Deuteronomy is the fifth book of the Old Testament in the Bible.申命记是第五本书的旧约在圣经中。 Its name, meaning "repeated law," is based on the book's stylistic form: a series of speeches in which the law originally given on Mount Sinai is repeated by Moses to the next generation.它的名字，意思是“反复”的规定，是基于这本书的文体形式：一系列讲话中，法律原本是鉴于在西奈山是重复的摩西给下一代。 The book consists of a double introduction, a legal section with concluding ritual elaboration, two old poems, and an account of Moses' death.这本书组成的双导言，法律科与总结仪式拟订，两个老的诗歌，和一个帐户的摩西死亡。 Although it is traditionally ascribed to Moses, it could not have been written much earlier than the time of King Josiah (dc 609 BC).虽然这是传统上归因于摩西，它不能被写入更早的时间比国王乔赛亚（直流609 BC ）的。 However, there was probably an earlier edition of the central legal section dating to the reign of Hezekiah (c. 700 BC). The principal themes of Deuteronomy include the election of Israel by God, trust in God's power, rejection of foreign gods, and the importance of the Mosaic law.不过，有可能是较早版本的中央法律科可追溯至统治hezekiah （长公元前700年） 。 主要的主题申命记包括选举，以色列上帝，信任，在上帝的权力，拒绝接受外国神，和的重要性，镶嵌法。
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Bibliography
参考书目
L Goldberg,
Deuteronomy (1986); AD Phillips, Deuteronomy (1973); M Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and
the Deuteronomic School (1972).升戈德堡，申命记（ 1986年） ;广告菲利普斯，申命记（ 1973年）
;米weinfeld ，申命记和deuteronomic学校（ 1972年） 。
In all the Hebrew manuscripts the Pentateuch (qv) forms one roll or volume divided into larger and smaller sections called parshioth and sedarim. 在所有希伯来文手稿该pentateuch （请参阅）形式一轧辊或体积分为较大和较小部分所谓parshioth和sedarim 。 It is not easy to say when it was divided into five books. This was probably first done by the Greek translators of the book, whom the Vulgate follows. 这不是说来容易，当它被分成五本书，这大概是第一次做了由希腊翻译这本书，人武加大如下。 The fifth of these books was called by the Greeks Deuteronomion, ie, the second law, hence our name Deuteronomy, or a second statement of the laws already promulgated.第五是这些书籍被称为由希腊人deuteronomion ，即第二定律，因此，我们的名称申命记，或第二次声明的法律已经颁布。 The Jews designated the book by the two first Hebrew words that occur, 'Elle haddabharim, ie, "These are the words."犹太人指定的这本书由两首希伯来语的话出现， '艾丽haddabharim ，即： “这些都是的话” 。 They divided it into eleven parshioth.他们划分成11 parshioth 。 In the English Bible it contains thirty-four chapters.中，英文圣经，它包含34章。 It consists chiefly of three discourses delivered by Moses a short time before his death.它主要是三个话语所发表的郑慕智短的时间在他死之前。
They were spoken to all Israel in the plains of Moab, in the eleventh month of the last year of their wanderings.他们发言的所有以色列在平原地区的单抗，在第十一届一个月的最后一年，他们的wanderings 。 The first discourse (1-4:40) recapitulates the chief events of the last forty years in the wilderness, with earnest exhortations to obedience to the divine ordinances, and warnings against the danger of forsaking the God of their fathers.第一话语（ 1-4:40 ）概括了行政的事件，过去四十年在旷野，切实嘱托，以服从神的条例，并警告的危险，放弃上帝，他们父辈。 The second discourse (5-26:19) is in effect the body of the whole book.第二话语（ 5-26:19 ）实际上是对身体的整本书。 The first address is introductory to it.在首份施政报告，是介绍给它。 It contains practically a recapitulation of the law already given by God at Mount Sinai, together with many admonitions and injunctions as to the course of conduct they were to follow when they were settled in Canaan.它包含实际上是一个总结的法律已经作出的上帝在西奈山，再加上许多忠告和禁令，以过程中进行他们时有所依循，他们定居在迦南。
The concluding discourse (ch. 27-30) relates almost wholly to the solemn sanctions of the law, the blessings to the obedient, and the curse that would fall on the rebellious.总结话语（ ch. 27日至30日）涉及几乎全部以庄严的法律制裁，祝福，向听话，和诅咒，将属于对反叛。 He solemnly adjures them to adhere faithfully to the covenant God had made with them, and so secure for themselves and their posterity the promised blessings.他郑重adjures他们坚持忠实地公约上帝作出了与他们，所以争取到他们自己和他们的后代所承诺的祝福。 These addresses to the people are followed by what may be called three appendices, namely (1), a song which God had commanded Moses to write (32:1-47); (2) the blessings he pronounced on the separate tribes (ch.33); and (3) the story of his death (32:48-52) and burial (ch. 34), written by some other hand, probably that of Joshua.这些地址，以人民群众是其次可能是所谓的三个附录，即（ 1 ） ，一首歌上帝的命令，郑慕智写（ 32:1-47 ） ; （ 2 ）的祝福，他明显的对独立的部落（社区会堂0.33 ） ; （ 3 ）的故事，他的逝世（ 32:48-52 ）及殓葬（ ch. 34 ） ，写一些另一方面，可能是约书亚。 These farewell addresses of Moses to the tribes of Israel he had so long led in the wilderness "glow in each line with the emotions of a great leader recounting to his contemporaries the marvellous story of their common experience.这些告别的地址，郑慕智，以部落的以色列，他只要在领导的旷野中“辉光在每一行与情绪的一个伟大的领袖，重新向他同时代的奇妙的故事，他们的共同经验。
The enthusiasm they kindle, even to-day, though obscured by translation, reveals their matchless adaptation to the circumstances under which they were first spoken.他们的热情点燃，即使是一天，虽然模糊翻译，揭示了其无可匹敌的适应情况下，他们首先发言。 Confidence for the future is evoked by remembrance of the past.对前途的信心是诱发怀念过去。 The same God who had done mighty works for the tribes since the Exodus would cover their head in the day of battle with the nations of Palestine, soon to be invaded.同时上帝谁做了浩浩荡荡的工程，为部落以来，外流将用于支付他们的头部在一天的战斗，与联合国巴勒斯坦，不久将入侵。 Their great lawgiver stands before us, vigorous in his hoary age, stern in his abhorrence of evil, earnest in his zeal for God, but mellowed in all relations to earth by his nearness to heaven.他们的伟大lawgiver的立场摆在我们面前的，积极的在他的hoary年龄，斯特恩在他的憎恶邪恶，切实在他的热情，为上帝，但mellowed在所有关系到地球，他贴近天堂。 The commanding wisdom of his enactments, the dignity of his position as the founder of the nation and the first of prophets, enforce his utterances.指挥员的智慧，他的成文法，人的尊严，他的立场，作为创始人之一，国家和首先先知，执行他的言论。 But he touches our deepest emotions by the human tenderness that breathes in all his words.但他涉及到我们最深切的情感，由人类压痛认为，呼吸在他的所有话。
Standing on the verge of life, he speaks as a father giving his parting counsels to those he loves; willing to depart and be with God he has served so well, but fondly lengthening out his last farewell to the dear ones of earth.常委会对边缘的生活，他说，作为一名父亲给他的临别律师向那些他热爱;愿意离开，并与上帝他曾这么好，但亲切延长了他的最后告别了亲人的地球。 No book can compare with Deuteronomy in its mingled sublimity and tenderness." Geikie, Hours, etc. The whole style and method of this book, its tone and its peculiarities of conception and expression, show that it must have come from one hand.没有书可以比较与申命记在其相互交织的崇高和温柔“ 。 geikie ，小时，等整个作风和方法，这本书，其语气和其特殊性的概念和表达，表明它必须有来自一方面。
That the author was none other than Moses is established by the following considerations: (1.) The uniform tradition both of the Jewish and the Christian Church down to recent times.该作者不是别人，郑慕智，建立了考虑到下列因素： （ 1 ）统一的传统，这两个犹太和基督教教堂下降至最近的时代。 (2.) The book professes to have been written by Moses (1:1; 29:1; 31:1, 9-11, etc.), and was obviously intended to be accepted as his work. （ 2 ）这本书自称已写的郑慕智（ 1:1 ; 29:1 ; 31:1 ， 9月11日，等等） ，显然是打算被接纳为他的工作。 (3.) The incontrovertible testimony of our Lord and his apostles (Matt. 19:7, 8; Mark 10:3, 4; John 5:46, 47; Acts 3:22; 7:37; Rom. 10:19) establishes the same conclusion. （ 3 ） 。不容置疑的证词，我们的上帝和他的使徒（ matt. 19时07分， 8 ;马克10时03分， 4 ;约翰5点46分， 47 ;行为3时22分; 7时37分;光碟。 10时19分）建立了同样的结论。 (4.) The frequent references to it in the later books of the canon (Josh. 8:31; 1 Kings 2:9; 2 Kings 14:6; 2 Chr. 23:18; 25:4; 34: 14; Ezra 3:2; 7:6; Neh. 8:1; Dan. 9: 11, 13) prove its antiquity; and (5) the archaisms found in it are in harmony with the age in which Moses lived. （ 4 ）频繁的提述，它在后来的书籍的佳能（ josh. 8时31分; 1国王2时09分; 2国王14时06分;人权委员会2 。 23时18分; 25:4 ; 34 ： 14 ;以斯拉3时02分; 7时06分; neh 。 8时01分;丹。 9 ： 11 ， 13 ）证明其古物;和（ 5 ） archaisms发现在它是在和谐与年龄，其中郑慕智生活。 (6.) Its style and allusions are also strikingly consistent with the circumstances and position of Moses and of the people at that time. （ 6 ） ，其风格和典故也惊人地一致的情况和立场，郑慕智和人民的在那个时间。 This body of positive evidence cannot be set aside by the conjectures and reasonings of modern critics, who contended that the book was somewhat like a forgery, introduced among the Jews some seven or eight centuries after the Exodus.这个机构的积极证据，不能预留，由猜测和理由现代批评，谁认为这本书有点像伪造，介绍了其中的一些犹太人七或八世纪后外逃。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
Deuteronomy is a partial repetition and explanation of the foregoing legislation together with an urgent exhortation to be faithful to it.申命记是一个局部的重复和解释前述立法连同一项紧迫的劝告，要忠实于它。 The main body of the book consists of three discourses delivered by Moses to the people in the eleventh month of the fortieth year; but the discourses are precede by a short introduction, and they are followed by several appendices.的主体，这本书共分三论述发表的郑慕智向人民负责，在一个月的第十一届第四十年，但话语是先有一个简短的介绍，他们遵循的几个附录。
Introduction, i, 1-5.-Brief indication of the subject matter, the time, and the place of the following discourses.导言，我一- 5. -简要说明此事，时间，地点如下论述。
(1) First Discourse, i, 6-iv, 40.-God's benefits are enumerated, and the people are exhorted to keep the law. （ 1 ）第一话语，我，六-四， 40.神奇摩的好处列举的，人民是告诫，以保持法律。
(a) i, 6-iii, 29.-The main occurrences during the time of the wandering in the desert are recalled as showing the goodness and justice of God. （一）我，六月三， 29. -主要发生在时间，游荡在沙漠中回顾了作为显示善良和正义的上帝。
(b) iv, 1-40.-Hence the covenant with God must be kept. （二）四， 1 - 40. -因此，公约与上帝必须保持。 By way of parenthesis, the sacred writer adds here (i) the appointment of three cities of refuge across the Jordan, iv, 41-43; (ii) an historical preamble, preparing us for the second discourse, iv, 44-49.的方式，括号中，神圣的作家在这里补充（一）任命三个城市的收容所全国约旦，四， 41-43 ; （二）历史的序言部分，我们准备为第二次的话语，四， 44-49 。
(2) Second Discourse, v, 1-xxvi, 19.-This forms almost the bulk of Deuteronomy. （ 2 ）第二话语，五， 1 - 26 ， 19. -这个形式，几乎大部分的申命记。 It rehearses the whole economy of the covenant in two sections, the one general, the other particular.它rehearses整个经济的盟约在两个区段，一个一般，尤其是其他。
(a) The General Repetition, v, 1-xi, 32.-Repetition of the decalogue, and reasons for the promulgation of the law through Moses; explanation of the first commandment, and prohibitions of all intercourse with the gentiles; reminder of the Divine favours and punishments; promise of victory over the Chanaanites; God's blessing on the observance of the Law, His curse on the transgressors. （一）一般的重复，五，一喜， 32.重复十诫及原因，颁布该法的通过摩西;解释第一诫命，并禁止所有与外邦人;提醒的神的恩惠和惩罚;的承诺，胜利超过chanaanites ;上帝的祝福对遵守法律，他的诅咒就transgressors 。
(b) Special Laws, xii, 1-xxvi, 19.-(i) Duties towards God: He is to be duly worshiped, never to be abandoned; distinction of clean and unclean meats; tithes and first-fruits; the three principal solemnities of the year. （二）特别法，第十二章， 1 - 26 ， 19 .- （一）对上帝的职责：他是为已妥为崇拜，永不放弃;区分清洁和不洁的肉类; tithes和第一水果;三个主要solemnities的一年。 (ii) Duties towards God's representatives: toward the judges, the future kings, the priests, and Prophets. （二）职责，对上帝的代表：对法官，未来的国王，祭司，和先知。 (iii) Duties towards the neighbour: as to life, external possessions, marriage, and various other particulars. （三）职务，对邻居：作为生命，对外财产，婚姻，以及其他各种细节。
(3) Third Discourse, xxvii, 1-xxx, 20.-A renewed exhortation to keep the law, based on diverse reasons. （ 3 ）第三话语，二十七， 1 -第XXX号20. -再次告诫保持法律的基础上，不同的原因。
(a) xxvii, 1-26.-Command to inscribe the law on stones after crossing the Jordan, and to promulgate the blessings and curses connected with the observance or non-observance of the law. （一）二十七， 1 - 26.指挥登记法的石块后，穿越约旦，并颁布的祝福和诅咒与遵守或不遵守法律。
(b) xxviii, 1-68.-A more minute statement of the good or evil depending on the observance or violation of the law. （二）二十八， 1 - 68. -一个更分钟的声明好或邪恶取决于对遵守或违反法律。
(c) xxix, 1-xxx, 20.-The goodness of God is extolled; all are urged to be faithful to God. （三）第29号， 1 -第XXX号20. -善的上帝是颂扬;所有呼吁忠于上帝。
(4) Historical Appendix, xxxi, 1-xxxiv, 12. （ 4 ）历史附录，三十一， 1 -第三十四， 12 。
(a) xxxi, 1-27.-Moses appoints Josue as his successor, orders him to read the law to the people every seven years, and to place a copy of the same in the ark. （一）三十一， 1 - 27. -摩西任命josue作为他的继任者，命令他看到这部法律没有向人民负责，每七年，并把副本，同时在方舟。
(b) xxxi, 28-xxxii, 47.-Moses calls an assembly of the Ancients and recites his canticle. （二）三十一， 28 -三十二， 47. -摩西呼吁大会，古人和recites他canticle 。
(c) xxxii, 48-52.-Moses views the Promised Land from a distance. （三）三十二， 48 52. -郑慕智的意见，应许之地从一个距离。
(d) xxxiii, 1-29.-He blesses the tribes of Israel. （四）三十三， 1 - 29. -他祝福部落以色列。
(e) xxxiv, 1-12.-His death, burial, and special eulogium. （五）第三十四， 1 - 12. -他死后，埋葬，以及特别eulogium 。
III.三。 AUTHENTICITY真实性
The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.的内容，该pentateuch提供依据，为历史，法律，宗教和生活，所选择的人，上帝的。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此，作者的工作，时间和方式，其原产地，其历史性是头等重要的意义。 These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.这些都是不只是文学的问题，但问题属于该领域的历史，宗教和神学。 The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.镶嵌作者的pentateuch是密不可分与问题，是否以及在何种意义上，郑慕智是作者或中介的老遗嘱的法例，和无记名前花叶传统。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.根据趋势，旧的和新约圣经，并根据犹太教和基督教神学，工作的伟大lawgiver郑慕智是原产地的历史和以色列的基础上发展到时间耶稣基督;但现代批评认为，在所有这一切，只有结果，或沉淀，一个纯粹的自然的历史发展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.问题镶嵌作者的pentateuch导致我们，因此，作为替代，启示或历史演变;它涉及的历史和神学思想建设的基础，无论是犹太人和基督教免除。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我们应考虑的主题，首先在根据圣经;其次，在针对犹太教和基督教的传统;第三，在根据内部证据，由其pentateuch ;最后，在根据教会的决定。
A. TESTIMONY OF SACRED SCRIPTURE甲的证词，圣经
It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;它会被发现，方便鸿沟圣经的证据，为花叶作者的pentateuch分为三个部分： （ 1 ）的证词，该pentateuch ;
(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. （ 2 ）的证词，其他旧遗嘱的书籍; （ 3 ）的证词，新约圣经。
(1) Witness of the Pentateuch （ 1 ）证人的pentateuch
The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.该pentateuch以其目前的形式并不目前本身作为一个完整的文学生产，郑慕智。 It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含了帐户的摩西死亡，故事讲述他生活中的第三人，并在间接的形式，和过去四年的书籍不展出文学形式的回忆录的伟大lawgiver ;此外，表达“上帝对摩西说： “只显示神的起源镶嵌的法律，但并不能证明自己编纂的郑慕智，在pentateuch各种颁布的法律由他。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.在另一方面， pentateuch赋予摩西的文学作者，至少四个部分，这部分的历史，部分的法律，这部分是诗。 (a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." （一）后，以色列的胜利，超过amalecites近raphidim ，主对摩西说（出埃及记17:14 ）说： “写这为纪念在一本书，并提供它的耳朵josue ” 。 This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).这项命令是自然限制amalec的失败，一个好处，上帝希望永葆，在记忆的人（申命记25:17-19 ） 。 The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article.目前指向的希伯来文的全文： “在这本书中” ，但septuagint版本忽略了定冠词。 Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).即使我们假设认为， massoretic指向给出了原文，我们很难证明这本书提到的是pentateuch ，虽然这是极有可能（参见冯胡梅劳尔的“出埃及记等利未记” ，巴黎， 1897年， 182页;同上， “ deuteronomium ” ，巴黎， 1901年， 152页; kley ， “模具pentateuchfrage ” ，明斯特， 1903年，第217页） 。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord." （二）再次，当然，二十四， 4 ： “和郑慕智写了所有的话勋爵” 。 The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.背景不容许我们了解，这些话在无限期的方式，但指的话，主立即之前或到所谓的“图书的盟约” ，当然，第XX -二十三。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel." （三）前，第三十四， 27 ： “耶和华对摩西说：你写这些话由我作出了盟约都与你和与以色列的” 。 The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."未来诗补充说： “和他写道后，表格中10的话，该公约” 。 Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.当然，第三十四， 1 ， 4 ，显示如何郑慕智编写了桌子，和前，三十四， 10月26日，让我们的内容，该十个字。 (d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." （四） NUM个，三十三， 1月2日： “这是大厦的儿童，以色列，谁失控，埃及，由他们根据部队进行摩西和亚伦，摩西写下据的地方，他们的encamping “ 。 Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?我们在这里了解到，郑慕智写的名单人民群众的营地在沙漠中;但它这份名单可以发现？ Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.极有可能是由于在NUM个，三十三， 3-49 ，或立即的背景下通过告诉摩西'文学活动;有，不过，学者，谁明白这一点，后者通过为是指以色列历史上的偏离埃及在书面秩序的人民群众的营地，因此，这将是我们目前的预订和出埃及记。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但是，这种观点是难以可能的;其假设NUM个，三十三， 3-49 ，是一个总结出埃及记，不能坚持，作为一章中提到的几个号码营地未发生在出埃及记。
Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了这四个通道，有一些迹象显示，在申命记，其中点到文学活动的郑慕智。 Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it. deut 。 ，我， 5 ： “摩西开始阐述法律和说” ;即使“法”在这方面的案文是指整个的pentateuchal法例，这是不太可能的，它表明，只有摩西颁布整个法，但不是他一定会写的。 Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq.几乎整本书的申命记声称自己是一个特别的法例所颁布的郑慕智在土地莫阿布：四， 1-40 ; 44-49 ;五，一sqq 。 ;第十二， 1 sqq 。 But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但有一个建议，以书面形式过于：十七， 18-9 ，责成认为，未来的国王收到一份拷贝，这部法律从祭司，以便阅读和观察;二十七， 1月8日，命令，对西一边的约旦“所有的话，此法”写在石头设立在山hebal ;二十八， 58 ，说的是“所有的话，这部法律的，即是写在这卷”之后列举的祝福和诅咒，其中会后，观察员和违反该法的分别，这是中再次提到，作为书面在一本书，在第29届， 20 ， 21 ， 27 ，和三十二，第四十六条，第四十七条，现在，法律一再被称为写在图书必须至少deuteronomic法例。 Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外，三十一， 9月13日国家“ ，和郑慕智写了这部法律” ，和第三十一， 26 ，补充说， “采取这本书，并把它放在一边，方舟。 。 。它可能有一个对证词你的“ ;解释这些文本作为小说或作为anachronisms是难以兼容与inerrancy神圣的经文。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最后，三十一， 19 ，命令摩西写canticle载于deut ，三十二， 1-43 。
The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.该圣经学者将不会抱怨说，有这么几个表达迹象显示，在pentateuch摩西'文学活动;他会感到惊讶，而不是在他们的人数。 As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.据明确的证词，为自己的，至少是部分，作者而言， pentateuch比较，毫不逊色，而不是与其他许多书籍的旧约。
(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books （ 2 ）的见证，其他的旧圣经书籍
(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6. （一） josue. -叙事的这本书的josue假定不只是事实和必不可少的法例，载于pentateuch ，而且法律赋予的摩西和书面在这本书中的法律，郑慕智： jos. ，我， 7 -8 ;第八， 31日;二十二，五;二十三， 6 。 Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26). josue自己写道： “所有这些东西在量的法律主” （ 24 ， 26 ） 。 Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66).教授hobverg坚持认为，这个“量法主”是pentateuch （ “ über书斋ursprung万pentateuchs ”在“ biblische zeitschrift ” ， 1906年，四， 340 ） ;芒热诺认为，它是指至少在申命记（翻译字典德拉圣经，五， 66 ） 。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.在任何率， josue和他的同时代人熟悉的书面花叶法例，这是神透露。
(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. （二）法官;一，二kings. -在这本书中的法官和第一两本书，国王有没有明确提到摩西和这本书的法律，而是一个事件的数字和报表，假定存在的pentateuchal立法和机构。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此，法官，十五，八月十日，回顾了以色列的交付从埃及和其征服应许之地;法官，十一，十二月二十八日，国家的事件记录在NUM个， XX条，第14条;二十一世纪， 13,24 ;二十二， 2 ;法官，十三，四，各国做法的基础上，法律的nazarites在NUM个。 ，六， 1月21日;法官， 18 ， 31 ，谈幕，在现有的时候，有没有国王在以色列;法官， XX条， 26-8提到的方舟盟约，各种牺牲，和aaronic神职人员。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.该pentateuchal的历史和法律同样是假定在一，黄秉槐10时18分; 15:1-10 ; 10时25分; 21:1-6 ; 22时06 sqq 。 ; 23:6-9 ; 2 ，黄秉槐6 。
(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. （三） 1和2 kings. -最后的两本书，国王一再发言，该法的摩西。 To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).限制的意思，这学期申命记是一个任意注释（参见1国王2时03分; 10时31分） ; amasias显示，毫不留情的儿童杀人犯“根据即是写在这本书中的法摩西“ （ 2国王14时06分） ;神圣的作家记录了神的承诺，保护以色列人”只要他们将遵守尽一切，我指挥他们依法办事，我的仆人摩西指挥他们“ （ 2国王21 ： 8 ） 。 In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).在第十八年的统治josias发现这本书的法律（ 2国王22时08分， 11人） ，或这本书的盟约（ 2国王23时02分） ，根据他所进行的改革，他的宗教（ 2国王23:10-24 ） ，这是确定的“法摩西” （ 2国王23时25分） 。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教评论家不是在一，这是否违法本书是申命记（冯胡梅劳尔， “ deuteronomium ” ，巴黎， 1901年，页40-60 ， 83-7 ）或整个pentateuch （克莱尔， “就业辅导组livres万里奥斯” ，巴黎， 1884 ，第二，第557条。 ; hoberg ， “摩西und明镜pentateuch ” ， frieburg ， 1905年，第17页以下各段。 ; “产品书斋ursprung万pentateuchs ”在“ biblische zeitschrift ” ， 1906年，四，页338 -40 ） 。
(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. （四） paralipomenon. -灵感作家p aralipomenon是指以法律和这本书的郑慕智更为频繁和清楚。 The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名及号码发生在这些书籍大多是由于transcribers 。 The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work.遗漏的事件，这将减损的荣耀的以色列人国王或不会edify读者不会损害的信誉或真实性的工作。 Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.否则，一应该有地方之间的作品，小说的一些简历或爱国刊物，打算为青少年或为共同的读者。 On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.对他们的一部分，现代的批评太急于抹黑的权威paralipomena 。 "After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light." “之后删除帐户的paralipomena ” ，写道：德wette （ beitrage ，我， 135 ） ， “整个犹太历史假设的另一种形式，和pentateuchal调查采取的另一个之交;了一些强有力的证据，难以解释的距离，为早期存在的马赛克的书籍已经消失，其他的遗迹，它们的存在是放置在一个不同的角度“ 。 A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.一瞥的内容parlipomenon足以解释的努力，德维特和浩反驳历史性的书籍。 Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).其中不仅有族谱（ 1方志1-9 ）和说明崇拜追查后的数据和规律，该pentateuch ，但神圣的作家明确指出其符合什么是书面，在法律上的主（ 1方志16 ： 40 ） ，在法律上的郑慕智（ 2方志23时18分; 31:3 ） ，从而确定的法律勋爵与书面由郑慕智（参见2方志25:4 ） 。 The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.读者会发现类似的迹象的存在和花叶原产地的pentateuch在I杆，二十二， 12条。 ;二杆，十七，九;三十三，四;三十四，第14条;二十五， 12 。 By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.由一个人造的解释，事实上，图书的paralipomenon可能被诠释为代表pentateuch作为一本书，载有颁布的法律，由郑慕智，但自然的意识前述通道，对于pentateuch作为一本书，主编郑慕智。
(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. （五）一，二esdras. -帐簿埃斯德拉斯和内赫米亚斯，也采取了在它们的自然和普遍接受的意义上说，考虑pentateuch作为这本书的郑慕智，而不是仅仅作为一本书，载有规律的郑慕智。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.这个争论是研究的基础上，下列文本：我公共服务电子化，三，二sqq 。 ;六， 18岁;第七章， 14条;二，公共服务电子化计划。 ，我， 7 sqq 。 ;第八， 1 ， 8日， 14日;第九， 3 ; X的34 ， 36 ;第十三， 1-3 。 Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追随者表示看法认为，这本书的郑慕智提到，在这些文本是不是pentateuch ，但只有priestly码;但是，当我们请记住，这本书在质询中所载的法律列弗，二十三， deut ，七， 2月4日;十五， 2 ，我们认为，一旦在这本书的郑慕智不能仅限于该priestly代码。 To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.为了见证历史的书籍，我们可能会增加二马赫。第一，二，四;七，六;尤迪特，第八， 23岁; ecclus ， 24条， 33条; xlv ， 1月6日; xlv ， 18 ，特别是序言ecclus 。
(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. （六）预言books. - Express的参考书面的法律，郑慕智，是发现，只有在后来的先知：酒吧。第一，二，二， 28日;丹，九，十一，十三;仲裁法，四， 4 。 Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch.其中， baruch知道，摩西已指挥写法律，虽然他的表达并行的那些deut ，二十八， 15 ， 53 ， 62-64 ，他的威胁，包含典故的那些载于其他部分的pentateuch 。 The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其他先知，经常是指法律，主守卫祭司（参见申命记31:9 ） ，他们把它同一水平与神的启示和永恒的盟约的主。 They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他们呼吁上帝的盟约，牺牲法律的日历宴，和其他法律的pentateuch这样一种方式，以使其有可能的书面立法形成的基础上，他们的预言告诫（参见何西阿8时12分） ，他们熟悉的口头表达这本书的法律。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此，在英国北部的阿莫斯（四， 4月5日;五， 22 sqq ）和伊萨亚斯在南（一， 11 sqq ） 。聘请的表达，这实际上是技术的话牺牲发生在列弗。 ，我三;第七， 12 ， 16 ; deut ，第十二， 6 。
(3) Witness of the New Testament （ 3 ）见证新约圣经
We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我们无须表明，耶稣和使徒所引述的整个的pentateuch作为书面由郑慕智。 If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他们归因于摩西的所有通道，它们发生的举，如果他们归于该pentateuch摩西每当有问题，它的作者，即使是最严苛的批评必须承认，他们表达他们的信念，即工作确实是写的郑慕智。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).当撒引述耶稣对婚姻法的deut ，二十五， 5 ，作为书面由郑慕智（马太22时24分;马克12时19分;卢克20时28分） ，耶稣不否认花叶作者，但上诉前，三，六，同样的书面由郑慕智（马克12时26分;马修22时31分;卢克20时37分） 。 Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.再次，在寓言俯冲和拉撒路（路加福音16:29 ） ，他说的是“摩西和先知” ，而在其他场合，他说的是“律法和先知” （路加福音16时16分） ，可见在他心目中的法律，或pentateuch ，郑慕智是一致的。 The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".同时表达重新出现在最后的话语所处理的基督门徒（路加福音24:44-6 ;比照27日）说： “这是写在法律上的郑慕智，以及在先知，并在诗篇关于我的” 。 Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最后，在约翰，五， 45-7 ，耶稣是更明确地断言镶嵌作者的pentateuch ： “有一个accuseth你，摩西。 。 。他写道：我的，但如果你不相信他的作品，您将如何相信我的话“ ？ Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被认为基督只是容纳自己目前的信仰，他的同时代人谁郑慕智认为，作为作者的pentateuch ，而不只是在道义上，而且在文学意识的作者。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶稣并不需要进入关键研究的性质，花叶作者，但他却无法明确支持民间信仰，如果这是错误的。
The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship.使徒们也感到信服，并证明了，花叶作者。 "Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write." “弘findeth拿， saith他：我们已经找到他，其中，郑慕智，在法律上，和先知没有写” 。 St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).圣彼得介绍报价从deut ，十八， 15 ，同词： “摩西说： ” （行为3时22分） 。 St. James and St. Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).圣雅各福群会和圣保禄涉及郑慕智认为是阅读，在犹太教堂，就安息日天（ 15时21分行为; 2 ，哥林多前书3:15 ） 。 The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).伟大的使徒说，在其他段落的法律，郑慕智（ 13时33分行为;哥林多前书9时09分） ;他鼓吹耶稣依法治国，摩西和先知（使徒行28:23 ） ，以及濒危物种贸易公约通道，从pentateuch作为撰写的字数由郑慕智（罗马书10:5-8 ; 19 ） 。 St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).圣约翰提到canticle摩西（启示15时03分） 。
B. WITNESS OF TRADITION乙证人传统
The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.声音的传统，无论是犹太教和基督教，是如此的一致，并不断在宣告花叶作者的pentateuch下来，以十七世纪，它不容许的兴起，任何严重的疑问。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段是只有微薄的轮廓，这生活的传统。
(1) Jewish Tradition （ 1 ）犹太传统
It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch.它已经看到，帐簿旧约，开始与那些对pentateuch ，目前郑慕智作为作者，至少部分的pentateuch 。 The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.作者的书籍国王认为，摩西是作者申命记最少。 Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯，内赫米亚斯，玛拉基亚亚，作者paralipomena ，和希腊作者的septuagint版本考虑郑慕智作为作者，整个pentateuch 。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.在当时的耶稣基督的使徒们的朋友和敌人采取马赛克作者的pentateuch是理所当然的;既不是我们的主，也没有他的敌人采取的例外，这个假设。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在第一世纪的基督教时代，约瑟夫赋予郑慕智作者整个pentateuch ，而不是除帐户的lawgiver的死亡（ “ antiq 。 jud ” ，四，八， 3-48 ;比照，我procem ，四“ ;孔特拉阿皮翁” ，我8 ） 。 The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).该亚历山大哲学家斐洛深信，整个pentateuch是工作的郑慕智，以及后者写了先知的帐户他的死因的影响下，一个特殊的神的启示（ “时点简历mosis ” ，当地雇员。第二，三，在“歌剧“ ，日内瓦， 1613年，第511 ， 538 ） 。 The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比伦塔木德（ “巴巴- bathra ” ，第二章，中校140 “ ; makkoth ” ，随访。第IIA “ ; menachoth ” ，随访。 30A条;比照时尚， “历史德拉圣经等德l' exegese biblique jusqua ' 1号jours “ ，巴黎， 1881年，第21页） ，塔木德耶路撒冷的（创太，五，五） ，犹太教，和医生的以色列（参见furst ， ”明镜kanon万alten testaments nach书斋überlieferungen即时通讯塔木德und midrasch “ ，莱比锡， 1868年，第7-9页）见证的延续了这一传统，为第一两千多年。 Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).虽然伊萨克本jasus在11世纪和abenesra在第十二届承认某些后花叶增补，在pentateuch ，他们仍然以及迈蒙尼德坚持其花叶作者，并没有实质上的不同，这一点从教学钢筋混凝土becchai （第十三。 ） ，约瑟夫卡罗，阿巴伯内尔（第十五。 ;比照理查德西蒙， “批判德香格里拉bibl 。引渡万。埃克勒斯。 e. dupin德” ，巴黎， 1730年，第三，第215-20 ） 。 Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世纪， baruch斯宾诺莎拒绝马赛克作者的pentateuch ，指出可能性，这项工作可能已经写埃斯德拉斯（ “道。 theol. - politicus ” ，长八，教育署。陶赫尼茨，三，磷125段） 。 Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.其中较近期的犹太作家，有几个通过的结果，批评，从而放弃其传统的祖先。
(2) Christian Tradition （ 2 ）基督教传统
The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.犹太人的传统，有关花叶作者的pentateuch带来的是在向基督教教堂由基督自己和使徒。 No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.没有人会认真地否认存在和延续，这样的一个传统，从教父期间起;之一，甚至可能会好奇之间的间隔时间，使徒，并开始了第三个世纪。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."在这段期间我们可能会上诉到“书信的巴那布斯” （十， 1月12日;芬克， “ patres apostol ” ，第二版，蒂宾根大学， 1901年，我，第66-70 ;第十二， 2 - 9k ;同上，第74-6 ） ，圣克莱门特的罗马（ 1哥林多前书41:1 ;同上，第152页） ，圣贾斯汀（ “ apol我” ， 59条; pg ，六， 416 ，我， 32 ， 54 ;同上， 377 ， 409 ; “拨号” ， 29日;同上， 537 ） ，作者“的队列。 graec广告” 。 (9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. （ 9 ， 28 ， 30 ， 33 ， 34 ;同上， 257 ， 293 ， 296-7 ， 361 ） ，圣西奥菲勒斯（ “广告autol ” ，三， 23岁;同上， 1156 ; 11 ， 30 ;同上， 1100 ） ，圣irenæus （续haer ，一，二，六; pg ，七， 715-6 ） ，圣希波吕托斯的罗马（ “发表评论。在deut 。 ” ，三十一， 9月31日， 35条;比照阿基利斯， “ arabische fragmente等” ，莱比锡， 1897年，我118 “ ; philosophumena ” ，第八条，第8节; X的33条; pg ，十六， 3350 ， 3448 ） ，德尔图良的迦太基（ adv. hermog ，十九;特等，二， 214 ） ，俄亚历山德里亚（ contra. cels ，三，五月六日; pg ，第十一， 928等） ，圣eusthatius安提（德engastrimytha长原始。 21 ; pg ，十八， 656 ） ;所有这些作家，和其他人可能会说，见证继续基督教的传统，摩西写pentateuch 。 A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).名单后来父亲谁见证相同的真相可能会发现在芒热诺的文章中的“翻译字典德拉圣经” （五， 74条） 。 Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times. hoberg （郑慕智und明镜pentateuch ， 72及以下各段）已收集的证词，对于存在的传统，在中世纪，并在较近期的时代。
But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但是，天主教会传统的不一定保持郑慕智认为，每一个写的信的pentateuch因为它是今天，和这方面的工作已下降到我们在一个绝对不变的形式。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.这种僵硬的看法镶嵌的作者开始发展在十八世纪，切实取得占了上风，在第十九。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.任意治疗的经文，对部分新教徒，和继承的各种破坏性的系统，先进的，由圣经的批评，造成这一变化的前线，在天主教阵营。 In the sixteenth century Card.在十六世纪卡。 Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).贝拉明，谁可能被视为一个可靠的指数天主教的传统，表示认为，埃斯德拉斯收集，调整，和纠正分散部分的pentateuch ，并补充说，甚至部分必要为完成该pentateuchal历史（德verbo dei ，二，我;比照第III ， IV ） 。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.意见génebrard ，佩雷拉，邦弗雷雷，一拉辟特的哥尼流，麦西斯， jansenius ，和其他显着biblicists的第十六和第十七世纪是同样的弹性就以花叶作者的pentateuch 。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.不是他们同意与争论我们的现代圣经的批评，但他们表明，今天的pentateuchal问题，并非完全陌生的天主教学者，并镶嵌作者的pentateuch所确定的圣经委员会是不让步，被迫对教会所不信圣经的学生。
C. VOICE OF INTERNAL EVIDENCE长的声音，内部证据
The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.的可能性，生成书面记录的在的时候，摩西不再是有争议的。 The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.艺术的写作被称为很久之前的时间伟大lawgiver ，并广泛实行无论是在埃及和巴比伦。 As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至于以色列人，弗林德斯petrie推导出从某些犹太人的题字，发现在1905年就西乃半岛半岛，他们不断的书面帐目，他们国家的历史从时间，他们的圈养下，拉美西斯二世。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.该告诉埃及阿玛尔纳片显示语言巴比伦是在一个方法的官方语言，在时间，郑慕智，已知的在亚洲西部，巴勒斯坦和埃及;发现的taanek已证实了这一事实。 But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但它并不能推断说，这名埃及人和以色列人受雇于这神圣的或官方语言，在它们之间，并在其宗教的文件（参见benzinger ， “ hebraische archaologie ” ，第二版，蒂宾根大学， 1907年，第172 sqq ） 。 It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不仅是可能性，写作的时候，摩西和问题的语言，面临着我们这里有进一步的问题，该种书面的迹象，用在镶嵌的文件。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.该象形和楔形文字的迹象，被广泛聘用在该早日;最古老的题字写在字母字符迄今为止，只有从公元前9世纪，但有难以有任何疑问，以较高的文物的字母书写，并有似乎是无关防止我们的扩展回的时候，摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最后，汉穆拉比法典，发现在苏萨在1901年由法国资助的探险队由先生和夫人Dieulafoy病，显示，即使在会前花叶时代的法律法规承诺，并保存在，写作;守则antedates郑慕智有些五个世纪，并载有大约282规例有关的各种突发事件，在公民的生活。
Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.因此，到目前为止，它已被证明的负面一个历史性的法律文件，声称是写在时间的郑慕智不涉及前因improbability其真实性。 But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但内部特征的pentateuch显示，也积极，这项工作至少是可能的马赛克。 It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.这是事实，该pentateuch包含没有明文宣布其整个花叶作者;不过，即使最严格的批评将很难要求这些证词。 It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.它实际上是缺乏在所有其他的书籍，不论是神圣的或亵渎。 On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.在另一方面，它已经表明，四个不同的通道，该pentateuch明确归因于作者郑慕智。 Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death. deut ，三十一， 24-9 ，尤其是注意到;它知道，郑慕智写了“的话，这部法律在卷” ，并指挥它放置在方舟公约作为一个证词，对人民的谁已所以反叛期间lawgiver的生命，并会“做wickedly ”后，其死因。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.再次，一些法律条文，虽然没有明确归因于写作，郑慕智，有明显来自郑慕智作为lawgiver 。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外，很多的pentateuchal承担的法律证据，其原产地在沙漠中，因此他们也奠定间接声称花叶原产地。 What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.什么已经说了一些pentateuchal法律是同样真实的若干历史章节。 These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing.这些包含在这本书中的数字，举例来说，这么多的姓名及号码，他们必须已被移交下来以书面形式提出。 Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition.除非批评者可以带来不可辩驳的证据显示，在这些路段我们只是小说，他们必须给予这些历史的细节写在当代的文件，而不是转交仅仅口头传统。 Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.此外， hommel （ “死altisraelitische überlieferung在inschriftlicher beleuchtung ” ，页302 ）已表明，该名称在名单这本书的号码紧的特点，阿拉伯的姓名，第二个千禧年之前，基督，并能起源于只在的时候，郑慕智，但必须承认的案文的某些部分，例如， NUM个，第十三，已受到在其传输。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我们不必提醒读者，众多pentateuchal法律和数据暗示的条件，一个游牧的生活以色列。 Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最后，无论是作者的pentateuch和它的第一读者必须已较为熟悉的地形和社会条件，埃及，并与西乃半岛半岛比与土地的chanaan 。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.比照，如deut 。 ，八， 7月10日;席， 10 sqq 。 These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.这些内部特征的pentateuch已经制定了在更大的长度由史密斯， “这本书的郑慕智，或pentateuch在其作者，公信力，文明之光” ，伦敦， 1868年; vigouroux ， “香格里拉圣经等就业辅导组decouvertes modernes ” ，第六，教育署。巴黎， 1896年，我， 453-80 ;二， 1-213 ， 529-47 ， 586-91 ;同上， “就业辅导组livres圣人等香格里拉批判rationaliste ” ，巴黎， 1902年，三， 28-46 ， 79 - 99 ， 122-6 ; heyes ， “ bibel und ægypten ” ，明斯特， 1904年，第 142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 142条; cornely ， “ introductio特别在histor 。审核。考验。 libros ” ，我，巴黎， 1887年，页。 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 57-60 ;普尔， “古埃及”在“当代检讨” ， 3月， 1879年，页。 757-9. 757-9 。
D. ECCLESIASTICAL DECISIONS四教会的决定
In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:在按照声音，三重的论点，因此到目前为止，先进的为花叶作者的pentateuch ，圣经委员会关于1906年6月27日，回答了一系列问题，有关这一主题的方式如下：
(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. （ 1 ）的论点，所积累的批评，打击，以马赛克的真实性，神圣的书籍所指定的名称pentateuch不是这样的重量，作为给我们的权利，设置后，除了众多的通道，双方的testaments采取集体，连续的共识犹太人民，不断的传统，教会，和内部迹象显示，来自文字本身，为了保持这些书籍没有郑慕智作为其作者，但是从来源最大的一部分，不迟于马赛克的年龄。
(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. （ 2 ）花叶的真实性，该pentateuch不一定需要这样一个节录的整个工作，以使其绝对必要保持这种郑慕智写了所有的一切与他自己的手或所支配，它以他的秘书;假说那些可以必须承认，谁相信他委托的组成，工作本身，所设想的他的影响下，神的启示，对他人的，但在这样一种方式，他们忠实地表达他自己的想法，被写并不反对他的意愿，被省略无关;并且最后的工作，从而产生应核准的同时，郑慕智，其主要及作者的灵感，并出版了根据他的名字。
(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. （ 3 ）可准予在不影响到马赛克的真实性，该pentateuch ，郑慕智聘用来源，在生产他的工作，即以书面文件或口头传统，从他可能已制定了一些东西，按照与为此，他曾在检视和影响下，神的启示，并插入他们在他的工作不是从字面上或根据自己的意义上说，在1以下简称或扩增的形式。
(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. （ 4 ）大量的马赛克真实性和完整性的pentateuch保持不变，如果它被理所当然地认为，在长期的过程世纪的工作受到了若干修改，正如;后花叶增补或者附加一灵感的作者或插入到文本美化和解释;翻译某些字眼和形式，走出了一个过时的语言，到最近的形式讲话;最后，错读，由于故障transcribers ，其中可调查，并通过一句就根据法律的批评。
The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.后花叶补充和修改，所允许的圣经委员会，在pentateuch而不删除它从各种各样的大量的完整性和马赛克的真实性是不同的诠释，天主教学者。
(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. （ 1 ）我们应该要了解他们在一个相当广泛的意义上说，如果我们要捍卫的意见，冯胡梅劳尔或vetter 。 This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.这后一种作家承认，法律和历史文献的基础上镶嵌的传统，但书面只有在时代的法官，他的地方第一节录的pentateuch在的时候，竖立所罗门圣殿的，而其去年在节录的时候，埃斯德拉斯。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. vetter死亡，在1906年，这一年中圣经委员会发表上述法令;这是一个有趣的问题，应否及如何学者将已修改他的理论，如果时间已给予他这样做。
(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96). （ 2 ）少自由的解释，该法令是隐含在该pentateuchal假说先进的由霍伯特（ “摩西und明镜pentateuch ;模具pentateuch frage ”在“ biblische studien ” ，第十，第4 ，弗赖堡， 1907年“ ; erklarung万成因” ， 1908年，弗赖堡，白细胞介素） ，朔普费尔（历史馆万alten testamentes ，第四教育署， 226 sqq ） ， hopfl （ “死hohere bibelkritik ” ，第二版，帕德博恩， 1906年） ， brucker （ “ l' eglise等香格里拉批判” ，巴黎， 1907年， 103 sqq ） ，和selbst （舒斯特和holzammer的“ handbuch zur biblischen历史馆” ，第七版，弗赖堡， 1910年第一，二， 94 ， 96 ） 。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.最后命名笔者认为，郑慕智留下了书面法律书，其中josue和Samuel补充的补充条文和规章，而大卫和索罗门提供的新章程关于崇拜和神职人员，和其他国王介绍了某些宗教的改革，直到埃斯德拉斯颁布了整个法律和作出的，它的基础上以色列的恢复后流亡国外。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.我们目前的pentateuch ，因此，一esdrine版的工作。 Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism.博士selbst觉得相信，他承认这两个文本的变化和物质的增补，在pentateuch同意与历史发展的规律和结果与文学批评。 Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.历史发展的适应的法律和法规的宗教，民间，和社会条件，连续的年龄，而文学批评的发现在我们的实际pentateuch的特殊性单词和短语，其中也难以得到原来，历史也增加或告示，法律的修改，和的迹象，较近期的司法行政和后来的形式的崇拜。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但博士selbst认为，这些特殊性，不提供足够的基础，区分不同来源的，在pentateuch 。
(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch. （ 3 ）严格解释的话，该法令是在暗示的意见，考伦（ einleitung ， 12月31日193 sqq ） ，关键（ “死pentateuchfrage ， ihre历史馆联合国ihre制” ，明斯特， 1903 ） ， flunk （ kirchenlexicon ，九， 1782 sqq 。 ） ，以及曼格诺特（ “ l' authenticite mosaique杜pentateuque ” ，巴黎， 1907年;同上， “翻译字典德拉圣经” ，第五章， 50-119 。与例外的那部分属于该时间去世后，郑慕智，以及某些偶然的变化的案文，由于transcribers ，整个的pentateuch是工作郑慕智谁组成的工作，在其中一个方法，所提出的圣经委员会。最后，是有问题作为神学的确定性，论文保持花叶的真实性，该pentateuch 。
(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. （ 1 ）某些天主教学者谁写之间的1887年和1906年表示，他们认为，论文中的问题是，没有透露在经文，也不教导由教会;它表示一个真理中不包含的启示，但特尼特可能会有争议的自由和讨论。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.在那个时间，教会管理局已发出声明，没有关于这一问题的。
(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. （ 2 ）其他作家的补助金镶嵌的真实性，该pentateuch是没有明确透露，但他们认为这是一条真理透露，正式暗示，被来自透露，公式，而不是由三段论在严格意义上的字，但由简单的解释有关条款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).拒绝镶嵌的真实性，该pentateuch是一个错误，和矛盾的论断，保持花叶的真实性，该pentateuch被认为是erronea在真正的（参见mechineau ， “ l' origine mosaique杜pentateuque ” ，第34页） 。
(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. （ 3 ）第三类学者认为马赛克的真实性，该pentateuch既不是作为一个自由的宗旨值得商榷的，也不是作为一个真理正式含蓄地透露，他们相信，它实际上已显示，或这是推断，从发现真理，真正三段论扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310.因此，这是一theologically某些真理，其矛盾的是皮疹（ temeraria ）或什至错误的命题（参见brucker ， “ authenticite万livres德moise ”在“练习曲” ， 3月， 1888年， 327页;同上。 1月， 1897年，第122-3 ;芒热诺， “ l' authenticité mosaïque杜pentateuque ” ，第267-310 。
Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.无论影响教会的决定，关于马赛克的真实性，该pentateuch可能有或将有上，认为学生对pentateuchal问题，不能说有occasioned保守的态度，学者，谁写颁布前，该法令。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp.下面的列表中包含的名称，主要最近的维护者马赛克的真实性：韩斯坦堡， “模具布赫尔郑慕智und aegypten ” ，柏林， 1841年;史密斯， “这本书的郑慕智，或pentateuch在其作者，公信力，文明之光” ，伦敦， 1868年;长schobel ， “示威德l' authenticite杜deuteronome ” ，巴黎， 1868年;同上， “示威德l' authenticite mosaique德l' exode ” ，巴黎， 1871年;同上， “示威德l' authenticite mosaique杜levitique等万nombres “ ，巴黎， 1869年;同上， ”示威德l' authenticite德香格里拉genese “ ，巴黎， 1872年;同上， ”乐moise historique等香格里拉节录mosaique杜pentateuque “ ，巴黎， 1875年; knabenbauer ， ”明镜pentateuch und模具unglaubige bibelkritik “在” stimmen澳元玛丽亚- laach “ ， 1873年，四; bredenkamp ， ” gesetz und propheten “ ，埃尔兰根， 1881年;绿色， ”摩西和先知“ ，纽约， 1883年;同上， ”希伯来文宴“ ，纽约， 1885年;同上， ” pentateuchal问题“ ，在” hebraica “ ， 1889年至1892年;同上， ”较高的批评，该pentateuch “ ，纽约， 1895年;同上， ”团结，这本书的成因“ ，纽约， 1895年;长埃利奥特， “平反的花叶作者的pentateuch ” ，辛辛那提， 1884年; ，比塞尔， “ pentateuch ，其产地和结构” ，纽约， 1885年;乌巴迪， “ introductio在sacram scripturam ” ，第二版，罗马， 1882年，我452 -5 09; c ornely， “ i ntroductio特别在h istoricos佛蒙特州l ibros” ，巴黎， 1 887年，页。 19-160; Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card. 19-160 ;你， “马赛克原产地的pentateuchal守则” ，伦敦， 1886年; bohl ， “ zum gesetz und zum zeugniss ” ，维也纳， 1883年; zah ， “ erneste blicke在Den wahn明镜modernen kritik万” ， gutersloh ， 1893年;同上， “之deuteronomium ” ， 1890年;同上， “ israelitische und judische历史馆” ， 1895年; rupprecht ， “模具anschauung明镜kritischen schule wellhausens vom pentateuch ” ，莱比锡， 1893年;同上， “之rathsel万funfbuches mose und塞纳河falsche losung “ ， gutersloh ， 1894年;同上， ”万rathsels losung为了beitrage zur richtigen losung万pentateuchrathsels “ ， 1897年;同上， ”模具kritik nach ihrem里克uknd unrecht “ ， 1897 ” ; mosaica法或法律的摩西和更高批判“ （沙伊斯，罗林森，战壕， lias ， wace ，等等） ，伦敦， 1894年;卡。 Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp.梅尼昂， “德l'伊甸园一moise ” ，巴黎， 1895年， 1-88 ;巴克斯特， “庇护所和献身精神” ，伦敦， 1896年; abbé德布罗意， “问题bibliques ” ，巴黎， 1897年，页。 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 89-169 ;毛皮， “历史学德l' ” ，第三教育署，巴黎， 1901年，我页。 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906. 291-326 ; vigouroux ， “就业辅导组livres圣人等香格里拉批判ratioinaliste ” ，巴黎， 1902年，三， 1-226 ;四， 239-53 ， 405-15 ;同上， “曼努埃尔biblique ” ，第12版，巴黎， 1906 ，我， 397-478 ; kley ， “模具pentateuchfrage ， ihre历史馆und ihre systeme ” ，明斯特， 1903年; hopfl ， “模具hohere bibelkritik ” ，帕德博恩， 1902年;托马斯， “有机统一的pentateuch ” ，伦敦， 1904 ;维纳， “研究在圣经法” ，伦敦， 1904年;振奋， “旧约在新约圣经轻” ，伦敦， 1905年; redpath ， “现代的批评和这本书的成因” ，伦敦， 1905年; hoberg ， “摩西und明镜pentateuch “ ，弗赖堡， 1905年;奥尔， ”问题旧约考虑参照最近批评“ ，伦敦， 1906 。
E. OPPONENTS OF THE MOSAIC AUTHORSHIP OF THE PENTATEUCH e.对手的花叶作者的pentateuch
A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.详细交代反对镶嵌作者的pentateuch是既不可取，也没有必要在这方面的文章。 In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.在本身，它将只是一个noisome人类历史的错误;每个小系统有其天，及其后继者均已竭尽所能，以埋葬它在hushed遗忘。 The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.实际困难，我们要考虑的是那些先进的，由我们的实际对手，今天只有一个事实，即系统过去我们展示了短暂的和过渡性质，实际的理论，现在在时尚可以吸引我们简略地列举连续的意见，坚持由反对该马赛克的作者。
(1) Abandoned Theories （ 1 ）被遗弃的理论
The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena.先进的意见，由valentinian托勒密， nazarites ， abenesra ， carlstadt ，艾萨克peyrerius ， baruch斯宾诺莎，让蕾可蕾彩妆是零星的现象。 Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.并非所有的人完全不符合花叶作者像现在的理解，和其他人发现他们的答案在自己的time. -工作与约翰astrue ，发表在1753年，开始了所谓假说的文件，进一步开发艾希霍恩和伊尔根。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但工程的暂停神父，亚历山大格迪斯，发表于1792年和1800年，介绍了该假说的碎片，这在其一天的阐述和倡导的乏特氏，德wette （至少暂时） ， berthold ，哈特曼，冯波伦。 This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.这一理论很快面对，不得不屈服的假设补充或插值，其中编号之间的顾客kelle ，埃瓦尔德， stahelin ， bleek ， tuch ，德wette ，冯lengerke ，并为一段短时期也弗朗茨delitzsch 。 The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.理论插值再次难以发现任何信徒之前，格兰贝格（ 1828 ） ， stahelin （ 1830 ） ，和bleek （ 1831 ）返回到假说的文件，提出了它在一个有点修订的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.随后，埃瓦尔德， knobel ， hupfeld ， noldeke ，施拉德先进的每一个不同的解释，该纪录片的假说。 But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但所有这些都是目前只有一个历史的兴趣。
(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents （ 2 ）目前的假说文件
A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.一个疗程的宗教发展，在以色列已提出reuss在1830年和1834年，由vatke在1835年，由乔治在同一年。 In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch.在1865年至1866年格拉夫了这个想法，并应用于以文学批评的hexateuch ;批评者已开始考虑这本书的josue属于在前五年的书籍，以便收集，形成了hexateuch不是一个pentateuch 。 The same application was made by Merx in 1869.同时提出申请，由merx于1869年。 Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此，修改该纪录片的理论，继续在其发展，直至达到国家所描述的翻译圣经kautzsch （第三教育署，介绍和说明，蒂宾根大学， 1908 sqq ） 。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.在本身是没有对假设的书面文件，由郑慕智;但我们不能归于肯定什么，我们的文学，仍然掌握在希伯来语lawgiver 。 The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.年初的书面帐目，必须放置在接近年底的时候，法官才得到满足的条件，必须先起源文学妥善所谓的，也就是说，一般熟人与艺术的写作和阅读，平稳解决把人民的，民族的繁荣。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那么，是最古老的文学仍然是希伯来人呢？ They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他们收藏的歌曲，约会，从英雄的时候，民族，例如，这本书的战争勋爵（号码21时14分） ，这本书的正义（约书亚10时12 sqq ） ，这本书的歌曲（ 1国王8时53分;比照布德， “历史馆明镜althebr 。文学” ，莱比锡， 1906 ， 17 ） 。 The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch.这本书的盟约（出埃及记20:24-23:19 ）也必须有前已存在的其他来源的pentateuch 。 The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC最古老的历史的工作，可能是这本书的yahwist ，指定由J ，并归因于神职人员的juda ，属于极有可能到公元前九世纪
Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.类似这是罗欣文件，指定由E和书面可能是在北部的英国（ ephraim ）约一个世纪后，生产的雅巍文件。 These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.这两个来源，合并由一个redactor成一个工作后不久，中六世纪。 Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.明年如下法律书籍，几乎完全体现在我们的实际预订的申命记，发现在庙621年，并载有沉淀的预言教学主张取消了牺牲在所谓的高学位和集中崇拜，在耶路撒冷的圣殿。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.在流亡源自该priestly代码，磷，基于对所谓的法律的神圣，列弗，十七-二十六，方案ezechiel ， xl -四十八;实质P的阅读之前，后exilic社会埃斯德拉斯约公元前444 （尼希米记8月10日） ，并接受了众多。 History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.历史不会告诉我们何时和如何这些潜水员的历史和法律依据的来源合并为我们目前的pentateuch ，但人们普遍假定，有迫切要求有一个汇编的传统和前exilic的历史，人民的。 The only indication of time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.唯一显示的时间可能会找到一个事实，即撒玛利亚会接受pentateuch作为一个神圣的书可能是在公元前四世纪时考虑他们的仇恨犹太人，我们必须结束，他们不会采取这一步骤，除非他们认为，某些镶嵌原产地的pentateuch 。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此，一段相当长的时间必须有干预之间的汇编的pentateuch和接受撒玛利亚会，所以这方面的工作相结合，必须放置在第五世纪。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.这是很普遍一致认为，去年redactor的pentateuch完成他的任务与伟大adroitness 。 Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.而不改变文本老一辈的来源，他都在人的权力，融合异质要素纳入一明显的（ ？ ）的整体情况，这样的成功，不仅犹太人后，公元前四世纪，但也是基督徒许多世纪可保持他们的信念，即整个pentateuch作者是摩西。
(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis （ 3 ）缺陷的关键假说
As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.正如几位pentateuchal批评者一直在努力转让最后节录的pentateuch ，以较近期的日期，其位置在五世纪可能被视为有利的，而不是保守的看法。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor.但它是很难理解为什么顾客的意见，这不应该同意在考虑埃斯德拉斯作为最后的编辑器。 Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次，这是很肯定的是，最后的编辑，该pentateuch必须有显着之前，它接受对部分撒玛利亚会作为一个神圣的书;位是它可能认为撒玛利亚会已接纳pentateuch这样，在公元前四世纪，当民族和宗教的对立，他们和犹太人是发达？ Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?是不是更可能混合的国家，撒马利亚收到pentateuch通过牧师发送到他们从亚述？ Cf.比照。 2 Kings 17:27. 2国王17时27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或再次，因为这牧师指示撒玛利亚人口，在法律上的神的国家，这不是合理的假设，他教导他们pentateuchal法，其中10部落进行与他们当他们脱离juda ？ At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.在任何率，事实上，撒玛利亚会接纳为神圣的，只有pentateuch ，但不是先知，导致我们可以推断，该pentateuch之间存在的犹太人之前，收集了预言的著作发了言，并撒马利亚选择自己的神圣书之前甚至juda放在工程先知对同一水平的工作与摩西。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但这种自然的推论，认为没有赞成之间的批评;意味的历史和法律传统的编纂，在pentateuch ，所描述的开始，不是结束，以色列的宗教发展。 The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.认为，以色列的宗教发展中普遍存在的批评意味着该pentateuch是不迟于先知，并认为诗篇是不迟于双方。 After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.之后，这些一般性的考虑，我们将简要研究的主要原则，方法，结果，和论点，批判理论。
(a) Principles of the Critics （一）原则的批评
Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.没有假装检讨所有的原则，所涉及的理论批评，我们提请大家注意二：历史发展的宗教，和比较的价值，内部证据和传统。
(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. （一）理论的历史演变israelitic宗教导致我们从花叶yahwehism ，以伦理一神教的先知，从这个以普遍性的概念，上帝期间制定的流亡政府，并从这个再次向僵化的phariseeism后来的天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times.这个宗教的犹太人是编纂在我们的实际pentateuch ，但已被虚假的预测倒退，在历史的书籍到花叶和前预言的时代。 The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.发展理念是不是一个纯粹的现代发现。 Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St. Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.迈耶（ “明镜entwicklungsgedanke北亚里士多德” ，波恩， 1909 ）表明，亚里士多德是熟悉它; gunkel （ “ weiterbildung明镜宗教” ，慕尼黑， 1905年， 64岁）主张及其应用，以宗教一样古老的基督教，以及圣郑明训已阐述了这一原则;迪斯特尔（ “历史馆在万在明镜chrislichen kirche ” ，耶拿， 1869年， 56 sqq ） ， willmann （ “万idealismus历史馆” ，第二版，第二， 23 sqq ） ，和schanz （ "Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People. The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development. Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.). But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:
the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);
the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.
It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.这是后者的极端，就是主张由圣经的批评。 Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他们的描述早期的宗教，以色列是矛盾的证词，最古老的先知，其权威是没有质疑他们。 These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.).这些灵感seers知道秋天亚当（何西阿6时07分） ，的号召，石礼谦（以赛亚书29:23 ;弥迦7时20分） ，销毁所多玛和gomorrha （何西阿11时08分;以赛亚书1时09分;阿莫斯4时11分） ，历史雅各布和他的斗争与天使（何西阿12时02分sqq ） ，以色列的出埃及记从埃及和居住在沙漠中（何西阿2时14分; 7时16分; 11时01分; 12时09分， 13人; 13时04分， 5条;阿莫斯2时10分; 3:1 ; 9时07分） ，活动郑慕智（何西阿12时13分;弥迦6时04分;以赛亚书63:11-12 ） ，书面法例（何西阿8时12分） ，以及一些特别的法规（参见kley ， “模具pentateuchfrage ” ，明斯特， 1903年， 223 sqq ） 。 Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.再次，发展的理论是，越来越多的矛盾的结果，历史调查。 Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韦伯（ “ theologie und assyriologie即时通讯streit这个巴别塔und bibel ” ，莱比锡， 1904年， 17 ）指出，最近的历史结果意味着颓废，而不是发展，在古代东方艺术，科学，宗教等; winckler （ “ religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl 。东方“ ，莱比锡， 1906年， 33岁）认为，进化鉴于原始状态的男子，虚假，并认为发展理论，至少，受到严重动摇，如果不是实际上摧毁了最近的东方研究（参见bantsch ” altorientalischer und israelitischer monothesismus “ ，蒂宾根大学， 1906年） 。 Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. köberle （ “死theologie明镜gegenwart ” ，莱比锡， 1907年，我2 ）指出，发展理论已用尽本身，复制的唯一的想法浩，并作出决定的问题，特别是在没有根据的事实，但根据该假设的这一理论。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最后，即使是理性的作家都认为有必要，以取代发展理论的另一个更在协议与历史事实。 Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此winckler （ “当然东方勒克斯” ，莱比锡， 1905年-六;同上， “明镜更改及东方” ，三， 2月3日;同上， “模具b abylonischeg eisteskultur在i hrenb eziehungenz urk ulturentwicklung明镜m enschheit”在“ w issenschaftu nd教化” ，莱比锡， 1907年;比照兰德斯多费尔在“ historisch - politische布拉特” ， 1909 ， 144 ）起源的理论，泛babelism根据这些圣经宗教是设想为一种有意识的反应，并表示对巴比伦polytheistic国家宗教。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.这是不是共同财产，以色列，但一个教派，这是支持在巴比伦某些一神教的各界人士，不论其国籍。 This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.这一理论已发现强大对手的布德，比赛， bezold ， köberle ，库格勒，威尔克，和其他国家;但它也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.虽然完全站不住脚的，从基督教的角度来看，它表明至少有弱点，历史发展的理论。
(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition. （二）的另一项原则所涉及的批判理论的pentateuch假设认为，内部的证据，文学批评的是价值较高的，比传统的证据。 But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但迄今为止的结果，发掘和历史研究已有利的传统，而不是内部的证据。 Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.让读者只记得该案件特洛伊，梯林斯，迈锡尼，奥尔霍迈诺斯（在希腊） ;挖掘的英语Explorer的商务部长埃文斯在克里特，显示了历史人物的国王米诺斯和他迷路;亚述人题字重新建立的历史信用国王迈达斯的phrygia ;同样，美尼斯的底比斯和萨尔贡的甲德已被证明属于历史;一般的，更准确，一直是科学的调查，更清楚地表明，他们的可靠性，即使是最微弱的传统。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.在该领域的新约圣经的批评，呼吁“回到传统” ，已经开始注意，并已通过这类机构作为哈纳克和戴斯曼。 In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在研究旧约也有明确无误的迹象，一个未来的变化。 Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research. hommel （ “死altisrealitische überlieferung在inschriftlicher beleuchtung ” ，慕尼黑， 1897 ）坚持认为，旧的传统，证明了，无论是作为一个整体，并在其细节，证明是可靠的，即使是在根据研究的关键。 Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).迈耶（ “死entstehung万judentums ” ，哈勒， 1896年）得出结论的基础的关键pentateuchal理论被摧毁，如果可以证明，即使是部分的非难的希伯来传统，是可靠的;同一作家证明的公信力该来源的帐簿埃斯德拉斯（参见“ grundriss明镜geographie und历史馆万alten orientes ” ，慕尼黑， 1904年， 167 sqq ） 。 SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel. SA服务薯条已率领他的批判研究，并没有受教条式的偏见，接受整个的传统观点以色列历史。 Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. cornill和oettli表示深信以色列的传统有关，甚至其最早的历史是可靠的和能够承受bitterest攻击的批评;道森（参见方克， “ kritik und传统即时通讯”在“ zeitschrift毛皮katholische theologie ” ， 1899年， 262 - 81 ）和其他适用于传统的旧的原则，已使经常误用， “玛格纳预计参加了Veritas ，等praevalebit ” ; gunkel （ “ religionsgeschichtliche volksbucher ” ，第二章，蒂宾根大学， 1906年， 8 ）赠款，旧圣经批评了一小太远，而且许多圣经的传统，现在拒绝将重新建立。
(b) Critical Method （二）关键方法
The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.谎言的关键方法并不在使用的批评，这样的，但在其非法使用。 Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批评变得更为常见，在第十六和第十七世纪;在年底第十八它适用于古典文物。 Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆（ “ lehrbuch明镜historischen methode ” ，莱比锡， 1903年， 296页）认为，通过这意味着单独的历史首次成为一门科学。 In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在应用程序的批评，圣经是很有限，事实上，由灵感和canonicity其书籍，但有一个充分的领域留给我们的关键调查（ pesch ， “ theol 。 zeitfragen ” ，三， 48 ） 。
Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:一些主要的捷联惯导系统的批评者在其治疗的神圣经文是以下几点：
They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他们否认一切超自然的，使他们拒绝不只是灵感和canonicity ，而且还预言和奇迹的先验（参见metzler “之wunder的VOR DEM的论坛，明镜modernen geschichtswissenschaft ”在“ katholik ” ， 1908年第一，二， 241 sqq ） 。 。
They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他们似乎确信先验的公信力，非圣经的历史文献，而他们是歧视的真实性圣经帐户。 (Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). （参见比赛， “历史馆以色列的” ，我， 86条及以下各条， 88 ， 101 ） 。贬值的外部证据，几乎完全是，他们考虑问题的起源，完整性，真实性，神圣的书籍，根据内部证据（ encycl.省。 deus ， 52岁） 。
They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.).他们高估的批判性分析的来源，而不考虑行政点，即公信力的来源（洛伦兹， “模具geschichtswissenschaft在ihren hauptrichtungen und aufgaben ” ，第二章， 329 sqq ） 。 Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.最近的文件可能包含可靠报告，古老的历史。 Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批评者开始承认历史的公信力，消息来源是更重要的，比他们的分工和交友（斯塔克， “模具entstehung万” ，莱比锡， 1905年， 29 ;比照vetter ， “ tübinger theologische quartalschrift ” ， 1899 ， 552 ） 。
The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.关键的分工来源的基础上，希伯来文，虽然这不是某些多远目前massoretic文本的不同，例如，其次是septuagint翻译，并有多远后者不同形式的希伯来文面前的案文在其节录公元前五世纪， dahse （ “ textkritische bedenken葛根书斋ausgangspunkt明镜heutigen pentateuchkritik ”在“ archiv毛皮religionsgeschichte ” ，六， 1903年， 305 sqq ）表明，该神的名字，在希腊语翻译的pentateuch不同，在约180例，从这些该希伯来语文本（参见hoberg ， “模具成因” ，第二版，第22 sqq ） ;在其他单词和短语的变化，可能会更少，但它是不合理的否认存在任何。 Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次，这是antecedently可能认为septuagint文字不同，较少从massoretic比从前厅esdrine文本，它必须已接近原来的。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain.起点文学批评，因此不确定性。 It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.这并不是一个固有的故障的文学批评，这是应用到pentateuch后，它已成为几乎过时的，在研究荷马和尼伯龙根之歌（参见katholik ， 1896年，我， 303 ， 306 sqq ） ，也不是说reuss考虑它作为更具生产力的意见分歧比的结果（参见katholik ， 1896年，我， 304及以下各段） ，也再次证明浩以为它已蜕变为幼稚的发挥。 Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.其中圣经的学生， klostermann （ “明镜pentateuch ” ，莱比锡， 1893 ） ，柯尼格（ “ falsche极端的即时通讯gebiete明镜neueren kritik万” ，莱比锡， 1885年“ ; neueste prinzipien明镜按Alt 。 kritik ” ，柏林， 1902年;名为“ IM kampfe嗯之“ ，柏林， 1903年） ，布格（ ”死hauptparabeln jesu “ ，吉森， 1903年）是持怀疑态度，以结果的文学批评，而我认为奥利尼（ ”明镜先知叶塞亚“ ， 1904年，五） ， jeremias （ ”之更改及证明即时通讯利希特万alten定位“ ， 1906年，第八章） ，以及oettli （ ”历史馆israels “ ，第五章）要坚持更多地放在注释的文字比对十字交叉的道路批评。 G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue. g.雅各布（ “明镜pentateuch ” ，哥廷根， 1905 ）认为，过去pentateuchal的批评，需要有一个彻底的修改; eerdmans （ “死komposition明镜成因” ，吉森， 1908年）认为，确信，批评被误导到错误的路径由astrue 。 Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.). merx表示认为，下一代将不得不修改倒退，许多本historico文学的意见，旧约（ “ religionsgeschichtliche volksbucher ”第一，二， 1907年， 3 ， 132 sqq ） 。
(c) Critical Results （三）重大成果
Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在这里，我们必须区分的原则，批评和其结果;原则的历史发展，宗教，例如，和自卑的传统内部的证据，都没有结果，文学分析，但其局部的基础上。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次，我们必须区分这些成果的文学批评，这是符合马赛克的真实性，该pentateuch和那些矛盾。 The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.顾客镶嵌作者的pentateuch ，甚至教会法令，有关这个问题，显然是承认，郑慕智或其秘书可能利用的来源或文件，在组成部分pentateuch ;承认双方还认为，神圣的文本受到了在它的传输和可能已经收到增补，在形式，也可以启发附录或训诂美化。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批评，因此，能否成功在确定的数量和限额的文件来源，以及后花叶增补，无论是灵感或亵渎，他们提供了一个重要的服务，传统的宗旨， pentateuchal的真实性。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同时必须指出，就以连续的法律设立的郑慕智，以及循序渐进的保真度犹太人民的，以镶嵌法。 Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.在这里再次某些或什至可能的结果，理智的文学和历史的批评，将有助于大大保守的评论家的pentateuch 。 We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我们不吵架，与合法的结论，批评，如果批评不吵架，与对方。 But they do quarrel with each other.但他们的争吵与对方。 According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.据merx （ loc.创新科技署署长。 ）是没有在某些领域的批评，除了它的不确定性;每个影评人宣布他的意见与最大的自力更生，但没有任何方面的一致性，整个。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known.前者的意见，纯粹是杀害沉默;甚至reuss和dillmann都是垃圾铁，并有明显缺乏判断什么可以或不可以被称为。 Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.因此，关键的结果，据他们的构成，只是在区分的文件来源，在测定后的马赛克材料，例如，文字的变化，和亵渎或灵感的添加，在描述的各种法律法规，不差异与马赛克的真实性，该pentateuch 。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能一反马赛克的性质指出，在事实或现象，从批评合法推导出上述结论;这些事实或现象，例如，改变神的名字在文本中，使用某些换言之，不同的风格，所谓的双账户真的，不只是很显然，相同的事件;真理的谬误的这些和其他类似的细节，并不直接影响花叶作者的pentateuch 。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在这结果的批评，那么，与传统的冲突呢？ Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.批评和传统是格格不入的，在他们的意见，以年龄和序列的纪录片来源，以原产地的各种法律法规，并作为向的时间和方式节录的pentateuch 。
(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree. （一） pentateuchal documents. -以年龄和序列的各种文件，批评者不同意。 Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. dillmann ， kittel ，柯尼格， winckler把elohist ，谁是细分几个作家到第一，第二，第三elohist ，前yahwist ，谁也分为第一和第二yahwist ;但浩和大多数评论家认为，该elohist是关于一个世纪年轻的比yahwist 。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.在任何速率，都被分配到大约第九届和公元前8世纪;既过于纳入较早的传统，或什至文件。
All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有的批评者似乎同意，以综合的特点申命记;他们承认，而不是一deuteronomist学校比单一的作家。 Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.仍然，连续层组成的整本书简要指定于D1 ， D2中，维生素D3等，以性质的这些层面，批评者不同意： montet和驱动程序，例如，分配给第一deuteronomist消委会。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.一至二十一; kuenen ，柯尼格， reuss ，任南，韦斯特归于到的DN ，四， 45-9 ，和V -二十六;第三类批评减少D1至第十二， 1 - 26 ， 19 ，允许它的双版本：据浩，首版载我一-四， 44 ;第十二号决议;二十七，而第二个组成四， 45席， 39岁;第十二号决议;二十八-三十;两种版本的合并，由redactor谁插入申命记到hexateuch 。 Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently. cornill安排两个版本有所不同。 Horst considers even cc.霍斯特认为，即使消委会。 xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.第十二号决议作为一个汇编预先存在的要素，聚集在一起，没有秩序，而且往往是由机会。 Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges.浩和他的追随者不希望指派为D1较高的年龄超过621年， cornill和贝尔托莱考虑该文件作为一个简要的预言教学， colenso和雷南归于它jeremias ，其他的地方，它的起源在统治埃泽希亚什或玛， klostermann确定文件与图书阅读之前，人在的时候，约萨法特，而莱内特是指它回到去年底的时候，法官。 The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching.该deuteronomist取决于对前两个文件， J和英，法都为他的历史的土地，他的法例;的历史细节，没有发现在这些可能已被来自其他来源的不知道对我们来说，和法律不包含在该西乃半岛的立法和十诫不是纯粹的小说或结晶预言教学。
Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最后， priestly代码，磷，也是一个汇编：一是阶层的这本书，无论是历史和法律依据，在其性质，是指定由P1或P2的;第二层是法律的神圣， H或列弗，十七-二十六，是工作的一个当代的ezechiel ，或可能的先知自己（ h后， P2的， pH值） ;此外，还有额外的元素如雨后春笋，而不是由一所学校，比从任何单一的作家，并指定由kunen作为P3的，的P4 ， P5调整，而是由其他批评者作为PS和对外关系。 Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr.贝尔托莱和bantsch发言，其他两个集合的法律：法律的牺牲，列弗，一至七，被指定为宝;和法律的纯洁性，列弗，西十五，被指定为公关。 The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.第一纪录片假说认为，生产通知书作为最古老的部分的pentateuch ; duston和dillmann它置于前deuteronomic代码，但最近期的批评者把它作为较近期的比其他文件的pentateuch ，甚至不迟于ezech ，四十四， 10 -四十六， 15 （ 573-2卑诗省） ;追随者浩日期priestly代码香港回归后，从巴比伦的圈养，而wildeboer的地方，要么后，或在接近年底时的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.历史部分的priestly代码依赖于yahwistic和elohistic文件，但浩的信徒相信，该材料的这些文件已被操纵，所以，以适应它为特殊用途的priestly码; dillmann和干劲，保持，事实尚未发明或变造的P ，但后者已在手的其他历史文献，除了J和本，以法律的一部分，磷，浩认为，作为一个先验的计划，为犹太神职人员香港回归后，从圈养的，预计倒退到过去，归因于摩西，但其他的批评者相信，磷已制度化，前exilic海关的崇拜，发展，然后，和它们进行修改以适应新的形势下。
What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.已说得很清楚表明，该批评的差异，在许多方面，但他们正处于一个在维护后花叶原产地的pentateuchal文件。 What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?什么是重量的原因，对他们的基地，他们的意见呢？
The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.条件所订定的批评，作为先决条件，以文学的不证明来源的pentateuch必须后花叶。 The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯来文的人生活了，至少二百年在埃及;此外，大部分的四十年用在沙漠中获得通过，在附近的cades ，使以色列人没有较长的游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.什么可以说，他们的物质繁荣，或他们的能力，在写作和阅读，上面提到的研究弗林德斯petrie表明，他们记录他们的民族传统在当时的摩西。
If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果希伯来语同时代的摩西保持书面记录，为什么不应该在该pentateuchal来源之一，这些文件呢？ It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.这是事实，在我们的实际pentateuch我们发现非马赛克和后花叶的迹象;不过，届时，非马赛克，客观的作风，可能是由于文学的装置，或以笔秘书;后花叶地理和历史迹象显示，可能有悄悄到文本的方式美化，或错误的transcribers ，或什至激发了补充。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批评者不能拒绝这些建议仅仅作为subterfuges ;他们应该给予持续的奇迹，在保存该pentateuchal文本，如果他们否认道德的确定性，存在着这种文字上的变化。
But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不是pentateuch已经知道先前的先知，如果它已转交下来的时候，摩西？ This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.这个关键的例外，实在是一个论点e silentio这是很容易被谬误的，除非它是最小心处理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外，如果我们紧记，劳工所涉及的乘以该pentateuch ，我们不能在错误的假设，他们在非常罕见的之间的间隔摩西和先知，使少数人能够阅读的实际文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.再次，它已经指出，至少有一个较早的先知上诉的书面镶嵌法，和所有呼吁这样一个民族的良心，作为假定pentateuchal历史和法律依据。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最后，一些批评者保持了J的意见，历史上男子和以色列根据宗教和道德观念的先知;如果有这样一个协议，为什么不说，先知写根据宗教和道德观念该pentateuch ？
The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批评者呼吁的事实，即pentateuchal法律庇护，牺牲，节日，和神职人员同意的不同阶段后花叶的历史发展;表示，第二阶段同意的改革josias ，第三个与成文法执行后的时候，巴比伦的流亡。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但它必须存放在记，镶嵌法的用意是为以色列作为基督教的法律是为整个世界;如果然后一千九百年后，基督更大的世界的一部分仍然是联合国的基督教，这是不令人吃惊的是，该花叶法律规定百年前，侵入全民族的。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外，有，毫无疑问，许多违反法律，正如十诫命，是违反今天在不损害其法律施行。 Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再次，有时代的宗教的改革和灾害的有期的宗教狂热和冷漠，在历史上的基督教教堂，但这样的人脆弱，并不意味着不存在法律，无论是花叶或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.以特定的法律问题，这将是发现更理想的加以研究，更详细。
(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code. （二） pentateuchal codes. -批评致力建立一个三重pentateuchal代码：这本书的盟约，申命记，并priestly代码。 Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history.不是这方面的法例适用于不同阶段，在四十年'游荡在沙漠中，他们认为这是同意三个历史阶段，在国家的历史。 As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.正如上文所述，主要的对象，这三重立法是禁猎区，盛宴，和神职人员。
(a) The Sanctuary （一）庇护
At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.在第一，因此，批评人士说，牺牲，被允许提供在任何地方勋爵曾表现出他的名字（出埃及记20:24-6 ） ;然后庇护只限于一个地方，所选择的神（申命记12时05分） ;第三， priestly代码假设团结庇护，并订明适当的宗教仪式待观察。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外，批评者指出，历史事件，显示之前执行该法的牺牲deuteronomic提供了在各个地方截然不同，从休息的地方方舟。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什么做的维护者镶嵌作者的pentateuch的答案？ First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt. Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.首先，以三重法，它分三个不同阶段，在以色列的沙漠生活：前竖立会幕在山山脚。西奈半岛，人们被允许设置神坛，并提供牺牲，到处提供的名称，该勋爵已表现;明年后，人们曾崇拜黄金犊牛，幕已竖立，牺牲可只提供前幕，甚至死亡的牛只为消费已被屠宰的在同一地点，在秩序为防止复发，到偶像崇拜;最后，当人被即将进入应许之地，最后法律被废除，然后相当不可能，但团结的避难所，被关在的地方，上帝会选择。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次，以历史事实，敦促批评，他们有些是所造成的直接神的干预，奇迹或先知的启示，并作为这些都是完全合法;他人显然是违法的，而不是制裁所鼓舞作家;第三类的事实，可能会解释，在下列三种方式之一：
Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real. poels （ “乐sanctuaire德kirjath jeraim ” ，鲁汶， 1894 “ ; examen批判德l'史杜sanctuaire德l'本原” ，鲁汶， 1897年）的努力，以证明gabaon ， masphath ， kiriath - jarim是指同一个地方，这样的多重圣地，只是明显的，而不是真实的。
Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.范hoonacker （ “乐来代替杜culte dans香格里拉立法rituelle万hebreux ”在“ musceeon ” 4月至10月， 1894年，第十三， 195-204 ， 299 -3 20， 5 33-41;第十四， 1 7-38）区分私营和公众的神坛;公众和国家崇拜的是在法律上集中在一个庇护所和周围一祭坛，而私人神坛，可能已为国内的崇拜。
But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但较为普遍，这是承认上帝面前选择了网站的国家庇护，这是不为法律所禁止的牺牲在任何地方，甚至远离地点的方舟。 After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.后建设的庙宇法律没有考虑到，所以严格约束，任何情况下。 Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.因此，到目前为止，当时的说法，批评者是不是决定性的。
(b) The Sacrifices （二）牺牲
According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.据批评，这本书该公约责成只提供第一的水果和第一出生的动物，赎回第一出生的男人，和一个自由-将提供对来访的庇护（例如： ， 22 ， 28-9 ;二十三， 15 ， [ heb ，二十三， 19 ] ） ;申命记更清楚地界定了一些，这些法律（十五， 19日至23日;二十六， 1月11日） ，并施加的法律tithes为使穷人能够从中受益，寡妇，孤儿，和利（二十六， 12月5日） ; priestly代码区分不同类型的牺牲，决定了他们的仪式，并介绍了，也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但历史很难证明了这一观点：由于存在着一个永久神职人员在筒仓，后来在耶路撒冷，我们可以安全地推断，存在着一个永久的牺牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉过剩的照顾赐予的对祭祀（参见阿莫斯4时04分， 5条; 5:21-22 ， 25条;何西阿各处） 。 The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.表达jeremias （七， 21-3 ） ，可能解释在同样的意义。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).单仲偕提供被称为很久之前批评介绍他们的priestly代码（ osee ，四，八;密歇根州，六，七;常任秘书长，第39届[ xl ] ， 7月1国王，三， 14 ） 。 Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).侵入提供正式有别于单提供在2国王13时16分（参见1 ，黄秉槐6:3-15 ;以赛亚书53:10 ） 。 Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此，区分不同类型的牺牲是由于既不以西结书45:22-5 ，也不向priestly代码。
(c) The Feasts （三）节日
The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.这本书的盟约，所以批评者告诉我们，知道只有三个节日： 7天盛宴的azymes在记忆的出埃及记的形式埃及，节日收获，并指出，年底收获（出埃及记23 :14 - 7 ） ;申命记ordains饲养的节日，在中央庇护增加pasch到盛宴的azymes ，地方的第二盛宴七个星期后，第一，并呼吁第三， “住棚节” ，扩大其会期7天（申命记16:1-17 ） ; priestly守则订明的确切仪式5宴，加入节日小号和赎罪，所有这些都必须保持在中央的庇护所。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外，历史似乎赞同争论的批评：法官，二十一世纪， 19知悉，只有一个年度盛宴，在筒仓;一，黄秉槐1时03分， 7月21日，证明的父母，黄秉槐到每年筒仓，以庇护; jeroboam我设立在他的英国一年度盛宴类似的庆祝在耶路撒冷（ 1国王12:32-3 ） ;最早的先知，没有提及姓名的宗教节日; pasch是为庆祝第一时间后，发现申命记（ 2国王23:21-3 ） ; ezechiel知道，只有3个节日和一种罪过，提供对第一天的第一和第七个月。 But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但在这里，批评者使用的论据e silentio这是不是决定性的在这种情况下。 The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.节日赎罪，举例来说，是没有提及在旧约圣经以外的pentateuch ;只有约瑟夫是指在其庆祝的时候，约翰hyrcanus或希律。 Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?将批评推断，从这个，这个节日是不是保持整个旧约？ History does not record facts generally known.历史不会记录的事实，一般人都知道。 As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.以一个年度盛宴提到，在早期的纪录，有份量的评论者的意见后，解决人民群众在应许之地，自定义是逐步推行走出去，向中央庇护所，只有每年进行一次。 This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.这一习俗前的批评，让所存在的deuteronomic法（ 1国王12:26-31 ） ，使后者不能有介绍。 Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it.伊萨亚斯（第29号， 1 ; XXX号29日）说，一个周期的节日，但osee ，第十二章，九提到了已经向住棚节，所以它的建立不能因为要priestly代码批评者形容。 Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary. ezechiel （ xlv ， 18-25 ）说，只有三个宴不得不保持在中央的庇护所。
(d) The Priesthood （四）神职人员
The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.批评者争辩说，这本书的盟约知道没有一aaronitic神父（出埃及记24:5 ） ;申命记提到祭司和利没有任何等级的区别，没有任何高神父，确定他们的权利，区别只之间的利住在国家和利的重视，中央庇护;最后，该priestly代码所代表的神职人员作为一种社会和层次的机构，在法律上确定的职责，权利，和收入。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.这一理论是说要承担由证据的历史。 But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但证词的历史点，在相反的方向。 At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).在时间的josue和早期的法官，埃莱亚萨和phinees ，儿子和侄子亚伦，司铎（ 26:1号码;申命记10时06分;约书亚14时01 sqq 。 ; 22时13分， 21个; 24:33 ;法官20时28分） 。 From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).从去年底的时候，法官索罗门，司铎是在手中的合力和他的后裔（ 1塞缪尔1:3 sqq 。 ; 14时03分; 21时01分; 22时01分）谁兴起从伊萨马尔小儿子艾伦（ 1方志24:3 ;比照一，黄秉槐22时29分; 14时03分; 2时07分sqq ） 。 Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.索罗门提出的萨多克，儿子achitob ，尊严的高神父，和他的后裔举行的办事处到的时候，巴比伦的圈养（ 2塞缪尔8时17分; 15时24 sqq 。 ; 20时25分; 1国王2时26分，第27 ，第35条;以西结书44:15 ） ;表示，萨多克太是aaronic后裔是核签由I杆，六，八。 Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice.除了书籍的josue和paralipomenon承认之间的区别，祭司和利;根据一，黄秉槐6时15分，利处理的方舟，但bethsamites ，居民一priestly市（约书亚21:13-6 ） ，提供牺牲。 A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21.类似的区别是在二，黄秉槐15时24分; 1国王8时03平方米的;以赛亚书66:21 。 Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).范hoonacker （ “就业辅导组pretres等就业辅导组利维特斯dans乐livre -e zechiel”在“杂志b iblique” ， 1 899年，八， 1 80-189， 1 92-194）表明， e zechiel没有创造之间的区别，祭司和利，但假设传统的区分存在，他建议一师在这些班级据优异，而不是根据出生（四十四， 15 xlv ， 5 ） 。 Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory.除非批评者只需设置预留这一切的历史证据，他们必须给予的存在，一aaronitic神职人员在以色列，和其划分为祭司和利，很久之前D和P码的颁布，根据批判理论。 It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.这是事实，在一些段落人士说，提供牺牲谁不是aaronitic后裔：法官，六， 25 sqq 。 ;十三，九;一，黄秉槐7时09分; 10时08分; 13时09分; 2 ，黄秉槐6时17分; 24:25 ; 1国王8时05分，第62条;等，但摆在首位，把“提供的牺牲”是指无论是提供受害人（利未记1:2 ， 5 ）或执行的牺牲品rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non -Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.
(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes. The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.
At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍看起来，一个是深刻的复杂性质，这一理论;作为一项规则，真理是一个更简单的纹理。 Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.第二，一个是留下深刻印象的独特性质的假说;古物无关平等。 Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三，如果一个读取或研究pentateuch在根据这个理论，一个是留下深刻的印象异想天开性质的redactor ;他常常保留什么应该被省略，遗漏了什么应该被保留下来。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批评者本身采取避难，时间和一次又一次，在工作，该redactor ，为了挽救他们自己的看法的pentateuch 。 A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近作家并不毫不犹豫地呼吁复杂redactor艾因genialer esel 。 Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四，实事求是的爱好，直截了当的读者，自然是感到震惊，文学小说，以及伪造的，社论的变化和subterfuges隐含在批判理论的pentateuchal文件和节录。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.较温和的批评，努力摆脱这种不便：一些呼吁之间的差额，古代和现代文学的标准财产和编辑的准确性;他人几乎圣的手段结束。 Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire. oettli认为困境“ ，无论是工作或郑慕智的工作一deceiver ”作为表达纯粹的轻率; kautzsch unctuously点，以深度的智慧和知识的上帝的方式，我们不能量度，但必须佩服。 The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.左翼的批评，公开承认是没有用在掩盖事项;它实际上是由于科研双方的形式和内容的很大一部分旧约是基于意识的小说和伪造。
IV.四。 STYLE OF THE PENTATEUCH作风的pentateuch
In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19.在一些一般性的介绍，向pentateuch其弥赛亚的预言是专门考虑，即，所谓的原evangelium ，将军，三，一五;祝福，扫描电镜，将军，第九， 26-7 ;宗法的承诺，根。 ，第十二章，二;第十三章， 16条;十五，五;十七， 4月6日，第16条;十八， 10月15日;二十二， 17日;二十六，四;二十八，第14条;的祝福亡者雅各布，将军， xlix ， 8月10日;预言，巴兰， NUM个， 24条， 15 sqq 。 ;和伟大的先知所宣布的摩西， deut ，十八， 15日至19日。 But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.但这些预言，而属于省的注释，比引进。 Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.再次，该文本的pentateuch一直被视为在一些一般性的介绍工作。 We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我们已经看到，已经除了massoretic文本，我们亦要顾及先前的文本其次是septuagint译员，以及仍然较早读撒玛利亚pentateuch ;详细调查这个课题属于领域的文本或更低的批评。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但作风的pentateuch难以被转介至其他任何部门pentateuchal研究。
As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.郑慕智作为聘用毫无疑问，前存在的文件的组成，他的工作，并作为他必须利用太的援助司级官员，我们预期antecedently了各种风格，在pentateuch 。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.这是毫无疑问，由于存在这种现象，文学评论家们也发现了这么多点支持，在他们分钟的分析。 But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但总的来说，作风，工作是在符合其内容。 There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有三种材料，在pentateuch ：第一，有统计，族谱，和法律处方;第二，有叙事的部分;第三，有parenthetic节。
No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.没有读者会发现故障与作家的干旱和朴实的作风在他的家谱和人种名单，在他的表的营地在沙漠中，或其法律成文法。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他文学的表达将退出的地方，在记录这一类的。 The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.叙事风格的pentateuch是简单和自然，但也生动和如诗如画。 It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它比比皆是，在简单的字符素描，对话，和轶事。 The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.帐目亚伯拉罕的购买了埋在地下，历史的约瑟夫，以及埃及的瘟疫也戏剧性。 Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命记有其独特的风格对帐户的嘱托，它包含。 Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.郑慕智解释，他颁布的法律，但还敦促，主要是他们的做法。 As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作为一个演说家，他显示了大量的unction和说服力，但并不贫困的语重心长的先知。 His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他的长句停留在时代的不完全统计，从而引起以所谓anacolutha （参见申命记6:10-12 ; 8:11-17 ; 9:9-11 ; 11:2-7 ; 24:1-4 ） 。 Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.正在一定是受欢迎的布道者，他是不缺乏的重复。 But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他语重心长，说服力，和unction不干预与晴空他的发言。 He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不仅是一个僵化的立委，但他表明，他的爱，为人民，反过来也赢得他们的爱和信心。
Decisions of the Biblical Commission决定圣经委员会
Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation.一些决定的圣经委员会在关于向行政受到本条规定，即，成因，分列如下：各训诂系统，排除字面和历史责任感，首三个章节，这本书的成因不是基于坚实的基础。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification.它不应该告诉我们，这三个章节，不包含真实的叙述事实，但只有寓言来自神话和cosmogonies以前的人民，整肃的polytheistic错误和安置到一神教;或寓言和符号，没有客观现实，在所列的幌子历史灌输宗教和哲学的真理;或，最后，传说中的部分历史和虚构的部分放在一起，为指导和启迪。 In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer.特别是，无疑是不应该投就字面和历史责任感，通道抚触对基础基督教，作为，例如，创造宇宙的神在开始的时间;特别创造的男子;形成的第一位女性从第一人;团结的人类;原有的幸福，完整性和不死我们的第一次家长在该国的司法;言教所给予的上帝男子尝试，他服从;侵对神的戒律，在建议的魔鬼，根据形式的蛇;秋天，我们第一次家长从原来的国家司法;的承诺，未来的救赎。
In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解释这样的通道，在这些章节，作为父亲和医生有不同的解释，有人可能会跟进和维护的意见，会见他的批准。 Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.不是每一个词或短语，这些章节始终是一定要采取在其字面上，以便它可能永远不会有另一次，当它显然是用来比喻或anthropomorphically 。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.字面和历史意义的一些段落，在这些章节的先决条件，寓言和prophetical的意义可能明智和有益的聘用。 As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.作为在写作第一章成因的目的，神圣的作者，并非要阐述在一个科学的方式，宪法对宇宙的或完整的秩序的建立，而是给人民的流行资讯，在一般的语言，一天，适应情报所有，严格恰当的科学语言并不总是要寻找他们的术语。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.表达六天及其分工可采取在普通意义的自然天，或为某一段时间内，和exegetes可能争议这个问题。
Publication information Written by AJ Moss.出版信息所作的AJ苔。 Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett.转录由托马斯米贝瑞特＆迈克尔汤匙，贝瑞特。 Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.专为穷人的灵魂在炼狱天主教百科全书，货量十一。 Published 1911. 1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. nihil obstat ， 1911年2月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
Bibliography参考书目
Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.许多工程，指的是pentateuch被引用的整个过程中此文章。 We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我们将在这里新增的名单，主要是训诂工程，无论是古代和现代，没有企图给一个完整的目录。
PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父的作家。 “东方教会： -俄， s electa在将军页，第十二章， 9 1- 14 5条;同上，h o mil。在将军，同上，1 4 5-62;同上，s e lecta等h o mil，在当然，列弗， NUM个， deut 。同上， 263-818 ;同上， fragmenta在pg ，十七， 11-36 ;圣罗勒， homil 。在hexaemer 。在pg ，第29号， 3-208 ;圣格雷戈里的nyssa ，在hexaemer 。在pg ，四十四， 61-124 ;同上，德homin 。 opific ，同上， 124-297 ;同上，德简历moysis ，同上， 297-430 ;圣约翰chrys ， homil 。将军在pg ， liii ，丽芙， 23 -5 80;同上，血清，在将军在p g，丽芙， 5 81-630;圣。 e phr，评论在p entat。在操作。 s yr。 ，我， 1 -115;圣西里尔的徐家，德adoratione在spiritu在pg ， lxviii ， 133-1125 ; glaphyra在pg ， lxix ， 13-677 ; theodoretus ， quaest 。在将军，当然，列弗， NUM个， deut 。 pg ， lxxx ， 76-456 ; procopius加沙发表评论。在octateuch 。在pg ， lxxxvii ， 21-992 ; nicephorus ， catena在octateuch 。等libros条例（莱比锡， 1772 ） 。
Western Church: ST.西方教会：圣。 AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.刘汉铨，在hexaemer 。 in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在临时立法会，第十四届， 123-274 ;同上，德天堂terrestri ，同上， 275-314 ;同上，德等该隐阿贝尔，同上， 315-60 ;同上，德noe等方舟，同上， 361-416 ;同上，德，石礼谦，同上， 419-500 ;同上，德艾萨克等阿尼玛，同上， 501-34 ;同上，由约瑟夫patriarcha ，同上， 641-72 ;同上，德benedictionibus patriarcharum ，同上， 673 - 94 ;圣。 JEROME, Liber quaest.杰罗姆， liber quaest 。 hebraic. hebraic 。 in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.在将军在临时立法会，二十三， 935-1010 ;圣。 AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奥古斯丁，德将军长 Manich.马尼希。 ll.当地雇员。 due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.由于在临时立法会，第三十四， 173-220 ;同上，德毛入学率。 ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.广告点燃。同上， 219-46 ;同上，德毛入学率。 ad lit.广告点燃。 ll.当地雇员。 duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST. duodecim ，同上， 245-486 ;同上， quaest在heptateuch ，同上， 547-776 ; rufinus ，德benedictionibus patriarcharum在临时立法会，二十一世纪， 295-336 ;圣。 VEN.法师。 BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch.贝德， hexaemeron在临时立法会， xci ， 9-190 ;同上，在pentateuch 。 Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. commentarii ，同上， 189-394 ;同上，德tabernaculo等vasibus ejus ，同上， 393-498 ; rhabanus毛鲁斯，商业。 in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在将军在临时立法会， cvii ， 443-670 ;同上，评论。 in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut.在的EZ ，列弗， NUM个， deut 。 in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在临时立法会， cviii ， 9-998 ; walafrid斯特拉波， glossa ordinaria在临时立法会， cxiii ， 67-506 。
MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世纪： ST段。 BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布鲁诺的阿斯蒂， expositio在pentateuch 。 in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在临时立法会，鲁珀特的道依茨，德的SS 。 Trinitate et operib. trinitate等operib 。 Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST. ejus在临时立法会， clxvii ， 197-1000 ;休圣。 VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent.胜利者， adnotationes elucidatoriae在压抑。 in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST.在临时立法会， clxxv ， 29-86 ;挪的欧坦， hexameron在临时立法会， clxxii ， 253-66 ;同上，德decem plagis埃及伊蚊，同上， 265-70 ;阿贝拉尔， expositio在hexaemeron在临时立法会， clxxvii ， 731-84 ;休圣。 CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.雪儿， postilla （威尼斯， 1588 ） ;尼可劳斯的天琴座， postilla （罗马， 1471 ） ; tostatus ，歌剧，一至四（威尼斯， 1728 ） ;狄奥尼修斯该carthusian ，评论。 in Pentateuch.在pentateuch 。 in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在Opera OMNIA公司，一，二（ montreuil ， 1896-7 ） 。
MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.较近期的works.犹太作家： -评论r ashi（ 1 040年至1 150年） ， a benasra（ 1 092年至1 167年） ，和大卫泡菜， （ 1 160年至1 235年） ，载于犹太法师圣经;阿巴伯内尔，评论。 (Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr. （威尼斯， 5539分;公元前1579年） ; cahen ，法语的TR 。 of Pent.压抑。 (Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test. （巴黎， 1831 ） ;卡利施，历史和批评对旧的考验。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. （伦敦） ，将军（ 1885 ） ;列弗。 (1867, 1872); Ez. （ 1867 ， 1872 ） ;的EZ 。 (1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent. （ 1855年） ;赫希，明镜压抑。 ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev. ubersetzt und erklart （第二版，法兰克福， 1893 ， 1895 ） ;霍夫曼之buch列弗。 ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906). ubersetz und erklart （柏林， 1906年） 。
Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家：作品路德，梅兰希顿，卡尔文，格哈， calovius ， drusius ，德dieu ， cappel ， cocceius ，米氏，乐clerc ， rosenmuller ，甚至tuch和鲍姆嘉通，是轻微的重要性，在我们的天; knobel ，将军（第六版，由dillmann ， 1892年;的TR 。爱丁堡， 1897 ） ; ryssel ，的EZ 。 and Lev.和列弗。 (3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut. （第三版， 1897 ） ; dillmann ，数字， deut ， jos. （第二版， 1886 ） ;兰格， theologisch - homiletisches bibelwerk （比勒费尔德和莱比锡） ;同上，将军（第二版， 1877 ） ;同上，的EZ ，列弗，和号码（ 1874 ） ;施托施， deut 。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment. （第二版， 1902 ） ; Keil公司和弗兰茨delitzsch ， biblischer评论。 uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex.产品之时; Keil公司，将军和前。 (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut. （第三教育署，莱比锡， 1878 ） ;同上，列弗，号码， deut 。 (2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment. （第二版， 1870年;的TR 。爱丁堡， 1881 ， 1885 ） ; strack和zockler ， kurzgefasster komment 。 zu den h.祖书斋每小时 Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut. schriften甲und新台币（慕尼黑） ; strack ，将军（第二版， 1905 ） ;同上，的EZ ，列弗，号码（ 1894 ） ; oettli ， deut 。 (1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. （ 1893年） ; nowack ， handkomment 。 zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut. zum （格丁根） ; gunkel ，将军（ 1901 ） ; bantsch ，的EZ ，列弗，号码（ 1903 ） ; deut 。 by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.由steuernagel （ 1900 ） ;马蒂， kurtzer handommentar Z的 AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez. （弗赖堡） ： holzinger ，将军（ 1898 ） ，的EZ 。 (1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev. （ 1900年） ，数字（ 1903 ） ;贝尔托莱，列弗。 (1901), Deut. （ 1901年） ， deut 。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. （ 1899年） ; bohmer ，之erste buch mose （斯图加特， 1905 ） ;库克，圣经根据核定的版本，我-二（伦敦， 1877 ） ;斯彭斯和exell ，讲坛评论（伦敦） ：怀特劳，根。 ;罗林森，当然。 ; meyrick ，列弗。 ;温特伯森，号码;亚历山大， deut 。 ; expositor的圣经（伦敦） ： dods ，将军（ 1887 ） ;查德威克， exod 。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. （ 1890年） ;凯洛格，列弗。 (1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut. （ 1891年） ;沃森，数字（ 1889年） ;哈珀， deut 。 (1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. （ 1895年） ，国际重要的评注（爱丁堡） ：灰色，数字（ 1903 ） ;驱动程序， deut 。 (1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut. （ 1895年） ;斯珀雷尔，债券在希伯来文将军（第二版，牛津大学， 1896 ） ;金斯伯格，第三本书的郑慕智（伦敦， 1904 ） ;麦克拉伦，书籍前，列弗。和数字（伦敦， 1906 ） ;同上， deut 。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1). （伦敦， 1906 ） ; reuss的L'历史学圣等香格里拉来（巴黎， 1879 ） ; kuenen ， hosykaas ，奥尔特， het oude证明（雷登， 1900-1 ） 。
Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further notice.天主教工程：该工程cajetan ， oleaster ， steuchus eugubinus ，圣pagino ， lippomannus ，锤，乙poreira ， asorius martinengus ， lorinus ， tirinus ，一拉辟特的哥尼流，玉米， jansenius ，邦弗雷雷， frassen ， calmet ，布伦塔诺， dereser ， scholz是不是太人所共知的或太不重要，需要另行通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.拉圣圣经（巴黎） ; chelier ，香格里拉genese （ 1889年） ;同上的L' exode等香格里拉levitique （ 1886年） ;特罗雄，本港就业辅导组nombres等乐deuteronome （ 1887-8 ） ; cursus scripturae sacrae （巴黎） ;冯胡梅劳尔，将军（ 1895 ） ;当然，列弗。 (1897); Num. （ 1897年） ; NUM个。 (1899); Deut. （ 1899年） ; deut 。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. （ 1901年） ; schrank ，评论。 literal.字面。 in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l.在将军（ 1835 ） ;拉米在评论研究 Gen. (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901).将军（ mechlin ， 1883-4 ） ; tappehorn ， erklarung明镜将军（帕德博恩， 1888 ） ; hoberg ，模具将军nach DEM的literalsinn erklart （弗赖堡， 1899 ） ;菲利安，拉圣圣经，我（巴黎， 1888 ） ; neteler ，之buch成因明镜vulgata und万hebraischen textes ubersetzt und erklart （明斯特， 1905 ） ; gigot ，特别介绍了这一研究旧约，我（纽约， 1901 ） 。 Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909).圣经委员会：学报apostolicoe sedis （ 1908年7月15日） ;罗马（ 1909年7月17日） 。
ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题：
-Biblical Data: -圣经的数据：
The Laws in Deuteronomy.法律在申命记。
-Critical View:关键的看法：
Relation to Other Codes.与其他代码。
Aim and Scope of Deuteronomy.目的和范围申命记。
The Love of God.上帝的爱。
Love of Neighbors.爱邻居。
Song and Blessing of Moses.宋和祝福，郑慕智。
Age and Authorship of Deuteronomy.年龄和作者申命记。
Influence on Subsequent Writers.的影响，随后的作家。
Its Composite Character.其综合性质。
Style of Deuteronomy.作风申命记。
-Critical View:关键的看法：
Analysis of Sources.来源分析。
Variations of Analysis.变化的分析。
Supposed Sources of xxvii.-xxx.假定来源xxvii. -三十。
Date and Tendency.日期和趋势。
Different Dates Assigned.不同日期的分配。
Sources and Redaction.来源和节录。
The fifth book of the Pentateuch, called in Hebrew "Debarim" (Words), from the opening phrase "Eleh ha-debarim."; in Rabbinical Hebrew it is known also as "Mishneh Torah."第五本书的pentateuch ，所谓的希伯来文“ debarim ” （字） ，从开头“ eleh公顷- debarim 。 ” ;在犹太教希伯来语，这是众所周知的，也作为“事审判诵读经文” 。 The English appellation is derived from the name which the book bears in the Septuagint (Δευτερουόμιου) and in the Vulgate (Deuteronomium); and this is based upon the erroneous Septuagint rendering of "mishnch ha-torah ha-zot" (xvii. 18), which grammatically can mean only "a repetition [that is, a copy] of this law," but which is rendered by the Septuagint τὸ Δευτερουόμιου τοῦτο, as though the expression meant "this repetition of the law."中英文称谓是来自名称，这本书熊，在septuagint （ δευτερουόμιου ）和在武加大（ deuteronomium ） ;这是基于错误的septuagint绘制“ mishnch公顷-犹太教律法公顷- zot ” （ xvii. 18 ） ，其中文法可能意味着只是“重复[这是一个复制]这条法律” ，而是这是提供由septuagint τὸ δευτερουόμιου τοῦτο ，虽然表达的意思： “这重复的法律” 。 While, however, the name is thus a mistranslation, it is not inappropriate; for the book does include, by the side of much new matter, a repetition or reformulation of a large part of the laws found in the non-priestly sections (known as "JE") of Exodus.虽然，不过，名称是一个误译，这是并无不妥;为这本书是否包括，由一侧了许多新的问题，重复或重新制定一个大的法律的一部分，发现在非priestly节（称为作为“日本脑炎” ）出埃及记。
-Biblical Data: -圣经的数据：
The book of Deuteronomy consists in the main of the discourses which Moses is represented as having delivered, immediately before his death (i. 3), on the other side of Jordan for the purpose of teaching the Israelites the laws which theywere to obey, and the spirit in which they were to obey them, when they should be settled in the Promised Land.这本书的申命记组成，在主要的论述，这是摩西为代表的具有发表，立即在他死之前（一3 ） ，在另一边，约旦为目的的教学以色列人的法律theywere服从，并精神在他们服从他们，当他们要解决的应许之地。 Disregarding introductions and other subsidiary matter, the contents of the book may be summarized as follows:无视介绍，和其他附属的问题，内容，这本书可归纳如下：
Ch.的CH 。 i.我。 6-iv.六-四。 40: Moses' first discourse, consisting (i.-iii.) of a review of the providential guidance of the Israelites through the wilderness to the border of the Promised Land, and concluding (iv.) with an eloquent appeal not to forget the great truths, especially the spirituality of their God, impressed upon them at Horeb. 40 ：摩西的第一话语，构成（一-三）对审查该providential指导以色列人通过旷野到边境的应许之地，和结论（ iv. ）与雄辩地呼吁不要忘记伟大的真理，尤其是灵性，他们的上帝，留下深刻印象后，他们在horeb 。 Ch.的CH 。 v.-xxvi., xxviii.五-二十六，二十八。 1-xxix. 1 -二十九。 1: Moses' second discourse, containing the exposition of the Deuteronomic law, and forming the central and most characteristic portion of the book. 1 ：摩西第二话语，载有世界博览会的deuteronomic法，并形成了中央和最具特色的部分，这本书。 It consists of two parts:它由两部分组成：
(1) ch. （ 1 ）的CH 。 v.-xi., a hortatory introduction, developing the first commandment of the Decalogue, and inculcating the general theocratic principles by which Israel, as a nation, is to be governed; v.-xi. ，劝告引进，开发第一戒律的十诫，和灌输一般的神权的原则，其中，以色列作为一个民族，是治;
(2) ch. （ 2 ）的CH 。 xii.-xxvi., the code of special laws, followed (xxviii. 1-xxix. 1) by a solenm rehearsal of the blessings and curses attached respectively to the observance and neglect of the Deuteronomic law. xii. -二十六，守则的特殊规律，其次是（ xxviii. 1 -二十九。 1 ）由solenm彩排的祝福和诅咒的重视，分别以遵守和忽视的deuteronomic法。 [Ch. [社区会堂。 xxvii.二十七。 consists of instructions (interrupting the discourse of Moses, and narrated in the third person) relative to a ceremony by which the nation, after entering Canaan, is to symbolize its ratification of the preceding code; see Josh.构成指示（中断话语的摩西，和叙述，在第三人）相对仪式，其中国家，后进入迦南，是象征其批准前面的代码;见乔什。 viii, 30-35.] Ch.八， 30-35 。 ]的CH 。 xxix.二十九。 2-xxx. 2 -三十。 20: Moses' third discourse, emphasizing afresh the fundamental duty of loyalty to Yhwh and the dangers of apostasy. 20 ：摩西的第三话语，强调重新的根本职责的忠诚， yhwh和危险的叛教。 Ch.的CH 。 xxxi.-xxxiv.: Moses' last words of encouragement addressed to the people and to Joshua; his song (xxxii. 1-43) and blessing (xxxiii.); the account of his death (xxxiv.). xxxi. -三十四。 ：郑慕智'最后的鼓励之词给人民和约书亚，他的歌（ xxxii. 1-43 ）和祝福（ xxxiii. ） ;帐户他的死因（ xxxiv. ） 。
It is characteristic of the discourses of Deuteronomy that the writer's aim is throughout parenetic: both in the two historical retrospects (i.-iii., ix. 9-x. 11), and in passing allusions elsewhere (as xi. 2-6; xxiii. 4, 5; xxiv. 9), he appeals to history for the sake of the lessons deducible from it; and in his treatment of the laws, he does not merely collect or repeat a series of legal enactments, but he "expounds" them (i. 5); that is, he develops them with reference to the moral and religious purposes which they subserve, and to the motives from which the Israelite ought to obey them.它的特点是论述的申命记认为，作家的目的是在整个parenetic ：无论是在这两个历史性的回顾（一，三，九，九- X的。 11 ） ，并在通过典故的其他地方（如席。 2-6 ;二十三，四，五;二十四。九日） ，他的上诉，以历史为教训， deducible从它;和在他治疗的法律，他不只是收集或重复了一系列的法律法规，但他“阐述了“他们（一5 ） ;那就是他的发展，他们参考了道德和宗教的目的，他们subserve ，并从动机，其中以色列人应该服从他们。 It is a further characteristic of the discourses that they are, in both the historical and the legal parts, dependent upon the narrative and laws, respectively, of JE in Exodus and Numbers; entire phrases from the earlier document being frequently embedded in them (compare Deut. i. 33, 35, 36 with Ex. xiii. 21, and Num. xiv. 23, 24 respectively; and Deut. xvi. 16, 19 with Ex. xxiii. 6, 8, 17).这是一个特点，进一步论述说，他们是，在双方的历史和法律部分，取决于叙事和法律，分别为，日本脑炎在出埃及记和号码;整个词组从较早前的文件经常被嵌入在他们（比较deut 。一33 ， 35 ， 36 ，与前。十三。 21 ， NUM个。十四。 23日， 24日分别; deut 。十六， 16日， 19日与前。二十三。 6 ， 8 ， 17 ） 。
The Laws in Deuteronomy.法律在申命记。
The following is an outline of the laws in Deuteronomy, the asterisk (*) denoting those laws which are peculiar to Deuteronomy, and the dagger († or ‡) those which differ more or less materially in their provisions from those in JE and P respectively.下面是一个纲要的法律在申命记，星号（ * ）指那些法律是特有的申命记，以及匕首（ †或‡ ）那些不同的更多或更少的物质在其规定，从那些在流行性乙型脑炎和P分别为。 For a more complete synoptical table see Driver's "Introduction to the Literature of the OT" 7th ed., pp.为一个较完整的提要表见司机的“引进来，以文学的酒店”第七版，页。 73 et seq., or his Commentary on Deuteronomy, pp. 73条及以下各条，或他的评论对申命记，聚丙烯。 iv.四。 et seq.等法律。
i.我。 Religious Observances:宗教纪念活动：
1. 1 。 Law of single sanctuary, xii.法单庇护，第十二章。 1-28‡ (burnt offerings, sacrifices [ie, peace-offerings, tithes, heave-offerings [first-fruits and other offerings from the produce of the soil], vows, free-will offerings, and firstlings, all to be offered at the central sanctuary). 1月28日‡ （燔祭，牺牲[即，和平的产品， tithes ，升沉-产品[第一水果和其他产品从生产的土壤] ，誓言，免费-将产品， firstlings ，所有提供在中央的庇护） 。
2. 2 。 Laws against the worship of "other gods," xii.法律对崇拜“其他神， ”十二。 29-31, xiii*. 29日至31日，第十三*.
3. 3 。 Sanctity of the laity, xiv.神圣不可侵犯的俗人，十四。 1-21 (person not to be disfigured in mourning, xiv. 1-2; law of clean and unclean animals, xiv. 3-20; flesh of animals dying a natural death not to be eaten, xiv. 21). 1月21日（人不被毁容，在莫宁，十四。 1月2日;规律的清洁和不洁的动物，十四， 3月20日;血肉动物死亡的一个自然的死亡不被吃掉，第十四21段） 。
4. 4 。 Laws tending to ameliorate the condition of the poor, xiv.法律趋于改善的状况，穷人，十四。 22-xv. 22 -十五。 18 (disposition of the charitable tithe, xiv. 22-29‡; relief secured to debtors every seventh year, xv. 1-11†‡; law of slavery, xv. 12-18†‡). 18 （处置慈善什一税，十四， 22-29 ‡ ;救济担保债务人每第七个年头，十五。 1月11日† ‡ ;法律的奴役，十五。 12月18日† ‡ ） 。
5. 5 。 Offerings and festivals (firstling males to be offered to Yhwh, xv. 19-23‡; regulations respecting the observance of the three annual pilgrimages, xvi. 1-17‡).产品和节日（ firstling男性提供yhwh ，十五， 19日至23日‡ ;法规，尊重遵守三个年度朝圣，十六， 1月17日‡ ） 。
ii.二。 The Office-Bearers of the Theocracy:办公室承担的神权：
1. 1 。 Judges to be appointed in every city, xvi.法官被任命为在每个城市，十六。 18*; and judgment to be impartial, xvi. 18 * ;和判断，不偏不倚，十六。 19, 20. 19日， 20日。 [Ch. [社区会堂。 xvi.十六。 21-22, asherahs and "pillars" prohibited; xvii. 21日至22日， asherahs和“支柱”禁止;十七。 1, sacrifices to be without blemish; xvii. 1 ，牺牲，无污点;十七。 2-7, an Israelite convicted of idolatry to be stoned to death*.] 2月7日，一个以色列人被定罪的偶像崇拜被用石头打死*. ]
2. 2 。 The supreme central tribunal, xvii.最高人民法院，中央债审裁处，十七。 8-13*. 8月13日*.
3. 3 。 The king, xvii.国王，十七。 14-20 (theocratic conditions which the monarchy is to satisfy*). 14日至20日（神的条件君主制，以满足* ） 。
4. 4 。 Rights and revenues of the priestly tribe, xviii.权利和收入的priestly部落，十八。 1-8*. 1月8日*.
5. 5 。 The prophet, xviii.先知，十八。 9-22* (verses 10, 11 against different forms of magic and divination-expansion of Ex. xxii. 18). 9月22日* （诗十， 11人反对，不同形式的魔术和占卜扩张的特惠。 22 。 18 ） 。
iii.三。 Criminal Law:刑法：
1. 1 。 Manslaughter and murder, xix.故意杀人罪和谋杀罪，十九。 1-13 (cities of refuge†). 1月13日（市收容所† ） 。
2. 2 。 Against removal of boundary-stones, xix.反对取消边界石块，十九。 14*. 14 *.
3. 3 。 Law of witness, xix.法证人，十九。 15-21 (compare xvii. 6). 15-21 （比较十七。 6 ） 。 [Four laws designed to secure self-control and forbearance in the conduct of war, xx.* and xxi. [四法律旨在确保自我控制，善，忍在战争行为，第XX .*和二十一。 10-14*; compare xxiv. 10月14日* ;比较二十四。 5*.] 5 *. ]
iv.四。 Miscellaneous Laws Relating Chiefly to Civil and Domestic Life: Symbolical rite of expiation for an untraced murder, xxi.杂项有关的法律，主要是向民间和家庭生活：象征性的仪式expiation为一untraced谋杀，二十一世纪。 1-9*; primogeniture, xxi. 1月9日* ;长子，二十一世纪。 15-17*; treatment of an undutiful son, xxi. 15-17 * ;治疗1 undutiful的儿子，二十一世纪。 18-21*; treatment of the body of a malefactor, xxi. 18-21 * ;治疗一具malefactor ，二十一世纪。 22-23*; lost cattle or other property to be restored to owner, xxii. 22-23 * ;失去牛或其他财产恢复到业主，二十二。 1-4; sexes not to interchange garments, xxii. 1月4日;男女不交汇处的成衣，二十二。 5*; motherbird not to be taken with nest, xxii 6, 7*; parapets on roofs, xxii. 5 * ; motherbird不采取鸟巢，二十二6 ， 7 * ;护栏上屋顶，二十二。 8*; prohibition of non-natural mixtures and combinations, xxii. 8 * ;禁止非天然的混合物以及它们的组合，二十二。 9-11; law of fringes, xxii. 9月11日;规律的条纹，二十二。 12; slander against a newly married maiden, xxii. 12 ;诽谤对新婚处女作，二十二。 13-21*; adultery and seduction, xxii. 13-21 * ;通奸和诱惑，二十二。 22-29; prohibition of marriage with stepmother, xxii. 22日至29日;禁止结婚的继母，二十二。 30; conditions of admittance into the theocratic community, xxiii. 30 ;条件纳到神社区，二十三。 1-8*; cleanliness in the camp, xxiii. 1月8日* ;清洁度在难民营中，二十三。 9-14‡; humanity to escaped slave, xxiii. 9月14日‡ ;人类逃脱的奴隶，二十三。 15-16*; religious prostitution forbidden, xxiii. 15-16 * ;宗教禁止卖淫，二十三。 17-18*; usury (interest), xxiii. 17-18 * ;高利贷（利息） ，二十三。 19-20; vows, xxiii. 19日至20日;誓言，二十三。 21-23; regard for neighbor's crops, xxiii. 21日至23日;方面为邻居的作物，二十三。 24-25*; divorce, xxiv. 24-25 * ;离婚，二十四。 1-4*; pledges, xxiv. 1月4日* ;承诺，二十四。 6, 10-13; man-stealing, xxiv.六， 10月13日;人为盗窃，二十四。 7; leprosy, xxiv.七;麻风病，二十四。 8-9; wages of hired servant not to be detained, xxiv. 8月9日;的工资雇用的仆人，不要被拘留，二十四。 14-15; criminal's family not to be punished with him, xxiv. 14日至15日;犯罪的家人不受到惩罚，与他，二十四。 16*; justice toward "stranger" (ie, resident foreigner), widow, and orphan, xxiv. 16 * ;司法走向“陌生人” （即，驻地的外国人） ，寡妇，孤儿，二十四。 17-18; gleanings, xxiv. 17日至18日; gleanings ，二十四。 19-22; limit to stripes xxv. 19日至22日;限额条纹二十五。 1-3*; ox not to be muzzled while threshing, xxv. 1-3 * ;牛年不被muzzled的同时，脱粒，二十五。 4*; levirate marriage, xxv. 4 * ;娶寡嫂，二十五。 5-10*; modesty in women xxv. 5月10日* ;谦虚，在妇女二十五。 11, 12* just weights and measures, xxv. 11 ， 12 *只是度量衡，二十五。 13-16; liturgical directions for the offering of first-fruits and of the triennial tithe, xxvi. 13日至16日;礼仪方向，提供第一水果和三年期的十分之一，二十六。 1-15*. 1月15日*.
The moral and religious duties which form the subject of the imprecations in xxvii.道德和宗教的职责，形成主题的imprecations在二十七。 15-26 should likewise be noted, as also the injunctions occurring in other parts of the book, or introduced more or less incidentally in xii.-xxvi-as v. 6-21 (the Decalogue, repeated, with variations in the subordinate clauses, from Ex. xx. 2-17); vi. 15日至26日同样应该指出，由于还禁制令，发生在图书的其他部分，或引入更多或更少顺便在xii. - 26 -作为五，六月二十一日（十诫，重复，变化，在下属的第，由前第二十。 2月17日） ;六。 8 and xi.八和十一。 18 (the law of frontlets); vi. 18 （法frontlets ） ;六。 14 and xi. 14日和十一。 16 (against "other gods"); xii. 16 （对“其他的神” ） ;十二。 16, 23-25, and xv. 16日， 23日至25日，十五。 23 (blood not to be eaten); xix. 23 （血不被吃掉） ;十九。 21 ("the lex talionis)." 21 （ “法talionis ） ” 。
-Critical View:关键的看法：
I. If the Deutcronomic laws are compared carefully with the three codes contained in Exodus and Numbers, it will be apparent that they stand in a different relation to each:一，如果deutcronomic法律是比较仔细的三个守则所载的出埃及记和数字，这将是明显的，他们的立场，在不同的相互关系：
(1) The laws in JE-namely, Ex. （ 1 ）法律在济即前。 xx-xxiii.第XX -二十三。 (repeated partially in Ex. xxxiv. 10-26), and the kindred section, Ex. （重复部分在特惠。三十四。 10月26日） ，以及骨肉节，当然。 xiii.十三。 3-16-form the foundation of the Deuteronomic legislation. 3 - 16 -形式的基础地位deuteronomic法例。 This is evident partly from the numerous verbal coincidences referred to above-whole clauses, and sometimes even an entire law, being repeated verbatim-and partly from the fact that frequently a law in Deuteronomy consists of an expansion, or application to particular cases, of a principle laid down more briefly in Exodus (compare, for instance, Deut. xiii., xvii. 2-7, withEx. xxii. 20; Deut. xvi. 1-17 with Ex. xxiii. 14-17; and Deut. xviii. 10, 11 with Ex. xxii. 18).这是显而易见的，部分是从众多的口头巧合上文提到的-整个条文，有时甚至是一整个法律，逐字反复和部分事实，即经常一项法律，在申命记组成的扩张，或应用程式来，特别是个案，一个原则，订定更简单地在出埃及记（比较，举例来说， deut 。十三，十七， 2月7日， withex 。 22 。 20 ; deut 。十六， 1月17日与前。二十三， 14日至17日; deut 。十八， 10日， 11日与前。 22 。 18 ） 。 The civil and social enactments which are new in Deuteronomy make provision chiefly for cases likely to arise in a more highly organized community than is contemplated in the legislation of Ex.公民和社会的成文法，这是新在申命记作出规定，主要是为案件可能出现在一个更高度的组织性社会比合同是在法例上的特惠。 xx.-xxiii. xx. -二十三。
(2) With the laws contained principally in Lev. （ 2 ）与法律载，主要是在列弗。 xvii.-xxvi. xvii. -二十六。 (the law of holiness, known as "H"), there are parallels in Deuteronomy (chiefly moral injunctions); but though in such cases the substance is often similar, the expression is nearly always different (compare, for instance, Deut. xiv. 1 with Lev. xix. 28; Deut. xvi. 19, 20 with Lev. xix. 15; Deut. xxiv. 19-22 with Lev. xix. 9, 10); and it can not be said that the legislation of Deuteronomy is in any sense an expansion or development of that in Lev. （法成圣，被称为“ H ”型） ，有相似之处，在申命记（主要是道德的禁制令） ;但虽然在这种情况下，实质往往是类似的，表达是几乎总是不同的（比较，举例来说， deut 。第十四。 1列弗。十九， 28日; deut 。十六， 19日， 20日与列弗。十九。 15 ; deut 。 24 。 19日至22日与列弗。十九。九日，十日） ;和它不能说立法申命记是在任何意义上的一个扩展或发展，在列弗。 xvii.-xxvi. xvii. -二十六。 The one exception is the description of clean and unclean animals in xiv.唯一的例外是描述清洁和不洁的动物，在十四。 4a, 6-19a, which agrees in the main verbally with Lev.第4 A ， 6 - 19A条，同意在主要以口头方式与列弗。 xi.十一。 2b-20. 2B卫星- 20 。
Relation to Other Codes.与其他代码。
(3) With the ceremonial laws contained in the other parts of Leviticus, and in Numbers (P), Deuteronomy is only remotely related: there are no verbal parallels. （ 3 ）与礼仪的法律中所载的其他部分，利未记，并在号码（ p ）款，申命记只是远程相关：有没有口头的平行线。 Some of the institutions and observances codified in P are indeed mentioned, as, for instance burnt and peace-offerings, fire-sacrifices, heave-offerings, the distinction between clean and unclean, a Torah for leprosy (xxiv. 8); but they are destitute of the central significance which they hold in the system of P; while many of the fundamental institutions of P-as the distinction between the priests and the common Levites; the Levitical cities and the year of jubilee; the cereal-offering; the guilt and sin-offering; the great Day of Atonement-are not referred to in Deuteronomy at all; and in the laws which do touch common ground, great, and, indeed, in some cases, irreconcilable, discrepancies frequently display themselves.一些机构和纪念活动的编纂在P确实提到，作为，例如烧毁和和平的产品，消防牺牲，升沉-产品之间的区别，清洁和不洁的，诵读经文，为麻风病（ xxiv. 8 ） ;但他们贫困是根据中央的意义，他们持有在该系统的P ;而许多基本机构的P -作为区分的司铎和共同利;利城市和今年的银禧;谷物提供;罪恶感和单仲偕-提供;伟大的赎罪日，都没有提到在申命记所有;而在法律做触摸共同点，伟大，事实上，在某些情况下，不可调和的，不一致的，经常展示自己。 Thus the Deuteronomic legislation may be termed an expansion of the body of laws contained in JE; it is, in several features, parallel to that contained in H; it contains allusions to laws similar to-it can not be said identical with-those codified in some parts of P; while its provisions sometimes differ widely from those found in other parts of P.因此， deuteronomic法例，可称为扩大该机构的法律中所载的日本脑炎，这是，在几个特点，平行载在改为H级;它包含典故，以法律的类似-它不能说是一致的-那些编纂在部分磷;而其规定有时大相径庭，从这些发现在其他部分页
Aim and Scope of Deuteronomy.目的和范围申命记。
The Deuteronomic discourses may be said to comprise three elements-a historical, a legislative, and a parenctic.该deuteronomic论述，可以说是包括三部分-历史，立法，和parenctic 。 Of these the parenetic element is both the most characteristic and the most important; for it is devoted to the inculcation of certain fundamental religious and moral principles upon which the writer lays great stress.其中parenetic的因素是双方最具特色和最重要的;它是专门用于灌输一些基本的宗教和道德的原则，亦即作家都十分强调。 The historical element is subservient to the parenctic, the references to history, as has been already remarked, having nearly always a didactic aim.历史因素是从属向parenctic ，参考历史，正如已经已经说过，几乎总是一说教的目的。 The legislative element, though obviously, in many of its features, tending directly to secure the national well-being, and possessing consequently an independent value of its own, is by the writer of Deuteronomy viewed primarily as a vehicle for exemplifying the principles which it is the main object of his book to enforce.立法元素，虽然很明显，在它的许多功能，直接抚育，以确保国家的福祉，并因此拥有一个独立的价值，其本身的，是由作家申命记看，主要是作为一种工具exemplifying的原则，它是的主要目的，他的著作执行。 The author wrote, it is evident, under a keen sense of the perils of idolatry; and to guard Israel against this, by insisting earnestly on the debt of gratitude and obedience which it owes to its sovereign Lord, is the fundamental teaching of his book.作者写道，这是显而易见的，根据敏锐的危险的偶像崇拜;警惕以色列针对这一点，坚持，认真对债务的感激和服从它欠其主权主，是根本，教学中他的著作。 Accordingly the truths on which he loves to dwell are the sole godhead of Yhwh, His spirituality (Deut. iv.), His choice of Israel, and the love and faithfulness which He has manifested toward it; from which are deduced the great practical duties of loyal and loving devotion to Him, an absolute and uncompromising repudiation of all false gods, a warm and spontaneous obedience to His will, and a large-hearted and generous attitude toward men.因此，真理上，他喜欢谈论是唯一的神的源头yhwh ，他的灵性（申命记四） ，他的选择，以色列，和爱与忠诚，他体现了对;从其中推导，具有重大的现实职责的忠诚和爱奉献给他，绝对不妥协的否定都是假神，热烈的和自发的服从他的意愿，和一个大心和慷慨的态度，男性。
The Love of God.上帝的爱。
The central and principal discourse (v.-xxvi., xxviii.) opens with the Decalogue; and the first commandment, "Thou shalt have no other gods before me," may be said to be the text which in the rest of ch.在中央和主要的话语（五-二十六，二十八） ，开放与十诫;和第一诫命， “你有没有其他的神在我之前， ”可说是文本，在休息的CH 。 v.-xi. is eloquently and movingly expanded.是雄辩地和动人扩大。 Yhwh is, moreover, a spiritual being: hence no sensible representation can be framed of Him. yhwh是，此外，一种精神是：明智的，因此没有代表性，可以诬陷他。 Still less should Israel's devotions be paid to any other material object (iv. 12, 15-19).仍然不足，应以色列的devotions支付予任何其他材料对象（ iv. 12月15日至19日） 。 Yhwh has chosen Israel; and, in fulfilment of the promises given to its forefathers, has wonderfully delivered it from its bondage in Egypt, and assigned it a home in a bounteous and fertile land, to take possession of which it is now on the point of crossing the Jordan (vi. 10, 11; viii. 7-10). yhwh选择了以色列; ，并在履行承诺，给予其祖先，已完美交付，它从它的束缚，在埃及，并指派它一个家在一个bounteous和肥沃的土地，采取藏，因为它现在就点穿越约旦（ vi. 10日， 11日;八， 7月10日） 。 In return for all these benefits it is the Israelite's duty to fear and to love Yhwh-to fear Him as the great and mighty God, whose judgments strike terror into all beholders (iv. 32-36, xi. 2-7); and to love Him on account of the affection and constancy with which, even as a father, He has ever dealt with Israel.在回报所有这些好处，这是以色列人的职责恐惧和爱yhwh -害怕他的伟大和强大的上帝，其判决罢工恐怖纳入所有beholders （ iv. 32-36 ，十一，二月七日） ;爱他就帐户的感情和恒常性与其中，甚至作为一名父亲，他都处理与以色列。 The love of God, an all-absorbing sense of personal devotion to Him, is propounded in Deuteronomy as the primary spring of human duty (vi. 5); it is the duty which is the direct corollary of the character of God and of Israel's relation to Him; the Israelite is to love Him with undivided affection ("with all thine heart, and with all thy soul," vi. 5; xiii. 3; xxx. 6; and elsewhere-an expression characteristic of Deuteronomy), renouncing everything that is in any degree inconsistent with loyalty to Him.上帝的爱，所有吸收意识，个人的献身精神，他是提出在申命记作为首要的春天，人力税（ vi. 5 ） ;这是责任，这是直接的必然的性质上帝和以色列的有关他;以色列人是为了爱他，与不可分割的感情（ “与所有你的心，与所有你的灵魂， ”六，五;十三。 3 ;三十。六;和其他地方- 1的表达特征申命记） ，放弃一切是在任何程度上不符合他的忠诚。
This brings with it, on the one hand, an earnest and entire repudiation of all false gods, and of every rite or practise connected with idolatry; and, on the other hand, a cheerful and ready acquiescence in the positive commandments which He has laid down.这使与它，一方面，认真整个推翻一切虚假神，和每一个成年礼或执业与偶像崇拜，以及对另一方面，开朗的默许，并准备在积极的诫命，他奠定了向下的。 Of nothing is the Israelite more repeatedly and emphatically warned in Deuteronomy than of the temptations to idolatry, and of the perils of yielding to them.从无到有，是以色列人更多的一再警告，并强调在申命记比的诱惑，以偶像崇拜，以及对危险的高产给他们。 The heathen populations of Canaan are to be exterminated; no intermarriage, or other intercourse with them, is to be permitted; and their places of worship and religious symbols are to be ruthlessly destroyed (vii. 2-5; xii. 2, 3).该heathen种群的迦南是要被消灭;没有通婚，或其他与他们交往，是准许;和他们的礼拜场所和宗教象征的是被无情地摧毁了（ vii. 2月5日;十二。 2 ， 3 ） 。 Israel must ever remember that it is "holy" to Yhwh (vii. 6; xiv. 2, 21; xxvi. 19; xxviii. 9).以色列以往任何时候都必须记住，这是“圣战者” yhwh （ vii.六;十四。 2 ， 21个;二十六。 19 ;二十八。 9 ） 。 Canaanitish forms of divination and magic are not to be tolerated; an authorized order of prophets is to supply in Israel, so far as Yhwh permits it, the information and counsel for which other nations resorted to augurs and soothsayers (xviii. 9-19). canaanitish形式的占卜和魔法不被容忍;认可秩序的先知是供应在以色列，直至目前为止，作为yhwh许可证，信息和律师为其他国家诉诸预示着和soothsayers （ xviii. 9月19日） 。 Local shrines and altars, even though ostensibly dedicated to the worship of the true God, were liable to contamination, on the part of the unspiritual Israelites, by the admixtureof heathen rites; accordingly, the three great annual feasts are to be observed, and all sacrifices and other religious dues are to be rendered, it is repeatedly and strongly insisted, at a single central sanctuary, "the place which Yhwh shall choose . . . to set his name there" (xii. 5-7, 11, 14, 18, 26, and elsewhere).当地的神社和神坛，即使表面上致力于崇拜的真神，分别被污染，就部分的unspiritual以色列人，由admixtureof heathen仪式;因此，这三个伟大的节日，每年都须遵守的，和所有牺牲和其他宗教的会费是提供，这是多次，并强烈主张，在一个单一的中央庇护， “地方yhwh应选择。 。 。设置他的名字有” （ xii. 5月7日， 11 ， 14 ， 18 ， 26 ，和其他地方） 。 Obedience to these commands, if it come from the heart and be sincere, will bring with it the blessing of Yhwh: disobedience will end in national disaster and exile (vi. 14-15, vii. 12-16, viii. 19, and especially xxviii.).服从这些命令，如果它是来自心脏，并有诚意的话，会带来它的祝福yhwh ：抗命将结束在国家灾害和流亡（ vi. 14日至15日，七， 12月16日，第八章。 19 ，特别是二十八） 。
Love of Neighbors.爱邻居。
The practical form which devotion to Yhwh is to take is not, however, to be confined to religious duties, strictly so called.实际的形式奉献yhwh是采取是没有，不过，只限于宗教职责，严格所谓。 It is to embrace also the Israelite's social and domestic life, and it is to determine his attitude toward the moral and civil ordinances prescribed to him.这是拥抱，也是以色列人的社会和家庭生活，它是要确定他的态度，道德和民间条例订明的给他。 The individual laws contained in ch.个别法律载，在CH 。 xii.-xxvi. xii. -二十六。 are designed for the moral and social well-being of the nation; and it is the Israelite's duty to obey them accordingly.目的是为道德和社会福祉的民族;这是以色列人的职责，服从他们。 Love of God involves the love of one's neighbor, and the avoidance of any act which may be detrimental to a neighbors' welfare.上帝的爱涉及的爱一的近邻，并避免任何行为可能危害到邻居的福利。 The Israelite must comport himself accordingly.该以色列人必须comport自己。 Duties involving directly the application of a moral principle are especially insisted on, particularly justice, integrity, equity, philanthropy, and generosity; and the laws embodying such principles are manifestly of paramount importance in the writer's eyes.的职责，涉及直接应用的道德原则，尤其是坚持对，尤其是正义，正直，公平，慈善，慷慨;和法律体现了这些原则显然是具有至高无上的重要性，在作者的眼睛是雪亮的。 Judges are to be appointed in every city, who are to administer justice with the strictest impartiality (xvi. 18-20).法官被任命为在每个城市，谁是管理司法与严格的公正性（ xvi. 18日至20日） 。 Fathers are not to be condemned judicially for the crimes of their children; nor children for the crimes of their fathers (xxiv.16).父亲是不应该受到谴责司法所犯罪行其子女的;也不儿童的罪行，他们的父亲（ xxiv.16 ） 。 Just weights and measures are to be used in all commercial transactions (xxv. 13-16); grave moral offenses are punished severely; death is the penalty not only for murder, but also for incorrigible behavior in a son, for unchastity, for adultery, and for man-stealing (xxi. 18-21, xxii. 20-27, xxiv. 7).只是重量和措施的目的是要使用在所有的商业交易（ xxv. 13日至16日） ;严重的道德犯罪是严厉惩处;死刑是刑罚，不仅为谋杀，而且也为不可救药的行为在一个儿子，为不贞洁，通奸，并为人为偷窃（ xxi. 18日至21日，二十二， 20日至27日，二十四。 7 ） 。
But the author's ruling motive is humanity, whereever considerations of religion or morality do not force him to repress it.但作者的执政动机是人类，而考虑宗教或道德，不强迫他压制它。 Thus philanthropy, promptitude, and liberality are to be shown toward those in difficulty and want-as the indigent in need of a loan (xv. 7-11); a slave at the time of his manumission (xv. 13-15); a fugitive (xxiii. 15, 16); a hired servant (xxiv. 14, 15); the "stranger [ie, resident foreigner], the fatherless, and the widow" (xiv. 29, and frequently elsewhere).因此，慈善事业， promptitude ， liberality是要显示对那些在困难和希望-为贫困有需要的贷款（ xv. 7月11日） ;的奴隶在的时候，他manumission （ xv. 13日至15日） ;逃犯（ xxiii. 15 ， 16 ） ;雇用的仆人（ xxiv. 14 ， 15 ） ; “陌生人[即，驻地的外国人] ，父亲和寡妇” （ xiv. 29日，并经常在其他地方） 。 Gratitude and a sense of sympathy, evoked by the recollection of Israel's own past, are frequently appealed to as the motives by which the Israelite should in such cases be actuated (x. 19, "For ye were strangers in the land of Egypt"; xv. 15; xvi. 12; xxiv. 18, 22, "and thou shalt remember that thou wast a bondman in the land of Egypt").感谢和责任感，同情，所引起的回收以色列的自己的过去，经常呼吁作为动机，其中以色列人应该在这种情况下，驱动（十， 19日， “叶被陌生人的土地，埃及” ;十五。 15 ;十六， 12岁;二十四。 18 ， 22 ， “你记住，你浪费一bondman在土地的埃及” ） 。 A spirit of forbearance, equity, and regard for the feelings or welfare of others underlies also many of the other regulations of Deuteronomy.的精神，忍，公平和顾及的感情，或他人的福利之下也有很多的其他规例的申命记。 Nowhere else in the Old Testament does there breathe such an atmosphere of generous devotion to God and of large-hearted benevolence toward men; nowhere else are duties and motives set forth with deeper feeling or with more moving eloquence; and nowhere else is it shown so fully how high and noble principles may be made to elevate and refine the entire life of the community.无处可在旧约中是否有呼吸，这样一种气氛慷慨的奉献给上帝，和大心善对男性;行不通的，否则是职务和动机提出了与更深的感情，或是与感染力的口才;行不通的，否则是它表现出的充分有多高和崇高原则，可向提升和完善整个社区生活。
Song and Blessing of Moses.宋和祝福，郑慕智。
The Song of Moses, contained in chap.这首歌的郑慕智，载于第一章。 xxxii.三十二。 1-34, is a didactic poem, the aim of which (verses 4-6) is to exemplify the rectitude and faithfulness of Yhwh as manifested in His dealings with a corrupt and ungrateful nation. 1-34 ，是一个说教诗，目的，其中（诗4月6日）是体现正直和忠诚的yhwh作为体现在他打交道的腐败和忘恩负义的民族。 Looking back upon the past, the poet, after the exordium (verses 1-3), describes, first, the providence that had brought Israel safely through the wilderness, and planted it in a land blessed abundantly by the goodness of Yhwh (verses 7-14); secondly, Israel's ingratitude and lapse into idolatry (verses 15-18), which had obliged Yhwh to threaten it with national disaster, and to bring it almost to the verge of ruin (verses 19-30); and thirdly, Yhwh's determination not to allow an unworthy foe to triumph over His people, but by speaking to them through the extremity of their need to bring them to a better mind, and so to make it possible for Himself to interpose and save them (verses 31-43).回首过去后，诗人，后exordium （诗1-3 ） ，描述，第一，普罗维登斯认为，带来了以色列安全通过望无垠的大草原，和种植，它在土地有福了大量由善yhwh （诗七-14 ） ;第二，以色列的ingratitude和陷入偶像崇拜（诗15-18 ） ，该责任yhwh威胁，它与国家的灾难，并把它几乎濒临破产（韵文19日至30日） ;第三， yhwh的决心，不要让一个卑微的敌人，战胜他的人，但发言，他们通过肢体的需要，使他们更好的主意，因此，使得有可能为自己的介入，并且保存下来， （诗31 - 43 ） 。 The thought underlying the poem is thus the rescue of the people, by an act of grace, at the moment when annihilation seems imminent.思想背后的诗因此，拯救人民的，由行为的宽限期，在湮没的时候，似乎迫在眉睫。 The author develops this theme with a glow of impassioned earnestness, and also with great literary and artistic skill.作者发展这一主题与辉光的慷慨激昂语重心长，也与伟大的文学和艺术的技巧。 Chap.第一章。 xxxiii.三十三。 contains the "Blessing of Moses," consisting of a series of benedictions, or eulogies, pronounced upon the different tribes (Simeon excepted), with an exordium (verses 2-5) and it conclusion (verses 26-29).包含了“祝福的摩西， ”构成了一系列的benedictions ，或eulogies ，宣判后，不同部落（西蒙除外） ，与一exordium （诗2-5 ）和它的结论（诗26-29 ） 。 The method of the author is to signalize some distinctive feature in the character, or occupation, or geographical situation of each tribe, with allusion, by preference, to the theocratic function discharged by it, and at the same time to celebrate the felicity, material and spiritual, of the nation as a whole, secured to it originally by Yhwh's goodness in the wilderness (verses 2-5), and maintained afterward, through the continuance of his protecting care, in Canaan (verses 26-29).该方法的作者是signalize一些鲜明特点，在性格，或占领，或地理位置的情况下，每个部落，与典故，偏好，向神所排放的功能，并且在同一时间内，以庆祝费，材料和精神，国家作为一个整体，担保它原本由yhwh的善良在旷野（诗2-5 ） ，保持了之后，通过继续他的保护照顾，在迦南（诗26-29 ） 。 In general character it resembles the blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 1-27); but if the two be compared attentively, there will be seen to be some noticeable points of difference.在一般性质，它类似于祝福雅各（创xlix 。 1月27日） ;但如果这两个比较认真，会有看到一些明显的差异点。 The most salient features in Deut.最突出的特点在deut 。 xxxiii.三十三。 are the isolation and depression of Judah (verse 7; contrast the warm eulogy in Gen. xlix. 8-12), the honor and respect with which Levi is viewed (verses 8-11; contrast the unfavorable terms of Gen. xlix. 5-7), the strength and splendor of the double tribe of Joseph (verses 13-17; compare Gen. xlix. 22-26, with which there are some verbal resemblances), and the burst of grateful enthusiasm with which the poet celebrates the fortune of his nation, settled and secure, with the aid of its God, in its promised home.是孤立和抑郁症的犹大（诗七;对比的热情悼词在将军xlix 。 8月12日） ，荣誉和尊重与利维被认为是（韵文8月11日;对比不利的条款中将xlix 。 5 -7 ） ，实力和辉煌的双重部落的约瑟夫（韵文13日至17日;比较将军xlix 。 22日至26日，其中有一些相似之处，口头） ，以及爆裂感谢热情与诗人庆祝财富他的国家，解决和安全，借助其神，在其承诺的家。 The tone of the blessing is very different from that of the song (xxxii.): the one reflects national happiness; the other, national disaster.语调的祝福是非常不同的是这首歌（ xxxii. ） ：一，反映了国家的幸福;另一方面，国家灾害。 The two, it is evident, must have been composed at times in which the circumstances of the nation were very different.这两个，这是显而易见的，必须已组成的时候，在这情况下，国家有很大不同。
Age and Authorship of Deuteronomy.年龄和作者申命记。
It is the unanimous opinion of modern critics that Deuteronomy is not the work of Moses, but that it was, in its main parts, written in the seventh century BC, either during the reign of Manasseh, or during that of Josiah (but before his eighteenth year, the Book of the Law found in that year in theTemple [see II Kings xxii.-xxiii.] clearly containing Deuteronomy, if indeed it included anything more).它是一致的意见现代批评申命记是不工作的摩西，但它，在其主要部件，书面，在公元前七世纪，无论是统治期间玛，或期间的乔赛亚（但之前他第十八年，这本书的法律发现，在这一年，在thetemple [见二国王xxii. -二十三。 ]明确载有申命记，如果确实它包括任何东西都显得） 。 The reasons for this conclusion, stated here in the briefest outline, are as follows: (1) Even upon the assumption that JE in Exodus and Numbers is Mosaic, the historical discrepancies in Deut.这种情况的原因的结论，在这里，在briefest大纲，内容如下： （ 1 ）即使是假设日本脑炎在出埃及记和号码是马赛克，历史差异，在deut 。 i-iv.一至四。 and ix.-x., and the terms in which incidents belonging to the fortieth year of the Exodus are referred to, preclude the possibility of Deuteronomy being Mosaic likewise; while the use of the expression "beyond Jordan" in i.和ix.-x. ，及条款，在这事件属于第四十年的逃亡是指，排除的可能性申命记被马赛克同样;而使用的表达“超越乔丹”在一。 1, 5; iii.一日，五日;三。 8; iv. 8 ;四。 41, 46, 47, 49, for eastern Palestine, implies that the author was a resident in western Palestine. 41 ， 46 ， 47 ， 49 ，东巴勒斯坦，意味着作者是一个居住在西方的巴勒斯坦人。 (2) The same conclusion follows, a fortiori, for those who allow that JE is a post-Mosaic document, from the fact, noticed above, that JE itself, both in the narrative parts and in the laws, is repeatedly quoted in Deuteronomy. （ 2 ）相同的结论如下，更不用说，对于谁允许这种流行性乙型脑炎是一个后花叶文件，从事实上，注意到上述情况，认为日本脑炎本身，无论是在叙事部分，以及在法律，是一再引述在申命记。 (3) In Deuteronomy it is strictly laid down that sacrifice is to be offered at a single central sanctuary (xii. 5, 11, 14, etc.); whereas in Joshua to I Kings vi. （ 3 ）在申命记，这是严格规定的这种牺牲是要提供一个单一的中央禁猎区（ xii. 5 ， 11 ， 14 ，等） ;而在约书亚，以王六。 sacrifices are frequently described as offered in various parts of the land (in accordance with the law of Ex. xx. 24), without any indication on the part of either the actor or the narrator that a law such as that of Deuteronomy is being infringed.牺牲经常形容为提供在各部分的土地（依照法律规定的特惠。 XX条。二十四日） ，没有任何迹象显示对部分，无论是演员或叙述者的一项法律，如认为申命记是受到侵犯。 (4) The other differences between the legislation of Deuteronomy and that of Ex. （ 4 ）其他的分歧，立法申命记和前。 xxi.-xxiii. xxi. -二十三。 point with some cogency to the conclusion that the laws of Deuteronomy originated in a later and more highly developed stage of society than the laws of Exodus.点与一些cogency作出结论，认为法律申命记起源于稍后更高度发达的阶段，社会比法律外流。 (5) The law of the kingdom (xvii. 14-20) is colored by reminiscences of the monarchy of Solomon. （ 5 ）法律的英国（ xvii. 14日至20日）是色彩回忆君主所罗门。 (6) The forms of idolatry referred to-especially the worship of the "host of heaven" (iv. 19, xvii. 7)-point to a date not earlier than the reign of Ahaz, and more probably to one in the seventh century BC （ 6 ）形式的偶像崇拜中提到，特别是崇拜“主机的天堂” （ iv. 19日，十七，七） -指向一个日期不早于统治亚哈斯，和更多的可能是一，在第七世纪公元前
Influence on Subsequent Writers.的影响，随后的作家。
(7) The influence of Deuteronomy upon subsequent writers is clear and indisputable. （ 7 ）的影响申命记后，随后的作家是明确和不容置疑的。 It is remarkable that Amos, Hosea, and the undisputed portions of Isaiah show no certain traces of this influence, while Jeremiah exhibits marks of it on nearly every page.这是了不起的阿摩司，何西阿，和不争的部分以赛亚书显示，没有一定的痕迹，这种影响力，而耶利米展品马克资讯科技对几乎每一个网页。 If Deuteronomy had been composed between Isaiah and Jeremiah, these facts would be exactly accounted for.如果申命记已组成之间的以赛亚书和耶利米，这些事实将完全交代。 (8) Tile language and style of Deuteronomy-clear and flowing, free from archaisms, but purer than that of Jeremiah-would suit the same period. （ 8 ）瓷砖的语言和作风，申命记清晰和流动，不受任何archaisms ，但纯度比耶利米-适合同一时期。 (9) The prophetic teachings of Deuteronomy-the leading theological ideas and the principles which the author seeks to inculcate-exhibit many points of contact with that of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and especially with the characteristic principles of the compiler of the Book of Kings (who must have lived in the same age). （ 9 ）先知的教诲，申命记-领导的神学思想和原则，作者旨在灌输-展品很多的接触点，与耶利米和以西结书，特别是与特点的原则，编译器的这本书的国王（谁必须住在同一年龄） 。
Upon these grounds (which, when studied in detail, are seen to possess far greater cogency than can be conveyed by a mere summary) it is concluded by modern critics that Deuteronomy is in reality a work of the seventh century BC It is not difficult to realize the significance which the book must have had if it were written at this time.后，这些理由（即，当详细的研究，被认为是拥有更大的cogency远远超过可传达的只是概要） ，这是总结近代批评申命记是在现实的工作，七世纪卑诗省，这是不困难实现的意义，这本书必须有，如果写在这个时候。 It was a great protest against the prevalent tendencies of the age.它是一个伟大的抗议普遍倾向的年龄。 It laid down the lines of a great religious reform.它订下的路线是一个伟大宗教的改革。 The century was one in which-as Jeremiah and the Books of Kings sufficiently testify-heathenism was making serious encroachments in Judah.世纪是一个在其中-作为耶利米和书籍的国王，足以作证- heathenism是严重侵害在犹大。 The Book of Deuteronomy was an endeavor by means of a dramatic use of the last words of Moses-based, not improbably, upon an actual tradition of a concluding address delivered by the great leader to his people-to reaffirm the fundamental principles of Israel's religion (namely, loyalty to Yhwh and the repudiation of all false gods) and to recall the people to a holier life and to a purer service of Yhwh.这本书的申命记是一个努力的手段急剧利用最后的话，郑慕智为基础的，而不是大大后，一个实际的传统，总结发表的伟大领袖，他以人重申的基本原则，以色列的宗教（即忠诚yhwh和否定都是假的神）和罢免人一个holier的生命和一个纯服务yhwh 。 So far as its more distinctively legal parts are concerned, Deuteronomy may be described as the prophetic reformulation and adaptation to new needs of an older legislation (namely, the laws contained in JE).到目前为止，作为其更鲜明的法律部分而言，申命记可被称为预言重新和适应新的需要，旧的立法（即法律中所载的乙脑） 。 It is essentially the work not of a jurist or statesman, but of a prophet; a system of wise laws (iv. 6-8), consistently obeyed, is indeed, as explained above, a condition of the welfare of the community; but the points of view from which these laws are presented, the principles which the author evidently has at heart, the oratorical treatment, and the warm parenetic tone, are all characteristic of the prophet, and are all the creation of the prophetic spirit.这基本上是工作而不是法学家或政治家，而是一个先知;制度，明智的法律（ iv. 6-8 ） ，始终服从，实在是，如上文所解释，条件，社区的福利，但该观点与角度，从这些法律是介绍，原则，作者显然在心上，演讲的待遇，并热情parenetic的语调，都是特点，先知，都创造了先知的精神。
Its Composite Character.其综合性质。
[For reasons which can not be here developed, the discourses of Deuteronomy do not appear to be all from the same hand. [原因不能在这里发展，论述申命记似乎不被这都来自同一手。 The kernel of the book consists of ch.的核心，这本书组成的CH 。 v.-xxvi.五-二十六。 and xxviii., and this, no doubt, constituted the book found in the Temple by Hilkiah.和二十八。 ，这毫无疑问，构成了本书时，发现在庙由希勒家。 It was probably preceded by ch.它可能是之前的CH 。 i.-iv. (with the exception of a few verses here and there which seem to be of later origin), though most modern critics are of opinion that these chapters were preflxed to it afterward. （除了少数诗在这里和那里，这似乎是后来的原产地） ，尽管最现代的批评者认为，这些章节被preflxed它之后。 Some little time after the kernel of Deuteronomy was composed, it appears to have been enlarged by a second Deuteronomic writer (D2), who supplemented the work of his predecessor (D1) by adding ch.一些少许时间后的核心申命记组成，这似乎已扩大第二deuteronomic作家（氘） ，谁补充的工作，他的前任（点）加入的CH 。 xxvii., xxix.二十七，二十九。 10-29, xxx. 10月29日，三十。 1-10, and some other short passages in xxix.-xxxiv., together with the song (xxxii. 1-43) and the historical notices belonging to it (xxxi. 16-22, xxxii. 44). 1月10日，和其他一些简短段落，在xxix. -第三十四，连同这首歌（ xxxii. 1-43 ）和历史告示属于它（ xxxi. 16日至22日，三十二44段） 。 Finally, at it still later date, the whole thus formed was brought formally into relation with the literary framework of the Hexateuch as an entirety by the addition of some brief extracts from P (i. 3, xxxiv. 1 and 5 [partly], 7-9).最后，它仍然在稍后的日期，整个形成所带来的是正式纳入与文学的框架内，该hexateuch作为一个整体，通过添加一些简短的提取物的从P （一，三，第三十四1和第5 [部分] ， 7月9日） 。 At what stage in the history of the text the blessing (xxxiii.) was introduced is uncertain.在什么阶段，在历史文本的祝福（ xxxiii. ）介绍是不确定的。 The song was probably written in the age of Jeremiah; the blessing is earlier, being assigned by most critics to the reign of Jeroboam II.]这首歌可能是书面的年龄在耶利米;的祝福较早，被指派的大部分批评者统治jeroboam二。 ]
Style of Deuteronomy.作风申命记。
The style of the Deuteronomic discourses is very marked.作风的deuteronomic论述，是非常显着。 Not only do particular words and expressions, embodying often the writer's characteristic thoughts, recur with remarkable frequency, giving a distinctive coloring to every part of his work, but the long and rolling periods in which the author expresses himself-which have the effect of carrying the reader with them and holding him enthralled by their oratorical power-are a new feature in Hebrew literature.不仅这样做，特别是字和词句，体现往往是作家的特点，思考，再发生了显着的频率，提供了鲜明的色彩，以每一个部分，他的工作，但长期和轧制的时期，其中的作者表示自己-有实施效果读者与他们举行他enthralled他们的演讲权力是一项新功能，在希伯莱文学。 The author has a wonderful command of Hebrew style.作者有一个美好的指挥希伯来语的作风。 His practical aims, and the parenctic treatment which as a rule his subject demands, oblige him naturally to expand and reiterate more than is usually the case with Hebrew writers; nevertheless, his discourse, while never (in the bad sense of the term) rhetorical, always maintains its freshness, and is never monotonous or prolix.他的实际目的，与parenctic待遇作为一项规则，他受的要求，迫使他自然会扩大，并重申多，通常情况下，与希伯来语作家;不过，他的话语，而从来没有（在不良意识的任期）修辞，始终保持其新鲜度，是从来没有单调或prolix 。 The influence of Deuteronomy upon the later literature of the Old Testament is very perceptible.影响申命记后，后来的文学旧约是非常明显。 Upon its promulgation it speedily became the book which both gave the religious ideals of the age andmolded the phraseology in which these ideals were expressed.它的颁布后，它迅速成为这本书都给予宗教的理想年龄andmolded字，在这些理想表示。 The style of Deuteronomy, when once it had been found, lent itself readily to adoption; and thus a school of writers, imbued with its spirit, quickly arose, who have stamped their mark upon many parts of the Old Testament.作风申命记时，一旦被发现，出借本身容易通过;因此，一所学校的作家，充满了精神，迅速出现，谁也盖上他们的马克后，许多部分的旧约。 As has been just, remarked, even the original Deuteronomy itself seems in places to have received expansion at the hands of a Deuteronomic editor (or editors).作为一直以公正，所说，即使原来的申命记本身似乎在地方已收到扩建手中的一deuteronomic编辑器（或编辑） 。 In the historical books, especially Joshua, Judges, and Kings, passages-consisting usually of speeches, or additions to speeches, placed in the mouths of prominent historical characters, or of reflections upon the religious aspects of the history-constantly recur, distinguished from the general current of the narrative by their strongly marked Deuteronomic phraseology, and evidently either composed entirely, or expanded from a narrative originally brief, by a distinct writer; namely, the Deuteronomic compiler or editor.在历史的书籍，尤其是约书亚，法官，和国王，通道-构成的，通常的发言，或补充发言，放置在口中突出的历史人物，或反思后，宗教方面的历史不断重演，有别于一般电流的叙事由他们强烈显着deuteronomic用语，显然不是完全，或扩大从叙事原本简单来说，由一个独特的作家;即， deuteronomic编译或编辑。 Among the Prophets, Jeremiah, especially in his prose passages, shows most conspicuously the influence of Deuteronomy; but it is also perceptible in many later writings, as in parts of Chronicles, and in the prayers in Neh.其中先知，耶利米，尤其是在他的散文通道，显示最突出的影响申命记;但它也感觉到在许多后来的著作，作为在部分方志，并在祈祷中neh 。 i., ix., and Dan.一，第九，和丹。 ix.九。
Bibliography:参考书目：
Of recent commentaries reference may be made to those of Dillmann (1886), Driver (1895; 2d ed., 1896), Steuernagel (1898), and Bertholet (1899); and with reference to sources, the Oxford Hexateuch (1900), i.最近的评论参考，可向那些dillmann （ 1886年） ，驱动程序（ 1895年;二维版， 1896 ） ， steuernagel （ 1898 ） ，和贝尔托莱（ 1899年） ;以及参考消息人士透露，牛津大学hexateuch （ 1900 ） ，我。 70-97, 200 et seq., ii. 70-97 ， 200条及以下各条，二。 246 et seq., may be mentioned.J. 246条及以下各条，可能mentioned.j 。 Jr. SRD小的SRD
-Critical View:关键的看法：
II.二。 Scientific criticism denies both the unity and the authenticity of Deuteronomy, and brings forward definite theories regarding its composition, date of writing, and place in the development of law and religion.科学的批评，否认双方的团结和真实性申命记，并提出了明确的理论，关于它的组成，日期，写作，和地方在发展的法律和宗教。 The critical problems presented by this book are especially difficult, and the way in which they are solved is decisive not only for the criticism of the whole of the Pentateuch, but for the total conception of the religion of the OT and its development.关键的问题，由这本书是特别困难的，以及以何种方式解决是决定性的不仅批评，整个的pentateuch ，但总的概念，宗教的城市旅游局及其发展。 The book is divided on the whole as follows: the Deuteronomic law proper, xii.-xxvi.; the parenctic introduction, v.-xi., and peroration, xxvii.(xxviii)-xxx.; and the historical setting; that is, the introduction, i.-iv., and the peroration to the whole book, xxxi.这本书分为对整个如下： deuteronomic法律正确， xii. -二十六。 ; parenctic介绍， v.-xi. ， peroration ，二十七。 （ XXVIII ）号决议-三十。 ;和历史背景;这是，导言， i.-iv. ，和peroration ，以整本书，三十一。 to end.结束。
Analysis of Sources.来源分析。
Nearly all critics agree that the introduction, i.-iv.几乎所有的批评者一致认为，引进， i.-iv. 40 (43), can not be the work of the author of v.-xi., or v.-xxvi., as (1) it contains contradictions to that portion, namely, ii. 40 （ 43 ） ，不能工作的作者v.-xi. ，或诉-二十六。 ， （ 1 ）它包含矛盾的那部分，即第一，第二。 14 (also i. 35-39) to v. 3 (also vii. 19-ix. 2-23, xi. 2), ii. 14 （也一35-39 ）五， 3 （也七。 19 -九， 2月23日，十一。 2 ） ，二。 29 to xxiii. 29日至二十三。 5, and iv.五，及四。 41-43 to xix. 41-43至十九。 2; (2) iv. 2 ; （ 2 ）四。 45-49, the superscription, is incompatible with that in i. 45-49 ， superscription ，是不符合，在一 5; (3) the introduction i.-iv.五; （ 3 ）引入i.-iv. is different in motive, being historic and not parenctic.是不同的动机，被历史和不parenctic 。 This historical introduction was written by a Deuteronomist (D2); that is, an author writing in the style and spirit of Deuteronomy at a time when the Jahvist-Elohist narrative (JE) of the preceding books, Exodus-Numbers, was not yet united with Deuteronomy (Reuss, Hollenberg, Kuenen, Wellhausen, Cornill, Steuernagel, etc.).这个历史性的导言是写一deuteronomist （氘） ，这就是一个作者的写作风格和精神，申命记在的时候， jahvist - elohist叙事（乙脑）的前书籍，出埃及记-号码，尚未被美国与申命记（ reuss ， hollenberg ， kuenen ，浩， cornill ， steuernagel等） 。 But as, after the combination of JE with Deuteronomy the narrative portion in the latter was duplicated, the original narrative, which also included iv.但正如后，结合日本脑炎与申命记叙述部分，在后者是重复的原因，原来的叙事，其中还包括四。 41-43 and ix. 41-43和第九章。 25-x. 25 - X的。 11, was, according to Dillmann, changed by the Deuteronomic editor (Rd) into a speech by Moses, excepting the passages ii. 11 ，是根据dillmann ，改变由deuteronomic编辑器（路）的演辞全文郑慕智，除旅费二。 10-12, 20-23; iii. 10月12日， 20日至23日;三。 9, 11, 14; iv. 9 ， 11 ， 14 ;四。 41-43; x. 41-43 ;十。 6, 7, which were not suited for the purpose. 6 ， 7 ，其中不适合的目的。 Therefore i.-iii.因此，一-三。 are by the author of Deuteronomy and iv.是由作者申命记及四。 1-40 was added by Rd in order to give a parenetic ending to his speech of Moses. 1-40加入由RD在为了使parenetic结束他的讲话，郑慕智。 Horst also separates i.-iii.霍斯特也分开一-三。 from iv.从四。 1-40. 1-40 。 Portions from.从部分。 ch.的CH 。 ix.九。 and x.和十 also belong to i.-iii., in the following sequence: ix.也属于一，三，在下列顺序：九。 9b, 11, 12-14, 25-29, 15, 16, 21, 18-20; x. 9B条， 11 ， 12月14日， 25日至29日， 15日， 16日， 21日， 18日至20日;十。 1-5, 10, 11; then followed i. 1月5日， 10日， 11日;接着一。 6-iii.六-三。 29, i. 29日，一 6-8 preceding i. 6月8日之前的一 9-18. 9月18日。 Ch.的CH 。 ii.二。 10-12, 20-23; iii. 10月12日， 20日至23日;三。 9, 11b, 13b-14; x.九， 11 B款， 13 B条- 14 ;十。 6-9 are marginal notes by a learned reader. 6月9日是旁注由一个教训读者。 Ch.的CH 。 iii.三。 29 is followed by xxxi. 29其次是三十一。 1-8, and ch. 1月8日，和CH 。 xxxiv.三十四。 constitutes the end.构成结束。 Horst, in other words, constructs from the historical notes in i.-xi.霍斯特，换句话说，建构从历史注意到，在i.-xi. a chronological account of the events in the wilderness after the Law had been promulgated.时间顺序交代事件在旷野后，法律已经颁布。 Steuernagel, finally, considers all the passages with the address in the singular (i. 21, 31a; ii. 7, etc.) as later interpolations. steuernagel ，最后，认为所有通道与地址，在奇异（一21 ，第31 A条;二，七等） ，后来插值。
All these source-analyses, and the separation of i.-iv.所有这些源分析，分离i.-iv. from the rest of the book, to which only Hoonacker has hitherto objected, are inadmissible, for (1) the supposed contradictions do not exist; (2) i.从其余的图书，其中只有hoonacker一直反对，是不允许的， （ 1 ）假定的矛盾是不存在的; （ 2 ）一。 5 is no superscription, while i.五是没有superscription ，而一。 1 is an epilogue to Num.一是一个尾声，以NUM个。 (Knobel, Herxheimer, Klostermann); and (3) all the critics have misunderstood the import of the introduction, ch. （ knobel ， herxheimer ， klostermann ） ;及（ 3 ）所有的批评者误解了进口介绍，社区会堂。 i.-iv., which is not a historical or chronological account, but in its general character and in its details a single and continuous reproof based upon Israel's guilt contrasted with God's manifold mercies, and therefore as clearly of a parenetic nature as are the other parts of the book. i.-iv. ，这是不是一个历史或顺序的帐户，但在其总的性质和在其细节，一个单一的和连续的基础上谴责以色列的罪恶感对比与上帝的怜悯多方面的，因此，作为一个清楚parenetic的性质是图书的其他部分。
Variations of Analysis.变化的分析。
Ch.的CH 。 v.-xi.: Wellhausen holds that this passage does not belong to the original Deuteronomy as it is too long for an introduction: "Moses is forever trying to get at his point, but never gets to it." v.-xi. ：浩认为，这通过不属于原申命记因为它是太长，一导言： “摩西永远是试图获得在他的论点，但从来没有得到它” 。 Wellhausen is followed by Valeton, who designates v. 5, vii.浩其次是valeton ，谁指定五，五，七。 17-26, ix. 17日至26日，第九。 18-20, 22, 23, x. 18日至20日， 22日， 23日，十。 1-10a, 18-20, xi. 1 - 10 A条， 18日至20日，十一。 13-21 as interpolations, and by Cornill, who considers only x. 13-21作为插值，并cornill ，谁认为只有十。 1-9 as such, and designates this parenetic introduction as Dp in contrast to the historical i.-iv., Dh.; D'Eichthal, on the other hand, distinguishes three documents: (1) a glorification of God and Israel-v. 1月9日等，并指定这parenetic介绍，作为DP在对比的历史i.-iv. ，卫生署。 ; -e ichthal，另一方面，区分三个文件： （一）颂扬上帝和以色列-五。 1-3, 29 et seq.; vi. 1月3日， 29日等法律。 ;六。 1-25; vii. 1月25日;七。 7-24, 1-6, 25, 26; (2) exhortations to humility-viii. 7月24日， 1月6日， 25日， 26日; （ 2 ）嘱托，以谦卑-八。 1-20; ix. 1月20日;九。 1-8, 22-24; (3) a further glorification of Israel-x. 1月8日， 22日至24日; （ 3 ）进一步美化以色列- X的。 21 et seq.; xi. 21条及以下各条。 ;十一。 1-28, 32. 1月28日， 32 。 According to Horst, the Law begins in ch.据霍斯特，该法开始在CH 。 v., into which parenetic insertions (vii. 6b-10, 17-24; viii.; ix. 1-9a, 10, 22-24; x. 12-xi. 12, 22-25 [26-32]) have been forced.五，融入其中parenetic插入（ vii. 6B型- 10 ， 17日至24日;八。 ;九。 1 - 9 A条， 10 ， 22日至24日;十， 12 -十一。 12 ， 22日至25日[ 26-32 ] ）被强迫。 Steuernagel distinguishes in v.-xi. steuernagel区别在v.-xi. two combined introductions to the Law-namely, one with the plural form of address: v. 1-4, 20-28; ix.两相结合，介绍法律，即一与复数形式的地址：五1月4日， 20日至28日;九。 9, 11, 13-17, 21, 25-29; x. 9 ， 11 ， 13日至17日， 21日， 25日至29日;十。 1-5, 11, 16, 17; xi. 1月5日， 11日， 16日， 17日;十一。 2-5, 7, 16-17, 22-28; and another with the singular form of address: vi. 2月5日， 7日， 16-17日， 22-28 ;和另一个与奇异的形式，地址：六。 4-5, 10-13, 15; vii. 4月5日， 10月13日， 15日;七。 1-4a, 6, 9, 12b-16a, 17-21, 23-24; viii. 1 - 4A型， 6 ， 9 ， 12 B条- 16A条， 17日至21日， 23日至24日;八。 2-5, 7-14, 17-18; ix. 2月5日， 7月14日， 17日至18日;九。 1-4a, 5-7a; x. 1 - 4A型， 5 - 7 A条;十。 12, 14-15, 21 (22?); xi. 12月14日至15日， 21日（ 22 ？ ） ;十一。 10-12, 14-15. 10月12日， 14日至15日。 Kuenen, Oettli, König, and Strack ("Einleitung," 4th ed., p. 42) object to the separation of v.-xi., which is in fact entirely unnecessary, and makes of xii.-xxvi. kuenen ， oettli ，柯尼希， strack （ “ einleitung ， ”第四版，第42页）反对分离v.-xi. ，这实际上是完全不必要的，使得对xii. -二十六。 a fragment, this splitting up into fragments resting on no other foundation than the fiction that a briefer original Deuteronomy had been in existence to accommodate an impatient reader limited in time.一片段，这分裂成碎块休息就没有其他的基础，比小说的一个简短的申命记原已存在的，以容纳一不耐烦，读者在有限的时间内。
Ch.的CH 。 xii.-xxvi.: Since the assertion of Wellhausen ("Composition des Hexateuchs," p. 194), that themain division of the book has also been worked over, sources, interpolations, etc., have likewise been discovered within this part. xii. -二十六。 ：自断言浩（ “组成的万hexateuchs ， ” 194页） ， themain分工，这本书亦已工作，消息人士透露，插值等，也同样被发现，在这个部分。 In ch.在CH 。 xii.十二。 Vater had already assumed two duplicates-verses 5-7 parallel to 11, 12, and 15-19 parallel to 20-28-this opinion being shared by Cornill and in part by Stade ("Gesch. Israels," i. 658).乏特氏已假定两个重复-诗5-7平行的11 ， 12 ，和第15-19条平行至20 - 28 -这个意见被共享由cornill ，并在部分比赛（ “ gesch 。 israels ， ”一658 ） 。 Steinthal even distinguishes seven fragments in this chapter: (1) 1-7; (2) 8-12; (3) 13-16; (4) 17-19; (5) 20, 26-28; (6) 21-25; (7) 29-31 and xiii.施泰因塔尔的区别，甚至七碎片在这一章： （ 1 ） 1月7日; （ 2 ） 8月12日; （ 3 ） 13日至16日; （ 4 ） 17日至19日; （ 5 ） 20 ， 26日至28日; （ 6 ） 21 -25 （ 7 ） 29日至31日和第十三。 1. 1 。 Nearly the same is assumed by Stärk.几乎相同的是所承担的stärk 。 D'Eichthal divides xii. -e ichthal划分为十二。 into two documents: (1) 1-3, 29-31; (2) 4-28.分为两个文件： （ 1 ） 1月3日， 29日至31日; （ 2 ） 4月28日。 Horst thinks that 4-28 is a combination of four different texts.霍斯特认为， 4月28日是一个组合，四种不同的文本。 Steuernagel divides the chapter thus: (1) 1; (2) 2-12, subdivided into (3) 2; (4) 4-7; (5) 8-10; (6) 13-27, subdivided into (7) 15, 16; (8) 22-25; and (9) 28. steuernagel划分章，因此： （ 1 ） 1 （ 2 ） 2月12日，分为（ 3 ） 2 ; （ 4 ） 4月7日; （ 5 ） 8月10日; （ 6 ） 13日至27日，分为（ 7 ） 15 ， 16 ， （ 8 ） 22日至25日;及（ 9 ） 28 。 Underlying all these efforts to split its chapters into fragments and parts of fragments is a misconception of the style of Deuteronomy.所有这些努力，分裂其章节到的碎片和零件的碎片是一个错误的作风，申命记。
The following, among other criticisms, may be mentioned: Beginning with Wellhausen, almost all critics consider xv.以下，除其他的批评，可能会提到的：开始与浩，几乎所有的评论家认为十五。 4, 5 as a gloss or correction to xv. 4 ， 5 ，作为掩饰或更正，以十五。 7, 11, because they do not take into account the meaning and connection. 7 ， 11 ，因为他们没有顾及的意义和连接。 The passage xvi.通过十六。 21-xvii. 21 - 17 。 7 is in the wrong place, according to Wellhausen, Cornill, Stärk, and others, while Valeton and Kuenen admit this only of xvi.七是在错误的地方，根据浩， cornill ， stärk ，和其他人，而valeton和kuenen承认这不仅是十六。 21-xvii. 21 - 17 。 1. 1 。 Wellhausen, Stade, Cornill, and others do not include the "king's law," xvii.浩，比赛， cornill ，和其他人不包括“国王的法律， ”十七。 4-20, in Deuteronomy. 4月20日，在申命记。 In ch.在CH 。 xxiii.二十三。 verses 3-9 have been objected to by Geiger, Wellhausen, Stade, and Valeton, while Kuenen rejects their criticism.韵文3月9日已表示反对由盖革，浩，比赛，和valeton ，而kuenen拒绝接受他们的批评。 D'Eichthal finds contradictions between xxvi. -e ichthal认定之间的矛盾，二十六。 3, 4 and xxvi. 3 ，第4和第26 。 11; Horst, between xxvi.第11条;霍斯特之间，二十六。 1-15 and xiv. 1月15日和第十四条。 22-29. 22-29 。 The latest critics, Stärk and Steuernagel, have gone furthest in rearranging and cutting up the text.最新的批评， stärk和steuernagel ，已经最远的在重新安排和切割的案文。 Starting with the twofold mode of address-singular and plural-both assume that two works were combined, each of which again, according to Steuernagel, was based on a number of different sources.从双重模式的地址的单数和复数，无论是假设两个工程结合起来，其中每再次，根据steuernagel ，是基于几个不同的来源。 These and other critics (1) forget that the categories of the critic are not necessarily those of the author; (2) fail to explain how the present discrepancies were derived from a previous orderly arrangement, for in view of the continual change of address a separation of passages based on it can be effected only by resorting to violence; (3) should first have examined whether the noteworthy changes in the forms of address have no internal warrant.这些和其他批评者（ 1 ）忘记，该类别的评论家不一定是那些作者; （ 2 ）无法解释如何，目前的差异主要来自以前的有序安排，为在鉴于不断更改地址1分离通道的基础上，它可以影响只有通过诉诸暴力; （ 3 ）应先检查是否有值得注意的变化，在形式的地址有没有内部手令。 While it is possible that xii.-xxvi.虽然是有可能的xii. -二十六。 has been subjected to many revisions, changes, and interpolations, as a legal code naturally would be, nothing to that effect can be proved.一直受到许多修改，变化，插值，作为一个法律规定，自然会，无关，这种效果可以得到证实。
Supposed Sources of xxvii.-xxx.假定来源xxvii. -三十。
Ch.的CH 。 xxvii-xxx.: Kuenen criticizes xxvii.第二十七-三十。 ： kuenen批评二十七。 as follows: Not attributable to the Deuteronomist are: (1) 1-8, because they include an earlier account-5-7a; and (2) 11-13, because they refer back to xi.如下：不可归因于该deuteronomist是： （ 1 ） 1月8日，因为他们包括较早的帐户- 5 - 7 A条;及（ 2 ） 11月13日，因为它们指回席。 29-30, although misunderstanding the passage. 29日至30日，虽然误解了通过。 Verses 14-26 constitute a later interpolation; hence only 9, 10 remain for D1.诗14-26构成了后来插值;因此，只有第9 ，第10仍然适用于D1 。 This opinion is shared by Ewald, Kleinert, Kayser, Dillmann.这种看法是共同的埃瓦尔德，莱内特， kayser ， dillmann 。 According to Wellhausen, xxviii.据浩，二十八。 does not agree with xxvii.; xxviii.-xxx.不同意二十七。 ; xxviii. -三十。 are parallel to xxvii., each being a different conclusion to two different editions of the chief part, xii.-xxvi.平行至二十七，每一个不同的结论，以两个不同版本的，行政的一部分， xii. -二十六。 corresponding to the two prefaces i-iv.相应的两个前言一至四。 and v.-xi.和v.-xi. Ch.的CH 。 xxviii.二十八。 itself lacks unity.本身缺乏团结。 Valeton ascribes only 1-6, 15-19 to the author of the hortatory v.-xi., considering all else as later expansions. valeton赋予只有1月6日， 15日至19日，以作者的劝告v.-xi. ，考虑到一切为后来的扩展。 Kleinert considers 28-37 and 49-57 as later interpolations.莱内特认为， 28-37和49-57作为后来插值。 Dillmann also assumes numerous interpolations by a later editor. dillmann还假定众多插值由稍后编辑器。 In the two following chapters Kleinert considers xxix.在下列两个章节莱内特认为二十九。 21-27 and xxx. 21-27和三十。 1-10 as interpolations. 1月10日，作为插值。 Kuenen ascribes both chapters to another author. kuenen赋予双方的章节另一作者。 Ch.的CH 。 xxi-xxxiv.: Not only the critics but also the apologists refuse to consider these closing chapters, wholly or in part, as due to the author of Deuteronomy proper.二十一世纪-三十四。 ：不仅批评，但也辩护士拒绝考虑这些闭幕章节，全部或部分，由于作者申命记正确的。 (1) xxxi. （ 1 ）三十一。 1-8, parallel to Num. 1月8日，平行NUM个。 xxvii.二十七。 15-23, is a continuation of iii. 15-23 ，是一个延续三。 28 et seq., by the same author; xxxi. 28条及以下各条，由同一作者;三十一。 9-13 forms the close of the law-book, xxx. 9月13日形式密切的法律书籍，三十。 20; (2) xxxi. 20 ; （ 2 ）三十一。 14-30 serves as introduction to the song of Moses, belonging with it to the passages incorporated later in Deuteronomy; ch. 14-30充当介绍这首歌的摩西，属于与它通道纳入稍后在申命记;的CH 。 xxxii.三十二。 44-47 is the ending to the song, and to xxxi. 44-47是结尾的歌曲，以及三十一。 15-29; 48-52 are taken from the Priestly Code (P); (3) xxxiii. 15-29 ; 48-52是采取从priestly代码性（ P ） ; （ 3 ）三十三。 is an old document incorporated by the editor; (4) xxxiv., Moses' death, is combined from different accounts; the following verses are taken from P: 1a and 5 (revised), 7-9 (Dillmann); 1-7a, 8, 9 (Wellhausen); 1a, 8, 9, 1a, 7a, 8, 9 (Kuenen); 1a, 8, 9 (Cornill).是一个古老的文件纳入编辑; （ 4 ）第三十四，摩西死亡，是结合从不同的账户;下面的诗是采取从P ： 1A和5 （修订本） ， 7-9 （ dillmann ） ; 1 - 7 A款， 8 ， 9 （浩） ;一号A ， 8 ， 9 ，第1 A ，第7 A ， 8 ， 9 （ kuenen ） ;一号A ， 8 ， 9 （ cornill ） 。 To J belong: 1b, 4(Dilimann); lb-7 (Cornill).至J属于： 1 B款，第4条（ dilimann ） ;磅- 7 （ cornill ） 。 To JE belong: 10 (Dillmann); 2-7, 10-12 (Wellhausen; revised); 1b-3, 5-7b, 10 (Kuenen).以流行性乙型脑炎属于： 10 （ dillmann ） ; 2月7日， 10月12日（浩;修订） ; 1 B款- 3 ， 5 - 7B条，第10条（ kuenen ） 。 To D belong: 1a β 6 (revised), 11, 12 (Dillmann); and lb β 2-3, an interpolation.到D属于：第1 A β 6 （修订本） ， 11 ， 12 （ dillmann ） ;和磅β 2月3日，一插。 According to Wellhausen, 2-7, 10-12, Kuenen 4-6, 7a, 11-12, Cornill 10-12, are editorial interpolations.据浩， 2月7日， 10月12日， kuenen 4月6日， 7 A条， 11月12日， cornill 10月12日，是编辑插值。
Date and Tendency.日期和趋势。
Ranke, Hävernick, Hengstenberg, Baumgarten, Fr.兰克， hävernick ，韩斯坦堡，鲍姆嘉通，神父。 W. Schultz, Keil, Kühel, Bissel, and other apologists ascribe the book to Moses.瓦特舒尔茨， Keil公司， kühel ， ，比塞尔，和其他辩护士归于这本书摩西。 This view is criticized on the following grounds: (1) The account of the discourses of Moses, their writing and transmission (xxxi. 9, 24-26; xxviii. 58, 61; xxix. 19, 20, 26; xxx. 11; xvii. 18 et seq.), can not be by Moses.这种观点是批评，理由如下： （ 1 ）帐户的话语，郑慕智，他们的写作和传输（ xxxi. 9月24日至26日;二十八。 58 ， 61 ;二十九。 19 ， 20 ， 26日;三十。 11 ;十七，十八条等） ，不能由郑慕智。 (2) Moses can not possibly have written the story of his death, nor compared himself with later prophets (ch. xxxiv.). （ 2 ）郑慕智不可能有书面的故事，他的死因，也没有把自己与后来的先知（ ch.第三十四） 。 (3) A later time is indicated by ii. （ 3 ）稍后的时间是表示，由二。 12 ("as Israel did"), by iii. 12 （ “以色列没有” ） ，由三。 9-11, 14 ("unto this day"; comp. Judges x. 4 and i. 44 with i. 17); and by xix. 9月11日，第14条（ “祂在这一天” ;可比。法官十四和一44一17 ） ;及十九。 14 ("of old time"). 14 （ “旧时代” ） 。 (4) The writer speaks of the country east of the Jordan as "on this side" (i. 1, 5; iv. 41-49), though referring in the speeches to the western country (iii. 20, 25; xi. 30: in iii. 8 vice versa): therefore, he is in Palestine. （ 4 ）作者说，该国东部的约旦“这一边” （一， 1 ， 5 ;四， 41-49 ） ，虽然是指在发言中向西方国家（ iii. 20日， 25日;喜。 30日：在三，八，反之亦然） ：因此，他是在巴勒斯坦。 (5) Although Israel is represented as about to enter Canaan, the language necessitates the inference that Israel is already settled in that country, engaged in agricul ture or living in cities, under an organized government. （ 5 ）尽管以色列是派代表作为即将进入迦南，语文，需要推理，以色列已经解决了在该国，从事agricul真或居住在城市，下一个有组织的政府。 (6) The book assumes a long period of development as regards politics and the state ("king's law": supreme court), religion (allusions to fundamental religious principles and the law of the Prophets; emphasis on the centralization of worship), and worship (position of the priests and Levites; gifts to the sanctuary). （ 6 ）这本书假定一个长期的发展时期，至于政治和国家（ “国王的法” ：最高法院） ，宗教（典故，以宗教的根本原则和法律的先知;侧重于集中的崇拜） ，以及崇拜（立场的祭司和利;礼物庇护） 。 (7) The book uses sources that can be proved to be post-Mosaic. （ 7 ）这本书的来源，用途，可被证明是后花叶。 The precise dates given, however, vary.确切日期，不过，有所不同。
Kleinert is of the opinion that the book was composed about the end of the period of the Judges, perhaps even by Samuel or by a contemporary of Samuel, and certainly in a truly Mosaic spirit.莱内特是认为这本书组成的约期结束的法官，甚至可能由黄秉槐，或由当代塞缪尔，当然，在一个真正的花叶精神。 Thelegislation occupies a middle ground in relation to that of the earlier books. thelegislation占有中，在地面的关系，即较早的书籍。 As pre-Deuteronomic may be proved: Ex.作为前deuteronomic可证明：当然。 xx.-xxiii., xxxiv. xx. -二十三，三十四。 11-26, xix. 11月26日，十九。 5 et seq., xiii. 5条及以下各条，第十三。 1-13; Lev. 1月13日;列弗。 xvii.十七。 18 et seq.; Num. 18条及以下各条。 ; NUM个。 xxxiii.三十三。 50 et seq., iii. 50条及以下各条，三。 12 et seq.; the principal enactments in Lev. 12条及以下各条。 ;的主要成文法在列弗。 xviii.-xx.; the content of Ex. xviii. -第XX 。 ;的内容，当然。 xii.十二。 1-14, 21-23, 43-50; Lev. 1月14日， 21-23日， 43-50 ;列弗。 xiii.十三。 xiv.十四。 Post-Deuteronomic: Lev.后deuteronomic ：列弗。 xi., xv.第十一，十五。 16 et seq., xvii. 16条及以下各条，十七。 15 et seq., xxii. 15条及以下各条，二十二。 17 et seq., xxiii., xxv. 17条及以下各条，二十三，二十五。 39 et-seq., xxvii. 39内皮素及其后各条，二十七。 26-30 et seq.; Num. 26日至30日等法律。 ; NUM个。 xv.十五。 37 et seq.; xviii. 37条及以下各条。 ;十八。 15, 21 et seq.; xxviii., xxix. 15 ， 21等法律。 ;二十八，二十九。 Moses' blessing, xxxiii., dates from the early time of the Judges.郑慕智'的祝福，三十三，日期从早期的时候法官。 Ch.的CH 。 xxxi.三十一。 14-29, xxxii. 14-29 ，三十二。 1-43, 48-52, xxxiv. 1-43 ， 48-52 ，三十四。 must be separated as non-Deuteronomic.一定要分开，作为非deuteronomic 。
Different Dates Assigned.不同日期的分配。
The book is assumed to have been composed during the earlier, but post-Solomonic, time of the Kings, by Delitzsch and Oettli; under Hezekiah, by Vaihinger and König; under Manasseh, by Ewald, Riehm, WR Smith, Wildeboer, Kautzsch, Kittel, Dernier, Valeton; under Josiah, by De Wette, Bleck, George, Vatke, Graf, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Dillmann, Cornill, Stade, Reuss, and nearly all critics since Graf-Wellhausen.这本书是假设已经组成，在较早前，但后solomonic ，时间，国王，由delitzsch和oettli ; hezekiah下，由费英格和柯尼希;下玛，由埃瓦尔德， riehm ，西铁的史密斯， wildeboer ， kautzsch ， kittel ， dernier ， valeton ;下，乔赛亚，由德wette ， bleck ，乔治， vatke ，格拉夫，浩， kuenen ， dillmann ， cornill ，比赛， reuss ，几乎所有的批评者自格拉夫-浩。 Gesenius and the more recent French critics, as D'Eichthal, Havet, Vernes, Horst, have assumed a date during, or later than, the Exile.格泽纽斯和较近期的法语批评，因为-e ichthal， h avet， v ernes，霍斯特，假设日期期间，或不迟，流亡国外。
The assumption that the book was composed under Hezekiah, Manasseh, or Josiah is based on the hypothesis that the law-book which was discovered in the Temple by the priest Hilkiah in the eighteenth year of the reign of King Josiah, 621 BC, as narrated in II Kings xxii.假设这本书组成，根据hezekiah ，玛，或乔赛亚是基于假设的法律书籍被发现，在圣殿中由牧师希勒家，在第十八年的统治国王乔赛亚， 621年，作为叙述在第二国王二十二。 et seq., was virtually the present Deuteronomy, the only difference of opinion being as to how long it had been composed.等法律，几乎是目前的申命记，唯一不同的意见被作为维持多久，它已组成。 Most of the advocates of the Josianic period even say that the book was composed and hidden with the definite intention that it should be brought to light in that way.大部分的主张的josianic时期，甚至可以说这本书组成的和隐藏的与明确的意向，它应揭示了以这种方式。 This hypothesis is difficult to maintain, for a number of improbabilities must be assumed in order to prove that the code found at the time of Josiah was Deuteronomy.这种假设是很难维持，对一些improbabilities必须假定，以证明该守则发现的时候，乔赛亚是申命记。 All that can be claimed is that the narrator of the story of the finding and of the reforms attendant upon it adopts in part the language of Deut.所有可以声称是叙述者的故事，调查结果和改革的服务员后，它采用的一部分，在语言deut 。 This view is exposed to the insuperable objection that the religion which brought truth into the world can not have been founded upon a deception.这种观点是接触到不可逾越的反对，认为宗教所带来的真理，融入世界，不能已成立后，一种欺骗。 That this fundamental book of religion, containing such a free and pure stream of truth, could be pseudepigraphic, and that the whole nation should have considered as of Mosaic origin and of divine authority, and have adopted at once, without objection or criticism, a book which was a forgery, of the existence of which no one knew anything before that time, and which demanded radical modifications of the religious life, and especially of worship, is inconceivable.这本书根本的宗教，载有这样一个自由和纯流的真理，可pseudepigraphic ，以及全民族应视为镶嵌的起源和神圣的权力，并已通过一次，无异议或批评，本书是伪造的，存在哪些没有人知道什么之前的时间，要求修改激进的宗教生活，特别是崇拜，是不可想象的。
Those critics who recognize these objections, but for critical reasons hesitate to take Moses as the author, assert, therefore, that the book is in its essentials a faithful reproduction of the teaching of Moses, filling in the outlines given by the latter; and that there are no objections to assuming that inspired men, working in the spirit of Moses, and sustaining to him the uninterrupted relation of spiritual succession, should feel justified in rendering his teaching and his law comprehensible for their own time, supplementing and developing them, and that the book thus composed is none the less Mosaic in spirit.那些批评谁承认这些反对意见，但关键的原因，毫不犹豫地采取郑慕智作为作者，断言，因此，这本书是在其要素的忠实再现教学，郑慕智，灌装，在概述了由后者;及有没有人反对，以假设的启发的男子，在工作的精神，郑慕智，并维持对他不间断的关系，精神的继承，应该感到有道理的渲染他的教学和他的律师可以理解为自己的时间，补充和发展，并这本书，从而组成的无非是较低的马赛克在精神。 Modern criticism holds that the book was prepared for the purpose of realizing the ideals of the Prophets in the national life of Israel.现代的批评，认为这本书编写的目的，实现理想的先知，在国家生活中的以色列。 It is the summary of the prophetic deliverances of the eighth and seventh centuries, though not altogether free from impairments of the prophetic ideals.这是总结了先知deliverances的第八和第七世纪，虽然不是完全免费，从损伤预言的理想。 Some critics (Cheyne, "Jeremiah," pp. 65 et seq.) consider it as a product of the priestly-prophetic circles, an assumption that is certainly correct (comp. xvii. 9 et seq., xxiv. 8).一些批评家（进益， “耶利米” ，页65条及以下各条） 。认为这是作为一个产品的priestly -先知界，假设这肯定是正确的（ comp.十七，九条及以下各条， 24条8段） 。
Sources and Redaction.来源和节录。
Although the place assigned traditionally to Deut.虽然传统的地方，分配到deut 。 as containing the end of the Mosaic legislation, and as presupposing the existence of Ex.-Num., is disputed by modern criticism, yet all critics agree that it is based on previous sources that have in part been preserved.含有年底镶嵌立法，并作为假定的存在，例如： - NUM个，是有争议的现代批评，但所有的批评者同意这是根据以往的来源有部分是被保留。 This applies certainly to J and to E, both in the narrative and the legal portions.这也适用，当然J和电子商务，无论是在叙事和法律的部分。 J in the narrative: i.律政司的叙述：一， 8, comp. 8 ，可比。 Gen. xv.将军十五。 18; i. 18岁;一。 45, comp. 45 ，可比。 Num. NUM个。 xiv.十四。 16; iii.第16条;三。 15 et seq., comp. 15条及以下各条，可比。 Num. NUM个。 xxxii.三十二。 29; otherwise the story is recapitulated from E. In the Law the close relation and connection with the Book of the Covenant contained in E (Ex. xx. 24-xxiii. 19) is most noticeable, Steuernagel being the only one to dispute this, and the so-called Decalogue in J (Ex. xxxiv.). 29日，否则故事是扼要重述从e.在依法密切的关系，和他们涉嫌与本公约所载的在电子商务中（例如，第XX 。 24 -二十三。十九日）是最引人注目， steuernagel作为唯一一本以争端，和所谓的十诫在J （例如第三十四） 。 It is a matter of dispute whether the author of Deuteronomy knew J and E as separate works, or after they had been united into JE and incorporated into the Tetrateuch.这是一个问题的争端，是否作者申命记知道J和e视不同的工程，或之后，他们已被美国纳入日本脑炎，并纳入tetrateuch 。 The priority of the Decalogue of Ex.优先的十诫的特惠。 xx.第XX 。 or that of Deut.或认为deut 。 v. is also a much disputed question.五，也是许多有争议的问题。 Deuteronomy takes a very independent stand toward its sources, the reproduction being a free modification or enlargement.申命记需要一个非常独立的立场，走向其来源，复制是一个自由修改或扩大。 Wellhausen and Stade have therefore assumed it to be an enlarged edition of the old Book of the Covenant, and Kuenen, followed especially by Cornill, has brought forward the hypothesis that Deut.浩和比赛因此，假设这是一个扩大版的老书，该公约，并kuenen ，其次是由cornill ，已提出的假说deut 。 supplanted the Book of the Covenant. supplanted这本书的盟约。
It is a very important question under discussion, whether the author of Deuteronomy was acquainted with P; whether, therefore, the latter was the earlier book, if not in its present codification, at least in content.这是一个非常重要的问题正在讨论，是否作者申命记是熟悉与P ;否，因此，后者是先前预订，如果不是在其目前的编纂，至少在内容。 P is asserted to be older by Dillmann, Delitzsch, Oettli, and, of course, by the traditionalists. P是断言，必须由老年人dillmann ， delitzsch ， oettli ，当然，由传统。 As regards history they quote iv.至于历史，他们引述四。 3 = Num. 3 = NUM个。 xxv.二十五。 (leading astray of the Israelites); i. （领导误入歧途的以色列人） ;一。 37, iii. 37 ，三。 26, iv. 26日，四。 21 (Aaron and Moses forbidden to enter Canaan) = Num. 21 （阿伦和摩西禁止进入迦南） = NUM个。 xx.第XX 。 12, 24, xxvii. 12 ， 24 ，二十七。 14; i.第14条;一。 23 (number of the spies) = Num. 23 （数目间谍） = NUM个。 xiii.十三。 1 et seq.; x. 1等法律。 ;十。 3 (the Ark of shittim-wood) = Ex. 3 （方舟什亭木材） =当然。 xxxvii.三十七。 1; x.一;十。 22 (the number "70") = Gen. xlvi. 22 （数字“ 70 ” ） =上将四十六。 27; xxxi.第27条;三十一。 2, xxxiv. 2 ，三十四。 7 (the age of Moses) = Ex. 7 （年龄郑慕智） =当然。 vii.七。 7. 7 。 In the Law the many allusions to the law of holiness belonging to P (Lev. xvii.-xxvi.), the assumption of several "torot," and especially Deut.在法律上的许多典故，以法律的神圣的归属感，为P （ lev. xvii. - 26 ） ，假设几个“ torot ” ，尤其是deut 。 xiv.十四。 in comparison with Lev.在比较与列弗。 xi., confirm this view.十一，中，确认这种看法。 According to other critics the historical references are derived from notes in JE, no longer extant, and as regards the Law they reverse the relation in every case.另据批评的历史参考是来自注意到，在日本脑炎，已不再现存的，至于法律，他们反向的关系，在任何情况下。 P presupposes Deut.; so that, for instance, Lev. p假定deut 。 ;因此，举例来说，列弗。 xi.十一。 was modeled upon Deut.为蓝本后， deut 。 xiv.十四。
The redaction of Deut.节录的deut 。 passed, according to Wellhausen, through three stages: (1) the original Deut.-xii.-xxvi.; (2) two enlarged editions independentof each other-i.-iv., xii.-xxvi., xvii., and v.-xi., xii.-xxvi., xxviii.-xxx.; (3) combination of the two editions and incorporation of the work so formed into the Hexateuchic code.获得通过，根据浩，通过3个阶段： （ 1 ）原申命记- xii. -二十六。 ; （ 2 ） 2扩大版independentof对方-一-四， xii. -二十六，十七， v.-xi. ， xii. -二十六， xxviii. -三十。 ; （ 3 ）结合这两个版本的和团的工作，所以形成了hexateuchic代码。 Deuteronomy was in the first place combined only with JE; a later editor combined this work with P after the component parts of the latter had been put together.申命记是摆在首位，只有结合起来，与流行性乙型脑炎;稍后编辑器结合这方面的工作与P后，组成部分，后者已被放在一起。 Dillmann assumes the following three stages of redaction down to Ezra: (1) Pg + E + J; (2) PgEJ + D; (3) PgEJD + Ph (law of holiness). dillmann假设以下三个阶段的节录下来，以以斯拉： （ 1 ） pg +对e + j ; （ 2 ） pgej +深; （ 3 ） pgejd + pH值（法成圣） 。 The views in regard to the redaction depend on what is considered as the original Deut.的意见，在关于节录依赖于什么是被视为原deut 。 and into what and how many parts it is divided.和到什么以及有多少部分是意见分歧。 According to the Graf-Wellhausen theory of the relation of Deut.根据该格拉夫-浩理论的关系deut 。 to the Prophets, and its priority to P, the book marks a radical change in the Israelitic religion.向先知，和其优先到P ，这本书马克彻底的改变，在israelitic宗教。 Through the centralization of worship the popular exercise of religion, closely connected with the daily life, the home, and the house, is uprooted and all the sacred poetry of life destroyed.通过集中崇拜流行的行使宗教，紧密相连，与日常生活中，家庭和房子，是连根拔起，所有的神圣诗歌的生活被毁。 Worship is separated from life, and the sharp contrast of holy and profane arises between the two.崇拜是脱离生活，并形成鲜明对比的神圣和亵渎出现两者之间。 The idea of the Church comes into existence; then a separate profession, that of the clergy, is created; and by transferring the priestly ideal to the whole people the way is prepared for the exclusive and particularistic character of later Judaism.的思想，教会生效的存在;然后一个单独的行业，就是神职人员，是创造，并通过转移priestly理想，整个人的方式是准备为独家和particularistic性质稍后犹太教。 As the prophetic ideas are formulated into concrete laws, religion is externalized and becomes a religion of law, an opus operatum.作为先知的想法是制订转化为具体的法律，宗教是外在因素，成为宗教的法律，一个作品operatum 。 The people now know exactly what they have to do, for "it is written."人民群众现在确切地知道他们所要做的， “这是写” 。 Deuteronomy marks the beginning of the canon; religion becomes a book religion, an object of study, a theology.申命记标志着佳能;宗教成为一本书，宗教，一为研究对象，神学。 The people know what they may expect if they keep the Law.人民群众知道他们可以预期，如果他们保持法律。 Religion assumes the nature of a covenant, a contract, and the doctrine of retribution becomes paramount.宗教假设的性质，一公约，合同，并学说的报应成为至高无上的。 Further conclusions are then drawn by P as to post-exilic Judaism, Pharisaism, the Talmud, Rabbinism.进一步的结论，然后得出的P为后exilic犹太教， pharisaism ，塔木德， rabbinism 。
This whole conception is based on literary and religio-historical assumptions that are either wrong or doubtful.这整个构想是基于文学和religio历史的假设都是错误的或令人怀疑。 The doctrines and demands of Deut.教条和要求deut 。 have always been fundamental in Israel's religion.一直根本在以色列的宗教。 The book condemns and abolishes paganism.这本书谴责和废除异教。 The alleged legitimacy of the decentralization and popularization of worship is based entirely upon a wrong interpretation of Ex.被指控的合法性，权力下放和大众化的崇拜，是完全基于一个错误的解释当然。 xx.第XX 。 24. 24 。 Centralization is the necessary consequence of monotheism and of the actual or ideal unity of the people.集中是必然后果，神和实际的或理想的各族人民的团结。 Law and prophecy are closely connected from the foundation of Judaism, beginning with Moses.法律和预言是紧密相连，从基础犹太教，开始与摩西。 The regulation of life according to divine law, the contrast between holy and profane, the rise of a canon and a theology, are incidental to the development of every religion that has ever controlled and modified the life of a people.EGHBJ该规例的生活根据神圣的法律，对比神圣和亵渎，崛起的佳能和神学，是附带的发展，每一种宗教都具有以往任何时候都控制和改良的生活一people.eghbj
Morris Jastrow Jr., SR Driver, Emil G. Hirsch, Benno Jacob莫里斯jastrow小，简司机，埃米尔g.赫希， benno雅各布
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书， 1901年至1906年之间出版的。
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