Conscience良心

General Information一般资料

Conscience is the awareness that an action conforms to or is contrary to one's standards of right and wrong (Acts 23:1; 1Tim 1:5; Heb. 13:18).良心是认识到,一个动作符合或违背了正确和错误的(徒23:1; 1Tim 1:5;希伯来书13:18)一个人的标准。 Important New Testament passages that deal with conscience are Rom.重要的新约经文的处理是有良知的光盘。2:14,15 and 1Cor. 2:14,15和哥林多前书。8:10. 8:10。The New Testament stresses the need of having a good conscience toward God.新约强调,有一个对神有良知的需要。


Conscience良心

General Information一般资料

Conscience is the capacity for moral judgment (moral awareness).良心是道德判断(道德认识)的能力。 Evidence of appeals to conscience to determine right from wrong date from ancient times. Such appeals have been adopted by all religious traditions, in which conscience is always related to the acceptance of the divine will.证据的良知呼吁确定从远古时代错误的日期的权利。 这种呼吁已通过所有的宗教传统,在这种良知始终是关系到神会接受。As such, conscience has been explained popularly as the voice of God inwardly directing a person to do right.因此,良心被普遍解释为上帝的声音内心指挥一个人做的 ​​权利。

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Conscience has been variously explained by philosophers.良心被不同地解释哲学家。In one conception, conscience is a kind of intuitive perception.在一个概念,良心是一种直观的感觉。Francis Hutcheson and the 3d earl of Shaftesbury, for example, thought conscience could be described as a moral sense, an intuitive faculty that operates through feelings of right and wrong.哈奇森和弗朗西斯的沙夫茨伯里伯爵3D,例如,思想,良心可作为一种道德意识,教师,通过一个直观的感受是非经营描述。 In another conception, conscience is reason applied to moral principles.在另一个概念,良心是道德原则适用于原因。Philosophers such as Samuel Clarke and Richard Price proposed that conscience be explained as a kind of reasoning process that makes it possible to distinguish what is right from what is wrong.如塞缪尔克拉克和理查德价格哲学家提出,良知作为一种推理过程,使我们能够分清什么是正确的,什么是错误的解释。Proponents of Empiricism have suggested that conscience is the cumulative and subjective inference from past experience giving direction to the choices made by an individual.经验主义的支持者提出,良心是从过去给方向由个人作出的选择的经验累积和主观推断。

A widely accepted explanation of conscience stems from the depth psychology of Sigmund Freud, according to which a form of conscience, the Superego, is a product of the unconscious activity of the underlying instinctive reality.良心被广泛接受的解释源于弗洛伊德的深度心理学,根据其中的良心形式,超越自我,是一个现实的基础本能无意识活动的产物。 Some psychologists have identified conscience with an expression of values or guilt feelings.一些心理学家已经确定了一个值或内疚的感情表达的良心。Others regard conscience as learned reaction to stimuli.其他方面的学习反应,刺激的良心。One of the tasks of Ethics is to determine the nature and function of conscience and to explain why divergence exists both within and between cultures in what conscience says one must do.对道德的任务之一是确定的性质和良知的功能和解释为什么存在分歧内部和之间的良知说什么必须做文化。

Richard H. Popkin理查德H.波普金

Bibliography 参考书目
Bier, WC, ed., Conscience: Its Freedom and Limitations (1971); Carmody, J., Reexamining Conscience (1982); Kroy, Michael, The Conscience: A Structural Theory (1974); Nelson, C. Ellis, ed., Conscience: Theological and Psychological Perspective (1973); Reik, Theodor, Myth and Guilt (1970); Stuart, Grace, Conscience and Reason (1951).柩,卫生间,ED,良心:自由和限制(1971年);卡莫迪,J.,重新审视良心(1982年); Kroy,迈克尔,良知:一个结构理论(1974年);尼尔森,C.埃利斯,编辑。 ,良心:神学和心理透视(1973年); Reik,神话和内疚(1970)西奥多;斯图尔特,​​格雷斯,良心和理智(1951年)。


Conscience良心

Advanced Information先进的信息

Conscience is that faculty of the mind, or inborn sense of right and wrong, by which we judge of the moral character of human conduct.良心是心灵的教师,或是非先天感,其中我们对人类行为的道德品质判断。It is common to all men.这是所有男人。Like all our other faculties, it has been perverted by the Fall (John 16:2; Acts 26:9; Rom. 2:15).像所有的其他院系,它已被秋季变态(约16点02;徒26:9;罗二点15)。It is spoken of as "defiled" (Titus 1:15), and "seared" (1 Tim. 4:2).这是口语的,因为“玷污”(多1:15)和“烤”(提前4:2)。 A "conscience void of offence" is to be sought and cultivated (Acts 24:16; Rom. 9:1; 2 Cor. 1:12; 1 Tim. 1:5, 19; 1 Pet. 3:21).A“的罪行良心无效”是要寻求和培育(徒24:16;罗9:1;林后1:12;。提前1:5,19;彼前3:21)。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Conscience良心

Advanced Information先进的信息

The word is derived from the Latin conscientia, which is a compound of the preposition con and scio, meaning "to know together," "joint knowledge with others," "the knowledge we share with another."这个词源于拉丁文conscientia,这是一个介词CON和SCIO复合的意思,“要知道在一起”,“共同的知识与他人”,“我们的知识与另一份额。” It stems from the same root as consciousness, which means "awareness of."它从作为意识同根茎,意思是“认识。”Conscience is an awareness restricted to the moral sphere.良心是仅限于道德领域的一种意识。It is a moral awareness.这是一种道德意识。The Greek equivalent in the NT is syneidesis, a compound of syn, "together," and eidenai, "to know," that is, to know together with, to have common knowledge together with someone.在NT希腊相当于syneidesis,一个SYN化合物,“在一起”,并eidenai,“知道”,即,要知道一起,有共同的知识与他人一起。 The German Gewissen has the same meaning.德国Gewissen具有相同含义。The prefix ge expresses a collective idea, the "together with," and wissen is "to know."前缀GE表达了集体的想法,“连同”和wissen是“知道。”

In the Bible在圣经

The word "conscience" does not appear in the OT.单词“良心”没有出现在OT。However, the idea is well known and is expressed by the term "heart."然而,这个想法是众所周知的,是由词表示“心”。It appears at the very dawn of human history as a sense of guilt with Adam and Eve after the fall.它表现为一个与亚当和夏娃有罪后坠感在人类历史的黎明。We read of David that his heart smote him (II Sam. 24:10).我们读到的大卫,他的心击打他(二山姆。24:10)。Jobs says: "My heart shall not reproach me" (Job 27:6).乔布斯说:“我的心不责备我”(伯27:6)。And Pss.和PSS。32:1-5 and 51:1-9 are the cries of anguish of an aroused conscience.32:1-5和51:1-9是一个痛苦的哭声引起了良心。

The Babylonians, like the Hebrews, identified conscience with the heart.巴比伦人,像希伯来人,确定了心的良知。The Egyptians had no specific word for conscience but recognized its authority, as is evident from the Book of the Dead.埃及人有没有良心的具体字,但认识到它的权威性,因为是从死人的书可见一斑。The early Greeks and Romans personified conscience and depicted it as fiendish female demons called Erinyes and Furies respectively.早期的希腊人和罗马人的良知和人格化描述它作为女魔王的恶魔,分别称为Erinyes和愤怒。

The word syneidesis or "conscience" appears thirty times in the NT, nineteen times in the writings of Paul, five times in Hebrews, three times in the letters of Peter, twice in Acts, and once in the Gospel of John, although the correctness of the latter reading (8:9) has been questioned.这个词syneidesis或“良心”出现在保罗的著作三十次在NT,十九次,5次在希伯来人,三个字母的彼得次,两次行为,一旦在约翰福音,虽然正确性后者的读数(8:9)受到了质疑。

(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)(Elwell宣布了福音字典)


Conscience良心

Catholic Information天主教信息

I. THE NAME一,名称

In English we have done with a Latin word what neither the Latins nor the French have done: we have doubled the term, making "conscience" stand for the moral department and leaving "consciousness" for the universal field of objects about which we become aware.在英语中,我们完成了一个拉丁词既不是拉丁人什么也不是法国人做的:我们已增加一倍,期限,使得道德部门“良心”的立场,离开现场的对象普遍意识到这是我们成为“意识” 。In Cicero we have to depend upon the context for the specific limitation to the ethical area, as in the sentence: "mea mihi conscientia pluris est quam omnium sermo" (Att., XII, xxviii, 2).在西塞罗我们要取决于具体的限制范围内的道德领域,如一句话:“MEA mihi conscientia pluris EST华富Omnium公司sermo”(Att.,十二,二十八,2)。Sir W. Hamilton has discussed how far we can be said to be conscious of the outer objects which we know, and how far "consciousness" ought to be held a term restricted to states of self or self-consciousness. W.汉密尔顿爵士讨论了多远,我们可以说是我们知道的外在对象意识,以及如何远“意识”应该举行仅限于自我或自我意识状态的一个术语。(See Thiele, Die Philosophie des Selbstbewusstseins, Berlin, 1895.) In the two words Bewusstsein and Gewissen the Germans have made a serviceable distinction answering to our "consciousness" and "conscience".(见蒂勒,模具哲学的DES Selbstbewusstseins,柏林,1895年)在这两个词Bewusstsein和Gewissen德国作出了维修的区别回答我们的“意识”和“良心”。 The ancients mostly neglected such a discrimination.古人大多忽略了这样的歧视。The Greeks often used phronesis where we should use "conscience", but the two terms are far from coincident.希腊人常用的实践智慧,我们应该用“良心”,但两方面远远一致的。They also used suneidesis, which occurs repeatedly for the purpose in hand both in the Old and the New Testament.他们还使用suneidesis,发生为目的多次在手无论是在旧约和新约。The Hebrews had no formal psychology, though Delitzsch has endeavoured to find one in Scripture.希伯来人没有正式的心理,虽然Delitzsch一直努力寻找圣经之一。There the heart often stands for conscience.在那里,心里往往代表良知。

II. II。ORIGIN OF CONSCIENCE IN THE RACE AND IN THE INDIVIDUAL良心起源于种族和个人

Of anthropologists some do and some do not accept the Biblical account of man's origin; and the former class, admitting that Adam's descendants might soon have lost the traces of their higher descent, are willing to hear, with no pledge of endorsing, what the latter class have to say on the assumption of the human development even from an animal ancestry, and on the further assumption that in the use of evidences they may neglect sequence of time and place.人类学家有的,有的不接受人类的起源圣经的帐户,以及前级,承认亚当的后代可能很快失去了其较高的血统的痕迹,都愿意听与不认可的承诺,什么后者类不得不说对动物的祖先甚至从人类发展的设想,并就进一步假设,在证据使用,他们可能忽略了时间和地点的顺序。 It is not maintained by any serious student that the Darwinian pedigree is certainly accurate: it has the value of a diagram giving some notion of the lines along which forces are supposed to have acted.这不是维护任何认真的学生认为达尔文的血统当然是准确的:它有一个图表值以某种势力是沿着这应该表现得线的概念。Not, then, as accepting for fact, but as using it for a very limited purpose, we may give a characteristic sketch of ethical development as suggested in the last chapter of Dr. LT Hobhouse's "Morals in Evolution".没有,那么,作为事实,但使用了非常有限的目的,接受,我们可以给出一个道德发展特点素描作为博士的LT霍布豪斯的“道德的演变”的最后一章的建议。 It is a conjectural story, very like what other anthropologists offer for what it is worth and not for fully certified science.这是一个推测的故事,很喜欢其他人类学家的东西是值得和不提供充分证明的科学。Ethics is conduct or regulated life; and regulation has a crude beginning in the lowest animal life as a response to stimulus, as reflex action, as useful adaptation to environment.道德是规范行为或生活,调控已经是有益的适应环境,在作为对刺激的反应最低的动物生活,反射动作,原油开始。 Thus the amoeba doubles itself round its food in the water and lives; it propagates by self-division.因此,阿米巴双打轮本身在水和生命的食物,它通过自我分裂传播。At another stage in the animal series we find blind impulses for the benefit of life and its propagation taking a more complex shape, until something like instinctive purpose is displayed.在动物系列中的另一个阶段,我们找到了生活和其传播到更复杂的形状利益盲目冲动,直到像本能的目的是显示的东西。 Useful actions are performed, not apparently pleasurable in themselves, yet with good in the sequel which cannot have been foreseen.有用的行动是执行,而不是明显地在自己愉快的,但用在不能预见续集好。The care of the animal for its young, the provision for the need of its future offspring is a kind of foreshadowed sense of duty.而对于年轻的动物护理,为它的后代的需要提供是一种预示了一种责任感。St. Thomas is bold to follow the terminology of Roman lawyers, and to assert a sort of morality in the pairing and the propagating of the higher animals: "ius naturale est quod natura omnia animalia docuit".圣托马斯是大胆地遵循罗马律师术语,并断言在配对和高等动物传播的道德排序:“普通法naturale EST狴NATURA OMNIA animalia docuit”。(It is the natural law which nature has taught all animals.--"In IV Sent.", dist. xxxiii, a. 1, art. 4.) Customs are formed under the pressures and the interactions of actual living. (这是自然法的性质已经告诉所有的动物 - “在发送四 ”,区三十三,答:1,第4条)现根据实际生活压力和海关之间的相互作用形成的。 they are fixed by heredity, and they await the analysis and the improvements of nascent reason.他们是固定的遗传,他们等待着新生的原因分析和改进。With the advent of man, in his rudest state--however he came to be in that state, whether by ascent or descent--there dawns a conscience, which, in the development theory, will have to pass through many stages.随着人类的出现,在他的无礼状态 - 但是,他之所以能在该国,无论是上升或下降 - 黎明有良知的,其中,在发展理论,必须经过许多阶段。At first its categories of right and wrong are in a very fluid condition, keeping no fixed form, and easily intermixing, as in the chaos of a child's dreams, fancies, illusions, and fictions.起初它的正确和错误的类别是在一个非常流畅的情况,没有固定的形式保存,并轻松混用在一个孩子的梦想,幻想,幻想,虚构混乱。 The requirements of social life, which becomes the great moralizer of social action, are continually changing, and with them ethics varies its adaptations.社会生活,成为社会行动的伟大moralizer的要求,不断变化,并与他们的道德变化的适应。As society advances, its ethics improves.随着社会的进步,提高其职业道德。"The lines on which custom is formed are determined in each society by the pressures, the thousand interactions of those forces of individual character and social relationship, which never cease remoulding until they have made men's loves and hates, their hopes and fears for themselves and their children, their dread of unseen agencies, their jealousies, their resentments, their antipathies, their sociability and dim sense of mutual dependence all their qualities good and bad, selfish and sympathetic, social and anti-social."他说:“上自形成线是确定每一个社会的压力,个人性格和社会关系,它从来没有停止改造,直到他们取得了男子的爱和恨,为自己的希望和恐惧,这些部队的一千相互作用自己的孩子,他们看不见的机构恐惧,他们的嫉妒,他们的怨恨,他们的反感,他们的社交能力和相互依存的隐隐所有素质好的和坏的,自私和同情,社会和反社会的。“ (Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 262.) The grasp of experience widens and power of analysis increases, till, in a people like the Greeks, we come upon thinkers who can distinctly reflect on human conduct, and can put in practice the gnothi seauton (know thyself), so that henceforth the method of ethics is secured for all times, with indefinite scope left for its better and better application. (同上,第二卷,第262页)的经验把握扩大和增加动力的分析,直到,像希腊人的民族,我们呼吁思想家谁可以清楚地反映在人的行为来,可以把在实践中gnothi seauton(知己知彼),使今后的伦理方法是安全的时候都为它的更好,更好的应用留下无限的范围。"Here we have reached the level of philosophical or spiritual religions, systems which seek to concentrate all experience in one focus, and to illuminate all morality from one centre, thought, as ever, becoming more comprehensive as it becomes more explicit". “在这里,我们已经达到了哲学或宗教精神,系统,力求在一个焦点集中所有的经验,并从一个中心照亮所有道德水平,思想,一如既往,变得更加全面,它变得更加明确。” (ibid., p. 266.) (同上,第266页。)

What is said of the race is applied to the individual, as in him customary rules acquire ethical character by the recognition of distinct principles and ideals, all tending to a final unity or goal, which for the mere evolutionist is left very indeterminate, but for the Christian has adequate definition in a perfect possession of God by knowledge and love, without the contingency of further lapses from duty.什么是比赛说是适用于个人,在他习惯规则获得由不同的原则和理想,一切以最终统一或目标,这对于单纯的进化论是非常不确定的趋向左认可的道德品格,但对于基督教一直处于上帝的知识和爱的完美占有足够的定义,如果没有进一步的失误应急税款。 To come to the fullness of knowledge possible in this world is for the individual a process of growth.来丰满的知识在这个世界上可能是对个人的成长过程。The brain at first has not the organization which would enable it to be the instrument of rational thought: probably it is a necessity of our mind's nature that we should not start with the fully formed brain but that the first elements of knowledge should be gathered with the gradations of the developing structure.起初大脑有没有组织,将使它能够成为理性思维工具:大概它是我们心灵的自然必然性,我们不应该用完全形成大脑但启动知识的第一要素应收集与发展中的结构层次。 In the morally good family the child slowly learns right conduct by imitation, by instruction, by sanction in the way of rewards and punishments.在道德上是良好的家庭的孩子慢慢地学会正确的行为的模仿,通过制裁的指令,在奖励和惩罚的方式。Bain exaggerates the predominance of the last named element as the source whence the sense of obligation comes, and therein he is like Shaftesbury (Inquiry, II, n. 1), who sees in conscience only the reprover.贝恩夸大优势最后命名元素的来源何处的义务感来了,而这其中他像沙夫茨伯里(询价,二,注1),谁在良知只能看到reprover的。 This view is favoured also by Carlyle in his "Essay on Characteristics", and by Dr. Mackenzie in his "Manual of Ethics" (3rd ed., III, 14), where we read: "I should prefer to say simply that conscience is a feeling of pain accompanying and resulting from our non-conformity to principle."这种观点也受到青睐凯雷在他的“散论特征”,并通过博士麦肯齐在他的“道德手册”(第三版,III,14),这里我们读到:“我应该更喜欢简单地说良心是伴随疼痛的感觉从我们的不符合规定造成的原则。“ Newman also has put the stress on the reproving office of conscience.纽曼也提上了良心的谴责办公室的压力。Carlyle says we should not observe that we had a conscience if we had never offended.卡莱尔说,我们不应该看到,我们有良知,如果我们从来没有得罪。Green thinks that ethical theory is mostly of negative use for conduct.格林认为,道德的理论主要是对行为的负面使用。(Prolegomena to Ethics, IV, 1.) It is better to keep in view both sides of the truth and say that the mind ethically developed comes to a sense of satisfaction in right doing and of dissatisfaction in wrongdoing, and that the rewards and the punishments judiciously assigned to the young have for their purpose, as Aristotle puts it, to teach the teachable how to find pleasure in what ought to please and displeasure in what ought to displease. (绪论伦理,四,1)这是更好地留意双方的真相,并说,道德发展的思想涉及到一种满足感做的和右的错误行为表示不满,并认为奖励和明智地分配给年轻的处罚有其目的,正如亚里士多德所说的那样,在什么应该请和不满教可教如何找到乐趣在什么应该得罪。 The immature mind must be given external sanctions before it can reach the inward.未成熟的头脑,必须给定的外部制裁,才可以达到向内。Its earliest glimmering of duty cannot be clear light: it begins by distinguishing conduct as nice or as nasty and naughty: as approved or disapproved by parents and teachers, behind whom in a dim way stands the oft-mentioned God, conceived, not only in an anthropomorphic, but in a nepiomorphic way, not correct yet more correct than Caliban's speculations about Setebos.其最早的职责荧不能清光:它通过区分行为的开始好或肮脏和顽皮:经批准或拒绝由父母和老师,背后谁在隐隐约约地矗立着经常提到的上帝,构思,不仅在似人,但在nepiomorphic方式,不正确还多约Setebos卡利班的猜测是正确的。 The perception of sin in the genuine sense is gradually formed until the age which we roughly designate as the seventh year, and henceforth the agent enters upon the awful career of responsibility according to the dictates of conscience.在真正意义上的罪的看法是逐渐形成的时代,直到我们粗略指定为第七个年头,从今以后的代理后,责任可怕的职业生涯进入根据良知。 On grounds not ethical but scholastically theological, St. Thomas explains a theory that the unbaptized person at the dawn of reason goes through a first crisis in moral discrimination which turns simply on the acceptance or rejection of God, and entails mortal sin in case of failure.没有道德上的理由,但院式的神学,圣托马斯解释了理论认为,在理性的曙光未受洗礼的人通过在道德歧视变成单纯的接受或拒绝神的第一次危机下去,并有必要对失败的情况下弥天大罪。 (I-II:89:6)(I - II:89:6)

III. III。WHAT CONSCIENCE IS IN THE SOUL OF MAN?什么良心是在人的灵魂?

It is often a good maxim not to mind for a time how a thing came to be, but to see what it actually is.它往往是一个很好的格言没有想到,一时间如何走过来的东西,而是看它究竟是什么。To do so in regard to conscience before we take up the history of philosophy in its regard is wise policy, for it will give us some clear doctrine upon which to lay hold, while we travel through a region perplexed by much confusion of thought.要在考虑到我们的良心所以才采取了在哲学史方面的政策是明智的,因为它会给我们一些明确的学说赖以奠定举行,而我们通过一个地区的许多混乱的思想困惑旅行。 The following points are cardinal:以下几点是大非的:

The natural conscience is no distinct faculty, but the one intellect of a man inasmuch as it considers right and wrong in conduct, aided meanwhile by a good will, by the use of the emotions, by the practical experience of living, and by all external helps that are to the purpose.自然良心是没有明显的教师,但一个人one理智,因为它认为正确的和错误的行为,同时资助一个良好的意愿,由情绪的使用,生活的实际经验,以及所有外部帮助那些来的目的。

The natural conscience of the Christian is known by him to act not alone, but under the enlightenment and the impulse derived from revelation and grace in a strictly supernatural order.基督教自然知道他的良心是不是单独行事,但在启蒙和启示,并在严格超自然秩序的恩典而得的冲动。

As to the order of nature, which does not exist but which might have existed, St. Thomas (I-II:109:3) teaches that both for the knowledge of God and for the knowledge of moral duty, men such as we are would require some assistance from God to make their knowledge sufficiently extensive, clear, constant, effective, and relatively adequate; and especially to put it within reach of those who are much engrossed with the cares of material life.至于性质,不存在命令,但可能已经存在,圣托马斯(I - II:109:3)教导我们,无论是对上帝的知识和道德责任的知识,如男人我们需要一些神帮助,使他们的知识足够丰富,清晰,稳定,有效的,而且比较充分;内,特别是把那些谁是多与物质生活的关心全神贯注达到它。 It would be absurd to suppose that in the order of nature God could be debarred from any revelation of Himself, and would leave Himself to be searched for quite irresponsively.这将是荒谬的假设,在自然神的命令可以从任何对自己的启示被禁,并会留下自己要查找的相当irresponsively。

Being a practical thing, conscience depends in large measure for its correctness upon the good use of it and on proper care taken to heed its deliverances, cultivate its powers, and frustrate its enemies.作为一个实用的东西,良心取决于其正确性后,用好它,并在适当的照顾采取听取其deliverances,培养其权力,并挫败了敌人在很大程度上。 Even where due diligence is employed conscience will err sometimes, but its inculpable mistakes will be admitted by God to be not blameworthy.即使在尽职调查是采用良心有时会犯错,但其inculpable失误将被神承认是不是难逃其责。These are so many principles needed to steady us as we tread some of the ways of ethical history, where pitfalls are many.这些都需要我们,我们踩着稳定的道德的历史,其中有很多陷阱的一些方法这么多的原则。

IV. IV。THE PHILOSOPHY OF CONSCIENCE CONSIDERED HISTORICALLY良心的哲学审议的历史上

(1) In pre-Christian times(1)前基督教时代

The earliest written testimonies that we can consult tell us of recognized principles in morals, and if we confine our attention to the good which we find and neglect for the present the inconstancy and the admixture of many evils, we shall experience a satisfaction in the history.最早的书面证词,我们可以在道德咨询告诉我们公认的原则,如果我们只关注我们的好,我们发现,忽视对目前的世态炎凉和许多罪恶外加剂,我们将在历史上经历的满意度。 The Persians stood for virtue against vice in their support of Ahura Mazda against Ahriman; and it was an excellence of theirs to rise above "independent ethics" to the conception of God as the rewarder and the punisher.波斯人主张对他们凭借对阿里曼的阿胡拉马自达支持色情,以及它是一个优秀的他们超越“独立道德”作为赏赐和惩罚者神的概念。 They even touched the doctrine of Christ's saying, "What doth it profit a man if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"他们甚至谈到了基督的说法,学说“什么doth它的利润一个人,如果他赢得全世界,赔上自己的灵魂吗?” when to the question, what is the worth of the whole creation displayed before us, the Zend-Avesta has the reply: "the man therein who is delivered from evil in thought, word, and deed: he is the most valuable object on earth."当这个问题,什么是摆在我们面前显示的整个创作的价值,在Zend - 阿维斯塔的答复:“该名男子是谁从其中在思想,言语,和行为邪恶交付:他是地球上最有价值的对象“Here conscience was clearly enlightened.这里显然是开明的良心。Of the moral virtues among the Persians truthfulness was conspicuous.波斯人真实性之间的道德美德是显眼。Herodotus says that the youth were taught "to ride and shoot with the bow", and "to speak the truth".希罗多德说,青年是教“骑和弓射”和“讲真话”。The unveracious Greeks, who admired the wiles of an Odysseus, were surprised at Persian veracity (Herodotus, I, 136, 138); and it may be that Herodotus is not fair on this head to Darius (III, 72).该unveracious希腊人,谁崇拜的奥德修斯的诡计,惊讶于波斯真实性(希罗多德,我,136,138),以及它可能是希罗多德没有就此事向大流士头(III,72)公平的。 The Hindus in the Vedas do not rise high, but in Brahminism there is something more spiritual, and still more in the Buddhist reform on its best side, considered apart from the pessimistic view of life upon which its false asceticism was grounded.在吠陀印度教徒不涨高,但在婆罗门教的东西有更多的精神,还有更多的在其最好的一面佛教的改革,认为从悲观的看法赖以生活的禁欲主义是错误的接地分开。 Buddhism had ten prohibitive commandments: three concerning the body, forbidding murder, theft, and unchastity; four concerning speech, forbidding lying, slander, abusive language, and vain conversation; and three concerning the mind internally, covetousness, malicious thoughts, and the doubting spirit.佛教有十望而却步诫命:三个关于身体,禁止谋杀,盗窃和不贞洁,四个有关讲话,禁止说谎,诽谤,粗言秽语,和徒劳的交谈,以及3个有关心灵的内部,贪婪,恶意的想法,而怀疑精神。 The Egyptians show the workings of conscience.埃及人显示良心的运作。In the "Book of the Dead" we find an examination of conscience, or rather profession of innocence, before the Supreme Judge after death.在“死亡之书”,我们找到一个有良知的检查,或者说是无罪的专业,前最高法院法官后死亡。Two confessions are given enunciating most of the virtues (chap. cxxv): reverence for God; duties to the dead; charity to neighbours; duties of superiors and subjects; care for human life and limb; chastity, honesty, truthfulness, and avoidance of slander; freedom from covetousness.两个供述给出阐述的美德(第一章cxxv)最:为神的崇敬,对死者的职责;施舍给邻居;上级和科目职责;对人类生命和肢体的照顾;贞洁,诚实,真实,并避免诽谤,从贪婪的自由。 The Assyro-Babylonian monuments offer us many items on the favourable side; nor could the people whence issued the Code of Hammurabi, at a date anterior to the Mosaic legislation by perhaps seven hundred years, be ethically undeveloped.在亚述 - 巴比伦古迹为我们提供了有利的一面上许多项目,也不可以人在何处发出的日期前向受或许700年花叶立法的汉谟拉比法典,是道德上落后。If the Code of Hammurabi has no precepts of reverence to God corresponding with the first three Commandments of the Mosaic Law, at least its preface contains a recognition of God's supremacy.如果汉谟拉比法典已对上帝的崇敬与前三诫的镶嵌法,至少其序言包含了神的至高无上的认可没有相应​​的戒律。 In China Confucius (c. 500 BC), in connection with an idea of heaven, delivered a high morality; and Mencius (c. 300 BC) developed this code of uprightness and benevolence as "Heaven's appointment".在中国孔子(约公元前500年)在与天上的想法方面,发表了高尚的道德和孟子(约公元前300年)发展为“天堂的任命”这种浩然正气和仁代码。 Greek ethics began to pass from its gnomic condition when Socrates fixed attention on the gnothi seauton in the interests of moral reflection.希腊伦理开始通过从苏格拉底的格言条件时固定在gnothi seauton在道德反思的利益关注。Soon followed Aristotle, who put the science on a lasting basis, with the great drawback of neglecting the theistic side and consequently the full doctrine of obligation.随后不久,亚里士多德,谁放在一个持久的基础科学与有神论忽视的一面很大的缺点,因此该责任完全学说。Neither for "obligation" nor for "conscience" had the Greeks a fixed term.不论是对于“义务”,也没有“良心”有希腊人固定期限。Still the pleasures of a good conscience and the pains of an evil one were well set forth in the fragments collected by Stobaeus peri tou suneidotos.仍然是良好的良知和邪恶的乐趣之一,痛苦也被载于由Stobaeus围头suneidotos收集到的碎片。 Penandros, asked what was true freedom, answered: "a good conscience" (Gaisford's Stobaeus, vol. I, p. 429). Penandros,问什么是真正的自由,回答说:“好良心”(Gaisford的Stobaeus,第一卷,第429页)。

(2) In the Christian Fathers(2)在基督教神父

The patristic treatment of ethics joined together Holy Scripture and the classical authors of paganism; no system was reached, but each Father did what was characteristic.治疗的道德教父联手圣经和异教的古典作家,没有系统达成,但每个父亲是什么特点。Tertullian was a lawyer and spoke in legal terms: especially his Montanism urged him to inquire which were the mortal sins, and thus he started for future investigators a good line of inquiry.良是一名律师,在法律上发言:尤其是他的孟他努劝他打听这是致命的罪过,他也因此为一个调查好线以后开始调查。Clement of Alexandria was allegoric and mystic: a combiner of Orientalism, Hellenism, Judaism, and Christianity in their bearing on the several virtues and vices.克莱门特亚历山大是讽喻和神秘:一个东方,希腊,犹太教和基督教在他们的影响合成的几个美德和罪恶。The apologists, in defending the Christian character, dwelt on the marks of ethical conduct.该辩护士,捍卫基督徒的品格,论及道德行为的痕迹。St. Justin attributed this excellence to the Divine Logos, and thought that to Him, through Moses, the pagan philosophers were indebted (Apol., I, xliv).圣贾斯汀归功于这个卓越的神圣标志,并认为以他通过摩西,异教徒的哲学家债(Apol.,我XLIV)。Similarly Origen accounted for pre-Christian examples of Christian virtue.同样奥利占基督教凭借前基督教例子。As a Roman skilled in legal administration St. Ambrose was largely guided by Latin versions of Greek ethics, as is very well illustrated by his imitation in style of Cicero's "De Officiis", which he made the title of his own work.作为一个在依法行政圣刘汉铨罗马技术,主要是遵循道德希腊拉丁版本,是深受他在西塞罗的“德Officiis”,这是他做了他自己作品的标题样式仿制说明。 He discusses honestum et utile (I, ix); decorum, or to prepon as exhibited in Holy Scripture (x); various degrees of goodness, mediocre and perfect, in connection with the text, "if thou wilt be perfect" (xi); the passions of hot youth (xvii).他讨论honestum等utile(I,IX),在与文本有关的善良,平庸和完善的不同程度,“如果祢是完美的”(十一)礼仪,或prepon在圣经(X)展出;热青年(十七)的激情。

Subsequent chapters dwell on the various virtues, as fortitude in war and its allied quality, courage in martyrdom (xl, xli).随后的章节纠缠于各种美德,如刚毅的战争及其盟国的质量,在殉难勇气(XL,XLI)。The second book opens with a discussion of beatitude, and then returns to the different virtues.第二本书打开一个讨论的至福,然后返回到不同的美德。It is the pupil of St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, who is, perhaps, the most important of the Fathers in the development of the Christian doctrine of conscience, not so much on account of his frequent discourses about moral subjects, as because of the Platonism which he drank in before his conversion, and afterwards got rid of only by degrees.这是圣刘汉铨,圣奥古斯丁,瞳孔是谁,也许,最重要的父亲在良心的基督教教义的发展,而不是约他经常论述道德科目帐户这么多,因为作为在柏拉图之前,他喝他的转换,事后只有摆脱了由度。 The abiding result to the Scholastic system was that many writers traced their ethics and theology more or less to innate ideas, or innate dispositions, or Divine illuminations, after the example of St. Augustine.而守法结果经院制度是许多作家追查他们的道德和神学或多或少地天赋观念,或先天的处置,或神圣的灯饰后,圣奥古斯丁的例子。 Even in St. Thomas, who was so distinctly an Aristotelean empiricist, some fancy that they detect occasional remnants of Augustinianism on its Platonic side.即使在圣托马斯,谁是如此明显an亚里士多德经验主义者,他们发现一些奇特的奥古斯丁柏拉图偶尔残存在其一侧。Before leaving the Fathers we may mention St. Basil as one who illustrates a theorizing attitude.临行前,我们可能会提的父亲作为一个谁说明了一个理论化的态度圣罗勒。He was sound enough in recognizing sin to be graver and less grave; yet in the stress of argument against some persons who seemed to admit only the worst offenses against God to be real sins, he ventured without approving of Stoic doctrine, to point out a sort of equality in all sin, so far as all sin is a disobedience to God (Hom. de Justitia Dei, v-viii).他的声音在承认罪过是刻刀,少的严重不足,然而在对一些人似乎谁反对承认只有上帝是真正的最严重的罪行,罪孽说法强调,他没有冒险主义的斯多葛批准,指出一个在所有的罪平等排序,迄今已是一个不服从上帝,因为所有的罪(Hom. DE Justitia业会,V - VIII)。Later Abelard and recently Dr. Schell abused this suggestion.后来亚伯拉德和夏伟博士最近滥用这项建议。

But it has had no influence in any way like that of St. Augustine's Platonism, of which a specimen may be seen in St. Bonaventure, when he is treating precisely of conscience, in a passage very useful as shedding light on a subsequent part of this article.但它已在任何像圣奥古斯丁的柏拉图主义,其中一个标本可以在圣文德看到,当他治疗的正是这样的良心没有影响,在一段话很为在随后的部分脱落光有用这篇文章。 Some habits, he says, are acquired, some innate as regards knowledge of singulars and knowledge of universals.一些生活习惯,他说,被收购,有些方面的单数和共性知识的知识天生的。"Quum enim ad cognitionem duo concurrant necessario, videlicet praesentia cognoscibilis et lumen quo mediante de illo judicamus, habitus cognoscitivi sunt quodammodo nobis innati ratione luminis animo inditi; sunt etiam acquisiti ratione speciei"--"For as two things necessarily concur for cognition, namely, the presence of something cognoscible, and the light by which we judge concerning it, cognoscitive habits are in a certain sense innate, by reason of the light wherewith the mind is endowed; and they are also acquired, by reason of the species."“Quum enim广告cognitionem二人concurrant necessario,videlicet praesentia cognoscibilis等流明现状MEDIANTE DE伊洛judicamus,习性cognoscitivi必须遵守quodammodo nobis innati理由luminis ANIMO inditi;必须遵守etiam acquisiti理由speciei以” - “作为两件事情一定是认知同意,即,的东西cognoscible,和光,使我们判断它的存在有关,cognoscitive习惯是在一定意义上与生俱来的,由wherewith头脑赋予光的原因,而他们也收购了该物种的原因,“。 ("Comment. in II Lib. Sent.", dist. xxxix, art. 1, Q. ii. Cf. St. Thomas, "De Veritate", Q. xi, art. 1: "Principia dicuntur innata quae statim lumine intellectus agentis cognoscuntur per species a sensibus abstractas".--Principles are called innate when they are known at once by the light of the active intellect through the species abstracted from the senses.)(“评论在二LIB发送 ”,区三十九,艺术1,问:II CF圣托马斯,“德Veritate”,问:十一,艺术1: “原理dicuntur innata quae statim LUMINE智洋Agentis软件cognoscuntur每个物种的sensibus abstractas“.--原则被称为天生当他们知道了,通过积极的智力的品种从感官抽象光一次。)

Then comes the verynoticeable and easily misunderstood addition a little later: "si quae sunt cognoscibilia per sui essentiam, non per speciem, respectu talium poterit dici conscientia esse habitus simpliciter innatus, utpote respectu upote respectu hujus quod est Deum amare et timere; Deus enim non cognoscitur per similitudinem a sensu, immo `Dei notitia naturaliter est nobis inserta', sicut dicit Augustinus"--"if there are some things cognoscible through their very essence and not through the species, conscience, with regard to such things, may be called a habit simply innate, as, for example, with regard to loving and serving God; for God is not known by sense through an image; rather, 'the knowledge of God is implanted in us by nature', as Augustine says" ("In Joan.", Tract. cvi, n. 4; "Confess.", X, xx, xxix; "De Lib. Arbitr.", I, xiv, xxxi; "De Mor. Eccl.", iii, iv; "De Trin.", XIII, iii, vi; "Joan. Dam. de Fide", I, i, iii).接下来是非常明显和容易误解的另外一个小后:“市quae必须遵守cognoscibilia每穗essentiam,非每speciem,respectu talium poterit帝赐conscientia Esse品牌习性simpliciter innatus,utpote respectu upote respectu hujus狴EST Deum阿玛雷等timere;杀出enim非cognoscitur每similitudinem a意义上,IMMO`业会notitia naturaliter EST nobis inserta“,sicut dicit奥古斯丁” - “如果有一些事情cognoscible通过他们的本质,并通过品种,良心没有关于这样的事情,可能是所谓的习惯只是天生的,因为,例如,关于爱和事奉神,因为神是不知道的意识通过形象,而是“上帝的知识是植入我们的性”,因为奥古斯丁说:“( “在琼 ”,道CVI,注4;。“认罪”,X,XX,二十九;“德LIB Arbitr ”,我,十四,三十一;“。德铁道部传道书”,三,四;“。德TRIN”,十三,三,六;“。琼大坝DE诚意。”我,我,三)。

We must remember that St. Bonaventure is not only a theologian but also a mystic, supposing in man oculus carnis, oculus rationis and oculus contemplationis (the eye of the flesh, the eye of reason, and the eye of contemplation); and that he so seriously regards man's power to prove by arguments the existence of God as to devote his labour to explaining that logical conviction is consistent with faith in the same existence (Comm. in III Sent., dist. xxiv, art. 1, Q. iv).我们必须记住,圣文德不仅是一个神学家,但也是一个神秘的,在人OCULUS carnis,OCULUS rationis和OCULUS contemplationis(肉体的,理智的眼睛,和观照眼还眼)假设,并认为他如此严重的问候人的力量来证明上帝存在的论据,以自己的劳动投入,以合乎逻辑的解释说,信念是与同存在(在三Comm.发送。,区二十四,第1,问:四信念一致)。 All these matters are highly significant for those who take up any thorough examination of the question as to what the Scholastics thought about man having a conscience by his very nature as a rational being.所有这些问题都非常适合那些谁占用任何作为什么的scholastics关于人有他的本质作为一个理性思考的问题是有良知的彻底检查意义重大。 The point recurs frequently in Scholastic literature, to which we must next turn.该点在学术文献中经常复发,这是我们必须下转。

(3) In Scholastic times(3)在学术倍

It will help to make intelligible the subtle and variable theories which follow, if it be premised that the Scholastics are apt to puzzle readers by mixing up with their philosophy of reason a real or apparent apriorism, which is called Augustinianism, Platonism, or Mysticism.这将有助于使可理解的微妙和可变理论的遵循,如果它为前提的经院哲学家很容易混合拼图与他们的原因,真正的或明显的先验论,即所谓奥古斯丁,柏拉图,或神秘主义哲学的读者。

As a rule, to which Durandus with some others was an exception, the Schoolmen regarded created causes as unable to issue in any definite act unless applied or stimulated by God, the Prime Mover: whence came the Thomistic doctrine of proemotio physica even for the intellect and the will, and the simple concursus of the non-Thomists.作为一项规则,以它与其他一些Durandus是一个例外,Schoolmen认为原因造成的无法在任何明确的行为问题,除非申请或由神,原动机的刺激:从那里来的智慧的proemotio物理学Thomistic主义甚至和意志,以及非Thomists简单的竞合。

Furthermore they supposed some powers to be potential and passive, that is, to need a creative determinant received into them as their complement: of which kind a prominent example was the intellectus possibilis informed by the species intelligibilis, and another instance was in relation to conscience, the synteresis.此外,他们应该有的权力,是潜在的和被动的,也就是说,需要一个创造性的决定因素融入其中收到的补充:其中一种突出的例子是智洋possibilis的物种intelligibilis通报情况,另一个实例是在与良心的synteresis。 (St. Thomas, De Verit., Q. xvi, art. 1, ad 13.)(圣托马斯,德Verit。,问:十六,第1条,广告13。)

First principles or habits inherent in intellect and will were clearly traced by St. Thomas to an origin in experience and abstraction; but others spoke more ambiguously or even contradictorily; St. Thomas himself, in isolated passages, might seem to afford material for the priorist to utilize in favour of innate forms.第一原则或习惯和固有的智力明显地将追查圣托马斯在经验和抽象的起源,但别人说话含糊其辞,甚至自相矛盾的;圣托马斯自己,在孤立的段落,似乎负担的priorist材料利用在先天形式的青睐。 But the Thomistic explanation of appetitus innatus, as contrasted with elicitus, saves the situation.但appetitus innatus,与elicitus对比,Thomistic解释保存情况。

Abelard, in his "Ethics", or "Nosce Teipsum", does not plunge us into these depths, and yet he taught such an indwelling of the Holy Ghost in virtuous pagans as too unrestrictedly to make their virtues to be Christian.阿贝拉尔,他在“道德”或“Nosce Teipsum”,不陷入这些深处我们,但他教这样一个良性异教徒在圣灵留置过于不受限制地使自己的美德,是基督徒。He placed morality so much in the inward act that he denied the morality of the outward, and sin he placed not in the objectively disordered deed but in contempt for God, in which opinion he was imitated by Prof. Schell.他把道德这么多的外来行为,​​他否认了向外道德和罪恶,他不是在客观上摆放无序契税,但在神的蔑视,其中认为他是教授谢尔模仿。 Moreover he opened a way to wrong opinions by calling free will "the free judgment about the will".此外,他开了一种错误的意见通过调用自由意志“的有关将自由裁量”。In his errors, however, he was not so wholly astray as careless reading might lead some to infer.在他的错误,但是,他并没有因此完全误入歧途不小心阅读可能导致一些推断。It was with Alexander of Hales that discussions which some will regard as the tedious minutiae of Scholastic speculation began.它是与亚历山大的黑尔斯的讨论有些会认为,作为学术投机的繁琐细节开始的。The origin lay in the introduction from St. Jerome (in Ezech., I, Bk. I, ch. 1) of the term synteresis or synderesis.起源在于从引进圣杰罗姆(在Ezech ,我,浅滩我,第1章)一词synteresis或synderesis。There the commentator, having treated three of the mystic animals in the Prophecy as symbolizing respectively three Platonic powers of the soul -- to epithumetikon (the appetitive), to thumikon (the irascible), and to logikon (the rational) -- uses the fourth animal, the eagle, to represent what he calls sunteresis.在那里,评论员,有被视为象征分别three柏拉图的灵魂权力在预言的神秘动物三 - 以epithumetikon(的食欲),以thumikon(即暴躁),并logikon(理性) - 使用第四动物,鹰,代表他所谓sunteresis。The last, according to the texts employed by him to describe it, is a supernatural knowledge: it is the Spirit Who groans in man (Romans 8:26), the Spirit who alone knows what is in man (1 Corinthians 2:11), the Spirit who with the body and the soul forms the Pauline trichotomy of I Thess., v, 23.最后,根据他所雇用来形容它的文字,是一种超自然的知识:它是谁在人的精神呻吟(罗马书8:26),圣灵仅知道谁是什么人(林前2:11) ,谁的精神与身体和灵魂构成了我帖前波利娜三分法。,五,23。Alexander of Hales neglects this limitation to the supernatural, and takes synteresis as neither a potentia alone, nor a habitus alone but a potentia habitualis, something native, essential, indestructible in the soul, yet liable to be obscured and baffled.亚历山大的黑尔斯忽略这一限制的超自然,并采取既不是potentia作为单独的,也不是单独习性,而是potentia habitualis,原生的东西,本质的,坚不可摧的灵魂,但可被遮蔽和困惑synteresis。It resides both in the intelligence and in the will: it is identified with conscience, not indeed on its lower side, as it is deliberative and makes concrete applications, but on its higher side as it is wholly general in principle, intuitive, a lumen innatum in the intellect and a native inclination to good in the will, voluntas naturalis non deliberativa (Summa Theologica I-II:71 to I-II:77).它位于无论是在智力和意志:这是有良知发现,没有确实在其下侧,因为它是审议和提出具体的应用,但其较高的一面,因为它完全是一般原则,直观,一腔innatum在智力和原生倾斜,在良好的意愿,voluntas naturalis非deliberativa(神学大全I - II:71至I - II:77)。St. Bonaventure, the pupil, follows on the same lines in his "Commentarium in II Sent."圣文德,瞳孔,遵循“。Commentarium在II发送”在他的同一行(dist. xxxix), with the difference that he locates the synteresis as calor et pondus in the will only distinguishing it from the conscience in the practical intellect, which he calls an innate habit--"rationale iudicatorium, habitus cognoscitivus moralium principiorum"-- "a rational judgment, a habit cognoscitive of moral principles".(dist. XXXIX),用不同的是,他定位为CALOR等pondus synteresis在只会区分在实际的理智,他称之为一种与生俱来的习惯,它良知 - “理iudicatorium,习性cognoscitivus moralium principiorum” - - “理性的判断,一个道德原则的习惯cognoscitive”。Unlike Alexander he retains the name conscience for descent to particulars: "conscientia non solum consistit in universali sed etiam descendit ad particularia deliberativa" --"conscience not only consists in the universal but also descends to deliberative particulars".与亚历山大为他保留良知后裔资料名称:“conscientia非solum consistit在universali SED etiam descendit广告particularia deliberativa” - “良心不仅包括在普遍,但也下降到审议详情”。 As regards general principles in the conscience, the habits are innate: while as regards particular applications, they are acquired (II Sent., dist xxxix, art. 1, Q; ii).至于良心的一般原则,是与生俱来的习惯:在特定的应用方面,他们被收购(II发送,区三十九,艺术1,Q;二)。

As forming a transition from the Franciscan to the Dominican School we may take one whom the Servite Order can at least claim as a great patron, though he seems not to have joined their body, Henry of Ghent.由于形成了从济过渡到多米尼加学校,我们可能需要一个人的Servite订购至少可以要求作为一个伟大的靠山,但他似乎没有加入自己的身体,亨利的根特。 He places conscience in the intellect, not in the affective part--"non ad affectivam pertinet"--by which the Scholastics meant generally the will without special reference to feeling or emotion as distinguished in the modern sense from will.他放置在理智的良心,而不是在情感的一部分 - “非广告affectivam pertinet” - 其中的scholastics意味着一般没有特别提及的感觉或情感,如从现代意义上的区别会的意愿。While Nicholas of Cusa described the Divine illumination as acting in blind-born man (virtus illuminati coecinati qui per fidem visum acquirit), Henry of Ghent required only assistances to human sight.虽然库萨尼古拉斯描述为盲目出生的人采取行动(virtus光明coecinati魁每fidem VISUM acquirit)神圣的照明,亨利的根特人的视线只需要援助。Therefore he supposed:因此,他应该:

an influentia generalis Dei to apprehend concrete objects and to generalize thence ideas and principles;an influentia generalis业会逮捕的具体对象和概括那里的思想和原则;

a light of faith;信仰的光;

a lumen speciale wherewith was known the sincera et limpida veritas rerum by chosen men only, who saw things in their Divine exemplars but not God Himself;a流明speciale wherewith被称为男人的选择而已,谁看到了他们的神圣的范例的东西,但不是上帝的sincera等limpida VERITAS rerum;

the lumen gloriæ to see God.管腔gloriæ去见上帝。

For our purpose we specially note this: "conscientia ad partem animae cognitivam non pertinet, sed ad affectivam"--"conscience belongs not to the cognitive part of the mind, but to the affective" (Quodlibet., I, xviii).对于我们的目的,我们特别注意这一点:“conscientia广告partem animae cognitivam非pertinet,SED广告affectivam” - “良心不属于心灵的认知的一部分,但对情感”(Quodlibet.,我十八)。St. Thomas, leading the Dominicans, places synteresis not in the will but in the intellect, and he applies the term conscience to the concrete determinations of the general principle which the synteresis furnishes: "By conscience the knowledge given through synteresis is applied to particular actions".圣托马斯,导致多米尼加,地点不是在意志,但在智力synteresis,他将此术语良心的一般原则,具体的synteresis furnishes裁定:“通过良知通过synteresis由于知识应用到特定的行动“。("De Verit.", Q. xvii, a. 2.; Cf. Summa Theologica, Q. lxxix, a. 13; "III Sent.", dist. xiv, a. 1, Q. ii; "Contra Gent.", II, 59.) Albertus agrees with St. Thomas in assigning to the intellect the synteresis, which he unfortunately derives from syn and hoerere (haerens in aliquo) (Summa Theol., Pt. II, Q. xcix, memb. 2, 3; Summa de Creaturis, Pt. II, Q. lxix, a. 1).(“德Verit ”,问:十七,A. 2;。比照神学大全,问LXXIX,A. 13;“三送”,区十四,答:1,问:二;。“魂斗罗根特 “,二,59)。阿尔伯图斯同意在分配到智力的synteresis,他不幸从SYN和hoerere(在aliquo haerens)(大全Theol。角二,问:xcix,MEMB派生与圣托马斯。 2,3;大全DE Creaturis,铂二,问:lxix,答:1)。Yet he does not deny all place to the will: "Est rationis practicae . . . non sine voluntate naturali, sed nihil est voluntatis deliberativae (Summa Theol., Pt. II, Q. xcix, memb. 1). The preference of the Franciscan School for the prominence of will, and the preference of the Thomistic School for the prominence of intellect is characteristic. (See Scotus, IV Sent., dist. xlix, Q. iv.) Often this preference is less significant than it seems. Fouillée, the great defender of the idée force-- idea as the active principle--allows in a controversy with Spencer that feeling and will may be involved in the idea. Having shown how Scholasticism began its research into conscience as a fixed terminology, we must leave the matter there, adding only three heads under which occasion was given for serious errors outside the Catholic tradition:然而,他并不否认所有到会的地方: “市盈率rationis practicae非正弦voluntate naturali,SED nihil EST voluntatis deliberativae(。大全Theol,铂二,问:xcix,MEMB 1)的偏好为将突出,以及为智力突出Thomistic学校优先济学校是特征(见司各脱,四寄件。,区XLIX,问四)通常这种偏好是比它似乎不太重要。 Fouillée,衣蝶力量的伟大捍卫者 - 为活动原则的想法 - 允许在争议与斯宾塞这样的感觉,并可能在构思涉及经证明如何士林开始进入良心固定术语的研究,我们。这个问题必须离开那里,加上只有三个下一次是天主教的传统以外的严重错误,给予校长:

While St. Augustine did excellent service in developing the doctrine of grace, he never so clearly defined the exact character of the supernatural as to approach the precision which was given through the condemnation of propositions taught by Baius and Jansenius; and in consequence his doctrine of original sin remained unsatisfactory.虽然圣奥古斯丁并在发展的恩典教义优质的服务,他从来没有这么明确了超自然的确切性质,以接近这是通过由Baius和Jansenius谴责主张教给精度,以及在他的学说的后果原罪仍然不能令人满意。 When Alexander of Hales, without distinction of natural and supernatural, introduced among the Scholastics the words of St. Jerome about synteresis as scintilla conscientia, and called it lumen innatum, he helped to perpetuate the Augustinian obscurity.当亚历山大黑尔斯没有自然和超自然的区别,介绍了其中的圣杰罗姆的话大约为火花conscientia synteresis的scholastics,并呼吁它流明innatum,他帮助延续了奥古斯丁默默无闻。

As regards the intellect, several Scholastics inclined to the Arabian doctrine of intellectus agens, or to the Aristotelean doctrine of the Divine nous higher than the human soul and not perishable with it.至于理智,倾向于对智洋agens阿拉伯主义几个院哲学家,或对神的臭氧高于人的灵魂,而不是与它易腐亚里士多德的学说。Roger Bacon called the intellectus agens a distinct substance.罗杰培根称为智洋agens鲜明的物质。Allied with this went Exemplarism, or the doctrine of archetypic ideas and the supposed knowledge of things in these Divine ideas.与此盟军去Exemplarism,或archetypic思想和观念在这些神圣的东西应该认识的学说。 [Compare the prolepseis emphutoi of the Stoics, which were universals, koinai ennoiai].[比较的斯多葛prolepseis emphutoi,这是共性,koinai ennoiai]。Henry of Ghent distinguished in man a double knowledge: "primum exemplar rei est species eius universalis causata a re: secundum est ars divina, continens rerum ideales rationes" --"the first exemplar of a thing is universal species of it caused by the thing: the second is the Divine Art containing the ideal reasons (rationes) of things" (Theol., I, 2, n. 15).根特的亨利在男子杰出双重知识:“primum典范REI EST物种eius universalis causata重新:继发孔型EST ARS divina,continens rerum ideales rationes” - “一个东西首先是它的普及典范物种造成的事:二是神圣的艺术含有理想的原因(rationes)的东西“(Theol.,一,二,注15)。Of the former he says: "per tale exemplar acquisitum certa et infallibilis notitia veritatis est omnino impossibilis"--"through such an acquired exemplar, certain and infallible knowledge of truth is utterly impossible" (n. 17); and of the latter: "illi soli certam veritatem valent agnoscere qui earn in exemplari (aeterno) valent aspicere, quod non omnes valent"--"they alone can know certain truth who can behold it in the (eternal) exemplar, which not all can do" (I, 1, n. 21;).前,他说:“每故事的典范acquisitum certa等infallibilis notitia veritatis EST omnino impossibilis” - “通过这样的收购典范,一定和犯错的真理的认识是完全不可能的”(N. 17),以及后者: “illi孤子certam veritatem价agnoscere魁赚取exemplari(aeterno)价aspicere,狴非义务价” - “只有他们可以知道一定的道理谁可谁知在(永恒)的典范,这不都可以做到”(I 1,注21;)。The perplexity was further increased when some, with Occam, asserted a confused intuition of things singular as opposed to the clearer idea got by the process of abstraction: "Cognitio singularis abstractiva praesupponit intuitivam ejusdem objecti"--"abstractive cognition of a singular presupposes intuitive cognition of the same object" (Quodlib., I, Q. xiii).而困惑时,进一步增加一些与奥卡姆,声称奇异的事情,而不是到更清晰的概念由抽象的过程弄糊涂的直觉:“文理singularis abstractiva praesupponit intuitivam ejusdem objecti” - “一个直观的抽象认知奇异的先决条件认知相同的对象“(Quodlib.,我问:十三)。Scotus also has taught the confused intuition of the singulars.司各脱还告诉了单数混乱的直觉。Here was much occasion for perplexity on the intellectual side, about the knowledge of general principles in ethics and their application when the priority of the general to the particular was in question.这里是有关知识产权方面的困惑多之际,大约在道德知识的一般原则及其应用的时候,一般到特殊优先的问题了。

The will also was a source of obscurity.该会是一个默默无闻的来源。Descartes supposed the free will of God to have determined what for conscience was to be right and what wrong, and he placed the act of volition in an affirmation of the judgment.笛卡儿所谓的神的自由意志,已经确定的良心是什么是对的,什么错,他摆在判决肯定的意志行事。Scotus did not go thus far, but some Scotists exaggerated the determining power of Divine will, especially so as to leave it to the choice of God indefinitely to enlarge a creature's natural faculties in a way that made it hard to distinguish the natural from the supernatural.司各脱没有去迄今为止,但一些Scotists夸大了神的意志决定权力,尤其是,以留待上帝选择无限期放大的方式,使得它很难区分超自然的自然生物的自然系。 Connected with the philosophy of the will in matters of conscience is another statement open to controversy, namely, that the will can tend to any good object in particular only by reason of its universal tendency to the good.与良心的事项,将在连接的另一份声明中哲学开放的争论,即认为将可以在任何特定的倾向只能通过它的普遍趋势向好原因好对象。 This is what Alexander of Hales means by synteresis as it exists in the will, when he says that it is not an inactive habit but a habit in some sense active of itself, or a general tendency, disposition, bias, weight, or virtuality.这是亚历山大的黑尔斯由synteresis手段,因为它存在于意志,当他说这不是一个无效的习惯,但在某种意义上本身活跃,或一般的倾向,处置,偏见,体重,或虚度习惯。 With this we might contrast Kant's pure noumenal will, good apart from all determinedly good objects.有了这一点,我们可以对比康德的纯粹本体意愿,良好的所有毅然良好对象分开。

Anti-Scholastic Schools反学术学校

The history of ethics outside the Scholastic domain, so far as it is antagonistic, has its extremes in Monism or Pantheism on the one side and in Materialism on the other.在道德领域之外的学术史,到目前为止,因为它是对立的,在一元论或泛神论的一方,并在其上​​的其他极端唯物主义。

Spinoza斯宾诺莎

Spinoza is a type of the Pantheistic opposition.斯宾诺莎的泛神论是反对的类型。His views are erroneous inasmuch as they regard all things in the light of a fated necessity, with no free will in either God or man; no preventable evil in the natural course of things; no purposed good of creation; no individual destiny or immortality for the responsible agent: indeed no strict responsibility and no strict retribution by reward or punishment.他的观点是错误的,因为它们就在一个注定必要性光所有的东西,没有在任何神或人的自由意志,没有在自然的事情当然可以预防的邪恶,没有purposed创造良好的,没有个人的命运或不朽的负责代理:的确没有严格的责任,并没有严格的奖励或惩罚报应。 On the other hand many of Spinoza's sayings if lifted into the theistic region, may be transformed into something noble.另一方面斯宾诺莎的,如果把有神论地区取消的说法很多,可能转化为高尚的东西。The theist, taking up Spinoza's phraseology in a converted sense, may, under this new interpretation, view all passionate action, all sinful choice, as an "inadequate idea of things", as "the preference of a part to the detriment of the whole", while all virtue is seen as an "adequate idea" taking in man's "full relation to himself as a whole, to human society and to God".在有神论者,采取在一个转换意识斯宾诺莎的用语,也可根据这一新的解释,认为所有的热情行动,所有罪恶的选择,作为“物不足的想法”,因为“一个部分优先于整个损害“,而所有的美德是作为一个看过”足够的思想“参加人的”全面关系,以自己作为一个整体,对人类社会和上帝“。 Again, Spinoza's amor Dei intellectualis becomes finally, when duly corrected, the Beatific Vision, after having been the darker understanding of God enjoyed by Holy men before death, who love all objects in reference to God.再次,斯宾诺莎的阿穆尔业会intellectualis变成最后,当适当纠正,beatific视野,享受在后,被神的神圣较深的了解男人临终前,谁爱在提到上帝的所有对象。 Spinoza was not an antinomian in conduct; he recommended and practiced virtues.斯宾诺莎是不是一个进行唯信仰论,他建议,实行美德。He was better than his philosophy on its bad side, and worse than his philosophy on its good side after it has been improved by Christian interpretation.他比他的哲学就其不好的一面,和比他好的一面就其哲学恶化后,已被基督教解释的提高。

Hobbes霍布斯

Hobbes stands for ethics on a Materialistic basis.霍布斯主张唯物主义基础上的道德。Tracing all human action to self-love, he had to explain the generous virtues as the more respectable exhibitions of that quality when modified by social life.跟踪所有人权的行动,自爱,他解释为,质量更可敬的慷慨美德展览由社会生活的时候修改。He set various schools of antagonistic thought devising hypotheses to account for disinterested action in man.他集各种流派的对立思维制定的假说在人无私的行动负责。The Cambridge Platonists unsatisfactorily attacked him on the principle of their eponymous philosopher, supposing the innate noemata to rule the empirical aisthemata by the aid of what Henry More called a "boniform faculty", which tasted "the sweetness and savour of virtue".剑桥柏拉图欠佳袭击了其同名哲学家他的原则,假设先天noemata统治由亨利更多的东西称为“boniform教员”,其中尝到“甜头和品味的美德”援助经验aisthemata。 This calling in of a special faculty had imitators outside the Platonic School; for example in Hutcheson, who had recourse to Divine "implantations" of benevolent disposition and moral sense, which remind us somewhat of synteresis as imperfectly described by Alexander of Hales.这是一个特殊的教师要求有学校以外的柏拉图模仿,在哈奇森,谁曾求助于神“植入”的仁慈性格和道德意识,这提醒我们,有些不完善的synteresis亚历山大介绍了黑尔斯的例子。 A robust reliance on reason to prove ethical truth as it proved mathematical truths, by inspection and analysis, characterized the opposition which Dr. Samuel Clarke presented to Hobbes.一个道德上的理由来证明真理,因为它证明了数学真理强大的依赖,通过检查和分析,其特点是反对派塞缪尔克拉克博士赠送给霍布斯。 It was a fashion of the age to treat philosophy with mathematical rigour; but very different was the "geometrical ethics" of Spinoza, the necessarian, from that of Descartes, the libertarian, who thought that God's free will chose even the ultimate reasons of right and wrong and might have chosen otherwise.这是一个时代对待数学的严谨性理念时尚,但很不同的是“几何伦理学”斯宾诺莎的necessarian从笛卡尔,自由意志论者,谁想到,上帝的自由意志选择了连权的最终原因,和错误的,否则可能会选择。 If Hobbes has his representatives in the Utilitarians, the Cambridge Platonists have their representatives in more or less of the school of which TH Green is a leading light.如果霍布斯在他的代表的功利主义,剑桥柏拉图主义者有更多的还是在学校,其中TH格林是一家领先的光少他们的代表。A universal infinite mind seeks to realize itself finitely in each human mind or brain, which therefore must seek to free itself from the bondage of mere natural causality and rise to the liberty of the spirit, to a complete self-realization in the infinite Self and after its pattern.通用无限的心灵本身的目的,是实现每个人的心灵有限或大脑,因此,必须设法摆脱单纯的自然因果关系和上升束缚自己的精神自由,到了无限的自我完整的自我实现和后的格局。 What this pattern ultimately is Green cannot say; but he holds that our way towards it at present is through the recognized virtues of European civilization, together with the cultivation of science and art.什么是绿色这种模式最终不能说,但他认为,我们对待它的方式,目前通过欧洲文明是公认的美德,在科学和艺术修养在一起。In the like spirit GE Moore finds the ascertainable objects that at present can be called "good in themselves" to be social intercourse and æsthetic delight.在这样的精神摩尔发现的,目前可以说是“良好的自己”是社会交往和审美情趣确定的对象。

Kant康德

Kant may stand midway between the Pantheistic and the purely Empirical ethics.康德可能站在之间的泛神论和纯粹实证道德之间。On the one side he limited our knowledge, strictly so called, of things good to sense-experiences; but on the other he allowed a practical, regulative system of ideas lifting us up to God.一方面,他在我们的知识有限,对事物的感觉好,经验严格所谓;但另一方面,他允许实际,解除了我们对上帝的想法调控体系。 Duty as referred to Divine commands was religion, not ethics: it was religion, not ethics, to regard moral precepts in the light of the commands of God.神的命令所指的职责是宗教,而不是伦理:它是宗教,不是道德,就在神的命令,轻道德戒律。In ethics these were restricted to the autonomous aspect, that is, to the aspect of them under which the will of each man was its own legislator.在道德这些被限制的自治方面,那就是,对他们在这方面,每个人将是它自己的立法者。 Man, the noumenon, not the phenomenon, was his own lawgiver and his own end so far as morality went: anything beyond was outside ethics proper.男人,本体,而不是现象,是他自己的立法者和他自己的结束至今的道德了:什么是超越道德之外适当。Again, the objects prescribed as good or forbidden as bad did not enter in among the constituents of ethical quality: they were only extrinsic conditions.同样地,好的或坏的禁止规定的对象没有进入其中的道德品质的成分:他们只是外在条件。The whole of morality intrinsically was in the good will as pure from all content or object of a definite kind, from all definite inclination to benevolence and as deriving its whole dignity from respect for the moral law simply as a moral law, self-imposed, and at the same time universalized for all other autonomous individuals of the rational order.道德的本质是在整体的良好意愿为纯从所有内容或一个明确的一种对象,从各个明确的倾向,以仁为派生从尊重其整体尊严的道德法律作为道德律,自我强加的简单和,和普及,同时对所有的理性秩序的其他独立自主的个人。 For each moral agent as noumenal willed that the maxim of his conduct should become a principle for all moral agents.对于每个作为本体的道德意志的代理人,他的行为准则应该成为所有道德代理人的原则。We have to be careful how in practice we impute consequences to men who hold false theories of conscience.我们必须要小心如何在实践中,我们意指的后果男子谁持有良心谬论。In our historical sketch we have found Spinoza a necessarian or fatalist; but he believed in effort and exhortation as aids to good life.在我们的历史素描,我们发现斯宾诺莎a necessarian或宿命论者,但他的努力和艾滋病告诫相信美好的生活。We have seen Kant assert the non-morality of Divine precept and of the objective fitness of things, but he found a place for both these elements in his system.我们看到康德断言的神圣戒律和对客观事物的健身非道德,但他发现了这两种元素在他的系统的地方。Similarly Paulsen gives in the body of his work a mundane ethics quite unaffected by his metaphysical principles as stated in his preface to Book II.同样给保尔森在他的工作由他的身体相当在他的序言第二册说形而上学的世俗道德原则的影响。Luther logically might be inferred to be a thorough antinomian: he declared the human will to be enslaved, with a natural freedom only for civic duties; he taught a theory of justification which was in spite of evil deeds; he called nature radically corrupt and forcibly held captive by the lusts of the flesh; he regarded divine grace as a due and necessary complement to human nature, which as constituted by mere body and soul was a nature depraved; his justification was by faith, not only without works, but even in spite of evil works which were not imputed.路德逻辑上推断可能是一个彻底的唯信仰论:他宣称人类将要被奴役,只为一个公民的职责自然的自由,他教的理由理论,尽管在劣迹是,他所谓的性质根本腐败和强行关押由肉体的情欲,他认为应有的和必要的补充,人的本性,它由单纯的身体和灵魂组成的神的恩典是一个自然腐化,他的理由是因信,不仅没有工作,但即使在尽管其中并没有归咎于邪恶的作品。 Nevertheless he asserted that the good tree of the faith-justified man must bring forth good works; he condemned vice most bitterly, and exhorted men to virtue.不过他断言,信仰对齐人必须带出好树好作品,他最痛苦副谴责,并告诫男子美德。Hence Protestants can depict a Luther simply the preacher of good, while Catholics may regard simply the preacher of evil.因此,可以描绘出路德新教单纯的好牧师,而天主教会认为仅仅是邪恶的牧师。Luther has both sides.路德的两侧。

V. CONSCIENCE IN ITS PRACTICAL WORKING五,良心在实际工作

The supremacy of conscience至高无上的良心

The supremacy of conscience is a great theme of discourse.至高无上的良心是一个伟大的话语主题。"Were its might equal to its right", says Butler, "it would rule the world".“是其可能等于其权”,巴特勒说,“这将统治世界”。 With Kant we could say that conscience is autonomously supreme, if against Kant we added that thereby we meant only that every duty must be brought home to the individual by his own individual conscience, and is to this extent imposed by it; so that even he who follows authority contrary to his own private judgment should do so on his own private conviction that the former has the better claim.与康德,我们可以说,良心是自主至高无上的,如果我们对康德说,由此我们只意味着每一个责任,必须由他自己带回家个人良心的个体,是由它施加这种程度,所以,即使他谁如下当局违背自己的私人判断应该做自己的私人信念,前者具有较好的索赔等。 If the Church stands between God and conscience, then in another sense also the conscience is between God and the Church.如果教会之间的上帝和良心站,然后又在另一种意义上的良心是上帝与教会。Unless a man is conscientiously submissive to the Catholic Church his subjection is not really a matter of inner morality but is mechanical obedience.除非一个人是认真顺从他隶属天主教会是不是一个真正的内心的道德问题,而是是机械的服从。

Conscience as a matter of education and perfectibility良心的教育和完善性问题

As in all other concerns of education, so in the training of conscience we must use the several means.正如所有其他的教育问题,因此在训练我们的良心必须使用几种手段。As a check on individual caprice, especially in youth, we must consult the best living authorities and the best traditions of the past.作为对个人任性,尤其是在青少年的检查,我们必须征询最佳生活当局和过去的优良传统。 At the same time that we are recipient our own active faculties must exert themselves in the pursuit with a keen outlook for the chances of error.与此同时,我们接受我们自己的积极院系必须尽的追求与对错误的机会自己敏锐的前景。Really unavoidable mistakes will not count against us; but many errors are remotely, when not proximately, preventable.真的不可避免的失误将不计算在我们,但许多错误远程,当不近因,可以预防的。From all our blunders we should learn a lesson.从我们所有的失误,我们应该引以为戒。The diligent examiner and corrector of his own conscience has it in his power, by long diligence to reach a great delicacy and responsiveness to the call of duty and of higher virtue, whereas the negligent, and still more the perverse, may in some sense become dead to conscience.考官的勤奋和他自己的良心校正它在他的权力,通过长期的努力,以达到一个伟大的美味和响应的职责和较高的道德呼吁,而疏忽,还有更多的倒行逆施,在某种意义上可能会成为死的良心。 The hardening of the heart and the bad power to put light for darkness and darkness for light are results which may be achieved with only too much ease.对心脏和权力,把坏的黑暗和黑暗的光的光硬化的可能,只有太多的方便取得的成果。Even the best criteria will leave residual perplexities for which provision has to be made in an ethical theory of probabilities which will be explained in the article PROBABILISM.即使是最好的标准将离开该规定,必须在一个将在文章中然论伦理理论作出解释概率残留困惑。Suffice it to say here that the theory leaves intact the old rule that a man in so acting must judge that he certainly is allowed thus to act, even though sometimes it might be more commendable to do otherwise.我只想说一点,就是理论叶完好的旧规则,在如此行事的人必须判断,他肯定是不允许这样行事,尽管有时它可能是更值得称道的不这样做。 In inferring something to be permissible, the extremes of scrupulosity and of laxity have to be avoided.在推断的东西是允许的,松弛的scrupulosity和极端要避免。

The approvals and reprovals of conscience的批准和良心reprovals

The office of conscience is sometimes treated under too narrow a conception.该办公室的良心有时下处理过于狭隘的观念。Some writers, after the manner of Socrates when he spoke of his doemon as rather a restrainer than a promoter of action, assign to conscience the office of forbidding, as others assign to law and government the negative duty of checking invasion upon individual liberty.有些作家,在苏格拉底的方式,当他谈到他的doemon而作为一个比一个行动启动限位,分配给良心的禁止办公室,别人分配给法律和政府的检查侵犯个人自由的侵犯负的责任。 Shaftesbury (Inquiry II, 2, 1) regards conscience as the consciousness of wrongdoing, not of rightdoing.沙夫茨伯里(询价二,2,1)视不法行为意识的良知,而不是rightdoing。Carlyle in his "Essay on Characteristics" asserts that we should have no sense of having a conscience but for the fact that we have sinned; with which view we may compare Green's idea about a reasoned system of ethics (Proleg., Bk. IV, ch. ii, sect. 311) that its use is negative "to provide a safeguard against the pretext which in a speculative age some inadequate and misapplied theories may afford our selfishness rather than in the way of pointing out duties previously ignored".在他的“特性随笔”凯雷称,我们不应有任何有良知的,但对于我们犯了罪的事实感;与我们的观点可能比较绿色的大约有道德理性系统(Proleg.,浅滩想法IV。 CH二节311),它的使用是负“提供反对借口这在一些投机年龄不足和误用理论可能承受的指出以前被忽视的工作方式我们的自私,而不是保障”。Others say that an ethics of conscience should no more be hortatory than art should be didactic.也有人说,良心道德操守应该没有比艺术更是劝告应说教。Mackenzie (Ethics, 3rd ed., Bk. III, ch. I, sect. 14) prefers to say simply that "conscience is a feeling of pain accompanying and resulting from nonconformity to principle".麦肯齐(伦理,第3版,浅滩第三章,第一节14)喜欢简单地说:“良心是一种疼痛的感觉伴随和造成的不符合以原则”。 The suggestion which, by way of contrary, these remarks offer is that we should use conscience largely as an approving and an instigating and an inspiring agency to advance us in the right way.这项建议是由相反的方式,提供这些言论是我们应该使用主要作为审批和煽动和鼓舞人心的机构良心推进我们以正确的方式。We should not in morals copy the physicists, who deny all attractive force and limit force to vis a tergo, a push from behind.我们不应该在道德复制物理学家,谁拒绝所有引力和限制力VIS a tergo,从后面推。Nor must we think that the positive side of conscience is exhausted in urging obligations: it may go on in spite of Kant, beyond duty to works of supererogation.此外,我们认为,积​​极的一面是良心督促义务耗尽:它可能会在康德尽管如此,超越责任的额外的努力工作。 Of course there is a theory which denies the existence of such works on the principle that every one is simply bound to the better and the best if he feels himself equal to the heroic achievement.当然是有理论,否认对每一个是简单地绑定到更好的和最好的原则,这样的作品的存在,如果他觉得自己等同于辉煌的成就。 This philosophy would lay it down that he who can renounce all and give it to the poor is simply obliged to do so, though a less generous nature is not bound, and may take advantage --if it be an advantage--of its own inferiority.这一理念将奠定下来,他谁可以放弃一切,并给它给穷人只是不得不这样做,虽然大方自然是不能少的约束,并可能乘虚而入 - 如果它是一种优势 - 它自己的自卑。Not such was the way in which Christ put the case: He said hypothetically, "if thou wilt be perfect", and His follower St. Peter said to Ananias "Was not [thy land] thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thine own power? . . . Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God."是不是这样的方式,把基督的话:他说假设,“如果祢是完美的”,和他的追随者圣彼得说阿纳尼亚斯“不是[你的土地]你自己和被卖后,被?它不是在你自己的权力?。祢所不欲,不撒谎的男人,但所不欲,上帝。“ (Acts 5:4) We have, then, a sphere of duty and beyond that a sphere of free virtue, and we include both under the domain of conscience.(徒5:4)我们,那么,职责范围及以后一个自由美德领域,我们有良知域下的两个。 It is objected that only a prig considers the approving side of his conscience, but that is true only of the priggish manner, not of the thing itself; for a sound mind may very well seek the joy which comes from a faithful, generous heart, and make it an effort of conscience that outstrips duty to aim at higher perfection, not under the false persuasion that only after duty has been fulfilled does merit begin, but under the true conviction that duty is meritorious, and that so also is goodness in excess of duty.它是反对,只有伪君子认为,他的良心批准的一面,但是这是真的只是priggish方式,对事物本身没有;一个健全的头脑很可能寻求欢乐这从一个忠实的,宽容的心来了,并使它成为良知过于职责,瞄准更高的完美不是假的劝说下,只有税后已经实现是值得开始,努力,但在真正的信念,责任是有理由的,而且这样也过剩善良的责任。 Not that the eye is to be too narrowly fixed on rewards: these are included, while virtue for virtue's sake and for the sake of God is carefully cultivated.这并不是说眼睛是过于狭隘的固定回报:这些都包括在内,而美德的缘故,为神的缘故美德是精心培育。

Publication information Written by John Rickaby.出版信息书面约翰Rickaby。Transcribed by Rick McCarty.转录由里克麦卡蒂。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IV.天主教百科全书,第四卷。Published 1908.发布1908年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat.Nihil Obstat。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约



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