和其他tannaitic halakot ，成为受传统和评论。 In addition to the Mishnah, furthermore, the Midrash (the halakic exegesis of the Bible) and the Halakah in the more restricted sense became the subject of tradition and of study, and were preserved in different collections as being the other results of the tannaitic period.除上述mishnah ，此外， midrash （ halakic训诂学的圣经）和halakah在较受限制的意义上成为主体的传统和学习中，并分别保存在不同的藏品被其他结果的tannaitic期。 In this way the Talmud, in its strict connotation of the interpretation of the Mishnah, was increased by an inexhaustible mass of material, which afforded the amoraic academies a basis both for the interpretation and for the criticism of the Mishnah; for since the Talmud deals with the criticism of the Mishnah, not only in text and meaning, but also in its relation to the baraitot, these baraitot themselves were frequently interpreted in the same way as were mishnaic passages (eg, RH 10a, 12b, 29a), and were supplied with their Talmud.这样，犹太法典，在其严格的内涵诠释了mishnah ，增加了一个取之不尽，用之不竭的大量素材，其中给予amoraic院校基础既为解释和批评的mishnah ;以来犹太法典交易与批评的mishnah ，不仅在文字和含义，而且还在于其关系到baraitot ，这些baraitot自己频频被解释为相同的方式被mishnaic通道（例如，铑10 A条，第12 B条， 29A条） ，并分别供应其塔木德经。 Moreover, the Talmud was further augmented by the inclusion within it of the views which the scholars expressed in the course of their public, judicial, and other activities, as well as by the data regarding their private lives and their religious practises which were discussed and memorized in the academies.此外，犹太法典，是进一步扩大了中列入它的意见，学者们表示，在研究过程中他们的公开，司法和其他活动，以及由数据对于他们的私人生活和他们的宗教习俗进行了讨论和背在院校。 If this brief sketch of the Talmud as regards its halakic contentsbe supplemented by the statement that the sayings of the several amoraim as well as the opposing views of their contemporaries and the members of the academies, whether teachers or pupils, are frequently recorded in connection with the report of the discussions of the academies, a more complete view of the nature of the Talmud and a better conception of its form may be gained.如果这个简短的速写犹太法典至于其halakic contentsbe辅之以声明中说，熟语的几个亚摩兰以及为反对意见的，他们与同时代的成员院校，不论是老师或学生，往往是记录结合该报告的讨论中的院校，一个更完整的性质来看，犹太法典以及更好地观，它的形式可能会上涨。
The Framework Anonymous.框架无名氏。
The real framework of the Talmud, however, on which the entire structure was built, was, as noted above, provided by the questions, comments, and discussions which are based on individual paragraphs of the Mishnah, and which are anonymous, or not ascribed to any author.真正的框架内，犹太法典，但是，就整个结构建，是，如上所述，所提供的问题，意见和讨论，它是基于个别段落的mishnah ，并且是匿名的，或者根本不属于任何作者。 Appended to these passages and interspersed among them are sayings whose authors are named; and this class frequently preponderates greatly.附在这些旅费及穿插其中闻其作者的名字，以及这门课，经常preponderates很大。 The anonymous framework of the Talmud may be regarded as the warp resulting from the united activity of the members of the academy, and upon which the woof of the Talmud was interwoven and developed during three centuries, until its final redaction gave it definitive form.匿名的框架内，犹太法典，可视为经纱造成美国活动的学院成员，并经其中纬的犹太法典，是交织在一起，并制定了在三个世纪，直到其最后节录了确切的形式。 The Talmud is really the work of the body of scholars in the academies, who devoted themselves to it generation after generation, and kept its traditions alive.犹太法典，是真正的工作，该机构的学者，在校的，他们投身于这一代又一代人，并保持其传统的活着。 Although many members of the academie-sthe great as well as the small, teachers as well as pupils-are mentioned as the authors of various sayings and decisions, and as taking part in the discussions and controversies, some of them being deemed scholars worthy of record on account of a single remark, the background of the Talmud, or rather the background for those elements regarding whose authorship statements are made, was formed by the united efforts of those who labored to produce that work.尽管许多委员对学术- sthe伟大以及为小，教师以及学生，都提到了作者的种种言论和决定，由于参加的讨论和争论，他们中的一些人被当作学者值得记录上户口的单一句话时，背景的犹太法典，或者更确切地说，背景为这些内容就其著作权报表，是由美国的努力，那些劳动生产工作。 The manifold objections and refutations introduced by the word "metibi" (= "they object"), and the questions (generally casuistic in nature) preceded by the formula "ibba'ya lehu" (= "they have asked") refer to this body of scholars, regardless of the date at which they lived.多方面的反对和驳斥所提出的" metibi " （ = " ，他们反对" ） ，以及问题（通常是诡辩性的）之前，由公式" ibba'ya勒于" （ = " ，他们已要求" ） ，是指本机构的学者，不论日期，在他们生活的。
Redaction.节录。
This allusion to the anonymous framework of the Talmud suggests the problem of its redaction, which is partially answered by the allusion itself; for the work began with the inception of the collection, and the first amoraim laid the foundation for the task, which was carried on by succeeding generations, the final result being the Talmud in its present form.这个典故，以匿名的架构，该塔木德经提示的问题，其编撰学，这是部分地回答了这个典故本身为工作随着成立的收集，并首次亚摩兰奠定了基础工作，这是进行就做到了几代人，最后的结果会作为犹太法典以其目前的形式。 The system of mishnaic hermeneutics, which was in a sense official, and was at all events sanctioned by the lectures delivered in the academy, was determined as early as the first generation, and remained valid thenceforth.该系统的mishnaic诠释学的，这是在一定意义上的官员，并在所有比赛中所通过并发表了演讲，在全校，决心早在第一代，仍然有效，此后。 It is interesting to notice that the only certain occurrence of the word "Gemara" in the sense of "Talmud" ('Er. 32b) is found in connection with an account which throws a flood of light upon the first stages of the redaction of the Talmud.有趣的是，通知指出，只有某些发生的用" gemara "在意义上的"犹太法典" （ '呃。 32 B条） ，发现涉嫌与一个帐户，其中抛出一个防洪轻后，第一阶段的编撰学的犹太法典。 This account begins with the interpretation of 'Er.这个帐户开始与诠释'呃。 iii.三。 4, and is as follows: "R. Ḥiyya b. Abba, R. Assi [Palestinian amoraim in Babylon], and Rabba b. Nathan sat; and beside them sat also Rab Naḥman. They sat and said [here follows a dialectic discussion on the nature of the place of the tree mentioned in the paragraph of the Mishnah]. Then R. Naḥman said: 'It is correct; and Samuel also has approved of this explanation.' 4 ，具体内容如下： "传译ḥiyya乙雅伯金曲，传译assi [巴勒斯坦亚摩兰在巴比伦] ，并rabba乙弥敦道坐;旁边坐也Rab的naḥman他们坐，并说[这里如下辩证的讨论就什么性质的地方，该树在本段中提及的mishnah ] ，然后传译naḥman说： '这是正确的;和萨穆埃尔也已批准了这一解释。 Then the first three asked: 'Hast thou established this explanation in the Gemara?'那么，前三问： '祢确立了这个解释，在gemara吗？ [ie, "Hast thou included it as a fixed element in the Talmud? [即， "祢包括它作为一个固定的组成部分，在犹太法典吗？ Naḥman answers in the affirmative, whereupon a confirmatory amoraic tradition is added; and, in the name of Samuel, Rab Naḥman interprets the mishnaic passage under consideration in the light of that exegesis]." The term "ḳaba'" ("establish") was used in a later age by Sherira Gaon to designate the incorporation of portions that were used to make up the Talmud into its text (see Lewy, "Interpretation des Ersten Abschnitts des Palästinischen Talmud-Traktates Nesikin," p. 4; Bacher, in "Hebrew Union College Annual," 1904, p. 34), while in the Talmud itself the word was applied to the redaction of tannaitic traditions (see RH 32a, above; Ḳid. 25a; Sanh. 21b; Zeb. 114b). This account, which dates from the beginning of the amoraic period in the Academy of Nehardea, is, curiously enough, an isolated instance; for among the many dates and accounts which the Talmud contains in reference to the academy and its members, there is no direct statement concerning the redaction of the text, either in its earlier stages or at its conclusion, although certain statements on divergent traditions of amoraic sayings and discussions afford an idea of the way in which the Talmudic text emerged from the various versions given by the scholars and schools that transmitted it. These statements, which have been collected by Lewy (lc pp. 4-14), use the verb "tanni" ("pa'el" from ) in referring to lectures on the Talmudic text as well as amoraic sayings or discussions on them (Bacher, "Terminologie der Amoräer," p. 239). Thus it is stated (Shab. 48b; BB 86a) that at Sura a certain interpretation was given in the name of Ḥisda and at Pumbedita in that of Kahana. There are a number of other similar statements concerning traditions, in regard to differences, as between Sura and Pumbedita, and between Sura and Nehardea, in the wording of the amoraic sayings and in their ascribed authorship (Giṭ. 35a). Especially frequent is the mention of amoraim of the fourth and fifth centuries as transmitters of these divergent statements, either two amoraim being named as authorities for two different versions, or an amora being cited as opposing another version to an anonymous tradition. As examples of the former may be mentioned Rabba and Joseph (Zeb. 25b), Pappa and Zebid (Shab. 66b), Kahana and Tabyomi (Ned. 16b), Ashi and Mar Zuṭra (Shab. 119a), and Rabina and Aḥa (Ket. 31b); while many other instances are cited by Lewy (lc). naḥman答案是肯定的，在这种情况下1验证amoraic传统，是补充; ，而在这个名字的萨穆埃尔， Rab的naḥman解释mishnaic通过正在审议会根据这些注释] 。 "一词" ḳaba ' " （ "建立" ）用在后来的年代sherira gaon指定团的部分被用来弥补犹太法典纳入其内文（见路易， "释义万ersten abschnitts万palästinischen犹太法典- traktates nesikin " ，第4页; bacher ， "希伯莱联合学院年度， " 1904年，第34页） ，而在犹太法典本身一词应用到编撰学的tannaitic传统（见铑32A条，以上; ḳid 。 25A条; sanh 。 21 ; zeb 。 114b ） ，这帐目，即日期，从一开始的amoraic期间，在中国科学院nehardea ，是奇怪的，一个孤立的，例如;为在众多的日期和户口犹太法典包含在参考该学院及其成员，有没有直接的声明节录的文字，无论是在它的早期阶段或在其结论，虽然某些报表上的分歧传统amoraic熟语和讨论负担的观念以何种方式talmudic文本涌现出各种版本，由学者和学校转交。这些陈述，其中已收集了路易（立法会页4-14 ） ，使用动词" tanni " （下称" pa'el " ）在谈到讲课就talmudic文字以及amoraic熟语或讨论，对他们（ bacher ， "术语明镜amoräer " ，页239 ） ，因此它是陈述（ shab. 48b ; BB心跳86a ）表示，在苏拉某一个解释是由于在名称ḥisda和pumbedita在这方面的kahana还有其他一些类似的声明关于传统中，对于分歧，因为与苏拉和pumbedita之间，以及苏拉和nehardea ，在措词上的amoraic熟语，并在其归咎于著作权（ giṭ. 35 ） ，尤其是频繁一提到亚摩兰的第四和第五个世纪发射机，这些不同的声明，要么两个亚摩兰被命名为当局为两个不同的版本，或者amora被引用作为反对另一种版本给一位不愿透露姓名的传统。作为例子，前者可能提到rabba和约瑟夫（ zeb. 25B条） ， pappa和zebid （ shab. 66b ） ， kahana和tabyomi （周一16B条） ，并在芦三月zuṭra （ shab. 119a ） ，雷比内和aḥa （ ket. 31 B条） ，而许多其他的例子举路易（立法会） 。
Technical Terms for Tradition.技术术语，为传统。
Particularly interesting are the cases in which a divergent account is presented before Ashi, and thus before the one who projected the definitive redaction of the Talmud, Ashi appearing in all these cases as representing the version first given.尤其有趣的是在何种情况下发散帐户是离职之前，因此，前一个人预测确切的节录的犹太法典，阿是出现在所有这些情况下，作为代表版首。 Thus the amora Mordecai said to Ashi: "Thou teachest thus; but we teach differently" (Men. 42b; Ber. 5a).因此， amora mordecai说，以阿是： "你teachest因此，但我们教导不同" （ men. 42b ;误码率。 5A ）条。 In addition to such statements, which are ascribed to members of the Babylonian academies, and which indicate divergencies in amoraic tradition, the extant text of the Talmud contains also a number of othervariants, which are included without such statements.除了这些声明，这是属于大家的巴比伦院校，并说明差异在amoraic传统文化中，现存的文本犹太法典还载有多项othervariants ，其中包括没有这样的声明。 These are introduced by such formulas as "And if you will say (), referring to other authorities, or "There are those who say," or "There are those who teach," and similar phrases. The expression "another version" () frequently appears in the text as a superscription to a divergent account (Naz. 9b; B. Ḳ. 59a; Ḥul. 119b; Tem. 5a, 6a, 9b; 11b, 30b [comp. Frankel in "Monatsschrift," 1861, x. 262]; Niddah 29a, 38a). All these instances afford an idea, even though but an imperfect one, of the gradual development of the Talmudic text. To comprehend why only practically a single Talmud was produced, despite the various academies, the great number of authoritative transmitters of the mass of material, and the number of generations that collaborated on the work, it must be borne in mind that there was a continual interchange of ideas between the academies, and that the numerous pupils of the successive generations who memorized the Talmud, and perhaps committed at least a part of it to writing, drew from a single source, namely, the lectures of their masters and the discussions in the academies; further, that, since the work on the Talmud was continued without interruption along the lines laid down by the first generation of amoraim, all succeeding generations may be regarded as one body of scholars who produced a work which was, to all intents and purposes, uniform. This unity finds its expression in the phraseology adopted in the anonymous framework of the Talmud, which terms the authors "we," exactly as a writer speaks of himself as "I" in an individual work. Examples of this phraseology occur in the following formulas: ("We then raised the question"; see Shab. 6b, 71a, 99b; Yoma 74a, 79b; Suk. 33a; Meg. 22a; Yeb. 29b; Ḳid. 49a; Giṭ. 60b; Shebu. 22b; 'Ab. Zarah 35a, 52b; Niddah 6b); ("We have opposed [another teaching to the one which has been quoted]"); ("We have learned," or, in other words, "have received by tradition"), the conventional formula which introduces mishnaic passages; and, finally, ("Whence have we it?"), the regular preface to an inquiry regarding the Biblical basis of a saying. In all these formulas the "we" denotes the authors of the Talmud regarded as a collective unity, and as the totality of the members of the academies whose labors, covering three centuries of collaboration, resulted in the Talmud. It was in the Babylonian Academy of Sura, moreover, that the final redaction of the Talmud took place, the very academy that took the lead in the first century of the amoraic period; and the uniformity of the Talmud was thus assured, even to the place of its origin.这些都是介绍的这种计算公式为： "如果你会说（ ） ，是指其他主管部门，或"有一些人说" ，或者说"有些人教导， "等类似字眼。表达"另一种版本" （ ） ，经常出现在文本作为superscription到一个不同的帐户（ naz. 9B条;乙ḳ 。 59A条; ḥul 。 119b ;透射电镜城A A或9B条; 11 B款，第三十B [可比。弗兰克尔在" monatsschrift " ， 1861年，十， 262 〕 ; niddah 29A条，第38 A ） ，所有这些事例不起一个想法，即使但一个不完美的其中之一，逐步发展的talmudic文本。理解为什么几乎只有一个单一的犹太法典制作，尽管存在着种种院校，大量的权威发射机的群众的物质，以及有多少后代勾结，对工作中，必须紧记的，有一种持续性交汇处的想法之间的院校，并表示，许多学生相继世代谁背犹太法典，也许犯下至少它的一部分，以书面形式提请，由单一来源，即听讲座，他们的主人和讨论中所院校;进一步说，自工作，对在犹太法典，是继续进行，没有出现中断沿线订下的第一代亚摩兰，所有后代可能会被视为一个机构的学者们制作了工作，这是给所有意图和目的，统一的，这统一认定，其表现在言词上通过了在无名氏的框架内，犹太法典，哪些条款作者， "我们" ，正是作为一个作家，谈自己为"我"在一个单独的工作。这方面的例子用语出现在以下公式： （ "然后，我们提出了一个问题" ，见沙巴。 6B型， 71A及99b ; yoma 74A条， 79 B条;淑。 33A条;梅格。 22A条; yeb 。 29 B款; ḳid 。 49A条; giṭ 。 60b ; shebu 。 22 B条; '抗体。 zarah 35 ， 52 b型; niddah 6B型） ; （ "我们反对[另一个教学，其中已经引用] " ） ; （下称"我们已学会" ，或者，换句话说， "已收到由传统" ） ，常规公式介绍mishnaic通道，以及最后（ "何时有我们吗？ " ） ，经常前言，以调查有关圣经的基础上的一种说法，在所有这些公式， "我们"是指作者的犹太法典看作是一个集体的团结，有作为的全部成员院校，其劳动力，涵盖三个世纪的协作，导致在犹太法典，它是在巴比伦学院的苏拉，而且，这最后的节录的犹太法典的地方，时间很学院在全国率先第一世纪的amoraic时间和双方的统一性的犹太法典，因此保证，甚至到了地方，它的原产地。
Date of Redaction.日期节录。
The statements already made concerning the continuous redaction of the Babylonian Talmud apply with equal force to the Yerushalmi, this fact being expressed by Lewy (lc pp. 14-15) in the following words: "In Palestine, as in Babylon, there may have been different Talmudim in the various schools at different periods. . . . Similarly in the Palestinian Talmud different versions of amoraic sayings are quoted in the names of different authors, from which it may be inferred that these authors learned and taught different Talmudim."该报表已经作出关于连续编撰学的巴比伦塔木德经同样适用于部队向yerushalmi ，这其实正表示，由路易（立法会页14-15 ）在以下的话： "在巴勒斯坦，在巴比伦，有可能一直有不同的talmudim在各个学校在不同的历史时期… … 。同样在巴勒斯坦犹太法典不同版本的amoraic熟语中引用的名称，作者不同，从中可以推断，这些作者的经验和教不同talmudim " 。 Lewy speaks also (lcp 20) of several redactions which preceded the final casting of the Palestinian Talmud into its present form.路易说话也（液晶高分子20 ）的几个节录之前的最后铸造的巴勒斯坦犹太法典到目前的形式。 The actual condition of affairs can scarcely be formulated in these terms, however, since the divergencies consist, for the most part, of mere variants in certain sentences, or in the fact that there were different authors and transmitters of them; and although many of these deviations are cited by R. Jonah and R. Jose, who lived and taught contemporaneously at Tiberias, this fact scarcely justifies the assumption that there were two different Talmudim, one taught by Jonah and the other by Jose; it will nevertheless be evident, from the statements cited above, that the Talmud existed in some definite form throughout the amoraic period, and that, furthermore, its final redaction was preceded by other revisions.实际情况事务几乎无法制定这些条款，但是，由于分歧构成，在大多数情况下，单纯的变种，在某些句子，或在事实上存在着不同的作者和发射机的;虽然许多这些偏差的情况是引用传译约拿和R.圣何塞，住，教contemporaneously在太巴列，这一事实几乎没有理由假设有两种不同talmudim ，一个老师约拿和其他由Jose ，它不过是很明显，从报表列举以上，即犹太法典中存在的一些明确的形式在全国各地amoraic时期，而且，而且，其最后编撰学之前，其他的修改意见。 It may likewise be assumed that the contemporaneous schools of Tiberias, Sepphoris, and Cæsarea in Palestine taught the Talmud in different redactions in the fourth century.它同样可能被假定当代学校的太巴列， sepphoris ， cæsarea在巴勒斯坦教导犹太法典，在不同的节录在第四世纪。 Lewy assumes, probably with correctness, that in the case of Yerushalmi the treatise Neziḳin (the three treatises Baba Ḳamma, Baba Meẓi'a, and Baba Batra) was taken from a redaction differing from that of the other treatises.路易假设，可能与正确性，即在案件yerushalmi了伤寒neziḳin （三种论文巴巴ḳamma ，巴巴meẓi'a ，巴巴巴特拉）采取了从一个不同的节录说，从对其他论文。 (Allusion has already been made to a difference of content between the first two and the last two orders of the Yerushalmi.) With regard to Babli. （典故已作出了不同的内容与前两个和最后两项命令的yerushalmi ）关于babli 。 Frankel has shown ("Monatsschrift," x. 194) that the treatise Tamid, in which only three chapters out of seven are accompanied by a Talmud, belongs to a different redaction from that of the other treatises; and he endeavors to show, in like manner (ib. p. 259), both "that the redactor of the treatise Ḳiddushin is not identical with that of Baba Batra and Nedarim," and "that the redactor of the treatise Giṭṭin is not the same as that of Keritot and Baba Batra."弗兰克尔证明（ " monatsschrift ， "十194 ）表示，伤寒tamid ，其中只有3个章节出7个是伴随着一次犹太法典，是属于一个不同的节录说，从对其他论文，以及他的努力表明，在地（ ib.页259 ） ，无论是"议决redactor的伤寒ḳiddushin是不完全相同的事实巴巴巴特拉和nedarim " ， "说， redactor的伤寒giṭṭin是不一样的keritot和巴巴巴特拉" 。 However, as these remarks refer to the final redaction of the Talmud, they do not touch upon the abstract unity of the work as emphasized above.不过，由于这些言论，是指最后的节录的犹太法典，他们不涉及抽象的团结工作，强调以上。 It is sufficient to assume, therefore, that the final redaction of the several treatises was based on the versions used in the different academies.但它足以承担，因此，最后编撰学的几个论文的基础上，使用的版本，在不同的院校。 It may be postulated, on the whole, that the Palestinian Talmud received its present form at Tiberias, and the Babylonian Talmud at Sura (comp. the passages in Yerushalmi in which [= "here"] refers to Tiberias, and those in Babli in which the same word denotes Sura [Lewy, lcp 4]).可以假设，从总体上看，认为巴勒斯坦犹太法典收到以其目前的形式，在太巴列，并巴比伦塔木德经在苏拉（ comp.通道在yerushalmi其中[ = "这里" ]指太巴列，而那些在babli这同一个词是指苏拉[路易，液晶聚合物4 ] ） 。
The chief data regarding the academies of Palestine and Babylon, whose activity resulted in the Talmud, have been set forth elsewhere (see Jew. Encyc. i. 145-148, sv Academies), so that here stress need be laid only on those events in the history of the two schools and of their teachers which are especially noteworthy in connection with the origin and the final redaction of the two Talmudim.行政方面的数据院校的巴勒斯坦和巴比伦，其活性，导致在犹太法典，已经确定了在其他地方（见犹太人。 encyc一段， sv院校） ，因此在这里强调，有必要订定，只有对这些事件在历史上的两所学校和他们的老师，这是特别值得注意涉嫌与原产地，并在最后的节录两talmudim 。 It may be said, by way of preface, that the academies of Palestine and Babylon were in constant intercommunication, notwithstanding their geographical position.可以说，透过序文中说，院校的巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的人，不断地互通，尽管他们所处的地理位置。 Many prominent Babylonian scholars settled permanently in Palestine, and many eminent Palestinians sojourned in Babylon for some time, or even for a considerable portion of their lives.许多知名学者巴比伦永久定居在巴勒斯坦，和许多知名的巴勒斯坦人sojourned在巴比伦一段时间后，或什至对相当一部分自己的生活。 In the second half of the third century Babylonian students sought the Palestinian schools with especial frequency, while many pupils of Johanan went during the same period to Babylon; and in the troublous days of the fourth century many Palestinian scholars sought refuge in the more quiet regions along the Euphrates.在下半年的第三个世纪，巴比伦的学生寻求巴勒斯坦学校与特殊频率，而许多学生约哈难到在同一时期，以巴比伦，并且在troublous天的第四个世纪，许多巴勒斯坦学者寻求避难在较安静的区域沿着幼发拉底河。 This uninterrupted association of scholars resulted in an active interchange of ideas between the schools, especially as the activity of both was devoted in the main to the study of the Mishnah.这不间断协会的学者，结果，在积极交汇处的想法之间的学校，尤其是作为活动的两个专门在主体，以学习贯彻mishnah 。 The Jerusalem Talmud accordingly contains a large number of sayings by Babylonian authorities, and Babli quotes a still larger number of sayings by Palestinian scholars in addition to the proceedings of the Palestinian academies, while it likewise devotes a very considerable space to the halakic and haggadic teachings of such Palestinian masters as Johanan, Simeon b.耶路撒冷犹太法典因此含有大量的熟语由巴比伦当局，并babli行情仍有较大数量的说法，巴勒斯坦学者除了以诉讼的巴勒斯坦院校，而同样，它用了一个非常可观的空间给halakic和haggadic教诲这些巴勒斯坦人的主人，因为约哈难，西麦乙 Laḳish, and Abbahu. laḳish ， abbahu 。 Anonymous Palestinian sentences are quoted in Babli with the statement, "They say in the West"; and similar maxims of Babylonian origin are quoted in Yerushalmi in the name of "the scholars there."匿名巴勒斯坦句话被引用在babli与声明" ，他们说，在西方国家" ;类似格言的巴比伦起源的被引用在yerushalmi在名称的"学者" 。 Both the Talmudim thus acquired more traits in common than they had formerly possessed despite their common foundation, while owing to the mass of material which Babli received from the schools of the Holy Land it was destined in a measure to supplant the Palestinian Talmud even in Palestine.无论talmudim从而获得更多性状的共同点比他们原先拥有的，尽管他们的共同基础，同时，由于群众的物质，其中babli收到了来自学校的圣地，它是注定在一项措施，以取代巴勒斯坦犹太法典，甚至在巴勒斯坦。
Activity of Jonah and Jose.活动约拿及荷西。
The history of the origin of Yerushalmi covers a period of two centuries.历史上的起源yerushalmi涵盖了一段两个世纪。 Its projector was Johanan, the great teacher of Tiberias, who, together with his pupils and contemporaries, some of them of considerable prominence, laid the foundations for the work which was continued by succeeding generations.其放映机是约哈难，伟大的老师太巴人，连同他的学生和同时代的，他们中的一些人的相当突出，奠定了基础工作，是继续由后代。 The extreme importance of Johanan in the genesis of the Palestinian Talmud seems to have been the basis of the belief, which first found expression in the twelfth century, although it is certainly older in origin, that he was the author of Yerushalmi (see Frankel, "Mebo," p. 47b).的极端重要性，在约哈难的成因巴勒斯坦犹太法典似乎已被基础上的信仰，这首先体现在12世纪，尽管它肯定是在老一辈出身，他是作者的yerushalmi （见弗兰克尔， "湿润烧伤膏" ，页47b ） 。 As a matter of fact, however, almost a century and a half elapsed after the death of Johanan (279) before this Talmud received its present form, but it was approximated to this form, toward the end of the fourth century, by Jonah and Jose, the two directors of the Academy of Tiberias.如儿戏，但事实上，几乎一个半世纪过去了，去世后，约哈难（ 279 ） ，在此之前，犹太法典收到以其目前的形式，但它是近似这种形式，对年底前四世纪中，和约拿圣荷西，两位董事科学院太巴列。 Their joint halakic sentences, controversies, and divergent opinions on the utterances of their predecessors are scattered throughout Yerushalmi; but the conclusion that Jose redacted it twice, which has been drawn from certain statements in this Talmud, is incorrect (Frankel, lcp 101a; Weiss, "Dor," iii. 113 et seq., 211; see Lewy, lc pp. 10, 17; Halevy, "Dorot ha-Rishonim," ii. 322).他们联合halakic句话，就争论，分歧意见，对话语他们的前辈都是遍布yerushalmi ，但结论是，圣荷西编辑它的两倍，这已经绘就，从某些陈述，在这个犹太法典，是不正确（弗兰克尔，液晶聚合物101A条;维斯" dor " ，三， 113页起， 211名;见路易，信用证页10日， 17日; halevy ， "多罗特夏rishonim ， "二322 ） 。 Jonah's son Mani, one of the scholars most frequently named in Yerushalmi, seems, after studying at Cæsarea, where noteworthy scholars were living in the fourth century, to have raised the school of Sepphoris to its highest plane; and a large number of the sayings of the "scholars of Cæsarea" was included in Yerushalmi (see "Monatsschrift," 1901, pp. 298-3l0).约拿的儿子玛尼，其中部分学者最经常点名yerushalmi ，看来，后就读于cæsarea ，值得注意的学者，住在第四世纪，要提高学校的sepphoris实现自己的最高飞机以及大量的格言的"学者cæsarea "的项目被列入yerushalmi （见" monatsschrift " ， 1901年，第298 - 3l0 ） 。 The only other halakist of importance among the Palestinian amoraim is Jose b.唯一的其他halakist的重要性，其中巴勒斯坦亚摩兰是何塞乙 Abin (or Abun).巴西情报局（或abun ） 。 According to Frankel (lcp 102a), he occupied about the same position in regard to the redaction of Yerushalmi as was held by Ashi in regard to that of Babli (see also Weiss, lc iii. 117).按Frankel （液晶聚合物102 A ）时，他被占领大约同一立场，就以编撰学的yerushalmi作为举行，由阿是对于这babli （也见魏斯，立法会三117 ） 。 The final redaction of the Talmud was reserved for the succeeding generation, probably because the activity of the Academy of Tiberias ceased with the discontinuance of the patriarchate (c. 425).最后的节录的犹太法典，是预留给一代人，可能是因为活性科学院太巴列停止与终止牧首（长425 ） 。 This was the time during which Tanḥuma b.这是时间，期间tanḥuma乙 Abba (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 502) made his collection and definite literary arrangement of the haggadic exegesis of the amoraic period.雅伯金曲（见bacher ， "银。帕尔。阿穆尔"三502 ） ，他收集和一定的文学安排的haggadic训诂学的amoraic时期。 The beginnings of the Babylonian Talmud are associated both with Nehardea, where the study of the tradition had flourished even before the close of the tannaitic period, and with Sura, where Rab founded a new academy which soon surpassed Nehardea in importance.开始巴比伦塔木德经相关均与nehardea ，那里的研究传统，非常活跃，甚至结束前的tannaitic期间，并与苏拉，而Rab的创立一个新的学院，其中即将超越nehardea重要。 Rab and Samuel, who respectively presided with equal distinction over the two schools, laid the foundation of the Babylonian Talmud through their comments on the Mishnah and their other teachings. Rab的和萨穆埃尔，后者分别主持了与平等的区别以上两所学校，奠定了基础的巴比伦塔木德经通过他们对mishnah及其他教义。 Their views are frequently contrasted in the form of controversies; but on the other hand they are often mentioned as the common authors of sentences which were probably transmitted by certain pupils who had heard them from both masters.他们的意见往往是对比中形成的争议，但在另一方面，他们经常提到的，作为共同作者句话大概传送某些学生曾听到他们从两个主人。 One of these pupils, Judah b.其中的学生，犹大乙 Ezekiel, when asked to explain some of the more obscure portions of the Mishnah, subsequently alluded plaintively to the "hawayyot" of Rab and Samuel, meaning thereby the questions and comments of the two masters on the entire Mishnah (Ber. 20a and parallels).以西结书时，要求解释一些较模糊的部分，该mishnah ，随后暗示plaintively向" hawayyot " Rab的和萨穆埃尔，意义，从而提出问题和意见的两个主人对整个mishnah （ ber. 20A条和平行线） 。 In like manner, scholars of the fourth century spoke of the hawayot of Abaye and Raba, which formed, as it were, the quintessence of the Talmud, and which, according to an anachronistic addition to an old baraita, were even said to have been included in the branches of knowledge familiar to Johanan b.同样地，学者的第四个世纪，谈到该hawayot的abaye和使用，形成了，因为它被，其精髓犹太法典，其中，根据一项不合时宜的另外一个老baraita ，甚至说已经包括在党支部的知识，熟悉约哈难乙 Zakkai (Suk. 28a; BB 134a). zakkai （ suk.第28A ; BB心跳134a的） 。
Activity of Raba.活动使用。
The pupils of Rab and Samuel, the leading amoraim of the second half of the third century-Huna, Ḥisda, Naḥman b.学生的Rab的和萨穆埃尔，领先亚摩兰的下半年，三世纪-湖南， ḥ isda， n aḥman乙 Jacob, Sheshet, and the Judah mentioned above, who is especially prominent as a transmitter of the sayings of his two teachers-added a mass of material to the Talmud; and the last-named founded the Academy of Pumbedita, where, as at Sura, the development of the Talmud was continued.雅各布sheshet ，和犹大如上所述，谁是特别突出，作为变送器的熟语他的两位老师-增加了一项大规模的材料向犹太法典以及最后命名成立了中国科学院p umbedita那里，因为在苏拉，开发了犹太法典被继续下去。 Pumbedita was likewise the birth-place of that casuistic and hair-splitting method of interpreting and criticizing halakic passages which forms the special characteristic of the Babylonian Talmud, although the scholars of this academy devoted themselves also to the study of the collections of tannaitic traditions; and at the beginning of the fourth century the representatives of the two movements, "Sinai" Joseph and Rabbah, the "uprooter of mountains," succeeded their master Judah and became the directors of the school. pumbedita同样诞生的地方，即诡辩和头发分裂法的解读与批判halakic段落形式的特殊特征，巴比伦犹太法典，虽然学者们对这个学院专门本身也纳入研究的收藏tannaitic传统;并在四世纪初的代表这两个运动， "西奈"约瑟夫和rabbah ， " uprooter的山" ，他们成功地掌握犹大，并成为董事的学校。 Their sayings and controversies, together with the still more important dicta and debates of their pupils Abaye and Raba, form a considerable part of the material of the Talmud, which was greatly increased at the same time by the halakic and haggadic sentences brought from Palestine to Babylon.他们的说法和争议，我们会联同，更重要的dicta和辩论，他们的学生abaye和使用，形成一个相当大的一部分，该材料的犹太法典，这是大大增加了在同一时间内所halakic和haggadic服刑带来从巴勒斯坦巴比伦。 All the six orders of the Mishnah were then studied, as is statedby Raba (not Rabba; see Rabbinovicz, "Diḳduḳe Soferim," on Ta'anit, p. 144), although in Judah's time the lectures had been confined to the fourth order, or, according to the view of Weiss ("Dor," iii. 187), which is probably correct, to the first four orders (comp. Meg. 28b; Ta'an. 24a, b; Sanh. 106b; Raba's pupil Pappa expresses a similar view in Ber. 20a).所有6个常规的mishnah再研究，至于是statedby使用（不rabba ;见rabbinovicz ， " diḳduḳe soferim " ，对ta'anit ，第144条） ，虽然在犹大的时候，讲课已限于四阶或者，根据我的看法维斯（ " dor ， "三。 187 ） ，这可能是正确的，给第一四项命令（ comp.梅格。 28 B款; ta'an 。 24A条， B组; sanh 。 106b ;使用的瞳孔pappa表示了类似的看法，在误码率。 20A条） 。
Rab's activity marks the culmination of the work on the Talmud. Rab的的活动标志着高潮的工作，对在犹太法典。 The time had now come when the preservation and arrangement of the material already collected were more important than further accretions.的时候了，现在来的时候，保存与整理材料已经收集更为重要，比进一步accretions 。 Naḥman b. naḥman乙 Isaac, pupil and successor of Raba (d. 352), whom he survived but four years, expressed the task of the epigoni in the following words (Pes. 105b): "I am neither a sage nor a seer, nor even a scholar as contrasted with the majority. I am a transmitter ["gamrana"] and an arranger ["sadrana"]."艾萨克，瞳孔和接班人的使用（四352 ） ，其中他躲过了，但四年来，表示工作的epigoni在以下几个单词（ pes. 105b ）说： "我既不是圣人，也不是季节能效比，甚至有学者作为对比，与多数人，我是一名发射机[ " gamrana " ]和编曲[ "瑟德拉纳" ] " 。 The combination of the former term with the latter, which occurs only here, very concisely summarizes the activity of the redactor.相结合，前者与后者，其中仅发生在这里，非常言简意赅地总结了活动的redactor 。 It is clear that Naḥman b.很显然， naḥman乙 Isaac actually engaged in this task from the fact that he is mentioned as the Babylonian amora who introduced Mnemonics ("simanim"), designed to facilitate the memorizing and grouping of Talmudic passages and the names of their authors.艾萨克实际上从事这项工作，从一个事实，即他是提到巴比伦amora介绍记忆法（下称" simanim " ） ，旨在方便记忆和分组talmudic旅费及姓名，他们的作者。 The mnemonics ascribed to him in the Talmud (see J. Brüll, "Die Mnemonotechnik des Talmuds," p. 21; Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 134), however, constitute only a very small part of the simanim included in the text of that work.该记忆法归功于他在犹太法典（见J. brüll ， "死mnemonotechnik万talmuds " ，第21页; bacher ， "银。 2000年银行业。阿穆尔" ，第134页） ，但只占很小的一部分，该simanim包括在文本中这方面的工作。 These again form but a remnant of the entire mass of what N. Brüll ("Jahrb." ii. 60) terms the "mnemotechnic apparatus," of which only a portion was included in the printed text of the Talmud, although many others may be traced both in the manuscripts of the Talmud and in ancient citations (see N. Brüll, lc pp. 62 et seq., 118 et seq.).这些再次形成，但残存的整个大众的是什么12月31日brüll （ " jahrb "二60 ）条款" mnemotechnic器具" ，其中只有一部分是包含在印刷文本的犹太法典，虽然还有许多人可能究其无论是在手稿的犹太法典，并在古代引文（见12月31日brüll ，立法会第62页起， 118页起） 。 The material, to which the epigoni of the second half of the fourth century had added little, was now ready for its final redaction; and it was definitively edited by Ashi (d. 427), who during his long period of activity infused fresh life into the Academy of Sura.物质，其中epigoni的下半年，四世纪，没有增加多少，现已准备就绪，供其最后节录的，并且是最终主编芦（四427 ） ，在他漫长活动期间，充满了新鲜的生命进入中国科学院苏拉。 In view of his recognized authority, little was left for the two succeeding generations, except to round out the work, since another redaction was no longer possible.鉴于他的公认权威，很少有人离开，为两国世代，除了轮出工作，因为另一个节录的是不再可能。 The work begun by Ashi was completed by Rabina (Abina), whose death in 499 marks, according to an ancient tradition, the end of the amoraic period and the completion of the redaction of the Talmud.已经开始的工作，阿是完成了由雷比内（ abina ） ，其死亡499马克，根据一个古老的传统，去年底该amoraic期及完成有关的节录的犹太法典。
Committed to Writing.致力于写作。
The date at which the Talmud was committed to writing is purely conjectural.不迟于犹太法典致力于写作，纯粹是臆测。 The work itself contains neither statements nor allusions to show that any complete or partial copy of the work redacted and completed by Ashi and Rabina had been made in their days; and the same lack of information characterizes both Yerushalmi and the Mishnah (the basis of both the Talmudim), as well as the other works of the tannaitic period.工作本身含有既不报表，也不典故，以证明任何完整或部分复制的编辑工作，并完成了由阿什和雷比内已经取得了自己的天;和同样缺乏信息的特点，既yerushalmi和mishnah （根据双方该talmudim ） ，以及作为其他工程的tannaitic时期。 There are, however, allusions, although they are only sporadic, which show that the Halakah and the Haggadah were committed to writing; for copies were described as being in the possession of individual scholars, who were occasionally criticized for owning them.然而，存在典故的，虽然他们是只有零星的，这表明，该halakah和haggadah致力于写作;副本分别被描述为在藏个别学者，他们偶尔批评为拥有它们。 This censure was based on an interdiction issued in the third century, which forbade any one to commit the teachings of tradition to writing or to use a manuscript of such a character in lecturing (see Giṭ. 60a; Tem. 14b).这种谴责是基于一个发出停职，在第三世纪，不容许任何人以承诺的遗训传统，以书面或使用手稿这样的性格，在讲授（见giṭ 。 60A条;透射电镜第14B ） 。 Replying to the scholars of Kairwan, Sherira Gaon in his letter (ed. Neubauer, "MJC" i. 26) alludes to this prohibition as follows: "In answer to your question asking when the Mishnah and the Talmud were respectively committed to writing, it should be said that neither of them was thus transmitted, but both were arranged [redacted] orally; and the scholars believe it to be their duty to recite them from memory, and not from written copies."在回答与会学者的kairwan ， sherira gaon在他的信中（编neubauer ， " mjc "一26 ）提到了这一禁令如下： "在回答你的问题，要求当mishnah和犹太法典分别致力于写作，应该说，这既不是他们遂转交了，但都被安排[编辑]口头和学者认为，这应该是他们的职责，以朗诵他们的记忆，而不是从书副本" 。 From the second part of this statement it is evident that even in Sherira's time the "scholars," a term here restricted to the members of the Babylonian academies, refrained from using written copies of the Talmud in their lectures, although they were sufficiently familiar with it to be able to recite it from memory.从第二部分的这项声明，这是显而易见的是，即使在sherira的时候， "读书人" ，意指他们在这里只限于成员巴比伦的院校，不使用书面份的犹太法典中，他们讲课，他们虽然有足够的熟悉它能够背诵，它从记忆。 The statement that the exilarch Naṭronai (8th cent.), who emigrated to Spain, wrote a copy of the Talmud from memory (see Brüll, "Jahrb." ii. 51), would show that the scholars of the geonic period actually knew the work by heart.声明说， exilarch naṭronai （第八。 ） ，他移居西班牙，写了一本有关犹太法典，从记忆体（见brüll ， " jahrb "二51 ） ，将表明与会学者的若尼克时期其实知道工作的心。 Although this statement is not altogether free from suspicion, it at least proves that it was believed to be within the powers of this exilarch to make a copy of the Talmud without having an original at hand.虽然这句话是不是完全免费，从怀疑，它至少证明，它被认为是被内部的权力，这exilarch做出一份该塔木德经而不用原已在眼前。 This passage also throws light upon the period of the development and redac tion of the Talmud, during which the ability to memorize the mass of material taught in the schools was developed to an extent which now transcends conception.这段话也全中轻后时期的发展和redac同步犹太法典，在此期间能够背诵大量的素材教导，在学校发展到一个程度，现在是超越构想。
On the other hand, Sherira's statement shows that his denial of the existence of the Talmud and the Mishnah in written form was limited to an officially recognized redaction; for manuscripts of the kind mentioned by him were then current, as they had been in the geonic period, despite the interdiction; for they were used at least as aids to study, and without them the Talmud could not possibly have been memorized.另一方面，关于sherira的声明显示，他的否定所存在的犹太法典和mishnah书面形式仅限于官方认可的节录;手稿提到的那种主要由他，然后电流，因为它们已在若尼克期间，尽管停职，因为他们使用了至少作为艾滋病研究，并没有他们的犹太法典，也不可能一直背。 In like manner, this prohibition, in the light of Sherira's words, does not preclude the existence of private copies of portions of the traditional literature, even in earlier times.同样地，这项禁令，鉴于sherira的话，不排除存在民营份部分传统文学，即使是在较早的时代。 The concealed rolls ("megillot setarim") with halakic comments which Rab found in the house of his uncle Ḥiyya (Shab. 6b; BM 92a), as well as the note-books (πίνακες) mentioned at the beginning of the amoraic period and in which such scholars as Levi b.隐蔽万卷（ " megillot setarim " ）与halakic评论Rab的屋内发现他的叔叔ḥiyya （ shab. 6B型;骨髓92a ） ，以及钞书籍（ πίνακες ） ，在开始时提到的amoraic时期在这些学者利维乙 Sisi, Joshua b. sisi ，约书亚乙 Levi, Ze'iri, and Ḥilfai or Ilfa (Shab. 156a; Yer. Ma'as. 49d, 60b; Men. 70a), entered sentences, some of them halakic in character, indicate that such personal copies were frequently used, while the written Haggadah is repeatedly mentioned.列维ze'iri ， ḥilfai或ilfa （ shab. 156a ;也门里亚尔。 ma'as 。 49 D条， 60b ;男子。 70A条） ，进入判刑，他们中的一些人halakic性质，表明这种个人副本被经常使用，而书面haggadah是反复提及。 It may therefore be assumed that the Mishnah and other tannaitic traditional works were committed to writing as early as the time of the Amoraim.因此，它可以被假定该mishnah和其他tannaitic传统的工程都致力于写作，因为早在时间的亚摩兰。 In like manner, there may have been copies of the amoraic comments on the Mishnah, as aids to the memory and to private study.同样地，有可能已被该amoraic就mishnah ，由于艾滋病的记忆，并自修。 In the early part of the fourth century Ze'era disputed the accuracy of the halakic tradition taught by the Babylonian amora Sheshet, and as he based his suspicions on Sheshet's blindness,he evidently believed that it was impossible for the Babylonian scholar to confirm and verify his knowledge by the use of written notes (see Bacher, "Ag. Pal. Amor." iii. 4).在年初的四世纪ze'era有争议的，精确的halakic传统讲授由巴比伦amora sheshet ，因为他根据他的疑惧sheshet的盲目性，他显然认为这是不可能的巴比伦学者确认和验证据他所知所使用的书面说明（见bacher ， "银。帕尔。阿莫尔" 。三，四日） 。 When Ashi undertook the final redaction of the Talmud he evidently had at his disposal notes of this kind, although Brüll (lcp 18) is probably correct in ascribing to Rabina the first complete written copy of the Talmud; Rabina had as collaborators many of the Saboraim, to whom an ancient and incontrovertible tradition assigns numerous additions to the Talmudic text.当阿什进行了最后的节录的犹太法典他显然曾经在他的处置注意到这种，虽然brüll （液晶高分子18 ） ，可能是正确的指称，以雷比内第一个完整的书面副本犹太法典;雷比内曾作为合作者很多的saboraim ，其中一个古老的，而且是不容置疑的传统派无数增添了talmudic文本。
No Formal Ratification.没有正式的批准。
When Rabina died a written text of the Talmud was already in existence, the material contributed by the Saboraim being merely additions; although in thus extending the text they simply continued what had been done since the first redaction of the Talmud by Ashi.当雷比内死亡的书面发言稿的犹太法典已经存在，该材料由saboraim仅仅增补;虽然从而将文本，他们根本续做了哪些工作以来，首次编撰学的犹太法典，由阿什。 The Saboraim, however, confined themselves to additions of a certain form which made no change whatsoever in the text as determined by them under the direction of Rabina (on these saboraic additions as well as on other accretions in Babli, see the statements by Brüll, lc pp. 69-86).该saboraim ，不过，只限于自己添加某种形式的，其中并没有改变，在文本中确定的，他们的领导下，雷比内（关于这些saboraic增补以及其他accretions在babli ，请参阅下列国家brüll ，立法会页69-86 ） 。 Yet there is no allusion whatever to a formal sanction of the written text of the Talmud; for neither did such a ratification take place nor was a formal one at all necessary.然而，现在有没有什么典故，以正式制裁的书面文本的犹太法典;也没有这样的批准发生，也没有一个正式的一个，在所有必要的。 The Babylonian academies, which produced the text in the course of 300 years, remained its guardians when it was reduced to writing; and it became authoritative in virtue of its acceptance by the successors of the Amoraim, as the Mishnah had been sanctioned by the latter and was made the chief subject of study, thus becoming a basis for halakic decisions.巴比伦的院校，产生了文本在执行过程中的300多年，仍是其监护人时，它被降低到写作，以及它成为权威，在凭借自己的认受性接班人的亚摩兰，由于mishnah已被认可的，由后者并取得了行政主体的研究，从而成为一个基础halakic决定。 The traditions, however, underwent no further development; for the "horayot," or the independent exegesis of the Mishnah and the halakic decisions based on this exegesis, ceased with Ashi and Rabina, and thus with the completion of the Talmud, as is stated in the canon incorporated in the Talmud itself (BM 86a).传统，但是，经历了没有进一步的发展，为" horayot " ，或者独立训诂学的mishnah和halakic决定，在此基础上，训诂学，停止与阿是和雷比内，因此，在完成对犹太法典，是说明在佳能纳入犹太法典本身（骨髓86a ） 。 The Mishnah, the basal work of halakic tradition, thenceforth shared its authority with the Talmud.该mishnah ，基底工作halakic传统，此后共享其权威与犹太法典。
Among the Jews who came under the influence of western Arabic culture the belief that the Talmud (and the Mishnah) had been redacted orally was superseded by the view that the initial redaction itself had been in writing.其中犹太人前来的影响下，西方的阿拉伯文化信念，即犹太法典（及mishnah ）已口头编辑取代认为初次编撰学本身已经以书面提出。 This theory was first expressed by R. Nissim of Kairwan ("Mafteaḥ," p. 3b), although even before his time the question addressed, as already noted, to Sherira Gaon by the Jews of Kairwan had shown that they favored this view, and the gaon's response had received an interpolation postulating the written redaction of the Talmud.这一理论最早发表的传译nissim的kairwan （ " mafteaḥ ， "体育3B ）条中，虽然即使在他的时代之前所处理的问题，如前所述，以sherira gaon由犹太人的kairwan表明，他们赞成这个看法，和gaon的反应已得到插值假定书面的节录的犹太法典。
The definitive redaction of the Babylonian Talmud marks a new epoch in the history of the Jewish people, in which the Talmud itself becomes the most important factor, both as the pivotal point of the development and the manifestation of the spirit of Judaism, and as a work of literature deeply influenced by the fortunes of those who cherished it as their palladium.具有权威性的编撰学的巴比伦犹太法典，标志着一个新时代，在历史上的犹太人，其中犹太法典本身成为最重要的因素，无论是作为支点的发展和体现的精神，犹太教，并作为工作文学的影响很深，由算命者的珍惜它，因为他们的钯。 On the internal history of Judaism the Talmud exerted a decisive influence as the recognized source for a knowledge of tradition and as the authoritative collection of the traditional religious doctrines which supplemented the Bible; indeed, this influence and the efforts which were made to escape from it, or to restrict it within certain limits, constitute the substance of the inner history of Judaism.对他国的内部历史的犹太教犹太法典施加决定性影响的作为公认的源泉，知识的传统和作为权威收集的传统教义，其中补充圣经，事实上，这种影响力和努力，提出了以躲避它，或限制它一定的限度，构成物质的内在历史的犹太教。 The Babylonian academies, which had gradually become the central authority for the entire Jewish Diaspora, found their chief task in teaching the Talmud, on which they based the answers to the questions addressed to them.巴比伦的院校，已逐渐成为中央权威，为整个犹太人散居地，发现自己的行政任务，在教学中的犹太法典，对他们基于上述问题的答复给他们。 Thus was evolved a new science, the interpretation of the Talmud, which produced a literature of wide ramifications, and whose beginnings were the work of the Geonim themselves.因而形成了新的科学解释犹太法典，它产生了文学的广泛影响，而开始被工作，该geonim自己。
Influence of the Talmud.影响力的犹太法典。
The Talmud and its study spread from Babylon to Egypt, northern Africa, Italy, Spain, France, and Germany, regions destined to become the abodes of the Jewish spirit; and in all these countries intellectual interest centered in the Talmud.犹太法典及其研究蔓延，从巴比伦到埃及，北非，意大利，西班牙，法国，德国，各地区注定要成为abodes的犹太精神，而且在所有这些国家的智力兴趣的中心位置在塔木德经。 The first great reaction against its supremacy was Karaism, which arose in the very strong-hold of the Geonim within two centuries after the completion of the Talmud.第一次大反应，其优势是karaism ，重新屹立于世界很强持有的geonim在两百年后，完成了犹太法典。 The movement thus initiated and the influence of Arabic culture were the two chief factors which aroused the dormant forces of Judaism and gave inspiration to the scientific pursuits to which the Jewish spirit owed many centuries of marvelous and fruitful activity.运动，因此发起并影响阿拉伯语文化，是两大主要因素，激发了冬眠的力量，犹太教和给予的启示，以科学的追求，而犹太精神欠下许多世纪的奇特而富有成果的活动。 This activity, however, did not infringe in the least on the authority of the Talmud; for although it combined other ideals and intellectual aims with Talmudic study, which it enriched and perfected, the importance of that study was in no wise decried by those who devoted themselves to other fields of learning.这个活动中，但是，没有侵犯，在至少对权力的犹太法典;虽然它结合其他的理想和智力的目的与talmudic研究，它丰富和完善了，最重要的这项研究是在没有任何明智的诋毁那些投身于其他领域的学习。 Nor did the speculative treatment of the fundamental teachings of Judaism lower the position of the Talmud; for Maimonides, the greatest philosopher of religion of his time, was likewise the greatest student of the Talmud, on which work he endeavored to base his philosophic views.也没有投机性治疗的基本教义教规犹太教较低的立场与犹太法典;迈蒙尼德，最大的哲学家的宗教，他的时候，也同样被最大的学生，犹太法典，对他的工作，努力把基地，他的哲学观点。 A dangerous internal enemy of the Talmud, however, arose in the Cabala during the thirteenth century; but it also had to share with the Talmud the supremacy to which it aspired.一个危险的内部敌人，犹太法典，但是，屹立于世界cabala在13世纪，但它也和大家分享了犹太法典至高无上的，因为它渴望的。 During the decline of intellectual life among the Jews which began in the sixteenth century, the Talmud was regarded almost as the supreme authority by the majority of them; and in the same century eastern Europe, especially Poland, became the seat of its study.在下降的智慧生命的犹太人开始于16世纪，犹太法典，被认为是几乎为最高权力机构，由他们中的绝大多数人，以及在同一世纪的东欧，特别是波兰，成为所在地，其研究。 Even the Bible was relegated to a secondary place, and the Jewish schools devoted themselves almost exclusively to the Talmud; so that "study" became synonymous with "study of the Talmud."连圣经被降级到一所中学发生了，和犹太学校投身几乎完全向犹太法典，因此， "学习"成了同义词， "原著学习犹太法典" 。 A reaction against the supremacy of the Talmud came with the appearance of Moses Mendelssohn and the intellectual regeneration of Judaism through its contact with the Gentile culture of the eighteenth century, the results of this struggle being a closer assimilation to European culture, the creation of a new science of Judaism, and the movements for religious reform.反应对至高无上的犹太法典来与外观的摩西门德尔松和智力再生的犹太教透过接触与gentile文化， 18世纪，结果这场斗争正在密切地同化，以欧洲文化，创造一个新科技，新知识的犹太教和动向，为宗教改革。 Despite the Karaite inclinations which frequently appeared in these movements, the great majority of the followers of Judaism clung to the principle, authoritatively maintained by the Talmud, that tradition supplements the Bible; and the Talmud itself retained tained its authority as the work embodying the traditions of the earliest post-Biblical period, when Judaism was molded.尽管karaite倾向，其中频繁出现在这些动作上，绝大多数的信徒犹太教坚持原则，保持权威性的，由犹太法典，即传统副刊圣经和犹太法典本身保留了涉及其权威，随着这项工作，体现了传统的最早专圣经时期，犹太教是模铸。 Modern culture, however, has gradually alienated from the study of the Talmud a number of Jews in the countries of progressive civilization, and it is now regarded by the most of them merely as one of the branches of Jewish theology, to which only a limited amount of time can be devoted, although it occupies a prominent place in the curricula of the rabbinical seminaries.现代文化，不过，已经逐渐脱离研究犹太法典的一些犹太人在该国的累进文明，而现在被他们大多只作为其中一个分支犹太神学，而只有有限大量的时间可以投入，尽管它占有突出地位，在课程中的犹太教神学院。 On the whole Jewish learning has done full justice to the Talmud, many scholars of the nineteenth century having made noteworthy contributions to its history and textual criticism, and having constituted it the basis of historical and archeological researches.就整体而言犹太人学习做了充分的正义，给犹太法典，许多学者对19世纪后，取得了引人注目的贡献，其历史和考据学，并构成了它的基础上的历史和考古研究工作。 The study of the Talmud has even attracted the attention of non-Jewish scholars; and it has been included in the curricula of universities.研究犹太法典甚至吸引住了在场的非犹太裔学者，并已列入大学课程中。
Edict of Justinian.法令的justinian 。
The external history of the Talmud reflects in part the history of Judaism persisting in a world of hostility and persecution.外在的历史，以及犹太法典，部分反映历史的犹太教坚持一个世界的敌视和迫害。 Almost at the very time that the Babylonian saboraim put the finishing touches to the redaction of the Talmud, the emperor Justinian issued his edict against the abolition of the Greek translation of the Bible in the service of the Synagogue, and also forbade the use of the δευτέρωσις, or traditional exposition of Scripture.几乎就在非常时候，巴比伦saboraim把写好最后一笔节录的犹太法典，皇帝justinian发表法令反对取消对希腊翻译圣经，在服务的犹太教堂，也不准使用该δευτέρωσις ，或传统博览会的经文。 This edict, dictated by Christian zeal and anti-Jewish feeling, was the prelude to attacks on the Talmud, conceived in the same spirit, and beginning in the thirteenth century in France, where Talmudic study was then flourishing.这一法令，出于基督教的热诚和反犹太人的情绪，是前奏攻击对犹太法典，构思，以同样的精神，并开始在13世纪，在法国，那里talmudic研究则蓬勃发展。 The charge against the Talmud brought by the convert Nicholas Donin led to the first public disputation between Jews and Christians and to the first burning of copies of the work (Paris, 1244).该负责对犹太法典所带来的转换尼古拉donin导致了首个公众之间的争议，犹太人和基督徒，并第一次烧份工作（巴黎， 1244 ） 。 The Talmud was likewise the subject of a disputation at Barcelona in 1263 between Moses ben Naḥman and Pablo Christiani.犹太法典同样的一个议题争议，在巴塞罗那第1263号之间摩西贲naḥman和Pablo christiani 。 In this controversy Naḥmanides asserted that the haggadic portions of the Talmud were merely "sermones," and therefore devoid of binding force; so that proofs deduced from them in support of Christian dogmas were invalid, even in case they were correct.在这场争论naḥmanides宣称haggadic部分犹太法典仅仅是" sermones " ，因此缺乏约束力，所以说，证据推断，从他们的支持基督教教条是无效的，即使在情况下，他们都是正确的。
Attacks on the Talmud.袭击犹太法典。
This same Pablo Christiani made an attack on the Talmud which resulted in a papal bull against it and in the first censorship, which was undertaken at Barcelona by a commission of Dominicans, who ordered the cancelation of passages reprehensible from a Christian point of view (1264).这同巴勃罗christiani作出了袭击犹太法典导致教皇公牛反对，但在第一次检查，这是在巴塞罗那的一个委员会的多米尼加人，谁下令对消的通道应受谴责从基督教的角度来看（第1264 ） 。 At the disputation of Tortosa in 1413, Geronimo de Santa Fé brought forward a number of accusations, including the fateful assertion that the condemnations of pagans and apostates found in the Talmud referred in reality to Christians.在争议tortosa在1413年， Geronimo的德圣菲，提出了多项指控，包括致命的论断，即谴责异教徒和叛教者发现，在塔木德经转介在现实中，以基督徒。 Two years later, Pope Martin V., who had convened this disputation, issued a bull (which was destined, however, to remain inoperative) forbidding the Jews to read the Talmud, and ordering the destruction of all copies of it.两年后，教宗马丁诉，曾召开了这次纠纷，发出了牛市（这是注定，但是，仍然无法工作） ，禁止犹太人读塔木德经，并下令销毁所有复制。 Far more important were the charges made in the early part of the sixteenth century by the convert Johann Pfefferkorn, the agent of the Dominicans.到目前为止，更重要的是收费的，在早期的一部分， 16世纪所转换约翰普费弗科恩，代理人的多米尼加人。 The result of these accusations was a struggle in which the emperor and the pope acted as judges, the advocate of the Jews being Johann Reuchlin, who was opposed by the obscurantists and the humanists; and this controversy, which was carried on for the most part by means of pamphlets, became the precursor of the Reformation.结果，这些指责是一个斗争中，皇帝和教皇充当法官，主张犹太人被约翰reuchlin ，他们反对由obscurantists和人文主义者，以及这个引起争议的事件，进行了关于在大多数情况透过小册子，成为先导的改革。 An unexpected result of this affair was the complete printed edition of the Babylonian Talmud issued in 1520 by Daniel Bomberg at Venice, under the protection of a papal privilege.一个意想不到的结果，这件事是完成印版的巴比伦塔木德经发出于1520年由丹尼尔邦贝里在威尼斯，的保护下，教皇的权限。 Three years later, in 1523, Bomberg published the first edition of the Palestinian Talmud.三年后的今天，在1523年，邦贝里出版首版的巴勒斯坦犹太法典。 After thirty years the Vatican, which had first permitted the Talmud to appear in print, undertook a campaign of destruction against it.经过三十年梵蒂冈，其中首次允许犹太法典出现在打印，开展了一项运动的毁灭反对。 On New-Year's Day (Sept. 9), 1553, the copies of the Talmud which had been confiscated in compliance with a decree of the Inquisition were burned at Rome; and similar burnings took place in other Italian cities, as at Cremona in 1559.对新的一年的纪念日（ 9月9日） ， 1553 ，复制品的犹太法典，其中已被没收，在符合法令的宗教裁判所被烧毁，在罗马和类似烧毁发生在意大利其他城市，并在克雷莫纳1559年。 The Censorship of the Talmud and other Hebrew works was introduced by a papal bull issued in 1554; five years later the Talmud was included in the first Index Expurgatorius; and Pope Pius IV.检查犹太法典及其他希伯来语工程，是由教皇发出牛市于1554年， 5年后，犹太法典被列入第一批指数expurgatorius ;教宗比约四。 commanded, in 1565, that the Talmud be deprived of its very name.指挥下，于1565年，即犹太法典被剥夺其极的名字。 The first edition of the expurgated Talmud, on which most subsequent editions were based, appeared at Basel (1578-1581) with the omission of the entire treatise of 'Abodah Zarah and of passages considered inimical to Christianity, together with modifications of certain phrases.首版的expurgated犹太法典，其中大部分后来的版本为基础，出现在巴塞尔（ 1578年至1581年）与遗漏整个论文的'阿布达zarah和旅费考虑不利于基督教，连同修改某些短语。 A fresh attack on the Talmud was decreed by Pope Gregory XIII.新的袭击犹太法典是颁布了由罗马教皇格雷戈里十三。 (1575-85), and in 1593 Clement VIII. （ 1575年至1585年） ，并在第1593克莱门特八。 renewed the old interdiction against reading or owning it.续约旧阻截对阅读或拥有它。 The increasing study of the Talmud in Poland led to the issue of a complete edition (Cracow, 1602-5), with a restoration of the original text; an edition containing, so far as known, only two treatises had previously been published at Lublin (1559-76).越来越多的研究犹太法典，在波兰引起的问题，一个完整版（克拉科夫， 1602-5 ） ，以恢复原始文本;版本载，至目前为止已知的，只有两个论文先前曾刊登在卢布林（ 1559年至1576年） 。 In 1707 some copies of the Talmud were confiscated in the province of Brandenburg, but were restored to their owners by command of Frederick, the first king of Prussia.在1707年一些份的犹太法典被没收，在该省的勃兰登堡州，但被恢复到其业主所指挥的冯检，第一景的普鲁士。 The last attack on the Talmud took place in Poland in 1757, when Bishop Dembowski, at the instance of the Frankists, convened a public disputation at Kamenetz-Podolsk, and ordered all copies of the work found in his bishopric to be confiscated and burned by the hangman.上次袭击犹太法典发生在波兰，在1757年，当主教dembowski ，在举例的frankists ，召开了一个公众争议在卡梅涅茨-波多利斯克，并命令所有的副本工作，在他身上发现bishopric被没收，并烧毁该吊死鬼。
.The external history of the Talmud includes also the literary attacks made upon it by Christian theologians after the Reformation, since these onslaughts on Judaism were directed primarily against that work, even though it was made a subject of study by the Christian theologians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 。外聘的历史，以及犹太法典，还包括文学袭击后作出的，它是由基督教神学改革后，由于这些攻击，就被犹太教主要针对这项工作，即使它被作为一个课题的研究，而基督教神学家的第十七和18世纪。 In 1830, during a debate in the French Chamber of Peers regarding state recognition of the Jewish faith, Admiral Verhuell declared himself unable to forgive the Jews whom he had met during his travels throughout the world either for their refusal to recognize Jesus as the Messiah or for their possession of the Talmud.在1830年，在一次辩论中，法国商会同行关于国家承认的信仰犹太教，海军上将verhuell宣布自己不能原谅犹太人的人，他曾会见期间，他在旅行世界各地，无论他们拒绝承认耶稣是弥赛亚或他们拥有属于犹太法典。 In the same year the Abbé Chiarini published at Paris a voluminous work entitled "Théorie du Judaïsme," in which he announced a translation of the Talmud, advocating for the first time a version which should make the work generally accessible, and thus serve for attacks on Judaism.在同一年abbé chiarini出版于巴黎汗牛充栋的工作，题为" théorie杜judaïsme ， "中，他宣布了翻译的犹太法典，崇尚为第一次一个版本，这使得工作普遍获得，从而为攻击对犹太教。 In a like spirit modern anti-Semitic agitators have urged that a translation be made; and this demand has even been brought before legislative bodies, as in Vienna.在一个像现代精神反犹太桨都吁请译本作;这方面的需求，甚至被提交到立法机构，作为在维也纳举行。 The Talmud and the "Talmud Jew" thus became objects of anti-Semitic attacks, although, on the other hand, they were defended by many Christian students of the Talmud.犹太法典和"犹太法典的犹太人" ，因此成了物体的反犹袭击事件，虽然，在另一方面，他们所捍卫的许多基督教学生对犹太法典。
In consequence of the checkered fortunes of the Talmud, manuscripts of it are extremely rare; and the Babylonian Talmud is found entire only in a Munich codex (Hebrew MS. No. 95), completed in 1369, while a Florentine manuscript containing several treatises of the fourth and fifth orders dates from the year 1176.在后果的格仔财富的犹太法典，手稿的，它是极其罕见的;巴比伦塔木德经发现整只在慕尼黑食品法典委员会（希伯来文女士。第95号） ，完成了在1369 ，而佛罗伦萨手稿含有若干论文的第四次和第五次订单日期，从今年1176 。 A number of Talmudic codices containing one or more tractates are extant in Rome, Oxford, Paris, Hamburg, and New York, while the treatise Sanhedrin, from Reuchlin's library, is in the grand-ducal library at Carlsruhe.一些talmudic codices含有一种或多种tractates是现存在罗马，牛津，巴黎，汉堡，纽约等，而伤寒公会，由reuchlin的图书馆，是在大大公国图书馆carlsruhe 。 In the introduction to vols.在引言中，以卷。 i., iv., viii., ix., and xi.一，四，八，九，十一。 of his "Diḳduḳe Soferim, Variæ Lectiones in Mischnam et in Talmud Babylonicum," which contains a mass of critical material bearing on the text of Babli, N. Rabbinovicz has described all the manuscripts of this Talmud known to him, and has collated the Munich manuscript with the printed editions, besides giving in his running notes a great number of readings collected with much skill and learning from other manuscripts and various ancient sources.他的" diḳduḳe soferim ， variæ lectiones在mischnam ET的犹太法典babylonicum " ，其中包含了大量的关键材料，事关文babli ， 12月31日rabbinovicz形容所有手稿本犹太法典他所知，并已整理慕尼黑手稿与印刷版，除了在他的运行注意到大量的读数收集到许多技巧，并学习其他手稿和各种古老的来源。 Of this work, which is indispensable for the study of the Talmud, Rabbinovicz himself published fifteen volumes (Munich, 1868-86), containing the treatises of the first, second, and fourth orders, as well as two treatises (Zebaḥim and Menaḥot) of the fifth order.这方面的工作，这是不可缺少的，为研究犹太法典， rabbinovicz自己出版的15卷（慕尼黑， 1868年至1886年） ，其中载有论文的第一，第二，第四和订单，以及两名论文（ zebaḥim和menaḥot ）根据第五秩序。 The sixteenth volume (Ḥullin) was published posthumously (completed by Ehrentreu, Przemysl, 1897).第十六卷（ ḥullin ）出版死后（完成ehrentreu ， przemysl ， 1897 ） 。 Of the Palestinian Talmud only one codex, now at Leyden, has been preserved, this being one of the manuscripts used for the editio princeps.对巴勒斯坦犹太法典上只有一个食品法典委员会，现在正处于莱登，一直保存下来，这是其中的手稿用来为editio princeps 。 Excepting this codex, only fragments and single treatises are extant.除本法典中，只有片段和单论文是现存。 Recently (1904) Luncz discovered a portion of Yerushalmi in the Vatican Library, and Ratner has made valuable contributions to the history of the text in his scholia on Yerushalmi ("Sefer Ahabat Ẓiyyon we-Yerushalayim"), of which three volumes have thus far appeared, comprising Berakot, Shabbat, Terumot, and Ḥallah (Wilna, 1901, 1902, 1904).近期（ 1904年） luncz发现部分yerushalmi在梵蒂冈图书馆，并拉特纳作出了宝贵贡献，以历史的案文在他的scholia对yerushalmi （ " sefer ahabat ẓiyyon我们-耶路撒冷区" ） ，其中三册，已使看来，组成berakot ， shabbat ， terumot ， ḥallah （维尔纳， 1901年， 1902年， 1904年） 。
Early Editions.早期版本。
The first edition of Babli (1520) was preceded by a series of editions, some of them no longer extant, of single treatises published at Soncino and Pesaro by the Soncinos.首版babli （ 1520 ）之前举行了一系列的版本相比，他们中的一些人不再现存的，单一的论文发表在soncino和佩扎罗由soncinos 。 The first to appear was Berakot (1488); this was followed by the twenty-three other tractates which, according to Gershon Soncino, were regularly studied in the yeshibot.第一次出庭是berakot （ 1488 ） ，在此之后，由2003年的其他tractates ，据gershon soncino ，定期研究，在yeshibot 。 The first edition by Bomberg was followed by two more (1531, 1548), while another was published at Venice by Giustiniani (1546-51), who added to Bomberg's supplements (such as Rashi and the Tosafot, which later were invariably appended to the text) other useful marginal glosses, including references to Biblical quotations and to parallel passages of the Talmud as well as to the ritual codices.首版由邦贝里随后由两名以上（ 1531年， 1548年） ，而另一位被刊登在威尼斯，由朱斯蒂尼亚尼（ 1546至1551年） ，他补充说，以邦贝里的补充剂（如rashi和tosafot ，后来都是附加到文本）其他有用的边缘一带，其中包括参照圣经的报价和平行通道，犹太法典以及作为祭祀codices 。 At Sabbionetta in 1553, Joshua Boaz (d. 1557), the author of these marginalia, which subsequently were added to all editions of the Talmud, undertook a new and magnificent edition of the Talmud.在sabbionetta在1553年，约书亚波阿斯（四1557 ） ，作者的这些评点，它后来被补充到所有版本的犹太法典，进行了一项新的宏伟版的犹太法典。 Only a few treatises were completed, however; for the papal bull issued against the Talmud in the same year interrupted the work.只有少数论文已经完成，但是为教皇公牛发出反对犹太法典于同年中断工作。 As a result of the burning of thousands of copies of the Talmud in Italy, Joseph Jabez published a large number of treatises at Salonica (1563 et seq.) and Constantinople (1583 et seq.).由于焚烧数千份的犹太法典，在意大利，约瑟夫日Xiaobian发表了一大批论文在salonica （ 1563等等）和君士坦丁堡（ 1583页起） 。 The mutilated Basel edition (1578-81) and the two editions which first appeared in Poland have been mentioned above.被肢解的巴塞尔版（ 1578年至1581年）和两种版本，其中最早出现在波兰已如上所述。 The first Cracow edition (1602-5) was followed by a second (1616-20); while the first Lublin edition (1559 et seq.), which was incomplete, was followed by one giving the entire text (1617-39); this was adopted for the Amsterdam edition (1644-48), the partial basis of the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Oder (1697-99).第一克拉科夫版（ 1602-5 ） ，并随后进行了第二次（ 1616年至1620年） ，而第一卢布林版（ 1559等等） ，这是不完整的，其次是一个让整个案文（ 1617年至1639年） ;这是通过对阿姆斯特丹版（ 1644年至1648年） ，部分基础版法兰克福- - -奥得（ 1697年至1699年） 。 Many useful addenda were made to the second Amsterdam edition (1714-19), which was the subject of an interesting lawsuit, and which was completed by the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Main (1720-22).许多有用的增编了第二届阿姆斯特丹版（ 1714年至1719年） ，这是该课题的一个有趣的官司，而且这已完成，由版法兰克福- - - （ 1720年至1722年） 。 This latter text has served as the basis of almost all the subsequent editions.这后者文本已送达为基础的，几乎所有后来的版本。 Of these the most important are: Prague, 1728-39; Berlin and Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1734-39 (earlier ed. 1715-22); Amsterdam, 1752-65; Sulzbach, 1755-63, 1766-70; Vienna, 1791-1797, 1806-11, 1830-33, 1840-49, 1860-73; Dyhernfurth, 1800-4, 1816-21; Slawita, Russia, 1801-6, 1808-13, 1817-22; Prague, 1830-35, 1839-46; Wilna and Grodno, 1835-54; Czernowitz, 1840-49; Jitomir, 1858-64; Warsaw, 1859-64, 1863-67 et seq.; Wilna, 1859-66; Lemberg, 1860-65 et seq.; Berlin, 1862-68; Stettin, 1862 et seq.其中最重要的有：布拉格， 1728年至1739年;柏林和法兰克福- - -奥得， 1734年至1739年（早版1715至1722年） ;阿姆斯特丹， 1752年至1765年; sulzbach ， 1755年至1763年， 1766年至1770年;维也纳， 1791年至1797年， 1806年至1811年， 1830年至1833年， 1840年至1849年， 1860年至1873年; dyhernfurth ， 1800-4 ， 1816年至1821年; slawita ，俄罗斯， 1801-6 ， 1808年至1813年， 1817年至1822年;布拉格， 1830年至1835年， 1839年至1846年;维尔纳和格罗德诺， 1835年至1854年; czernowitz ， 1840年至1849年; jitomir ， 1858年至1864年;华沙， 1859年至1864年， 1863年至1867年段及以下各段;维尔纳， 1859年至1866年;伦贝格， 1860年至1865年段及以下各段;柏林， 1862年至1868年;斯德丁， 1862页起。 (incomplete). （未完成） 。 The edition of the Widow and Brothers Romm at Wilna (1886) is the largest as regards old and new commentaries, glosses, other addenda, and aids to study.该版的遗孀和兄弟romm在维尔纳（ 1886年）是世界上最大至于旧的和新的评论文章，敷衍了事，其他的增编，以及艾滋病研究。
Two other editions of Yerushalmi have appeared in addition to the editio princeps (Venice, 1523 et seq.), which they closely follow in columniation-those of Cracow, 1609, and Krotoschin, 1866.其他两个版本yerushalmi已经出现了，除了向editio princeps （威尼斯，第1523页起） ，他们紧紧跟随在柱者的克拉科夫， 1609年，并krotoschin ， 1866年。 A complete edition with commentary appeared at Jitomir in 1860-67.一个完整版的评论出现在jitomir在1860年至1867年。 The latest edition is that of Piotrkow (1898-1900).最新版的，是对彼得库夫（ 1898至1900年） 。 There are also editions of single orders or treatises and their commentaries, especially noteworthy being Z. Frankel's edition of Berakot, Pe'ah, and Demai (Breslau, 1874-75).也有一些版本的单一订单或论文和评论文章，特别是值得注意的弗兰克尔种奇摩版berakot ， pe'ah ， demai （布雷斯劳， 1874年至1875年） 。
"Variæ Lectiones" and Translations. " variæ lectiones "和翻译作品。
A critical edition of Babli has been proposed repeatedly, and a number of valuable contributions have been made, especially in the huge collections of variants by Rabbinovicz; but so far this work has not even been begun, although mention should be made of the interesting attempt by M. Friedmann, "Kritische Edition des Traktates Makkoth," in the "Verhandlungen des Siebenten Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses, Semitische Section," pp.关键版babli已经提出多次，一批具有重要价值的贡献，已经作好安排，特别是在庞大的收藏品变种，由rabbinovicz ;但到目前为止，这方面的工作，甚至还没有开始以来，虽然应该提到了一个有趣的尝试由米弗里德曼， " kritische版万traktates makkoth " ，在" verhandlungen万siebenten internationalen orientalisten -人大， semitische节， "页。 1-78 (Vienna, 1888). 1-78 （维也纳， 1888 ） 。 Here the structure of the text is indicated by such external means as different type, sections, and punctuation.这里文本的结构表明，这种外部手段，为不同类型，路段和标点。 The edition of Yerushalmi announced by Luncz at Jerusalem promises a text of critical purity.该版yerushalmi宣布luncz在耶路撒冷的承诺，一个文本的关键纯洁性。
The earliest allusion to a translation of the Talmud is made by Abraham ibn Daud in his historical "Sefer ha-Ḳabbalah" (see Neubauer, "MJC" i. 69), who, referring to Joseph ibn Abitur (second half of 10th cent.), says: "He is the one who translatedthe entire Talmud into Arabic for the calif Al-Ḥakim."最早提到翻译的犹太法典是由亚伯拉罕伊本daud在他的历史" sefer夏ḳabbalah " （见neubauer ， " mjc "一69 ） ，世卫组织，是指约瑟夫伊本abitur （下半年第十。 ） ，说： "他是一个人translatedthe整个犹太法典翻译成阿拉伯文，为加州基地ḥakim " 。 The tradition was therefore current among the Jews of Spain in the twelfth century that Ibn Abitur had translated the Talmud for this ruler of Cordova, who was especially noted for his large library, this tradition being analogous to the one current in Alexandria in antiquity with regard to the first Greek translation of the Bible.传统，因此，目前各犹太人的西班牙在12世纪即伊本abitur已翻译成塔木德经，为这个统治者的科尔多瓦，他特别指出，为他的大型图书馆，这个传统正在类似于一个电流的亚历山德里亚，在文物方面给第一希腊语翻译圣经。 No trace, however, remains of Joseph Abitur's translation; and in all probability he translated merely detached portions for the calif, this work giving rise to the legend of his complete version.无踪了，但是，仍然约瑟夫abitur的翻译，而且在所有的概率他翻译的，只是抽离部分为加州，这项工作引起了传说中的他完全版。 The need of a translation to render the contents of the Talmud more generally accessible, began to be felt by Christian theologians after the sixteenth century, and by Jewish circles in the nineteenth century.需要一个翻译，使条例的内容，犹太法典更普遍地获得，人们开始感到，由基督教神学家后， 16世纪，犹太圈在十九世纪。 This gave rise to the translations of the Mishnah which have been noted elsewhere (see Jew. Encyc. viii. 618, sv, Mishnah).由此引发了翻译的mishnah已注意到，在其他地方（见犹太人。 encyc第八618 ， sv ， mishnah ） 。 In addition to the complete translations mentioned there, single treatises of the Mishnah have been rendered into Latin and into modern languages, a survey being given by Bischoff in his "Kritische Geschichte der Thalmud-Uebersetzungen," pp.除了完整的翻译提到有个单论文的mishnah已变得成拉丁语和成现代语言，一项调查正在考虑由Bischoff ） ，在他的" kritische历史馆明镜thalmud - uebersetzungen ， "页。 28-56
(Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1899). （法兰克福发表了主， 1899 ） 。 Twenty treatises of Yerushalmi were translated into Latin by Blasio Ugolino in his "Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum," xvii.第二十五论文的yerushalmi被翻译成拉丁语由blasio ugolino在他的"词库antiquitatum sacrarum ， "十七。 (1755), xxx. （ 1755 ） ，三十。 (1765); and the entire text of this Talmud was rendered into French by Moïse Schwab ("Le Talmud de Jérusalem," 11 vols., Paris, 1871-1889). （ 1765 ） ;以及整个文本的，这是犹太法典提供翻译成法文，由moïse嘉信理财（ "犹太法典乐德jérusalem ， " 11卷，巴黎， 1871年至1889年） 。 The translation by Wünsche of the haggadic portions of Yerushalmi has already been mentioned; and an account of the translations of single portions is given by Bischoff (lc pp. 59 et seq.).翻译工作由wünsche的haggadic部分yerushalmi已经提到过的;交代译本的单一部分是由Bischoff ） （立法会页， 59页起） 。 In 1896 L. Goldschmidt began the translation of a German version of Babli, together with the text of Bomberg's first edition; and a number of volumes have already appeared (Berlin, 1898 et seq.).在1896年的研究戈尔德施密特开始翻译一个德语版babli ，连同文邦贝里的首版和多册已出现（柏林， 1898年，等等） 。 The insufficiency of this work apparently corresponds to the rapidity with which it is issued.不足，这方面的工作显然是对应的快速，因为它发出的。 In the same year ML Rodkinson undertook an abridged translation of the Babylonian Talmud into English, of which seven volumes appeared before the translator's death (1904); Rodkinson's point of view was quite unscholarly.在同一年毫升rodkinson答应以节译本的巴比伦塔木德经成英文，其中7册出现之前，译者的死亡（ 1904 ） ; rodkinson的角度来看是相当unscholarly 。 Of translations of single treatises the following may be mentioned (see Bischoff, lc pp. 68-76): Earlier Latin translations: Ugolino, Zeḅaḥim, Menaḥot (in "Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum," xix.), Sanhedrin (ib. xxv.); GE Edzard, Berakot (Hamburg, 1713); FB Dachs, Sukkah (Utrecht, 1726).翻译书单论文以下，可提到（见Bischoff ） ，信用证页68-76 ） ：刚才拉丁语翻译： ugolino ， zeḅaḥim ， menaḥot （在"词库antiquitatum sacrarum ， "十九） ，公会（ ib.二十五） ;葛edzard ， berakot （汉堡， 1713年） ;的FB獾， sukkah （乌得勒支， 1726年） 。 Noteworthy among the Jewish translators of the Talmud are M. Rawicz (Megillah, 1863; Rosh ha-Shanah, 1886; Sanhedrin, 1892; Ketubot, 1897); EM Pinner (Berakot, 1842, designed as the first volume of a translation of the entire Talmud); DO Straschun (Ta'anit, 1883); and Sammter (Baba Meẓi'a, 1876).其中值得注意的犹太翻译的犹太法典是米拉维奇（ megillah ， 1863年;羁绊夏shanah ， 1886年;公会， 1892年; ketubot ， 1897年） ;屋村pinner （ berakot ， 1842年，目的是作为首卷翻译的整个犹太法典） ;做straschun （ ta'anit ， 1883年） ; sammter （巴巴meẓi'a ， 1876年） 。 Their translations are entirely in German.他们的翻译完全是在德国。 Translations published by Christian scholars in the nineteenth century: FC Ewald (a baptized Jew), 'Abodah Zarah (Nuremberg, 1856); in 1831 the Abbé Chiarini, mentioned above, published a French translation of Berakot; and in 1891 AW Streane prepared an English translation of Ḥagigah.翻译出版了由基督教学者在19世纪：财委会埃瓦尔德（一受洗的犹太人） ， '阿布达zarah （纽伦堡， 1856年） ， 1831年该abbé chiarini ，如上所述，出版了一本法语翻译berakot ;而在1891年，胡仙streane编写英语翻译ḥagigah 。 A French version of several treatises is included in JM Rabbinovicz's works 'Législation Civile du Talmud" (5 vols., Paris, 1873-79) and "Législation Criminelle du Talmud" (ib. 1876), while Wünsche's translation of the haggadic portions of Babli (1886-89) has been mentioned above.法文版的几个论文列入jm rabbinovicz的作品législation民事杜塔木德经" （ 5卷，巴黎， 1873年至1879年）和" législation criminelle杜塔木德经" （ ib. 1876 ） ，而wünsche的翻译的haggadic部分babli （ 1886至1889年）已经提到以上。
Function in Judaism.功能犹太教。
To gain a comprehensive view of the Talmud it must be considered as a historical factor in Judaism as well as a literary production.争取一个全面的看法，犹太法典，它必须被视为一个历史因素，在犹太教以及作为文学生产。 In the latter aspect it is unique among the great masterpieces of the literatures of the world.在后一方面，它是独一无二的伟大杰作的文献中的世界。 In form a commentary, it became an encyclopedia of Jewish faith and scholarship, comprising whatsoever the greatest representatives of Judaism in Palestine and in Babylon had regarded as objects of study and investigation and of teaching and learning, during the three centuries which elapsed from the conclusion of the Mishnah to the completion of the Talmud itself.在表格的一篇评论，它成为百科全书的犹太信仰和学术活动，包括有什么最大的代表，犹太教在巴勒斯坦和巴比伦已被视为对象的调查研究和教学与学习，在随后的3个世纪过去了，其中从结论该mishnah至完成犹太法典本身。 When the Mishnah, with the many ancient traditions to which it had given rise since the latter centuries of the Second Temple, was incorporated into the Talmud as its text-book, the Talmud became a record of the entire epoch which was represented by the Jewish schools of Palestine and Babylon, and which served as a stage of transition from the Biblical period to the later aspect of Judaism.当mishnah ，与许多古老的传统，因为它已经引起了，因为后者世纪的第二圣殿被纳入犹太法典作为其文本的电子书，犹太法典成为创纪录的整个时代，其中的代表是犹太人学校巴勒斯坦和巴比伦，并作为一个过渡期，从圣经时期到后来的方面犹太教。 Although the Talmud is an academic product and may be characterized in the main as a report (frequently with the accuracy of minutes) of the discussions of the schools, it also sheds a flood of light on the culture of the people outside the academies.虽然犹太法典，是一个学术产品和特征可在主体作为报告（经常与准确性分钟）的讨论中的学校，它也鸡舍洪水光照对文化的人以外院校。 The interrelation between the schools and daily life, and the fact that neither teachers nor pupils stood aloof from that life, but took part in it as judges, instructors, and expounders of the Law, caused the Talmud to represent even non-scholastic affairs with an abundance of minute details, and made it an important source for the history of civilization.间的相互关系，学校和日常生活中，与事实既不是教师，也不站在学生的地位超然，从生活中，但参加了，它为法官，教官，并expounders的法律，导致犹太法典，以代表甚至非学术事务丰富的细节，并作出了它的一个重要来源，为的文明历史。 Since, moreover, the religious law of the Jews dealt with all the circumstances of life, the Talmud discusses the most varied branches of human knowledge-astronomy and medicine, mathematics and law, anatomy and botany-thus furnishing valuable data for the history of science also.此后，此外，宗教法的犹太人全部处理的情况下生活中，塔木德经讨论，品种最多的分行人类知识-天文学和医学，数学和法律，解剖学和植物学-因此家具的宝贵数据，为科学史也。
The Talmud, furthermore, is unique from the point of view of literary history as being a product of literature based on oral tradition and yet summarizing the literature of an entire epoch.犹太法典，而且是独一无二的，从的角度来看，文学史作为一个产品的文学基础上的口头传统，但在总结文学的整整一个时代。 Aside from it, those to whose united efforts it may be ascribed have left no trace of intellectual activity.除了它，那些知道听谁的，齐心协力，团结奋斗，它可能归因于有没有留下微量的智力活动。 Though anonymous itself, the Talmud, like other products of tannaitic and amoraic literature, cites the names of many authors of sayings because it was a universal practise to memorize the name of the author together with the saying.虽然无名氏本身，犹太法典，像其他产品的tannaitic和amoraic文学，濒危物种贸易公约的名称，许多作者的说法，因为这是一个普遍实行背诵作者的名字连同俗语。 Many of these scholars are credited with only a few sentences or with even but one, while to others are ascribed many hundreds of aphorisms, teachings, questions, and answers; and the representatives of Jewish tradition of those centuries, the Tannaim and the Amoraim, received an abundant compensation for their renunciation of the fame of authorship when tradition preserved their names together with their various expositions, and thus rescued even the least of them from oblivion.许多这些学者贷记只有几句话，或与连，但其中一个，而其他人是认定的数以百计的警句，教诲，问题和答案，以及代表的犹太传统中的那些几个世纪以来， tannaim和亚摩兰，收到了丰厚的补偿，他们放弃了名利的著作权时，传统保存他们的名字连同他们的种种论述，并因此获救，连起码的，他们从脑后。 The peculiar form of the Talmud is due to the fact that it is composed almost entirely of individual sayings and discussions on them, this circumstance being a result of its origin: the fact that it sought especially to preserve the oral tradition and the transactions of the academies allowed the introduction only of the single sentences which represented the contributions of the teachers and scholars to the discussions.特殊形式的犹太法典，是因为事实，即它是组成，几乎完全是个人的说法和讨论，对他们来说，这情况下，作为一个结果，它的起源：一个事实，即它要求特别是保存口述传统及其交易的院校获准引进，不仅单一句话，代表着贡献的教师和学者参与讨论。 The preservation of the names of the authors of these apothegms, and of those who took part in the discussions, transactions, and disputations renders the Talmud the most important, and in many respects the only, source for the period of which it is the product.保存的名称，作者的这些apothegms ，以及那些参加了讨论，交易，并disputations令犹太法典中最重要的，而且在许多方面也是唯一源泉时期，它是产品。 The sequence of generations which constitute the framework of the history of the Tannaim and Amoraim may be determined from the allusions contained in the Talmud, from the anecdotes and stories of the academies, and from other valuable literary material, which exhibit the historical conditions, events, and personages of the time, not excepting cases in which the facts have been clothed in the garb of legend or myth.该序列的后代构成委会框架下成立的历史，以及tannaim和亚摩兰可能确定从典故包含在犹太法典，从掌故和故事的院校，并从其他有价值的文学素材，其中展出的历史条件下，事件和人士，由于时间关系，而不是除案件中，事实已经丰衣足食，在披着传说或神话。 Although it was undertaken with no distinctly literary purpose, it contains, especially in its haggadic portions, many passages which are noteworthy as literature, and which for many centuries were the sole repositories of Jewish poetry.虽然它承担的，没有明显的文学目的，它包含了，尤其是在其haggadic部分，有很多段落都值得注意，因为文学，因为它对许多世纪的唯一存放处犹太诗歌。
Its Authority.其权威。
After the completion of the Talmud as a work of literature, it exercised a twofold influence as a historical factor in the history of Judaism and its followers, not only in regard to the guidance and formulation of religious life and thought, but also with respect to the awakening and development of intellectual activity.完成后，犹太法典作为一个工作的文学，它行使双重的影响，作为一个历史的因素，在历史上的犹太教和其追随者，不仅对于指导和制定宗教生活和思想，而且还与尊重觉醒与发展的智力活动。 As a document of religion the Talmud acquired that authority which was due to it as the written embodiment of the ancient tradition, and it fulfilled the task which the men of the Great Assembly set for the representatives of the tradition when they said, "Make a hedge for the Torah" (Ab. i. 2).作为一份文件，对宗教犹太法典归来机构，这是因为它作为书面体现了古老的传统，而且完成了任务，其中男性的伟大大会定为代表的传统，当他们说： "作对冲为律法" （ ab.一2 ） 。 Those who professed Judaism felt no doubt that the Talmud was equal to the Bible as a source of instruction and decision in problems of religion, and every effort to set forth religious teachings and duties was based on it; so that even the great systematic treatise of Maimonides, which was intended to supersede the Talmud, only led to a more thorough study of it.那些自称犹太教认为，毫无疑问，该塔木德经相当于圣经中的一个来源的指示和决定的问题，宗教自由，并尽一切努力来阐述宗教教义和义务，是基于它，所以，即使是伟大的系统化的伤寒迈蒙尼德，其中的用意是取代犹太法典，只会导致更彻底的研究。 In like manner, the Shulḥan 'Aruk of Joseph Caro, which achieved greater practical results than the Mishneh Torah, of Maimonides, owed its authority to the fact that it was recognized as the most convenient codification of the teachings of the Talmud; while the treatises on the philosophy of religion which strove as early as the time of Saadia to harmonize the truths of Judaism with the results of independent thinking referred in all possible cases to the authority of the Talmud, upon which they could easily draw for a confirmation of their theses and arguments.同样地， shulḥan ' aruk约瑟夫卡罗，并取得更大的实效，比事审判律法，迈蒙尼德，欠其权威事实，即它是公认的最方便编纂的遗训犹太法典，而论文对宗教哲学，其中更是早的时候， saadia协调真理的犹太教与结果的独立思考能力提到了在一切可能的情况下，以权威的犹太法典时，他们可以很容易得出一个确认其论文和争论。 The wealth of moral instruction contained in the Talmud exercised a profound influence upon the ethics and ideals of Judaism.丰富的德育内容，在塔木德经行使了深刻的影响，经道德与理想的犹太教。 Despite all this, however, the authority enjoyed by it did not lessen the authority of the Bible, which continued to exercise its influence as the primal source of religious and ethical instruction and edification even while the Talmud ruled supreme over religious practise, preserving and fostering in the Diaspora, for many centuries and under most unfavorable external conditions, the spirit of deep religion and strict morality.尽管这一切，不过，房委会所享有的，它没有淡化的权威圣经，继续行使其影响力，作为原始来源，宗教和伦理的指导和启迪，甚至在塔木德经最高人民法院裁定，对宗教实践，为维护和促进在散居地，许多世纪以来，根据最不利的外部条件下，精神的深层的宗教和严格的道德观。
The history of Jewish literature since the completion of the Talmud has been a witness to its importance in awakening and stimulating intellectual activity among the Jews.历史上的犹太文学自完成犹太法典一直见证它的重要性的觉醒，激发智力活动当中犹太人。 The Talmud has been made the subject or the starting-point of a large portion of this widely ramified literature, which has been the product of the intellectual activity induced by its study, and to which both scholars in the technical sense of the word and also a large number of the studious Jewish laity have contributed.犹太法典已取得的主题或出发点的相当大一部分，这被广泛分枝文学，这一直是产品的智力活动诱发其学习，并以双方学者在技术意义上的一个字，还大量的好学犹太俗人贡献。 The same faculties which had been exercised in the composition of the Talmud were requisite also for the study of it; the Talmud therefore had an exceedingly stimulating influence upon the intellectual powers of the Jewish people, which were then directed toward other departments of knowledge.同时学院已行使组成部分犹太法典者所需，也为研究它;犹太法典，因此产生了极其刺激的影响智力权力的犹太人民，然后针对其他部门的知识。 It is a noteworthy fact that the study of the Talmud gradually became a religious duty, and thus developed into an intellectual activity having no ulterior object in view.这是一个值得注意的事实是，研究犹太法典逐渐成为一项宗教责任，并因此发展成为智力活动后，没有任何不可告人的对象着想。 Consequently it formed a model of study for the sake of study.因此，它成立了一个模型的研究，为求研究。
The Talmud has not yet entirely lost its twofold importance as a historical factor within Judaism, despite the changes which have taken place during the last century.犹太法典尚未完全丧失了双重的重要性，作为一个历史的因素犹太教，尽管发生的变化是在上个世纪。 For the majority of Jews it is still the supreme authority in religion; and, as noted above, although it is rarely an object of study on the part of those who have assimilated modern culture, it is still a subject of investigation for Jewish learning, as a product of Judaism which yet exerts an influence second in importance only to the Bible.对于大多数犹太人，它仍然是至高无上的权力，在宗教，正如上文所指出，虽然这是一个罕见的研究对象的部分，那些已被同化的现代文化，它仍然是一个调查对象为犹太人学习，作为一个产品的犹太教，其中尚未施加影响力第二位的重要性，不仅对圣经。 The following works of traditional literature not belonging to the Talmud have been included in the editions of Babli: Abot de-Rabbi Natan; Derek Ereẓ Rabbah; Derek Ereẓ Zuṭa; Kallah; Semaḥot; Soferim.下列作品的传统文学不属于犹太法典已包括在版本babli ： abot德拉比他对;德里克ereẓ rabbah ;德里克ereẓ zuṭa ; kallah ; semaḥot ; soferim 。
Wilhelm
Bacher威廉bacher
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between
1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901年至1906年之间。
Bibliography:
参考书目：
The manuscripts, editions, and
translations have been discussed in the article.该手稿，版本，翻译等进行了讨论文章。
For an introduction to the Talmud the
following works may be mentioned in addition to the general ones on Jewish
history: Weiss, Dor, iii.; Halevy, Dorot ha-Rishonim, ii.,
Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1901; HL Strack, Einleitung in den Talmud, 2d ed.,
Leipsic, 1894 (covers the Mishnah also and contains an extensive bibliography of
the Talmud);为介绍了这一犹太法典以下的工程，可由提到除了一般性的对犹太人的历史：魏斯， dor ，三; halevy
，多罗特夏rishonim ，二，法兰克福发表了主， 1901年;的HL strack ， einleitung在书斋犹太法典，第2版， leipsic ，
1894 （涵盖mishnah还含有大量的书目犹太法典） ;
M. Mielziner, Introduction to the Talmud, Cincinnati (also gives good bibliography of the Talmud; the second part of this work contains a clear discussion of the hermeneutics and the methodology of the Talmud).米梅尔齐纳，介绍了这一犹太法典，辛辛那提（也给人很好的书目犹太法典;二是这项工作的一部分载有明确讨论的诠释学和方法论犹太法典） 。 On the Palestinian Talmud: Z. Frankel, Mebo, Breslau, 1870; J. Wiener, Gib'at Yerushalayim, Vienna, 1872 (reprinted from Ha-Shaḥar); A. Geiger, Die Jerusalemische Gemara, in his Jüd.关于巴勒斯坦犹太法典：弗兰克尔种，湿润烧伤膏，布雷斯劳， 1870年的J.维纳， gib'at耶路撒冷区，维也纳， 1872年（转载自夏shaḥar ） ;甲盖格，模具jerusalemische gemara ，在他的jüd 。 Zeit.塞特。 1870, pp. 1870年，页。 278-306 (comp. Monatsschrift, 1871, pp. 120-137); I. Lewy, Interpretation des Ersten Abschnitts des Palästinischen Talmud-Traktates Nesikin, in Breslauer Jahresbericht, 1895, pp. 278-306 （ comp. monatsschrift ， 1871年，第120-137 ） ;路易一，释义万ersten abschnitts万palästinischen犹太法典- traktates nesikin ，在breslauer jahresbericht ， 1895年，页。 1-19. 1-19 。 On the Babylonian Talmud: Z. Frankel, Beiträge zur Einleitung in den Talmud, in Monatsschrift, 1861, pp.对巴比伦塔木德经：弗兰克尔种， beiträge zur einleitung在书斋犹太法典，在monatsschrift ， 1861 ，页。 168-194, 205-212, 258-272; 168-194 ， 205-212 ， 258-272 ;
N. Brüll, Die Entstehungsgeschichte des Babylonischen Talmuds als Schriftwerkes, in his Jahrb. 12月31日brüll ，模具entstehungsgeschichte万babylonischen talmuds勾地表制度schriftwerkes ，在他的jahrb 。 1876, ii. 1876年，二。 1-123. 1-123 。 On the earlier works introductory to the Talmud: JH Weiss, in Bet Talmud, i., ii., Vienna, 1881, 1882; Samuel b.对早期作品介绍给犹太法典： JH的魏斯，在投注犹太法典，一，二，维也纳， 1881年， 1882年;塞缪尔乙 Hophni, Madkhal ila 'al-Talmud (= "Introduction to the Talmud"; this is the earliest work bearing the title and is known only through a quotation in the lexicon of Ibn Janaḥ, sv ); Samuel ha-Nagid, Mebo ha-Talmud (forming an appendix to the first volume of modern editions of the Talmud); Joseph ibn 'Aḳnin, an introduction to the Talmud (Hebr. transl. from the Arabic), edited in the Jubelschrift des Breslauer Seminars zum Siebzigen Geburtstage Frankels, 1871.何弗尼， madkhal国际法协会'犹太法典（ = "介绍给犹太法典" ，这是最早的工作，事关称号，是享誉只有通过报价在词汇的伊本janaḥ ， sv ） ;塞缪尔哈nagid ，湿润烧伤膏夏犹太法典（形成一个附录，以首卷现代版本的犹太法典） ;约瑟夫伊本' aḳnin ，介绍了这一犹太法典（ hebr.译，从阿拉伯语） ，编者在jubelschrift万breslauer研讨会zum siebzigen geburtstage frankels ， 1871年。
For other works on the subject see Talmud Hermeneutics;对于其他工程对受见塔木德经诠释学;
a list is given in Jellinek, Ḳonṭres ha-Kelalim, Vienna, 1878.名单是由于在jellinek ， ḳonṭres夏kelalim ，维也纳， 1878年。 General articles on the Talmud in reviews and encyclopedias: Emil Deutsch, in Quarterly Review, 1867, frequently reprinted and translated; J. Derenbourg, in Lichtenberg's Encyclopédie des Sciences Religieuses, 1882, xii.一般文章，对塔木德经审查，并百科全书：埃米尔道依茨，在每季检讨时， 1867年，经常重印并翻译的J.德朗堡，在lichtenberg的encyclopédie陶瓷实验室religieuses ， 1882年，第十二章。 1007-1036; Arsène Darmesteter, in REJ xviii. 1007年至1036年;阿森纳主帅达梅斯特泰，在相互执行判决十八。 (Actes et Conferences, pp. ccclxxxi.-dcxlii.); S. Schechter, in Hastings, Dict. （行为等会议，聚丙烯。 ccclxxxi. - dcxlii ） ;第Schechter已在黑斯廷斯，字典。 Bible, extra vol., 1904, pp.圣经，课外卷， 1904页。 57-66; 57-66 ;
E. Bischoff, Talmud-Katechismus, Leipsic, 1904.体育Bischoff ） ，犹太法典- katechismus ， leipsic ， 1904 。
On the literature of the Talmud commentaries see Talmud Commentaries.对文学的犹太法典评见塔木德经评论文章。 On grammatical and lexicographical aids to the study of the Talmud see Jew.对语法和辞书艾滋病研究犹太法典见犹太人。 Encyc. encyc 。 vi.80, sv Grammar, Hebrew, and ib. vi.80 ， sv语法，希伯来语，和IB 。 iv.四。 580-585, sv Dictionaries, Hebrew. 580-585 ， sv字典，希伯来语。 On the terminology of the Talmud see, in addition to the works on Talmudic methodology: A. Stein, Talmudische Terminologie, Alphabetisch Geordnet, Prague, 1869; W. Bacher, Die Exegetische Terminologie der Jüdischen Traditionslitteratur: part i., Die Bibelexegetische Terminologie der Tannaiten, Leipsic, 1899 (original title, Die Aelteste Terminologie der Jüdischen Schriftauslegung); part ii., Die Bibel- und Traditionsexegetische Terminologie der Amoräer, ib.关于术语的犹太法典看到，除了工程talmudic方法：甲施泰因， talmudische术语， alphabetisch geordnet ，布拉格， 1869年;总统bacher ，模具exegetische术语明镜jüdischen traditionslitteratur ：第一部分，模具bibelexegetische术语明镜tannaiten ， leipsic ， 1899年（原名称，模具aelteste术语明镜jüdischen schriftauslegung ） ;第二编，模具bibel取而代之traditionsexegetische术语明镜amoräer ，兴业。 1905.WB 1905.wb
The commentaries on the Talmud constitute only a small part of halakic literature in comparison with the responsa literature and the commentaries on the codices.评论犹太法典构成只有一小部分的halakic文学中的比较与responsa文学和评论就codices 。 At the time when the Talmud was concluded the traditional literature was still so fresh in the memory of scholars that there was no need of writing Talmudic commentaries, nor were such works undertaken in the first period of the gaonate.在的时候，犹太法典得出的结论是传统文学还是如此记忆犹新的学者认为，没有必要写talmudic评论，也没有被这样的工程，在第一期的gaonate 。 Palṭoi Gaon (c. 840) was the first who in his responsa offered verbal and textual comments on the Talmud. palṭoi gaon （长840 ）是第一次他在他responsa提供口头和文字上的评论对犹太法典。 Ẓemaḥ b. ẓemaḥ乙 Palṭoi (c. 872) paraphrased and explained the passages which he quoted; and he composed, as an aid to the study of the Talmud, a lexicon which Abraham Zacuto consulted in the fifteenth century. palṭoi （长872 ） paraphrased ，并解释了机票，他所引述的和他组成，作为一项援助，以研究犹太法典，词汇，其中亚伯拉罕zacuto征询在15世纪。 Saadia Gaon is said to have composed commentaries on the Talmud, aside from his Arabic commentaries on the Mishnah (Benjacob, "Oẓar ha-Sefarim," p. 181, No. 430). saadia gaon据说已组成评犹太法典中，除了从他的阿拉伯语评论对mishnah （ benjacob ， " oẓar夏sefarim " ，第181页，第430页） 。 According to the Karaite Solomon b.据该karaite所罗门乙 Jeroham, a commentary on Yerushalmi by Ephraim b.热罗昂，评论，对yerushalmi由艾弗冷乙 Jacob existed as early as the time of Saadia, although this is highly improbable (Pinsker, "Liḳḳuṭe Ḳadmoniyyot," Supplement, p. 4; Poznanski, in "Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," p. 182).雅各布存在早的时候， saadia ，虽然这是极不可能（ pinsker ， " liḳḳuṭe ḳadmoniyyot ， "补充资料，第4页; poznanski ，在"考夫曼gedenkbuch ， "第182号） 。
Rashi. rashi 。
The last three great geonim, Sherira, Hai, and Samuel b.最后三个大geonim ， sherira ，海，和Samuel乙 Ḥofni, did much in this field. ḥofni ，做了很多在这一领域的合作。 Most of Sherira's comments were explanations of difficult terms.大部分sherira的评论被解释难以计算。 Many of these are quoted by Abu al-Walid (Bacher, "Leben und Werke des Abulwalid Merwân ibn Gānāḥ," etc., p. 85).许多这些都是引述阿布瓦利德（ bacher " ，生活und werke万abulwalid merwân伊本gānāḥ "等，第85页） 。 It appears from the quotations in the "'Aruk" that Hai Gaon wrote commentaries on at least eleven treatises (Kohut, "Aruch Completum," xiii. et seq.).看来，从引文" ' aruk "海gaon写评论文章就至少有11名论文（科胡特， " aruch completum ， "十三。页起） 。 Abu al-Walid quotes Hai's commentary on Shabbat (Bacher, lcp 87).阿布瓦利德行情海的评shabbat （ bacher ，液晶高分子87 ） 。 In the eleventh century commentaries on the Talmud were composed not only in Babylon but also in Africa, Spain, and Germany.在11世纪的评论对犹太法典组成，不仅在巴比伦，而且在非洲，西班牙和德国。 In the first half of that century Nissim b.在上半年，这个世纪nissim乙 Jacob, of Kairwan in northern Africa, composed his "Kitab Miftaḥ Maghaliḳ al-Talmud" (Hebr. title, "Sefer Mafteaḥ Man'ule ha-Talmud" = "Key to the Locks of the Talmud"), a commentary in which he explains difficult passages by references to parallel ones and occasionally to Yerushalmi also.雅各布的kairwan在非洲北部，组成他的"文化发展miftaḥ maghaliḳ基地塔木德经" （ hebr.标题， " sefer mafteaḥ man'ule公顷-犹太法典" = "键锁的犹太法典" ） ，发表评论，其中他解释难以通道改为平行，并偶尔yerushalmi也。 The work of Hananeel b.工作hananeel乙 Ḥushiel corresponds more to a commentary in the exact sense of the term. ḥushiel对应更多的一篇评论中的确切意义上来说。 He sums up the Talmudic discussions, perhaps in order to facilitate the halakic decision, devoting his attention principally to determining the correct text of the Talmud.他总结了talmudic讨论中，也许是为了方便halakic决定，把他的注意力主要是为了确定正确的文本犹太法典。 The first teachers in Spain, Enoch ben Moses, Joseph ibn Abitur, Isaac ibn Ghayyat, and Isaac Albargeloni, are also known to have composed commentaries on the Talmud (Weiss, "Dor," iv. 276 et seq.).第一位老师在西班牙，伊诺克贲摩西，约瑟夫伊本abitur ，艾萨克的Ibn ghayyat ，和Isaac albargeloni ，也是已知有评论文章组成的对犹太法典（魏斯， " dor ， "四，第276页起） 。 Naḥmani quotes Talmudic comments from a work by Samuel ha Nagid (Benjacob, lc No. 481). naḥmani行情talmudic评论，从一个工作，由塞缪尔公顷nagid （ benjacob ，立法会481号） 。 According to a not entirely authenticated statement (ib. No. 247), the famous exegete Abraham ibn Ezra composed a commentary on the treatise Ḳiddushin.据一项不完全认证的声明（ ib.第247号） ，著名的exegete亚伯拉罕伊本以斯拉组成的一篇评论对伤寒ḳiddushin 。 In Germany, Gershom b.在德国， gershom乙 Judah engaged in similar labors, though his commentaries have come to light only in the last century: they appear to have been the chief sources used by Rashi (1040-1105), the greatest commentator of the Talmud.犹大从事类似的劳动力，虽然他的评论已初步查清，只是在上个世纪的：他们似乎已经首席源用rashi （ 1040至1105年） ，最大的评论员犹太法典。 Although Rashi drew upon all his predecessors, yet his originality in using the material offered by them has always been admired.虽然rashi借鉴了他的所有前辈，但他的原创性，在使用材料，可自行决定，一直钦佩。 His commentaries, in turn, became the basis of the work of his pupils and successors, who composed a large number of supplementary works that were partly in emendation and partly in explanation of Rashi's, and are known under the title "tosafot."他的评论文章，反过来成为工作的基础上，他的学生和接班人，他们组成了大量的补充工程，有部分在校和部分解释rashi的，是众所周知的标题下的" tosafot " 。 These works were printed together with Rashi's commentaries in the first editions of single Talmud treatises, and then in the collective editions.这些作品印制连同rashi的评论文章，在第一版本的单塔木德经论文，然后在集体中的版本。 The tosafot included in the present editions are taken from various collections.该tosafot列入本版本是采取各种藏品。 There are tosafot of Sens, tosafot of Evreux, tosafot of Touques, etc. (Winter and Wünsche, "Die Jüdische Litteratur," ii. 465).有tosafot的灵敏度， tosafot的埃夫勒， tosafot的图克等（冬季和wünsche ， "死jüdische litteratur ， "二465 ） 。 Instead of the simple, strictly logical method of exegesis a dialectic method showing great acumen is frequently employed in the tosafot.而不是简单的，严格的逻辑方法训诂学辩证的方法，表现出极大的睿智，是经常受聘于tosafot 。 Originating in the German and French schools, and thence adopted by the Spanish and Arabic, it found in the following centuries (13th to 15th) brilliant representatives in Moses b.原产于德国和法国学校，并从那里通过西班牙语和阿拉伯语，它体现在以下几个世纪以来（ 13日至15日）的光辉代表，在摩西乙 Naḥman, Solomon ben Adret, and others in Spain, as well as in various scholars in Turkey, although the Oriental Jews generally followed the simple method of Talmud study. naḥman ，索罗门贲adret ，和其他人在西班牙，以及在各种学者，在土耳其，尽管东方犹太人普遍遵循的一个简单方法犹太法典研究。 The commentators are called "rishonim" (elders) down to the sixteenth century, and subsequently "aḥaronim" (juniors).评论家称为" rishonim " （长者） ，下至16世纪，以及后来的" aḥaronim " （青年） 。
Method of Ḥilluḳim.方法ḥilluḳim 。
In the sixteenth century the hair-splitting dialectic study of the Talmud known as the Pilpul came to the fore.在十六世纪，是吹毛求疵辩证法研究犹太法典名称为pilpul来到前列。 The method called "ḥilluḥ," originating in Augsburg and Nuremberg, claimed chief attention, especially through the influence of Jacob Pollak of Poland, that country becoming in the course of the century the principal center of the study of the Talmud.该法所谓的" ḥilluḥ " ，原产于奥格斯堡和纽伦堡，声称政务注意，尤其是通过影响雅各布pollak的波兰，该国成为在本世纪的主要中心的研究犹太法典。 Special rules were formulated for composing the ḥilluḳim (Jellinek, in Keller's "Bikkurim," i. 3).特殊规则制定，为组成ḥilluḳim （ jellinek ，在凯勒的" bikkurim ， "一， 3 ） 。 It is frequently intimated in subsequent pilpulistic works that the author himself regards his expositions as artificial, though he believes them to contain a grain of truth.这是经常暗示，在随后的pilpulistic作品，作者自己对于他的论述为人为的，虽然他相信他们能够遏制粮食的真理。 This method still dominates to some extent the study of the Talmud in the eastern countries of Europe.这种方法仍然占有主导地位，以在一定程度上的研究犹太法典在东部欧洲国家。 But Jewish science demands a scientific treatment of the Talmud-an examination of its sources and parallel passages from a historical, archeological, and philological point of view, a methodical analysis of its text, and a comparative study of it by the side of other monuments of antiquity.但犹太科学的要求，科学治疗犹太法典-审查其来源和平行通道，从历史，考古，文献学的角度来看，有条不紊地分析其内容，并比较研究，它是由一方的其他古迹仿古。
Palestinian Talmud.巴勒斯坦犹太法典。
The Palestinian Talmud was studied much less than the Babylonian, although occasional comments on Yerushalmi are found in Alfasi and other earlier authorities, especially in the commentary of Samson of Sens on the mishnaic order Zera'im.巴勒斯坦犹太法典进行了研究，远低于巴比伦，虽然偶尔评论yerushalmi发现alfasi及其他较早前当局，特别是在评注中的沉信的意义就mishnaic秩序泽拉伊姆。 The first connected commentary on many treatises of Yerushalmi was composed in the seventeenth century by R. Joshua Benveniste, who had at hand R. Solomon Sirillo's commentary on certain treatises.第一关连评许多论文的yerushalmi组成，是在17世纪由R.约书亚benveniste ，曾在手传译所罗门sirillo的评论对某些论文。 ElijahFulda commentated in 1710 the order Zera'im and part of the order Neziḳin. elijahfulda commentated在1710年该命令泽拉伊姆和部分命令neziḳin 。 The greater part of Yerushalmi was edited about the middle of the eighteenth century by Mendelssohn's teacher David Fränkel; and a complete commentary was written by Moses Margolioth.大部份yerushalmi编辑约中的十八世纪由孟德尔逊的老师朱fränkel ，以及一个完整的评作者是摩西margolioth 。 Noteworthy as commentators in the nineteenth century are Nahum Trebitsch and Zacharias Frankel.值得注意担任评论员，在19世纪都公布在trebitsch撒迦利亚弗兰克尔。
The commentaries on Babli may be divided into: (1) "perushim," running commentaries accompanying the text; (2) "tosafot" (additions), glosses on Rashi's commentary; (3) "ḥiddushim" (novellæ), explicit comments on certain passages of the Talmud text; and (4) "haggahot," or marginal glosses.评论babli范围可分为： （ 1 ） " perushim ， "暗战评论陪同文本; （ 2 ） " tosafot " （增补） ，敷衍了事，对rashi的评注; （ 3 ） " ḥiddushim " （ novellæ ）的，明确的评论某些段落的犹太法典文本，以及（ 4 ） " haggahot " ，或边缘一带。 As appears from the following chronological list, the treatises Seder Mo'ed, Nashim, and Ḥullin, which deal particularly with the religious life and which were therefore made special subjects of study and instruction, were most frequently commentated, while the Seder Ḳodashim is less often made the subject of comment.作为似乎从下列顺序排列的名单时，论文seder mo'ed ，女之部，并ḥullin ，处理，特别是与宗教生活，并因此作出了特别的课题研究和教学，最经常commentated ，而seder ḳodashim少往往主题发表评论。 In the subjoined list only the edited commentaries are enumerated, no note being taken of treatises on which there are no commentaries.在subjoined只列出主编的评论列举了，没有注意到正在采取的论文，对此有任何评论。 The letter "W" indicates the Wilna (Widow & Brothers Romm) Talmud edition of 1886.字母" W " ，表明维尔纳（遗孀＆兄弟romm ）塔木德经版1886 。
Chronological List of Commentators on Both Talmudim.时间顺序的评论家都talmudim 。
Eleventh Century. 11世纪。
Nissim b. nissim乙 Jacob (d. 1040), Sefer Mafteaḥ (see above; Ber., Shab., 'Er.), ed.雅各布（四10时40分） ， sefer mafteaḥ （见以上;误码率，沙巴， '呃。 ） ，教育署。 I. Goldenthal, Vienna, 1847; in W. Gershom b.一戈登塞尔，维也纳， 1847年，在小gershom乙 Judah (d. 1040), perush (Ber., Ta'an., BB, entire Seder Ḳodashim excepting Zeb.); in W. Hananeel b.犹大（四10时40分） ， perush （ ber. ， ta'an ，预算局，整个seder ḳodashim除zeb ） ;在小hananeel乙 Ḥushiel (d. 1050), perush (Seder Mo'ed, Seder Neziḳin excepting BB); in W. Solomon b. ḥushiel （四1050 ） ， perush （ seder mo'ed ， seder neziḳin除BB心跳） ，在所罗门小乙 Isaac (Rashi), commentary on thirty treatises; in all editions.艾萨克（ rashi ） ，评第三十一论文，在所有版本。
Twelfth to Fifteenth Century.第十二至十五世纪。
Samuel b.塞缪尔乙 Meïr, commentary on Baba Batra from the third section and on the last section of Pesaḥim; in all editions. meïr ，评巴巴巴特拉从第三节和最后一节的pesaḥim ;所有版本。 Isaac b.艾萨克乙 Nathan, commentary on Makkot; in all editions, beginning with 19b.弥敦道，评makkot ;所有版本，一开始与19B条。 Eliezer b.埃利泽乙 Nathan, commentary on Nazir; in W. Jacob Tam (d. 1171), , on thirty-one treatises, Vienna, 1811.弥敦道，评纳齐尔;总统雅各布谭（四1171 ） ，就31论文，维也纳， 1811 。 Isaac b.艾萨克乙 Samuel of Dampierre, tosafot to Ḳiddushin; in W. Joseph ibn Migash, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Salonica, 1759; BB, Amsterdam, 1702).塞缪尔的dampierre ， tosafot以ḳiddushin ，在小约瑟夫的Ibn migash ， ḥiddushim （ sheb. ， salonica ， 1759年; BB心跳，阿姆斯特丹， 1702 ） 。 Moses b.摩西乙 Maimon, perush (RH), Paris, 1865.麦蒙， perush （铑） ，巴黎， 1865年。 Judah Sir Leon (d. 1224), tosafot (Ber., in ), Warsaw, 1863.犹大布里坦爵士（四1224 ） ， tosafot （ ber. ， ） ，华沙， 1863年。 Samson of Sens, tosafot (Shab., 'Er., Men., in all editions; Soṭah in W.).黄山的灵敏度， tosafot （ shab. ， '呃，男人，在所有版本; soṭah在小） 。 Perez, tosafot (Beẓah, Ned., Naz., Sanh., Mek., Me'i., in all editions; B. Ḳ., Leghorn, 1819).佩雷斯， tosafot （ beẓah ，非执行董事， naz ， sanh ，人民圣战者组织， me'i ，在所有版本;乙ḳ ，莱航， 1819 ） 。 Moses of Evreux, tosafot (Ber.); in all editions.摩西的埃夫勒， tosafot （ ber. ） ，在所有版本。 Samuel of Evreux, tosafot to Soṭah, ib.塞缪尔的埃夫勒， tosafot以soṭah ，兴业。 Samuel of Falaise, tosafot to 'Abodah Zarab, ib.塞缪尔法莱斯Falaise ， tosafot '阿布达zarab ，兴业。 Baruch, tosafot to Zebaḥim, ib. baruch ， tosafot以zebaḥim ，兴业。 Meïr Abulafia (d. 1244), (BB, Salonica, 1803; Sanh., ib. 1798). meïr abulafia （四1244 ） ， （ BB心跳， salonica ， 1803 ; sanh ，兴业。 1798 ） 。 Judah b.犹大乙 Benjamin ha-Rofe, perush (Sheḳ.); in W. Peraḥyah b.本杰明夏rofe ， perush （ sheḳ. ） ，在小peraḥyah乙 Nissim (c. 1250) ,ḥiddushim, in , Venice, 1752. nissim （丙1250 ） ， ḥiddushim ，中，威尼斯， 1752 。 Isaiah di Trani (c. 1250), tosafot (i., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, 'Ab. Zarah, Niddah, Shab., Ḥag.; ii., 'Er., RH, Yoma, Suk., Meg., M. Ḳ., Pes., Beẓah, Ned., Naz., Lemberg, 1862; Ket., Giṭ., in W.).以赛亚书弟特拉尼（丙1250 ） ， tosafot （一，二ḳ ，骨髓，预算局， '抗体。 zarah ， niddah ，沙巴， ḥag 。 ;二， '呃，铑， yoma ，淑，梅格，米ḳ ，聚醚砜， beẓah ，非执行董事， naz ，伦贝格， 1862年; KET的， giṭ ，在小） 。 Jonah Gerondi (d. 1263), ḥiddushim (Sanh., in ), Leghorn, 1801.约拿gerondi （四第1263号） ， ḥiddushim （ sanh. ， ） ，莱航， 1801 。 Moses b.摩西乙 Naḥman (dc 1270), ḥiddushim (Ber., 'Er., Pes., M. ḳ., Ḥag., RH, Suk., Ta'an., Meg., in , Salonica, 1791; Shab., in , Presburg, 1837; Yeb., Homburg, 1700; Ket., Metz, 1765; Giṭ., Niddah, in , Sulzbach, 1762; BB, Venice, 1723). naḥman （直流1270 ） ， ḥiddushim （ ber. ， '呃，狗，米ḳ ， ḥag ，铑，淑， ta'an ，梅格，中， salonica ， 1791年;沙巴，中， presburg ， 1837年; yeb ，洪堡， 1700 ; KET的，梅斯， 1765 ; giṭ ， niddah ，中， sulzbach ，二一七六二; BB心跳，威尼斯， 1723年） 。 Todros ha-Levi (d. 1283), (on the haggadot), Novidvor, 1808; hiddushim (Meg., Yoma, in ), Leghorn, 1801.托德罗斯公顷-利维（四1283 ） ， （关于haggadot ） ， novidvor ， 1808年; hiddushim （ meg. ， yoma ， ） ，莱航， 1801 。 Aaron ha-Levi (d. 1293), ḥiddushim (Ket., Prague, 1742; Beẓah, in , Leghorn, 1810).阿伦公顷-利维（四1293 ） ， ḥiddushim （ ket. ，布拉格， 1742年; beẓah ，中，莱航， 1810 ） 。 Meïr of Rothenburg (d. 1293), tosafot to Yoma; in all editions. meïr的rothenburg （四1293 ） ， tosafot以yoma ;所有版本。 Solomon b.所罗门乙 Adret (d. 1310), ḥiddushim (Shab., RH, Meg., Yeb., Ned., B. Ḳ., Ḥul., Constantinople, 1720; Sheb., Salonica, 1729; Niddah, Altona, 1737; Men., Warsaw, 1861; 'Er., ib. 1895). adret （四13时10分） ， ḥiddushim （ shab. ，铑，梅格， yeb ，非执行董事，乙ḳ ， ḥul ，君士坦丁堡， 17时20分; sheb ， salonica ， 1729年; niddah ， altona ， 1737年;男子。 ，华沙， 1861年; '呃，兴业。 1895年） 。 Yom-Ṭob b.赎罪- ṭob乙 Abraham, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Salonica, 1805; 'Er., Ta'an., M. Ḳ., Ket., BM, Amsterdam, 1729; RH, Königsberg, 1858; Yoma, Constantinople, 1754; Meg., Warsaw, 1880; Yeb., Leghorn, 1787; Ḳid., Sabbionetta, 1553; Giṭ., Salonica, 1758; 'Ab. Zarah, in , ib. 1759; Sanh., in , Leghorn, 1781; Sheb., in , ib. 1780; Mak., Sulzbach, 1762; Ḥul., Prague, 1735; Niddah, Vienna, 1868).石礼谦， ḥiddushim （ sheb. ， salonica ， 1805年; '呃， ta'an ，米ḳ ， KET的，骨髓，阿姆斯特丹， 1729年;铑，康尼斯堡， 1858年; yoma ，君士坦丁堡， 1754年;梅格。华沙， 1880年; yeb ，莱航， 1787年; ḳid ， sabbionetta ， 1553 ; giṭ ， salonica ， 1758 ; '抗体。 zarah ，中，兴业。 1759年; sanh ，中，莱航， 1781年; sheb ，中，兴业。 1780年;麦， sulzbach ，二一七六二; ḥul ，布拉格， 1735年; niddah ，维也纳， 1868 ） 。 Menahem Me'iri (c. 1300), (Shab., Leghorn, 1794; Yoma, ib. 1760; Meg., Ḥag., Ta'an., Prague, 1810; Ned., Naz., Soṭah, Beẓah, Berlin, 1859; Yeb., Salonica, 1794). menahem me'iri （丙1300 ） ， （ shab. ，莱航， 1794年; yoma步兵营， 1760 ;梅格， ḥag ， ta'an ，布拉格， 1810年;非执行董事， naz ， soṭah ， beẓah ，柏林， 1859 ; yeb ， salonica ， 1794 ） 。 Asher b.阿什尔乙 Jehiel (d. 1327), perush (Ned., Naz.), in W.; tosafot (Ber., in , Warsaw, 1862; Suk., Jerusalem, 1903; RH, ib. 1871; Meg., ib. 1884; 'Ab. Zarah, ib. 1888; Giṭ., Constantinople, 1711; BM, Dyhernfurth, 1823; Sanh., Ḥul., in , Sulzbach, 1762; Sheb., Venice, 1608; Niddah, under the title , Venice, 1741); Aaron ha-Levi, , Ḳid., Husiatyn, 1902; (Pes.), Jerusalem, 1873.杰希勒（四第1327 ） ， perush （周一， naz ） ，在小; tosafot （ ber. ，中，华沙， 1862年;淑，耶路撒冷， 1903年;铑，兴业。 1871年;梅格，兴业。 1884年; '抗体。 zarah ，兴业。 1888年; giṭ ，君士坦丁堡， 1711年;骨髓， dyhernfurth ， 1823年; sanh ， ḥul ，中， sulzbach ，二一七六二; sheb ，威尼斯， 1608年; niddah的标题下，威尼斯， 1741 ） ;亚伦哈列维， ḳid ， husiatyn ， 1902 ， （ pes. ） ，耶路撒冷， 1873 。 Isaac Aboab (d. 1493), ḥiddushim (in the responsa of Moses Galante), Venice, 1608.艾萨克aboab （四1493 ） ， ḥiddushim （在responsa的摩西加兰特） ，威尼斯， 1608 。
Sixteenth Century.十六世纪。
Jacob be-Rab (d. 1546), ḥiddushim (Ket., Ḳid.), in his responsa, Venice, 1663.雅各布即将Rab的（四1546号） ， ḥiddushim （ ket. ， ḳid ） ，在他的responsa ，威尼斯， 1663 。 1549. 1549 。 Joshua Boaz Baruch, the indexes , , Venice.约书亚波阿斯baruch ，指标，威尼斯。 1552.第1552 。 Mattathias Delacrut, ḥiddushim ('Er.), Lublin. mattathias delacrut ， ḥiddushim （ '呃） ，卢布林。 1561. 1561 。 Joseph ibn Leb, ḥiddushim (Ket., B. Ḳ., Sheb., Constantinople, 1561; Giṭ., ib. 1573).约瑟夫的Ibn黎巴嫩， ḥiddushim （ ket. ，乙ḳ ， sheb ，君士坦丁堡， 1561年; giṭ ，兴业。 1573 ） 。 Solomon Luria (d. 1573), (Beẓah, Lublin, 1638; Yeb., Altona, 1740; Ḳid., Berlin, 1766; Ket., Lemberg, 1862; Giṭ., Berlin, 1761; Ḥul., Cracow, 1615); on nineteen treatises, Cracow, 1581.所罗门luria （四1573 ） ， （ beẓah ，卢布林，二一六三八; yeb ， altona ， 1740年; ḳid ，柏林， 1766年; KET的，伦贝格， 1862年; giṭ ，柏林， 1761年; ḥul ，克拉科夫， 1615 ） ; 19位论文，克拉科夫， 1581 。 1573. 1573 。 Judah b.犹大乙 Moses, , Constantinople.摩西，君士坦丁堡。 1577. 1577 。 Jacob (Beẓah), Jerusalem, 1865.雅各布（ beẓah ） ，耶路撒冷， 1865年。 1587. 1587 。 Samuel Jaffe Ashkenazi, on the haggadot of Yerushalmi, Venice, 1590.塞缪尔谢斐德系，就haggadot的yerushalmi ，威尼斯， 1590 。 Abraham Burjil, (Yeb., Ket., B. Ḳ., Bik.), ib.亚伯拉罕burjil ， （ yeb. ，氯胺酮，乙ḳ ，公牛） ，兴业。 1605. 1605年。 1591.第1591 。 Joseph ibn Ezra, (Ḳid.), Salonica.约瑟夫伊本以斯拉， （ ḳid. ） ， salonica 。 Bezaleel Ashkenazi, (Ber., Warsaw, 1863; Beẓah, Constantinople, 1731; Ket., ib. 1738; Naz., Leghorn, 1774; Soṭah, ib. 1800; B. Ḳ., Venice, 1762; BM, Amsterdam, 1726; BB, Lemberg, 1809; Seder Ḳodashim, excepting Ḥul., in W.).比撒列德系， （ ber. ，华沙， 1863年; beẓah ，君士坦丁堡， 1731年; KET的，兴业。 1738年; naz ，莱航， 1774年; soṭah步兵营， 1800 ;乙ḳ ，威尼斯， 1762年;骨髓，阿姆斯特丹， 1726年; BB心跳，伦贝格， 1809年; seder ḳodashim ，除ḥul ，在小） 。
Seventeenth Century. 17世纪。
1602. 1602 。 Samuel b.塞缪尔乙 Eleazer, ḥiddushim (Ket., Giṭ.), Prossnitz. eleazer ， ḥiddushim （ ket. ， giṭ ） ， prossnitz 。 1603. 1603年。 Jedidiah Galante, ḥiddushim (Beẓah, Yeb., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., 'Ab. Zarah), Venice. jedidiah加兰特ḥiddushim （ beẓah ， yeb ， giṭ ，乙ḳ ， '抗体。 zarah ） ，威尼斯。 1608. 1608 。 Abraham Ḥayyim Shor, ('Er., Pes., B. Ḳ., BM, BB Sanh., Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Lublin; (Seder Ḳodashim), Wandsbeck, 1729.亚伯拉罕ḥayyim绍尔， （ '呃，聚醚砜，乙ḳ ，骨髓，预算局sanh ， sheb ， '抗体。 zarah ， ḥul ） ，卢布林; （ seder ḳodashim ） ， wandsbeck ， 1729 。 Mordecai Jaffe (d. 1611), (glosses); in W. Moses b. mordecai谢斐（四1611 ） ， （一带） ，在总统摩西乙 Isaiah, ḥiddushim (Zeb.), Berlin, 1701.以赛亚书， ḥiddushim （ zeb. ） ，柏林， 1701 。 1612.第1612 。 Samuel Edels, ḥiddushim ( on all treatises), Lublin.塞缪尔edels ， ḥiddushim （关于所有论文） ，卢布林。 1614. 1614 。 Issachar Bär, (Hor., Ker., Soṭah, Ḥul.), Venice. issachar bär ， （ hor. ，这是因为， soṭah ， ḥul ） ，威尼斯。 1619. 1619 。 Meïr Lublin, (on most of the treatises), ib. meïr卢布林， （对大部分的论文） ，兴业。 Isaac ha-Levi, ḥiddushim (Sheb., Beẓab, Yeb., Ḳid., Ket., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Neuwied, 1736.艾萨克公顷-列维ḥiddushim （ sheb. ， beẓab ， yeb ， ḳid ， KET的， '抗体。 zarah ， ḥul ） ， neuwied ，二八三五一七三六。 Abraham di Boton (d. 1625), ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., in ), Venice, 1599.亚伯拉罕迪boton （四第1625 ） ， ḥiddushim （乙ḳ ，中） ，威尼斯， 1519 。 Joseph di Trani (d. 1639), ḥiddushim (Ḳid.), ib.约瑟夫迪特拉尼（四二一六三九） ， ḥiddushim （ ḳid. ） ，兴业。 1645. 16时45分。 Joel Sirkes (d. 1640), haggahot; in W. Joshua b.约珥西尔克斯（四1640 ） ， haggahot ;总统约书亚乙 Solomon (d. 1648), (Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., B. Ḳ., Ḥul.), Amsterdam, 1715.索罗门（四1648 ） ， （ shab. ，狗， beẓah ， yeb ， KET的， ḳid ，乙ḳ ， ḥul ） ，阿姆斯特丹， 1636 。 Lipmann Heller (d. 1654), (notes); in W. 1652. lipmann海勒（四1654 ） ， （注） ，在总统1652 。 Ḥiyya Rofe, (on nineteen treatises), Venice. ḥiyya rofe ， （ 19位论文） ，威尼斯。 1660. 1660 。 Mordecai Kremsier, (on the haggadot of Ber.), Amsterdam. mordecai kremsier ， （关于haggadot的误码率） ，阿姆斯特丹。 1662. 1662 。 Joshua Benveniste, (Yer. Zera'im, Constantinople, 1662; Mo'ed, Nashim Neziḳin, ib. 1754).约书亚benveniste ， （ yer.泽拉伊姆，君士坦丁堡， 1662年; mo'ed ，女之部neziḳin ，兴业。 1754 ） 。 Meïr Schiff b. meïr希夫乙 Jacob, ḥiddushe halakot (i., ii., Sheb., Beẓah, Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Sanh., Zeb., Ḥul.), Zolkiev, 1826, and in the editions.雅各布ḥiddushe halakot （一，二， sheb ， beẓah ， KET的， giṭ ，乙ḳ ，骨髓，预算局， sanh ， zeb ， ḥul ） ， zolkiev ， 1826年，并在版。 Joshua Höschel (d. 1663), ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., BM, BB), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1725.约书亚höschel （四1663 ） ， ḥiddushim （乙ḳ ，骨髓，预算局） ，法兰克福发表了主， 17时25分。 1664. 1,664个。 Solomon Algazi, ('Ab. Zarah, Ber., Ḥul., Venice, 1664; , Salonica, 1655; and , Constantinople, 1683; on haggadot).所罗门algazi ， （ '抗体。 zarah ，误码率， ḥul ，威尼斯， 1,664个; ， salonica ， 1655年，以及君士坦丁堡， 1683年; haggadot ） 。 1669. 1669 。 Aaron Samuel Kaidanover, (Zeb., Men., 'Er., Ker., Tem., Me'i.), Amsterdam, 1669; (Pes., Beẓah, Yeb., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1696.艾伦塞缪尔kaidanover ， （ zeb. ，男， '呃，因为，透射电镜， me'i ） ，阿姆斯特丹， 1669 ， （ pes. ， beẓah ， yeb ， KET的， giṭ ，乙ḳ 。 ，骨髓， ḥul ） ，法兰克福发表了主， 1696 。 1670. 1670 。 Jonah Teomim (d. 1699), (on thirteen treatises), Amsterdam.约拿teomim （四1699 ） ， （十三论文） ，阿姆斯特丹。 1671. 1671 。 Moses Benveniste of Segovia, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Smyrna.摩西benveniste的塞哥维亚， （ ber. ， seder mo'ed ） ，皆在。 Ḥayyim ben Israel Benveniste (d. 1673), (Sanh.), Leghorn, 1802. ḥayyim贲以色列benveniste （四1673 ） ， （ sanh. ） ，莱航， 1802 。 1682. 1605 。 Samuel Eliezer b.塞缪尔埃利泽乙 Judah, ḥiddushe aggadot, Frankfort.犹大， ḥiddushe aggadot ，法兰克福。 1686. 1686 。 Isaac Benjamin Wolf, ḥiddushim (BM), ib.艾萨克本杰明沃尔夫ḥiddushim （骨髓） ，兴业。 Moses ibn Ḥabib (d. 1696), (RH, Yoma, Suk.), Constantinople, 1727.摩西伊本ḥabib （四1696 ） ， （铑， yoma ，淑） ，君士坦丁堡， 1727 。 1693. 1693 。 Moses b.摩西乙 Simeon, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Prague.西麦（ ber. ， seder mo'ed ） ，布拉格。 1698. 1698 。 Judah b.犹大乙 Nissan, (Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Ḥul.), with ḥiddushim of David Oppenheim, Dessau.日产（ yeb. ， KET的， ḳid ， giṭ ，乙ḳ ，骨髓，预算局， ḥul件） ，与ḥiddushim大卫奥本海姆Dessau的。 1698. 1698 。 Naphtali Cohen, (Ber.), Frankfort. naphtali柯恩（ ber. ） ，法兰克福。 1699. 1699 。 Samuel Ẓarfati, (Ber., 'Er., Beẓah, RH, B. Ḳ., Hor.), Amsterdam.塞缪尔ẓarfati ， （ ber. ， '呃， beẓah ，铑，乙ḳ ，激素） ，阿姆斯特丹。 Meïr Schiff b. meïr希夫乙 Soloman, (Ber., Sheb., Beẓah, Pes., Men.), Fürth, 1798.所罗门， （ ber. ， sheb ， beẓah ，狗，男） ， fürth ， 1798 。 Baruch Angel, ḥiddushim (Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah, Ḥul.), Salonica, 1717. baruch天使， ḥiddushim （ ket. ， giṭ ，乙ḳ ，骨髓， sheb ， '抗体。 zarah ， ḥul ） ， salonica ， 1638 。 Nehemiah b.尼希米记二 Abraham Feiwel Duschnitz, (on twelve treatises), Amsterdam, 1694.亚伯拉罕feiwel杜施尼茨， （ 12个论文） ，阿姆斯特丹， 1694 。 Judah Liva b.犹大liva乙 Bezaleel (Shab., 'Er., Pes.), Lemberg, 1861.比撒列（ shab. ， '呃，狗） ，伦贝格， 1861 。
Eighteenth Century.十八世纪。
1700. 1700 。 Joseph b.约瑟夫乙 Jacob, (on the haggadah), Amsterdam.雅各布（关于haggadah ） ，阿姆斯特丹。 Elijah Spira (d. 1712), (Ḳid., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Fürth, 1768.以利亚spira （四1712 ） ， （ ḳid. ， KET的， giṭ ，乙ḳ ，骨髓， ḥul ） ， fürth ， 1768 。 Abraham Broda (d. 1717), (Pes., Giṭ., BM, BB), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1747; (Ḳid., Ket.), Fürth, 1769; ḥiddushim (B. Ḳ., BM, Sanh. in ), Offenbach, 1723.亚伯拉罕broda （四1717 ） ， （ pes. ， giṭ ，骨髓，预算局） ，法兰克福发表了主， 1747 ， （ ḳid. ，氯胺酮） ， fürth ， 1769年; ḥiddushim （乙ḳ ，骨髓， sanh中） ，在Offenbach ， 1723 。 1710. 1631 。 Elijah b.以利亚乙 Judah, perush on Yer.犹大， perush对也门里亚尔。 Zera'im and Sheḳ., Amsterdam, 1710; B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Frankfort, 1742.泽拉伊姆和sheḳ ，阿姆斯特丹， 1710年;乙ḳ ，骨髓，预算局，法兰克福， 1742 。 1710. 1631 。 Abraham Naphtali Spitz, (on most of the treatises), Frankfort-on-the-Main.亚伯拉罕naphtali Spitz也， （对大部分的论文） ，法兰克福- - -主。 1711. 1632 。 Samuel Shotten, (Seder Neziḳin, excepting Hor.), ib.塞缪尔shotten ， （ seder neziḳin ，除激素） ，兴业。 1714. 1635 。 Akiba b.秋叶乙 Judah Löb, (Ket.), ib.犹大löb ， （ ket. ） ，兴业。 1715. 1636 。 Meïr Eisenstadt (d. 1744), (part i., Zeb., Shab., Ḥul., Amsterdam, 1715; part ii., Giṭ., Sulzbach, 1733; part iii., Ḳid., Beẓah, ib. 1738; also B. Ḳ., Sudilkov, 1832). meïr几本（四1744 ） ， （第一部分， zeb ，沙巴， ḥul ，阿姆斯特丹， 17时15分;第二部分， giṭ ， sulzbach ， 1733年;第三部分， ḳid ， beẓah ，兴业。 1738年;也乙ḳ ， sudilkov ， 1832 ） 。 Joseph ha-Kohen Tanuji (d. 1720), (B. Ḳ., BM, 'Ab. Zarah), Leghorn, 1793.约瑟夫哈kohen tanuji （四1720 ） ， （乙ḳ ，骨髓， '抗体。 zarah ） ，莱航， 1793 。 1720. 1641 。 Solomon Kohen, ḥiddushim (on eleven treatises), Wilmersdorf.所罗门kohen ， ḥiddushim （十论文） ， wilmersdorf 。 1725. 17时25分。 Samuel di Avila, (Naz.), Amsterdam.塞缪尔迪阿维拉， （ naz. ） ，阿姆斯特丹。 Menahem Nahum b. menahem结果公布二 Jacob, (on fourteen treatises), Dyhernfurth, 1726.雅各布（十四论文） ， dyhernfurth ， 1726 。 1728. 1728 。 Johanan Kremnitzer, (Naz.), Berlin.约哈难kremnitzer ， （ naz. ） ，柏林。 1728. 1728 。 Elijah b.以利亚乙 Jacob, (Pes., Ḳid., Ket., Giṭ., B. Ḳ.), Wandsbeck.雅各布（ pes. ， ḳid ， KET的， giṭ ，乙ḳ ） ， wandsbeck 。 Elijah ha-Kohen (d. 1729), (Yer. Zera'im), Smyrna, 1755.以利亚夏kohen （四1729 ） ， （ yer.泽拉伊姆） ，皆在1755年 1729. 1729 。 Judah of Gross-Glogau, (on most of the treatises), Amsterdam.犹大的毛-格洛戈， （对大部分的论文） ，阿姆斯特丹。 1729. 1729 。 Jacob b.雅各布乙 Joseph Reischer, (on haggadot), Wilmersdorf.约瑟夫reischer ， （对haggadot ） ， wilmersdorf 。 1730. 17时30分。 Menahem Manuele, (on most of the treatises), Wandsbeck. menahem manuele ， （对大部分的论文） ， wandsbeck 。 1731. 1731 。 Isaac b.艾萨克乙 David, (Ber., Seder Mo'ed), Amsterdam.大卫（ ber. ， seder mo'ed ） ，阿姆斯特丹。 Jacob b.雅各布乙 Joseph Kremer, (RH, Amsterdam, 1731; Meg., Altona, 1735).约瑟夫克雷默， （铑，阿姆斯特丹， 1731年;梅格， altona ， 1735 ） 。 Aryeh Löb b. aryeh löb乙 Asher, (Ta'an.), Wilna, 1862; (RH, Ḥag., Meg.), Metz, 1781.阿什尔， （ ta'an ） ，维尔纳， 1862 ， （铑， ḥag ，梅格） ，梅斯， 1781 。 1733. 1733 。 Selig b.塞利格乙 Phoebus, (on haggadot), Offenbach. phoebus ， （对haggadot ） ，在Offenbach 。 1733. 1733 。 Ephraim b.艾弗冷乙 Samuel, (on most of the treatises), Altona.萨穆埃尔， （对大部分的论文） ， altona 。 1737. 1737 。 Ẓebi Hirsch b. ẓebi赫希乙 Joshua, (Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., B. Ḳ., BM, Ḥul.), Prague.约书亚， （ yeb. ， KET的， ḳid ，乙ḳ ，骨髓， ḥul ） ，布拉格。 1739.二八三五一七三九。 Jacob Joshua Falk (d. 1756), (Ket., Giṭ., Ḳid., Amsterdam, 1739; Ber., Shab., Pes., RH, Suk., Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1752; B. Ḳ., BM, ib. 1756; Ḥul., Mak., Sheb., Fürth, 1780).雅各布约书亚法尔克（四1756 ） ， （ ket. ， giṭ ， ḳid ，阿姆斯特丹， 1739年;误码率，沙巴，聚醚砜，铑，淑，法兰克福发表了主， 1752名;乙ḳ ，骨髓，兴业。 1756年; ḥul ，麦， sheb ， fürth ， 1780 ） 。 1740. 17时40 。 Shabbethai b. shabbethai乙 Moses, (on most of the treatises), Fürth.郑慕智， （对大部分的论文） ， fürth 。 1741. 1741 。 Israel b.以色列乙 Moses, (on the mathematical passages), Frankfort-on-the-Oder.摩西， （关于数学通道） ，法兰克福- - -阶。 1743. 1743 。 David Fränkel, and (Yer. Seder Mo'ed, Dessau, 1743; Seder Nashim, ib. 1757).朱fränkel ，以及（ yer. seder mo'ed Dessau的， 1743年; seder女之部，兴业。 1757 ） 。 1750. 1750年。 Moses Margolioth, (Yer. Nashim, Amsterdam, 1750; Neziḳin, Leghorn, 1770).摩西margolioth ， （ yer.女之部，阿姆斯特丹， 1750年; neziḳin ，莱航， 1770 ） 。 1751. 1751 。 Jacob Samosc, (Ber., Suk., Beẓah, Ḳid., B. Ḳ., BM, Sheb.), Rödelheim.雅各布samosc ， （ ber. ，淑， beẓah ， ḳid ，乙ḳ ，骨髓， sheb ） ， rödelheim 。 1755. 1755年 Aaron b.亚伦乙 Nathan, (on most of the treatises), Zolkiev.弥敦道， （对大部分的论文） ， zolkiev 。 1756. 1756 。 Ḥayyim Joseph David Azulai, (Hor.), Leghorn. ḥayyim约瑟夫大卫azulai ， （ hor. ） ，莱航。 Akiba Eger (d. 1758), (Ber., Shab., 'Er., Pes., Beẓah, Suk., Yeb., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., Seder Neziḳin, Seder Ḳodashim, Niddah), Fürth, 1781.秋叶eger （四1758 ） ， （ ber. ，沙巴， '呃，聚醚砜， beẓah ，淑， yeb ， KET的， ḳid ， giṭ ， seder neziḳin ， seder ḳodashim ， niddah ） ， fürth ， 1781 。 1757. 1757 。 Joseph b.约瑟夫乙 Meïr Teomim (d. 1793), (Yeb., Ket.). meïr teomim （四1793 ） ， （ yeb. ，氯胺酮） 。 Zolkiev, 1757; (Ḥul., Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1794; Sheb., Meg., Lemberg, 1863). zolkiev ， 1757 ， （ ḥul. ，法兰克福- - -奥得， 1794年; sheb ，梅格，伦贝格， 1863年） 。 1760.器1760 。 Isaiah Berlin, and (notes on all the treatises: ḥiddushim on Naz.), np; haggahot in W. 1763.以赛亚柏林，和（附注所有论文： ḥiddushim对naz ） ， NP方案; haggahot在总统1763 。 Joseph Darmstadt, (Ber., Beẓah, Meg.), Carlsruhe.约瑟夫达姆施塔特（ ber. ， beẓah ，梅格） ， carlsruhe 。 Jonathan Eybeschütz (d. 1764), (on most of the treatises), Piotrkow, 1897.乔纳森eybeschütz （四1764 ） ， （对大部分的论文） ，彼得库夫， 1897 。 1766. 1766 。 Isaac Ashkenazi, (Giṭ., Ket., B. Ḳ.), Salonica.艾萨克德系， （ giṭ. ，氯胺酮，乙ḳ ） ， salonica 。 1766. 1766 。 Isaac Nuñez-Vaez, (Yoma, Leghorn, 1766; Ḥag., ib. 1794).艾萨克努涅斯-瓦埃兹， （ yoma ，莱航， 1766年; ḥag ，兴业。 1794 ） 。 Jacob Emden (d. 1776), glosses; in W. 1776.雅各布emden （四1776 ） ，敷衍了事;总统1776 。 Elijah Sidlov, (Zeb., Men., Tem.), Fürth, 1776.以利亚sidlov ， （ zeb. ，男， TEM等） ， fürth ， 1776 。 1776. 1776 。 Eleazar Kallir (d. 1801), (Pes., Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1776; Ḳid., Vienna, 1799).埃莱亚萨kallir （四1801年） ， （ pes. ，法兰克福- - -奥得， 1776年; ḳid ，维也纳， 1799 ） 。 Judah Lissa, (Zeb.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1776; (Men.), Prague, 1788.犹大坠毁， （ zeb. ） ，法兰克福发表了主， 1776 ， （ men. ） ，布拉格， 1788 。 1777. 1777 。 Itzig b. itzig乙 Samson, (Yoma, Beẓah, Sheb., Ḥul., 'Ar., Tem., Me'i., Ker.), Sulzbach.黄山， （ yoma ， beẓah ， sheb ， ḥul ， '氩，透射电镜， me'i ，因为这件） ， sulzbach 。 1778. 1778 。 Saul b.娑罗双树乙 Aryeh (d. 1790), (on fourteen treatises), Amsterdam. aryeh （四1790 ， ） ， （十四论文） ，阿姆斯特丹。 1778. 1778 。 Raphael Peiser, (Pes., Shab., Beẓah, Ket., RH, Ḥul.), Dyhernfurth, 1778; (Ḳid., Giṭ.), ib.拉斐尔peiser ， （ pes. ，沙巴， beẓah ， KET的，铑， ḥul ） ， dyhernfurth ， 1778 ， （ ḳid. ， giṭ ） ，兴业。 1805. 1805 。 1781. 1781 。 Eliezer de Avila, (i., BM, Hor.; ii., Ket., Ḳid., Leghorn, 1781-85).埃利泽德阿维拉， （一，骨髓，激素;二， KET的， ḳid ，莱航， 1781年至1785年） 。 1784.可以追溯到1784年。 Nathan Maas, (Sanh., Offenbach, 1784; 'Ab. Zarah, ib. 1796).弥敦道马斯， （ sanh. ，在Offenbach ，可以追溯到1784年; '抗体。 zarah ，兴业。 1796 ） 。 1784.可以追溯到1784年。 Ezekiel Landau (Pes., Prague, 1784; Ber., ib. 1791; Beẓah, ib. 1799; Sheb., 'Er., Warsaw, 1879; RH, Yoma, Suk., Ta'an., Hag., Meg., ib. 1890; Ḥul., Zeb., Men., ib. 1891); glosses; in W. Elijah Wilna (d. 1797), glosses and elucidations of both Talmudim in various editions.以西结的Landau （ pes. ，布拉格，可以追溯到1784年;误码率，兴业。 1791年; beẓah ，兴业。 1799年; sheb ， '呃，华沙， 1879年;铑， yoma ，淑， ta'an ， hag ，梅格，兴业。 1890年; ḥul ， zeb ，男，兴业。 1891 ） ;一带，在小利亚维尔纳（四1797 ） ，敷衍了事和阐发双方talmudim在各个版本。 1785. 1785 。 Moses Katz, (Sheḳ.), Fürth.摩西凯兹， （ sheḳ. ） ， fürth 。 1786. 1786 。 Phinehas Horwitz, (part i., Ket., Offenbach, 1786; part ii., Ḳid., ib. 1801; part iii., Ber., Munkacs, 1895).非尼哈horwitz ， （第一部分， KET的，在Offenbach ， 1786年;第二部分， ḳid ，兴业。 1801年;第三部分，误码率， munkacs ， 1895年） 。 1786. 1786 。 Meïr Barby, ḥiddushe halakot (i., Beẓah, Pes., Ḳid., Ket., Dyhernfurth, 1786; ii., Yoma, Suk., Giṭ., Ḥul., Sheb., Prague, 1793). meïr barby ， ḥiddushe halakot （一， beẓah ，狗， ḳid ， KET的， dyhernfurth ， 1786年;二， yoma ，淑， giṭ ， ḥul ， sheb ，布拉格， 1793 ） 。 Uziel Meisels, (Sheb.), Lemberg, 1886.于齐耶尔迈泽尔斯， （ sheb. ） ，伦贝格， 1886年。 1788. 1788 。 Wolf Lasch, (i., ii., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., Brẓnn, 1788; Vienna, 1829).狼lasch ， （一，二， KET的， ḳid ， giṭ ， brẓnn ， 1788年;维也纳， 1829 ） 。 1789. 1789年。 Joseph David Sinzheim, (Ber., entire Seder Mo'ed), Offenbach.约瑟夫大卫辛茨海姆， （ ber. ，整个seder mo'ed ） ，在Offenbach 。 David Schiff (d. 1792), (on most of the treatises), ib.朱希夫（四1792年） ， （对大部分的论文） ，兴业。 1822. 1822 。 1791. 1791 。 Levi Pollak, (B. Ḳ., BM, BB, Sheb., 'Ab. Zarah), Prague.利维pollak ， （乙ḳ ，骨髓，预算局， sheb ， '抗体。 zarah ） ，布拉格。 1792. 1792年。 Isaac b.艾萨克乙 Ẓebi, (Zeb.), Lemberg. ẓebi ， （ zeb. ） ，伦贝格。 1792. 1792年。 Meïr Spitz, (RH, Yoma, Suk., Meg., Ta'an.), Vienna. meïr Spitz也， （铑， yoma ，淑，梅格， ta'an ） ，维也纳。 1794. 1794 。 Judah Najar, (Sheb.), Leghorn, 1794; (Ker.), Pisa, 1816.犹大najar ， （ sheb. ） ，莱航， 1794 ， （ ker. ） ，比萨， 1816 。 1796. 1796 。 Baruch b. baruch乙 Samuel Zanwil, (Ket.), Vienna, 1796.塞缪尔zanwil ， （ ket. ） ，维也纳， 1796 。 1796. 1796 。 Joseph b.约瑟夫乙 Moses, (B. Ḳ.), Lemberg.郑慕智， （乙ḳ ） ，伦贝格。 1799. 1799 。 Elijah Ventura, (on twenty-one treatises), Salonica.以利亚范杜拉， （ 2001年论文） ， salonica 。 Aryeh Judah Löb Teomim, (Ber., Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Ḥul., Ḳid., Sheb.), Zolkiev, 1802. aryeh犹大löb teomim ， （ ber. ，沙巴，聚醚砜， beẓah ， ḥul ， ḳid ， sheb ） ， zolkiev ， 1802 。 Ḥayyim Shabbethai Lago, (Ber., Pes., Ḳid., Sanh., Ḥul.), Salonica, 1801. ḥayyim shabbethai拉戈， （ ber. ，狗， ḳid ， sanh ， ḥul ） ， salonica ， 1801 。 Abraham b.亚伯拉罕乙 Jacob Mutal, (Naz.), np, 1821.雅各布mutal ， （ naz. ） ， NP的， 1821 。 Ḥayyim Abraham. ḥayyim亚伯拉罕。 b.乙 Samuel, ḥiddushim (Shab., RH, Suk., Ḥul.), Salonica, 1804.萨穆埃尔， ḥiddushim （ shab. ，铑，淑， ḥul ） ， salonica ， 1804 。
Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries.十九世纪和二十世纪。
1801. 1801年。 Ẓebi Hirsch Horwitz, (14 treatises), Offenbach. ẓebi赫希horwitz ， （ 14论文） ，在Offenbach 。 1801. 1801年。 Eleazar Karpeles, (Hor.), Prague; (Ḥul., 'Ar.), ib.埃莱亚萨卡佩莱斯， （ hor. ） ，布拉格（ ḥul. ， '氩） ，兴业。 1815. 1815年。 1802. 1802年。 Bezaleel Ronsburg, (Hor.), Prague; , notes, in W. 1802.比撒列ronsburg ， （ hor. ） ，布拉格; ，笔记，在总统1802年。 Eleazar Löw, (Ber., Pes., Beẓah), Prague.埃莱亚萨löw ， （ ber. ，狗， beẓah ） ，布拉格。 1804. 1804年。 Abraham Aryeh Kahana, (on most of the treatises), Ostrog.亚伯拉罕aryeh kahana ， （对大部分的论文） ， ostrog 。 1810. 1810年。 Meïr Schlesinger, (Shab., RH, Giṭ., BM), Prague. meïr施莱辛格， （ shab. ，铑， giṭ ，骨髓） ，布拉格。 1811. 1811 。 Jacob Simeon Shabbethai, (Meg., Ta'an.), Pisa, 1821; (Ker.), ib.雅各布西麦shabbethai ， （ meg. ， ta'an ） ，比萨， 1821年; （ ker. ） ，兴业。 1811. 1811 。 1814. 1814年。 Jacob Günzburg, (Ber., Shab.), Prague.雅各布günzburg ， （ ber. ，沙巴） ，布拉格。 1815. 1815年。 Benedetto Frizzi, (on haggadot), Leghorn. benedetto frizzi ， （对haggadot ） ，莱航。 1821. 1821 。 Nahum Trebitsch, (Yer. Seder Mo'ed), Vienna.结果公布trebitsch ， （ yer. seder mo'ed ） ，维也纳。 1822. 1822 。 David Deutsch, (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1822, 1825; Presburg, 1836; Ungvar, 1867.朱道依茨， （对大部分的论文） ，维也纳， 1822年1825年; presburg ， 1836年;温格瓦尔， 1867年。 Moses Sofer, (Beẓah, Piotrkow, 1898; BB, ib. 1896; Shab., Vienna, 1889; Ḥul., Giṭ., ib. 1893; Pes., Jerusalem, 1894); haggahot in W. 1822.摩西sofer ， （ beẓah ，彼得库夫， 1898年; BB心跳，兴业。 1896年;沙巴，维也纳， 1889年; ḥul ， giṭ ，兴业。 1893年;聚醚砜，耶路撒冷， 1894年） ; haggahot在总统1822 。 Gabriel Cohen, (BB, Sheb.), Vienna.加布里埃尔柯恩（ BB心跳， sheb ） ，维也纳。 1823. 1823年。 Jacob Lissa, (Ket.), Hrubisov.雅各布坠毁， （ ket. ） ， hrubisov 。 1824. 1824年。 Marcus Hirsch, (Seder Mo'ed excepting Shab., 'Er., Ḥag.), Prague.马库斯赫希， （ seder mo'ed除沙巴， '呃， ḥag ） ，布拉格。 Shalom Ullmann (d. 1825), (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1826.沙洛姆乌尔曼（四1825年） ， （对大部分的论文） ，维也纳， 1826 。 Akiba Eger (d. 1837), (Ber., Seder Mo'ed, Yeb., Ket.), Warsaw, 1892; (BM, Giṭ.), Berlin, 1858; notes in W. 1826.秋叶eger （四1837 ） ， （ ber. ， seder mo'ed ， yeb ，氯胺酮） ，华沙， 1892年; （骨髓， giṭ ） ，柏林， 1858年;纸币总统1826 。 Ẓebi Hirsch Leipnik, (Ber., Shab., 'Er., Pes., Beẓah, Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ., BM, Ker., Zeb.), Ofen. ẓebi赫希leipnik ， （ ber. ，沙巴， '呃，聚醚砜， beẓah ， KET的， ḳid ， giṭ ，骨髓，因为， zeb ） ， ofen 。 Isaac Ardit, ('Ar.), Salonica, 1828.艾萨克阿尔迪特， （ '氩） ， salonica ， 1828年。 1829. 1829年。 Jacob Weiler, ('Er.), Zolkiev.雅各布Weiler在， （耳） ， zolkiev 。 Aaron Kuttner (d. 1829), (Nid.), Paks, 1901.阿伦kuttner （四1829 ） ， （ nid. ） ， paks ， 1901 。 Cosman Wodianer (d. 1831), (2 parts, on most of the treatises), ed. cosman wodianer （四1831 ） ， （ 2部分，对大部分的论文） ，教育署。 Bacher, Vienna, 1890. bacher ，维也纳， 1890 。 Ẓebi Hirsch Heller, (Giṭ.), Zolkiev, 1844. ẓebi赫希海勒， （ giṭ. ） ， zolkiev ， 1844年。 1834. 1834年。 Solomon Kluger, (Niddah), Zolkiev 1834; (Beẓah), Lemberg, 1891.所罗门kluger ， （ niddah ） ， zolkiev 1834年（ beẓah ） ，伦贝格， 1891 。 Ezekiel Binet (d. 1836), (Shab., Pes., Beẓah, Kid., Giṭ., Mek., Ḥul.), Paks, 1899.以西结binet （四1836年） ， （ shab. ，狗， beẓah ，小时候， giṭ ，人民圣战者组织， ḥul ） ， paks ， 1899 。 Wolf Bär Schiff (d. 1842), ('Er.), Cracow, 1894.狼bär希夫（四1842年） ， （耳） ，克拉科夫， 1894年。 Koppel Reich, , Presburg, 1837.考波帝国， presburg ， 1837 。 Benjamin Rapoport, (Mak.), Vienna, 1839.本杰明拉波波特， （ mak. ） ，维也纳， 1839年。 1840. 1840 。 Hirsch Chajes, haggahot; in W. Aryeh Judah b.赫希沙热， haggahot ;总统aryeh犹大乙 Akiba, (Ḥul.), Lemberg, 1861.秋叶， （ ḥul. ） ，伦贝格， 1861 。 1850. 1850年。 Samuel Freund, (Seder Mo'ed), Prague.塞缪尔弗罗德， （ seder mo'ed ） ，布拉格。 1850. 1850年。 Jacob Ettlinger (d. 1869), (Ker., Altona, 1850; Yeb., ib. 1854; RH, Sanh., Warsaw, 1873); (Suk.), Altona, 1858.雅各布ettlinger （四1869年） ， （ ker. ， altona ， 1850年; yeb ，兴业。 1854年;铑， sanh ，华沙， 1873年） ; （ suk. ） ， altona ， 1858 。 1851. 1851年。 David b.国宝乙 Samuel, (Seder Ḳodashim), Leghorn, 1851; (Naz.), Algiers, 1853.塞缪尔（ seder ḳodashim ） ，莱航， 1851年; （ naz. ） ，阿尔及尔， 1853年。 1851. 1851年。 Isaac Kamarun, (Sheḳ.), Lemberg.艾萨克kamarun ， （ sheḳ. ） ，伦贝格。 1854. 1854年。 Nathan Coronel, (Ber.), Vienna.弥敦道coronel ， （ ber. ） ，维也纳。 1857. 1875 。 Issachar Bär ben Sinai, (on most of the treatises), Vienna, 1857. issachar bär本西奈， （对大部分的论文） ，维也纳， 1857年。 1859. 1859年。 Wiesner, scholia on Babli (part i., Ber., Prague, 1859; part ii., Shab., ib. 1862; part iii., 'Er., Pes., ib. 1867).了Wiesner ， scholia对babli （第一部分，误码率，布拉格， 1859年;第二部分，沙巴，兴业。 1862年;第三部分， '呃，聚醚砜，兴业。 1867年） 。 1860. 1860年。 Zeeb Ettinger and Joseph Nathansohn, , (glosses, etc., on Yer.), Jitomir. zeeb ettinger和约瑟夫nathansohn ， ， （敷衍了事等，对也门里亚尔） ， jitomir 。 1861. 1861年。 Ezekiel b.以西结乙 Moses, (Ket., Ned.), Warsaw.摩西（ ket. ，非执行董事） ，华沙。 Mordecai Müller, (Shab.), Vienna. mordecai穆勒， （ shab. ） ，维也纳。 1862. 1862年。 Weissman Chajes, Solomon Brann, Judel Slabatki, notes on Yer., Krotoschin.威斯曼沙热，索罗门白兰恩， judel slabatki ，债券层， krotoschin 。 1864. 1864年。 Mordecai Herzka, (Ber.), Vienna. mordecai herzka ， （ ber. ） ，维也纳。 Issachar Präger, (Giṭ.), Lemberg. issachar präger ， （ giṭ. ） ，伦贝格。 1867. 1867年。 A. Krochmal, (notes on Yer.), Lemberg.答： krochmal ， （注于也门里亚尔） ，伦贝格。 1867-97. 1867年至1897年。 Rabbinovicz, , i.-xvi. rabbinovicz ， ，一-十六。 (variant readings on the entire Talmud), Munich and Przemysl. （变读，对整个犹太法典） ，慕尼黑和przemysl 。 1869. 1869 。 Aryeh Löb Zunz, (Giṭ.), Warsaw. aryeh löb聪茨， （ giṭ. ） ，华沙。 Joshua Eizik, (Yer. Seder Neziḳin), Wilna.约书亚eizik ， （ yer. seder neziḳin ） ，维尔纳。 1874. 1874年。 Zacharias Frankel, (i., Yer. Ber., Beẓah; ii., Dem.), Breslau, 1874-75.弗兰克尔撒迦利亚， （一，也门里亚尔。误码率， beẓah ;二，数字高程模型） ，布雷斯劳， 1874年至1875年。 1876. 1876年。 Asher Cohen, (Naz.), Warsaw.阿什尔柯恩（ naz. ） ，华沙。 1877. 1877年。 Raphael Schlesinger, (Sanh., Sheb.), Berlin.拉斐尔施莱辛格， （ sanh. ， sheb ） ，柏林。 1878. 1878年。 Naphtali Ẓebi ha-Levi, (Giṭ.), Przemysl. naphtali ẓebi公顷-列维（ giṭ. ） ， przemysl 。 1880. 1880年。 I. Ḥayyim Deiches, (Yer. B. Ḳ.), Wilna.一ḥayyim deiches ， （ yer.乙ḳ ） ，维尔纳。 1883. 1883年。 Benjamin Ḥeshin, (Seder Neziḳin, Ḳodashim), Warsaw.本杰明ḥeshin ， （ seder neziḳin ， ḳodashim ） ，华沙。 1888. 1888 。 Meïr Friedmann, notes on his edition of Mak., Vienna. meïr弗里德曼，就说明他的版本，麦，维也纳。 1888. 1888 。 A. Schmidl, (Ḳid.), in "Oẓar ha-Sifrut," ii.-iii.答：施米德尔， （ ḳid. ） ，在" oẓar夏sifrut ， " ii. -三。 1888. 1888 。 Simon Sidon, (Beẓah), Vienna.西门西顿， （ beẓah ） ，维也纳。 1895. 1895年。 I. Lewy, interpretation of the first three sections of Yer.一路易，口译的前三部分的层。 Neziḳin, Breslau, 1895-1902. neziḳin ，布雷斯劳， 1895年至1902年。 1897. 1897 。 SL Brill, "Aus den Talmudischen Randnoten des . . . von Ludwig Blau," in "Monatsschrift," 1897.晚上布瑞尔表示， "澳大利亚书斋talmudischen randnoten万… … 。冯路德维希blau " ，在" monatsschrift ， " 1897 。 1899. 1899 。 Isaac Chajes, (Mak.), Podgorze.艾萨克沙热， （ mak. ） ， podgorze 。 1897-1903. 1897年至1903年。 Joseph Dünner, haggahot (i., 'Er., Beẓah, Suk.; ii., Ket., Ḳid., Giṭ.; iii., Sanh., Mak., Sheb., Hor.), Frankfort.约瑟夫dünner ， haggahot （一， '呃， beẓah ，淑;二， KET的， ḳid ， giṭ 。 ;三， sanh ，麦， sheb ，激素） ，法兰克福。 1901. 1901 。 Dob Baer Ratner, (on Yer. Ber., Shab., Ter., Ḥal.), Wilna, 1901-4.出生日期Baer的拉特纳， （对也门里亚尔。误码率，沙巴，之三， ḥal ） ，维尔纳， 1901-4 。 1905. 1905 。 Sal.萨尔。 Friedländer, and (on Yer. Yeb.), Szinervareya. friedländer ，以及（对也门里亚尔。 yeb ） ， szinervareya 。
Wilhelm Bacher,
M. Richtmann威廉bacher ，米richtmann
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between
1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901年至1906年之间。
Bibliography:
参考书目：
Weiss, Dor, iv., v., Vienna, 1887,
1891; Zunz, ZG pp.魏斯， dor ，四，五，维也纳， 1887年， 1891年;聪茨，志广页。 29-59, Berlin, 1845; Jellinek, Ḳorot
Seder ha-Limmud, in Keller's Bikkurim (Vienna), i. 29-59 ，柏林， 1845年;
jellinek ， ḳorot seder夏limmud ，在凯勒的bikkurim （维也纳） ，一。 1-26, ii. 1-26 ，二。 1-19; idem, Ḳonṭres ha-Mefaresh,
Vienna, 1877; Frankel, Introductio in Talmud Hierosolymitanum, pp. 1-19
;同上， ḳonṭres夏mefaresh ，维也纳， 1877年;弗兰克尔，
introductio在犹太法典hierosolymitanum页。 138-141, Breslau, 1870; Steinschneider,
Cat. 138-141 ，布雷斯劳， 1870年; steinschneider ，猫。 Bodl. bodl 。 passim; Zedner, Cat.各处; zedner
，猫。 Hebr.黑布尔。 Books Brit.书籍英国人。 Mus.毛里求斯。 passim; Fürst, Bibl.各处; fürst ，
bibl 。 Jud. jud
。 passim.WBM
Ri. passim.wbm里。
1. 1 。 DEFINITION定义
Talmud was a post-Biblical substantive formation of Pi'el ("to teach"), and originally signified "doctrine" or "study".犹太法典是一个专圣经实质性形成pi'el （ "教" ） ，并由原来标志着"学说"或"研究" 。 In a special sense, however, it meant the justification and explanation of religious and legal norms or Halakhoth ("conduct", signifying "the law in accordance with which the conduct of life is to be regulated").在一个特殊的意义，不过，它指的是理由和解释的宗教和法律规范或halakhoth （ "行为" ，以表扬他们的"法律根据该条规定的行为，生活，是受到规管" ） 。 When in the third century the Halakhoth collection of Jehuda I or the recorded Mishna became the chief object of study, the expression "Talmud" was applied chiefly to the discussions and explanations of the Mishna.当在第三世纪halakhoth收集jehuda I或有记录mishna成为行政的研究对象中， "塔木德经"是应用主要是讨论和解释这次mishna 。 Finally, it became the general designation for the Mishna itself and the collection of discussions concerned with it.最后，它成了通用指定为mishna本身以及收集的讨论与关注。 For the latter the designation Gemara, interpreted as "completion" from the Hebrew and Aramaic words meaning "to complete", subsequently became the accepted term.对于后者指定gemara ，解释为"完成"从希伯来语和阿拉米文词，意思是"完成" ，后来成为公认的任期。 The word first found entrance into the Talmud editions through Christian censorship; manuscripts and the old printed editions use the expression Talmud.一词首次发现进入犹太法典版本通过基督教检查;手稿和旧印刷版使用表达犹太法典。 We therefore understand by Talmud a compilation consisting of the Mishna, ie the codification of Jewish religious and legal norms, and of the Gemara, or the collection of discussions and explanations concerning the Mishna.因此，我们所理解犹太法典的汇编构成的mishna ，即编纂的犹太宗教和法律规范，以及有关gemara ，或收集的讨论和解释有关mishna 。
II.二。 ORIGIN OF THE TALMUD原产地的犹太法典
Since Esdras the foundation of the Jewish religious community was the law.自埃斯德拉斯立党之本，犹太宗教社会法律。 Everything was regulated in accordance with fixed norms; nothing could be added or changed in the law laid down in the Pentateuch.一切都在监管，按照固定的规范;没有什么可以补充或变更，在法律规定的，在pentateuch 。 Yet the ever-varying conditions of life called for new ordinances, and these were decreed in accordance with the needs of the time and the special cases to be determined.但是，任何时候都变的生活条件，要求新条例，并得到了这些命令，按照需要的时间和特殊情况下加以确定。 There were thus formed a traditional law and custom orally transmitted.有从而形成了传统的国际法和惯例口头传送。 Every decree of this kind (halakha), if it had existed from time immemorial and nothing further could be said in regard to its origin, was called a law given to Moses on Mount Sinai.每一个法令的这种（哈拉卡） ，如果它已存在了，从远古时代，并没有什么可以再可以说，在关于它的起源，被称为一项法律，给予摩西在西奈山。 Even for orthodox Judaism of today it is an article of faith that Moses, at the same time that he received the written law recorded in the Pentateuch, also received detailed explanations of the different laws which were handed down by tradition as oral law.即使是正统犹太教的今天，它是一个信条，即摩西，在同一时间内，他已经接到书面法记录在pentateuch ，也得到了详细的解释不同法律，其中流传下来的传统口服法。 In addition to this the scribes at an early period attempted, by interpretation of the Torah, to make the law applicable to the changed conditions of life, to base the new precepts at least retrospectively on the Torah, and to draw out of it further religious laws.除了这文士在较早时期企图中，解释律法，以使法律适用于变化了的生活条件，以生成新的戒律，至少可追溯至律法，并拟订出它进一步宗教法律。 For this kind of Scriptural learning hermeneutic rules (Middoth) were at a later period established, at first seven, which were then divided into fourteen, and finally increased to thirty-two.对于这种圣经学习诠释学规则（ middoth ） ，在稍后时期成立后，在首七年，然后分成14个，并最终上升至32 。 All the older additions to the Torah as well as the constantly increasing new material were for a long time transmitted orally, and, according to the prevailing view, it was forbidden to record it in writing.所有老年人增添了律法以及为不断增加的新材料在相当长的时间传送口头的，而且根据普遍的看法是，它被禁止的纪录来看，以书面提出。 But it is at all events wrong to assume that there was a formal prohibition to record Halakhoth in writing.但它是在所有比赛中一个错误的假设，有一个正式的禁令，以记录halakhoth书面答复。 The prohibition probably referred to written records intended for public use; for a fixed record of the traditional law would have acted as a hindrance to its further development in accordance with the existing needs of the day.禁止大概提到了文献记载的意图供公众使用;一个固定的纪录，传统的法会起到阻碍了它的进一步发展，按照现行的需求与日俱增。 It is by no means improbable that the final reduction of the Mishna was preceded by previous written records, especially after Rabbi Agiba, at the beginning of the second century, had divested the study of the law of its previous Midrash character and had undertaken to arrange the materials systematically.它绝非是难以琢磨的说，最后削减的mishna之前，由先前的书面记录后，特别是拉比agiba ，去年初在公元二世纪，已经剥夺了学习的规律，其以往midrash性质，并承诺安排该材料系统。 Among his pupils it was probably Rabbi Me'ir who continued these systematic labours.他的学生，它可能是拉比me'ir他们继续这些系统的劳苦。 But of such collections only one finally attained canonical recognition, and therefore was called Mishna par excellence, viz.但这些藏品只有一个，最终达到规范的认同，并因此被称为mishna出色，即 the one edited about the end of the second century of our era by Rabbi Jehuda I, called Ha-nashi (the prince) or Ha-gadosh (the saint) or simply the Rabbi.一个编辑，约年底的第二个世纪我们这个时代所拉比jehuda我，所谓夏阵线（王子）或夏gadosh （圣） ，或仅仅是拉比。 This then is our Mishna, the basis of the Talmud.这就是我们的mishna ，根据犹太法典。
Rabbi Jehuda had adopted only a part of the doctrines, which in course of time had been handed down in the different schools.拉比jehuda通过了，只有一部份的教条，而在过程中的时间已转交下来，在不同的学校。 Although he selected what was most important, he sometimes omitted much that seemed important to others; and, on the other hand, it was felt that even the unimportant should not be allowed to sink into oblivion.虽然他选定的是什么，最重要的是，他有时会遗漏很多重要的似乎是对他人的，以及在另一方面，有人认为，即使是不重要，不应该允许陷入湮没。 In consequence, other collections soon originated, which, though not canonical, were nevertheless highly valued.因此，在其他收藏品即将起源，它虽然不是典型，但高度重视。 All the Halakhoth which were not included in the Mishna of Jehuda received the name Baraithoth (sing. Baraitha, "omitted doctrine").所有halakhoth ，其中并没有包括在mishna的jehuda收到名称baraithoth （ sing.伯赖塔" ，省略学说" ） 。 The most important Baraitha collection is the Tosephta.最重要的伯赖塔收集是tosephta 。
The precise brevity of expression and the pregnant form in which the Mishna had codified the Halakhoth made an interpretation of them necessary, while the casuistic features of the work were a stimulus to further casuistic development.准确简洁的表达与怀孕何种形式mishna已编纂halakhoth作了解释他们提供必要的，而诡辩的特点，工作是一种刺激，以进一步诡辩发展。 In the profound study and explanation of its contents much weight was placed upon the Haggada, ie the doctrines not included in the law (folklore, legends, historic recollections, ethics and didactics, etc.), of which Jehuda, who aimed to draw up a code of laws had taken little or no account.在深刻学习和解释，其内容大部分重量放在后haggada ，即学说并没有包括在法律（民俗，传说，历史回忆，道德和教学方法等） ，其中jehuda ，他的目的是制订守则，法律采取了很少或根本没有帐户。 Everything, in fact, that tradition offered was brought within the range of discussion.一切，事实上，这个传统所提供的是带来了内部的各种讨论。 In order to give a suitable designation to the new tendency in the teaching of the law, scholars, up to the time of the final transcription of the Mishna, were known as Tanna'im (sing Tanna, "teacher"), those who came after them, Amora'im (sing. Amora, "speaker").为了给一个合适的名称，以新的倾向，在教学中的法律学者，最多的时候，最后转录的mishna ，被称为tanna'im （唱tanna ， "老师" ） ，前来之后， amora'im （ sing. amora ， "议长" ） 。 The collection of the Amora'im, as finally recorded, was called, as stated above, Talmud, later Gemara: that of the Palestinian schools, the Palestinian Gemara, that of the Babylonian schools, the Babylonian Gemara.收集的amora'im ，作为最后的记录，被称为，如前所述，犹太法典，后来gemara ：即巴勒斯坦学校，巴勒斯坦gemara ，即巴比伦的学校，巴比伦gemara 。 The combined edition of the Mishna and Gemara, or the Talmud in our sense of the word, discriminates, therefore, between Mishna and Palestinian Gemara, or "Palestinian Talmud", and Mishna and Babylonian Gemara or "Babylonian Talmud".合并版的mishna和gemara ，或犹太法典中，我们的责任感字，是歧视，因此，与mishna和巴勒斯坦gemara ，还是"巴勒斯坦犹太法典" ，并mishna和巴比伦gemara或"巴比伦塔木德经" 。 The latter is meant when the Talmud without further specification is referred to.后者是指当犹太法典没有进一步的规范提及。
III.三。 THE MISHNA该mishna
(From the Hebrew meaning "repetition", translated by the Fathers of the Church deuterosis). （从希伯莱语，意思是"反复" ，翻译的，教会的神父们deuterosis ） 。 The word is a substantive formation from the Hebrew root meaning "to repeat".这个词是一个实质性的编队从希伯来语根，意思是"重复" 。 From this meaning was developed, in the language of the later schools, the characteristic method of all teaching and learning, particularly of doctrines orally transmitted, which was accomplished by repeated enunciation on the part of the teacher and frequent repetition on the part of the pupil.从这个意义上是发展中，在语言的学校后，特性的方法，所有的教学和学习，尤其是对教义口头传播，它是通过反复阐述，对部分教师和频繁的重复对部分瞳孔。 Both expressions thus became a term for the science of tradition, the former signifying the special study of orally transmitted law, the latter the law itself in contrast to the first one meaning the written law.双方表达，因此成为任期为科学的传统，前者以表扬他们特别研究口头传送法，而后者法律本身形成对比的第一个意思的书面规定。 But the expression is also used for each of the doctrines orally transmitted, and differs from Halakha in that the latter signifies the traditional law so far as it is binding, while the former designates it as an object of study.但其表达也可以用来为每一种学说口头传播，并不同于哈拉卡在这后者标志着传统法律至今，因为这是有约束力的，而前者则指定它为研究对象。 Furthermore, the word Mishna is applied to the systematic collection of such doctrines, and finally to that collection which alone has attained canonical recognition, ie the collection of Jehuda I. This collection represents Jewish law codified in that development which it received in the schools of Palestine up to the end of the second century after Christ.此外，字mishna应用系统收集的这些理论，并最终以收集其中，仅达到了典型识别，即收集jehuda一本集合代表犹太法编纂在这方面发展，它收到了，在学校的巴勒斯坦到去年底在公元二世纪后，基督教会。 Through it the orally transmitted law was finally established along with the written law or the Torah.通过它对口头传送法终于确立随着律法或律法。 The foundation of this collection is formed by the collections which already existed before Jehuda, particularly that of Rabbi Me'ir.该基金会的这本文集是由藏品，其中已经存在了，才jehuda ，尤其是拉比me'ir 。 The Mishna does not pretend to be a collection of sources of the Halakha, but merely to teach it.该mishna并不假装是一个收集来源的哈拉卡，而只是教导。 Whether its fixation in writing was the work of Jehuda himself or took place after him is a debated point; but the former is the more probable theory.无论其固定在写作的工作jehuda自己或发生后，他是一个讨论点，但前者是较为可能的理论。 The only question then is how much of it he wrote; in the extended form which it now presents it could not have been written by him alone.唯一的问题是，究竟有多少，它写道，在推广形式，它现在提出了它不可能写，由他单独负责。 It has evidently received additions in course of time, and in other respects also the text has been altered.它已明显收到增补随着时间的推移，并在其他方面还案文已被变造。
As regards the subject matter the Mishna is divided into six institutes or Sedarim; for this reason Jew are accustomed to call the Talmud Shas.至于此事的mishna分为六个学院或sedarim ;为此犹太人习惯于致电犹太法典沙斯。 Each Seder has a number (7-12) of treatises; these are divided into chapters or Peraqim, and each chapter into precepts.每个seder有一个号码（ 7-12 ）的论文，这是分成章节或peraqim ，而且每个章节到戒律。 The six institutes and their treatises are as follows: 6个研究所和自己的论文内容如下：
A. Seder Zera'im (harvest)答： seder泽拉伊姆（收获）
Containing in eleven treatises the laws on the cultivation of the soil and its products.载有11名在条约中的法律，对培养土及其制品。
(1) Berakhoth (benedictions) blessings and prayers, particularly those in daily use. （ 1 ） berakhoth （ benedictions ）祝福，并为他们祈祷，特别是那些在日常使用。 (2) Pe'a (corner), concerning the parts of the fields and their products which are to be left to the poor (cf. Leviticus 19:9 sq.; 23:22; Deuteronomy 24:19 sq.) and in general concerning the poor laws. （ 2 ） pe'a （角） ，有关部分的领域和产品，这是留给穷人（参见利未记19时09平方; 23时22分;申命记24:19平方） ，并在一般关于穷人的法律。 (3) Demai, more properly Dammai (doubtful), concerning the fruits of the soil of which it is doubtful whether the tithes have been paid. （ 3 ） demai ，是比较恰当的dammai （疑问） ，有关水果的土壤当中，这是令人怀疑是否tithes已经支付。 (4) Kil'ayim (heterogenea), concerning the unlawful combinations of plants, animals, and garments (cf. Leviticus 19:19; Deuteronomy 22:9 sq.). （ 4 ） kil'ayim （ heterogenea ）后，就非法组合的植物，动物和成衣（参见利未记19时19分;申命记22时09平方） 。 (5) Shebi'ith (seventh), ie Sabbatical year (Deuteronomy 15:1 sq.). （ 5 ） shebi'ith （第七届） ，即休假一年（申命记15:1平方） 。 (6) Terumoth (heave offerings) for the priests (Numbers 18:8 sq.; Deuteronomy 18:4). （ 6 ） terumoth （升沉产品） ，为司铎（号码18时08平方;申命记18时04分） 。 (7) Ma'asroth (tithes) for the Levites (Numbers 18:21 sq.). （ 7 ） ma'asroth （ tithes ） ，利（数字来自平方米） 。 (8) Ma'aser sheni (second tithe), (Deuteronomy 14:22 sq.; 26:12 sq.) which had to be spent at Jerusalem. （ 8 ） ma'aser sheni （第二十分之一） ， （申命记14时22平方; 26:12平方米） ，这将用于在耶路撒冷。 (9) Halla (yeast) (cf. Numbers 15:18 sq.). （ 9 ）汉（酵母） （参见号码02:22平方） 。 (10) 'Orla (foreskin) concerning uncircumcised fruits and trees (Leviticus 19:23). （ 10 ） ' orla （包皮）未割包皮的水果和树木（利未记19时23分） 。 (11) Bikkurim (first fruits) brought to the temple (Deuteronomy 26:1 sq.; Exodus 23:19). （ 11 ） bikkurim （第一水果）提请庙（申命记26:1平方米;逃亡23时19分） 。
B. Seder Mo'ed (season of feasts)乙seder mo'ed （季节宴）
Treats in twelve treatises of the precepts governing rest on the Sabbath, the other feast and holy days, as well as fast days.待人，在12个论文的戒律执政休息安息日外，其他节日和宗教节日，以及快速天。 (1) Shabbath. （ 1 ） shabbath 。 (2) 'Erubin (combinations), the means by which one could circumvent especially onerous provisions of the Sabbath laws. （ 2 ） ' erubin （组合） ，是指由哪一个可以规避尤其是繁重的规定，安息日法律。 (3) Pesahim (Passover). （ 3 ） pesahim （逾越节） 。 (4) Sheqalim (shekels), treats of the tax of half a shekel for the maintenance of Divine service in the temple (cf. Neh. x, 33), based upon Ex., xxx, 12 sq. （ 4 ） sheqalim （谢克尔） ，待人的税款50谢克尔，用以维护神圣的服务，在寺庙中（参见neh X线， 33 ） ，基于前。了XXX ， 12平方 (5) Yoma (day), ie day of expiation. （ 5 ） yoma （天） ，即一天的犯罪被害人。 (6) Sukka (Tabernacle), treats of the feast of Tabernacles. （ 6 ） sukka （帐幕） ，待人的住棚节。 (7) Beca (egg), taken from the first word with which the treatise begins or Yom tob (feast), is concerned with the kinds of work permitted or prohibited on festivals. （ 7 ） beca （蛋） ，从第一个字与该论文开始或赎罪来的（宴） ，是与种工作许可或禁止节日。 (8) Rosh hashana (beginning of the year), treats of the civil new year on the first of Tishri (Leviticus 23:24 sq.; Numbers 29:1 sq.). （ 8 ）羁绊hashana （今年年初） ，待人的公务员新的一年的第一提斯利（利未记23时24平方;号码29:1平方） 。 (9) Ta'anith (fast). （ 9 ） ta'anith （快速） 。 (10) Megilla (roll) of Esther, respecting the laws to be observed on the feast of Purim. （ 10 ） megilla （卷）的埃丝特，尊重法律，以待观察对节日普林节。 (11) Mo'ed qatan (minor feast), the laws relating to the feasts intervening between the first and last days of the Passover and Sukkoth. （ 11 ） mo'ed qatan （小宴） ，相关法案席间干预之间的第一次和最后几天的逾越节和sukkoth 。 (12) Hagiga (feast-offering), treats (chaps. i and iii) of the duty of pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the private offerings on such occasions (cf. Deuteronomy 16:16 sq.). （ 12 ） hagiga （宴-提供） ，对待（第一和第三部分）的责任耶路撒冷朝圣和私人产品在这些场合（参见申命记16:16平方） 。
C. Seder Nashim (women)长seder女之部（妇女）
Elucidates in seven treatises the laws of marriage and all pertaining thereto, vows, and the marriage laws of the Nazarites.阐明了在七个论文法律，婚姻和所有有关时，誓言，以及婚姻法律的规定nazarites 。 (l) Jebamoth, levirate marriages (Deuteronomy 25:5 sq.). （ 1 ） jebamoth ，娶寡嫂结婚（申命记25:5平方） 。 (2) Kethuboth ("marriage deeds" and marriage settlements). （ 2 ） kethuboth （ "婚姻契约"和婚姻住区） 。 (3) Nedarim ("vows") and their annulment. （ 3 ） nedarim （ "信誓旦旦" ）和其无效。 (4) Nazir (Nazarite; cf. Numbers 6). （ 4 ）纳齐尔（把拿细耳人;比照号码6 ） 。 (5) Sota ("suspected woman"; cf. Numbers 5:11 sq.). （ 5 ）创太（ "疑似女人" ;比照号码5时11平方） 。 (6) Gittin (letters of divorce; cf. Deuteronomy 24:1 sq.). （ 6 ） gittin （字母离婚;比照申命记24:1平方） 。 (7 Giddushin (betrothals). （ 7 giddushin （订婚） 。
D. Seder Nezigin "damages")四seder nezigin "损害赔偿" ）
Explains in eight treatises civil and criminal law.解释，在八论文民法和刑法。 In this institute are included the Eduyyoth, a collection of traditions, and the Haggadic treatise, Aboth.在这个研究所是包括eduyyoth ，收藏传统，以及haggadic伤寒， aboth 。
The treatises 1-3, Baba Kamma (the first gate), Baba meci'a (the middle gate), and Baba bathra (the last gate), originally formed a single treatise, the subdivision of which was caused by its great length (30 chaps.).该论文1-3 ，巴巴kamma （第一门） ，巴巴meci'a （中门） ，以及巴巴bathra （上一次门） ，原为一个单一的伤寒，细分，其中的原因是其强大的长度（ 30章） 。 They treat of the laws of property, inheritance, and obligation.他们对待的法律，财产，继承和义务。 Baba Kamma treats of damages in a narrow sense (along with theft, robbery, and bodily injury) and the right to damages; Baba meci'a is concerned chiefly with legal questions in regard to capital and treats finding, deposits, interest and loans; Baba Bathra is concerned with questions of social polity (possessions, limitations, buying and selling, security, inheritance and documents).巴巴kamma待人毁坏的狭义（同盗窃，抢劫，并造成身体伤害）和权利的损害赔偿;巴巴meci'a而言，主要是与法律上的问题，对于资本和待人寻找，存款，利息和贷款;巴巴bathra关心的问题，社会的政体（家产，限制，买一卖，安全，继承和文件） 。 (4) Sanhedrin, treats of the law courts, legal processes, and criminal justice. （ 4 ）公会，在对待该法的法院，法律流程，以及刑事司法。 (5) Makkoth (stripes), treats of punishment by stripes legally acknowledged (cf. Deuteronomy 25:1 sq.). （ 5 ） makkoth （条纹） ，待人的处罚，由条纹法律承认（参见申命记25:1平方） 。 (6) Shebu'oth (oaths). （ 6 ） shebu'oth （宣誓） 。 (7) 'Eduyyoth (test), containing a collection of legal decisions gathered from the testimonies of distinguished authorities. （ 7 ） ' eduyyoth （测试） ，其中载有一项收集有关法律问题的决定，从收集到的证词杰出当局。 (8) 'Aboda Zara (idolatry). （ 8 ） '奥波达皿（偶像崇拜） 。 (9) 'Aboth (fathers) or Pirqe Aboth (sections of fathers) contains ethical maxims of the Tanna'im (200 BC - AD 200). （ 9 ） ' aboth （父亲）或pirqe aboth （路段父亲）载有道德格言的tanna'im （ 200公元前-公元2 00） 。 (10) Horayoth (decisions), concerning legal decisions and religious questions which were erroneously rendered. （ 10 ） horayoth （决定） ，有关法律问题的决定和宗教问题而被错误地提供。
E. Seder Qodashim (sacred things)体育seder qodashim （神圣的东西）
Treats in twelve treatises of the sacrifices, temple service, and dedicated objects (1) Zebahim (animal sacrifices).待人，在12个条约中的牺牲，寺院服务，竭诚为对象（ 1 ） zebahim （动物牺牲） 。 (2) Menahoth (meat offerings). （ 2 ） menahoth （肉类产品） 。 (3) Hullin (things profane) of the sacrifice of pure and impure animals and of laws concerning food. （ 3 ） hullin （东西亵渎）的牺牲纯与不纯的动物和法律有关的食物。 (4) Bekhoroth (first born) of men and animals (cf. Exodus 13:2, 12 sq.; Leviticus 27:26 sq.; Numbers 8:16 sq.; 18:15 sq.; Deuteronomy 15:19 sq.) (5) 'Arakhin (valuations), that is equivalents to be given for the redemption of persons and things dedicated to God (Leviticus 17:2 sq., 25:15 sq.). （ 4 ） bekhoroth （第一出生）的男性与动物（参见逃亡13时02分， 12平方米;利未记27:26平方米;号码8点16平方米; 18:15平方米;申命记15时19平方） （ 5 ） ' arakhin （估值） ，即相当于给赎回者和东西致力于神（利未记17时02平方公里， 25:15平方） 。 (6) Temura (exchange) of a sacred object (Leviticus 27:10-33). （ 6 ） temura （外汇）的一个神圣的对象（利未记27:10-33 ） 。 (7) Kerithoth (excisions), concerning the sins punished by this penalty, and what was to be done when anyone intentionally committed such a sin. （ 7 ） kerithoth （术）后，就罪孽的惩罚，这惩罚，什么是必须做的时候，任何人故意犯下此类一种罪过。 (8) Me'ild (violation) of a sacred object (cf. Numbers 5:6 sq.; Leviticus 5:15 sq.). （ 8 ） me'ild （违规）的一个神圣的对象（参见号码5点06平方米;利未记下午5时15平方） 。 (9) Tamid (continual sacrifice), concerning the daily morning and evening sacrifice and the temple in general. （ 9 ） tamid （不断牺牲）后，就每天早上和傍晚的牺牲和庙宇一般。 (10) Middoth (measurements), a description of the temple and of the temple service. （ 10 ） middoth （测量） ，说明庙的庙服务。 (11) Quinnim ("nest" of birds), of the sacrifices of doves by the poor (Leviticus 1:14 sq.; 12:8). （ 11 ） quinnim （ "巢"的鸟儿） ，该牺牲的鸽子由穷人（利未记1:14平方米; 12时08分） 。
F. Seder Teharoth (purifications)楼seder teharoth （ purifications ）
Treats in twelve treatises of the ordinances of cleanness and of purifications.待人，在12个论文有关法例的廉洁和对purifications 。 (l) Kelim (vessels), treats of the conditions under which domestic utensils, garments, etc., become unclean. （ 1 ）凯利姆（船只） ，待人的情况下，其中国内用具，服装等，成为不洁。 (2) Ohaloth (tents) of the defilement of dwellings by a corpse (Numbers 19:14 sq.). （ 2 ） ohaloth （帐篷）的污辱住房，由一具尸体（号码19时14平方） 。 (3) Nega'im (leprosy). （ 3 ） nega'im （麻风病） 。 (4) Para (red heifer; cf. Numbers 19). （ 4 ）第（红色小母牛;比照号码19 ） 。 (5) Teharoth (purifications) (euphemistically), treats of the lesser degrees of defilement lasting only till sunset. （ 5 ） teharoth （ purifications ） （说得好听一点） ，待人的较小程度的污辱持久的，只有到日落。 (6) Miqwa'oth (wells), the condition under which wells and reservoirs are fit to be used for ritual purification. （ 6 ） miqwa'oth （水井） ，条件下水井和水库适合用于祭祀的净化。 (7) Nidda (menstruation). （ 7 ） nidda （月经） 。 (8) Makhshirin (preparers), the conditions under which certain articles, by coming in contact with liquids, become ritually unclean (Leviticus 11:34, 37, 38). （ 8 ） makhshirin （编制人员） ，在何种条件下，某些条款，来接触的液体，成为ritually不洁（利未记11时34分， 37 ， 38 ） 。 (9) Zabim (persons afflicted with running issues; cf. Leviticus 15). （ 9 ） zabim （人得了运行问题;比照利未记15 ） 。 (10) Tebul yom (immersed at day), ie the condition of the person who had taken the ritual bath, but who has not been perfectly purified by sunset. （ 10 ） tebul赎罪（沉浸在一天） ，即规定条件的人采取了祭祀浴，但未获完全纯化的落日。 (11) Yadayim (hands), treats of the ritual uncleanness of the hands and their purification. （ 11 ） yadayim （手） ，待人的仪式腐坏的手和他们的净化。 (12) 'Uqcin (stalks) of fruits and shells and their ritual uncleanness. （ 12 ） ' uqcin （秸秆） ，水果和贝壳，他们祭祀的腐坏。
In our editions the number of treatises is sixty-three; originally there were only sixty, because the four paragraphs of the treatise Baba kamma, Baba bathra, Baba meci'a, likewise Sanhedrin and Makkoth, formed only one treatise.在我们的版本，有多少论文是63 ;原本有只有66的，因为四个段落的论文巴巴kamma ，巴巴bathra ，巴巴meci'a ，同样公会和makkoth ，形成只有一个伤寒。 The Mishna exists in three recensions: in the manuscripts of editions of the separate Mishna, in the Palestinian Talmud in which the commentaries of the Amora'im follow short passages of the Mishna, and in the Babylonian Talmud, in which the Gemara is appended to an entire chapter of the Mishna.该mishna存在于三个recensions ：在手稿版本的单独mishna ，在巴勒斯坦犹太法典，其中评论的amora'im后续简短段落的mishna ，并在巴比伦犹太法典，其中gemara是附在整整一章的mishna 。 The contents of the Mishna, aside from the treatises Aboth and Middoth, are with few exceptions Halakhic.内容的mishna ，除了来自论文aboth和middoth ，是少数例外halakhic 。 The language, the so-called Mishna Hebrew or New Hebrew, is a fairly pure Hebrew, not without proof of a living development -- enriched by words borrowed from Greek and Latin and certain newly-created technical expressions, which seem partly developed as imitations of Roman legal formulas.语文，即所谓mishna希伯来语或新的希伯来语，是一个相当单纯的希伯来语，而不是在没有证据的生存发展-丰富了词借来的，从希腊文和拉丁文和一些新近开设的技术词语，似乎部分发展为赝品罗马法律的公式。 The Mishna is cited by giving the treatise, chapter, and precept, eg 'Berakh, i, 1.该mishna是引用赋予伤寒，章，并于言教，如' berakh ，我， 1 。 Among the commentators of the whole Mishna the following deserve special mention: Maimonides, the Hebrew translation of whose Arabic original is printed in most edition of the Mishna; Obadia di Bertinoro (d. 1510), Jom Tob Lippmann Heller (d. 1654), Jisrael Lipschutz (his Mishna with Commentary in 6 vols., Königsberg, 1830-50).其中评论家的整个mishna以下特别值得一提：迈蒙尼德，希伯来语翻译，他们的阿拉伯语原来是印在大多数版本的mishna ; obadia迪bertinoro （四1510 ） ， jom来的李普曼海勒（四1654 ） ， jisrael lipschutz （他的mishna与评注6卷，康尼斯堡， 1830年至1850年） 。
The first edition of the complete Mishna was at Naples in 1492.首版完全mishna是在那不勒斯，在1492年。 Texts with Hebrew commentaries exist in great numbers.文与希伯来文的评论存在很大的数目。 Of importance as a Conformation of the Palestinian version is the edition of WH Lowe (Cambridge, 1883), after the Cambridge manuscript.的重要性，作为一个构象的巴勒斯坦人的说法是该版低于起（剑桥， 1883年）中，在剑桥的手稿。 Also deserving of mention are: "Misna . . . Latinitate donavit G. Lurenhusius" (text, Latin translation, notes, Latin translation of Maimonides and Obadia, 6 vols., Amsterdam, 1698-1703); "Mishnajoth", with punctuation and German translation in Hebrew letters, begun by Sammter (Berlin, 1887 -- still incomplete); Ger.还值得一提的是： " misna … … 。 latinitate donavit g. lurenhusius " （文，拉丁文翻译，注释，拉丁语翻译迈蒙尼德和obadia ，第6卷，阿姆斯特丹， 1698年至1703年） ; " mishnajoth " ，标点符号和德语翻译希伯莱字母，一开始sammter （柏林， 1887年-仍然不完整） ;胃食管反流。 tr.的TR 。 of the Mishna by Rabe (6 parts, Onolzbach, 1760-63).该mishna由拉贝（ 6零件， onolzbach ， 1760年至1763年） 。
IV.四。 THE PALESTINIAN TALMUD巴勒斯坦犹太法典
On the basic of the Mishna, juridical discussions were continued, at first in the schools of Palestine, particularly at Tiberias, in the third and fourth centuries.对基本的mishna ，法人的讨论仍在继续，在第一次在学校中的巴勒斯坦，特别是在太巴列，在第三和第四世纪。 Through the final codification of the material thus collected, there arose in the second half of the fourth century the so-called Jerusalem, more properly Palestinian, Talmud.通过最终编纂的材料收集起来，因而产生了在下半年四世纪以所谓耶路撒冷，是比较恰当的巴勒斯坦人，犹太法典。 The usual opinion, which originated with Maimonides, that its author was Rabbi Jochanan, who lived in the third century is untenable because of the names of the later scholars which occur in it.一般认为，源于迈蒙尼德，其作者是拉比jochanan ，住在三世纪，是站不住脚的，因为名字，后来的学者，其中发生在它。 In the Palestinian Talmud the text of the Mishna is taken sentence by sentence, and explained with increasingly casuistic acumen.在巴勒斯坦犹太法典文本的mishna采取的是一句一句，并解释了越来越诡辩的敏锐。 The Baraithoth, ie the maxims of the Torah not found in the Mishna, as well as the legal paragraphs are always given in Hebrew, and so are most of the appended elucidations; the remainder is written in a West Aramaic dialect (G. Dalman, "Grammatik des judisch-Palastinischen Aramaisch", Leipzig, 1905).该baraithoth ，即格言的律法没有发现在mishna ，以及法律段落都是由于在希伯来语等，是大多数所附阐发;其余的是写在西阿拉姆语方言（ g. dalman ， "文法万judisch - palastinischen aramaisch " ，莱比锡， 1905年） 。 Along with the Halakha it contains rich Haggadic material.随哈拉卡它含有丰富的haggadic材料。 Whether the Palestinian Talmud ever included the entire Mishna is a matter of dispute.无论巴勒斯坦塔木德经以往任何时候都纳入整个mishna ，是一个有争议的。 The only parts preserved are the commentaries on the first four Sedarim (with the exception of several chapters and the treatises Eduyyoth and Aboth) and on the three first divisions of the treatise Nidda in the sixth Seder.只有部分保存下来是评头4 sedarim （除了几个章节和论文eduyyoth和aboth ） ，并就这三个第一师的论文nidda在第六seder 。 The supposed discovery by S. Friedländer of treatises on the fifth Seder is based upon a forgery (cf. "Theologische Literaturzeitung", 1908, col. 513 sq., and "Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenlandisch. Gesellsch.", LXII, 184).假定发现第friedländer的论文就第五seder是基于伪造的（参见" theologische literaturzeitung " ， 1908年，中校513平方公里， " zeitschr 。四说明deutsch english 。 morgenlandisch 。 gesellsch " ， lxii ， 184 ） 。 The Palestinian Talmud is generally cited by giving the treatise, chapter, page, and column after the Venetian and Cracow editions, mostly also the line, indicated by j (=jerus.) or pal.; eg pal.巴勒斯坦犹太法典是普遍引用，赋予伤寒，第三章，第几页，并栏后，威尼斯和克拉科夫版本，其中多数也是一致表示，由J （ = jerus ）或PAL 。 ;例如PAL制式。 Makkoth, 2 Bl. makkoth ， 2条。 31d 56. 31d 56 。 Many scholars cite in the same manner as for the Mishna, but this is not to be recommended.许多学者引用，在同样的方式为mishna ，但这是不被推荐。
Editions: Venice (Bomberg), 1523-24; Cracow, 1609; Krotoshin, 1866; Zhitomir, 1860-67; Piotrkow, 1900-02.版本：威尼斯（邦贝里） ， 1523年至1524年;克拉科夫， 1609年; krotoshin ， 1866年; zhitomir ， 1860年至1867年;彼得库夫， 1900年至1902年。 French translation by M. Schwab, 11 vols., Paris, 1879-80; I2 1890.法语翻译，由嘉信米， 11卷，巴黎， 1879年至1880年; I2的1890 。
Several treatises are printed with Latin translations in Ugolini, "Thesaurus antiquitatum sacrarum", vols.几个论文印制与拉丁语翻译在乌戈利尼， "词库antiquitatum sacrarum " ，第一卷。 XVII-XXX, Venice, 1755-65; Wunsche, "Der palastinische Talmud in seinen haggadischen Bestandteilen ins Deutsche übersetzt" (Zurich, 1880).第十七-三十，威尼斯， 1755年至1765年; wunsche ， "明镜palastinische犹太法典中seinen haggadischen bestandteilen移民局德意志übersetzt " （苏黎世， 1880年） 。
V. BABYLONIAN TALMUD五，巴比伦塔木德经
The Mishna is said to have been brought to Babylon by Aba Areka, generally called Rab (d. 247), a pupil of Rabbi Jehuda.该mishna ，据说已被带到巴比伦由阿坝areka ，一般称为Rab的（四247 ） ，是小学生的拉比jehuda 。 In the schools there it became a norm of legal religious life and a basis of juridical discussion.在学校有它成为一种规范，法律的宗教生活和依据的法律进行讨论。 But while in Palestine there was a greater tendency to preserve and propagate what had been handed down, the Babylonian Amora'im developed their interpretation of the law in all directions, which explains why the Babylonian Talmud acquired a greater significance for Judaism than the Palestinian.但同时，在巴勒斯坦有一个更大的趋势，以维护和宣扬什么已转交下来，巴比伦amora'im发展自己的法律的解释，在各个方向，这也解释了为何巴比伦塔木德经获得了更大的意义，为犹太教比巴勒斯坦人。 Thus the material grew rapidly and gradually led to a codification, which was undertaken by R. Ashi (d. 427), head of the school at Sura, and by R. Abina or Rabbina (d. 499), the last of the Amora im.因此，物质快速增长，并逐渐导致了编纂工作，这是由传译芦（四427人） ，团长学校在苏拉和传译abina或rabbina （四499年） ，最后的amora即时通讯服务。 The scholars who lived after him (at the end of the fifth and in the first half of the sixth centuries), called Sabora im ("those who reflect, examine", because they weighed and also completed what had been written by the Amora'im), are to be regarded as those who really completed the Babylonian Talmud.学者们住后，他（指在去年底的第五和在上半年第六世纪） ，所谓sabora即时通讯服务（ "那些反映，审视" ，因为他们权衡，也完成了什么写了amora '即时通讯） ，是被视为那些真正完成了巴比伦塔木德经。
Like the Palestinian, the Babylonian Talmud does not include the entire Mishna.像巴勒斯坦，巴比伦犹太法典并不包括整个mishna 。 In the first and sixth divisions only the treatises Berakhoth and Nidda are considered; in the second division Shegalim is omitted, in the fourth Eduyyoth and Aboth, in the fifth Middoth, Ginnim, and half of Tamid.在第一和第六师只有论文berakhoth和nidda认为，在二师shegalim是遗漏了，在第四eduyyoth和aboth ，在第五middoth ， ginnim ，有一半tamid 。 It is indeed questionable if the greater number of these treatises were included in the Babylonian Gemara; Eduyyoth and Aboth are excluded, by reason of the subject matter, while the remainder treat for the most part ordinances which could not be applied outside of Palestine.这实在是值得商榷，如果有更多的这些论文被列入巴比伦gemara ; eduyyoth和aboth都被排除在外，原因此事，而其余治疗大部份的条例不能适用于境外的巴勒斯坦人。 The Babylonian Talmud therefore includes only 36 1/2 treatises, but is at least four times the extent of the Palestinian, although the latter deals with 39 treatises.巴比伦犹太法典，因此，包括只有36 1 / 2论文，但至少有4倍的程度，巴勒斯坦，尽管后者涉及39个论文。 The Haggada is even more fully represented than in the Palestinian.该haggada更充分的代表，比在巴勒斯坦人。 The language, excepting the legal paragraphs and the quotations of the older scholars and Palestinian rabbis, is that of the East Aramaic dialect of Babylonia (cf. Levias, "A Grammar of the Aramaic Idiom contained in the Babylonian Talmud", Cincinnati, 1900; ML Margolis, "Grammatik des babylonischen Talmuds", Munich, 1910).语文，除法律段落和引文的老一辈学者和巴勒斯坦犹太教士，即是东阿拉姆语方言的巴比伦王国（参见levias ， "文法的阿拉姆语成语包含在巴比伦塔木德经" ，辛辛那提， 1900年;毫升margolis ， "文法万babylonischen talmuds " ，慕尼黑， 1910 ） 。 The Babylonian Talmud is cited according to treatise, folio, and page, as the content in nearly all the editions since that of the third Bomberg one (1548) is the same, eg Berakh 22a.巴比伦塔木德经是引据伤寒，页码及页数，内容几乎所有版本，因为这对第三邦贝里之一（ 1548年）是相同的，例如berakh 22A条。 In these editions there are usually appended at the end of the fourth Seder seven small treatises, partly from Talmudic, partly from post-Talmudic times, among which is the post-Talmudic treatise Sopherim (directions for the writer and public reader of the Torah).在这些版本有通常会在年底的第四seder七个小论文，这部分talmudic ，这部分是后talmudic倍，其中最重要的是后talmudic伤寒sopherim （方向为作家和公共读者的律法） 。 Among the commentaries the first place belongs to that of Rashi (d. 1105), completed by his grandson Samuel ben Me'ir (d. about 1174).其中评论放在首位属于即rashi （四1105 ） ，完成了由他的孙子塞缪尔贲me'ir （四约1174 ） 。 Chiefly of a supplementary character are the works of the Tosaphists or authors of the Tosaphoth (additions), who lived in France and Germany during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.主要是一个补充性质的，是工程的tosaphists或作者的tosaphoth （新增） ，住在法国和德国在第十二和第十三个世纪。 They give amplifications and learned explanations of certain treatises.他们给扩增和教训，解释某些论文。 Other commentaries are enumerated by Strack, op.其他评论文章列举由strack ，作品。 cit.创新科技署署长。 infra, 149-51.红外， 149-51 。 The Babylonian Talmud has often been printed but until the present time a critical edition has remained a desideratum.巴比伦塔木德经常常被印刷，但目前为止所批判版仍然是一个愿望。 Material for this purpose is furnished by Raphael Rabbinovicz, among others, in his "Variae lectiones in Mischnam et in Talm. Babyl.", etc. (15 vols., Munich, 1868-86); Vol.材料为这个目的，是由拉斐尔rabbinovicz等等，在他的" variae lectiones在mischnam ET的talm 。 babyl "等， （ 15卷，慕尼黑， 1868年至1886年） ;卷。 XVI was edited by Ehrentreu (Przemysl, 1897).十六获得主编ehrentreu （ przemysl ， 1897 ） 。 Serious mutilations and bungling changes in the text were caused by the Christian censorship, at first in the Basle edition (1578-81).严重肢解和bungling变化，在文因基督教检查，先在巴塞尔版（ 1578年至1581年） 。 The numerous bickerings among the Jews had the further consequence that they themselves practised censorship.众多bickerings其中犹太人有进一步的后果，不说自己实行的新闻检查。 The excised passages were partly collected in small treatises, published for the most part anonymously.切除通道被部分收集的小论文，发表在大多数匿名的。
EDITIONS版本
Raphael Rabbinovicz, (Ma'amar al hadpasath ha-talmud -- Munich, 1877), a critical review of the editions of the Babylonian Talmud, as a whole or in part since 1484.拉斐尔rabbinovicz ， （ ma'amar基地hadpasath公顷-犹太法典-慕尼黑， 1 877年） ，一次严格的审查版本的巴比伦犹太法典，作为一个整体或部分自1 484年。 The first complete edition appeared at Venice (Bomberg), (12 vols., 1520-23).第一个完整版出现在威尼斯（邦贝里） ， （ 12卷， 1520至1523年） 。 The advantage of this edition consists in its complete character; the text itself is full of errors.利用这种版本组成，其完整的人格;文本本身就是充满了错误。 A certain reputation is enjoyed by the Amsterdam edition (1644-48), in which the censured passages have been as far as possible restored.一定声誉，是享有阿姆斯特丹版（ 1644年至1648年） ，其中公开谴责通道已尽量恢复。 The edition of Frankfort (1720-22) served directly or indirectly as a basis for those which followed.该版的法兰克福（ 1720年至1722年）直接或间接地为依据，对那些遵循。 Of the later editions may be mentioned those of Berlin (1862-68), Vienna (1864-72), and Vilna (1880-86).根据后一版本中可能提到的那些柏林（ 1862年至1868年） ，维也纳（ 1864年至1872年） ，并维尔拉（ 1880至1886年） 。 A quarto edition, the text after the editio princeps, with the variants of the Munich manuscripts and a German translation, was begun by Lazarus Goldschmidt in 1897.四开版，文后， editio princeps ，与来自慕尼黑的手稿和德文译本，是一开始拉撒路戈尔德施密特在1897年。 Up to date 6 vols., containing the Institutes I, II, IV, V, and the two first treatises of III have appeared.截至日期6卷，其中载有学院一，二，四，五，和两个第一论文的三都出现了。 Unfortunately this publication is by no means faultless.可惜这本刊物是没有万无一失的。 ML Rodkinson, "New Edition of the Babylonian Talmud", New York, 1896; M. Mielziner, "Introduction to the Talmud" (Cincinnati, 1894; New York, 1903); ML Rodkinson, "The History of the Talmud" (New York, 1903); HL Strack, "Einleitung in den Talmud" (Leipzig 1908), pp.毫升rodkinson ， "新版本的巴比伦塔木德经" ，纽约， 1896年;米梅尔齐纳， "引入到塔木德经" （辛辛那提， 1894年;纽约， 1903年） ;毫升rodkinson ， "历史的塔木德经" （新纽约， 1903年） ;的HL strack ， " einleitung在书斋塔木德经" （莱比锡1908年） ，页。 139-175, containing an extensive bibliography of the Talmud and of the questions concerning it. 139-175 ，其中载有广泛的书目犹太法典以及有关问题。
Publication information Written by F. Schühlei