Book of Deuteronomy, דברים (Hebrew)书申命记

Words (Hebrew Title)字(希伯来文标题)

General Information一般资料

Deuteronomy is the fifth book of the Old Testament in the Bible.申命记是旧约圣经中的第五本书。 Its name, meaning "repeated law," is based on the book's stylistic form: a series of speeches in which the law originally given on Mount Sinai is repeated by Moses to the next generation.它的名字,意思是“重复法”,是基于在书的文体形式:在原本在西奈山给摩西的法律是由反复给下一代一系列演讲。 The book consists of a double introduction, a legal section with concluding ritual elaboration, two old poems, and an account of Moses' death.全书由一个双介绍,与总结仪式拟订,两个老的诗,和摩西的死帐的法律部分。 Although it is traditionally ascribed to Moses, it could not have been written much earlier than the time of King Josiah (dc 609 BC).虽然是传统归因于摩西,它不能被写入远早于约西亚王(直流609 BC)的时间。However, there was probably an earlier edition of the central legal section dating to the reign of Hezekiah (c. 700 BC). The principal themes of Deuteronomy include the election of Israel by God, trust in God's power, rejection of foreign gods, and the importance of the Mosaic law.然而,有可能是中央的法律追溯至希西家统治(公元前700年)一节版。 申命记的主要议题包括选举神以色列神的力量的信任,排斥外来的神,和镶嵌法的重要性。

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Bibliography 参考书目
L Goldberg, Deuteronomy (1986); AD Phillips, Deuteronomy (1973); M Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School (1972).L戈德堡,申命记(1986); AD菲利普斯,申命记(1973),M Weinfeld,申命记和申命记学校(1972年)。

Book of Deuteronomy书申命记

Brief Outline简述

  1. First discourse (1-4)第一话语(1-4)
  2. Second discourse (5-26)第二话语(5-26)
  3. Third discourse (27-30)第三话语(27-30)
  4. Last counsels; parting blessings (31-34)最后律师;临别祝福(31-34)


Advanced Information先进的信息

In all the Hebrew manuscripts the Pentateuch (qv) forms one roll or volume divided into larger and smaller sections called parshioth and sedarim. 在所有的希伯来文手稿的五(QV)的形式之一卷或卷到一个名为parshioth和sedarim更大和更小的部分分歧。It is not easy to say when it was divided into five books. This was probably first done by the Greek translators of the book, whom the Vulgate follows. 这是不容易说当它被划分为五个书籍,这可能是首次的书,其中武加大如下希腊翻译完成。The fifth of these books was called by the Greeks Deuteronomion, ie, the second law, hence our name Deuteronomy, or a second statement of the laws already promulgated.这些书被称为第五希腊人Deuteronomion,即第二定律,因此我们的名字申命记,或已颁布的法律第二条语句。 The Jews designated the book by the two first Hebrew words that occur, 'Elle haddabharim, ie, "These are the words."犹太人指定两人第一次发生的希伯来字的书,“世界时装之苑haddabharim,即”这些话。“They divided it into eleven parshioth.他们划分为十parshioth它。In the English Bible it contains thirty-four chapters.在英文圣经它包含34章。It consists chiefly of three discourses delivered by Moses a short time before his death.它包括主要由摩西发表了生前短时间3话语。

They were spoken to all Israel in the plains of Moab, in the eleventh month of the last year of their wanderings.他们发言的所有以色列在摩押平原,在去年的流浪第十一个月。The first discourse (1-4:40) recapitulates the chief events of the last forty years in the wilderness, with earnest exhortations to obedience to the divine ordinances, and warnings against the danger of forsaking the God of their fathers.第一话语(1-4:40)概括了过去四十年在旷野的主要事件,以服从与神圣的条例,并反对放弃了他们列祖的神危险警告殷切嘱托。 The second discourse (5-26:19) is in effect the body of the whole book.第二话语(5-26:19)是整个书体中的作用。The first address is introductory to it.第一项是介绍它。It contains practically a recapitulation of the law already given by God at Mount Sinai, together with many admonitions and injunctions as to the course of conduct they were to follow when they were settled in Canaan.它几乎包含了已经赋予上帝在西奈山,许多忠告和对他们的行为当然要遵守,当他们在迦南定居的法律禁令一起再演。

The concluding discourse (ch. 27-30) relates almost wholly to the solemn sanctions of the law, the blessings to the obedient, and the curse that would fall on the rebellious.的结论性话语(章27-30)几乎全部涉及到法律的严肃制裁,对听话的祝福和诅咒,将秋天的逆反心理。He solemnly adjures them to adhere faithfully to the covenant God had made with them, and so secure for themselves and their posterity the promised blessings.他郑重adjures他们坚持忠实的神与他们提出的约,使安全为自己和子孙后代的承诺祝福。These addresses to the people are followed by what may be called three appendices, namely (1), a song which God had commanded Moses to write (32:1-47); (2) the blessings he pronounced on the separate tribes (ch.33); and (3) the story of his death (32:48-52) and burial (ch. 34), written by some other hand, probably that of Joshua.这些对人的地址后面是什么可称为三个附件,即(1),其中神吩咐摩西写的歌曲(32:1-47),(2)祝福他在宣布独立的部落(CH 0.33)和(3)对他的死亡(32:48-52)和埋葬(章34)其他一些手写的,大概是约书亚的故事。These farewell addresses of Moses to the tribes of Israel he had so long led in the wilderness "glow in each line with the emotions of a great leader recounting to his contemporaries the marvellous story of their common experience.这些告别地址以色列,他有这么长在旷野“在每一个伟大的叙述他同时代的共同体验精彩的故事焕发出领导者的情感线,摩西带领部落。

The enthusiasm they kindle, even to-day, though obscured by translation, reveals their matchless adaptation to the circumstances under which they were first spoken.他们的热情点燃,即使是天,虽然由翻译遮蔽,揭示其对下,他们首先发言无与伦比的适应情况。Confidence for the future is evoked by remembrance of the past.对未来的信心是诱发由过去的回忆。The same God who had done mighty works for the tribes since the Exodus would cover their head in the day of battle with the nations of Palestine, soon to be invaded.同上帝谁做了部落的强大工程自出埃及记将包括在战斗一天,巴勒斯坦民族自己的脑袋,很快就被入侵。Their great lawgiver stands before us, vigorous in his hoary age, stern in his abhorrence of evil, earnest in his zeal for God, but mellowed in all relations to earth by his nearness to heaven.他们的伟大立法者站在我们面前,在他的苍老有力的年龄,在他的疾恶如仇严厉,在他的神热情认真,但婉转的一切关系由他贴近天堂人间。 The commanding wisdom of his enactments, the dignity of his position as the founder of the nation and the first of prophets, enforce his utterances.他的成文法指挥的智慧,他作为国家创始人和先知的第一个位置的尊严,执行他的话语。But he touches our deepest emotions by the human tenderness that breathes in all his words.但他接触的人的柔情,在他所有的话呼吸最深切的情感。

Standing on the verge of life, he speaks as a father giving his parting counsels to those he loves; willing to depart and be with God he has served so well, but fondly lengthening out his last farewell to the dear ones of earth.对生活的边缘地位,他说,作为一个父亲给他的临别律师向那些他热爱;愿意离开,并与神是他曾这么好,但深情地延长了他的最后告别了地球的亲人。 No book can compare with Deuteronomy in its mingled sublimity and tenderness." Geikie, Hours, etc. The whole style and method of this book, its tone and its peculiarities of conception and expression, show that it must have come from one hand.没有书可以比较申命记在其混合崇高和温情。“盖基,时间等,整体风格和这本书,其语气和表达的概念和方法的特点,表明它必须从一个手来。

That the author was none other than Moses is established by the following considerations: (1.) The uniform tradition both of the Jewish and the Christian Church down to recent times.这作者不是别人,正是摩西是由以下因素确定的其他:(1)统一的传统,犹太和基督教教会都下到近代。(2.) The book professes to have been written by Moses (1:1; 29:1; 31:1, 9-11, etc.), and was obviously intended to be accepted as his work. (2)这本书自称已被摩西(1:1,29:1,31:1,9-11等)编写的,目的显然是要为他的工作接受。(3.) The incontrovertible testimony of our Lord and his apostles (Matt. 19:7, 8; Mark 10:3, 4; John 5:46, 47; Acts 3:22; 7:37; Rom. 10:19) establishes the same conclusion. (3)我们的上帝和他的使徒(太19点07分,8个不容置疑的证言;马克十时03分,4;约翰五点46分,47;行为3时22分,7时37分;罗马书10时19分。 )建立了同样的结论。(4.) The frequent references to it in the later books of the canon (Josh. 8:31; 1 Kings 2:9; 2 Kings 14:6; 2 Chr. 23:18; 25:4; 34: 14; Ezra 3:2; 7:6; Neh. 8:1; Dan. 9: 11, 13) prove its antiquity; and (5) the archaisms found in it are in harmony with the age in which Moses lived.(4)经常提到的在佳能(约书亚记8时31分以后的书籍给它; 1国王2时09分;王下14:6; 2 CHR 23时18分,25:4,34:14;以斯拉3:2; 7时06分,尼8时01分,丹9:11,13)证明其文物和(5)在它发现之乎者也与摩西的时代,生活和谐的。(6.) Its style and allusions are also strikingly consistent with the circumstances and position of Moses and of the people at that time.(6)其风格和典故也惊人地的情况和当时的摩西和人民的立场是一致的。This body of positive evidence cannot be set aside by the conjectures and reasonings of modern critics, who contended that the book was somewhat like a forgery, introduced among the Jews some seven or eight centuries after the Exodus.这种积极的证据,身体不能被搁置的猜测和推理的现代批评,谁主张,这本书有点像伪造,其中犹太人大约七,八世纪之后推出的外流。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Catholic Information天主教信息

Deuteronomy is a partial repetition and explanation of the foregoing legislation together with an urgent exhortation to be faithful to it.申命记是部分重复和上述立法与迫切告诫要忠实于它一起解释。The main body of the book consists of three discourses delivered by Moses to the people in the eleventh month of the fortieth year; but the discourses are precede by a short introduction, and they are followed by several appendices.该书的主体,包括由摩西发表在今年的第四十月份第十一届人民three话语,但前面的论述是一个简短的介绍,他们是由几个附录后面。

Introduction, i, 1-5.-Brief indication of the subject matter, the time, and the place of the following discourses.介绍,我,1 - 5. -简短的标的物,时间和地点如下话语指示。

(1) First Discourse, i, 6-iv, 40.-God's benefits are enumerated, and the people are exhorted to keep the law.(1)第一话语,我6四,40. -上帝的好处列举的,人民是告诫保持法律。

(a) i, 6-iii, 29.-The main occurrences during the time of the wandering in the desert are recalled as showing the goodness and justice of God.(一)我,6三,29. -的过程中,在沙漠中出现徘徊的时间主要是回顾作为显示的善良和正义的上帝。

(b) iv, 1-40.-Hence the covenant with God must be kept.(二)四,1 40.,因此,与神立约必须保持。By way of parenthesis, the sacred writer adds here (i) the appointment of three cities of refuge across the Jordan, iv, 41-43; (ii) an historical preamble, preparing us for the second discourse, iv, 44-49.通过括号的方式,增加了神圣的作家在这里(我)的三个跨越约旦,四,41-43避难城市的任命;(二)历史的序言,准备第二次的话语,四,44-49我们。

(2) Second Discourse, v, 1-xxvi, 19.-This forms almost the bulk of Deuteronomy. (2)第二话语,五,1 - 26,19. -这个形式几乎大部分申命记。It rehearses the whole economy of the covenant in two sections, the one general, the other particular.它排练了在两节约,一个一般,其他特定整个经济。

(a) The General Repetition, v, 1-xi, 32.-Repetition of the decalogue, and reasons for the promulgation of the law through Moses; explanation of the first commandment, and prohibitions of all intercourse with the gentiles; reminder of the Divine favours and punishments; promise of victory over the Chanaanites; God's blessing on the observance of the Law, His curse on the transgressors. (一)一般重复,V,1席,32. -重复的十诫,和理由的法律通过摩西颁布;解释第一条诫命,以及所有与外邦人交往的禁令;提醒的神的恩惠和惩罚;在Chanaanites胜利的承诺;对法律的遵守上帝的祝福,他对违规者的诅咒。

(b) Special Laws, xii, 1-xxvi, 19.-(i) Duties towards God: He is to be duly worshiped, never to be abandoned; distinction of clean and unclean meats; tithes and first-fruits; the three principal solemnities of the year.(b)特别法,十二,1 - 26,19 - (一)对上帝的职责:他是妥崇拜,永不放弃;清洁和不洁肉类的区别;什一税和第一水果;三个主要solemnities的一年。(ii) Duties towards God's representatives: toward the judges, the future kings, the priests, and Prophets.(二)义务对上帝的代表:对法官,未来的国王,祭司,和先知。(iii) Duties towards the neighbour: as to life, external possessions, marriage, and various other particulars. (三)职务向邻居:以生命,外部的财产,婚姻,以及其他各种资料。

(3) Third Discourse, xxvii, 1-xxx, 20.-A renewed exhortation to keep the law, based on diverse reasons.(3)第三话语,二十七,1 - XXX,20. - A再次告诫保持法,对不同原因的。

(a) xxvii, 1-26.-Command to inscribe the law on stones after crossing the Jordan, and to promulgate the blessings and curses connected with the observance or non-observance of the law.(一)二十七,1 26. -命令在法律上登记的石头后穿越约旦,并颁布的祝福,并与遵守法律或不遵守连接的诅咒。

(b) xxviii, 1-68.-A more minute statement of the good or evil depending on the observance or violation of the law.(二)二十八,1 - 68. - A上的遵守或违反法律的善恶取决于多分钟的发言。

(c) xxix, 1-xxx, 20.-The goodness of God is extolled; all are urged to be faithful to God. (三)二十九,1 - XXX,20. -神的善良,是赞美,都呼吁要忠实于上帝。

(4) Historical Appendix, xxxi, 1-xxxiv, 12.(4)历史附录,三十一,1 - 三十四,12。

(a) xxxi, 1-27.-Moses appoints Josue as his successor, orders him to read the law to the people every seven years, and to place a copy of the same in the ark. (一)三十一,1 27. -摩西任命他的继任者,命令他读法律的人每七年,并放置在方舟同一个副本若苏埃。

(b) xxxi, 28-xxxii, 47.-Moses calls an assembly of the Ancients and recites his canticle.(二)三十一,28 - 三十二,47. -摩西调用一个古代大会和背诵他的颂歌。

(c) xxxii, 48-52.-Moses views the Promised Land from a distance.(三)三十二,48 52. -摩西的看法,从远处的乐土。

(d) xxxiii, 1-29.-He blesses the tribes of Israel.(四)三十三,1 29. -他祝福以色列的部落。

(e) xxxiv, 1-12.-His death, burial, and special eulogium.(五)三十四,1 12. -他的死,埋葬和特殊eulogium。


The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.摩西五提供的内容为历史,法律,崇拜,以及对神所选择的人生活的基础。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此,工作的时间和它的起源地,它的历史性作者是至关重要的。These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.这些不仅仅是文学的问题,但问题属于历史的宗教和神学的领域。The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.在花叶作者的pentateuch是密不可分的问题,无论在何种意义摩西是作者或中介的老全书立法,以及前花叶传统的旗手。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.根据双方的旧约和新约的趋势,并根据犹太教和基督教神学,伟大的立法者摩西的工作是以色列历史的起源和其发展到耶稣基督的时间计算;但现代批评看到了这一切只有结果,或沉淀,一个纯粹的自然的历史发展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.该花叶作者的pentateuch问题导致我们,因此,替代,启示或历史演变,它触及了两个犹太历史和神学的基础和基督教福音。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我们会考虑这个问题,在根据圣经的第一,第二,在犹太教和基督教传统的光;第三,在内部证据的五家具,光,最后,在教会的决定光。


It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;这将是发现方便划分为三个部分花叶作者的pentateuch圣经的证据:(1)摩西五证言;

(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. (2)证词其他旧全书书籍;(3)新约的见证。

(1) Witness of the Pentateuch(1)证人的pentateuch

The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.在其目前的形式五经不存在作为一个完整的文学生产摩西本身。It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含了摩西的死帐,它告诉第三人,以间接的形式,他的生平事迹,最后四书不表现出的伟大的立法者回忆录的文学形式,此外,表达“神对摩西说:“只显示了法律的神圣起源的马赛克,但并不能证明自己在摩西五经是由他颁布的各项法律编纂。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.另一方面,反映出我们摩西五经至少四个部分的文学著作,部分历史,部分法律,部分诗意。(a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." (a)在以色列对近Raphidim的Amalecites胜利,耶和华对摩西说(出埃及记17:14):“写了一本书纪念这一点,并将其交付给若苏埃的耳朵。” This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).这自然是为了限制Amalec的失败,受益上帝希望保持在人们的记忆(申命记25:17-19)活着。The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article.目前的希伯来文指着读“的书”,但译本的版本省略冠词。Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).即使我们假设的massoretic指向​​给出了原文,我们很难证明所指的书是摩西五,虽然这是极有可能(参见冯Hummelauer“出埃及记等利未记”,巴黎,1897年,第182页;同上,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年,第152页;克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage”,穆斯特,1903年,第217页)。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord."(二)同样,前,二十四,4:“摩西说主所有的话。”The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.上下文不允许我们在无限期地理解这句话,但指的是紧接主的话,或所谓的“图书的公约”,当然。,XX - XXIII。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel."(三)前,三十四,27:“耶和华对摩西说:你写这些的,我已经做了两个与你以及与以色列立约的话。” The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."接下来的诗句补充说:“和他的表后,写了公约的十个字。”Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.前。,三十四,1,4,显示了摩西编写了表,和前。,三十四,10月26日,给我们的十个字的内容。(d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." (四)数,三十三,1-2:“这是对以色列的孩子豪宅,谁去了他们的军队在埃及的摩西和亚伦的行为,这摩西写下根据自己的地方驻训“Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?在这里,我们被告知,摩西写了沙漠中的人的营地名单,但这份名单的地方被发现?Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.最大的可能是在给定的数,三十三,3-49,或者是摩西的文学活动,告诉通过直接背景;有,然而,学者谁理解为指的是以色列从埃及出发历史后者通过写在人民的营地秩序,因此,这将是我们目前的出埃及记书。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但这种观点是难以可能;其前提是数量,三十三,3-49,是出埃及记总结不能得到维护,因为数字的章节中提到发生在出埃及记没有几个营地。

Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了这四个段落中有一些迹象表明这一点申命记的摩西的文学活动。Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it. ,申,我,5:“摩西开始阐述法律,并说”,即使“法”在这段文字指的Pentateuchal立法,这是不太可能的整体,它表明只有摩西颁布整个法律,但并不表明他一定写的。 Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq.几乎整本书的申命记声称自己是一个特殊的立法颁布的摩西在摩押地:四,1-40,44-49,V,1 SQQ;十二,1 SQQ。 But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但是有一个建议,写太多:17,18-9,责成,未来的国王接受祭司的这部法律的副本,以阅读和遵守它;二十七,1-8,命令,在西部在“所有的话,该法”上设置写在石头山Hebal约旦一侧;二十八,58,说的是“所有的话这部法律,这是写在本卷”之后列举的祝福和诅咒的会后,观察员和法律的违反者分别的,哪些是再次提到,如在XXIX 20,21,27,和三十二,46,47册上,现在,法律一再被称为在一份书面书必须至少Deuteronomic立法。Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外,三十一,9-13状态“,并写了这个摩西法”,以及三十一,26,补充说:“借此书,并把在方舟。侧。它可用于对证词有你“,来解释这些文本的小说或时代错误是很难与圣经无误的兼容。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最后,第31,19,命令摩西在申命记中写的颂歌。,三十二,1-43。

The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.圣经的学者不会抱怨,有这么几个表达了摩西五经的文学活动的迹象,他将在他们的人数相当惊讶。As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.至于对自己的明确的证词,至少部分,作者而言,五经比较有利,而与旧约许多其他书籍。

(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books(2)证人的其他旧全书书籍

(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6.(一)Josue. - 该图书的前提不仅是若苏埃的事实和基本条例中的摩西五,但也给了摩西和在摩西的律法书上所写的法律叙述:圣何塞,我7 -8;八,31;二十二,5;二十三,6。Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26).若苏埃他写道:“在主法卷的所有这些事情”(24,26)。Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66). Hobverg教授认为,这种“主的法律卷”是五经(“超级巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”中的“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,IV,340);芒热诺认为,它是指至少在申命记(快译通。德拉圣经,V,66)。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.无论如何,若苏埃和他同时代的人熟悉的书面花叶立法,这是上天显示。

(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. (二)法官,我,二Kings,在法官和前两本书的国王书没有明确提到摩西和法律的书,而是一个事件和报表数量的前提是存在的Pentateuchal立法和机构。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此,法官,十五,8-10,召回以色列的交付从埃及和其征服的乐土;法官,十一,12-28,在数量录得州的事件,XX,14; XXI,13,24;二十二,2 ;法官,十三,四,国家对在数量的Nazarites法,六,1-21创立了实践;法官,十八,31日,在存在的时候,没有国王在以色列幕说话;法官,XX,26-8提到的约柜,各种牺牲,和Aaronic铎。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.该Pentateuchal历史和法律同样的先决条件在撒母耳记上10时18分; 15:1-10,10时25分; 21:1-6; 22时零六SQQ; 23:6-9;撒下6。

(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. (三)1和第2 Kings的最后两本书的国王多次谈到摩西的法律。To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).为了限制这个词的含义申命记是一个任意的注释(参见王上2:3; 10:31); Amasias表明怜悯的杀人犯的孩子“根据那是在法律书上所写摩西“(2国王14:6);神圣的作家记录了保护以色列人神圣的承诺”只有当他们将遵守尽一切我所吩咐他们依法办事,我的仆人摩西吩咐他们“(2国王21 :8)。In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).在对Josias在位十八年被发现的法律书(2国王22时08分,11),或该公约(2国王23时零二)一书,根据他进行他的宗教改革(2国王23:10-24),并确定这是与“摩西律法”(2国王23时25分)。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教评论家不是在一个是否本法书是申命记(冯Hummelauer,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年版,第40-60,83-7)或整个摩西五(克莱尔,“莱斯里弗DES罗伊斯”,巴黎,1884年,第二版,第557页起;霍贝格,“摩西五经UND DER”,Frieburg,1905年,第17页起;“超级巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”中的“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,四,第338 -40)。

(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. (四)Paralipomenon.,该作家的灵感的Paralipomenon是指法律和这本书的摩西更频繁和明确。The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名和号码出现在这些图书大多是由于誊写。The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work.该事件将影响从以色列人国王的荣耀或不会陶冶读者遗漏不会损害的信誉或真实性的工作。Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.否则应该有小说作品之间放置一个为年轻人或为共同的读者传记或爱国出版物。On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.在他们的一部分,现代的批评太急于诋毁权威Paralipomena。"After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light."“删除后的Paralipomena帐户”,写DE Wette(Beitrage,我,135),“整个犹太历史假设另一种形式,和Pentateuchal调查,再反过来,一个强有力的证据数量,很难解释了,对于早期存在的马赛克书籍已经消失,其存在的其他遗迹是在一个不同的角度上。“ A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.一个在Parlipomenon的内容一目了然足以解释德维特和豪森努力反驳历史性的书籍。Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).其中不仅有族谱(历代1-9)和崇拜的描述后的数据和法律的pentateuch追查,但神圣的作家明确指出哪些是与在主(历代志上16是否符合法律的书面:40),在摩西(历代志下23:18的法律; 31:3),从而确定了与摩西(见历代志下25:4)编写的主法。The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.读者会发现类似的迹象的存在和在我的摩西五杆马赛克起源,22,12页起;二杆,十七,9;三十三,四,三十四,14;二十五,12。 By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.通过人工解释,事实上,图书的Paralipomenon可能被解释为代表包含法律颁布的摩西五经书,但根据上述段落自然的感觉就如摩西编辑一书五经。

(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. (五)一,二Esdras。埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias书籍也是如此,在他们的自然和普遍接受的意义上考虑,考虑的摩西五经书,而不是仅仅作为一书中载有摩西的法律。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.这个论点是基于以下文本的研究: 我防静电,三,2 SQQ;六,18岁;七,14; II ESD,我7 SQQ;八,1,8,14;九, 3,X,34,36;十三,1-3。 Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追随者认为,这本书的摩西提到的这些文本的是不是摩西五,但只有祭司码,但是当我们记住,有问题的书所载的列弗,二十三,和申命记的法律。 ,,七,2-4;十五,2,我们认为在此声明,本书的摩西不能仅限于在祭司码。To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.为了对历史书籍见证我们可以添加二马赫,二,四,七,六,朱,八,23; Ecclus,二十四,33; XLV,1-6; XLV,18,特别是前言Ecclus。

(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. (F)先知Books.,明确提到了摩西律法是发现,只有在后来先知:酒吧,二,2,28;丹,九,11,13;发作,四,4。Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch.其中,巴鲁克知道摩西已写入命令的法律,尽管他的表现形式平行于申的人。,二十八,15,53,62-64,他的威胁含有典故中的其他部分所载的摩西五。 The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其他先知经常提到的由祭司(参见申命记31:9)把守的主法,他们把与神的启示和主的同级别它永恒的盟约。They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他们呼吁上帝的盟约,在节日日历牺牲法律,以及在这样一种方式摩西五其他法律,以使其有可能以书面立法形成了自己的(参见何西阿书8:12)预言告诫的基础上,他们是熟悉的法律书籍口头表达。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此,在英国北部阿莫斯(四,4-5,V,22 SQQ)聘用和南部伊萨亚斯(I,11 SQQ)的表达,这是技术的话几乎牺牲发生在列弗,I - III;七,12,16和申,十二,6。

(3) Witness of the New Testament(3)见证新约

We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我们无须表明,耶稣和使徒引用了摩西五经全所编写的。If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他们由于摩西的所有通道,它们发生举,如果他们对摩西五经归于每当有其著作权的问题,即使是最苛刻的批评者必须承认,他们表示相信,工作确实是摩西写的。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).当对耶稣的申婚姻法,二十五,5所摩西(马太22时24;马克12时19,路加福音20:28)写的,撒都该人的报价。耶稣并不否认花叶著作权,但前上诉,,三,六,因为同样的摩西(马克12时26分;马太22:31;路加福音20:37)写的。 Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.再如,在潜水和拉撒路(路加福音16:29)比喻,他说的是“摩西和先知”,而在其他场合,他的“法律和先知”(路加福音16:16)说话,从而表明在他心中的法律,或五经,摩西是相同的。 The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".在最后的话语再次出现同样的表情处理由基督门徒(路加福音24:44-6;比照27):“这是在摩西的法律化,并在先知,并在关于我的诗篇”。 Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最后,在约翰,五,45-7,耶稣是更明确地断言花叶作者的pentateuch:“有一个accuseth你,摩西因为他对我说,但如果你不相信他的著作。。 ,您将如何相信我的话?“Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被认为基督只是住自己对他同时代的谁视为作者的pentateuch摩西在道德,但在文学意义上的作者也不仅仅是当前的信心。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶稣并不需要进入的花叶作者批判性研究,但他没有明确赞同普遍认为,如果它是错误的。

The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship.使徒们也感到信服,并证明,著作权的马赛克。"Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write."“菲利普findeth拿,和saith对他说:我们已经找到了他的人摩西的法律,和先知没有写。”St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).圣彼得介绍,从申报价,改为十八,15,:“对摩西说:”(徒3:22)。St. James and St. Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).圣雅各福群和圣保罗,摩西是在涉及在安息日(使徒15点21分;哥林多后书3:15)的犹太教堂读。The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).伟大的使徒谈到在摩西(使徒13时33分;哥林多前书9:9);其他法律的段落,他鼓吹耶稣根据摩西律法和先知(徒28:23),并列举从pentateuch通道作为文字写的摩西(罗马书10:5-8; 19)。St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).圣约翰提到了摩西(启示录15:3)颂歌。


The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.对传统的语音,无论是犹太教和基督教,是如此的一致,在宣告花叶作者的pentateuch常数,下至十七世纪它不容许任何严重的怀疑上升。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段仅是微薄的大纲此生活的传统。

(1) Jewish Tradition(1)犹太传统

It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch.人们看到的是,旧约书,与五经的开始,现在作为的pentateuch作者至少部分摩西。The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.对作家的书国王认为,摩西是作者申命记最少。Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯,内赫米亚斯,Malachias的作者Paralipomena,以及希腊作者七十版本考虑整个摩西五经的作者。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.在耶稣基督的时间和使徒的朋友和敌人采取的是理所当然的摩西五花叶著作权;既不是我们的上帝,也没有他的敌人采取例外,这一假设。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在公元一世纪,约瑟夫归咎到摩西整个五经作者,而不是除对立法者的死亡帐户(“Antiq达瓦慈善会。”,四,八,3-48;比照我Procem, 4,“魂斗罗阿皮翁”,我,8)。The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).哲学家斐洛的亚历山大相信,整个摩西五是摩西的工作,而后者写了下,一个特殊的神的启示(“德VITA MOSIS”,将二,三,在“歌剧影响了​​他的死亡预言帐户“,日内瓦,1613年,第511,538)。The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比伦塔木德(“巴巴 - Bathra”,第二章,列140;。“Makkoth”,FOL第IIa;。“Menachoth”,FOL 30A;。比照时尚,“组织胺德拉圣经ET DE L' exegese biblique jusqua” a数乐之日“,巴黎,1881年,第21页),耶路撒冷的犹太法典(索塔,V,5),拉比,和以色列的医生(见弗斯特,”明镜加隆DES Alten旧约nach巢穴Überlieferungen IM塔木德UND Midrasch“,莱比锡,1868年,第7-9页)见证了第一个千年来这一传统的延续。Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).虽然伊萨克本Jasus于11世纪和第十二届Abenesra承认在某些摩西五后花叶增加,他们仍然以及迈蒙尼德坚持花叶著作权,并没有显着不同,这一点从河Becchai教学(百分之十三),约瑟夫卡罗和Abarbanel(百分之十五;。比照理查德西蒙“。批判德拉Bibl DES引渡埃克尔斯德E.独品”,巴黎,1730年,第三,第215-20)。Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世纪,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎拒绝马赛克著作权的五经,指出这项工作可能被埃斯德拉斯(“道。Theol. - politicus”角八,编辑。Tauchnitz,III,P书面可能性125段)。Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.其中较近期的几个犹太人作家已经通过了批评者的结果,从而放弃了他们祖先的传统。

(2) Christian Tradition(2)基督教传统

The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.关于犹太传统的马赛克著作权的五经被带到到基督教教会由基督自己和使徒。No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.没有人会认真地否认了这种从教父期间起传统的存在和延续,一个可能确实是之间的使徒和第三世纪初的时间间隔好奇。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."对于这个时期,我们可以上诉到“Barnabus书信”(X,1-12;冯克,“Patres apostol ”,第二版,蒂宾根大学,1901年,我,第66-70;十二,2 9K;同上,第74-6),圣克莱门特的罗马(哥林多前书41:1;同上,第152页),圣贾斯汀(“APOL我 ”,59,PG,六,416,我,32,54,同上,377,409;“拨号”,29;同上,537),给作者。“队列广告Graec。” (9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. (9,28,30,33,34,同上,257,293,296-7,361),圣西奥菲勒斯(,III,23“广告Autol”;同上,1156,11,30;同上,,1100),圣爱任纽(续haer,I,II,6; PG,七,715-6),圣罗马希波吕托斯(,三十一,9,31“评论在申。” 35;比照Achelis,“Arabische Fragmente等”,莱比锡,1897年,我,118;“Philosophumena”,八,8,X,33; PG,XVI,3350,3448),德尔图良的迦太基(Adv. Hermog,第十九; PL,II,214),以亚历山大的奥利(Contra. CELS,三,5-6; PG,第十一,928;等),圣安提阿(德engastrimytha C.原价Eusthatius ,21,PG,第十八,656);所有这些作家,和其他人可能会增加,见证基督教传统,摩西写五经的延续。A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).一个是谁见证相同​​的事实后来父亲名单中可以找到芒热诺公司在“快译通。德拉圣经”的文章(V,74页起)。Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times.霍贝格(摩西五经UND DER,72起。)已收集的传统,在中世纪和近代存在的证词。

But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但是,天主教的传统,并不一定认为摩西写的每一个摩西五书,因为它是今天,这项工作已回落在一个绝对不变的形式给我们。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.这种僵化观点的花叶作者开始发展在十八世纪,几乎获得了在十九上风。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.在圣经上的新教徒和各种破坏性的圣经批评先进的系统,继承部分造成这种任意对待面前的天主教派发生变化。In the sixteenth century Card.在十六世纪卡。Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).贝拉明,谁可以作为传统的天主教可靠的指数考虑,表示,埃斯德拉斯收集,调整,并纠正了摩西五分散部分,甚至增加了部分的Pentateuchal历史完成必要的(德verbo意见台达电子,II,I,比照三,四)。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.对Génebrard,佩雷拉,邦弗雷雷,一个Lapide,麦西斯,Jansenius,以及对十六,十七世纪等显着Biblicists的意见同样是关于花叶作者的pentateuch弹性。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.这并不是说他们同意我们的现代圣经批判的争论,但它们表明,今天的Pentateuchal问题没有完全陌生的天主教学者,并认为该pentateuch花叶作者所确定的圣经委员会是在教会被迫绝不让步不信圣经学生。


The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.在生产的时候,摩西在书面记录的可能性已经不再有争议。The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.写作的艺术被称为很久之前的伟大立法者的时间,并广泛在埃及和巴比伦。As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至于以色列人,弗林德斯皮特里铭文推断某些犹太人在1905年发现的Sinaitic半岛,他们不断从他们在拉美西斯二世被关押的时间写自己民族的历史账目。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.该告诉EL -阿玛尔纳片显示的语言,巴比伦的方式是在摩西时代的官方语言,在西亚,巴勒斯坦和埃及著名;的Taanek的发现证实了这一事实。But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但它不能被推断这是埃及人和以色列人之间的雇用自己和他们(参Benzinger,“Hebraische Archaologie”,第二版,蒂宾根大学,1907年,第172页SQQ。)宗教这个神圣的文件或官方语言。It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不仅是可能的时候,摩西在写作和语言在这里我们所面临的问题,还有就是在书面文件中使用的马赛克样的迹象进一步的问题。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.象形文字和楔形文字的标志,广泛采用该早日生效;最古老的字母文字的书面铭文迄今为止,只有从公元前9世纪,但是,就不可能有任何的拼音文字较高的文物怀疑,似乎有无关防止我们的延伸回的时候,摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最后,在苏萨发现于1901年由先生和夫人杜氏资助的法国探险汉谟拉比,代码显示,即使在预花叶次法律文书都致力于,并保存在,写作;守则antedates摩西大约5个世纪,并载有大约282法规关于在公民生活中的各种突发事件。

Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.迄今为止,它已被证明是一种消极的历史和法律文件,声称是在写的时候,摩西不涉及先行不大可能的真实性。 But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但内部特征的pentateuch显示了积极的,工作是至少是可能马赛克。It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.诚然,五经不包含其整个花叶作者发表的声明,但即使是最苛刻的批评者将很难要求这些证词。It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.这实际上是缺乏在所有其他的书籍,不论是神圣的或亵渎。On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.另一方面,它已经表明,四个不同的五通道有明确归因于摩西的作者。Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death. ,申,三十一,24-9,特别指出,因为它知道,摩西写了“卷中的这部法律的话”,并命令它是在约柜放在作为对谁被人证言因此,在立法者的生活叛逆,将“做坏透”在他的死亡。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.再次,法律部门,虽然没有明确归因于摩西的写作,有明显来自摩西作为立法者。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外,许多Pentateuchal法律承担其在沙漠起源的证据,因此他们也奠定间接声称花叶来源。What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.什么一直是一个Pentateuchal法律说的是同样数量的若干历史章节。These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing.这些包含在这本书中的数字,例如,如此众多的名字,他们必须以书面形式流传下来的数字。Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition.除非批评可以带来不可辩驳的证据显示,在这些路段,我们只有小说,他们必须承认,这些历史的细节写在当代的文件,而不是仅仅通过口头传播的传统。 Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.此外,HOMMEL(“模具altisraelitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,第302页)显示,在数字的图书清单的名称承担的公元前二世纪的阿拉伯名字字符,可以只在起源摩西的时间,但必须承认,某些部分,例如,数,第十三,文字在它的传输受到影响。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我们需要提醒读者,许多Pentateuchal法律和数据意味着以色列游牧的生活条件。Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最后,无论是五经和它的第一读者作者必须已与埃及的地形和社会情况,并与西乃半岛半岛比较熟悉的土地Chanaan。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.CF,如申,八,7-10;。十一,10 SQQ。These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.这些内部的摩西五特点已在更大的长度开发的史密斯,伦敦,1868年他说:“摩西五经,或在其作者,信誉,文明之书”; Vigouroux,“香格里拉圣经ET LES decouvertes modernes”,第6版,巴黎,1896年,我,453-80;二,1-213,529-47,586-91;同上,“莱斯里弗圣徒ET LA批判rationaliste”,巴黎,1902年,三,28-46,79 - 99,122-6; Heyes,“Bibel UND Ægypten”,穆斯特,1904年,第142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 757-9.142条; Cornely“。Introductio在histor特别兽医试验libros”,我,巴黎,1887年,页57-60;普尔,“古埃及”在“当代评论”,3月,1879年,第757-9 。


In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:为配合迄今为摩西五,对1906年6月27日圣经委员会花叶作者先进的三重参数语音的规定,回答了关于这个问题的方式如下一系列问题:

(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. (1)积累批评家抨击了由名字指定的圣书五经马赛克真实性的论点是不是这样的重量以给我们的权利,设置后,除了采取集体许多段落都圣经,连续共识犹太人民,教会不断的传统,从文字本身产生的内部指示,以保持这些书籍没有摩西作为其作者,但编撰的最大部分来自源不迟于花叶年龄。

(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. (2)花叶真实性摩西五并不一定需要这样的编辑整个工作,以使其绝对必须保持这一摩西写了所有与他自己的手的一切或口述给他的秘书,这些假设可以必须承认谁相信他委托组成的工作本身,他所设想的神的启示下,影响力,对他人,但在这样一种方式,他们忠实地表达自己的想法,写了对他的意志无关,被省略了什么,以及由此产生的最后的工作应该得到批准由同摩西,其本金和激励作者和出版他的名字。

(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. (3)可在不影响授予的摩西五,摩西在他的工作,即以书面文件或口头传统的生产就业来源马赛克的真实性,从中他可能得出符合规定的一些事情最终他在视图下,在神的启示的影响,插在他的工作中也确实或根据自己的意识在放大或缩写形式。

(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. (4)大量马赛克真实性和完整性的pentateuch保持不变,如果它被理所当然地,在百年长河中的工作受到一些修改,如;后花叶增加或者附加的启发作者或插入到文本掩盖和解释;某些词语和形式的到最近的讲话形式陈旧的语言翻译出来,最后,由于誊写,其中一个调查,并通过关于根据法律判决的批评错误读数的过错。

The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.后花叶补充和圣经中的摩西五委员会允许不删除从大量的完整性和马赛克的真实性范围内,它的修改是不同的解释天主教学者。

(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. (1)我们应该要明白在一个相当广泛的意义上说,如果我们要捍卫冯Hummelauer或Vetter的意见。This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.后者作家承认法律和历史文献的基础上镶嵌的传统,但只在法官的时代写的,他的地方在所罗门的圣殿勃起时间的pentateuch第一节录,以及其在埃斯德拉斯去年节录。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. Vetter死于1906年,这一年中的圣经委员会发表了上述法令,它是一个有趣的问题,是否和如何修改的学者将他的理论,如果时间已给予他这样做。

(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96).(2)少从宽解释法令是隐含的Pentateuchal假设先进的霍伯特(“摩西五经UND DER;模具五经查询搜索”中的“Biblische(研究)”,X,4,弗赖堡,1907年,“Erklarung DES创世纪”, 1908年,弗莱堡,IL),Schopfer(历史馆DES Alten Testamentes,第4版,226 SQQ),Hopfl(“模具hohere Bibelkritik”,第二版,帕德博恩,1906年),布鲁克(“L' eglise ET LA批判” ,巴黎,1907年,103 SQQ),和Selbst(舒斯特和Holzammer的“手册下载楚Biblischen历史馆”,第7版,弗赖堡,1910年,第二,94,96)。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.最后命名的作家认为,摩西留下了书面法律书籍的若苏埃和Samuel补充和规章的补充部分,而大卫和所罗门提供有关新法规的崇拜和神职人员,和其他国王介绍了某些宗教的改革,直到整个埃斯德拉斯颁布法律,使其成为以色列的恢复后,流亡国外的基础。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.我们目前的五经,因此,一个Esdrine版的工作。Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism.Selbst博士相信,他觉得这两个文本的修改和补充材料中的摩西五入场与历史发展的规律,并与文学批评的结果一致。 Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.适应历史发展的宗教,民间和社会的历届年龄条件的法律和法规,而文学批评在我们的实际摩西五字和它难以被发现原来短语的特殊性,也是历史上增加或通知,法律的修改,迹象更加公正和后来的崇拜形式最近管理。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但医生认为,这些特点Selbst不提供针对不同来源的五区分充分的依据。

(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.(3)该法令严格解释的话是在考伦(导论,北路193 sqq),主要的意见暗示(“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史馆联合国ihre系统”,穆斯特,1903年),不及格(Kirchenlexicon ,九,1782年SQQ)和芒热诺(“L' authenticite mosaique杜Pentateuque”,巴黎,1907年,同上,“快译通德拉圣经”,V,50-119随着这些部分属于例外。之后,摩西死亡,对文字,由于誊写某些意外更改时间,整个摩西五是工作的摩西谁组成的圣经委员会所建议的方式之一工作,最后,存在的问题作为保持花叶真实性摩西五论断神学确定性。

(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. (1)某些谁1887年和1906年间写了天主教学者表示,他们认为,有问题的论文,也没有发现在圣经教导的教会,它在启示录中表示没有一个真理,而是一个可以自由有争议的宗旨,讨论。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.当时,教会当局没有发出关于这个问题的声明。

(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. (2)其他作者给予的摩西五马赛克的真实性是没有明确透露,但他们认为这是一个事实表明正式含蓄,正在从没有在这个词的严格意义上的三段论显示公式,但由简单的解释的条款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).该摩西五马赛克真实性否定是错误的,和保持花叶真实性摩西五论断矛盾被认为是真正(见Mechineau,“L' origine mosaique杜Pentateuque”,第34页)erronea。

(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. (3)第三类学者认为既不是一个有争议的自由的宗旨,也作为正式含蓄地揭示真理的pentateuch马赛克真实性,他们认为它实际上已被发现,或者说,它是从推断揭示真理的真正三段论扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310.正是因此,一个神学一定的道理,其矛盾的是皮疹(temeraria),甚至错误的主张(参见布鲁克,“Authenticite DES里弗DE莫伊兹”中的“练习曲”,3月,1888年,第327页;同上。一月,1897年,第122-3;芒热诺,“L' authenticité mosaïque杜Pentateuque”,第267-310。

Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.无论教会决定作用的有关摩西五马赛克的真实性可能有,或将有对的Pentateuchal问题的学生认为,不能说已经引起学者的保守态度,谁前颁布的法令写道。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp. 19-160; Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card.以下列表包含了最近的马赛克真实性主要捍卫者的名字:韩斯坦堡,“模具布赫尔摩西UND Aegypten”,柏林,1841年,史密斯说:“摩西五经,或在其作者,诚信书,与文明”,伦敦,1868; C. Schobel,“示范DE L' authenticite杜Deuteronome”,巴黎,1868年,同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique DE L' Exode”,巴黎,1871年,同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique杜Levitique ET DES Nombres“,巴黎,1869年,同上,”示范DE L' authenticite德拉杰尼斯“,巴黎,1872年,同上,”乐莫伊兹historique ET LA节录mosaique杜Pentateuque“,巴黎,1875年; Knabenbauer,”明镜摩西五UND死unglaubige Bibelkritik“中的”Stimmen AUS玛丽亚 - Laach“,1873年,第四; Bredenkamp,”Gesetz UND Propheten“,埃尔兰根,1881年,绿色,”摩西和先知“,纽约,1883年;同上,”希伯来节日“,纽约,1885年;同上,”Pentateuchal问题“中的”Hebraica“,1889年至1892年,同上,他说:”摩西五更高批判“,纽约,1895年,同上,”在统一的创世记“ ,纽约,1895年;,辛辛那提,1884年“的报复的马赛克著作权的五经”C.艾略特;比塞尔,“摩西五,其来源和结构”,纽约,1885年; Ubaldi,“在Sacram Scripturam Introductio” ,第二版,罗马,1882年,我,452 - 509; Cornely,“Introductio特别在historicos VT libros”,巴黎,1887年,页19-160;沃斯,“马赛克起源的Pentateuchal守则”,伦敦,1886年; Bohl,“ZUM Gesetz UND ZUM Zeugniss”,维也纳,1883年; Zah,“Erneste Blicke在书房Wahn DER modernen Kritik DES AT”,居特斯洛,1893年,同上,“资本Deuteronomium”,1890年,同上,“Israelitische UND judische历史馆“1895年; Rupprecht,”模具Anschauung DER kritischen学派Wellhausens VOM五经“,莱比锡,1893年,同上,”资本Rathsel DES Funfbuches莫斯UND围网falsche Losung“,居特斯洛,1894年,同上,”德Rathsels Losung为了Beitrage楚richtigen Losung DES Pentateuchrathsels“,1897年,同上,”模具Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht“,1897年,”莱克斯Mosaica,或摩西律法和更高批判“(由Sayce,罗林森,麟趾,黑侏罗统,WACE等),伦敦,1894年;卡。 Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp. 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906. Meignan,“德L'伊甸园a莫伊兹”,巴黎,1895年1-88;巴克斯特,“保护区和牺牲”,伦敦,1896年;阿贝德布罗意,“问题bibliques”,巴黎,1897年,页89-169;佩尔特,“DE L' Histoire AT”,第3版,巴黎,1901年,我,第291-326; Vigouroux,“莱斯里弗圣徒ET LA批判ratioinaliste”,巴黎,1902年,三,1-226;四, 239-53,405-15;同上,“曼努埃尔biblique”,第12版,巴黎,1906年,我,397-478;克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史馆UND ihre SYSTEME”,穆斯特,1903; Hopfl,“模具hohere Bibelkritik“,帕德博恩,1902年,托马斯,他说:”五经有机统一“,伦敦,1904年,维纳,”圣经研究法“,伦敦,1904年,劳斯,”在新约圣经旧约光“,伦敦, 1905年;雷德帕思,“现代批评和书创世纪”,伦敦,1905年;霍贝格,“摩西五经UND DER”,弗赖堡,1905年,奥尔,他说:“考虑参照最近批评旧约问题”,伦敦, 1906年。


A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.一到花叶作者的pentateuch详细交代反对是既不可取,也不在本文必要的。In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.它本身只是一个形式有碍人类历史错误,每个小系统也有一天,它的后继者都竭尽所能,以埋葬在寂静遗忘。The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.我们所要考虑的实际困难是那些由我们今天的实际对手先进,只有一个事实,即过去的系统我们展示了实际的理论和过渡性质稍纵即逝现在流行可诱导我们简要列举坚持连续意见由花叶作者的对手。

(1) Abandoned Theories(1)被遗弃的理论

The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena.由瓦伦蒂安托勒密的Nazarites,Abenesra,Carlstadt的,以撒Peyrerius,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎,让勒克莱尔先进的意见是零星的现象。 Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.并非所有的人完全不兼容的花叶作者像现在的理解,和其他人发现他们的答案在他们自己time随着约翰Astrue发表于1753年,开始了工作文件,进一步所谓的假说开发艾希霍恩和伊尔根。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但在工程暂停神父,亚历山大格迪斯,于1792年和1800年出版,介绍了碎片,这一天是在其制定并通过壶腹部,DE Wette(至少暂时),贝特霍尔德,哈特曼和冯波伦倡导假说。This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.这一理论很快就面临了,只好屈服的假说补或插值其中凯莱之间的顾客,埃瓦尔德,斯斯塔埃林,Bleek,TUCH,DE Wette,冯Lengerke,和一个短暂的时期也弗朗茨Delitzsch编号。The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.插值理论的再次几乎没有发现之前格兰贝格(1828),斯斯塔埃林(1830),和Bleek任何信徒(1831)返回假设的文件,提出了略加修改的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.随后,埃瓦尔德,克诺贝尔,霍普菲,Noldeke和施拉德先进的每一个纪录片的假说不同的解释。But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但是,所有这些都是目前只有一个历史的兴趣。

(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents(2)假设目前的文件

A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.一个在以色列的宗教发展过程中已经提出了Reuss在1830年和1834年,由1835年Vatke,由乔治在同一年。 In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch.在1865年至1866格拉夫了这一想法,并把它应用到文学批评的Hexateuch;的批评已开始考虑为属于前五书若苏埃书,以便收集形成的,而不是一个摩西五Hexateuch 。The same application was made by Merx in 1869.同样的申请是由Merx于1869年。Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此,修改的文件在其理论继续发展,直至它达到了的Kautzsch翻译的圣经描述的状态(第3版,以介绍和说明,蒂宾根大学,1908年SQQ)。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.在本身就存在反对的摩西假设没有书面文件,但我们不能肯定地归于我们的文学仍然什么的希伯来立法者手中。The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.书面账户开始必须放置在接近年底时法官;才得到满足的条件,必须先于文学出身的所谓正确,即与艺术的写作和阅读一般的熟人,平稳解决人民和国家的繁荣。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那么,什么是最古老的希伯来文学仍然?They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他们是从民族的英雄时间约会歌曲,例如,对主(民数记21:14),对刚(约书亚10时12 SQQ),图书的图书的馆藏图书的战争歌曲(1国王53分;比照布德,“历史馆DER althebr文学”,莱比锡,1906年,17)。The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch.该图书的盟约(出20:24-23:19)也必须有前存在的pentateuch的其他来源。The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC最古老的历史大概是工作的Yahwist书,指定由J和归因于圣职的犹大,最有可能属于公元前9世纪到

Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.类似于这是耶洛因文件,指定由E和书面大概一个世纪在英国北部(莲)后,耶和华文件制作。These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.这两个来源合并成一个工作后不久,第六世纪中叶由修订者。Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.下一步如下法律书籍,几乎完全在我们的实际书申命记体现,在寺庙621年发现的,并载有预言教学主张在所谓的高的地方取消了牺牲和集权沉淀崇拜在耶路撒冷圣殿。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.在流亡的祭司码起源,P的基础上,圣洁的,列弗,十七 - 26所谓的法律,以及Ezechiel,XL - XLVIII方案;的P物质前,后放逐社会阅读约公元前444年(尼希米记8-10)埃斯德拉斯,并接受了众多。History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.历史没有告诉我们何时和如何将这些历史和法律的来源合并为我们目前的五经潜水员,但人们普遍认为有一个为人民的传统和前放逐历史编纂迫切要求。

The only indicationof time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.显示的时间只可能是一个事实,即撒玛利亚接纳为一个神圣的书,在第四世纪的考虑他们的仇恨犹太人大概是公元前五经发现,必须得出结论,他们不会采取这一步骤,除非他们认为在摩西五马赛克起源肯定。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此,一个相当长的时间必须进行干预之间的pentateuch和接受撒玛利亚编译,这样相结合的工作必须在五世纪上。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.这是很普遍认为,过去的五经redactor完成他的任务十分精明。Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.如果没有改变的旧源文本,他在人的一切力量融合成一个明显的(?)整个异质因素与这样的成功,不仅对犹太人在公元前四世纪,也为许多世纪可能的基督徒维护他们的信念,即整个五经是由摩西写的。

(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis的关键假设(3)缺陷

As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.正如一些批评者一直在努力Pentateuchal指派最后节录的pentateuch以更近的日期,它在五世纪安置可能会被视为相当有利的保守观点。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor.但是,很难理解为什么顾客的意见不应该同意在考虑埃斯德拉斯作为最后的编辑。Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次,这是很肯定地说,过去的五经编辑器之前,它必须具有显着的,作为一个神圣的书撒玛利亚部分验收;位是它可能是撒玛利亚会已接纳这些在公元前四世纪的五,当他们与犹太人的民族和宗教反对派发达? Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?这难道不是更可能是混合的国家收到的撒马利亚通过发送亚述给他​​们的祭司的五?Cf.比照。2 Kings 17:27.2国王17时27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或者再次,因为这神父指示在该国的法神撒玛利亚人口,是不是合理的假设,他教他们的Pentateuchal法律,十个部落与他们进行分离,当他们从犹大? At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.无论如何,认为撒玛利亚接纳为神圣只有五经,但不是先知,实际上使我们推测,摩西五犹太人之间存在之前收集的预言著作写了,那撒马利亚选择了其神圣的书之前甚至犹大放在与摩西同级别工作的先知的作品。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但这种自然的推论认定之间没有批评的青睐;因为它意味着,历史和法律中的摩西五编纂传统,描述的开始,而不是以色列的宗教发展的结束。 The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.以色列的宗教发展中普遍存在的批评意味着摩西五晚于先知,而且诗篇是不迟于两个。After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.这些一般性的考虑后,我们将简要地研究的主要原则,方法,结果,以及批判理论的论点。

(a) Principles of the Critics的批评(一)原则

Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.没有假装审查所有的批评者的理论涉及的原则,我们提请大家注意二:历史发展的宗教,以及内部证据和传统的比较价值。

(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. (一)对历史演变Israelitic宗教理论使我们从花叶Yahwehism的伦理一神教的先知,从这个神的普遍性概念流亡期间发展起来的,从这个再次到僵化Phariseeism后来天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times.这是犹太人的宗教是编纂在我们的实际摩西五,但已经fictitiously预计的花叶和前预言次倒退的历史书籍。The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.发展思路是不是一个纯粹的现代发现。Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St. Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.迈耶(“明镜Entwicklungsgedanke北亚里士多德”,波恩,1909)表明,亚里士多德熟悉它;贡克尔(“Weiterbildung DER宗教”,慕尼黑,1905年,64岁)坚持认为,它适用于宗教一样古老基督教,和意法半导体保罗已经阐明了这一原则; Diestel,Willmann(“历史馆DES Idealismus”,第二版,二,23 SQQ。)和Schanz((“历史馆DES AT在DER chrislichen Kirche”,耶拿,1869年,56 SQQ)。 “Apologie DES Christentums”,第3版。II,4 SQQ。,376)找到了父亲的著作同一个应用程序,虽然霍贝格(“死Forschritte之bibl。学问”,弗赖堡,1902年,10)赠款教父作家往往忽视了它的思想影响的选民外在形式。 The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development.在父亲没有完全熟悉亵渎历史,更关心比其历史发展的启示录的内容表示关注。Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.).佩施(“Glaube,Dogmen UND geschichtliche Thatsachen”中的“Theol。Zeitfragen”,四,弗赖堡,1908年,183)发现,圣托马斯也承认在他的“大全”(II - II,问发展的原则我答:9,10,问二,A. 3;等)。But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:但这一原则的天主教观念避免两个极端:

the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);对退化理论的基础上,早期路德神学家(见Giesebrecht,“模具Degradationshypothese UND死altl历史馆”,莱比锡,1905年; Steude,“发展协会UND Offenbarung”,斯图加特,1905年,18 SQQ)教学;

the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.进化的理论,溶解一切的真理,并为纯粹的自然发展史的一切超自然的排斥。

It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.正是这种极端后者是由圣经的主张的批评。Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他们对以色列的早期宗教的描述是矛盾的最古老的先知,其权威是不能质疑他们的证词。These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.).这些灵感的预言家知道了亚当的堕落(何西阿书6:7),亚伯拉罕(以赛亚书29:23;弥迦7:20)通话,所多玛和Gomorrha(何西阿11时08破坏;以赛亚书1:9;阿莫斯4时11分,历史上的雅各布和他的天使(何西阿12:2 sqq),以色列从埃及和居住在沙漠中(何西阿2时14出埃及记斗争); 7时16分,11时零一分,12时09分13人; 13时04分,5;阿莫斯2点10,3:1; 9:7),摩西(何西阿12:13活动;弥6:4;以赛亚书63:11-12),书面立法(何西阿书8:12),以及一些特别的章程(见克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage”,穆斯特,1903年,223 SQQ)。Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.再次,发展理论,是越来越多的历史调查的结果相矛盾。Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韦伯(“神学UND Assyriologie IM史漫飞嗯巴贝尔UND Bibel”,莱比锡,1904年,17岁)指出,最近的历史结果意味着颓废,而不是在古代东方艺术,科学和宗教的发展; Winckler(“Religionsgeschichtler UND geschichtl东方。 “,莱比锡,1906年,33岁)认为,人的原始状态为假进化观点,并认为,发展理论,至少受到严重动​​摇,如果不是最近东方研究实际破坏(参见Bantsch” Altorientalischer与israelitischer Monothesismus“,图宾根,1906年)。Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. Köberle(“模具神学DER Gegenwart”,莱比锡,1907年,一,二)说,发展理论已用尽本身,音响只有豪森的想法,并决定在对具体问题没有根据的事实,但根据假设的这一理论。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最后,即使是理性的作家都认为有必要,以取代另一个符合历史事实的协议越多,发展的理论。Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此Winckler(“前东方力士”,莱比锡,1905年 - 6;同上,“明镜阿尔特东方”,三,2-3;同上,“模具babylonische Geisteskultur在ihren Beziehungen楚Kulturentwicklung DER Menschheit”中的“Wissenschaft UND教化”莱比锡,1907年;比照Landersdorfer在“历史,政治的布拉特”,1909年,144)已经发起了泛Babelism理论根据这些圣经宗教是作为对巴比伦多神教国家宗教意识的反应,并表示。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.这不是以色列的共同财产,而是一个宗教教派,得到了一定的一神教界在巴比伦不论国籍。This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.这一理论已经发现在布德,体育场,Bezold,Köberle,库格勒,维尔克等强大的对手,但它也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.虽然完全从基督教的观点来看站不住脚的,这说明至少在历史发展理论的弱点。

(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition.(ii)在批判理论的pentateuch另一个原则参与设的文学批评内部证据高于传统的证据价值。But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但是,迄今为止的发掘和历史研究成果已有利,而不是内部的证据的传统。Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.让读者只记得特洛伊,梯林斯,迈锡尼和Orchomenos(希腊)的情况下,英国探险家的埃文斯在克里特岛发掘表明国王米诺斯迷宫和他的历史风貌;亚述铭文重新建立的历史同样,底比斯和Agade萨尔贡梅内斯已被证明属于历史;;国王迈达斯的Phrygia信贷在一般情况下,更准确的科学已调查,更清楚地表明,他们即使是最微弱的传统可靠性。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.在新约圣经批评领域的呼吁“回到传统”,已经开始得到重视,并已被批准为哈尔纳克等部门和戴斯曼。In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在旧约的研究也有明确的迹象表明,未来的变化。Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research.HOMMEL(“模具altisrealitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,慕尼黑,1897年)认为,旧全书传统,无论是作为一个整体,在其详细信息,被证明是可靠的,即使在光线的关键研究。 Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).迈耶(“死Entstehung DES Judentums”,哈雷,1896年)的,该关键Pentateuchal理论的基础被破坏,如果能够证明,即使在受到指责的希伯来传统的一部分,是可靠的结论;同一作家证明的公信力对书刊的埃斯德拉斯(参见“Grundriss DER Geographie DES alten Orientes UND历史馆”,慕尼黑,1904年,167 SQQ)的来源。SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel. SA薯条已率领他的批判研究,并没有受到教条偏见的影响,接受整个以色列的历史传统观点。Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. Cornill和欧特列表示相信,以色列的传统有关,甚至其最早的历史是可靠的和能够承受的批评最激烈的攻击;道森(参见方克,在“(杂志)皮草katholische神学”,1899年,262“Kritik UND AT传统IM” - 81)和其他适用于传统的旧的原则已被如此频繁地被误用,“大EST VERITAS,等praevalebit”;贡克尔(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,二,蒂宾根大学,1906年,8)赠款,旧全书批评了一有点太远了,现在拒绝许多圣经传统将重新建立。

(b) Critical Method(二)关键方法

The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.而谎言的重要方法并不在这样的批评,作为使用,但在其非法使用。Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批评变得更加普遍在十六,十七世纪,在十八世纪末它被应用到古代。Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆(“Lehrbuch DER historischen梭”,莱比锡,1903年,296页)认​​为,通过这意味着单独的历史首次成为一门科学。In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在批评的圣经应用程序是有限的,事实上,灵感和正规的书籍,但有一个充分的实地调查,为我们的关键左(佩施,“Theol Zeitfragen”,三,48)。

Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:在他们的治疗圣经批评的主要罪过一些如下:

They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他们否认一切超自然的,让他们拒绝不仅仅是灵感和正规,而且还预言和奇迹的先验(参见梅茨勒,“达斯Wunder的VOR DEM论坛DER modernen Geschichtswissenschaft”中的“Katholik”,1908年,二,241 SQQ)。 。

They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他们似乎都相信了非圣经的历史文献的可信度先验的,而他们是反对偏见的真实性圣经帐户。(Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). (参见体育场,“历史馆以色列的”,我,86页起,88,101。)贬值的外部证据几乎完全,他们考虑的起源问题,完整和神圣的书籍在内部灯光的真实性证据(Encycl.省。杀出,52)。

They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.).他们高估了批判性分析的来源,而不考虑行政点,即信誉的来源(洛伦茨,“模具Geschichtswissenschaft在ihren Hauptrichtungen UND Aufgaben”,二,329 SQQ)。Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.最近的文件可能包含古代历史的可靠报告。Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批评者开始认识到,历史信誉的来源大于他们的分裂和交友(斯塔克,“模具Entstehung DES AT”,莱比锡,1905年,29的重要性;比照Vetter,“Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift”,1899 ,552)。

The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.关键的来源划分的基础上,希伯来文,但它不是某些多远目前massoretic文本从该不同,例如,其次是译本翻译,并有多远后者不同的形式在其节录的希伯来文中公元前五世纪Dahse(“Textkritische Bedenken葛根巢穴Ausgangspunkt DER heutigen Pentateuchkritik”中的“论坛存档皮毛Religionsgeschichte”,六,1903年,305 SQQ)显示,在希腊文翻译的pentateuch神圣的名字在约180例不同的在希伯来文(见霍贝格,“模具创世纪”,第2版,第二十二SQQ。);在其他单词和短语的变化可能会减少,但它是不合理的否认存在任何。 Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次,这是antecedently可能不同于文字的译本的massoretic不到从休息室Esdrine文本,必须已接近原始。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain.对文学批评的出发点,因此不确定。It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.它不是固有的文学批评错误,它是适用于摩西五后,它已成为研究荷马和龙根之歌(参见Katholik,1896年,我,303,306 SQQ),也不是Reuss认为几乎过时它更富有成效的意见分歧,而不是结果(参见Katholik,1896年,我,304起),也再次表明豪森认为它已蜕变为幼稚的发挥。 Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.在圣经的学生,Klostermann(“明镜五经”,莱比锡,1893年),柯尼希(“Falsche至尊IM Gebiete DER neueren Kritik DES AT”,莱比锡,1885年;“。Neueste Prinzipien DER ALT Kritik”,柏林,1902年,“进出口Kampfe嗯DAS AT“,柏林,1903年),Bugge(”模具Hauptparabeln Jesu“,吉森,1903年)是对文学批评的结果持怀疑态度,而Orelli(”明镜先知Jesaja“,1904年,V),赫雷米亚斯(”资本阿尔特约IM Lichte DES Alten定向“,1906年,八)和欧特列(”以色列的历史“,五)要坚持注释的文字比对批评的纵横交错的道路了。G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue. G.雅各布(“明镜五经”,哥廷根,1905)认为,过去Pentateuchal批评需要彻底修改; Eerdmans(“模具Komposition之成因”,吉森,1908年)认为相信,批评被误导到错误的路径的Astrue。Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.).Merx表示认为,下一代将不得不修改倒退本历史 - 文学的旧约(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,二,1907年,3,132 SQQ)很多意见。

(c) Critical Results(三)关键的结果

Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在这里,我们必须区分的批评原则,其结果,对宗教的历史发展的原则,例如,与传统内部的证据自卑,都不是文学分析的结果,但其部分依据。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次,我们必须区分这些成果的文学批评与摩西五和那些违背它马赛克真实性兼容。The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.该花叶作者的pentateuch顾客,甚至是宗教法令有关这个问题,显然承认摩西或他的秘书可能利用源或在摩西五组成的文件;都承认还神圣的文本已遭受它的传输和可能得到增加,在任的启发附录或训诂美化形式。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批评,因此,可以成功地确定数量和文件来源的限制,并后的马赛克增加,无论是启发或亵渎,他们提供服务的一个重要的一些Pentateuchal真实性传统的宗旨。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同样必须指出的是关于连续法律设立的摩西,和犹太人民逐步忠实于镶嵌法。Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.这里又理智的文学和历史的批评,甚至一些可能的结果将有助于大大保守评论员的摩西五。We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我们不吵架的批评者的合法的结论,如果批评不互相争吵。But they do quarrel with each other.但他们互相争吵。According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.根据Merx(。如上)没有什么,除了它的不确定性在一定的批评领域,每个评论家宣称最大的自力更生他的看法,但没有任何全方面的一致性。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known.前意见只是被沉默;甚至Reuss和Dillmann是垃圾铁,并有一个判断,什么可以或不可以被称为明显不足。Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.因此,关键的结果,据他们组成的区别文件来源,在后镶嵌材料,如文字的变化,亵渎或启发补充测定的各种法律法规的阐述,只是,不擅长方差与摩西五马赛克的真实性。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能反马赛克性质必须指出的事实或现象从批评合法推断上述结论;这些事实或现象,例如,在文本神圣的名字,对某些词的使用,改变差的风格,真正所谓的双账户,而不仅仅是显然,相同的活动;的的谬误和类似的细节,这些真理不直接影响花叶作者的pentateuch。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在这种结果那么批评与传统的冲突?Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.批评和传统是不相容的意见,以年龄和序列的文件来源,至于起源的各种法律法规,并作为对时间和方式的pentateuch节录。

(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree.(一)Pentateuchal Documents,至于年龄和序列的各种文件,批评不同意。Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. Dillmann,基特尔,柯尼格和Winckler把Elohist,谁被细分成几个作家的第一,第二和第三Elohist之前,Yahwist,谁也分为第一和第二Yahwist分;但豪森和大多数评论家认为,在Elohist约一个世纪比年轻Yahwist。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.无论如何,都被分配到的第九和公元前8世纪,既过于纳入较早的传统,甚至文件。

All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有批评似乎同意,以申命记复合字符,他们承认,而比单一作家Deuteronomist学校。Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.尽管如此,构成全书简要连续层由D1,D2,D3,等作为的性质这些层指定,批评不同意:Montet和驱动程序,例如,分配给第一个Deuteronomist毫升。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.I - XXI; Kuenen,柯尼希,罗伊斯,韦斯特法尔归于DN,四,45-9,和V - 26雷南;第三类的批评减少D1至十二,1 - 26,19,允许其双重版本:根据豪森,第一版所载,1 - IV,44;十二,二十六,二十七,而第二个由四,45席,39;十二,二十六,二十八,XXX;两种版本的redactor谁合并申命记插入到Hexateuch。 Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently.Cornill安排两个版本有所不同。Horst considers even cc.霍斯特认为,即使CC。xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.作为一个预先存在的要点汇编十二 - 26,聚集和无秩序往往是偶然的。Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges.豪森和他的追随者不想指派为D1更高的年龄超过621年,Cornill和贝尔托莱审议该文​​件作为预言教学总结,科伦索和雷南赋予它赫雷米亚斯,其他地方的统治它的起源或埃泽希亚什Manasses,Klostermann确定之前,在当时人们的约萨法特读过书的文件,而莱内特指回了法官的时间结束。 The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching.该Deuteronomist取决于前两个文件,​​J和E,对他的历史土地的立法两者;没有在这些发现的历史细节可能已被来自我们不知道其他来源,而不是在法律的Sinaitic立法中和十诫不是纯粹的小说或预言教学的结晶。

Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最后,祭司码,P,也是编译:书的第一层,在其历史和性质的法律,是由P1或P2指定的,第二层是圣洁的,H或列弗法律,十七。 - 26,是当代的一个Ezechiel,或者自己的先知(H,P2,pH值)也许工作;此外,还有如雨后春笋般从一所学校,而不是从任何一个作家的其他元素,以及由丘嫩指定为P3 ,P4,P5,而是由Ps和Px的其他批评。Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr.贝尔托莱和Bantsch发言的两个法律的其他集合:法律的牺牲,列弗,第一至第七,作为宝指定和法律的纯洁性,列夫,西十五,为Pr指定。 The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.第一纪录片假说认为是最古老的部分的pentateuch PN; Duston和Dillmann置于前Deuteronomic代码,但最近的批评者认为这是超过了最近的其他文件摩西五,甚至晚于Ezech,四十四。 10 XLVI,15(573-2 BC);的豪森日期祭司码的追随者后,从巴比伦圈养的回报,而Wildeboer的地方,无论是在或接近尾声的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.的祭司码的历史部分取决于Yahwistic和Elohistic文件,但豪森的信徒相信,这些文件材料已被操纵,以适合的祭司码特殊用途它; Dillmann和驱动保持这一事实没有发明或伪造的P,但后者在手,除了J和大肠杆菌等历史文件至于法律的一部分磷,豪森认为这是一个先验的犹太祭司程序后,从囚禁返回它,预计倒退到过去,归因于摩西,但其他批评者认为磷已系统化的崇拜前放逐海关,然后发展,并使之适应新的情况。

What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.什么已经说得很清楚表明,批评在许多方面有异,但他们在维护Pentateuchal文件后花叶产地之一的。 What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?是什么原因基础上,他们自己的意见的重量?

The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.所规定的先决条件,以文学批评的条件并不证明来源的pentateuch必须后花叶。The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯来人的生活了,至少二百年在埃及;此外,在沙漠中度过的四十年中的大部分是通过附近的Cades,使以色列人不再是游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.无论是其物质繁荣,或他们的写作和阅读能力说过,弗林德斯皮特里显示上述研究,他们一直在摩西时代的民族传统的记录。

If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果摩西希伯来同时代保持书面记录,为什么不应该的来源之一Pentateuchal这些文件?It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.的确,在我们的实际摩西五我们发现非马赛克和后花叶的迹象,但是,届时,非镶嵌,非个人的风格,可能是由于文学设备,或以笔的秘书;后花叶地理和历史的迹象可能已经悄悄进入文本的美化,或誊写错误,甚至启发补充方式。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批评者不能仅仅作为托辞拒绝这些建议,因为他们应该授予在维护Pentateuchal文字持续的奇迹,如果他们否认了这种文字的变化存在道德确定性。

But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不会对摩西五已经知道先前的先知,如果它一直流传下来的时候,摩西?This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.这一重要的例外是真正的论点é silentio这是很容易被错误的,除非它是最认真的处理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外,如果我们记住在成倍的摩西五份涉及的劳动,我们不能错误的假设,他们是非常有摩西和先知之间的间隔罕见,所以很少有人能够读取实际的文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.再次,它已经指出,至少有一个早期先知呼吁书面镶嵌法,所有这样的民族良知的前提上诉Pentateuchal历史和法律。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最后,一​​些批评意见,保持了J人与以色列的历史根据宗教和先知的道德观念,如果有这样的协议,为什么不说,先知写根据宗教和道德观念摩西五?

The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批评者呼吁的事实,有关庇护Pentateuchal法律,牺牲的节日,和神职人员与后花叶历史发展的不同阶段同意;,第二阶段同意的Josias的改革,以及与成文法第三实施后的巴比伦流亡的时间。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但必须牢记,镶嵌法目的是为以色列的基督教法律是为整个世界;如果再1900年基督之后,更大的世界的一部分仍然是联合国的基督徒,这是不令人惊讶的镶嵌法规定百年前侵入整个国家。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外,有,毫无疑问,许多违反法律,正如十诫受到侵犯不损害其法律颁布今天。Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再有对宗教的改革和灾害倍有宗教热情和基督教教会的历史时期冷漠,但这种人类弱点并不意味着法律不存在,无论是马赛克或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.至于在具体的法律问题,这将是较为理想的研究发现他们更详细。

(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code.(二)Pentateuchal Codes -评论家努力建立一个三Pentateuchal代码:该公约,申命记,和祭司法典。Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history.相反的就为适用于在第四年在沙漠中游荡的不同阶段这一立法,他们认为这三个国家的历史同意它的历史阶段。As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.如上所述,这三重立法的主要对象是圣殿,节日,和神职人员。

(a) The Sanctuary(一)保护区

At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.起初,因此批评者认为,牺牲被允许可在任何地方,体现了上帝的名字(出20:24-6),然后圣殿仅限于一个地方的神(申命记12时05分选择);第三,祭司码设团结的避难所,并规定适当的宗教仪式待观察。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外,批评者指出,显示前的Deuteronomic法牺牲的执法在相当从方舟休息的地方不同的各个地方提供的历史事件。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什么做的pentateuch回答花叶著作权的捍卫者? First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt.首先,作为法律的三倍,它分三个在以色列的沙漠生活的不同阶段:前幕在山脚下勃起。Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.西奈半岛,人们被允许建造祭坛,并提供各地提供主的名称体现了牺牲;下,在人民爱戴的金牛犊,以及幕已经竖立,牺牲可只提供前幕,甚至死亡的牛消费不得不宰杀在同一地点,以防止重新陷入偶像崇拜,最后,当人即将进入应许之地,过去的法律被废除,被当时很不可能的,但团结的避难所被关在的地方,上帝会选择。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次,由批评家敦促历史事实,其中一些是由神直接干预,奇迹或先知的灵感,因此是完全合法的,有些则是明显的违法违纪行为,并没有被认可的作家的启发;第三类的事实可以解释三种方式之一:

Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real.Poels(“乐sanctuaire DE Kirjath Jeraim”,鲁汶,1894年,“DE L' histoire Examen批判杜sanctuaire DE L'雅倩”,鲁汶,1897年)的努力,证明Gabaon,Masphath和基列耶琳Jarim表示同一个地方,使多重保护区是唯一明显的,不是真实的。

Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.凡Hoonacker(“乐寮杜culte DANS LA立法rituelle DES Hebreux”中的“Musceeon”,四月至十月,1894年,十三世,195-204,299 - 320,533-41;十四,17-38)区分私营和公共祭坛,公众和国家崇拜是集中在一个法律庇护和一个祭坛周围,而私人神坛可能已为国内崇拜。

But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但更常见的是承认,在神面前选择了网站的国家庇护,这是法律不禁止的任何牺牲,甚至远离了方舟的地方。After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.后的寺庙建筑的法律不认为如此严格的约束,任何情况下。Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.迄今为止然后论点的批评是没有定论。

(b) The Sacrifices(二)牺牲

According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.据批评,对图书的盟约责成只的第一水果产品和动物第一胎,对男性的第一个出生的赎回和庇护的访问自由意志募股(出埃及记,22,28-9,二十三,15,[希伯来书,二十三,19]);申命记更清楚地界定了这些法律的一些(十五,19-23,二十六,1-11),并规定了法律规定的什一税穷人的利益,寡妇,孤儿,和利未人(26,12-5);祭司码区分不同种类的牺牲,决定了他们的仪式,并介绍了也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但是,历史很难证明了这一观点:由于存在着一个永久神职人员在筒仓,以及后来在耶路撒冷,我们可以有把握地推断,存在着一个永久的牺牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉的照顾上(参见阿莫斯4点04,5; 5:21-22,25;何西阿各处)祭祀赋予过剩。The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.对赫雷米亚斯(七,21-3)的表达可以解释在同样的意义。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).赎罪祭被称为很久之前批评介绍他们的祭司码(Osee,四,八,密歇根州,六,七,PS,XXXIX [XL],7; 1国王,三,14)。Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).侵入提供正式区别于罪在2国王13点16(参撒上6:3-15;以赛亚书53:10)产品。 Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此牺牲之间的区别是由于不同种类既不厄泽克尔45:22-5,也不向祭司码。

(c) The Feasts(三)节日

The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.该图书的盟约,所以批评告诉我们,只知道三个节日:七天在出埃及记的形式埃及,节日的收成内存的azymes盛宴,并在年底的收成(出埃及记23 :14 - 7);申命记ordains的节日保持在中央圣殿增加Pasch的盛宴的azymes,地方七周之后的第一,第二盛宴,并呼吁第三,“住棚节”,扩大其期限为7天(申命记16:1-17);守则规定的祭司的确切仪式五个节日,增加了喇叭和赎罪,所有这些都必须在中央圣殿保持盛宴。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外,历史上似乎赞同的论点的批评:法官,二十一世纪,19知道只有一个年度盛宴在筒仓;撒上1:3,7,21,证明是父母的塞缪尔了每年筒仓的庇护;耶罗波安我设立在他的王国一个年度盛宴类似耶路撒冷(1国王12:32-3)庆祝的,最早的先知没有提到的宗教节日的名称;的Pasch首次发现后的庆祝申命记(列王纪下23:21-3); Ezechiel知道第一和第七月的第一天只有三个节日和赎罪祭。But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但在这里再次批评使用的论点é silentio这是不是在这种情况下定论。The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.节日赎罪,例如,是不是在外面提到旧约的摩西五,只有约瑟夫指庆祝在约翰Hyrcanus或希律时间。Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?将批评这一推断,该节日是不是保持整个旧约?History does not record facts generally known.历史不会记录一般人都知道的事实。As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.至于一个年度盛宴在早期的记录中提到,有分量的评论家都认为,后在许之地的人定居,自定义是逐步的去中央避难所只有每年一次推出。 This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.这种风俗前的批评允许的Deuteronomic法(王纪上12:26-31)的存在,使后者可以不用介绍了吧。Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it.伊萨亚斯(二十九,1,XXX,29)讲一个周期的节日,但Osee,第十二章,第9的意思已经向住棚节,因此,它的设立不能由于祭司码作为批评家描述它。 Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary. Ezechiel(第四十五,18-25)讲只有三个节日,必须在中央避难所。

(d) The Priesthood(四)职

The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.批评者争辩说,此书的盟约知道的Aaronitic铎(出埃及记24:5)无关;申命记提到没有任何等级的区分,没有任何大祭司祭司和利未人,确定他们的权利,只有利未人的生活之间的区别在国家和利未人连接到中央圣殿,最后,祭司的代码表示在法律上确定的职责,权利和收入作为社会和等级制度的祭司。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.这一理论被认为是承担了历史的证据出来。But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但在相反方向的历史见证点。At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).在若苏埃和早期法官的时间,以利亚撒,Phinees,亚伦的儿子和侄子,是祭司(民数记26:1,申命记10时06分;约书亚14点零一SQQ; 22点13分,21; 24:33法官:20:28)。From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).从法官到所罗门时间结束,神职人员在手中的合力和他的后裔(撒母耳记上1:3 SQQ; 14点03分,21时01; 22:1)谁从窜出的小儿子以他玛亚伦(历代志上24:3;比照撒上22时29分,14点03分; 2时07 SQQ)。Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.所罗门提出萨多克,对Achitob儿子,到了高神父的尊严,和他的后裔举行的办事处下到巴比伦的圈养时间(2塞缪尔8时17; 15时24 SQQ; 20点25分,列王记上2点26分,27,35,以西结书44:15);的萨多克太亚伦后裔是证明了我看齐,六,八。Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice.除了若苏埃和Paralipomenon书刊承认祭司和利之间的区别;根据撒母耳记上6:15利未人处理的方舟,但Bethsamites,一个城市的居民祭司(约书亚21:13-6),提供了牺牲。 A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21.类似的区别是在撒母耳记下15时24分,1国王8时03平方米;以赛亚书66:21。Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).凡Hoonacker(“莱斯pretres ET LES利DANS LE livre D' Ezechiel”中的“歌剧biblique”,1899年,八,180-189,192-194)显示,Ezechiel没有创造之间的祭司和利未人的区别,但假设在传统存在区别,他建议在这些类根据功德部门,而不是根据出生(四十四,15 XLV,5)。Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory.除非批评只是抛开这一切的历史证据,他们必须给予一个在以色列Aaronitic铎的存在,并将其纳入祭司和利未人,在D和P码颁布根据批判理论长除法。 It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.诚然,在一些段落人士说,提供牺牲谁是Aaronitic血统不是:法官,六,25 SQQ;十三,9;撒上七点09分,10点08分,13时09;撒下6点17分,24:25; 1国王8:5,62;等,但摆在首位,把“提供的牺牲”是指以提供受害者(利未记1:2,5)或执行祭祀仪式;受害者可能须提交的任何虔诚的门外汉;其次,就难以证明上帝犯这样的方式来亚伦祭司的办公室和他的儿子为了不给自己保留在特殊情况下,委托非自由 - Aaronite执行祭司的职能。

(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. (三)Pentateuchal Redaction.,四个文件的摩西五迄今descried来源合并不是由任何一个个人;批评需要而三个不同阶段的组合:第一,Yahwistic修订者RXX或RX结合J和使用的查看电子邮件他们协调,并使之适应申命记想法,这发生之前或之后的D.节录其次,经过D已经完成了在公元前六世纪,一个redactor的,或者一个学校的编纂,与D的精神的组合成JED文件乙脑,但引进必要的修改,以确保一致性。 Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes.第三,去年redactor的RX与P的文字和精神的,结合JED这个文件,再引进必要的修改。The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.在创国表,十四是根据丘嫩的这最后redactor的补充。

At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍一看,一个是震惊的是这一理论的复杂性格;作为一项规则,一个更简单的真理质地。Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.其次,一个是印象深刻的是假设的独特性;古代无关等于它。Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三,如果一曰或研究这一理论轻的五,一个是印象深刻的是异想天开的redactor性格,他常常保留什么应该被省略,省略哪些应该被保留下来。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批评者本身采取避难,一次又一次,在工作的redactor,为了挽救自己的看法的pentateuch。 A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近作家不惜调用复杂redactor的EIN genialer ESEL。Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四,真理爱好,直截了当读者自然感到震惊的文学小说和伪造,编辑修改,并在Pentateuchal文件和节录批判理论隐含的托辞。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.比较温和的批评努力摆脱这种不便:一些之间的古代和文学财产和编辑准确性现代化的标准差吸引力;他人几乎圣经目的的手段。 Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire.欧特列认为,作为纯粹的轻率表达的困境“无论是工作的摩西或一个骗子的工作”; Kautzsch假惺惺指向的智慧和神的方式,我们无法捉摸知识的深度,但必须佩服。The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.批评左翼公开承认,也没有在hushing事项中使用了,它实际上是对科学的研究成果,无论形式和旧约的很大一部分内容是关于意识的小说和伪造的。


In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19.在一些普通的五经推出其弥赛亚的预言是专门考虑,即所谓的原evangelium,将军,三,15; SEM的祝福,将军,九,26-7;父权的承诺,根,,十二,2;十三,16;十五,5;十七,4-6,16;十八,10-15,二十二,17;二十六,4;二十八,14;了奄奄一息的雅各,创福, XLIX,8-10;的巴兰预言,数量,二十四,15 SQQ;,和伟大的先​​知摩西宣布,申,十八,15-19。But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.但这些预言属于而是要引进的注释比全省。 Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.再次,五经文字一直被认为在一些一般性的工作介绍。We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我们已经看到,除了massoretic文本,我们必须考虑到先前的文本翻译的译本,和撒玛利亚摩西五更早的读数之后,对这个问题的详细调查,属于文字或更低批评领域。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但风格的pentateuch难以被转介到其他任何一些Pentateuchal研究部门。

As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.正如摩西受聘于他的工作无疑构成前存在的文件,因为他必须已使用过的秘书援助,我们期待antecedently了各种风格的摩西五。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.这无疑是由于这一文学现象的存在,批评已经发现在他们的支持,以便分析分钟多点。 But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但在一般情况下,工作作风,是与它的内容一致。There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有三种材料中的五种:第一,有数据统计,族谱,法律处方;第二,有叙事的部分;第三,有弧形的部分。

No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.没有读者会发现作家的干旱和朴实的作风在他的过错家谱和人种名单,在他的营地在沙漠中,他的法律文书或表。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他文学表现将是发生在这一类的记录。The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.在叙事风格的摩西五是简单和自然,而且活泼,风景如画。It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它盛产简单的字符素描,对话,和轶事。The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.亚伯拉罕的购买了埋地对约瑟夫的历史,和埃及瘟疫的帐户也戏剧性。Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命记有其上的嘱托它包含帐户独特的风格。Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.摩西解释他颁布的法律,但也敦促,主要是,他们的做法。As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作为一个演说家,他显示了油膏和说服力很大,但不属于贫困语重心长的先知。His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他留长句,有时不完整,所以才会出现所谓的anacolutha(参见申命记6:10-12; 8:11-17,9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4) 。Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.作为流行的不一定是传道,他是不缺乏的重复。But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他语重心长,说服力和油膏不干扰他的陈述清晰。He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不仅是一个僵化的立委,但他表明了他对人民的热爱,进而赢得他们的爱和信心。

Decisions of the Biblical Commission圣经委员会的决定

Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation. ,是在问候了本文,即,创行政主体圣经委员会一些决定,现报告如下:不同的是排除了前三个章节的创世记字面和历史意义训诂系统不是基于坚实的基础。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification.它不应该告诉我们,这三个章节不包含事实的叙述,而是从神话和早期人民cosmogonies所得只有寓言,清除错误的多神教和安置到一神教;或寓言和符号,没有客观现实,提出在历史的幌子,以灌输宗教和哲学的真理,或最后,部分历史传说和虚构的部分提出的指导和熏陶在一起。 In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer.特别是,怀疑不应该令人对通道的触及基督教的基础字面和历史意义,因为,例如,由上帝创造的宇宙在刚开始的时候,人的特殊的创造;人类种族的团结;;原来幸福,完整,在我们的第一个国家司法父母不朽;上帝赋予人类尝试他服从戒律,海侵的第一人,从第一个女人的形成神圣戒律,在魔鬼的建议下,蛇的形式;从他们的正义原始状态达不到我们的第一个父母,一个未来的救世主的承诺。

In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解释这些章节中有关段落的父亲和医生不同的解释,人们可以遵循和捍卫的意见,符合他的批准。Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.并不是每一个词或短语在这些章节总是一定要采取在其字面意义上,以便它可能永远不会有另一个当它显然是用来比喻或anthropomorphically。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.对一些段落文字和历史意义的先决条件在这些章节,一个寓言和预言的含义可能明智和有益的就业。As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.正如写作创世纪第一章的神圣作者的目的不是为了科学地阐述了宇宙的创造或完整的订单宪法,而是给予一天的日常语言向人们普及信息,适应了所有情报,严格的科学语言礼并不总是要在他们的术语看。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.六天的表达他们的分裂可能会采取的一般意义上的自然日,或在一定的时间期限,注释者可能争议这个问题。

Publication information Written by AJ Moss.出版信息写AJ莫斯。Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett.转录由托马斯M巴雷特&迈克尔T巴雷特。Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.致力于在炼狱天主教百科全书,卷席可怜的灵魂。Published 1911.发布1911年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.五经指的是,许多作品被引用的这篇文章整个过程。We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我们将在这里增添了主要训诂作品名单,既古老又现代,没有试图给出一个完整的目录。

PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父作家“东方教会: - 奥利,在将军,PG,XII,91 Selecta - 145,同上,Homil在将军,同上,145-62;同上,Selecta等homil,在防爆,列弗。。 ,,数量,申,同上,263-818;。同上,在PG,十七,11-36 Fragmenta; ST罗勒,Homil在Hexaemer在PG,XXIX,3-208;。ST GREGORY的nyssa ,在Hexaemer在PG,XLIV,61-124;同上,德homin Opific,同上,124-297;。同上,德VITA Moysis,同上,297-430;。ST JOHN CHRYS,Homil在将军在PG,LIII,LIV,23 - 580;。同上,SERM在将军在PG,LIV,581-630; ST EPHR,注释在Pentat在歌剧院锡尔河,我1-115;。 。ST CYRIL的ALEX,德在spiritu adoratione在PG,LXVIII,133-1125;在PG,LXIX,13-677 Glaphyra; THEODORETUS,Quaest在将军,前,列弗,数量,申在。。。 PG,LXXX,76-456;加沙普罗科匹厄斯,注释在Octateuch在PG,LXXXVII,21-992;。NICEPHORUS,在Octateuch卡泰纳等libros注册(莱比锡,1772)。

Western Church: ST.西方教会:ST。AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.刘汉铨,在Hexaemer。in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在PL,十四,123-274;同上,德天堂terrestri,同上,275-314;同上,德等亚伯该隐,同上,315-60;同上,德野老等方舟,同上,361-416;同上,德亚伯拉罕,同上,419-500;,德以撒等灵魂,同上,501-34同上,同上,德约瑟夫patriarcha,同上,641-72;。同上,德benedictionibus patriarcharum,同上,673 - 94; ST。JEROME, Liber quaest.杰罗姆,LIBER quaest。hebraic.希伯来。in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.在PL,二十三,935-1010将军; ST。AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奥古斯丁,德将军角Manich.Manich。ll.会。due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.同上,德德文,在PL,XXXIV,173-220到期。ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.广告亮,同上,219-46;同上,德GER。ad lit.广告点亮。ll.会。duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST.duodecim,同上,245-486;同上,在Heptateuch Quaest,同上,547-776;。RUFINUS,德benedictionibus在PL,XXI,295-336 patriarcharum; ST。VEN. VEN。BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch. BEDE,Hexaemeron在PL,XCI,9-190;同上,在摩西五。Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. Commentarii,同上,189-394;同上,德tabernaculo等vasibus ejus,同上,393-498; RHABANUS毛鲁斯,通讯。in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在将军在PL,CVII,443-670;同上,评论。in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut.在EZ。,列弗。,序号。,申。in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在PL,CVIII,9-998; WALAFRID斯特拉波,Glossa ordinaria在PL,CXIII,67-506。

MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世纪:ST段。BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布鲁诺ASTI,在摩西五Expositio。in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在PL,鲁珀特的道依茨,德SS。Trinitate et operib. Trinitate等operib。Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST.在PL,CLXVII,197-1000 Ejus;圣休。VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent.VICTOR,Adnotationes在被压抑elucidatoriae。in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST.在PL,CLXXV,29-86;挪的欧坦,在PL,CLXXII,253-66 Hexameron;同上,德decem plagis埃及斑蚊,同上,265-70;阿贝拉尔,在Hexaemeron Expositio在PL,CLXXVII,731-84 ;休ST。 CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.雪儿,Postilla(威尼斯,1588); Nicolaus的天琴座,Postilla(罗马,1471); TOSTATUS,歌剧,I - IV(威尼斯,1728);狄奥尼修斯的CARTHUSIAN,评论。in Pentateuch.在摩西五。in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在歌剧OMNIA,I,II(蒙特勒伊,1896-7)。

MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.更多近期WORKS.犹太作家: - 的RASHI(1040至1150年),ABENASRA(1092年至1167年)和大卫泡菜,(1160年至1235年)评注,载于拉比圣经; ABARBANEL,评论。(Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr.(威尼斯,5539上午,1579年);擦痕,法语入门。of Pent.被压抑。(Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test.(巴黎,1831); KALISCH,历史和批判的旧的测试评论。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. (伦敦),将军(1885);列弗。(1867, 1872); Ez.(1867年,1872年); EZ。(1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent.(1855年); HIRSCH,德被压抑。ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev.ubersetzt UND erklart(第二版,法兰克福,1893年,1895年);霍夫曼达斯布赫列弗。ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906).ubersetz UND erklart(柏林,1906年)。

Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家: - 的路德,梅兰希顿,卡尔文,格哈特,CALOVIUS,DRUSIUS,DE Dieu酒店,CAPPEL,COCCEIUS,米氏,LE CLERC,ROSENMULLER,甚至TUCH和鲍姆加滕,作品是在我们的天轻微的重要性;克诺贝尔,将军(第6版,由DILLMANN,1892;。TR,爱丁堡,1897年); RYSSEL,EZ。and Lev.和列弗。(3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut.(第3版,1897年); DILLMANN,数字,申,圣何塞(第二版,1886年);。LANGE,Theologisch - homiletisches Bibelwerk(比勒费尔德和莱比锡),同上,创世纪(第二版,1877); IDEM ,EZ,列弗,与数字(1874);。STOSCH,申命记。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment.(第2版,1902年); KEIL和FRANZ DELITZSCH,Biblischer评论。uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex.尤伯杯DAS AT; KEIL,将军和前。(3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut.(第3版,莱比锡,1878年);同上,列弗,数字,申命记。(2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment.(第2版,1870; TR,爱丁堡,1881年,1885年);施特拉克和ZOCKLER,Kurzgefasster Komment。zu den h.祖书房H.Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut. Schriften A. UND NT(慕尼黑);施特拉克,将军(第2版,1905年);同上,EZ,列弗,数字(1894年);。欧特列,申。 (1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. (1893年); NOWACK,Handkomment。zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut.ZUM AT(哥廷根);贡克尔,将军(1901年);。BANTSCH,EZ,列弗,数字(1903年);申。by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.由STEUERNAGEL(1900);马蒂,Kurtzer Handommentar Z。AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez.AT(弗赖堡):HOLZINGER,将军(1898年),EZ。(1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev.(1900年),数字(1903年);贝尔托莱,列弗。(1901), Deut.(1901年),申。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. (1899年); BOHMER,达斯erste布赫莫斯(斯图加特,1905年),库克,圣经根据授权版本,I - II(伦敦,1877年); SPENCE和EXELL,讲坛评(伦敦):怀特洛,根;罗林森,防爆;蛾,列弗;温特伯森,数字;亚历山大,申;的解释者的圣经(伦敦):。DODS,将军(1887年);查德威克,出埃及记。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. (1890年);凯洛格,列弗。(1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut.(1891年),WATSON,数字(1889年);哈珀,申。(1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. (1895年),国际评论文章(爱丁堡):灰色,数字(1903年); DRIVER,申。(1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut.(1895年); SPURRELL,对将军(第二版,牛津大学,1896年)。希伯来文字注释;金斯伯格,第三本书的摩西(伦敦,1904年);。麦克拉伦,对前书,列弗,与数字(伦敦,1906年);同上,申。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1).(伦敦,1906年);罗伊斯,L' histoire圣ET LA意向书(巴黎,1879年); KUENEN,HOSYKAAS和奥尔特,HET欧德约(莱顿,1900-1)。

Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further notice.天主教作品: - 该CAJETAN,OLEASTER,STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS,SANTE PAGINO,LIPPOMANNUS,锤,B. POREIRA,ASORIUS MARTINENGUS,LORINUS,TIRINUS,A LAPIDE,玉米,JANSENIUS,邦弗雷雷,FRASSEN,卡尔梅特,布伦塔诺,DERESER,和作品SCHOLZ不是太知名的或太不重要需要进一步的通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.香格里拉圣圣经(巴黎); CHELIER,拉杰尼斯(1889年);同上,L' Exode ET LA Levitique(1886年); TROCHON,莱斯Nombres ET LE Deuteronome(1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae(巴黎);冯Hummelauer,创世纪(1895年);前,列弗。(1897); Num.(1897);数量。 (1899); Deut.(1899年);申。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. (1901年); SCHRANK,评论。literal.文字。in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l.在将军(1835);拉米评论中湖Gen. (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901).将军(Mechlin,1883-4); TAPPEHORN,Erklarung DER将军(帕德博恩,1888);霍贝格,模具将军nach DEM Literalsinn erklart(弗赖堡,1899年);菲利安,香格里拉圣圣经,我(巴黎,1888); NETELER,达斯布赫创DER Vulgata UND DES hebraischen Textes ubersetzt UND erklart(明斯特,1905年); GIGOT,特别介绍了旧约,我(纽约,1901)的研究。Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909).圣经委员会:文献Apostolicoe Sedis(1908年7月15日),罗马(七月十七日,1909年)。


Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息


-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

The Laws in Deuteronomy.在申命记的法律。

-Critical View:临界查看:

Relation to Other Codes.相对于其他代码。

Aim and Scope of Deuteronomy.目的和范围申命记。

The Love of God.神的爱。

Love of Neighbors.爱的邻居。

Song and Blessing of Moses.宋,摩西的祝福。

Age and Authorship of Deuteronomy.年龄和作者申命记。

Influence on Subsequent Writers.在随后的作家的影响。

Its Composite Character.它的复合字符。

Style of Deuteronomy.风格申命记。

-Critical View:临界查看:

Analysis of Sources.分析来源。

Variations of Analysis.变化的分析。

Supposed Sources of xxvii.-xxx.所谓的xxvii. - XXX来源。

Date and Tendency.日期和趋势。

Different Dates Assigned.不同的日期分配。

Sources and Redaction.来源和节录。

The fifth book of the Pentateuch, called in Hebrew "Debarim" (Words), from the opening phrase "Eleh ha-debarim."; in Rabbinical Hebrew it is known also as "Mishneh Torah."在第五的摩西五书,被称为希伯来文“Debarim”(字)从开头一句“Eleh公顷debarim。”;在犹太教希伯来语它也被称为“Mishneh托拉”。 The English appellation is derived from the name which the book bears in the Septuagint (Δευτερουόμιου) and in the Vulgate (Deuteronomium); and this is based upon the erroneous Septuagint rendering of "mishnch ha-torah ha-zot" (xvii. 18), which grammatically can mean only "a repetition [that is, a copy] of this law," but which is rendered by the Septuagint τὸ Δευτερουόμιου τοῦτο, as though the expression meant "this repetition of the law."英文名称是来源于名字,书的译本(Δευτερουόμιου)和武加大(Deuteronomium)承担,这是建立在错误的译本的“mishnch公顷托拉公顷ZOT”(xvii. 18)渲染的,其中文法可能意味着只是“重复[即一个拷贝]这部法律”,但它是由七十呈现τὸΔευτερουόμιουτοῦτο,好像表达的意思是“这方面的法律的重复。” While, however, the name is thus a mistranslation, it is not inappropriate; for the book does include, by the side of much new matter, a repetition or reformulation of a large part of the laws found in the non-priestly sections (known as "JE") of Exodus.虽然,但是,名称因此是一个误译,这是不恰当,为这本书并包括由许多新的问题方面,一个是重复或在非祭司部分找到规律很大程度上改写(已知为“乙脑”)的外流。

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

The book of Deuteronomy consists in the main of the discourses which Moses is represented as having delivered, immediately before his death (i. 3), on the other side of Jordan for the purpose of teaching the Israelites the laws which theywere to obey, and the spirit in which they were to obey them, when they should be settled in the Promised Land.在申命记书包括在摩西是为具有交付,立即在他死之前(一3)对约旦为教学以色列人的法律,theywere服从对方的目的,主要代表的话语,和的精神,在他们要服从他们,当他们应在乐土解决。 Disregarding introductions and other subsidiary matter, the contents of the book may be summarized as follows:不顾介绍和其他附属的事,书的内容可概括如下:

Ch. CH。i. 6-iv.6 - IV。40: Moses' first discourse, consisting (i.-iii.) of a review of the providential guidance of the Israelites through the wilderness to the border of the Promised Land, and concluding (iv.) with an eloquent appeal not to forget the great truths, especially the spirituality of their God, impressed upon them at Horeb.40:摩西'第一话语,包括(。岛- III)一对以色列人天赐指导审查通过旷野到应许之地的边界,最后用雄辩的上诉(iv.)不要忘记伟大的真理,特别是他们的上帝的灵性,给他们留下深刻印象在何烈山。 Ch.CH。v.-xxvi., xxviii.诉 - 26,,二十八。1-xxix. 1,二十九。1: Moses' second discourse, containing the exposition of the Deuteronomic law, and forming the central and most characteristic portion of the book. 1:摩西第二话语,包含了Deuteronomic法的论述,并形成书的中央和最具特色的部分。It consists of two parts:它由两部分组成:

(1) ch. (1)CH。v.-xi., a hortatory introduction, developing the first commandment of the Decalogue, and inculcating the general theocratic principles by which Israel, as a nation, is to be governed; v.-xi.,一个劝告引进,开发了十诫的第一诫,并灌输一般由以色列作为一个国家,是政教合一的管辖原则;

(2) ch. (2)CH。xii.-xxvi., the code of special laws, followed (xxviii. 1-xxix. 1) by a solenm rehearsal of the blessings and curses attached respectively to the observance and neglect of the Deuteronomic law.xii. - 26,,特殊规律的代码,其次(xxviii. 1 XXIX 1)由的祝福,并分别附上遵守和忽视的Deuteronomic法诅咒solenm排练。[Ch.[CH。xxvii.二十七。consists of instructions (interrupting the discourse of Moses, and narrated in the third person) relative to a ceremony by which the nation, after entering Canaan, is to symbolize its ratification of the preceding code; see Josh.由指令(中断摩西的话语,而在第三人叙述)相对于仪式的国家,在进入迦南,是象征了它前面的代码批准,见乔什。viii, 30-35.] Ch.八,30-35。] CH。xxix.二十九。2-xxx.2 - XXX。20: Moses' third discourse, emphasizing afresh the fundamental duty of loyalty to Yhwh and the dangers of apostasy.20:摩西的第三话语,重新强调耶和华的忠诚和背叛的危险根本职责。Ch.CH。xxxi.-xxxiv.: Moses' last words of encouragement addressed to the people and to Joshua; his song (xxxii. 1-43) and blessing (xxxiii.); the account of his death (xxxiv.).。xxxi. - XXXIV:鼓励摩西的遗言给人民和约书亚,他的歌(xxxii. 1-43)和祝福(xxxiii.),他的死亡(xxxiv.)帐户。

It is characteristic of the discourses of Deuteronomy that the writer's aim is throughout parenctic: both in the two historical retrospects (i.-iii., ix. 9-x. 11), and in passing allusions elsewhere (as xi. 2-6; xxiii. 4, 5; xxiv. 9), he appeals to history for the sake of the lessons deducible from it; and in his treatment of the laws, he does not merely collect or repeat a series of legal enactments, but he "expounds" them (i. 5); that is, he develops them with reference to the moral and religious purposes which they subserve, and to the motives from which the Israelite ought to obey them.这是申命记的话语,作者的目的是在整个parenctic特点:无论是在两个(。一,三,九,9 × 11)历史的回顾,并在其他地方通过典故(如十一2-6。 ;二十三4,5;。XXIV 9),他呼吁历史为教训而从它deducible,并在他的法律处理,他不只是收集或重复了一系列法律文书,但他“阐述了“他们(一5),也就是说,他开发参考的道德和宗教目的,他们对 他们,并从其中的动机以色列人应该服从他们。 It is a further characteristic of the discourses that they are, in both the historical and the legal parts, dependent upon the narrative and laws, respectively, of JE in Exodus and Numbers; entire phrases from the earlier document being frequently embedded in them (compare Deut. i. 33, 35, 36 with Ex. xiii. 21, and Num. xiv. 23, 24 respectively; and Deut. xvi. 16, 19 with Ex. xxiii. 6, 8, 17).这是一个进一步的论述特点,它们是,无论在历史和法律的部分,在叙述和规律,分别对日本脑炎在出埃及记和号码依赖,从早期的文档全部被频繁嵌入其中短语(比较。。申一33,35,与前十三36 21,和Num十四23,24分别;及申十六16,19与前二十三6,8,17)。。。

The Laws in Deuteronomy.在申命记的法律。

The following is an outline of the laws in Deuteronomy, the asterisk (*) denoting those laws which are peculiar to Deuteronomy, and the dagger († or ‡) those which differ more or less materially in their provisions from those in JE and P respectively.以下是在申命记,星号(*),表示这些法律是特有的申命记,和匕首(†或‡)那些,会有不同的规定,从那些在乙脑和P分别或多或少重大的法律纲要。 For a more complete synoptical table see Driver's "Introduction to the Literature of the OT" 7th ed., pp. 73 et seq., or his Commentary on Deuteronomy, pp. iv.如需更完整的提要见驱动程序的第7版“,以旧约文学概论”,第73页起,或他在申命记,第IV评论。et seq.起。

i. Religious Observances:宗教仪式:

1. 1。Law of single sanctuary, xii.法单庇护,十二。1-28‡ (burnt offerings, sacrifices [ie, peace-offerings, tithes, heave-offerings [first-fruits and other offerings from the produce of the soil], vows, free-will offerings, and firstlings, all to be offered at the central sanctuary). 1-28‡(燔祭,牺牲[即,平安祭,什一税,升沉祭[第一水果和从土壤中]生产其他产品,誓言,自由意志的产品,并firstlings,都可获在中央圣殿)。

2. 2。Laws against the worship of "other gods," xii.法律对“其他的神,”十二崇拜。29-31, xiii*.29-31日,十三*.

3. 3。Sanctity of the laity, xiv.圣洁的俗人,十四。1-21 (person not to be disfigured in mourning, xiv. 1-2; law of clean and unclean animals, xiv. 3-20; flesh of animals dying a natural death not to be eaten, xiv. 21). 1-21(人不被毁容的哀悼,十四1-2;清洁和不洁的动物的法律,十四3-20;动物的肉死亡自然死亡不被吃掉,十四21)。

4. 4。Laws tending to ameliorate the condition of the poor, xiv.法律趋于改善穷人,十四条件。22-xv.22十五。18 (disposition of the charitable tithe, xiv. 22-29‡; relief secured to debtors every seventh year, xv. 1-11†‡; law of slavery, xv. 12-18†‡). 18(处置慈善十分之一,十四22-29‡;救济担保债务人每第七年,十五1-11†‡;奴隶制法,十五12-18†‡)。

5. 5。Offerings and festivals (firstling males to be offered to Yhwh, xv. 19-23‡; regulations respecting the observance of the three annual pilgrimages, xvi. 1-17‡).产品和节日(初产品,以提供给男性耶和华,十五19-23‡;法规尊重三个年度朝圣,十六遵守1-17‡)。

ii. II。The Office-Bearers of the Theocracy:在政教合一的干事:

1. 1。Judges to be appointed in every city, xvi.法官被任命为每一个城市,十六。18*; and judgment to be impartial, xvi.18 *和判断,做到公正,十六。19, 20.19,20。[Ch.[CH。xvi.十六。21-22, asherahs and "pillars" prohibited; xvii.21-22日,asherahs和“支柱”禁止;十七。1, sacrifices to be without blemish; xvii.1,牺牲是没有污点;十七。2-7, an Israelite convicted of idolatry to be stoned to death*.]2-7,被定罪的偶像崇拜一个以色列人被石头砸死*.]

2. 2。The supreme central tribunal, xvii.中央的最高法庭,十七。8-13*.8-13 *。

3. 3。The king, xvii.国王,十七。14-20 (theocratic conditions which the monarchy is to satisfy*).14-20(其中君主制是满足*政教合一的条件)。

4. 4。Rights and revenues of the priestly tribe, xviii.权利和祭司部落,十八收入。1-8*.1-8 *。

5. 5。The prophet, xviii.先知,十八。9-22* (verses 10, 11 against different forms of magic and divination-expansion of Ex. xxii. 18).9-22 *(诗句10日,11日对魔术和前十二章。18占卜扩张不同的形式)。

iii.三。Criminal Law:刑法:

1. 1。Manslaughter and murder, xix.误杀和谋杀,十九。1-13 (cities of refuge†). 1-13(避难†市)。

2. 2。Against removal of boundary-stones, xix.对边界石头,十九拆除。14*.14 *.

3. 3。Law of witness, xix.法证人,十九。15-21 (compare xvii. 6). 15-21(比较十七6)。[Four laws designed to secure self-control and forbearance in the conduct of war, xx.* and xxi.[四旨在确保在战争,XX .*和XXI进行自我控制,忍法。10-14*; compare xxiv.10-14 *;比较XXIV。5*.]5 *.]

iv.四。Miscellaneous Laws Relating Chiefly to Civil and Domestic Life: Symbolical rite of expiation for an untraced murder, xxi.其它有关的法律主要是对公民权利和家庭生活:象征性的赎罪仪式为untraced谋杀,21。1-9*; primogeniture, xxi.1-9 *;长子继承制,21。15-17*; treatment of an undutiful son, xxi.15-17 *;一个undutiful儿子,二十一世纪的治疗。18-21*; treatment of the body of a malefactor, xxi.18-21 *;的一个罪人,二十一世纪的身体治疗。22-23*; lost cattle or other property to be restored to owner, xxii.22-23 *;牛或其他财产损失要恢复的业主,22。1-4; sexes not to interchange garments, xxii.1-4,男女不交汇处服装,22。5*; motherbird not to be taken with nest, xxii 6, 7*; parapets on roofs, xxii.5 *; motherbird不要采取与鸟巢,22 6,7 *;屋顶,22护栏。8*; prohibition of non-natural mixtures and combinations, xxii.8 *;禁止非天然混合物和组合,22。9-11; law of fringes, xxii. 9-11;法律的边缘,22。12; slander against a newly married maiden, xxii.12,针对新婚首次,22污蔑。13-21*; adultery and seduction, xxii.13-21 *;通奸和诱惑,22。22-29; prohibition of marriage with stepmother, xxii.22-29;禁止结婚与继母,22。30; conditions of admittance into the theocratic community, xxiii.30,进入神权社会,二十三准入条件。1-8*; cleanliness in the camp, xxiii.1-8 *;在营地的清洁,二十三。9-14‡; humanity to escaped slave, xxiii.9-14‡;人类能够逃脱奴隶,二十三。15-16*; religious prostitution forbidden, xxiii.15-16 *,宗教禁止卖淫,二十三。17-18*; usury (interest), xxiii. 17-18 *;高利贷(利息),二十三。19-20; vows, xxiii. 19-20;誓言,二十三。21-23; regard for neighbor's crops, xxiii.21-23;关于对邻居的农作物,二十三。24-25*; divorce, xxiv.24-25 *;离婚,二十四。1-4*; pledges, xxiv.1-4 *;承诺,二十四。6, 10-13; man-stealing, xxiv. 6,10-13;人为盗窃,二十四。7; leprosy, xxiv. 7,麻风病,二十四。8-9; wages of hired servant not to be detained, xxiv.8-9;的雇工不被拘留,二十四的工资。14-15; criminal's family not to be punished with him, xxiv.14-15;犯罪的家庭不应与惩罚他,二十四。16*; justice toward "stranger" (ie, resident foreigner), widow, and orphan, xxiv.16 *;走向“陌生人”(即居民外国人),寡妇,孤儿,二十四义。17-18; gleanings, xxiv.17-18; gleanings,二十四。19-22; limit to stripes xxv.19-22;限制条纹二十五。1-3*; ox not to be muzzled while threshing, xxv.1-3 *;牛不被钳制,而脱粒,二十五。4*; levirate marriage, xxv.4 *;娶寡嫂结婚,二十五。5-10*; modesty in women xxv.5-10 *;妇女XXV谦虚。11, 12* just weights and measures, xxv.11,12 *只是度量衡,二十五。13-16; liturgical directions for the offering of first-fruits and of the triennial tithe, xxvi. 13-16;为第一水果和三年期十分之一,二十六提供礼仪方向。1-15*.1-15 *。

The moral and religious duties which form the subject of the imprecations in xxvii.道德和宗教义务,构成了在二十七的诅咒的主题。15-26 should likewise be noted, as also the injunctions occurring in other parts of the book, or introduced more or less incidentally in xii.-xxvi-as v. 6-21 (the Decalogue, repeated, with variations in the subordinate clauses, from Ex. xx. 2-17); vi. 15-26同样应该指出,由于还禁制令在本书的其他部分发生,或引进或多或少顺带在xii. - 26 - 如诉6-21(十诫,多次与在从句的变化,由前XX 2-17);。六。8 and xi. 8席。18 (the law of frontlets); vi.18(即frontlets法);六。14 and xi.14席。16 (against "other gods"); xii. 16(对“其他的神”);十二。16, 23-25, and xv.16,23-25​​,和十五。23 (blood not to be eaten); xix. 23(血不被吃掉);十九。21 ("the lex talionis)."21(下称“法talionis)。”

-Critical View:临界查看:

I. If the Deutcronomic laws are compared carefully with the three codes contained in Exodus and Numbers, it will be apparent that they stand in a different relation to each:一,如果Deutcronomic法律相比,在出埃及记和数字代码包含三个小心,就会很明显,他们在不同的关系,以每个站:

(1) The laws in JE-namely, Ex.(1)乙脑,即前的法律。xx-xxiii.XX - XXIII。 (repeated partially in Ex. xxxiv. 10-26), and the kindred section, Ex. (重复部分在特惠。三十四。10-26),以及类似的部分,前。xiii.十三。3-16-form the foundation of the Deuteronomic legislation.3 - 16 -形成的Deuteronomic立法的基础。This is evident partly from the numerous verbal coincidences referred to above-whole clauses, and sometimes even an entire law, being repeated verbatim-and partly from the fact that frequently a law in Deuteronomy consists of an expansion, or application to particular cases, of a principle laid down more briefly in Exodus (compare, for instance, Deut. xiii., xvii. 2-7, withEx. xxii. 20; Deut. xvi. 1-17 with Ex. xxiii. 14-17; and Deut. xviii. 10, 11 with Ex. xxii. 18).这是显而易见的部分由无数口头上面提到的,整个条款,有时甚至是整个法律的巧合,被逐字重复和部分的事实,法律经常在申命记的扩张,或适用于特定情况下组成,对规定了更简单的原则出埃及记(比较,例如,申命记第十三,十七2-7,withEx二十二20;。。。。。。申十六1-17与前二十三14-17;。和申命记。十八,10,11前,二十二18)。 The civil and social enactments which are new in Deuteronomy make provision chiefly for cases likely to arise in a more highly organized community than is contemplated in the legislation of Ex.公民和社会成文法则在申命记新做出规定案件中可能出现的有组织的社会更加高度比前立法中的主要设想。xx.-xxiii.xx. - XXIII。

(2) With the laws contained principally in Lev.(2)随着载于列弗,主要的法律。xvii.-xxvi.xvii. - 26。 (the law of holiness, known as "H"), there are parallels in Deuteronomy (chiefly moral injunctions); but though in such cases the substance is often similar, the expression is nearly always different (compare, for instance, Deut. xiv. 1 with Lev. xix. 28; Deut. xvi. 19, 20 with Lev. xix. 15; Deut. xxiv. 19-22 with Lev. xix. 9, 10); and it can not be said that the legislation of Deuteronomy is in any sense an expansion or development of that in Lev. (圣洁的法律,如“H”)的,有在申命记(主要是道德禁令)相似,但尽管在这种情况下,物质通常是相似的,表达的是几乎总是不同(比较,例如,申命记十四。 1,与利十九28;。。申十六19,20与利十九15;。申命记二十四19-22与列夫十九9,10);。,也不能说是立法申命记是一个扩展或列弗的发展在任何意义。 xvii.-xxvi.xvii. - 26。 The one exception is the description of clean and unclean animals in xiv.唯一的例外是在十四清洁和不洁的动物的描述。4a, 6-19a, which agrees in the main verbally with Lev.4A,6 - 19A,这主要与列弗口头同意。xi.十一。2b-20.2B - 20。

Relation to Other Codes.相对于其他代码。

(3) With the ceremonial laws contained in the other parts of Leviticus, and in Numbers (P), Deuteronomy is only remotely related: there are no verbal parallels. (3)随着载于利未记的其他部分,并在数(P),申命记只是远程相关法律的礼仪:有没有口头相似之处。Some of the institutions and observances codified in P are indeed mentioned, as, for instance burnt and peace-offerings, fire-sacrifices, heave-offerings, the distinction between clean and unclean, a Torah for leprosy (xxiv. 8); but they are destitute of the central significance which they hold in the system of P; while many of the fundamental institutions of P-as the distinction between the priests and the common Levites; the Levitical cities and the year of jubilee; the cereal-offering; the guilt and sin-offering; the great Day of Atonement-are not referred to in Deuteronomy at all; and in the laws which do touch common ground, great, and, indeed, in some cases, irreconcilable, discrepancies frequently display themselves.各院校和一些纪念活动编纂在P确实提到,因为,例如烧毁和平安祭,火牺牲,升沉,产品之间清洁和不清洁,一个律法的麻风病(xxiv. 8)的​​区别,但他们是中央的意义,他们中的P系统举行贫困,而许多的P - AS之间的祭司和利未人的共同区别的根本制度;利未城市和禧年;谷物祭;的内疚和赎罪祭,赎罪日是伟大的,都没有提及申命记所有;和法律,做触摸共同点,伟大,事实上,在某些情况下,不可调和,经常出入展示自我。 Thus the Deuteronomic legislation may be termed an expansion of the body of laws contained in JE; it is, in several features, parallel to that contained in H; it contains allusions to laws similar to-it can not be said identical with-those codified in some parts of P; while its provisions sometimes differ widely from those found in other parts of P.因此,Deuteronomic立法可称为一个在法律中乙脑身体膨胀,它是在几个特点,平行于H所载的,它包含的法律典故类似,它不能说,那些编纂相同在P的部分地区,而其规定有时不同于在其他地方发现的P.广泛

Aim and Scope of Deuteronomy.目的和范围申命记。

The Deuteronomic discourses may be said to comprise three elements-a historical, a legislative, and a parenctic.的Deuteronomic话语可以说是包括三个部分,历史的,立法和parenctic。Of these the parenctic element is both the most characteristic and the most important; for it is devoted to the inculcation of certain fundamental religious and moral principles upon which the writer lays great stress.其中的parenctic元素既是最具特色和最重要的;因为它是专门用于一些基本的宗教和道德原则的灌输赖以作家奠定巨大的压力。 The historical element is subservient to the parenctic, the references to history, as has been already remarked, having nearly always a didactic aim.历史因素是屈从于parenctic,对历史的引用,因为已经已经说过,有几乎总是说教的目的。The legislative element, though obviously, in many of its features, tending directly to secure the national well-being, and possessing consequently an independent value of its own, is by the writer of Deuteronomy viewed primarily as a vehicle for exemplifying the principles which it is the main object of his book to enforce.立法元素,但很明显,在它的许多功能,直接抚育,以确保国家的福祉,并因此拥有了自己独立的价值,是由申命记认为主要是由于车辆为彰显它的原则作家是他的书执行的主要对象。 The author wrote, it is evident, under a keen sense of the perils of idolatry; and to guard Israel against this, by insisting earnestly on the debt of gratitude and obedience which it owes to its sovereign Lord, is the fundamental teaching of his book.作者写道,这是显而易见的,在一个偶像崇拜的危险敏锐的感觉,并以防范以色列对这个由坚持的感激和服从它欠其主权主债务的认真,是他的著作的基本教学。 Accordingly the truths on which he loves to dwell are the sole godhead of Yhwh, His spirituality (Deut. iv.), His choice of Israel, and the love and faithfulness which He has manifested toward it; from which are deduced the great practical duties of loyal and loving devotion to Him, an absolute and uncompromising repudiation of all false gods, a warm and spontaneous obedience to His will, and a large-hearted and generous attitude toward men.因此对他的真理喜欢住在耶和华的唯一神格,他的灵性(申命记四),他对以色列的选择,爱和忠诚而他已经向它表现出来,从它们推导出重大的现实任务忠诚和爱奉献给他,对所有的假神,一个温暖的和自发的服从他的意愿,以及对男性大善良和慷慨的态度绝对不妥协的批判。

The Love of God.神的爱。

The central and principal discourse (v.-xxvi., xxviii.) opens with the Decalogue; and the first commandment, "Thou shalt have no other gods before me," may be said to be the text which in the rest of ch.中央及主要话语(。诉 - 26,二十八)打开与十诫;和第一诫“,你不可有别的神没有在我面前,”可以说是文字这在CH休息。 eloquently and movingly expanded.是雄辩和感人扩大。Yhwh is, moreover, a spiritual being: hence no sensible representation can be framed of Him.耶和华是,此外,精神是:没有合理的代表性,因此可以是他诬陷。Still less should Israel's devotions be paid to any other material object (iv. 12, 15-19).更不应以色列的奉献支付给任何其他材料对象(iv. 12,15-19)。Yhwh has chosen Israel; and, in fulfilment of the promises given to its forefathers, has wonderfully delivered it from its bondage in Egypt, and assigned it a home in a bounteous and fertile land, to take possession of which it is now on the point of crossing the Jordan (vi. 10, 11; viii. 7-10).耶和华选择了以色列,并在给予其祖先的承诺的履行,已交付其美妙束缚它在埃及,并赋予它一个宽裕的家庭和肥沃的土地,采取点上占有它现在穿越约旦(VI. 10,11;八7-10)。In return for all these benefits it is the Israelite's duty to fear and to love Yhwh-to fear Him as the great and mighty God, whose judgments strike terror into all beholders (iv. 32-36, xi. 2-7); and to love Him on account of the affection and constancy with which, even as a father, He has ever dealt with Israel.在所有这些利益回报是以色列人的职责恐惧和爱耶和华对恐惧的伟大和全能的神,他的判断罢工到所有旁观者(iv. 32-36,十一2-7)恐怖他和爱就占了其中的感情和坚贞的他,甚至作为父亲,他曾经与以色列处理。The love of God, an all-absorbing sense of personal devotion to Him, is propounded in Deuteronomy as the primary spring of human duty (vi. 5); it is the duty which is the direct corollary of the character of God and of Israel's relation to Him; the Israelite is to love Him with undivided affection ("with all thine heart, and with all thy soul," vi. 5; xiii. 3; xxx. 6; and elsewhere-an expression characteristic of Deuteronomy), renouncing everything that is in any degree inconsistent with loyalty to Him.神的爱,奉献给了他个人所有吸收的感觉,是propounded在申命记作为主要责任人的春天(VI. 5),它是职责,是神的性格和以色列的直接推论就他,以色列人是他爱上了不可分割的感情(“所有你的心,并与所有你的灵魂,”六5;十三3; XXX 6;和其他地方,表达特点的申命记),放弃一切,在任何程度与忠诚他不一致。

This brings with it, on the one hand, an earnest and entire repudiation of all false gods, and of every rite or practise connected with idolatry; and, on the other hand, a cheerful and ready acquiescence in the positive commandments which He has laid down.这带来了,一方面,对所有假神认真,整个抵赖,和每一个仪式或与偶像崇拜有关做法;和,另一方面,在积极的诫命,他奠定了欢快和准备默许下来。 Of nothing is the Israelite more repeatedly and emphatically warned in Deuteronomy than of the temptations to idolatry, and of the perils of yielding to them.无中生有是以色列人更一再强调警告申命记比对偶像崇拜的诱惑,以及对他们产生的危害。The heathen populations of Canaan are to be exterminated; no intermarriage, or other intercourse with them, is to be permitted; and their places of worship and religious symbols are to be ruthlessly destroyed (vii. 2-5; xii. 2, 3).迦南的异教徒的人群将被消灭,没有通婚,或其他与他们交往,就是被允许的,以及他们的崇拜和宗教符号的地方将被无情地摧毁(vii. 2-5;第十二2,3) 。Israel must ever remember that it is "holy" to Yhwh (vii. 6; xiv. 2, 21; xxvi. 19; xxviii. 9).以色列必须永远记住,这是“神圣”的耶和华(vii. 6;第十四2,21;二十六19;。二十八9)。Canaanitish forms of divination and magic are not to be tolerated; an authorized order of prophets is to supply in Israel, so far as Yhwh permits it, the information and counsel for which other nations resorted to augurs and soothsayers (xviii. 9-19).占卜和魔术Canaanitish形式的不容忍,一个先知授权的顺序是供应以色列,就允许它耶和华,信息和其他国家的律师为其诉诸预兆和占卜者(xviii. 9-19) 。Local shrines and altars, even though ostensibly dedicated to the worship of the true God, were liable to contamination, on the part of the unspiritual Israelites, by the admixtureof heathen rites; accordingly, the three great annual feasts are to be observed, and all sacrifices and other religious dues are to be rendered, it is repeatedly and strongly insisted, at a single central sanctuary, "the place which Yhwh shall choose . . . to set his name there" (xii. 5-7, 11, 14, 18, 26, and elsewhere).当地神社和祭坛,尽管表面上致力于崇拜的真神,是容易遭受污染,对非精神以色列人的一部分,由admixtureof异教徒仪式,因此,每年的三大节日都得到遵守,以及所有牺牲和其他宗教的会费将被渲染,这是一再强烈坚持,在一个单一的中央圣殿“的地方,耶和华应选择。设置他的名字有”(xii. 5-7,11,14, 18,26,和其他地方)。Obedience to these commands, if it come from the heart and be sincere, will bring with it the blessing of Yhwh: disobedience will end in national disaster and exile (vi. 14-15, vii. 12-16, viii. 19, and especially xxviii.).服从这些命令,如果它发自内心和真诚,会带给人们的耶和华祝福:抗命将结束在国家灾害和流亡(VI. 14-15,七12-16,八19,和。特别是二十八)。

Love of Neighbors.爱的邻居。

The practical form which devotion to Yhwh is to take is not, however, to be confined to religious duties, strictly so called.的实际形式奉献给耶和华是走是没有,不过,只限于宗教职责,严格所谓。It is to embrace also the Israelite's social and domestic life, and it is to determine his attitude toward the moral and civil ordinances prescribed to him.这是拥抱也是以色列人的社会和家庭生活,而且是决定他对处方给他的道德和民间条例的态度。The individual laws contained in ch.个别法律载在CH。xii.-xxvi.xii. - 26。 are designed for the moral and social well-being of the nation; and it is the Israelite's duty to obey them accordingly.是专为道德和社会福祉的国家,它是以色列人的职责,服从它们。Love of God involves the love of one's neighbor, and the avoidance of any act which may be detrimental to a neighbors' welfare.上帝的爱涉及到一个人的邻居爱,任何行为,可能危害到邻居的福利回避。The Israelite must comport himself accordingly.以色列人必须comport自己相应。Duties involving directly the application of a moral principle are especially insisted on, particularly justice, integrity, equity, philanthropy, and generosity; and the laws embodying such principles are manifestly of paramount importance in the writer's eyes.职责直接涉及的是道德原则的应用是特别坚持,尤其是正义,诚信,公平,慈善事业和慷慨,以及法律体现这些原则是在作家的眼中显然极为重要。 Judges are to be appointed in every city, who are to administer justice with the strictest impartiality (xvi. 18-20).法官将在每个城市,谁是管理最严格的公正性(xvi. 18-20)司法任命。Fathers are not to be condemned judicially for the crimes of their children; nor children for the crimes of their fathers (xxiv.16).父亲是不应该受到谴责的子女的犯罪司法,也不对他们的父亲的罪行(xxiv.16)的儿童。Just weights and measures are to be used in all commercial transactions (xxv. 13-16); grave moral offenses are punished severely; death is the penalty not only for murder, but also for incorrigible behavior in a son, for unchastity, for adultery, and for man-stealing (xxi. 18-21, xxii. 20-27, xxiv. 7).只是重量和措施将在所有的商业交易中使用(xxv. 13-16);严重的道德罪行从重处​​罚;死亡是不仅对杀人,也为儿子屡教不改的行为的惩罚,为不贞的通奸, ,和人为盗窃(xxi. 18-21,22。20-27,二十四7)。

But the author's ruling motive is humanity, whereever considerations of religion or morality do not force him to repress it.但作者的动机是人类统治,无论宗教或道德的考虑不强迫他压制它。Thus philanthropy, promptitude, and liberality are to be shown toward those in difficulty and want-as the indigent in need of a loan (xv. 7-11); a slave at the time of his manumission (xv. 13-15); a fugitive (xxiii. 15, 16); a hired servant (xxiv. 14, 15); the "stranger [ie, resident foreigner], the fatherless, and the widow" (xiv. 29, and frequently elsewhere).因此,慈善事业,爽利,并慷慨要对困难和希望,作为一个贷款(xv. 7-11)需要贫困所显示的,一个在他manumission时间(xv. 13-15)奴隶;逃犯(xxiii. 15,16),一个雇工(xxiv. 14,15);的“陌生人[即,居民外国人],孤儿和寡妇”(xiv. 29日,并经常在其他地方)。Gratitude and a sense of sympathy, evoked by the recollection of Israel's own past, are frequently appealed to as the motives by which the Israelite should in such cases be actuated (x. 19, "For ye were strangers in the land of Egypt"; xv. 15; xvi. 12; xxiv. 18, 22, "and thou shalt remember that thou wast a bondman in the land of Egypt").感谢和感的同情,由以色列的回忆自己的过去诱发,经常呼吁作为其中以色列人应该在这种情况下开动(十19的动机,“因为你们是在埃及的土地上的陌生人”;十五15;十六12;。XXIV 18日,22日,“和你要记住,你废了埃及的土地奴仆”)。A spirit of forbearance, equity, and regard for the feelings or welfare of others underlies also many of the other regulations of Deuteronomy.一个或他人的感情基础也申命记的许多福利等规定精神,宽容,平等和重视。 Nowhere else in the Old Testament does there breathe such an atmosphere of generous devotion to God and of large-hearted benevolence toward men; nowhere else are duties and motives set forth with deeper feeling or with more moving eloquence; and nowhere else is it shown so fully how high and noble principles may be made to elevate and refine the entire life of the community.无处在旧约确实有这样的慷慨呼吸奉献给上帝的氛围和大型善良对人仁慈,没有其他的职责和设置更深的感情或更多的移动口才提出的动机,以及无处是它显示出的充分有多高和崇高的原则,可向提升和完善整个社会的生活。

Song and Blessing of Moses.宋,摩西的祝福。

The Song of Moses, contained in chap.摩西的歌,在第一章中。xxxii.三十二。1-34, is a didactic poem, the aim of which (verses 4-6) is to exemplify the rectitude and faithfulness of Yhwh as manifested in His dealings with a corrupt and ungrateful nation. 1-34,是一种说教诗,其目的(诗句4-6),是体现了正直和忠诚的耶和华在与腐败和忘恩负义的国家打交道的体现。Looking back upon the past, the poet, after the exordium (verses 1-3), describes, first, the providence that had brought Israel safely through the wilderness, and planted it in a land blessed abundantly by the goodness of Yhwh (verses 7-14); secondly, Israel's ingratitude and lapse into idolatry (verses 15-18), which had obliged Yhwh to threaten it with national disaster, and to bring it almost to the verge of ruin (verses 19-30); and thirdly, Yhwh's determination not to allow an unworthy foe to triumph over His people, but by speaking to them through the extremity of their need to bring them to a better mind, and so to make it possible for Himself to interpose and save them (verses 31-43).回顾过去后,诗人后绪论(诗句1-3)回来,介绍,第一,这带来了以色列安全通过旷野,和普罗维登斯种植的耶和华祝福善良丰富的土地它(诗7 -14);第二,以色列的忘恩负义,并陷入偶像崇拜(诗句15-18),该责任耶和华威胁与国家灾难,并把它几乎到了破产的边缘(19-30节);第三,耶和华的决心不会允许不配敌人战胜他的人,而是通过讲通过他们的需要肢体他们给他们带来一个更好的主意,这样做有可能给自己干预,并将它们保存(诗句31 - 43)。The thought underlying the poem is thus the rescue of the people, by an act of grace, at the moment when annihilation seems imminent.一想到背后的诗是这样的人救援,由行为的宽限期,在湮没的时刻似乎迫在眉睫。The author develops this theme with a glow of impassioned earnestness, and also with great literary and artistic skill.笔者开发了慷慨激昂语重心长焕发这一主题,并与伟大的文学和艺术功力。Chap.CHAP。xxxiii.三十三。contains the "Blessing of Moses," consisting of a series of benedictions, or eulogies, pronounced upon the different tribes (Simeon excepted), with an exordium (verses 2-5) and it conclusion (verses 26-29).包含了“摩西的祝福,”祝福的一个系列,或颂词组成的,具有绪论后(西蒙除外)明显不同的部落,(诗句2-5),它的结论(26-29节)。 The method of the author is to signalize some distinctive feature in the character, or occupation, or geographical situation of each tribe, with allusion, by preference, to the theocratic function discharged by it, and at the same time to celebrate the felicity, material and spiritual, of the nation as a whole, secured to it originally by Yhwh's goodness in the wilderness (verses 2-5), and maintained afterward, through the continuance of his protecting care, in Canaan (verses 26-29).作者的方法是signalize中的一些人物,或占领,或每个部落的地理环境的显着特点,与典故,由偏爱,对政教合一的功能由它排出,并在同一时间,庆祝幸福,材料和精神作为一个整体的民族,它最初是由固定耶和华在旷野善良(诗句2-5),并保持后,通过他的保护照顾继续在迦南(诗句26-29)。 In general character it resembles the blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 1-27); but if the two be compared attentively, there will be seen to be some noticeable points of difference.在共性它类似于雅各(创XLIX 1-27)的祝福,但如果这两个比较认真,会被看作是一些明显的差异点。 The most salient features in Deut.在申命记中最突出的特点。xxxiii.三十三。are the isolation and depression of Judah (verse 7; contrast the warm eulogy in Gen. xlix. 8-12), the honor and respect with which Levi is viewed (verses 8-11; contrast the unfavorable terms of Gen. xlix. 5-7), the strength and splendor of the double tribe of Joseph (verses 13-17; compare Gen. xlix. 22-26, with which there are some verbal resemblances), and the burst of grateful enthusiasm with which the poet celebrates the fortune of his nation, settled and secure, with the aid of its God, in its promised home.是孤立和抑郁症的犹大(第7节;烘托热烈悼词中将军XLIX 8-12),荣誉和尊重的利维被认为(8-11节;对比将军XLIX的不利条件5。 -7),实力和约瑟夫(诗句13-17双族的辉煌;比较将军XLIX 22-26日,与其中有一些口头相似之处),而爆裂感谢热情的诗人庆祝。他的国家财富,落户和安全,在其神的援助,在其承诺的家。The tone of the blessing is very different from that of the song (xxxii.): the one reflects national happiness; the other, national disaster.祝福的语气有很大的歌曲(xxxii.)的不同:一个反映国家的幸福,而其他国家的灾难。The two, it is evident, must have been composed at times in which the circumstances of the nation were very different.这两个,这是显而易见的,必须已经组成,有时其中的国家的情况有很大不同。

Age and Authorship of Deuteronomy.年龄和作者申命记。

It is the unanimous opinion of modern critics that Deuteronomy is not the work of Moses, but that it was, in its main parts, written in the seventh century BC, either during the reign of Manasseh, or during that of Josiah (but before his eighteenth year, the Book of the Law found in that year in theTemple [see II Kings xxii.-xxiii.] clearly containing Deuteronomy, if indeed it included anything more).它是现代评论家一致认为,申命记不是摩西的工作,但它是在其主要在公元前七世纪的书面部分,在玛拿西统治的,或在约西亚的(但在此之前他十八年,在这一年中找到theTemple律法书[见二国王xxii. - XXIII。]显然包含申命记,如果确实包含更多的东西)。The reasons for this conclusion, stated here in the briefest outline, are as follows: (1) Even upon the assumption that JE in Exodus and Numbers is Mosaic, the historical discrepancies in Deut.这一结论的原因,这里所说的最短的轮廓,如下:(1)即使根据的假设,在出埃及记和号码乙脑是马赛克,在申命记历史的差异。 i-iv.I - IV。and ix.-x., and the terms in which incidents belonging to the fortieth year of the Exodus are referred to, preclude the possibility of Deuteronomy being Mosaic likewise; while the use of the expression "beyond Jordan" in i.和ix.-x.,并在其中的事件属于出埃及第四十年被称为条件,排除申命记被马赛克同样的可能性;而使用的表达“超越乔丹”在一 1, 5; iii.1,5;三。8; iv.8;四。41, 46, 47, 49, for eastern Palestine, implies that the author was a resident in western Palestine. 41,46,47,49,东巴勒斯坦,意味着作者是一个在西方巴勒斯坦居民。(2) The same conclusion follows, a fortiori, for those who allow that JE is a post-Mosaic document, from the fact, noticed above, that JE itself, both in the narrative parts and in the laws, is repeatedly quoted in Deuteronomy. (2)相同的结论如下,供那些谁允许这种乙脑是一个后花叶文件的事实,更不用说,注意到上述情况,即JE本身,无论是在叙事部分和法律,是反复引用申命记。 (3) In Deuteronomy it is strictly laid down that sacrifice is to be offered at a single central sanctuary (xii. 5, 11, 14, etc.); whereas in Joshua to I Kings vi. (3)在申命记是严格规定了这样的牺牲是要在一个单一的中央圣殿(xii. 5,11,14,等)提供的,而在约书亚我国王六。sacrifices are frequently described as offered in various parts of the land (in accordance with the law of Ex. xx. 24), without any indication on the part of either the actor or the narrator that a law such as that of Deuteronomy is being infringed.牺牲经常形容为提供在各地区的土地(在同前。XX 24依法)没有任何上无论是演员或叙述者的一部分显示,一个如申命记法律是被侵权。(4) The other differences between the legislation of Deuteronomy and that of Ex.(4)之间的申命记和前立法,其他的差异。 xxi.-xxiii.xxi. - XXIII。 point with some cogency to the conclusion that the laws of Deuteronomy originated in a later and more highly developed stage of society than the laws of Exodus.点一些的结论是申命记的法律在一个社会高度发达后,更比出埃及记起源阶段的法律说服力。(5) The law of the kingdom (xvii. 14-20) is colored by reminiscences of the monarchy of Solomon. (5)王国(xvii. 14-20)法律是有色由所罗门君主制的回忆。(6) The forms of idolatry referred to-especially the worship of the "host of heaven" (iv. 19, xvii. 7)-point to a date not earlier than the reign of Ahaz, and more probably to one in the seventh century BC(6)偶像崇拜的形式提到,特别是“主机的天堂”(iv. 19,十七7)点崇拜的日期不早于亚哈斯统治,更可能是一个在第七公元前

Influence on Subsequent Writers.在随后的作家的影响。

(7) The influence of Deuteronomy upon subsequent writers is clear and indisputable. (7)申命记在随后的作家的影响是明确的,不容置疑的。It is remarkable that Amos, Hosea, and the undisputed portions of Isaiah show no certain traces of this influence, while Jeremiah exhibits marks of it on nearly every page.值得注意的是,阿摩司,何西阿,以赛亚和无可争议的部分显示了这种影响没有一定的痕迹,而耶利米展品标志着它在几乎每一页。 If Deuteronomy had been composed between Isaiah and Jeremiah, these facts would be exactly accounted for.如果申命记之间已以赛亚和耶利米组成,这些事实将完全占了。(8) Tile language and style of Deuteronomy-clear and flowing, free from archaisms, but purer than that of Jeremiah-would suit the same period. (8)磁砖语言和申命记清晰和流畅,从之乎者也免费的,但更纯净的风格比耶利米,将配合同期。(9) The prophetic teachings of Deuteronomy-the leading theological ideas and the principles which the author seeks to inculcate-exhibit many points of contact with that of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and especially with the characteristic principles of the compiler of the Book of Kings (who must have lived in the same age). (9)申命记,领先的神学思想和原则,笔者试图与耶利米和以西结的接触点多灌输,展览,尤其是与国王的图书编译器的特性原则(预言的教诲谁必须生活在同一个年龄)。

Upon these grounds (which, when studied in detail, are seen to possess far greater cogency than can be conveyed by a mere summary) it is concluded by modern critics that Deuteronomy is in reality a work of the seventh century BC It is not difficult to realize the significance which the book must have had if it were written at this time.基于这些理由(其中,当详细的研究,被认为具有更大的说服力比可以由单纯的总结传达),它是总结近代批评申命记实际上是公元前七世纪的工作是不难实现这书必须有,如果它是在这个时候写的意义。 It was a great protest against the prevalent tendencies of the age.这是对这个时代的流行趋势大抗议。It laid down the lines of a great religious reform.它奠定了一个伟大的宗教改革行。The century was one in which-as Jeremiah and the Books of Kings sufficiently testify-heathenism was making serious encroachments in Judah.本世纪中,如耶利米和充分证明,异教是使得犹大严重侵犯国王的书籍之一。 The Book of Deuteronomy was an endeavor by means of a dramatic use of the last words of Moses-based, not improbably, upon an actual tradition of a concluding address delivered by the great leader to his people-to reaffirm the fundamental principles of Israel's religion (namely, loyalty to Yhwh and the repudiation of all false gods) and to recall the people to a holier life and to a purer service of Yhwh.在申命记书是由一个摩西 - 基于一个由伟大的领导人,他的人民,重申以色列的宗教的基本原则作了总结报告实际的传统,而不是不大可能地,最后的话戏剧性的手段努力(即耶和华的忠诚和所有假神抵赖)和罢免人一个圣洁的生活,是耶和华素净的服务。 So far as its more distinctively legal parts are concerned, Deuteronomy may be described as the prophetic reformulation and adaptation to new needs of an older legislation (namely, the laws contained in JE).至于它的更加鲜明的法律部分而言,申命记可称为预言改写和适应的旧法规(即法律,乙脑中)的新需求。It is essentially the work not of a jurist or statesman, but of a prophet; a system of wise laws (iv. 6-8), consistently obeyed, is indeed, as explained above, a condition of the welfare of the community; but the points of view from which these laws are presented, the principles which the author evidently has at heart, the oratorical treatment, and the warm parenctic tone, are all characteristic of the prophet, and are all the creation of the prophetic spirit.它在本质上是不是一个法学家或政治家,而是一个先知的工作,一个明智的法律制度(iv. 6-8),坚持服从,的确是,如上所述,一个社会的福利状况,但的观点,从这些法律介绍,笔者的原则显然在心脏,演说治疗,并热情parenctic语调,都是先知的特点,并且所有的预言精神的创造。

Its Composite Character.它的复合字符。

[For reasons which can not be here developed, the discourses of Deuteronomy do not appear to be all from the same hand.[对于一些不能在这里发展的原因,申命记的话语似乎并没有从同一只手的。 The kernel of the book consists of ch.该书的核心组成通道。v.-xxvi.诉 - 26。and xxviii., and this, no doubt, constituted the book found in the Temple by Hilkiah.和二十八。,而这一点,毫无疑问,构成了由希勒家寺发现的书。It was probably preceded by ch.这可能是前面通道。i.-iv.i.-iv.(with the exception of a few verses here and there which seem to be of later origin), though most modern critics are of opinion that these chapters were preflxed to it afterward. (有几个诗句在这里和那里的似乎是后来的原产地除外),但最现代的批评意见是,这些章节是preflxed它之后。Some little time after the kernel of Deuteronomy was composed, it appears to have been enlarged by a second Deuteronomic writer (D2), who supplemented the work of his predecessor (D1) by adding ch.一段时间后,几乎没有时间申命记内核组成,它似乎已经由第二申命记作家(D2),谁为辅,加入了他的前任CH(D1)的工作扩大。 xxvii., xxix.二十七。,二十九。 10-29, xxx.10-29,XXX。 1-10, and some other short passages in xxix.-xxxiv., together with the song (xxxii. 1-43) and the historical notices belonging to it (xxxi. 16-22, xxxii. 44). 1-10,和其他一些短文在xxix.,三十四。连同歌曲(xxxii. 1-43)和属于它(xxxi. 16-22,三十二44)历史通知书。 Finally, at it still later date, the whole thus formed was brought formally into relation with the literary framework of the Hexateuch as an entirety by the addition of some brief extracts from P (i. 3, xxxiv. 1 and 5 [partly], 7-9).最后,它还是日后,从而形成了整个被带到正式作为一个整体由从P(一3,三十四1和5 [部分],除了将一些简要的摘录与文学的Hexateuch框架关系7-9)。At what stage in the history of the text the blessing (xxxiii.) was introduced is uncertain.在什么的祝福(xxxiii.)引入文本的历史阶段是不确定的。The song was probably written in the age of Jeremiah; the blessing is earlier, being assigned by most critics to the reign of Jeroboam II.]歌曲可能是写在耶利米的时代;的祝福早,被多数评论家分配到耶罗波安二世的统治。

Style of Deuteronomy.风格申命记。

The style of the Deuteronomic discourses is very marked.申命记的话语风格非常明显。Not only do particular words and expressions, embodying often the writer's characteristic thoughts, recur with remarkable frequency, giving a distinctive coloring to every part of his work, but the long and rolling periods in which the author expresses himself-which have the effect of carrying the reader with them and holding him enthralled by their oratorical power-are a new feature in Hebrew literature.不仅特别词语,体现往往是作家的特点的思想,再发生了显着的频率,给人一种鲜明的色彩,以每一个他的工作的一部分,但长期和滚动时期,其中的作者表达自己 - 这已经是进行效果与他们和他们的演说抱着他着迷的读者功率是在希伯来文学的新功能。The author has a wonderful command of Hebrew style.笔者有一个希伯来式精彩命令。His practical aims, and the parenctic treatment which as a rule his subject demands, oblige him naturally to expand and reiterate more than is usually the case with Hebrew writers; nevertheless, his discourse, while never (in the bad sense of the term) rhetorical, always maintains its freshness, and is never monotonous or prolix.他的实际目的和parenctic治疗,作为一个统治他的题目的要求,迫使他自然扩大,并重申超过通常用希伯来语作家的情况下,然而,他的话语,而从来没有(在这个词不好的感觉)修辞,始终保持其新鲜度,而且是永远不会单调或冗长。 The influence of Deuteronomy upon the later literature of the Old Testament is very perceptible.在申命记后,后来的旧约文学的影响是非常察觉。Upon its promulgation it speedily became the book which both gave the religious ideals of the age andmolded the phraseology in which these ideals were expressed.它的颁布后迅速成为了本书,既给了这个时代的宗教理想andmolded在这些理想表达用语。The style of Deuteronomy, when once it had been found, lent itself readily to adoption; and thus a school of writers, imbued with its spirit, quickly arose, who have stamped their mark upon many parts of the Old Testament.申命记的风格,当它一旦被发现,出借本身容易收养,于是就产生了作家的学校,其精神的,很快出现了,谁盖章后,旧约的许多地方的标志。 As has been just, remarked, even the original Deuteronomy itself seems in places to have received expansion at the hands of a Deuteronomic editor (or editors).正如已经公正,指出,即使原来的申命记本身似乎已经收到了申命记编辑器(或编辑)手中膨胀的地方。In the historical books, especially Joshua, Judges, and Kings, passages-consisting usually of speeches, or additions to speeches, placed in the mouths of prominent historical characters, or of reflections upon the religious aspects of the history-constantly recur, distinguished from the general current of the narrative by their strongly marked Deuteronomic phraseology, and evidently either composed entirely, or expanded from a narrative originally brief, by a distinct writer; namely, the Deuteronomic compiler or editor.在历史书籍,尤其是约书亚,法官和国王队,通道,组成的演讲,演讲或补充,突出历史人物的口放置,或在对历史的不断重演,杰出的宗教方面的反射通常是从对他们的强烈措辞明显申命记叙述一般电流,显然不是完全组成,或从叙事原本简单扩大,由一个独特的作家,即申命记编译器或编辑器。 Among the Prophets, Jeremiah, especially in his prose passages, shows most conspicuously the influence of Deuteronomy; but it is also perceptible in many later writings, as in parts of Chronicles, and in the prayers in Neh.其中先知,耶利米,尤其是在他的散文段落,显示最明显的申命记影响,但它也感觉到在许多后来的著作中记载的部分,并在尼的祷告。 i., ix., and Dan.一,九,和丹。 ix.九。


Of recent commentaries reference may be made to those of Dillmann (1886), Driver (1895; 2d ed., 1896), Steuernagel (1898), and Bertholet (1899); and with reference to sources, the Oxford Hexateuch (1900), i.参考最近的评论可能作出的Dillmann(1886年)的,驱动程序(1895年; 2版,1896年),Steuernagel(1898),和贝尔托莱(1899),并参考消息人士透露,牛津Hexateuch(1900),一 70-97, 200 et seq., ii. 70-97,200页起,II。246 et seq., may be mentioned.J.246及以下,可mentioned.J。Jr. SRD小SRD

-Critical View:临界查看:

II. II。Scientific criticism denies both the unity and the authenticity of Deuteronomy, and brings forward definite theories regarding its composition, date of writing, and place in the development of law and religion.科学批判否认双方的团结和申命记的真实性,并带来了前进就其组成,写作日期,并在法律及宗教发展的地方一定的理论。 The critical problems presented by this book are especially difficult, and the way in which they are solved is decisive not only for the criticism of the whole of the Pentateuch, but for the total conception of the religion of the OT and its development.通过这本书提出的关键问题是特别困难的,在它们的解决方式,不仅为整个的pentateuch批评,但对于对催产素和宗教发展的总的概念是决定性的。 The book is divided on the whole as follows: the Deuteronomic law proper, xii.-xxvi.; the parenctic introduction, v.-xi., and peroration, xxvii.(xxviii)-xxx.; and the historical setting; that is, the introduction, i.-iv., and the peroration to the whole book, xxxi.全书分为上整个如下:Deuteronomic法正确,xii. - 26;的parenctic介绍,v.-xi.,并peroration,二十七(二十八)- XXX,以及历史背景,这就是。 ,引进,i.-iv.,和peroration整个书,三十一。to end.结束。

Analysis of Sources.分析来源。

Nearly all critics agree that the introduction, i.-iv.几乎所有的评论家一致认为,引进,i.-iv. 40 (43), can not be the work of the author of v.-xi., or v.-xxvi., as (1) it contains contradictions to that portion, namely, ii.40(43),不能成为对v.-xi.,或诉 - 26作者工作。,如(1)它包含矛盾的那部分,即第二。14 (also i. 35-39) to v. 3 (also vii. 19-ix. 2-23, xi. 2), ii.14(也一35-39),以3节(也七,19九,2-23,十一2),II。 29 to xxiii.29二十三。5, and iv.5,四。41-43 to xix.41-43至十九。 2; (2) iv.2,(2)四。45-49, the superscription, is incompatible with that in i.45-49中,上标,是在一不相容5; (3) the introduction i.-iv. 5,(3)引入 different in motive, being historic and not parenctic.在不同的动机,是历史性的,而不是parenctic。This historical introduction was written by a Deuteronomist (D2); that is, an author writing in the style and spirit of Deuteronomy at a time when the Jahvist-Elohist narrative (JE) of the preceding books, Exodus-Numbers, was not yet united with Deuteronomy (Reuss, Hollenberg, Kuenen, Wellhausen, Cornill, Steuernagel, etc.).这种历史的介绍写一个Deuteronomist(D2),也就是说,作者写作一次在风格和精神申命记时Jahvist - Elohist叙述前面的书,出埃及记,民数记,(JE)尚未统一与申命记(罗伊斯,Hollenberg,Kuenen,豪森,Cornill,Steuernagel等)。 But as, after the combination of JE with Deuteronomy the narrative portion in the latter was duplicated, the original narrative, which also included iv.但作为后,日本脑炎与申命记组合,后者叙述部分是重复的,原来的叙述,其中还包括四。41-43 and ix.41-43和第九。 25-x.25 - X。11, was, according to Dillmann, changed by the Deuteronomic editor (Rd) into a speech by Moses, excepting the passages ii.11,是,根据Dillmann,改变的Deuteronomic编辑器(路)到讲话摩西,除二的段落。10-12, 20-23; iii. 10-12,20-23;三。9, 11, 14; iv.9,11,14;四。41-43; x.41-43;十。6, 7, which were not suited for the purpose.6,7,这是不适合的目的。Therefore i.-iii.因此,一,三。 are by the author of Deuteronomy and iv.由申命记和IV的作者。1-40 was added by Rd in order to give a parenctic ending to his speech of Moses. 1-40加入了路,才能给予parenctic结束他对摩西讲话。Horst also separates i.-iii.霍斯特也分开一 - 三。from iv.从四。1-40.1-40。Portions from.从部分。ch.CH。ix.九。and x.和Xalso belong to i.-iii., in the following sequence: ix.也属于一,三,按以下顺序:九。9b, 11, 12-14, 25-29, 15, 16, 21, 18-20; x.9B,11,12-14,25-29,15,16,21,18-20; X.1-5, 10, 11; then followed i. 1-5,10,11,然后跟着一6-iii.6 - III。29, i. 29岛6-8 preceding i.6-8前一9-18. 9-18。Ch. CH。ii. II。10-12, 20-23; iii.10-12,20-23;三。9, 11b, 13b-14; x.9,11B,13B - 14,X。6-9 are marginal notes by a learned reader.6-9旁注是由一个博学的读者。Ch.CH。iii.三。29 is followed by xxxi. 29其次是三十一。1-8, and ch.1-8,和CH。xxxiv.三十四。constitutes the end.构成结束。 Horst, in other words, constructs from the historical notes in i.-xi.霍斯特,​​换句话说,构造从i.-xi.历史笔记a chronological account of the events in the wilderness after the Law had been promulgated.一个在后,法荒野的事件按时间顺序的帐户已被公布。Steuernagel, finally, considers all the passages with the address in the singular (i. 21, 31a; ii. 7, etc.) as later interpolations.Steuernagel,最后,认为与在奇异地址(一21,31A,二7等)的所有通道作为后来插值。

All these source-analyses, and the separation of i.-iv.所有这些源代码的分析,以及i.-iv.分离 from the rest of the book, to which only Hoonacker has hitherto objected, are inadmissible, for (1) the supposed contradictions do not exist; (2) i.从书的休息,只有Hoonacker迄今反对,不予受理的(1)假定的矛盾不存在;(2)一5 is no superscription, while i.五是没有上标,而一1 is an epilogue to Num. 1是对数尾声。(Knobel, Herxheimer, Klostermann); and (3) all the critics have misunderstood the import of the introduction, ch. (克诺贝尔,赫氏,Klostermann)和(3)所有的批评者误解了介绍,CH进口。i.-iv., which is not a historical or chronological account, but in its general character and in its details a single and continuous reproof based upon Israel's guilt contrasted with God's manifold mercies, and therefore as clearly of a parenctic nature as are the other parts of the book. i.-iv.,这不是历史或顺序的帐户,但其总的性质,并在其细节的单一和连续责备后,与神的怜悯多方面对比以色列的内疚,因此,作为一个parenctic性质是清楚的书的其他部分。

Variations of Analysis.变化的分析。

Ch. CH。v.-xi.: Wellhausen holds that this passage does not belong to the original Deuteronomy as it is too long for an introduction: "Moses is forever trying to get at his point, but never gets to it." v.-xi.:豪森认为这一段不属于原始申命记,因为它太长时间的介绍:“摩西永远是试图让在他的观点,但从来没有得到它。”Wellhausen is followed by Valeton, who designates v. 5, vii.豪森其次是Valeton,谁指定诉5,七。17-26, ix.17-26,九。18-20, 22, 23, x. 18-20,22,23,X。1-10a, 18-20, xi.1 - 10A,18-20,十一。13-21 as interpolations, and by Cornill, who considers only x.13-21为插值,并Cornill,谁认为只有十。1-9 as such, and designates this parenctic introduction as Dp in contrast to the historical i.-iv., Dh.; D'Eichthal, on the other hand, distinguishes three documents: (1) a glorification of God and Israel-v.1-9正因为如此,并指定此形成对比的历史i.-iv.,卫生署作为DP parenctic介绍; D' Eichthal,另一方面,区分三个文件:(1)颂扬上帝和以色列 - 诉1-3, 29 et seq.; vi. 1-3,29及以下;六。1-25; vii. 1-25;七。7-24, 1-6, 25, 26; (2) exhortations to humility-viii.7-24,1-6,25,26(2)告诫谦卑- VIII。1-20; ix. 1-20;九。1-8, 22-24; (3) a further glorification of Israel-x.1-8,22-24;(3)以色列- X进一步美化。21 et seq.; xi.21及以下;十一。 1-28, 32.1-28,32。According to Horst, the Law begins in ch.据霍斯特,法律开始在CH。v., into which parenctic insertions (vii. 6b-10, 17-24; viii.; ix. 1-9a, 10, 22-24; x. 12-xi. 12, 22-25 [26-32]) have been forced.五,融入其中parenctic插入(vii. 6B - 10,17-24,八,九,1 - 9A,10,22-24;。十,12溪12,22-25 [26-32])被强迫。Steuernagel distinguishes in v.-xi.Steuernagel区别在v.-xi.two combined introductions to the Law-namely, one with the plural form of address: v. 1-4, 20-28; ix.两者联合推出的法,即用复数形式的地址之一:五,1-4,20-28;九。9, 11, 13-17, 21, 25-29; x. 9,11,13-17,21,25-29; X.1-5, 11, 16, 17; xi. 1-5,11,16,17;十一。2-5, 7, 16-17, 22-28; and another with the singular form of address: vi. 2-5,7,16-17,22-28,并与另一个单数形式的地址:VI。4-5, 10-13, 15; vii. 4-5,10-13,15;七。1-4a, 6, 9, 12b-16a, 17-21, 23-24; viii.1 - 4A,6,9,12B - 16A,17-21,23-24;八。 2-5, 7-14, 17-18; ix. 2-5,7-14,17-18;九。1-4a, 5-7a; x.1 - 4A,5 - 7A; X。12, 14-15, 21 (22?); xi.12,14-15,21(22?);十一。10-12, 14-15. 10-12,14-15。Kuenen, Oettli, König, and Strack ("Einleitung," 4th ed., p. 42) object to the separation of v.-xi., which is in fact entirely unnecessary, and makes of xii.-xxvi. Kuenen,欧特列,柯尼格和施特拉克(“导论”,第4版,第42页)反对v.-xi.,这实际上是完全不必要的,和xii. - 26使得分离。 a fragment, this splitting up into fragments resting on no other foundation than the fiction that a briefer original Deuteronomy had been in existence to accommodate an impatient reader limited in time.一个片段,这将在不超过一个简短的原始申命记一直存在,以适应一个不耐烦的读者在有限的时间休息片段小说等基础分裂。

Ch. CH。xii.-xxvi.: Since the assertion of Wellhausen ("Composition des Hexateuchs," p. 194), that themain division of the book has also been worked over, sources, interpolations, etc., have likewise been discovered within this part.xii. - 26:由于豪森(“作文DES Hexateuchs”,第194页)断言,这书themain部门也已经工作了,来源,插等,也同样被发现在这部分。In ch.在CH。xii.十二。Vater had already assumed two duplicates-verses 5-7 parallel to 11, 12, and 15-19 parallel to 20-28-this opinion being shared by Cornill and in part by Stade ("Gesch. Israels," i. 658).壶腹部已经承担two重复,诗句5-7平行11,12和15-19平行20 - 28 - 这是由Cornill和部分共享体育场(“Gesch。以色列,”一658)的意见。Steinthal even distinguishes seven fragments in this chapter: (1) 1-7; (2) 8-12; (3) 13-16; (4) 17-19; (5) 20, 26-28; (6) 21-25; (7) 29-31 and xiii.施泰因塔尔甚至区分七个本章片段:(1)1-7(2)8-12(3)13-16(4)17-19(5)20,26-28(6)21 -25(7)29-31和第十三。1.1。Nearly the same is assumed by Stärk.几乎相同的是承担斯塔克。D'Eichthal divides xii.D' Eichthal分为十二。into two documents: (1) 1-3, 29-31; (2) 4-28.分为两个文件:(1)1-3,29-31;(2)4-28。 Horst thinks that 4-28 is a combination of four different texts.霍斯特认为4-28是由四个不同的文字组合。Steuernagel divides the chapter thus: (1) 1; (2) 2-12, subdivided into (3) 2; (4) 4-7; (5) 8-10; (6) 13-27, subdivided into (7) 15, 16; (8) 22-25; and (9) 28. Steuernagel划分章节,因此:(1)1(2)2-12,入(3)2细分;(4)4-7(5)8-10(6)13-27,入(7细分)15,16(8)22-25;(9)28。 Underlying all these efforts to split its chapters into fragments and parts of fragments is a misconception of the style of Deuteronomy.所有这些努力,基本分成碎片和碎片部分的章节是对申命记式的误解。

The following, among other criticisms, may be mentioned: Beginning with Wellhausen, almost all critics consider xv.以下,其中包括批评,可能会提到:开始与豪森,几乎所有的评论家认为十五。4, 5 as a gloss or correction to xv.4,5作为光泽或更正十五。7, 11, because they do not take into account the meaning and connection.7,11,因为他们没有考虑的意义和联系。The passage xvi.该通道十六。 21-xvii.21十七。7 is in the wrong place, according to Wellhausen, Cornill, Stärk, and others, while Valeton and Kuenen admit this only of xvi.七是在错误的地方,根据豪森,Cornill,斯塔克等人,而Valeton和Kuenen承认这十六只。21-xvii.21十七。1.1。Wellhausen, Stade, Cornill, and others do not include the "king's law," xvii.豪森,体育场,Cornill,和别人不包括“国王的法律,”十七。4-20, in Deuteronomy. 4-20,在申命记。In ch.在CH。xxiii.二十三。verses 3-9 have been objected to by Geiger, Wellhausen, Stade, and Valeton, while Kuenen rejects their criticism.诗句3-9已反对由盖格,豪森,体育场,和Valeton,而Kuenen拒绝接受他们的批评。D'Eichthal finds contradictions between xxvi.德Eichthal发现二十六之间的矛盾。3, 4 and xxvi.3,第4和二十六。 11; Horst, between xxvi. 11;霍斯特之​​间二十六。1-15 and xiv.1-15和十四。22-29.22-29。The latest critics, Stärk and Steuernagel, have gone furthest in rearranging and cutting up the text.最新的批评,斯塔克和Steuernagel,都走得最远的重新安排和切割的文本。Starting with the twofold mode of address-singular and plural-both assume that two works were combined, each of which again, according to Steuernagel, was based on a number of different sources.从开始的地址,单复数,都假设两个工程结合起来,每个再次双重模式,根据Steuernagel,是根据不同的来源。 These and other critics (1) forget that the categories of the critic are not necessarily those of the author; (2) fail to explain how the present discrepancies were derived from a previous orderly arrangement, for in view of the continual change of address a separation of passages based on it can be effected only by resorting to violence; (3) should first have examined whether the noteworthy changes in the forms of address have no internal warrant.这些和其他批评者(1)忘记,评论家的类别不一定是作者的;(2)无法解释目前的差异是从以前的有序安排,推导出在一个连续的地址的改变,基于它的通道分离,可以影响只有通过诉诸暴力;(3)应首先审查是否在解决形式值得注意的变化有没有内部保证。 While it is possible that xii.-xxvi.虽然它有可能xii. - 26。has been subjected to many revisions, changes, and interpolations, as a legal code naturally would be, nothing to that effect can be proved.一直受到很多修改,变化,插值,作为一个法律的代码自然会,无关的效果可以证明。

Supposed Sources of xxvii.-xxx.所谓的xxvii. - XXX来源。

Ch. CH。xxvii-xxx.: Kuenen criticizes xxvii.XXVII - XXX:Kuenen批评二十七。as follows: Not attributable to the Deuteronomist are: (1) 1-8, because they include an earlier account-5-7a; and (2) 11-13, because they refer back to xi.如下:不可归责于该Deuteronomist是:(1)1-8,因为它们包括较早帐户- 5 - 7A,以及(2)11-13,因为它们指回至十一。29-30, although misunderstanding the passage.29-30日,尽管误解通过。Verses 14-26 constitute a later interpolation; hence only 9, 10 remain for D1.诗篇14-26构成后来插值,因此只有9个,10 D1依然存在。This opinion is shared by Ewald, Kleinert, Kayser, Dillmann.这个意见是共同的埃瓦尔德,莱内特,凯瑟,Dillmann。According to Wellhausen, xxviii.据豪森,二十八。does not agree with xxvii.; xxviii.-xxx.不同意二十七; xxviii. - XXX。are parallel to xxvii., each being a different conclusion to two different editions of the chief part, xii.-xxvi.平行二十七。,每一个不同的结论,是两个主要部分,xii. - 26不同的版本。corresponding to the two prefaces i-iv.对应于两个前言I - IV。and v.-xi.和v.-xi.Ch.CH。xxviii.二十八。itself lacks unity.本身缺乏团结。Valeton ascribes only 1-6, 15-19 to the author of the hortatory v.-xi., considering all else as later expansions. Valeton只归咎1-6,以15-19的劝告v.-xi.作者,考虑一切为以后的扩展。Kleinert considers 28-37 and 49-57 as later interpolations.莱内特认为28-37和49-57作为后来插值。Dillmann also assumes numerous interpolations by a later editor.Dillmann还承担了许多插值以后编辑。In the two following chapters Kleinert considers xxix.在以下两个章节莱内特认为二十九。21-27 and xxx.21-27和XXX。 1-10 as interpolations.作为插值1-10。Kuenen ascribes both chapters to another author.Kuenen都归咎到另一个章节的作者。Ch.CH。xxi-xxxiv.: Not only the critics but also the apologists refuse to consider these closing chapters, wholly or in part, as due to the author of Deuteronomy proper.二十一,三十四:不仅批评也辩护士拒绝考虑这些闭幕章节,全部或部分,由于申命记正确的作者。(1) xxxi.(1)三十一。1-8, parallel to Num. 1-8,平行于数量。xxvii.二十七。15-23, is a continuation of iii. 15-23,是一种III的延续。28 et seq., by the same author; xxxi.28页起,由同一作者; XXXI。9-13 forms the close of the law-book, xxx.9-13构成了法律书籍,XXX关闭。20; (2) xxxi.20(2)三十一。 14-30 serves as introduction to the song of Moses, belonging with it to the passages incorporated later in Deuteronomy; ch.14-30充当介绍了摩西的歌,它属于成立后在申命记的通道; CH。xxxii.三十二。44-47 is the ending to the song, and to xxxi.44-47是的歌曲,并以三十一结束。15-29; 48-52 are taken from the Priestly Code (P); (3) xxxiii.15-29; 48-52取自祭司码(P)(3)三十三。is an old document incorporated by the editor; (4) xxxiv., Moses' death, is combined from different accounts; the following verses are taken from P: 1a and 5 (revised), 7-9 (Dillmann); 1-7a, 8, 9 (Wellhausen); 1a, 8, 9, 1a, 7a, 8, 9 (Kuenen); 1a, 8, 9 (Cornill).是一个古老的文件,在编辑器中;(4)三十四,摩西的死,是从不同的帐户相结合;​​下面的诗句是采取从P:1A和5(修订),7-9(Dillmann),1 - 7A ,8,9(豪森),1A,8,9,1A,7A,8,9(Kuenen); 1A,8,9(Cornill)。To J belong: 1b, 4(Dilimann); lb-7 (Cornill).到J所属:1B,4(Dilimann); LB - 7(Cornill)。To JE belong: 10 (Dillmann); 2-7, 10-12 (Wellhausen; revised); 1b-3, 5-7b, 10 (Kuenen).要JE属于:10(Dillmann); 2-7,10-12(豪森;修订); 1B - 3,5 - 7B,10(Kuenen)。To D belong: 1a β 6 (revised), 11, 12 (Dillmann); and lb β 2-3, an interpolation.到D属于:1Aβ6(修订),11,12(Dillmann)和β2-3磅,内插。According to Wellhausen, 2-7, 10-12, Kuenen 4-6, 7a, 11-12, Cornill 10-12, are editorial interpolations.据豪森,2-7,10-12,Kuenen 4-6,7A,11-12,10-12 Cornill,是社论插值。

Date and Tendency.日期和趋势。

Ranke, Hävernick, Hengstenberg, Baumgarten, Fr.兰克,Hävernick,韩斯坦堡,鲍姆加登,神父。W. Schultz, Keil, Kühel, Bissel, and other apologists ascribe the book to Moses. W.舒尔茨,KEIL,Kühel,比塞尔和其他辩护士归于摩西的书。This view is criticized on the following grounds: (1) The account of the discourses of Moses, their writing and transmission (xxxi. 9, 24-26; xxviii. 58, 61; xxix. 19, 20, 26; xxx. 11; xvii. 18 et seq.), can not be by Moses.这种观点是批评,理由如下:(1)帐户的摩西的话语,他们的写作和传输(xxxi. 9,24-26;二十八58,61,二十九19,20,26,XXX 11。 ;。十七18及以下),不能由摩西。(2) Moses can not possibly have written the story of his death, nor compared himself with later prophets (ch. xxxiv.).(2)摩西不可能写了他的死亡的故事,也不比(章三十四。)后来先知自己。(3) A later time is indicated by ii.(3)以后的指示II。12 ("as Israel did"), by iii. 12(“为以色列做”),由三。9-11, 14 ("unto this day"; comp. Judges x. 4 and i. 44 with i. 17); and by xix. 9-11,14(“直到今日”;排版法官十4和一与一17 44)和十九。14 ("of old time"). 14(“老时间”)。(4) The writer speaks of the country east of the Jordan as "on this side" (i. 1, 5; iv. 41-49), though referring in the speeches to the western country (iii. 20, 25; xi. 30: in iii. 8 vice versa): therefore, he is in Palestine. (4)作家谈到了该国东部的乔丹为“此岸”(一,1,5;四41-49),虽然在讲话指的是西方国家(III. 20,25;席30:在III 8反之亦然):因此,他在巴勒斯坦是。(5) Although Israel is represented as about to enter Canaan, the language necessitates the inference that Israel is already settled in that country, engaged in agricul ture or living in cities, under an organized government. (5)尽管以色列是即将进入迦南表示,语言必须跟进,以色列已经定居在该国,在农业TURE或从事城市生活在一个有组织的政府,推断。(6) The book assumes a long period of development as regards politics and the state ("king's law": supreme court), religion (allusions to fundamental religious principles and the law of the Prophets; emphasis on the centralization of worship), and worship (position of the priests and Levites; gifts to the sanctuary). (6)这本书假定至于政治和国家一个长期的发展时期(“国王的法律”:最高法院),宗教(以基本宗教原则典故和先知法;对崇拜集中重点),以及崇拜(位置的祭司和利未人;在圣域馈赠)。 (7) The book uses sources that can be proved to be post-Mosaic.(7)本书使用,可以证明是后花叶来源。The precise dates given, however, vary.给定的确切日期,但是,因人而异。

Kleinert is of the opinion that the book was composed about the end of the period of the Judges, perhaps even by Samuel or by a contemporary of Samuel, and certainly in a truly Mosaic spirit.莱内特的是,书是由有关法官的期末甚至由塞缪尔或当代的塞缪尔,并镶嵌在一个真正的精神当然,意见。Thelegislation occupies a middle ground in relation to that of the earlier books. Thelegislation占有有关的中间地带,以较早的书籍。As pre-Deuteronomic may be proved: Ex.作为预申命记可能证明:当然。xx.-xxiii., xxxiv.xx. - XXIII。,三十四。11-26, xix.11月26日,十九。5 et seq., xiii.5页起,十三。 1-13; Lev.1-13;列弗。xvii.十七。18 et seq.; Num. 18及以下;序号。xxxiii.三十三。50 et seq., iii.50页起,三。 12 et seq.; the principal enactments in Lev.12及以下;在列弗的主要法例。xviii.-xx.; the content of Ex. xviii. - XX;的前内容。xii.十二。1-14, 21-23, 43-50; Lev. 1-14,21-23,43-50;列弗。xiii.十三。xiv.十四。Post-Deuteronomic: Lev.后申命记:列弗。xi., xv.十一,十五。16 et seq., xvii. 16页起,十七。15 et seq., xxii.15及以下,22。17 et seq., xxiii., xxv. 17页起,二十三。,二十五。39 et-seq., xxvii.39 ET -页起,二十七。26-30 et seq.; Num. 26-30及以下;序号。xv.十五。37 et seq.; xviii. 37及以下;十八。15, 21 et seq.; xxviii., xxix.15,21及以下;二十八,二十九。Moses' blessing, xxxiii., dates from the early time of the Judges.摩西的祝福,三十三,,日期从早期的法官。Ch.CH。xxxi.三十一。14-29, xxxii.14-29,三十二。 1-43, 48-52, xxxiv. 1-43,48-52,三十四。must be separated as non-Deuteronomic.必须分开非申命记。

Different Dates Assigned.不同的日期分配。

The book is assumed to have been composed during the earlier, but post-Solomonic, time of the Kings, by Delitzsch and Oettli; under Hezekiah, by Vaihinger and König; under Manasseh, by Ewald, Riehm, WR Smith, Wildeboer, Kautzsch, Kittel, Dernier, Valeton; under Josiah, by De Wette, Bleck, George, Vatke, Graf, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Dillmann, Cornill, Stade, Reuss, and nearly all critics since Graf-Wellhausen.本书假定已在早些时候组成,但后所罗门,在国王的时候,由Delitzsch和欧特列;在希西家,由Vaihinger和柯尼希;玛拿西下,由埃瓦尔德,Riehm,WR史密斯,Wildeboer的,Kautzsch,基特尔,Dernier,Valeton;约西亚下,由德Wette,Bleck,乔治,Vatke,格拉夫,豪森,Kuenen,Dillmann,Cornill,体育场,罗伊斯,几乎所有因为格拉夫 - 豪森批评。Gesenius and the more recent French critics, as D'Eichthal, Havet, Vernes, Horst, have assumed a date during, or later than, the Exile.Gesenius以及最近的法国评论家为D' Eichthal,Havet,Vernes,霍斯特,假设在一个日期,或迟于,流亡。

The assumption that the book was composed under Hezekiah, Manasseh, or Josiah is based on the hypothesis that the law-book which was discovered in the Temple by the priest Hilkiah in the eighteenth year of the reign of King Josiah, 621 BC, as narrated in II Kings xxii.而这本书是根据希西家,玛拿西,或乔赛亚组成的假设是基于这样的法律书籍这是在寺庙发现了在约西亚王,公元前621年在位十八祭司希勒家,为叙述假说在二王二十二。 et seq., was virtually the present Deuteronomy, the only difference of opinion being as to how long it had been composed.及以下,几乎是目前的申命记中,以过了多久,被认为是由唯一的区别。Most of the advocates of the Josianic period even say that the book was composed and hidden with the definite intention that it should be brought to light in that way.对Josianic时期的主张大部分甚至说,这本书组成,并与明确的意图,它应该被揭发以这种方式隐藏。This hypothesis is difficult to maintain, for a number of improbabilities must be assumed in order to prove that the code found at the time of Josiah was Deuteronomy.这个假设是难以维持的不可能性数目,必须假定,以证明在约西亚时发现代码申命记。All that can be claimed is that the narrator of the story of the finding and of the reforms attendant upon it adopts in part the language of Deut.所有可以声称是,对发现的故事,讲述的改革后,随之而来的是部分的申语言采用。 This view is exposed to the insuperable objection that the religion which brought truth into the world can not have been founded upon a deception.这种观点是接触到不可逾越的反对,该宗教的世界带入真理不能被后一种欺骗成立。 That this fundamental book of religion, containing such a free and pure stream of truth, could be pseudepigraphic, and that the whole nation should have considered as of Mosaic origin and of divine authority, and have adopted at once, without objection or criticism, a book which was a forgery, of the existence of which no one knew anything before that time, and which demanded radical modifications of the religious life, and especially of worship, is inconceivable.本宗教的基本书,包含这样一个真理自由和纯流,可pseudepigraphic和整个民族应该视为马赛克起源和神圣的权力,并在一旦通过无异议或批评,A这是一个书的存在,没有人知道在此之前,任何时间,并要求激进的宗教生活的修改,特别是伪造的崇拜,是不可想象的。

Those critics who recognize these objections, but for critical reasons hesitate to take Moses as the author, assert, therefore, that the book is in its essentials a faithful reproduction of the teaching of Moses, filling in the outlines given by the latter; and that there are no objections to assuming that inspired men, working in the spirit of Moses, and sustaining to him the uninterrupted relation of spiritual succession, should feel justified in rendering his teaching and his law comprehensible for their own time, supplementing and developing them, and that the book thus composed is none the less Mosaic in spirit.那些批评谁认识这些反对意见,但关键原因毫不犹豫地采取作为作者摩西断言,因此,这本书是在其要领是,摩西教学忠实再现,由后者提供的轮廓填充,并认为有没有假设,鼓舞人,在摩西的精神工作,并维持对他的精神继承关系不间断的反对,应该感到自己的时间渲染他的教学和他的法律理解,补充和发展他们有道理的,由此组成的书是没有在精神上少马赛克。 Modern criticism holds that the book was prepared for the purpose of realizing the ideals of the Prophets in the national life of Israel.现代批评认为,书是为实现在国家生活中的以色列先知的理想而编制。It is the summary of the prophetic deliverances of the eighth and seventh centuries, though not altogether free from impairments of the prophetic ideals.它是第八和第七世纪的预言deliverances,虽然没有完全从理想损伤的预言免费的摘要。Some critics (Cheyne, "Jeremiah," pp. 65 et seq.) consider it as a product of the priestly-prophetic circles, an assumption that is certainly correct (comp. xvii. 9 et seq., xxiv. 8).一些批评家(进益,“耶利米书”,第65页起)考虑作为祭司,先知界的产品,一个假设,肯定是正确的(comp.十七,9页起,二十四,8)。

Sources and Redaction.来源和节录。

Although the place assigned traditionally to Deut.虽然地点设定在申。as containing the end of the Mosaic legislation, and as presupposing the existence of Ex.-Num., is disputed by modern criticism, yet all critics agree that it is based on previous sources that have in part been preserved.为包含的马赛克立法目的,并为预先假定的出埃及记 - 序号。存在,是有争议的现代批评,但所有的批评者一致认为它是有部分被保存了以前的来源为基础。This applies certainly to J and to E, both in the narrative and the legal portions.这适用于一定的J和E,无论是在叙事和法律的部分。J in the narrative: i. J在叙述:一,8, comp. 8,比赛。Gen. xv.将军十五。18; i. 18;岛45, comp. 45,比赛。Num.序号。xiv.十四。16; iii.16;三。15 et seq., comp. 15页起,比赛。Num.序号。xxxii.三十二。29; otherwise the story is recapitulated from E. In the Law the close relation and connection with the Book of the Covenant contained in E (Ex. xx. 24-xxiii. 19) is most noticeable, Steuernagel being the only one to dispute this, and the so-called Decalogue in J (Ex. xxxiv.).29,否则故事是从E.详法律上的密切关系,并与图书的盟约连接在E(例如:XX 24二十三19。)中最引人注目的是,Steuernagel是唯一一个反对这,而在J所谓的十诫(出埃及记三十四)。It is a matter of dispute whether the author of Deuteronomy knew J and E as separate works, or after they had been united into JE and incorporated into the Tetrateuch.这是一个有争议的问题是否申命记知道作为单独的作品的作者J和E,或在他们被纳入乙脑团结到Tetrateuch中。 The priority of the Decalogue of Ex.而对前十诫优先。xx.XX。or that of Deut.或者说,申。 v. is also a much disputed question.五,也是一个非常有争议的问题。Deuteronomy takes a very independent stand toward its sources, the reproduction being a free modification or enlargement.申命记需要向它的来源,复制是一个自由的修改或扩大非常独立的立场。Wellhausen and Stade have therefore assumed it to be an enlarged edition of the old Book of the Covenant, and Kuenen, followed especially by Cornill, has brought forward the hypothesis that Deut.豪森和体育场因此,假设它是对旧图书的盟约扩大版,Kuenen,其次是Cornill特别是,有提出的假设,即申。supplanted the Book of the Covenant.取代了图书的盟约。

It is a very important question under discussion, whether the author of Deuteronomy was acquainted with P; whether, therefore, the latter was the earlier book, if not in its present codification, at least in content.这是一个非常重要的问题正在讨论,是否申命记的作者是用P熟悉,是否因此,后者是早期的书,如果不是在它的编纂,至少在目前的内容。 P is asserted to be older by Dillmann, Delitzsch, Oettli, and, of course, by the traditionalists. P是断言是老年人的Dillmann,Delitzsch,欧特列,当然,由传统主义。As regards history they quote iv.至于他们引用历史第四。3 = Num.3 =序号。xxv.二十五。(leading astray of the Israelites); i.(带领以色列人误入歧途);岛37, iii.37,三。26, iv.26日,四。21 (Aaron and Moses forbidden to enter Canaan) = Num.21(亚伦和摩西禁止进入迦南)=序号。xx.XX。12, 24, xxvii.12,24,二十七。 14; i.14;岛23 (number of the spies) = Num. 23(对间谍的数量)=序号。xiii.十三。1 et seq.; x.1及以下; X. 3 (the Ark of shittim-wood) = Ex.3(在什亭木方舟)=前。xxxvii.三十七。1; x.1;十22 (the number "70") = Gen. xlvi.22(数字“70”)=将军四十六。27; xxxi.27;三十一。2, xxxiv.2,三十四。7 (the age of Moses) = Ex. 7(摩西的年龄)=前。vii.七。7.7。In the Law the many allusions to the law of holiness belonging to P (Lev. xvii.-xxvi.), the assumption of several "torot," and especially Deut.在法律的神圣法律的许多典故,属于P(利未记xvii. - 26),几种假设“torot”,特别是申。xiv.十四。in comparison with Lev.与列弗比较。xi., confirm this view.十一,证实了这一观点。According to other critics the historical references are derived from notes in JE, no longer extant, and as regards the Law they reverse the relation in every case.另据批评的历史典故都来自于乙脑笔记,不再现存的,至于法律,他们在任何情况下扭转关系。P presupposes Deut.; so that, for instance, Lev.P前提申;这样,例如,列夫。xi.十一。was modeled upon Deut.在申为蓝本。xiv.十四。

The redaction of Deut.而申节录。passed, according to Wellhausen, through three stages: (1) the original Deut.-xii.-xxvi.; (2) two enlarged editions independentof each other-i.-iv., xii.-xxvi., xvii., and v.-xi., xii.-xxvi., xxviii.-xxx.; (3) combination of the two editions and incorporation of the work so formed into the Hexateuchic code.通过,根据豪森经历三个阶段:(1)原申命记- xii. - 26(2)两个版本independentof扩大相互-一,四,xii. - 26,十七,而且 。 v.-xi.,xii. - 26,xxviii. - XXX;(3)两个版本和工作,以便进入Hexateuchic代码组成法团的组合。Deuteronomy was in the first place combined only with JE; a later editor combined this work with P after the component parts of the latter had been put together.申命记是唯一与乙脑相结合的首位;稍后编辑结合后,后者的组成部分这与P的工作已经放在一起。Dillmann assumes the following three stages of redaction down to Ezra: (1) Pg + E + J; (2) PgEJ + D; (3) PgEJD + Ph (law of holiness).Dillmann承担的节录下来以斯拉以下三个阶段:(1)PG + E + J(2)PgEJ + D(3)PgEJD + PH(神圣法律)。The views in regard to the redaction depend on what is considered as the original Deut.在关于节录的看法依赖于所谓的原申考虑。and into what and how many parts it is divided.成什么以及它是如何划分的许多地方。According to the Graf-Wellhausen theory of the relation of Deut.据申关系的格拉夫 - 豪森理论。to the Prophets, and its priority to P, the book marks a radical change in the Israelitic religion.到先知,其优先到P,书标志着Israelitic宗教激进的变化。Through the centralization of worship the popular exercise of religion, closely connected with the daily life, the home, and the house, is uprooted and all the sacred poetry of life destroyed.通过集中崇拜流行的宗教活动,密切与日常生活,家庭和房子相连,是连根拔起,所有的生命神圣的诗歌销毁。Worship is separated from life, and the sharp contrast of holy and profane arises between the two.崇拜是脱离生活,圣洁和世俗的鲜明对比两者之间就产生了。The idea of the Church comes into existence; then a separate profession, that of the clergy, is created; and by transferring the priestly ideal to the whole people the way is prepared for the exclusive and particularistic character of later Judaism.教会的想法开始存在,然后一个单独的行业,即僧侣,为创建;通过转让祭司理想的方式是为后来的犹太教排他性和特殊性的性格全民所有制和准备。 As the prophetic ideas are formulated into concrete laws, religion is externalized and becomes a religion of law, an opus operatum.正如预言的想法转化为具体的法律制定的,宗教是外部化,成为宗教的法律,一个OPUS operatum。 The people now know exactly what they have to do, for "it is written."现在的人确切地知道他们所要做的,因为“这是写的。”Deuteronomy marks the beginning of the canon; religion becomes a book religion, an object of study, a theology.申命记标志着佳能开始;宗教成为一个宗教书籍,研究对象,一个神学。The people know what they may expect if they keep the Law.人们知道他们可以预期,如果他们遵守律法。Religion assumes the nature of a covenant, a contract, and the doctrine of retribution becomes paramount.宗教假定一个契约,合同,而报应主义性质变得极为重要。Further conclusions are then drawn by P as to post-exilic Judaism, Pharisaism, the Talmud, Rabbinism.进一步的结论,然后得出的P为后的放逐犹太教,法利赛,犹太法典,Rabbinism。

This whole conception is based on literary and religio-historical assumptions that are either wrong or doubtful.这整个概念是基于文学和religio历史的假设,要么是错误的或有疑问的。 The doctrines and demands of Deut.该学说和申的要求。have always been fundamental in Israel's religion.一直在以色列的宗教的根本。The book condemns and abolishes paganism.书中谴责和废除异教。The alleged legitimacy of the decentralization and popularization of worship is based entirely upon a wrong interpretation of Ex.权力下放和崇拜的普及是基于所谓的合法性完全取决于前一个错误的解释。xx.XX。24.24。Centralization is the necessary consequence of monotheism and of the actual or ideal unity of the people.集中化是一神论和人民的实际或理想统一的必然结果。Law and prophecy are closely connected from the foundation of Judaism, beginning with Moses.法律和预言是紧密相连从犹太教的基础上,与摩西开始。The regulation of life according to divine law, the contrast between holy and profane, the rise of a canon and a theology, are incidental to the development of every religion that has ever controlled and modified the life of a people.EGHBJ生命的神圣的法律法规依据,神圣和世俗之间的反差,对佳能和神学的兴起,是偶然的各宗教的发展,曾经控制和修改了一个people.EGHBJ生活

Morris Jastrow Jr., SR Driver, Emil G. Hirsch, Benno Jacob莫里斯贾斯特罗小,SR驱动程序,埃米尔赫斯基G.,本诺雅各布

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901-1906之间。

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