Book of Exodus, ספר שמות (Hebrew)书出埃及记

General Information一般资料

Exodus, the second book of the Bible, derives its name from the narrative's main theme, Israel's exodus from Egypt.出埃及记,圣经的第二本书,源于叙事的主旋律,以色列从埃及出走它的名字。 Picking up where Genesis left off, the first 15 chapters of Exodus describe Egypt's harsh policy toward Israel and the escape of the Israelites from their bondage.拿起其中创世记不放过,出埃及记第15章描述了埃及对以色列的严厉政策和以色列人从他们的束缚逃脱。The narrative follows the career of Moses from his marvelous birth through his exile in Midian.叙述如下从他的出生奇妙的摩西在米甸通过他的流亡生涯。It continues with his final victorious contest with Pharaoh, in which Moses is God's spokesman, and ends with the Egyptian debacle at the Reed (traditionally Red) Sea.它继续与他最后的法老,其中摩西是上帝的代言人比赛的胜利,并与在里德(传统红)海埃及惨败结束。Chapters 16 - 40 describe the march of the Israelites through the wilderness to Mount Sinai, where God descends on the mountain, gives the law to Moses, and establishes a quickly broken Covenant with Israel that must be reestablished after Aaron makes the Golden Calf.章16 - 40描述通过旷野的以色列人走向西奈山,上帝降临在山上,给摩西的法律,并建立一个与以色列迅速打破盟约,必须重新建立后,亚伦使得金牛犊。

Many important events are recorded in Exodus: the revelation of God's name as Yahweh in 3:11 - 15; the institution of the Passover in 5:1 - 12:36; and the giving of the Ten Commandments, directives for the construction of the Tabernacle, and other religious and ceremonial legislation in 19 - 40.许多重要的事件记录在出埃及记: 在3点11分的神的名字作为耶和华的启示- 15;的逾越节在5点01分机构- 12:36;和十诫,指令发出的施工会幕,和其他宗教和礼仪的立法在19 - 40。The authorship of the book has been ascribed traditionally to Moses, but it is actually a composite work of much later date, containing the same literary strands found in Genesis.该书的作者已被赋予传统以摩西,但它实际上是一个综合的工作更晚的日期,包含在创世纪发现了同样的文学股。

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Bibliography 参考书目
BS Childs, The Book of Exodus (1974).BS蔡尔兹,在出埃及记(1974)。CA Cole, Studies in Exodus (1986).CA科尔,在出埃及记学(1986)。


Book of Exodus书出埃及记

Brief Outline简述

  1. Israel in Egypt (1:1-12:36)在埃及的以色列(1:1-12:36)
  2. The journey to Sinai (12:37-19:2)在西奈旅程(12:37-19:2)
  3. Israel at Sinai (19:3-40:38)以色列在西奈(19:3-40:38)


Exodus出埃及记

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Exodus was the great deliverance wrought for the children of Isreal when they were brought out of the land of Egypt with "a mighty hand and with an outstretched 136), about BC 1490, and four hundred and eighty years (1 Kings 6:1) before the building of Solomon's temple. The time of their sojourning in Egypt was, according to Ex. 12:40, the space of four hundred and thirty years. In the LXX., the words are, "The sojourning of the children of Israel which they sojourned in Egypt and in the land of Canaan was four hundred and thirty years;" and the Samaritan version reads, "The sojourning of the children of Israel and of their fathers which they sojourned in the land of Canaan and in the land of Egypt was four hundred and thirty years." In Gen. 15:13-16, the period is prophetically given (in round numbers) as four hundred years.出埃及是伟大的拯救为Isreal孩子造成当他们被带到了埃及的土地出与“大能的手和伸出136),约公元前1490年,和480年(王六时01分)前所罗门圣殿建筑的他们在旅居埃及的时间是,根据前。12:40,在430年空间,在LXX。的话是,“对儿童的旅居他们在以色列和埃及在迦南地寄居于430年;“和撒玛利亚版本写道:”对以色列的儿童和他们的父亲旅居它们在迦南地,在土地旅居埃及是430年。“在创15:13-16,这段时间是预言给出400年(在整数)。

This passage is quoted by Stephen in his defence before the council (Acts 7:6).这段话是引述斯蒂芬在他之前,议会国防(徒7:6)。The chronology of the "sojourning" is variously estimated.而“旅居”年表有各种估计。Those who adopt the longer term reckon thus:- Years From the descent of Jacob into Egypt to the death of Joseph 71 From the death of Joseph to the birth of Moses 278 From the birth of Moses to his flight into Midian 40 From the flight of Moses to his return into Egypt 40 From the return of Moses to the Exodus 1 430 Others contend for the shorter period of two hundred and fifteen years, holding that the period of four hundred and thirty years comprehends the years from the entrance of Abraham into Canaan (see LXX. and Samaritan) to the descent of Jacob into Egypt.这些谁采取长远估计这样的: - 年,由雅各进入埃及血统的从死亡的约瑟夫约瑟夫死亡71至278的摩西出生从摩西的诞生从飞行到他到米店40航班摩西他进入埃及40返回从摩西回到出埃及记1 430其他争夺的215年较短期间,认为对430年时期领会从亚伯拉罕到迦南年高考(见LXX,和撒玛利亚)向雅各进入埃及血统。

They reckon thus:- Years.他们认为这样的: - 年。From Abraham's arrival in Canaan to Isaac's birth 25 From Isaac's birth to that of his twin sons Esau and Jacob 60 From Jacob's birth to the going down into Egypt 130 215 From Jacob's going down into Egypt to the death of Joseph 71 From death of Joseph to the birth of Moses 64 From birth of Moses to the Exodus 80 In all 430 During the forty years of Moses' sojourn in the land of Midian, the Hebrews in Egypt were being gradually prepared for the great national crisis which was approaching.从亚伯拉罕在迦南抵达以撒的出生25从以撒的出生到他的双胞胎儿子以扫和雅各60,从雅各布的诞生到会进入埃及130 215下从雅各的不断下降到埃及从约瑟夫死亡的约瑟夫71死亡64,摩西从摩西出生诞生到在所有430出埃及记在摩西“在米甸地寄居的四十年80,在埃及的希伯来人正在逐步准备了伟大的民族危机正在接近。

The plagues that successively fell upon the land loosened the bonds by which Pharaoh held them in slavery, and at length he was eager that they should depart.在瘟疫的土地后,先后下跌放宽债券的法老被奴役他们,他渴望在长度,他们应该离开。But the Hebrews must now also be ready to go.但希伯来人现在必须也愿意去。They were poor; for generations they had laboured for the Egyptians without wages.他们是穷人;几代他们辛劳的埃及人没有工资。 They asked gifts from their neighbours around them (Ex. 12:35), and these were readily bestowed.他们要求从周围邻居(出12:35)礼品,而这些人随时赐予的。And then, as the first step towards their independent national organization, they observed the feast of the Passover, which was now instituted as a perpetual memorial.然后,作为对他们的独立的国家组织的第一步,他们观察到的逾越节,这是现在作为一个永久的纪念提起盛宴。The blood of the paschal lamb was duly sprinkled on the poor-posts and lintels of all their houses, and they were all within, waiting the next movement in the working out of God's plan.逾越节羔羊的血正式洒在劣质职位,其所有的房屋门楣,他们都在,等待在工作的神的计划出下一个动作。

At length the last stroke fell on the land of Egypt.在长行程的最后倒在埃及的土地。"It came to pass, that at midnight Jehovah smote all the firstborn in the land of Egypt." “过了,在午夜耶和华击杀所有在埃及地的长子说。”Pharaoh rose up in the night, and called for Moses and Aaron by night, and said, "Rise up, and get you forth from among my people, both ye and the children of Israel; and go, serve Jehovah, as ye have said. Also take your flocks and your herds, as ye have said, and be gone; and bless me also."老王奋起,在夜晚,为摩西和亚伦所谓的黑夜,并说,“起来,并让你来回从我的人,你们都和以色列的儿童;去,为耶和华,因为你们说,同时把你的羊群和牛群,因为你们已经说了,消失,并祝福我也“。 Thus was Pharaoh (qv) completely humbled and broken down.因此是法老(QV)完全谦卑和分解。These words he spoke to Moses and Aaron "seem to gleam through the tears of the humbled king, as he lamented his son snatched from him by so sudden a death, and tremble with a sense of the helplessness which his proud soul at last felt when the avenging hand of God had visited even his palace."这些话他对摩西和亚伦“似乎一线通过谦卑王的眼泪,因为他感叹他的儿子从他身上抢走如此突然死亡,并用颤抖的无奈的他终于感到骄傲的灵魂时感神手报复甚至访问了他的宫殿。“ The terror-stricken Egyptians now urged the instant departure of the Hebrews.该闻风丧胆埃及人现在敦促希伯来即时离境。

In the midst of the Passover feast, before the dawn of the 15th day of the month Abib (our April nearly), which was to be to them henceforth the beginning of the year, as it was the commencement of a new epoch in their history, every family, with all that appertained to it, was ready for the march, which instantly began under the leadership of the heads of tribes with their various sub-divisions.在中间的逾越节前,在亚笔月15日(我们的四月近),这是对他们今后将在今年年初,因为它是一个新时代的曙光开始在他们的历史,每个家庭,与所有appertained它,是为3月份,即刻下的部落首长的领导开始与各分部门做好准备。 They moved onward, increasing as they went forward from all the districts of Goshen, over the whole of which they were scattered, to the common centre.他们向前移动,增加他们迎上前去,从所有的歌珊地区,在其中,他们被分散整体,共同的中心。Three or four days perhaps elapsed before the whole body of the people were assembled at Rameses, and ready to set out under their leader Moses (Ex. 12:37; Num. 33:3).三,四天之前,可能经过的人全身都聚集在拉美西斯,并准备好他们的领导下成立摩西(出埃及记12时37分;数33:3)了。 This city was at that time the residence of the Egyptian court, and here the interviews between Moses and Pharaoh had taken place.这个城市当时的埃及法院居住,这里摩西和法老之间发生了采访。From Rameses they journeyed to Succoth (Ex. 12:37), identified with Tel-el-Maskhuta, about 12 miles west of Ismailia.他们从拉美西斯远航到疏割(出12:37),用电话- EL - Maskhuta发现,大约有12公里的伊斯梅利亚西部。

Their third station was Etham (qv), 13:20, "in the edge of the wilderness," and was probably a little to the west of the modern town of Ismailia, on the Suez Canal.他们的第三站被以倘起行(QV),13:20,“在旷野的边缘”,并可能是一个到了伊斯梅利亚现代西部小城镇上的苏伊士运河。 Here they were commanded "to turn and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea", ie, to change their route from east to due south.在这里,他们被命令“转身扎营前丕hahiroth,密夺和海之间”,即改变自己的路线从东到正南。The Lord now assumed the direction of their march in the pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night.主现在承担了他们在白天的云柱,夜间行军和火的方向。They were then led along the west shore of the Red Sea till they came to an extensive camping-ground "before Pi-hahiroth," about 40 miles from Etham.然后,他们被带领沿红海西岸,直到他们来到一个广泛的露营地“之前丕hahiroth,”从以倘起行约40英里。This distance from Etham may have taken three days to traverse, for the number of camping-places by no means indicates the number of days spent on the journey: eg, it took fully a month to travel from Rameses to the wilderness of Sin (Ex. 16:1), yet reference is made to only six camping-places during all that time.这是从以倘起行距离可能已三天遍历的露营名额,绝不表示对旅途花费的天数:例如,花了一个月的旅行完全从拉美西斯到仙荒野(前。16:1),但提到了只有六个露营地在所有的时间。

The exact spot of their encampment before they crossed the Red Sea cannot be determined.其营地的确切位置,才越过红海无法确定。It was probably somewhere near the present site of Suez.这可能是附近的某处苏伊士现址。Under the direction of God the children of Israel went "forward" from the camp "before Pi-hahiroth," and the sea opened a pathway for them, so that they crossed to the farther shore in safety.在上帝的方向以色列的孩子上了“前沿”,从营“之前丕hahiroth,”与大海为他们打开一个途径,让他们在安全,越过越远岸。 The Egyptian host pursued after them, and, attempting to follow through the sea, were overwhelmed in its returning waters, and thus the whole military force of the Egyptians perished.埃及主机追赶他们,并试图循海,是在其返回水域不堪重负,因而整个埃及人武力灭亡了。They "sank as lead in the mighty waters" (Ex. 15:1-9; comp. Ps. 77:16-19).他们“沉没作为牵头在强大的水域”(出埃及记15:1-9;。排版诗77:16-19)。Having reached the eastern shore of the sea, perhaps a little way to the north of 'Ayun Musa ("the springs of Moses"), there they encamped and rested probably for a day.经达到了海东岸,也许有点办法的“阿云穆萨(”摩西泉“)北部,那里他们扎营休息了一天,并可能。Here Miriam and the other women sang the triumphal song recorded in Ex.这里仪和其他妇女唱凯旋歌在防爆记录。15:1-21.15:1-21。From 'Ayun Musa they went on for three days through a part of the barren "wilderness of Shur" (22), called also the "wilderness of Etham" (Num. 33:8; comp. Ex. 13:20), without finding water.从“阿云穆萨他们去了三天通过对贫瘠”的书珥旷野“的一部分(22),也称为了”以倘起行荒野“(民数记33:8;。比赛前13:20),无找水。

On the last of these days they came to Marah (qv), where the "bitter" water was by a miracle made drinkable.在这些天的最后他们来到玛拉(QV),这里的“苦”水是由一个奇迹了饮用。Their next camping-place was Elim (qv), where were twelve springs of water and a grove of "threescore and ten" palm trees (Ex. 15:27).他们的下露营的地方是琳(QV),其中有十二温泉水和一个“threescore和十”的棕榈树(出15:27)林。 After a time the children of Israel "took their journey from Elim," and encamped by the Red Sea (Num. 33:10), and thence removed to the "wilderness of Sin" (to be distinguished from the wilderness of Zin, 20:1), where they again encamped.过了一段时间的以色列人“了他们从以琳之旅”,由红海(民数记33:10)扎营,并从那里拆下来的“仙荒野”(是从寻的,20荒野尊贵:1),他们在那里再次扎营。 Here, probably the modern el-Markha, the supply of bread they had brought with them out of Egypt failed.在这里,大概是现代EL - Markha,面包的供应,他们带来了他们出埃及的失败。They began to "murmur" for want of bread.他们开始“杂音”的要面包。God "heard their murmurings" and gave them quails and manna, "bread from heaven" (Ex. 16:4-36).神“听到他们的怨言”,给他们鹌鹑和“从天上面包”吗哪,(出16:4-36)。Moses directed that an omer of manna should be put aside and preserved as a perpetual memorial of God's goodness.摩西指示的甘露欧麦应放在一边,为神的善良永久纪念保存。They now turned inland, and after three encampments came to the rich and fertile valley of Rephidim, in the Wady Feiran.他们现在转向内陆,并且在三个营地来到利非订丰富和肥沃的山谷中Wady斐然。Here they found no water, and again murmured against Moses.在这里,他们发现没有水,并再次向摩西喃喃地说。

Directed by God, Moses procured a miraculous supply of water from the "rock in Horeb," one of the hills of the Sinai group (17:1-7); and shortly afterwards the children of Israel here fought their first battle with the Amalekites, whom they smote with the edge of the sword.上帝导演,摩西采购了奇迹般的水从供应“在何烈岩”之一的西奈组(17:1-7)的山丘,以及不久之后这里的以色列人与亚玛力人作战的第一战,他们所重击与剑的优势。 From the eastern extremity of the Wady Feiran the line of march now probably led through the Wady esh-Sheikh and the Wady Solaf, meeting in the Wady er-Rahah, "the enclosed plain in front of the magnificient cliffs of Ras Sufsafeh."从Wady斐然东端的行军路线现在可能导致通过Wady ESH -谢赫和Wady So​​laf,在Wady ER - Rahah,会议“中的Ras的Sufsafeh的宏伟的峭壁前封闭平原。”Here they encamped for more than a year (Num. 1:1; 10:11) before Sinai (qv).在这里,他们扎营超过一年(民数记1:1; 10:11)前西奈(QV)。The different encampments of the children of Israel, from the time of their leaving Egypt till they reached the Promised Land, are mentioned in Ex.以色列的儿童的不同营地从他们离开埃及,直到他们到达应许之地时,都提到在特惠。12:37-19; Num. 12:37-19;序号。10-21; 33; Deut.10-21; 33;申。1, 2, 10.1,2,10。It is worthy of notice that there are unmistakable evidences that the Egyptians had a tradition of a great exodus from their country, which could be none other than the exodus of the Hebrews.这是值得注意的是,有一个埃及人从他们国家的伟大外流,这可能是没有比其他传统的希伯来人出埃及记无误的证据。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Book of Exodus书出埃及记

Advanced Information先进的信息

Exodus is the name given in the LXX.出埃及记在LXX指定的名称。to the second book of the Pentateuch (qv).到摩西五(QV)第二册。It means "departure" or "outgoing."这意味着“离境”或“离开”。This name was adopted in the Latin translation, and thence passed into other languages.这个名字是采用拉丁翻译,并从那里传递到其他语言。The Hebrews called it by the first words, according to their custom, Ve-eleh shemoth (ie, "and these are the names").希伯来人所要求的第一句话是,根据自己的习惯,VE - eleh shemoth(即,“而这些都是名”)。It contains, (1.) An account of the increase and growth of the Israelites in Egypt (ch. 1) (2.) Preparations for their departure out of Egypt (2-12:36).它包括,(1)要增加和增长的以色列人在埃及(章1)(2)他们离开埃及(2-12:36)进行准备帐户。(3.) Their journeyings from Egypt to Sinai (12:37-19:2).(3)他们journeyings从埃及西奈(12:37-19:2)。(4.) The giving of the law and the establishment of the institutions by which the organization of the people was completed, the theocracy, "a kingdom of priest and an holy nation" (19:3-ch. 40).(4)在给予法律和其中的人组织完成了机构,政教合一,“王国的祭司和圣洁的国民”(十九点03 - CH 40)正式成立。 The time comprised in this book, from the death of Joseph to the erection of the tabernacle in the wilderness, is about one hundred and forty-five years, on the supposition that the four hundred and thirty years (12:40) are to be computed from the time of the promises made to Abraham (Gal. 3:17).在本书中,从约瑟夫死亡的帐幕在旷野勃起,组成的时间大约是145年的假设,即430年(12:40)将被计算从向亚伯拉罕(加拉太书3:17)的承诺时间。 The authorship of this book, as well as of that of the other books of the Pentateuch, is to be ascribed to Moses.这本书,以及对其他的摩西五书,作者是要归因于摩西。The unanimous voice of tradition and all internal evidences abundantly support this opinion.在传统与所有内部证据一致的声音十分支持这一观点。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Exodus出埃及记

Catholic Information天主教信息

After the death of Joseph, Israel had grown into a people, and its history deals no longer with mere genealogies, but with the people's national and religious development.之后,约瑟夫死后,以色列已经成长为一个民族,其历史交易不再仅仅族谱,但随着人们的民族和宗教的发展。 The various laws are given and promulgated as occasion required them; hence they are intimately connected with the history of the people, and the Pentateuchal books in which they are recorded are rightly numbered among the historical books of Scripture.各种法律赋予颁布的场合要求他们,因此他们密切与人民的历史联系,并在其中记录Pentateuchal书是正确的圣经中的历史书籍编号。 Only the third book of the Pentateuch exhibits rather the features of a legal code.只有第三本书的pentateuch展品,而一个法律的代码的功能。The Book of Exodus consists of a brief introduction and three main parts:在出埃及记由一个简单的介绍和三个主要部分:

Introduction, i, 1-7.- A brief summary of the history of Jacob connects Genesis with Exodus, and serves at the same time as transition from the former to the latter.介绍,我1-7 .- A的雅各历史简要连接与出埃及记创世纪,并在同一时间作为从前者向后者过渡。

(1) First Part, i, 8-xiii, 16.- It treats of the events preceding and preparing the exit of Israel from Egypt.(1)第一部分,我8十三,16 .-它前面和准备,以色列从埃及出口的事件处理。

(a) Ex., i, 8-ii, 25; the Israelites are oppressed by the new Pharao "that knew not Joseph", but God prepares them a liberator in Moses.(一)前,我8 - II,25;以色列人被新的PHARAO“那不知道约瑟夫”被压迫,但上帝准备他们在解放者摩西。

(b) Ex., iii, 1-iv, 31.-Moses is called to free his people; his brother Aaron is given him as companion; their reception by the Israelites.(二)前,三,1 - IV,31. -摩西呼吁释放他的人,他的兄弟亚伦是给他的同伴,由以色列人对他们的接待。

(c) v, 1-x, 29.-Pharao refuses to listen to Moses and Aaron; God renews his promises; genealogies of Moses and Aaron; the heart of Pharao is not moved by the first nine plagues.(三)V,1 - X,​​29. - PHARAO不听摩西和亚伦,神更新他的承诺;摩西和亚伦族谱;的PHARAO心不被首九个月瘟疫感动。

(d) xi, 1-xiii, 16.-The tenth plague consists in the death of the first-born; Pharao dismisses the people; law of the annual celebration of the pasch in memory of the liberation from Egypt.(四)十一,1 - 十三,16. -第十瘟疫包括在第一胎死亡; PHARAO驳回人民;对在从埃及解放记忆pasch周年庆典的法律。

(2) Second Part, xiii, 17-xviii, 27.- Journey of Israel to Mt.(2)第二部分,十三,17十八,27 .-的以色列之旅山。Sinai and miracles preparing the people for the Sinaitic Law.西奈半岛和奇迹准备的Sinaitic法的人。

(a) xiii, 1-xv, 21.-The Israelites, led and protected by a pillar of cloud and fire, cross the Red Sea, but the persecuting Egyptians perish in the waters.(一)十三,1 - 十五,21. -以色列人,领导和由云和火柱,过​​红海,但在水域迫害埃及人灭亡的保护。

(b) xv, 22-xvii, 16.-The route of Israel is passing through Sur, Mara, Elim, Sin, Rephidim.(二)十五,22十七,16. -以色列的途径是通过苏尔,玛拉,以琳,仙,利非订传递。At Mara the bitter waters are made sweet; in the Desert of Sin God sent quails and manna to the children of Israel; at Raphidim God gave them water form the rock, and defeated Amalec through the prayers of Moses.在玛拉的水是苦了甜;在仙神沙漠发送鹌鹑和吗哪给以色列人;在Raphidim上帝给了他们水形成的岩石,并通过击败摩西的祷告Amalec。

(c) xviii, 1-27.-Jethro visits his kinsmen, and at his suggestion Moses institutes the judges of the people.(三)十八,1 - 27. -忒访问他的亲属,并在他的建议摩西机构的人民法官。

(3) Third Part, xix, 1-xl, 38.- Conclusion of the Sinaitic covenant and its renewal. (3)三部分,十九,1 - XL,38 .-的西乃半岛公约及其重建结论。Here Exodus assumes more the character of a legal code.这里出埃及记假设更具有法律代码的字符。

(a) xix, 1-xx, 21.-The people journey to Sinai, prepare for the coming legislation, receive the decalogue, and ask to have the future laws promulgated through Moses. (一)十九,1 - XX,21. -人民的旅程西奈,准备为未来的立法,收到十诫,并要求有将来的法律通过摩西颁布。

(b) xx, 22-xxiv, 8.-Moses promulgates certain laws together with promises for their observance, and confirms the covenant between God and the people with a sacrifice. (二)XX,22 XXIV,8. -摩西颁布一些法律,连同其遵守承诺,并确认与上帝和牺牲的人约。The portion xx, 1-xxiii, 33, is also called the Book of the Covenant.XX的部分,1 - 二十三,33岁,也被称为图书的盟约。

(c) xxiv, 9-xxxi, 18.-Moses alone remains with God on the mountain for forty days, and receives various instructions about the tabernacle and other points pertaining to Divine worship.(三)二十四,9三十一,18. -摩西与神单独仍然在四十天山,接收有关帐幕和神的崇拜有关的其他点的各种指令。

(d) xxxii, 1-xxxiv, 35.-The people adore the golden calf; at this sight, Moses breaks the divinely given tables of the law, punishes the idolaters, obtains pardon from God for the survivors, and, renewing the covenant, receives other tables of the law.(四)三十二,1 - 三十四,35. -人民崇拜的金牛犊,在这个景象,打破了摩西的法律赋予的神圣表,查处拜偶像,获得上帝原谅的幸存者,并更新该公约,接受法律的其他表。

(e) xxxv, 1-xl, 38.-The tabernacle with its appurtenances is prepared, the priests are anointed, and the cloud of the Lord covers the tabernacle, thus showing that He had made the people His own.(五)三十五,1 - XL,38. -帐幕及其附属物的准备,是受膏的祭司,和主的云幕覆盖,从而显示出他作出了他自己的人民。

III. III。AUTHENTICITY真实性

The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.摩西五提供的内容为历史,法律,崇拜,以及对神所选择的人生活的基础。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此,工作的时间和它的起源地,它的历史性作者是至关重要的。These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.这些不仅仅是文学的问题,但问题属于历史的宗教和神学的领域。The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.在花叶作者的pentateuch是密不可分的问题,无论在何种意义摩西是作者或中介的老全书立法,以及前花叶传统的旗手。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.根据双方的旧约和新约的趋势,并根据犹太教和基督教神学,伟大的立法者摩西的工作是以色列历史的起源和其发展到耶稣基督的时间计算;但现代批评看到了这一切只有结果,或沉淀,一个纯粹的自然的历史发展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.该花叶作者的pentateuch问题导致我们,因此,替代,启示或历史演变,它触及了两个犹太历史和神学的基础和基督教福音。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我们会考虑这个问题,在根据圣经的第一,第二,在犹太教和基督教传统的光;第三,在内部证据的五家具,光,最后,在教会的决定光。

A. TESTIMONY OF SACRED SCRIPTUREA.圣经的见证

It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;这将是发现方便划分为三个部分花叶作者的pentateuch圣经的证据:(1)摩西五证言;

(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. (2)证词其他旧全书书籍;(3)新约的见证。

(1) Witness of the Pentateuch(1)证人的pentateuch

The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.在其目前的形式五经不存在作为一个完整的文学生产摩西本身。It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含了摩西的死帐,它告诉第三人,以间接的形式,他的生平事迹,最后四书不表现出的伟大的立法者回忆录的文学形式,此外,表达“神对摩西说:“只显示了法律的神圣起源的马赛克,但并不能证明自己在摩西五经是由他颁布的各项法律编纂。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.另一方面,反映出我们摩西五经至少四个部分的文学著作,部分历史,部分法律,部分诗意。(a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." (a)在以色列对近Raphidim的Amalecites胜利,耶和华对摩西说(出埃及记17:14):“写了一本书纪念这一点,并将其交付给若苏埃的耳朵。” This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).这自然是为了限制Amalec的失败,受益上帝希望保持在人们的记忆(申命记25:17-19)活着。The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article.目前的希伯来文指着读“的书”,但译本的版本省略冠词。Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).即使我们假设的massoretic指向​​给出了原文,我们很难证明所指的书是摩西五,虽然这是极有可能(参见冯Hummelauer“出埃及记等利未记”,巴黎,1897年,第182页;同上,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年,第152页;克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage”,穆斯特,1903年,第217页)。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord."(二)同样,前,二十四,4:“摩西说主所有的话。”The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.上下文不允许我们在无限期地理解这句话,但指的是紧接主的话,或所谓的“图书的公约”,当然。,XX - XXIII。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel."(三)前,三十四,27:“耶和华对摩西说:你写这些的,我已经做了两个与你以及与以色列立约的话。” The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."接下来的诗句补充说:“和他的表后,写了公约的十个字。”Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.前。,三十四,1,4,显示了摩西编写了表,和前。,三十四,10月26日,给我们的十个字的内容。(d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." (四)数,三十三,1-2:“这是对以色列的孩子豪宅,谁去了他们的军队在埃及的摩西和亚伦的行为,这摩西写下根据自己的地方驻训“Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?在这里,我们被告知,摩西写了沙漠中的人的营地名单,但这份名单的地方被发现?Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.最大的可能是在给定的数,三十三,3-49,或者是摩西的文学活动,告诉通过直接背景;有,然而,学者谁理解为指的是以色列从埃及出发历史后者通过写在人民的营地秩序,因此,这将是我们目前的出埃及记书。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但这种观点是难以可能;其前提是数量,三十三,3-49,是出埃及记总结不能得到维护,因为数字的章节中提到发生在出埃及记没有几个营地。

Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了这四个段落中有一些迹象表明这一点申命记的摩西的文学活动。Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it. ,申,我,5:“摩西开始阐述法律,并说”,即使“法”在这段文字指的Pentateuchal立法,这是不太可能的整体,它表明只有摩西颁布整个法律,但并不表明他一定写的。 Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq.几乎整本书的申命记声称自己是一个特殊的立法颁布的摩西在摩押地:四,1-40,44-49,V,1 SQQ;十二,1 SQQ。 But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但是有一个建议,写太多:17,18-9,责成,未来的国王接受祭司的这部法律的副本,以阅读和遵守它;二十七,1-8,命令,在西部在“所有的话,该法”上设置写在石头山Hebal约旦一侧;二十八,58,说的是“所有的话这部法律,这是写在本卷”之后列举的祝福和诅咒的会后,观察员和法律的违反者分别的,哪些是再次提到,如在XXIX,20,21,27,和三十二,46,47册上,现在,法律一再提到的在书面书必须至少Deuteronomic立法。 Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外,三十一,9-13状态“,并写了这个摩西法”,以及三十一,26,补充说:“借此书,并把在方舟。侧。它可用于对证词有你“,来解释这些文本的小说或时代错误是很难与圣经无误的兼容。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最后,第31,19,命令摩西在申命记中写的颂歌。,三十二,1-43。

The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.圣经的学者不会抱怨,有这么几个表达了摩西五经的文学活动的迹象,他将在他们的人数相当惊讶。As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.至于对自己的明确的证词,至少部分,作者而言,五经比较有利,而与旧约许多其他书籍。

(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books(2)证人的其他旧全书书籍

(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6.(一)Josue. - 该图书的前提不仅是若苏埃的事实和基本条例中的摩西五,但也给了摩西和在摩西的律法书上所写的法律叙述:圣何塞,我7 -8;八,31;二十二,5;二十三,6。Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26).若苏埃他写道:“在主法卷的所有这些事情”(24,26)。Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66). Hobverg教授认为,这种“主的法律卷”是五经(“超级巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”中的“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,IV,340);芒热诺认为,它是指至少在申命记(快译通。德拉圣经,V,66)。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.无论如何,若苏埃和他同时代的人熟悉的书面花叶立法,这是上天显示。

(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. (二)法官,我,二Kings,在法官和前两本书的国王书没有明确提到摩西和法律的书,而是一个事件和报表数量的前提是存在的Pentateuchal立法和机构。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此,法官,十五,8-10,召回以色列的交付从埃及和其征服的乐土;法官,十一,12-28,在数量录得州的事件,XX,14; XXI,13,24;二十二,2 ;法官,十三,四,国家对在数量的Nazarites法,六,1-21创立了实践;法官,十八,31日,在存在的时候,没有国王在以色列幕说话;法官,XX,26-8提到的约柜,各种牺牲,和Aaronic铎。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.该Pentateuchal历史和法律同样的先决条件在撒母耳记上10时18分; 15:1-10,10时25分; 21:1-6; 22时零六SQQ; 23:6-9;撒下6。

(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. (三)1和第2 Kings的最后两本书的国王多次谈到摩西的法律。To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).为了限制这个词的含义申命记是一个任意的注释(参见王上2:3; 10:31); Amasias表明怜悯的杀人犯的孩子“根据那是在法律书上所写摩西“(2国王14:6);神圣的作家记录了保护以色列人神圣的承诺”只有当他们将遵守尽一切,我吩咐他们依法办事,我的仆人摩西吩咐他们“(2国王21 :8)。In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).在对Josias在位十八年被发现的法律书(2国王22时08分,11),或该公约(2国王23时零二)一书,根据他进行他的宗教改革(2国王23:10-24),并确定这是与“摩西律法”(2国王23时25分)。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教评论家不是在一个是否本法书是申命记(冯Hummelauer,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年版,第40-60,83-7)或整个摩西五(克莱尔,“莱斯里弗DES罗伊斯”,巴黎,1884年,第二版,第557页起;霍贝格,“摩西五经UND DER”,Frieburg,1905年,第17页起;“超级巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”中的“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,四,第338 -40)。

(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. (四)Paralipomenon.,该作家的灵感的Paralipomenon是指法律和这本书的摩西更频繁和明确。The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名和号码出现在这些图书大多是由于誊写。The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work.该事件将影响从以色列人国王的荣耀或不会陶冶读者遗漏不会损害的信誉或真实性的工作。Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.否则应该有小说作品之间放置一个为年轻人或为共同的读者传记或爱国出版物。On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.在他们的一部分,现代的批评太急于诋毁权威Paralipomena。"After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light."“删除后的Paralipomena帐户”,写DE Wette(Beitrage,我,135),“整个犹太历史假设另一种形式,和Pentateuchal调查,再反过来,一个强有力的证据数量,很难解释了,对于早期存在的马赛克书籍已经消失,其存在的其他遗迹是在一个不同的角度上。“ A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.一个在Parlipomenon的内容一目了然足以解释德维特和豪森努力反驳历史性的书籍。Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).其中不仅有族谱(历代1-9)和崇拜的描述后的数据和法律的pentateuch追查,但神圣的作家明确指出哪些是与在主(历代志上16是否符合法律的书面:40),在摩西(历代志下23:18的法律; 31:3),从而确定了与摩西(见历代志下25:4)编写的主法。The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.读者会发现类似的迹象的存在和在我的摩西五杆马赛克起源,22,12页起;二杆,十七,9;三十三,四,三十四,14;二十五,12。 By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.通过人工解释,事实上,图书的Paralipomenon可能被解释为代表包含法律颁布的摩西五经书,但根据上述段落自然的感觉就如摩西编辑一书五经。

(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. (五)一,二Esdras。埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias书籍也是如此,在他们的自然和普遍接受的意义上考虑,考虑的摩西五经书,而不是仅仅作为一书中载有摩西的法律。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.这个论点是基于以下文本的研究: 我防静电,三,2 SQQ;六,18岁;七,14; II ESD,我7 SQQ;八,1,8,14;九, 3,X,34,36;十三,1-3。 Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追随者认为,这本书的摩西提到的这些文本的是不是摩西五,但只有祭司码,但是当我们记住,有问题的书所载的列弗,二十三,和申命记的法律。 ,,七,2-4;十五,2,我们认为在此声明,本书的摩西不能仅限于在祭司码。To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.为了对历史书籍见证我们可以添加二马赫,二,四,七,六,朱,八,23; Ecclus,二十四,33; XLV,1-6; XLV,18,特别是前言Ecclus。

(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. (F)先知Books.,明确提到了摩西律法是发现,只有在后来先知:酒吧,二,2,28;丹,九,11,13;发作,四,4。Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch.其中,巴鲁克知道摩西已写入命令的法律,尽管他的表现形式平行于申的人。,二十八,15,53,62-64,他的威胁含有典故中的其他部分所载的摩西五。 The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其他先知经常提到的由祭司(参见申命记31:9)把守的主法,他们把与神的启示和主的同级别它永恒的盟约。They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他们呼吁上帝的盟约,在节日日历牺牲法律,以及在这样一种方式摩西五其他法律,以使其有可能以书面立法形成了自己的(参见何西阿书8:12)预言告诫的基础上,他们是熟悉的法律书籍口头表达。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此,在英国北部阿莫斯(四,4-5,V,22 SQQ)聘用和南部伊萨亚斯(I,11 SQQ)的表达,这是技术的话几乎牺牲发生在列弗,I - III;七,12,16和申,十二,6。

(3) Witness of the New Testament(3)见证新约

We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我们无须表明,耶稣和使徒引用了摩西五经全所编写的。If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他们由于摩西的所有通道,它们发生举,如果他们对摩西五经归于每当有其著作权的问题,即使是最苛刻的批评者必须承认,他们表示相信,工作确实是摩西写的。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).当对耶稣的申婚姻法,二十五,5所摩西(马太22时24;马克12时19,路加福音20:28)写的,撒都该人的报价。耶稣并不否认花叶著作权,但前上诉,,三,六,因为同样的摩西(马克12时26分;马太22:31;路加福音20:37)写的。 Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.再如,在潜水和拉撒路(路加福音16:29)比喻,他说的是“摩西和先知”,而在其他场合,他的“法律和先知”(路加福音16:16)说话,从而表明在他心中的法律,或五经,摩西是相同的。 The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".在最后的话语再次出现同样的表情处理由基督门徒(路加福音24:44-6;比照27):“这是在摩西的法律化,并在先知,并在关于我的诗篇”。 Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最后,在约翰,五,45-7,耶稣是更明确地断言花叶作者的pentateuch:“有一个accuseth你,摩西因为他对我说,但如果你不相信他的著作。。 ,您将如何相信我的话?“Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被认为基督只是住自己对他同时代的谁视为作者的pentateuch摩西在道德,但在文学意义上的作者也不仅仅是当前的信心。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶稣并不需要进入的花叶作者批判性研究,但他没有明确赞同普遍认为,如果它是错误的。

The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship.使徒们也感到信服,并证明,著作权的马赛克。"Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write."“菲利普findeth拿,和saith对他说:我们已经找到了他的人摩西的法律,和先知没有写。”St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).圣彼得介绍,从申报价,改为十八,15,:“对摩西说:”(徒3:22)。St. James and St. Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).圣雅各福群和圣保罗,摩西是在涉及在安息日(使徒15点21分;哥林多后书3:15)的犹太教堂读。The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).伟大的使徒谈到在摩西(使徒13时33分;哥林多前书9:9);其他法律的段落,他鼓吹耶稣根据摩西律法和先知(徒28:23),并列举从pentateuch通道作为文字写的摩西(罗马书10:5-8; 19)。St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).圣约翰提到了摩西(启示录15:3)颂歌。

B. WITNESS OF TRADITIONB.证人传统

The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.对传统的语音,无论是犹太教和基督教,是如此的一致,在宣告花叶作者的pentateuch常数,下至十七世纪它不容许任何严重的怀疑上升。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段仅是微薄的大纲此生活的传统。

(1) Jewish Tradition(1)犹太传统

It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch.人们看到的是,旧约书,与五经的开始,现在作为的pentateuch作者至少部分摩西。The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.对作家的书国王认为,摩西是作者申命记最少。Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯,内赫米亚斯,Malachias的作者Paralipomena,以及希腊作者七十版本考虑整个摩西五经的作者。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.在耶稣基督的时间和使徒的朋友和敌人采取的是理所当然的摩西五花叶著作权;既不是我们的上帝,也没有他的敌人采取例外,这一假设。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在公元一世纪,约瑟夫归咎到摩西整个五经作者,而不是除对立法者的死亡帐户(“Antiq达瓦慈善会。”,四,八,3-48;比照我Procem, 4,“魂斗罗阿皮翁”,我,8)。The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).哲学家斐洛的亚历山大相信,整个摩西五是摩西的工作,而后者写了下,一个特殊的神的启示(“德VITA MOSIS”,将二,三,在“歌剧影响了​​他的死亡预言帐户“,日内瓦,1613年,第511,538)。The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比伦塔木德(“巴巴 - Bathra”,第二章,列140;。“Makkoth”,FOL第IIa;。“Menachoth”,FOL 30A;。比照时尚,“组织胺德拉圣经ET DE L' exegese biblique jusqua” a数乐之日“,巴黎,1881年,第21页),耶路撒冷的犹太法典(索塔,V,5),拉比,和以色列的医生(见弗斯特,”明镜加隆DES Alten旧约nach巢穴Überlieferungen IM塔木德UND Midrasch“,莱比锡,1868年,第7-9页)见证了第一个千年来这一传统的延续。Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).虽然伊萨克本Jasus于11世纪和第十二届Abenesra承认在某些摩西五后花叶增加,他们仍然以及迈蒙尼德坚持花叶著作权,并没有显着不同,这一点从河Becchai教学(百分之十三),约瑟夫卡罗和Abarbanel(百分之十五;。比照理查德西蒙“。批判德拉Bibl DES引渡埃克尔斯德E.独品”,巴黎,1730年,第三,第215-20)。Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世纪,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎拒绝马赛克著作权的五经,指出这项工作可能被埃斯德拉斯(“道。Theol. - politicus”角八,编辑。Tauchnitz,III,P书面可能性125段)。Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.其中较近期的几个犹太人作家已经通过了批评者的结果,从而放弃了他们祖先的传统。

(2) Christian Tradition(2)基督教传统

The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.关于犹太传统的马赛克著作权的五经被带到到基督教教会由基督自己和使徒。No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.没有人会认真地否认了这种从教父期间起传统的存在和延续,一个可能确实是之间的使徒和第三世纪初的时间间隔好奇。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."对于这个时期,我们可以上诉到“Barnabus书信”(X,1-12;冯克,“Patres apostol ”,第二版,蒂宾根大学,1901年,我,第66-70;十二,2 9K;同上,第74-6),圣克莱门特的罗马(哥林多前书41:1;同上,第152页),圣贾斯汀(“APOL我 ”,59,PG,六,416,我,32,54,同上,377,409;“拨号”,29;同上,537),给作者。“队列广告Graec。” (9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. (9,28,30,33,34,同上,257,293,296-7,361),圣西奥菲勒斯(,III,23“广告Autol”;同上,1156,11,30;同上,,1100),圣爱任纽(续haer,I,II,6; PG,七,715-6),圣罗马希波吕托斯(,三十一,9,31“评论在申。” 35;比照Achelis,“Arabische Fragmente等”,莱比锡,1897年,我,118;“Philosophumena”,八,8,X,33; PG,XVI,3350,3448),德尔图良的迦太基(Adv. Hermog,第十九; PL,II,214),以亚历山大的奥利(Contra. CELS,三,5-6; PG,第十一,928;等),圣安提阿(德engastrimytha C.原价Eusthatius ,21,PG,第十八,656);所有这些作家,和其他人可能会增加,见证基督教传统,摩西写五经的延续。A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).一个是谁见证相同​​的事实后来父亲名单中可以找到芒热诺公司在“快译通。德拉圣经”的文章(V,74页起)。Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times.霍贝格(摩西五经UND DER,72起。)已收集的传统,在中世纪和近代存在的证词。

But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但是,天主教的传统,并不一定认为摩西写的每一个摩西五书,因为它是今天,这项工作已回落在一个绝对不变的形式给我们。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.这种僵化观点的花叶作者开始发展在十八世纪,几乎获得了在十九上风。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.在圣经上的新教徒和各种破坏性的圣经批评先进的系统,继承部分造成这种任意对待面前的天主教派发生变化。In the sixteenth century Card.在十六世纪卡。Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).贝拉明,谁可以作为传统的天主教可靠的指数考虑,表示,埃斯德拉斯收集,调整,并纠正了摩西五分散部分,甚至增加了部分的Pentateuchal历史完成必要的(德verbo意见台达电子,II,I,比照三,四)。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.对Génebrard,佩雷拉,邦弗雷雷,一个Lapide,麦西斯,Jansenius,以及对十六,十七世纪等显着Biblicists的意见同样是关于花叶作者的pentateuch弹性。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.这并不是说他们同意我们的现代圣经批判的争论,但它们表明,今天的Pentateuchal问题没有完全陌生的天主教学者,并认为该pentateuch花叶作者所确定的圣经委员会是在教会被迫绝不让步不信圣经学生。

C. VOICE OF INTERNAL EVIDENCEC. VOICE内部证据

The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.在生产的时候,摩西在书面记录的可能性已经不再有争议。The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.写作的艺术被称为很久之前的伟大立法者的时间,并广泛在埃及和巴比伦。As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至于以色列人,弗林德斯皮特里铭文推断某些犹太人在1905年发现的Sinaitic半岛,他们不断从他们在拉美西斯二世被关押的时间写自己民族的历史账目。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.该告诉EL -阿玛尔纳片显示的语言,巴比伦的方式是在摩西时代的官方语言,在西亚,巴勒斯坦和埃及著名;的Taanek的发现证实了这一事实。But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但它不能被推断这是埃及人和以色列人之间的雇用自己和他们(参Benzinger,“Hebraische Archaologie”,第二版,蒂宾根大学,1907年,第172页SQQ。)宗教这个神圣的文件或官方语言。It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不仅是可能的时候,摩西在写作和语言在这里我们所面临的问题,还有就是在书面文件中使用的马赛克样的迹象进一步的问题。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.象形文字和楔形文字的标志,广泛采用该早日生效;最古老的字母文字的书面铭文迄今为止,只有从公元前9世纪,但是,就不可能有任何的拼音文字较高的文物怀疑,似乎有无关防止我们的延伸回的时候,摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最后,在苏萨发现于1901年由先生和夫人杜氏资助的法国探险汉谟拉比,代码显示,即使在预花叶次法律文书都致力于,并保存在,写作;守则antedates摩西大约5个世纪,并载有大约282法规关于在公民生活中的各种突发事件。

Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.迄今为止,它已被证明是一种消极的历史和法律文件,声称是在写的时候,摩西不涉及先行不大可能的真实性。 But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但内部特征的pentateuch显示了积极的,工作是至少是可能马赛克。It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.诚然,五经不包含其整个花叶作者发表的声明,但即使是最苛刻的批评者将很难要求这些证词。It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.这实际上是缺乏在所有其他的书籍,不论是神圣的或亵渎。On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.另一方面,它已经表明,四个不同的五通道有明确归因于摩西的作者。Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death. ,申,三十一,24-9,特别指出,因为它知道,摩西写了“卷中的这部法律的话”,并命令它是在约柜放在作为对谁被人证言因此,在立法者的生活叛逆,将“做坏透”在他的死亡。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.再次,法律部门,虽然没有明确归因于摩西的写作,有明显来自摩西作为立法者。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外,许多Pentateuchal法律承担其在沙漠起源的证据,因此他们也奠定间接声称花叶来源。What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.什么一直是一个Pentateuchal法律说的是同样数量的若干历史章节。These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing.这些包含在这本书中的数字,例如,如此众多的名字,他们必须以书面形式流传下来的数字。Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition.除非批评可以带来不可辩驳的证据显示,在这些路段,我们只有小说,他们必须承认,这些历史的细节写在当代的文件,而不是仅仅通过口头传播的传统。 Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.此外,HOMMEL(“模具altisraelitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,第302页)显示,在数字的图书清单的名称承担的公元前二世纪的阿拉伯名字字符,可以只在起源摩西的时间,但必须承认,某些部分,例如,数,第十三,文字在它的传输受到影响。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我们需要提醒读者,许多Pentateuchal法律和数据意味着以色列游牧的生活条件。Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最后,无论是五经和它的第一读者作者必须已与埃及的地形和社会情况,并与西乃半岛半岛比较熟悉的土地Chanaan。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.CF,如申,八,7-10;。十一,10 SQQ。These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.这些内部的摩西五特点已在更大的长度开发的史密斯,伦敦,1868年他说:“摩西五经,或在其作者,信誉,文明之书”; Vigouroux,“香格里拉圣经ET LES decouvertes modernes”,第6版,巴黎,1896年,我,453-80;二,1-213,529-47,586-91;同上,“莱斯里弗圣徒ET LA批判rationaliste”,巴黎,1902年,三,28-46,79 - 99,122-6; Heyes,“Bibel UND Ægypten”,穆斯特,1904年,第142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 757-9.142条; Cornely“。Introductio在histor特别兽医试验libros”,我,巴黎,1887年,页57-60;普尔,“古埃及”在“当代评论”,3月,1879年,第757-9 。

D. ECCLESIASTICAL DECISIONSD.教会的决定

In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:为配合迄今为摩西五,对1906年6月27日圣经委员会花叶作者先进的三重参数语音的规定,回答了关于这个问题的方式如下一系列问题:

(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. (1)积累批评家抨击了由名字指定的圣书五经马赛克真实性的论点是不是这样的重量以给我们的权利,设置后,除了采取集体许多段落都圣经,连续共识犹太人民,教会不断的传统,从文字本身产生的内部指示,以保持这些书籍没有摩西作为其作者,但编撰的最大部分来自源不迟于花叶年龄。

(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. (2)花叶真实性摩西五并不一定需要这样的编辑整个工作,以使其绝对必须保持这一摩西写了所有与他自己的手的一切或口述给他的秘书,这些假设可以必须承认谁相信他委托组成的工作本身,他所设想的神的启示下,影响力,对他人,但在这样一种方式,他们忠实地表达自己的想法,写了对他的意志无关,被省略了什么,以及由此产生的最后的工作应该得到批准由同摩西,其本金和激励作者和出版他的名字。

(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. (3)可在不影响授予的摩西五,摩西在他的工作,即以书面文件或口头传统的生产就业来源马赛克的真实性,从中他可能得出符合规定的一些事情最终他在视图下,在神的启示的影响,插在他的工作中也确实或根据自己的意识在放大或缩写形式。

(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. (4)大量马赛克真实性和完整性的pentateuch保持不变,如果它被理所当然地,在百年长河中的工作受到一些修改,如;后花叶增加或者附加的启发作者或插入到文本掩盖和解释;某些词语和形式的到最近的讲话形式陈旧的语言翻译出来,最后,由于誊写,其中一个调查,并通过关于根据法律判决的批评错误读数的过错。

The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.后花叶补充和圣经中的摩西五委员会允许不删除从大量的完整性和马赛克的真实性范围内,它的修改是不同的解释天主教学者。

(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. (1)我们应该要明白在一个相当广泛的意义上说,如果我们要捍卫冯Hummelauer或Vetter的意见。This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.后者作家承认法律和历史文献的基础上镶嵌的传统,但只在法官的时代写的,他的地方在所罗门的圣殿勃起时间的pentateuch第一节录,以及其在埃斯德拉斯去年节录。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. Vetter死于1906年,这一年中的圣经委员会发表了上述法令,它是一个有趣的问题,是否和如何修改的学者将他的理论,如果时间已给予他这样做。

(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96).(2)少从宽解释法令是隐含的Pentateuchal假设先进的霍伯特(“摩西五经UND DER;模具五经查询搜索”中的“Biblische(研究)”,X,4,弗赖堡,1907年,“Erklarung DES创世纪”, 1908年,弗莱堡,IL),Schopfer(历史馆DES Alten Testamentes,第4版,226 SQQ),Hopfl(“模具hohere Bibelkritik”,第二版,帕德博恩,1906年),布鲁克(“L' eglise ET LA批判” ,巴黎,1907年,103 SQQ),和Selbst(舒斯特和Holzammer的“手册下载楚Biblischen历史馆”,第7版,弗赖堡,1910年,第二,94,96)。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.最后命名的作家认为,摩西留下了书面法律书籍的若苏埃和Samuel补充和规章的补充部分,而大卫和所罗门提供有关新法规的崇拜和神职人员,和其他国王介绍了某些宗教的改革,直到整个埃斯德拉斯颁布法律,使其成为以色列的恢复后,流亡国外的基础。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.我们目前的五经,因此,一个Esdrine版的工作。Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism.Selbst博士相信,他觉得这两个文本的修改和补充材料中的摩西五入场与历史发展的规律,并与文学批评的结果一致。 Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.适应历史发展的宗教,民间和社会的历届年龄条件的法律和法规,而文学批评在我们的实际摩西五字和它难以被发现原来短语的特殊性,也是历史上增加或通知,法律的修改,迹象更加公正和后来的崇拜形式最近管理。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但医生认为,这些特点Selbst不提供针对不同来源的五区分充分的依据。

(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.(3)该法令严格解释的话是在考伦(导论,北路193 sqq),主要的意见暗示(“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史馆联合国ihre系统”,穆斯特,1903年),不及格(Kirchenlexicon ,九,1782年SQQ)和芒热诺(“L' authenticite mosaique杜Pentateuque”,巴黎,1907年,同上,“快译通德拉圣经”,V,50-119随着这些部分属于例外。之后,摩西死亡,对文字,由于誊写某些意外更改时间,整个摩西五是工作的摩西谁组成的圣经委员会所建议的方式之一工作,最后,存在的问题作为保持花叶真实性摩西五论断神学确定性。

(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. (1)某些谁1887年和1906年间写了天主教学者表示,他们认为,有问题的论文,也没有发现在圣经教导的教会,它在启示录中表示没有一个真理,而是一个可以自由有争议的宗旨,讨论。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.当时,教会当局没有发出关于这个问题的声明。

(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. (2)其他作者给予的摩西五马赛克的真实性是没有明确透露,但他们认为这是一个事实表明正式含蓄,正在从没有在这个词的严格意义上的三段论显示公式,但由简单的解释的条款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).该摩西五马赛克真实性否定是错误的,和保持花叶真实性摩西五论断矛盾被认为是真正(见Mechineau,“L' origine mosaique杜Pentateuque”,第34页)erronea。

(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. (3)第三类学者认为既不是一个有争议的自由的宗旨,也作为正式含蓄地揭示真理的pentateuch马赛克真实性,他们认为它实际上已被发现,或者说,它是从推断揭示真理的真正三段论扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310.正是因此,一个神学一定的道理,其矛盾的是皮疹(temeraria),甚至错误的主张(参见布鲁克,“Authenticite DES里弗DE莫伊兹”中的“练习曲”,3月,1888年,第327页;同上。一月,1897年,第122-3;芒热诺,“L' authenticité mosaïque杜Pentateuque”,第267-310。

Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.无论教会决定作用的有关摩西五马赛克的真实性可能有,或将有对的Pentateuchal问题的学生认为,不能说已经引起学者的保守态度,谁前颁布的法令写道。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp. 19-160;以下列表包含了最近的马赛克真实性主要捍卫者的名字:韩斯坦堡,“模具布赫尔摩西UND Aegypten”,柏林,1841年,史密斯说:“摩西五经,或在其作者,诚信书,与文明”,伦敦,1868; C. Schobel,“示范DE L' authenticite杜Deuteronome”,巴黎,1868年,同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique DE L' Exode”,巴黎,1871年,同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique杜Levitique ET DES Nombres“,巴黎,1869年,同上,”示范DE L' authenticite德拉杰尼斯“,巴黎,1872年,同上,”乐莫伊兹historique ET LA节录mosaique杜Pentateuque“,巴黎,1875年; Knabenbauer,”明镜摩西五UND死unglaubige Bibelkritik“中的”Stimmen AUS玛丽亚 - Laach“,1873年,第四; Bredenkamp,”Gesetz UND Propheten“,埃尔兰根,1881年,绿色,”摩西和先知“,纽约,1883年;同上,”希伯来节日“,纽约,1885年;同上,”Pentateuchal问题“中的”Hebraica“,1889年至1892年,同上,他说:”摩西五更高批判“,纽约,1895年,同上,”在统一的创世记“ ,纽约,1895年;,辛辛那提,1884年“的报复的马赛克著作权的五经”C.艾略特;比塞尔,“摩西五,其来源和结构”,纽约,1885年; Ubaldi,“在Sacram Scripturam Introductio” ,第二版,罗马,1882年,我,452 - 509; Cornely,“Introductio特别在historicos VT libros”,巴黎,1887年,页19-160;

Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card.沃斯,伦敦,1886年的“马赛克起源的Pentateuchal守则”; Bohl,“ZUM Gesetz UND ZUM Zeugniss”,维也纳,1883年; Zah,“Erneste在书房Blicke Wahn DER modernen Kritik DES AT”,居特斯洛,1893年,同上, “达斯Deuteronomium”,1890年,同上,“Israelitische UND judische历史馆”,1895年; Rupprecht,“模具Anschauung DER kritischen学派Wellhausens VOM五经”,莱比锡,1893年,同上,“资本Rathsel DES Funfbuches莫斯UND围网falsche Losung”,居特斯洛,1894;同上,“德Rathsels Losung为了Beitrage楚richtigen Losung DES Pentateuchrathsels”,1897年,同上,“模具Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht”,1897年,“莱克斯Mosaica,或摩西律法和更高批判”(由塞斯,罗林森,麟趾,黑侏罗统,WACE等),伦敦,1894年;卡。 Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp. 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906. Meignan,“德L'伊甸园a莫伊兹”,巴黎,1895年1-88;巴克斯特,“保护区和牺牲”,伦敦,1896年;阿贝德布罗意,“问题bibliques”,巴黎,1897年,页89-169;佩尔特,“DE L' Histoire AT”,第3版,巴黎,1901年,我,第291-326; Vigouroux,“莱斯里弗圣徒ET LA批判ratioinaliste”,巴黎,1902年,三,1-226;四, 239-53,405-15;同上,“曼努埃尔biblique”,第12版,巴黎,1906年,我,397-478;克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史馆UND ihre SYSTEME”,穆斯特,1903; Hopfl,“模具hohere Bibelkritik“,帕德博恩,1902年,托马斯,他说:”五经有机统一“,伦敦,1904年,维纳,”圣经研究法“,伦敦,1904年,劳斯,”在新约圣经旧约光“,伦敦, 1905年;雷德帕思,“现代批评和书创世纪”,伦敦,1905年;霍贝格,“摩西五经UND DER”,弗赖堡,1905年,奥尔,他说:“考虑参照最近批评旧约问题”,伦敦, 1906年。

E. OPPONENTS OF THE MOSAIC AUTHORSHIP OF THE PENTATEUCH对花叶作者的pentateuch E.反对者

A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.一到花叶作者的pentateuch详细交代反对是既不可取,也不在本文必要的。In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.它本身只是一个形式有碍人类历史错误,每个小系统也有一天,它的后继者都竭尽所能,以埋葬在寂静遗忘。The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.我们所要考虑的实际困难是那些由我们今天的实际对手先进,只有一个事实,即过去的系统我们展示了实际的理论和过渡性质稍纵即逝现在流行可诱导我们简要列举坚持连续意见由花叶作者的对手。

(1) Abandoned Theories(1)被遗弃的理论

The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena.由瓦伦蒂安托勒密的Nazarites,Abenesra,Carlstadt的,以撒Peyrerius,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎,让勒克莱尔先进的意见是零星的现象。 Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.并非所有的人完全不兼容的花叶作者像现在的理解,和其他人发现他们的答案在他们自己time随着约翰Astrue发表于1753年,开始了工作文件,进一步所谓的假说开发艾希霍恩和伊尔根。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但在工程暂停神父,亚历山大格迪斯,于1792年和1800年出版,介绍了碎片,这一天是在其制定并通过壶腹部,DE Wette(至少暂时),贝特霍尔德,哈特曼和冯波伦倡导假说。This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.这一理论很快就面临了,只好屈服的假说补或插值其中凯莱之间的顾客,埃瓦尔德,斯斯塔埃林,Bleek,TUCH,DE Wette,冯Lengerke,和一个短暂的时期也弗朗茨Delitzsch编号。The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.插值理论的再次几乎没有发现之前格兰贝格(1828),斯斯塔埃林(1830),和Bleek任何信徒(1831)返回假设的文件,提出了略加修改的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.随后,埃瓦尔德,克诺贝尔,霍普菲,Noldeke和施拉德先进的每一个纪录片的假说不同的解释。But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但是,所有这些都是目前只有一个历史的兴趣。

(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents(2)假设目前的文件

A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.一个在以色列的宗教发展过程中已经提出了Reuss在1830年和1834年,由1835年Vatke,由乔治在同一年。 In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch.在1865年至1866格拉夫了这一想法,并把它应用到文学批评的Hexateuch;的批评已开始考虑为属于前五书若苏埃书,以便收集形成的,而不是一个摩西五Hexateuch 。The same application was made by Merx in 1869.同样的申请是由Merx于1869年。Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此,修改的文件在其理论继续发展,直至它达到了的Kautzsch翻译的圣经描述的状态(第3版,以介绍和说明,蒂宾根大学,1908年SQQ)。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.在本身就存在反对的摩西假设没有书面文件,但我们不能肯定地归于我们的文学仍然什么的希伯来立法者手中。The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.书面账户开始必须放置在接近年底时法官;才得到满足的条件,必须先于文学出身的所谓正确,即与艺术的写作和阅读一般的熟人,平稳解决人民和国家的繁荣。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那么,什么是最古老的希伯来文学仍然?They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他们是从民族的英雄时间约会歌曲,例如,对主(民数记21:14),对刚(约书亚10时12 SQQ),图书的图书的馆藏图书的战争歌曲(1国王53分;比照布德,“历史馆DER althebr文学”,莱比锡,1906年,17)。The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch.该图书的盟约(出20:24-23:19)也必须有前存在的pentateuch的其他来源。The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC最古老的历史大概是工作的Yahwist书,指定由J和归因于圣职的犹大,最有可能属于公元前9世纪到

Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.类似于这是耶洛因文件,指定由E和书面大概一个世纪在英国北部(莲)后,耶和华文件制作。These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.这两个来源合并成一个工作后不久,第六世纪中叶由修订者。Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.下一步如下法律书籍,几乎完全在我们的实际书申命记体现,在寺庙621年发现的,并载有预言教学主张在所谓的高的地方取消了牺牲和集权沉淀崇拜在耶路撒冷圣殿。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.在流亡的祭司码起源,P的基础上,圣洁的,列弗,十七 - 26所谓的法律,以及Ezechiel,XL - XLVIII方案;的P物质前,后放逐社会阅读约公元前444年(尼希米记8-10)埃斯德拉斯,并接受了众多。History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.历史没有告诉我们何时和如何将这些历史和法律的来源合并为我们目前的五经潜水员,但人们普遍认为有一个为人民的传统和前放逐历史编纂迫切要求。 The only indication of time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.显示的时间只可能是一个事实,即撒玛利亚接纳为一个神圣的书,在第四世纪的考虑他们的仇恨犹太人大概是公元前五经发现,必须得出结论,他们不会采取这一步骤,除非他们认为在摩西五马赛克起源肯定。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此,一个相当长的时间必须进行干预之间的pentateuch和接受撒玛利亚编译,这样相结合的工作必须在五世纪上。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.这是很普遍认为,过去的五经redactor完成他的任务十分精明。Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.如果没有改变的旧源文本,他在人的一切力量融合成一个明显的(?)整个异质因素与这样的成功,不仅对犹太人在公元前四世纪,也为许多世纪可能的基督徒维护他们的信念,即整个五经是由摩西写的。

(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis的关键假设(3)缺陷

As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.正如一些批评者一直在努力Pentateuchal指派最后节录的pentateuch以更近的日期,它在五世纪安置可能会被视为相当有利的保守观点。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor.但是,很难理解为什么顾客的意见不应该同意在考虑埃斯德拉斯作为最后的编辑。Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次,这是很肯定地说,过去的五经编辑器之前,它必须具有显着的,作为一个神圣的书撒玛利亚部分验收;位是它可能是撒玛利亚会已接纳这些在公元前四世纪的五,当他们与犹太人的民族和宗教反对派发达? Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?这难道不是更可能是混合的国家收到的撒马利亚通过发送亚述给他​​们的祭司的五?Cf.比照。2 Kings 17:27.2国王17时27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或者再次,因为这神父指示在该国的法神撒玛利亚人口,是不是合理的假设,他教他们的Pentateuchal法律,十个部落与他们进行分离,当他们从犹大? At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.无论如何,认为撒玛利亚接纳为神圣只有五经,但不是先知,实际上使我们推测,摩西五犹太人之间存在之前收集的预言著作写了,那撒马利亚选择了其神圣的书之前甚至犹大放在与摩西同级别工作的先知的作品。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但这种自然的推论认定之间没有批评的青睐;因为它意味着,历史和法律中的摩西五编纂传统,描述的开始,而不是以色列的宗教发展的结束。 The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.以色列的宗教发展中普遍存在的批评意味着摩西五晚于先知,而且诗篇是不迟于两个。After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.这些一般性的考虑后,我们将简要地研究的主要原则,方法,结果,以及批判理论的论点。

(a) Principles of the Critics的批评(一)原则

Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.没有假装审查所有的批评者的理论涉及的原则,我们提请大家注意二:历史发展的宗教,以及内部证据和传统的比较价值。

(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. (一)对历史演变Israelitic宗教理论使我们从花叶Yahwehism的伦理一神教的先知,从这个神的普遍性概念流亡期间发展起来的,从这个再次到僵化Phariseeism后来天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times.这是犹太人的宗教是编纂在我们的实际摩西五,但已经fictitiously预计的花叶和前预言次倒退的历史书籍。The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.发展思路是不是一个纯粹的现代发现。Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St. Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.迈耶(“明镜Entwicklungsgedanke北亚里士多德”,波恩,1909)表明,亚里士多德熟悉它;贡克尔(“Weiterbildung DER宗教”,慕尼黑,1905年,64岁)坚持认为,它适用于宗教一样古老基督教,和意法半导体保罗已经阐明了这一原则; Diestel,Willmann(“历史馆DES Idealismus”,第二版,二,23 SQQ。)和Schanz((“历史馆DES AT在DER chrislichen Kirche”,耶拿,1869年,56 SQQ)。 “Apologie DES Christentums”,第3版。II,4 SQQ。,376)找到了父亲的著作同一个应用程序,虽然霍贝格(“死Forschritte之bibl。学问”,弗赖堡,1902年,10)赠款教父作家往往忽视了它的思想影响的选民外在形式。 The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development.在父亲没有完全熟悉亵渎历史,更关心比其历史发展的启示录的内容表示关注。Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.).佩施(“Glaube,Dogmen UND geschichtliche Thatsachen”中的“Theol。Zeitfragen”,四,弗赖堡,1908年,183)发现,圣托马斯也承认在他的“大全”(II - II,问发展的原则我答:9,10,问二,A. 3;等)。But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:但这一原则的天主教观念避免两个极端:

the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);对退化理论的基础上,早期路德神学家(见Giesebrecht,“模具Degradationshypothese UND死altl历史馆”,莱比锡,1905年; Steude,“发展协会UND Offenbarung”,斯图加特,1905年,18 SQQ)教学;

the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.进化的理论,溶解一切的真理,并为纯粹的自然发展史的一切超自然的排斥。

It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.正是这种极端后者是由圣经的主张的批评。Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他们对以色列的早期宗教的描述是矛盾的最古老的先知,其权威是不能质疑他们的证词。These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.).这些灵感的预言家知道了亚当的堕落(何西阿书6:7),亚伯拉罕(以赛亚书29:23;弥迦7:20)通话,所多玛和Gomorrha(何西阿11时08破坏;以赛亚书1:9;阿莫斯4时11分,历史上的雅各布和他的天使(何西阿12:2 sqq),以色列从埃及和居住在沙漠中(何西阿2时14出埃及记斗争); 7时16分,11时零一分,12时09分13人; 13时04分,5;阿莫斯2点10,3:1; 9:7),摩西(何西阿12:13活动;弥6:4;以赛亚书63:11-12),书面立法(何西阿书8:12),以及一些特别的章程(见克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage”,穆斯特,1903年,223 SQQ)。Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.再次,发展理论,是越来越多的历史调查的结果相矛盾。Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韦伯(“神学UND Assyriologie IM史漫飞嗯巴贝尔UND Bibel”,莱比锡,1904年,17岁)指出,最近的历史结果意味着颓废,而不是在古代东方艺术,科学和宗教的发展; Winckler(“Religionsgeschichtler UND geschichtl东方。 “,莱比锡,1906年,33岁)认为,人的原始状态为假进化观点,并认为,发展理论,至少受到严重动​​摇,如果不是最近东方研究实际破坏(参见Bantsch” Altorientalischer与israelitischer Monothesismus“,图宾根,1906年)。Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. Köberle(“模具神学DER Gegenwart”,莱比锡,1907年,一,二)说,发展理论已用尽本身,音响只有豪森的想法,并决定在对具体问题没有根据的事实,但根据假设的这一理论。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最后,即使是理性的作家都认为有必要,以取代另一个符合历史事实的协议越多,发展的理论。Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此Winckler(“前东方力士”,莱比锡,1905年 - 6;同上,“明镜阿尔特东方”,三,2-3;同上,“模具babylonische Geisteskultur在ihren Beziehungen楚Kulturentwicklung DER Menschheit”中的“Wissenschaft UND教化”莱比锡,1907年;比照Landersdorfer在“历史,政治的布拉特”,1909年,144)已经发起了泛Babelism理论根据这些圣经宗教是作为对巴比伦多神教国家宗教意识的反应,并表示。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.这不是以色列的共同财产,而是一个宗教教派,得到了一定的一神教界在巴比伦不论国籍。This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.这一理论已经发现在布德,体育场,Bezold,Köberle,库格勒,维尔克等强大的对手,但它也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.虽然完全从基督教的观点来看站不住脚的,这说明至少在历史发展理论的弱点。

(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition.(ii)在批判理论的pentateuch另一个原则参与设的文学批评内部证据高于传统的证据价值。But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但是,迄今为止的发掘和历史研究成果已有利,而不是内部的证据的传统。Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.让读者只记得特洛伊,梯林斯,迈锡尼和Orchomenos(希腊)的情况下,英国探险家的埃文斯在克里特岛发掘表明国王米诺斯迷宫和他的历史风貌;亚述铭文重新建立的历史同样,底比斯和Agade萨尔贡梅内斯已被证明属于历史;;国王迈达斯的Phrygia信贷在一般情况下,更准确的科学已调查,更清楚地表明,他们即使是最微弱的传统可靠性。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.在新约圣经批评领域的呼吁“回到传统”,已经开始得到重视,并已被批准为哈尔纳克等部门和戴斯曼。In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在旧约的研究也有明确的迹象表明,未来的变化。Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research.HOMMEL(“模具altisrealitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,慕尼黑,1897年)认为,旧全书传统,无论是作为一个整体,在其详细信息,被证明是可靠的,即使在光线的关键研究。 Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).迈耶(“死Entstehung DES Judentums”,哈雷,1896年)的,该关键Pentateuchal理论的基础被破坏,如果能够证明,即使在受到指责的希伯来传统的一部分,是可靠的结论;同一作家证明的公信力对书刊的埃斯德拉斯(参见“Grundriss DER Geographie DES alten Orientes UND历史馆”,慕尼黑,1904年,167 SQQ)的来源。SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel. SA薯条已率领他的批判研究,并没有受到教条偏见的影响,接受整个以色列的历史传统观点。Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. Cornill和欧特列表示相信,以色列的传统有关,甚至其最早的历史是可靠的和能够承受的批评最激烈的攻击;道森(参见方克,在“(杂志)皮草katholische神学”,1899年,262“Kritik UND AT传统IM” - 81)和其他适用于传统的旧的原则已被如此频繁地被误用,“大EST VERITAS,等praevalebit”;贡克尔(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,二,蒂宾根大学,1906年,8)赠款,旧全书批评了一有点过头了,现在拒绝许多圣经传统将重新建立。

(b) Critical Method(二)关键方法

The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.而谎言的重要方法并不在这样的批评,作为使用,但在其非法使用。Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批评变得更加普遍在十六,十七世纪,在十八世纪末它被应用到古代。Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆(“Lehrbuch DER historischen梭”,莱比锡,1903年,296页)认​​为,通过这意味着单独的历史首次成为一门科学。In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在批评的圣经应用程序是有限的,事实上,灵感和正规的书籍,但有一个充分的实地调查,为我们的关键左(佩施,“Theol Zeitfragen”,三,48)。

Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:在他们的治疗圣经批评的主要罪过一些如下:

They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他们否认一切超自然的,让他们拒绝不仅仅是灵感和正规,而且还预言和奇迹的先验(参见梅茨勒,“达斯Wunder的VOR DEM论坛DER modernen Geschichtswissenschaft”中的“Katholik”,1908年,二,241 SQQ)。 。

They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他们似乎都相信了非圣经的历史文献的可信度先验的,而他们是反对偏见的真实性圣经帐户。(Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). (参见体育场,“历史馆以色列的”,我,86页起,88,101。)贬值的外部证据几乎完全,他们考虑的起源问题,完整和神圣的书籍在内部灯光的真实性证据(Encycl.省。杀出,52)。

They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.).他们高估了批判性分析的来源,而不考虑行政点,即信誉的来源(洛伦茨,“模具Geschichtswissenschaft在ihren Hauptrichtungen UND Aufgaben”,二,329 SQQ)。Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.最近的文件可能包含古代历史的可靠报告。Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批评者开始认识到,历史信誉的来源大于他们的分裂和交友(斯塔克,“模具Entstehung DES AT”,莱比锡,1905年,29的重要性;比照Vetter,“Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift”,1899 ,552)。

The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.关键的来源划分的基础上,希伯来文,但它不是某些多远目前massoretic文本从该不同,例如,其次是译本翻译,并有多远后者不同的形式在其节录的希伯来文中公元前五世纪Dahse(“Textkritische Bedenken葛根巢穴Ausgangspunkt DER heutigen Pentateuchkritik”中的“论坛存档皮毛Religionsgeschichte”,六,1903年,305 SQQ)显示,在希腊文翻译的pentateuch神圣的名字在约180例不同的在希伯来文(见霍贝格,“模具创世纪”,第2版,第二十二SQQ。);在其他单词和短语的变化可能会减少,但它是不合理的否认存在任何。 Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次,这是antecedently可能不同于文字的译本的massoretic不到从休息室Esdrine文本,必须已接近原始。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain.对文学批评的出发点,因此不确定。It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.它不是固有的文学批评错误,它是适用于摩西五后,它已成为研究荷马和龙根之歌(参见Katholik,1896年,我,303,306 SQQ),也不是Reuss认为几乎过时它更富有成效的意见分歧,而不是结果(参见Katholik,1896年,我,304起),也再次表明豪森认为它已蜕变为幼稚的发挥。 Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.在圣经的学生,Klostermann(“明镜五经”,莱比锡,1893年),柯尼希(“Falsche至尊IM Gebiete DER neueren Kritik DES AT”,莱比锡,1885年;“。Neueste Prinzipien DER ALT Kritik”,柏林,1902年,“进出口Kampfe嗯DAS AT“,柏林,1903年),Bugge(”模具Hauptparabeln Jesu“,吉森,1903年)是对文学批评的结果持怀疑态度,而Orelli(”明镜先知Jesaja“,1904年,V),赫雷米亚斯(”资本阿尔特约IM Lichte DES Alten定向“,1906年,八)和欧特列(”以色列的历史“,五)要坚持注释的文字比对批评的纵横交错的道路了。G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue. G.雅各布(“明镜五经”,哥廷根,1905)认为,过去Pentateuchal批评需要彻底修改; Eerdmans(“模具Komposition之成因”,吉森,1908年)认为相信,批评被误导到错误的路径的Astrue。Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.).Merx表示认为,下一代将不得不修改倒退本历史 - 文学的旧约(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,二,1907年,3,132 SQQ)很多意见。

(c) Critical Results(三)关键的结果

Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在这里,我们必须区分的批评原则,其结果,对宗教的历史发展的原则,例如,与传统内部的证据自卑,都不是文学分析的结果,但其部分依据。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次,我们必须区分这些成果的文学批评与摩西五和那些违背它马赛克真实性兼容。The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.该花叶作者的pentateuch顾客,甚至是宗教法令有关这个问题,显然承认摩西或他的秘书可能利用源或在摩西五组成的文件;都承认还神圣的文本已遭受它的传输和可能得到增加,在任的启发附录或训诂美化形式。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批评,因此,可以成功地确定数量和文件来源的限制,并后的马赛克增加,无论是启发或亵渎,他们提供服务的一个重要的一些Pentateuchal真实性传统的宗旨。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同样必须指出的是关于连续法律设立的摩西,和犹太人民逐步忠实于镶嵌法。Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.这里又理智的文学和历史的批评,甚至一些可能的结果将有助于大大保守评论员的摩西五。We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我们不吵架的批评者的合法的结论,如果批评不互相争吵。But they do quarrel with each other.但他们互相争吵。According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.根据Merx(。如上)没有什么,除了它的不确定性在一定的批评领域,每个评论家宣称最大的自力更生他的看法,但没有任何全方面的一致性。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known.前意见只是被沉默;甚至Reuss和Dillmann是垃圾铁,并有一个判断,什么可以或不可以被称为明显不足。Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.因此,关键的结果,据他们组成的区别文件来源,在后镶嵌材料,如文字的变化,亵渎或启发补充测定的各种法律法规的阐述,只是,不擅长方差与摩西五马赛克的真实性。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能反马赛克性质必须指出的事实或现象从批评合法推断上述结论;这些事实或现象,例如,在文本神圣的名字,对某些词的使用,改变差的风格,真正所谓的双账户,而不仅仅是显然,相同的活动;的的谬误和类似的细节,这些真理不直接影响花叶作者的pentateuch。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在这种结果那么批评与传统的冲突?Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.批评和传统是不相容的意见,以年龄和序列的文件来源,至于起源的各种法律法规,并作为对时间和方式的pentateuch节录。

(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree.(一)Pentateuchal Documents,至于年龄和序列的各种文件,批评不同意。Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. Dillmann,基特尔,柯尼格和Winckler把Elohist,谁被细分成几个作家的第一,第二和第三Elohist之前,Yahwist,谁也分为第一和第二Yahwist分;但豪森和大多数评论家认为,在Elohist约一个世纪比年轻Yahwist。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.无论如何,都被分配到的第九和公元前8世纪,既过于纳入较早的传统,甚至文件。

All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有批评似乎同意,以申命记复合字符,他们承认,而比单一作家Deuteronomist学校。Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.尽管如此,构成全书简要连续层由D1,D2,D3,等作为的性质这些层指定,批评不同意:Montet和驱动程序,例如,分配给第一个Deuteronomist毫升。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.I - XXI; Kuenen,柯尼希,罗伊斯,韦斯特法尔归于DN,四,45-9,和V - 26雷南;第三类的批评减少D1至十二,1 - 26,19,允许其双重版本:根据豪森,第一版所载,1 - IV,44;十二,二十六,二十七,而第二个由四,45席,39;十二,二十六,二十八,XXX;两种版本的redactor谁合并申命记插入到Hexateuch。 Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently.Cornill安排两个版本有所不同。Horst considers even cc.霍斯特认为,即使CC。xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.作为一个预先存在的要点汇编十二 - 26,聚集和无秩序往往是偶然的。Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges.豪森和他的追随者不想指派为D1更高的年龄超过621年,Cornill和贝尔托莱审议该文​​件作为预言教学总结,科伦索和雷南赋予它赫雷米亚斯,其他地方的统治它的起源或埃泽希亚什Manasses,Klostermann确定之前,在当时人们的约萨法特读过书的文件,而莱内特指回了法官的时间结束。 The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching.该Deuteronomist取决于前两个文件,​​J和E,对他的历史土地的立法两者;没有在这些发现的历史细节可能已被来自我们不知道其他来源,而不是在法律的Sinaitic立法中和十诫不是纯粹的小说或预言教学的结晶。

Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最后,祭司码,P,也是编译:书的第一层,在其历史和性质的法律,是由P1或P2指定的,第二层是圣洁的,H或列弗法律,十七。 - 26,是当代的一个Ezechiel,或者自己的先知(H,P2,pH值)也许工作;此外,还有如雨后春笋般从一所学校,而不是从任何一个作家的其他元素,以及由丘嫩指定为P3 ,P4,P5,而是由Ps和Px的其他批评。Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr.贝尔托莱和Bantsch发言的两个法律的其他集合:法律的牺牲,列弗,第一至第七,作为宝指定和法律的纯洁性,列夫,西十五,为Pr指定。 The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.第一纪录片假说认为是最古老的部分的pentateuch PN; Duston和Dillmann置于前Deuteronomic代码,但最近的批评者认为这是超过了最近的其他文件摩西五,甚至晚于Ezech,四十四。 10 XLVI,15(573-2 BC);的豪森日期祭司码的追随者后,从巴比伦圈养的回报,而Wildeboer的地方,无论是在或接近尾声的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.的祭司码的历史部分取决于Yahwistic和Elohistic文件,但豪森的信徒相信,这些文件材料已被操纵,以适合的祭司码特殊用途它; Dillmann和驱动保持这一事实没有发明或伪造的P,但后者在手,除了J和大肠杆菌等历史文件至于法律的一部分磷,豪森认为这是一个先验的犹太祭司程序后,从囚禁返回它,预计倒退到过去,归因于摩西,但其他批评者认为磷已系统化的崇拜前放逐海关,然后发展,并使之适应新的情况。

What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.什么已经说得很清楚表明,批评在许多方面有异,但他们在维护Pentateuchal文件后花叶产地之一的。 What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?是什么原因基础上,他们自己的意见的重量?

The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.所规定的先决条件,以文学批评的条件并不证明来源的pentateuch必须后花叶。The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯来人的生活了,至少二百年在埃及;此外,在沙漠中度过的四十年中的大部分是通过附近的Cades,使以色列人不再是游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.无论是其物质繁荣,或他们的写作和阅读能力说过,弗林德斯皮特里显示上述研究,他们一直在摩西时代的民族传统的记录。

If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果摩西希伯来同时代保持书面记录,为什么不应该的来源之一Pentateuchal这些文件?It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.的确,在我们的实际摩西五我们发现非马赛克和后花叶的迹象,但是,然后,非马赛克,非个人的风格,可能是由于文学设备,或以笔的秘书;后花叶地理和历史的迹象可能已经悄悄进入文本的美化,或誊写错误,甚至启发补充方式。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批评者不能仅仅作为托辞拒绝这些建议,因为他们应该授予在维护Pentateuchal文字持续的奇迹,如果他们否认了这种文字的变化存在道德确定性。

But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不会对摩西五已经知道先前的先知,如果它一直流传下来的时候,摩西?This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.这一重要的例外是真正的论点é silentio这是很容易被错误的,除非它是最认真的处理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外,如果我们记住在成倍的摩西五份涉及的劳动,我们不能错误的假设,他们是非常有摩西和先知之间的间隔罕见,所以很少有人能够读取实际的文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.再次,它已经指出,至少有一个早期先知呼吁书面镶嵌法,所有这样的民族良知的前提上诉Pentateuchal历史和法律。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最后,一​​些批评意见,保持了J人与以色列的历史根据宗教和先知的道德观念,如果有这样的协议,为什么不说,先知写根据宗教和道德观念摩西五?

The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批评者呼吁的事实,有关庇护Pentateuchal法律,牺牲的节日,和神职人员与后花叶历史发展的不同阶段同意;,第二阶段同意的Josias的改革,以及与成文法第三实施后的巴比伦流亡的时间。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但必须牢记,镶嵌法目的是为以色列的基督教法律是为整个世界;如果再1900年基督之后,更大的世界的一部分仍然是联合国的基督徒,这是不令人惊讶的镶嵌法规定百年前侵入整个国家。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外,有,毫无疑问,许多违反法律,正如十诫受到侵犯不损害其法律颁布今天。Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再有对宗教的改革和灾害倍有宗教热情和基督教教会的历史时期冷漠,但这种人类弱点并不意味着法律不存在,无论是马赛克或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.至于在具体的法律问题,这将是较为理想的研究发现他们更详细。

(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code.(二)Pentateuchal Codes -评论家努力建立一个三Pentateuchal代码:该公约,申命记,和祭司法典。Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history.相反的就为适用于在第四年在沙漠中游荡的不同阶段这一立法,他们认为这三个国家的历史同意它的历史阶段。As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.如上所述,这三重立法的主要对象是圣殿,节日,和神职人员。

(a) The Sanctuary(一)保护区

At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.起初,因此批评者认为,牺牲被允许可在任何地方,体现了上帝的名字(出20:24-6),然后圣殿仅限于一个地方的神(申命记12时05分选择);第三,祭司码设团结的避难所,并规定适当的宗教仪式待观察。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外,批评者指出,显示前的Deuteronomic法牺牲的执法在相当从方舟休息的地方不同的各个地方提供的历史事件。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什么做的pentateuch回答花叶著作权的捍卫者? First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt.首先,作为法律的三倍,它分三个在以色列的沙漠生活的不同阶段:前幕在山脚下勃起。Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.西奈半岛,人们被允许建造祭坛,并提供各地提供主的名称体现了牺牲;下,在人民爱戴的金牛犊,以及幕已经竖立,牺牲可只提供前幕,甚至死亡的牛消费不得不宰杀在同一地点,以防止重新陷入偶像崇拜,最后,当人即将进入应许之地,过去的法律被废除,被当时很不可能的,但团结的避难所被关在的地方,上帝会选择。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次,由批评家敦促历史事实,其中一些是由神直接干预,奇迹或先知的灵感,因此是完全合法的,有些则是明显的违法违纪行为,并没有被认可的作家的启发;第三类的事实可以解释三种方式之一:

Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real.Poels(“乐sanctuaire DE Kirjath Jeraim”,鲁汶,1894年,“DE L' histoire Examen批判杜sanctuaire DE L'雅倩”,鲁汶,1897年)的努力,证明Gabaon,Masphath和基列耶琳Jarim表示同一个地方,使多重保护区是唯一明显的,不是真实的。

Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.凡Hoonacker(“乐寮杜culte DANS LA立法rituelle DES Hebreux”中的“Musceeon”,四月至十月,1894年,十三世,195-204,299 - 320,533-41;十四,17-38)区分私营和公共祭坛,公众和国家崇拜是集中在一个法律庇护和一个祭坛周围,而私人神坛可能已为国内崇拜。

But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但更常见的是承认,在神面前选择了网站的国家庇护,这是法律不禁止的任何牺牲,甚至远离了方舟的地方。After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.后的寺庙建筑的法律不认为如此严格的约束,任何情况下。Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.迄今为止然后论点的批评是没有定论。

(b) The Sacrifices(二)牺牲

According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.据批评,对图书的盟约责成只的第一水果产品和动物第一胎,对男性的第一个出生的赎回和庇护的访问自由意志募股(出埃及记,22,28-9,二十三,15,[希伯来书,二十三,19]);申命记更清楚地界定了这些法律的一些(十五,19-23,二十六,1-11),并规定了法律规定的什一税穷人的利益,寡妇,孤儿,和利未人(26,12-5);祭司码区分不同种类的牺牲,决定了他们的仪式,并介绍了也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但是,历史很难证明了这一观点:由于存在着一个永久神职人员在筒仓,以及后来在耶路撒冷,我们可以有把握地推断,存在着一个永久的牺牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉的照顾上(参见阿莫斯4点04,5; 5:21-22,25;何西阿各处)祭祀赋予过剩。The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.对赫雷米亚斯(七,21-3)的表达可以解释在同样的意义。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).赎罪祭被称为很久之前批评介绍他们的祭司码(Osee,四,八,密歇根州,六,七,PS,XXXIX [XL],7; 1国王,三,14)。Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).侵入提供正式区别于罪在2国王13点16(参撒上6:3-15;以赛亚书53:10)产品。 Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此牺牲之间的区别是由于不同种类既不厄泽克尔45:22-5,也不向祭司码。

(c) The Feasts(三)节日

The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.该图书的盟约,所以批评告诉我们,只知道三个节日:七天在出埃及记的形式埃及,节日的收成内存的azymes盛宴,并在年底的收成(出埃及记23 :14 - 7);申命记ordains的节日保持在中央圣殿增加Pasch的盛宴的azymes,地方七周之后的第一,第二盛宴,并呼吁第三,“住棚节”,扩大其期限为7天(申命记16:1-17);守则规定的祭司的确切仪式五个节日,增加了喇叭和赎罪,所有这些都必须在中央圣殿保持盛宴。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外,历史上似乎赞同论点的批评:法官,二十一世纪,19知道只有一个年度盛宴在筒仓;撒上1:3,7,21,证明是父母的塞缪尔了每年筒仓的庇护;耶罗波安我设立在他的王国一个年度盛宴类似耶路撒冷(1国王12:32-3)庆祝的,最早的先知没有提到的宗教节日的名称;的Pasch首次发现后的庆祝申命记(列王纪下23:21-3); Ezechiel知道第一和第七月的第一天只有三个节日和赎罪祭。But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但在这里再次批评使用的论点é silentio这是不是在这种情况下定论。The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.节日赎罪,例如,是不是在外面提到旧约的摩西五,只有约瑟夫指庆祝在约翰Hyrcanus或希律时间。Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?将批评这一推断,该节日是不是保持整个旧约?History does not record facts generally known.历史不会记录一般人都知道的事实。As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.至于一个年度盛宴在早期的记录中提到,有分量的评论家都认为,后在许之地的人定居,自定义是逐步的去中央避难所只有每年一次推出。 This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.这种风俗前的批评允许的Deuteronomic法(王纪上12:26-31)的存在,使后者可以不用介绍了吧。Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it.伊萨亚斯(二十九,1,XXX,29)讲一个周期的节日,但Osee,第十二章,第9的意思已经向住棚节,因此,它的设立不能由于祭司码作为批评家描述它。 Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary. Ezechiel(第四十五,18-25)讲只有三个节日,必须在中央避难所。

(d) The Priesthood(四)职

The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.批评者争辩说,此书的盟约知道的Aaronitic铎(出埃及记24:5)无关;申命记提到没有任何等级的区分,没有任何大祭司祭司和利未人,确定他们的权利,只有利未人的生活之间的区别在国家和利未人连接到中央圣殿,最后,祭司的代码表示在法律上确定的职责,权利和收入作为社会和等级制度的祭司。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.这一理论被认为是承担了历史的证据出来。But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但在相反方向的历史见证点。At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).在若苏埃和早期法官的时间,以利亚撒,Phinees,亚伦的儿子和侄子,是祭司(民数记26:1,申命记10时06分;约书亚14点零一SQQ; 22点13分,21; 24:33法官:20:28)。From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).从法官到所罗门时间结束,神职人员在手中的合力和他的后裔(撒母耳记上1:3 SQQ; 14点03分,21时01; 22:1)谁从窜出的小儿子以他玛亚伦(历代志上24:3;比照撒上22时29分,14点03分; 2时07 SQQ)。Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.所罗门提出萨多克,对Achitob儿子,到了高神父的尊严,和他的后裔举行的办事处下到巴比伦的圈养时间(2塞缪尔8时17; 15时24 SQQ; 20点25分,列王记上2点26分,27,35,以西结书44:15);的萨多克太亚伦后裔是证明了我看齐,六,八。Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice.除了若苏埃和Paralipomenon书刊承认祭司和利之间的区别;根据撒母耳记上6:15利未人处理的方舟,但Bethsamites,一个城市的居民祭司(约书亚21:13-6),提供了牺牲。 A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21.类似的区别是在撒母耳记下15时24分,1国王8时03平方米;以赛亚书66:21。Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).凡Hoonacker(“莱斯pretres ET LES利DANS LE livre D' Ezechiel”中的“歌剧biblique”,1899年,八,180-189,192-194)显示,Ezechiel没有创造之间的祭司和利未人的区别,但假设在传统存在区别,他建议在这些类根据功德部门,而不是根据出生(四十四,15 XLV,5)。Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory.除非批评只是抛开这一切的历史证据,他们必须给予一个在以色列Aaronitic铎的存在,并将其纳入祭司和利未人,在D和P码颁布根据批判理论长除法。 It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.诚然,在一些段落人士说,提供牺牲谁是Aaronitic血统不是:法官,六,25 SQQ;十三,9;撒上七点09分,10点08分,13时09;撒下6点17分,24:25; 1国王8:5,62;等,但摆在首位,把“提供的牺牲”是指以提供受害者(利未记1:2,5)或执行祭祀仪式;受害者可能须提交的任何虔诚的门外汉;其次,就难以证明上帝犯这样的方式来亚伦祭司的办公室和他的儿子为了不给自己保留在特殊情况下,委托非自由 - Aaronite执行祭司的职能。

(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. (三)Pentateuchal Redaction.,四个文件的摩西五迄今descried来源合并不是由任何一个个人;批评需要而三个不同阶段的组合:第一,Yahwistic修订者RXX或RX结合J和使用的查看电子邮件他们协调,并使之适应申命记想法,这发生之前或之后的D.节录其次,经过D已经完成了在公元前六世纪,一个redactor的,或者一个学校的编纂,与D的精神的组合成JED文件乙脑,但引进必要的修改,以确保一致性。 Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes.第三,去年redactor的RX与P的文字和精神的,结合JED这个文件,再引进必要的修改。The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.在创国表,十四是根据丘嫩的这最后redactor的补充。

At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍一看,一个是震惊的是这一理论的复杂性格;作为一项规则,一个更简单的真理质地。Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.其次,一个是印象深刻的是假设的独特性;古代无关等于它。Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三,如果一曰或研究这一理论轻的五,一个是印象深刻的是异想天开的redactor性格,他常常保留什么应该被省略,省略哪些应该被保留下来。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批评者本身采取避难,一次又一次,在工作的redactor,为了挽救自己的看法的pentateuch。 A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近作家不惜调用复杂redactor的EIN genialer ESEL。Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四,真理爱好,直截了当读者自然感到震惊的文学小说和伪造,编辑修改,并在Pentateuchal文件和节录批判理论隐含的托辞。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.比较温和的批评努力摆脱这种不便:一些之间的古代和文学财产和编辑准确性现代化的标准差吸引力;他人几乎圣经目的的手段。 Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire.欧特列认为,作为纯粹的轻率表达的困境“无论是工作的摩西或一个骗子的工作”; Kautzsch假惺惺指向的智慧和神的方式,我们无法捉摸知识的深度,但必须佩服。The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.批评左翼公开承认,也没有在hushing事项中使用了,它实际上是对科学的研究成果,无论形式和旧约的很大一部分内容是关于意识的小说和伪造的。

IV. IV。STYLE OF THE PENTATEUCH风格的五

In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19.在一些普通的五经推出其弥赛亚的预言是专门考虑,即所谓的原evangelium,将军,三,15; SEM的祝福,将军,九,26-7;父权的承诺,根,,十二,2;十三,16;十五,5;十七,4-6,16;十八,10-15,二十二,17;二十六,4;二十八,14;了奄奄一息的雅各,创福, XLIX,8-10;的巴兰预言,数量,二十四,15 SQQ;,和伟大的先​​知摩西宣布,申,十八,15-19。But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.但这些预言属于而是要引进的注释比全省。 Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.再次,五经文字一直被认为在一些一般性的工作介绍。We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我们已经看到,除了massoretic文本,我们必须考虑到先前的文本翻译的译本,和撒玛利亚摩西五更早的读数之后,对这个问题的详细调查,属于文字或更低批评领域。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但风格的pentateuch难以被转介到其他任何一些Pentateuchal研究部门。

As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.正如摩西受聘于他的工作无疑构成前存在的文件,因为他必须已使用过的秘书援助,我们期待antecedently了各种风格的摩西五。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.这无疑是由于这一文学现象的存在,批评已经发现在他们的支持,以便分析分钟多点。 But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但在一般情况下,工作作风,是与它的内容一致。There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有三种材料中的五种:第一,有数据统计,族谱,法律处方;第二,有叙事的部分;第三,有弧形的部分。

No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.没有读者会发现作家的干旱和朴实的作风在他的过错家谱和人种名单,在他的营地在沙漠中,他的法律文书或表。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他文学表现将是发生在这一类的记录。The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.在叙事风格的摩西五是简单和自然,而且活泼,风景如画。It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它盛产简单的字符素描,对话,和轶事。The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.亚伯拉罕的购买了埋地对约瑟夫的历史,和埃及瘟疫的帐户也戏剧性。Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命记有其上的嘱托它包含帐户独特的风格。Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.摩西解释他颁布的法律,但也敦促,主要是,他们的做法。As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作为一个演说家,他显示了油膏和说服力很大,但不属于贫困语重心长的先知。His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他留长句,有时不完整,所以才会出现所谓的anacolutha(参见申命记6:10-12; 8:11-17,9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4) 。Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.作为流行的不一定是传道,他是不缺乏的重复。But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他语重心长,说服力和油膏不干扰他的陈述清晰。He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不仅是一个僵化的立委,但他表明了他对人民的热爱,进而赢得他们的爱和信心。

Decisions of the Biblical Commission圣经委员会的决定

Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation. ,是在问候了本文,即,创行政主体圣经委员会一些决定,现报告如下:不同的是排除了前三个章节的创世记字面和历史意义训诂系统不是基于坚实的基础。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification.它不应该告诉我们,这三个章节不包含事实的叙述,而是从神话和早期人民cosmogonies所得只有寓言,清除错误的多神教和安置到一神教;或寓言和符号,没有客观现实,提出在历史的幌子,以灌输宗教和哲学的真理,或最后,部分历史传说和虚构的部分提出的指导和熏陶在一起。 In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer.特别是,怀疑不应该令人对通道的触及基督教的基础字面和历史意义,因为,例如,由上帝创造的宇宙在刚开始的时候,人的特殊的创造;人类种族的团结;;原来幸福,完整,在我们的第一个国家司法父母不朽;上帝赋予人类尝试他服从戒律,海侵的第一人,从第一个女人的形成神圣戒律,在魔鬼的建议下,蛇的形式;从他们的正义原始状态达不到我们的第一个父母,一个未来的救世主的承诺。

In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解释这些章节中有关段落的父亲和医生不同的解释,人们可以遵循和捍卫的意见,符合他的批准。Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.并不是每一个词或短语在这些章节总是一定要采取在其字面意义上,以便它可能永远不会有另一个当它显然是用来比喻或anthropomorphically。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.对一些段落文字和历史意义的先决条件在这些章节,一个寓言和预言的含义可能明智和有益的就业。As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.正如写作创世纪第一章的神圣作者的目的不是为了科学地阐述了宇宙的创造或完整的订单宪法,而是给予一天的日常语言向人们普及信息,适应了所有情报,严格的科学语言礼并不总是要在他们的术语看。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.六天的表达他们的分裂可能会采取的一般意义上的自然日,或在一定的时间期限,注释者可能争议这个问题。

Publication information Written by AJ Moss.出版信息写AJ莫斯。Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett.转录由托马斯M巴雷特&迈克尔T巴雷特。Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.致力于在炼狱天主教百科全书,卷席可怜的灵魂。Published 1911.发布1911年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.五经指的是,许多作品被引用的这篇文章整个过程。We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我们将在这里增添了主要训诂作品名单,既古老又现代,没有试图给出一个完整的目录。

PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父作家“东方教会: - 奥利,在将军,PG,XII,91 Selecta - 145,同上,Homil在将军,同上,145-62;同上,Selecta等homil,在防爆,列弗。。 ,,数量,申,同上,263-818;。同上,在PG,十七,11-36 Fragmenta; ST罗勒,Homil在Hexaemer在PG,XXIX,3-208;。ST GREGORY的nyssa ,在Hexaemer在PG,XLIV,61-124;同上,德homin Opific,同上,124-297;。同上,德VITA Moysis,同上,297-430;。ST JOHN CHRYS,Homil在将军在PG,LIII,LIV,23 - 580;。同上,SERM在将军在PG,LIV,581-630; ST EPHR,注释在Pentat在歌剧院锡尔河,我1-115;。 。ST CYRIL的ALEX,德在spiritu adoratione在PG,LXVIII,133-1125;在PG,LXIX,13-677 Glaphyra; THEODORETUS,Quaest在将军,前,列弗,数量,申在。。。 PG,LXXX,76-456;加沙普罗科匹厄斯,注释在Octateuch在PG,LXXXVII,21-992;。NICEPHORUS,在Octateuch卡泰纳等libros注册(莱比锡,1772)。

Western Church: ST.西方教会:ST。AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.刘汉铨,在Hexaemer。in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在PL,十四,123-274;同上,德天堂terrestri,同上,275-314;同上,德等亚伯该隐,同上,315-60;同上,德野老等方舟,同上,361-416;同上,德亚伯拉罕,同上,419-500;,德以撒等灵魂,同上,501-34同上,同上,德约瑟夫patriarcha,同上,641-72;。同上,德benedictionibus patriarcharum,同上,673 - 94; ST。JEROME, Liber quaest.杰罗姆,LIBER quaest。hebraic.希伯来。in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.在PL,二十三,935-1010将军; ST。AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奥古斯丁,德将军角Manich.Manich。ll.会。due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.同上,德德文,在PL,XXXIV,173-220到期。ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.广告亮,同上,219-46;同上,德GER。ad lit.广告点亮。ll.会。duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST.duodecim,同上,245-486;同上,在Heptateuch Quaest,同上,547-776;。RUFINUS,德benedictionibus在PL,XXI,295-336 patriarcharum; ST。VEN. VEN。BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch. BEDE,Hexaemeron在PL,XCI,9-190;同上,在摩西五。Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. Commentarii,同上,189-394;同上,德tabernaculo等vasibus ejus,同上,393-498; RHABANUS毛鲁斯,通讯。in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在将军在PL,CVII,443-670;同上,评论。in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut.在EZ。,列弗。,序号。,申。in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在PL,CVIII,9-998; WALAFRID斯特拉波,Glossa ordinaria在PL,CXIII,67-506。

MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世纪:ST段。BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布鲁诺ASTI,在摩西五Expositio。in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在PL,鲁珀特的道依茨,德SS。Trinitate et operib. Trinitate等operib。Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST.在PL,CLXVII,197-1000 Ejus;圣休。VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent.VICTOR,Adnotationes在被压抑elucidatoriae。in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST.在PL,CLXXV,29-86;挪的欧坦,在PL,CLXXII,253-66 Hexameron;同上,德decem plagis埃及斑蚊,同上,265-70;阿贝拉尔,在Hexaemeron Expositio在PL,CLXXVII,731-84 ;休ST。 CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.雪儿,Postilla(威尼斯,1588); Nicolaus的天琴座,Postilla(罗马,1471); TOSTATUS,歌剧,I - IV(威尼斯,1728);狄奥尼修斯的CARTHUSIAN,评论。in Pentateuch.在摩西五。in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在歌剧OMNIA,I,II(蒙特勒伊,1896-7)。

MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.更多近期WORKS.犹太作家: - 的RASHI(1040至1150年),ABENASRA(1092年至1167年)和大卫泡菜,(1160年至1235年)评注,载于拉比圣经; ABARBANEL,评论。(Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr.(威尼斯,5539上午,1579年);擦痕,法语入门。of Pent.被压抑。(Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test.(巴黎,1831); KALISCH,历史和批判的旧的测试评论。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. (伦敦),将军(1885);列弗。(1867, 1872); Ez.(1867年,1872年); EZ。(1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent.(1855年); HIRSCH,德被压抑。ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev.ubersetzt UND erklart(第二版,法兰克福,1893年,1895年);霍夫曼达斯布赫列弗。ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906).ubersetz UND erklart(柏林,1906年)。

Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家: - 的路德,梅兰希顿,卡尔文,格哈特,CALOVIUS,DRUSIUS,DE Dieu酒店,CAPPEL,COCCEIUS,米氏,LE CLERC,ROSENMULLER,甚至TUCH和鲍姆加滕,作品是在我们的天轻微的重要性;克诺贝尔,将军(第6版,由DILLMANN,1892;。TR,爱丁堡,1897年); RYSSEL,EZ。and Lev.和列弗。(3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut.(第3版,1897年); DILLMANN,数字,申,圣何塞(第二版,1886年);。LANGE,Theologisch - homiletisches Bibelwerk(比勒费尔德和莱比锡),同上,创世纪(第二版,1877); IDEM ,EZ,列弗,与数字(1874);。STOSCH,申命记。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment.(第2版,1902年); KEIL和FRANZ DELITZSCH,Biblischer评论。uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex.尤伯杯DAS AT; KEIL,将军和前。(3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut.(第3版,莱比锡,1878年);同上,列弗,数字,申命记。(2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment.(第2版,1870; TR,爱丁堡,1881年,1885年);施特拉克和ZOCKLER,Kurzgefasster Komment。zu den h.祖书房H.Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut. Schriften A. UND NT(慕尼黑);施特拉克,将军(第2版,1905年);同上,EZ,列弗,数字(1894年);。欧特列,申。 (1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. (1893年); NOWACK,Handkomment。zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut.ZUM AT(哥廷根);贡克尔,将军(1901年);。BANTSCH,EZ,列弗,数字(1903年);申。by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.由STEUERNAGEL(1900);马蒂,Kurtzer Handommentar Z。AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez.AT(弗赖堡):HOLZINGER,将军(1898年),EZ。(1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev.(1900年),数字(1903年);贝尔托莱,列弗。(1901), Deut.(1901年),申。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. (1899年); BOHMER,达斯erste布赫莫斯(斯图加特,1905年),库克,圣经根据授权版本,I - II(伦敦,1877年); SPENCE和EXELL,讲坛评(伦敦):怀特洛,根;罗林森,防爆;蛾,列弗;温特伯森,数字;亚历山大,申;的解释者的圣经(伦敦):。DODS,将军(1887年);查德威克,出埃及记。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. (1890年);凯洛格,列弗。(1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut.(1891年),WATSON,数字(1889年);哈珀,申。(1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. (1895年),国际评论文章(爱丁堡):灰色,数字(1903年); DRIVER,申。(1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut.(1895年); SPURRELL,对将军(第二版,牛津大学,1896年)。希伯来文字注释;金斯伯格,第三本书的摩西(伦敦,1904年);。麦克拉伦,对前书,列弗,与数字(伦敦,1906年);同上,申。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1).(伦敦,1906年);罗伊斯,L' histoire圣ET LA意向书(巴黎,1879年); KUENEN,HOSYKAAS和奥尔特,HET欧德约(莱顿,1900-1)。

Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further notice.天主教作品: - 该CAJETAN,OLEASTER,STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS,SANTE PAGINO,LIPPOMANNUS,锤,B. POREIRA,ASORIUS MARTINENGUS,LORINUS,TIRINUS,A LAPIDE,玉米,JANSENIUS,邦弗雷雷,FRASSEN,卡尔梅特,布伦塔诺,DERESER,和作品SCHOLZ不是太知名的或太不重要需要进一步的通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.香格里拉圣圣经(巴黎); CHELIER,拉杰尼斯(1889年);同上,L' Exode ET LA Levitique(1886年); TROCHON,莱斯Nombres ET LE Deuteronome(1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae(巴黎);冯Hummelauer,创世纪(1895年);前,列弗。(1897); Num.(1897);数量。 (1899); Deut.(1899年);申。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. (1901年); SCHRANK,评论。literal.文字。in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l.在将军(1835);拉米评论中湖Gen. (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901).将军(Mechlin,1883-4); TAPPEHORN,Erklarung DER将军(帕德博恩,1888);霍贝格,模具将军nach DEM Literalsinn erklart(弗赖堡,1899年);菲利安,香格里拉圣圣经,我(巴黎,1888); NETELER,达斯布赫创DER Vulgata UND DES hebraischen Textes ubersetzt UND erklart(明斯特,1905年); GIGOT,特别介绍了旧约,我(纽约,1901)的研究。Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909).圣经委员会:文献Apostolicoe Sedis(1908年7月15日),罗马(七月十七日,1909年)。


Book of Exodus书出埃及记

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:第标题:

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

Name and Contents.名称和内容。

Ch. CH。i.-iv.: The Call of Moses.i.-iv.:摩西的呼叫。

Ch. CH。v., vi.: The Preparation.五,六:准备。

Ch. CH。vii.-x.: The Plagues:vii.-x.:上的灾祸:

Ch. CH。xi-xiii.西十三。16: The Departure. 16日:出发。

Ch. CH。xiii.十三。17-xv.17十五。21: Pharaoh's Death. 21:法老的死亡。

Ch. CH。xv.十五。22-xviii.: The March to Sinai. 22 - XVIII:三月的西奈。

Ch. CH。xix.-xx.: Israel's Call:xix.-xx.:以色列的召唤:

Ch. CH。xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant.xxi. - XXIV:法律和公约。

Ch. CH。xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests.xxv​​. - XXXI:该保护区和祭司。

Ch. CH。xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.三十二,三十四:在与金牛犊人民的罪恶。

Ch. CH。xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priestsxxxv.-xl.:该保护区和祭司的服装

Religion.宗教。

Revelations of God.神的启示。

God the Absolutely Exalted One.上帝的绝对崇拜之一。

Israel.以色列。

The Moral Law.道德律。

Cult.邪教。

-Critical View I.:- 批评的看法一:

Characteristics of JE.JE特性。

Characteristics of P.特征P.

P's Representation of the Tabernacle Unhistorical.P的代表在会幕的非历史。

-Critical View II.:临界查看二:

Redaction.节录。

Errors of Critical School.错误的批判学派。

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

The second book of the Torah or Pentateuch is called by the Jews , from the opening words, or briefly .在摩西五经的律法或第二本书叫的犹太人,从开头语,或简要介绍。The Greek name is ξοδος (in Philo also ξαγωγή), that is, "departure"; the Latin, "[Liber] Exodus."希腊名字是ξοδος(在斐洛也ξαγωγή),那就是“离开”;拉丁“[LIBER]出埃及记”。It contains, according to the Masorah, 1,209 (?) verses in 164 sections ("parashiyyot"), 69 ending in the middle of the line ("petuḥot" = "open"), and 95 with a space in the middle of the line ("setumot"="closed"), in 29 chapters ("sedarim"), and 14 sections ("pisḳot"), for reading on the Sabbath, in 11 lessons.据载,根据Masorah,1209(?)在第164节(“parashiyyot”),69行的中间结束(“petuḥot”=“开放”),并以95中的中间空间行(“setumot”=“关闭”),在29章(“sedarim”),14节(“pisḳot”)在安息日读11课,。 The common division into 40 chapters is taken from the Vulgate.进入40章常见的划分是从武加大。

Name and Contents.名称和内容。

The second book of the Torah is the organic continuation of the first book.托拉的第二本书是第一本有机的延续。It narrates the departure of the descendants of the Patriarchs, increased to a people, from servitude in Egypt, their journey to Sinai, and the revelations and laws which they received there.它叙述了对始祖的后代出发,提高到一个人从埃及的奴役,他们的旅程西奈和启示和法律,他们接到那里。It is a well-planned and well-arranged work, displaying much literary skill in the command over great masses of material as well as in the marshaling of the facts.这是一个精心策划和周密安排的工作,显示多大的命令文学技能超过群众的伟大的物质以及在事实的封送处理。It is homogeneous in its views, and is not encumbered by unnecessary repetitions, though the sequel to it is found only in the following books.它是在其意见均匀,并且不担保由不必要的重复,虽然它的续集,只是在下面的书籍中找到。 It is divided into two principal sections: (1) ch.它分为两个主要部分:(1)CH。i-xviii., recounting Israel's deliverance from Egypt; (2) ch.I - XVIII,叙述以色列从埃及拯救;(2)CH。xix.-xl., the promulgation of the Law.xix.-xl.,该法的颁布。These may again be divided into subsections.这些可能会再次被分成小节。

Ch. CH。i.-iv.: The Call of Moses.i.-iv.:摩西的呼叫。

The Israelites living in Egypt are oppressed by forced labor,imposed upon them by a new Pharaoh who desires to destroy them (i.).以色列人在埃及被强迫劳动的生活对他们施加了新的法老谁的欲望摧毁他们(一),受压迫。The exposed male infant of a Levitic family (whose name, in order not to divert interest from the main story, is not given here), is found by Pharaoh's daughter, who calls him "Moses" and adopts him.裸露的Levitic家庭(他的名字,为了不转移的主要故事的兴趣,这里没有给出)的男婴,被发现法老的女儿,谁告诉他“摩西”,并采用了他。 Moses, grown to man's estate, sympathizes with his suffering brethren, and flees the country because he has slain an Egyptian overseer.摩西,成长为男人的庄园,同情他的苦难的兄弟,并逃离国家,因为他杀害了一名埃及监督员。He goes to Midian, becomes shepherd to the priest Jethro, and marries the latter's daughter Zipporah (ii.).他去米店,成为牧羊人的祭司叶忒罗,和结婚后的女儿西坡拉(白介素)。As he is feeding the sheep on Mount Horeb, he has a marvelous experience.由于他是何烈山上喂羊,他有一个奇妙的经历。God appears to him from a thorn-bush which, though burning, is not consumed.上帝似乎他从荆棘丛林当中,虽然燃烧,不消耗。 He reveals Himself as the God of the Fathers of Israel, and orders Moses to go before Pharaoh and demand the release of his brethren.他透露作为以色列的列祖的神自己,走订单摩西在法老面前,要求释放他的兄弟。God overcomes Moses' reluctance by His promises of supreme aid, and appoints his brother Aaron to be his assistant.神的至高无上的援助,从而克服了他的诺言摩西的不情愿,并任命他弟弟亚伦是他的助手。Moses then returns to Egypt.摩西然后返回埃及。

Ch. CH。v., vi.: The Preparation.五,六:准备。

As Pharaoh not only refuses Moses' request, but oppresses the people still further, Moses complains to God, who thereupon announces to him that He will now display His power and will surely liberate Israel.由于法老不但拒绝摩西的请求,但人们还是进一步压迫,摩西抱怨上帝,谁随即宣布对他说,他现在将显示他的力量,必将解放以色列。 At this point the genealogy of Moses and his family is inserted, in order that it may not later interrupt or weaken in any way the story which follows.此时摩西和他的族谱是插入的顺序,它可能不晚中断或以任何方式削弱故事如下。

Ch. CH。vii.-x.: The Plagues:vii.-x.:上的灾祸:

the proofs of God's power.神的力量的证明。After God has assigned their tasks to Moses and Aaron, and predicted Pharaoh's obduracy, and after they have attested their commission by working a miracle before Pharaoh (vii. 1-13), God sends nine plagues over Pharaoh, and his land: (1) the changing of the waters of the Nile into blood (, vii. 14-25); (2) frogs (, vii. 28-viii. 11); (3) vermin (, viii. 12-15); (4) noxious animals (, viii. 16-28); (5) death of the cattle (, ix. 1-7); (6) boils upon men and beasts (, ix. 9-12); (7) storms, killing men and beasts (, ix. 13-35); (8) locusts that devour all vegetation(, x. 1-20); (9) deep darkness for three days (, x. 21-29).经过上帝赋予他们的任务,摩西和亚伦,并预言法老的顽固态度,并证实后,便由工作前法老奇迹(vii. 1-13)的委托,神发送nine瘟疫在法老和他的土地:(1 )不断变化的尼罗河水域进入血液(,七14-25);(2)青蛙(,七28八11);(3)害虫(,八12-15);(4 )有毒动物(,八16-28);(5)死亡的牛(,九1-7);对男人和野兽(6)沸腾(,九9-12),(7)风暴,杀人的男子和野兽(,九13-35);(8)蝗虫吞噬所有植被(,十1-20),(9)深三天黑暗(,十21-29)。 These plagues, which give evidence of God's power over nature, are increasingly obnoxious and dangerous, and are so arranged that every third plague (hence narrated more briefly) confirms the two preceding ones (narrated more in detail), and each group follows naturally upon the preceding one.这些瘟疫,这给上帝的对自然力量的证据,越来越厌恶和危险的,是如此安排,每三个鼠疫(因此解说更简单)证实了两个(叙述详细更多)上的,而每个组遵循自然经前一个。 The story displays a skilful climax, rhythm, and variety.这个故事显示了娴熟的高潮,节奏和品种。Pharaoh, however, is untouched by the first plague, which his magicians can imitate; after the second plague, which they can reproduce, but not check, he begins to supplicate; after the third plague he allows his magicians to comfort him; from the third on he makes fresh promises after each plague, but recalls them when the danger is past, and remains obdurate.老王,然而,未受第一瘟疫,它可以模仿他的魔术师;之后的第二瘟疫,他们可以复制,但不检查,他开始恳求;之后的第三次鼠疫他让他的魔术师来安慰他,从第三次,他每次瘟疫使新鲜的承诺,但回顾他们当危险过去,依然顽固。

Ch. CH。xi-xiii.西十三。16: The Departure. 16日:出发。

The last, decisive blow, namely, the death of all the first-born of the Egyptians (), and the departure are announced.最后,决定性的打击,即死亡的所有头生的埃及人()和离境公布。For the protection of their homes the Israelites are commanded to kill a lamb () and to eat it quickly with unleavened bread () and bitter herbs (), on the 14th of the first month, and to be ready for immediate departure.对于他们的家园保护以色列人是指挥杀害的羔羊()和吃无酵饼()和苦菜()很快,在第一个月14日,并要立即离境准备。 The first-born of all the Egyptians die.第一个出生的所有埃及人死亡。Pharaoh dismisses the Israelites.法老驳回了以色列人。To the number of 600,000 men, not including women and children, they leave the country, after a sojourn of 430 years, carrying with them rich gifts from benevolent Egyptians.到了60万男人,不包括妇女和儿童的人数,他们离开这个国家,经过430年逗留,与他们进行善意的埃及人从丰富的礼物。 They go first from Rameses to Succoth.他们首先从拉美西斯去到疏割。Chap.CHAP。xii.十二。43-xiii.43十三。16 contain supplementary regulations regarding the future observance of the Passover. 16包含补充规定关于未来的逾越节庆祝。

Ch. CH。xiii.十三。17-xv.17十五。21: Pharaoh's Death. 21:法老的死亡。

Repenting his clemency, Pharaoh, with chariots and horsemen, pursues the Israelites, who have reached the shores of the Red Sea (), divinely guided by day by a pillar of cloud, and by night by a pillar of fire.悔改与宽恕他的战车和骑兵,老王,追求由火柱以色列人,谁已经达到了红海()的海岸,白天指导神的云柱,和夜间。The Israelites pass dry-shod through the waters, which marvelously recede before them while engulfing Pharaoh and his entire army.以色列人穿过水域,奇妙面前退去,而吞噬法老和他的整个军队干轮胎的。Moses and his people sing a song of praise to God.摩西和他的人唱的赞美上帝的歌。

Ch. CH。xv.十五。22-xviii.: The March to Sinai. 22 - XVIII:三月的西奈。

The Israelites journey into the desert of Shur, to Mara.以色列人如何进入沙漠的书珥,到玛拉。The people, complaining of lack of water, are satisfied.人民,对缺水的抱怨,感到满意。They reach Elim.他们到达以琳。 In the desert of Sin they complain of lack of food.在罪恶的沙漠,他们抱怨缺乏食物。God sends them quails, and from this time on, except on the Sabbath, sends them a daily shower of manna.神将它们发送鹌鹑,从这时起,除了在安息日,将它们发送的甘露每天淋浴。Upon arrival at Rephidim the people again complain of lack of water.抵达后在Rephidim人民再次抱怨缺水。God gives them water from a rock ("Massah and Meribah" = "place of temptation and quarrels"; xvii. 7).上帝给了他们从岩石(“玛撒和Meribah”=“的地方和争吵的诱惑”。十七7)水。Amalek attacks Israel and is vanquished by Joshua.亚玛力人攻击以色列和被约书亚征服。God commands eternal war against Amalek.神的命令对亚玛力永恒的战争。Moses' father-in-law, Jethro, having heard of Israel's deliverance, visits Moses, bringing him his wife Zipporah and their two children, whom Moses had left behind at home.摩西的岳父岳母,叶忒罗,有以色列的解脱,听到参观摩西,把他的妻子西坡拉和两个孩子,其中摩西后面留在家里。On Jethro's advice Moses appoints subordinate judges.在叶忒罗的建议摩西任命下级法官。

Ch. CH。xix.-xx.: Israel's Call:xix.-xx.:以色列的召唤:

the promulgation of the Ten Commandments on Mount Sinai.在西乃山颁布十诫。In the third month the Israelites arrive in the desert of Sinai and encamp at the mountain.在第三个月的以色列人抵达扎营在西奈山和沙漠。God announces to them through Moses that, having by His power liberated them, He will now constitute them His people, making them a nation of priests and a holy people.神通过摩西向他们宣布说,由他的力量有解放他们,他现在将构成他们他的人,使他们的祭司和圣洁的人的国家。The Israelites accept this call with one accord, and after they have prepared themselves worthily, God, through Moses' mediation, and with thunder and lightning, clouds of smoke and noise of trumpets, reveals Himself to them on Mount Sinai and pronounces the ten fundamental commands of religion and morals, which are followed by a command regarding the altar.以色列人接受一项符合这一呼吁,并经过他们已准备自己配称,通过摩西的调解,并与雷电神,烟雾和云层的喇叭噪声,显露自己对他们在西奈山和发音的十大基本宗教和道德的命令,这是一个关于坛命令。

Ch. CH。xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant.xxi. - XXIV:法律和公约。

The Ten Commandments, formally declaring the divine will regarding man's attitude to God and to all His creatures, are followed by enactments relating to civil law: (1) indemnifications for injuries done to, a fellow man; (2) duties toward persons who have no actual claims, though they are dependent on the good will of others.十诫,正式宣告神将有关人的态度,上帝和他所有的生物,是由有关民事法律成文法其次:为做一个老乡人受伤(1)弥偿;(2)职务对人谁也没有实际的索赔,尽管他们对他人的良好意愿而定。 In conclusion there are the promise of the land of Canaan as the reward of obedience, and the warning against the pagan inhabitants.总之还有的迦南作为服从奖励土地的承诺,以及对异教居民发出警告。God then enters into a solemn covenant with the people, through Moses.上帝然后进入到一个与人民群众的庄严契约,通过摩西。He calls Moses up into the mountain to receive the stone tablets of the Law and further instructions.他呼吁进山摩西以接收该法,并进一步说明石碑。

Ch. CH。xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests.xxv​​. - XXXI:该保护区和祭司。

In order that God may dwell permanently among the Israelites, they are given instructions for erecting a sanctuary.为了上帝可能以色列人之间的永久居住,给他们架设一个圣域的指示。The directions provide for: (1) a wooden ark, gilded inside andoutside, for the Tables of the Covenant, with a cover similarly gilded as "mercy seat" for the Divine Presence; (2) a gilt table for the so-called "shewbread" (); (3) a golden candlestick for a light never to be extinguished; (4) the dwelling, including the curtains for the roof, the walls made of boards resting on silver feet and held together by wooden bolts, the purple curtain veiling the Holy of Holies, the table and candlestick, and the outer curtain; (5) a sacrificial altar made of bronzed boards; (6) the outer court formed by pillars resting on bronze pedestals and connected by hooks and crossbars of silver, with embroidered curtains; (7) preparation of the oil for the candlestick.的方向为:(1)木制方舟,镀金内andoutside,对于该公约的表,与封面同样是“施恩座”为神的存在镀金;(2),为所谓的镀金表“陈设饼“()(3)为一个永不熄灭的光金色烛台;(4)住宅,包括屋顶的窗帘,在银制成的脚休息板和木螺栓共同举办的墙壁,紫色窗帘面纱至圣所,表和烛台,和外帷幕;(5)祭坛的古铜色板制成;(6)外院形成青铜底座上休息的支柱,由钩和银横梁相连,绣窗帘;(7)编制的烛台油。 Then follow directions for the garments of the priests: (1) a shoulder-band (ephod) with two onyx stones, on each of which are engraved the names of six of the tribes of Israel, also golden chains for holding the breastplate ("ḥoshen") set with twelve precious stones, in four rows; (2) a robe for the ephod, with bells and pomegranates around the seam; (3) a golden miter plate with the inscription "Holiness to the Lord"; (4) a coat; (5) a miter; (6) a girdle.然后,按照对祭司的服装方向:对每个(1)肩带(以弗得)两个玛瑙石,刻举行的胸甲对以色列的部落six名称,也黄金链(“ ḥoshen“)载有十二个宝石,四排;(2)为以弗得的长袍,与周围的缝铃铛和石榴;(3)与金色人字板的题词”圣洁的主“;(4)一件大衣(5)人字;(6)腰带。 All these things are for Aaron.所有这些东西都是为亚伦。For his sons coats, bonnets, girdles, and linen breeches shall be made.对于他的儿子大衣,帽子,腰带,和细麻布裤子须。Then follow directions for ordaining the priests, including robing, anointing (of Aaron), and a seven days' sacrifice; the institution of daily morning and evening offerings; directions for making a golden altar of incense, to be set up in front of the inner curtain, opposite the Ark of the Covenant, and on which an atonement shall be made once a year with the blood of the sin-offering; directions for a yearly tax of half a shekel to be paid by every Israelite enumerated in the census toward the expenses of this service; directions for making a laver and stand of brass, to be set up between the Tabernacle and the altar of sacrifice; the preparation of the holy oil for anointing and of the holy incense; appointment of the master workmen Bezaleel and Aboliab to direct the work; the observance of the Sabbaṭh.然后,按照祝圣的神父,包括robing,恩膏(亚伦)和七天牺牲方向;日常早晚产品机构;制作了香金坛方向,必须设置在前方了内窗帘,对面的约柜,和一名赎罪应作出一次与赎罪祭血一年;为半舍客勒年度税的方向是由对在普查中列举的每一个以色列人支付这项服务的费用;用作制造紫菜和黄铜支架的方向,将设置在会幕和祭坛的牺牲了,对石油的恩膏圣和圣香的准备;主委任及工人Bezaleel Aboliab指导工作,对遵守安息日。

The most striking point in this enumeration is the place given to the directions regarding the altar of incense, which, to agree with the arrangement as described in chaps.在此列举最突出的一点是考虑到方向关于香,这与安排达成协议章描述在祭坛的地方。xxxv.-xl., should follow the directions for making the golden candlestick (xxv. 31-40).xxxv.-xl.,应遵循使得黄金烛台(xxv. 31-40)的指示。This has been a puzzle to the critics, who have made it the basis of the most far-reaching hypotheses.这一直是批评,谁做了它的最深远的假设基础上的难题。The passage was not only supposed to be a later interpolation, but it was assumed that originally there was no altar of incense, not even in Herod's temple!这一段不仅应该是一个后插,但它认为原本没有的香坛甚至没有在希律的圣殿!The riddle may be solved as follows: In xxxv.-xl.谜语可以解决如下:xxxv.-xl.the articles are enumerated in the order in which they were set up, while here they are enumerated according to their uses.的文章中列举了他们所成立,而在这里,他们是根据自己的使用枚举的顺序。The golden altar of incense later stood in the Tabernacle, between the table and the candlestick, a fact leading to the assumption that, like them, it belonged to the Tabernacle.金坛的香后来站在幕之间,表和烛台,这一事实导致的假设,像他们一样,它属于幕。But as throughout ancient literature the offerings of sacrifice and incense are two independent coordinated acts of worship, so the altar of incense was, to all intents and purposes, an independent requisite of worship as important as the rest of the apparatus.但在整个古代文学的牺牲和香的产品是两个独立的崇拜协调行为,所以香坛是,所有的意图和目的,一个独立的崇拜一样的仪器其余重要条件。 For this reason everything that is necessary for the dwelling of God and the sacrifices that guarantee His presence is described first, and the altar of incense after (comp. especially Lev. xvi. 16-17: first, atonement for the Holy of Holies and the "tabernacle . . . that remaineth among them in the midst of their uncleannesses"; then, the cleansing and sanctifying of the altar of incense "from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel").出于这个原因的一切,是为神的住所和牺牲,保证他的存在是首先描述,和香坛后(comp.特别是列弗十六16-17必要的:第一,为至圣赎罪和在“幕他们中间在他们中间remaineth uncleannesses ”,然后,清洁和圣洁的香坛“,从以色列的儿童uncleannesses”)。The sacrifice presumes God's presence, while it is the object of the incense to insure the continuation of His presence.牺牲假设上帝的存在,而它是香,以确保他的继续存在的对象。The things, again, that must be repeatedly renewed are placed last, namely, the oil for lighting; the yearly tax; the laver with stand, consisting of mirrors, which were taken apart again after the laver had been used, and are, therefore, not enumerated in Num.的事情,再次,必须不断更新都放在最后,即照明石油,每年的税;与立场紫菜,镜子,这是拆开后再次紫菜已被用来组成,并因此,而不是在数枚举。 iv.四。14; the oil for anointing; and the incense.14;的膏油和香。In conclusion, there are the directions for the workshop, the appointing of the master workman, and the arrangement of the work.总之,是有车间,工人师傅的任用和工作安排的方向。These directions are admirably thought out, down to the smallest detail.这些方向是令人钦佩的深思熟虑,下至最小的细节。

Ch. CH。xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.三十二,三十四:在与金牛犊人民的罪恶。

While Moses is on the mountain the people become impatient and urge Aaron to make them a golden calf, which they worship with idolatrous joy.当摩西在山上,是人们变得急躁,并敦促亚伦,使他们一个金牛犊,他们的喜悦与崇拜偶像崇拜。God informs Moses and threatens to abandon Israel.上帝告诉摩西和以色列威胁要放弃。Moses at first intercedes for the people, but when he comes down and beholds their madness, he angrily breaks the two tablets containing the divine writing.摩西在第一代求的人,但是当他来到了他们的疯狂和beholds,他愤怒地打破了包含两片神圣的写作。After pronouncing judgment upon Aaron and the people he again ascends to God to implore forgiveness for them, as God is about to withdraw from them His blessed presence and to leave them unguided in the wilderness.宣判后,在亚伦和人民的审判,他再次登上帝恳求宽恕他们,因为上帝即将撤出他们的存在和他的祝福离开他们在旷野非制导。 Moses' intercession prevails.摩西的代祷为准。When he petitions God to tell him who will accompany them, what He intends to do, and how He will manifest His splendor, God commands him to make new tablets, and reveals Himself to Moses as a God of inexhaustible love and mercy.当他请愿上帝告诉他谁就会陪他们,他打算做什么,以及他将如何表现他的辉煌,上帝命令他作出新的药片,并揭示了作为一种取之不尽,用之不竭的爱和怜悯上帝给摩西。 He assures Moses that in spite of their way wardness He will lead Israel into the Promised Land, giving Moses in token thereof new commandments applicable only to that land.他保证,在摩西的方式wardness尽管他将带领以色列的乐土,给予新的戒律令牌及其摩西只适用于土地。He commands the Israelites not to have intercourse with the pagan natives, to refrain from all idolatry, and to appear before Him on the three pilgrimage festivals.他命令以色列人不要与异教徒的当地人交往,避免采取一切偶像崇拜,并在他面前出现的三个朝圣的节日。Moses then returns to the people, who listen to him in respectful silence.摩西然后返回到人,谁听他在尊重沉默。

Ch. CH。xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priestsxxxv.-xl.:该保护区和祭司的服装

(almost in the same words as in ch. xxv.-xxxi.).(如CH几乎同样的话。xxv. - XXXI)。Moses collects the congregation, enjoins upon them the keeping of the Sabbath, and requests gifts for the sanctuary.摩西收集众,在他们责成饲养的安息日,和圣所要求的礼物。The entire people, men and women, high and low, respond willingly and quickly, and under the direction of the superintendent they make: (1) the dwelling, including the curtains, the walls, and the veil; (2) the Ark and cover; (3) the table; (4) the golden candlestick; (5) the golden altar of incense; (6) the altar of burnt offerings; (7) the laver; (8) the outer court.整个人,男人和女人,高与低,心甘情愿地和迅速地作出反应,并根据他们的院长做出指示:(1)住宅,包括窗帘,墙壁,和面纱(2)方舟盖(3)表;(4)黄金烛台;(5)金坛香(6)坛的燔祭;(7)紫菜(8)外院。 An estimate of the cost of the material follows.一个材料的成本估算如下。Next comes the preparation of the garments of the priests, including: (1) the ephod with the onyx stones, together with the breastplate and its twelve precious stones and its golden chains; (2) the robe of the ephod; (3) the coats for Aaron and his sons; (4) the miter and bonnets; (5) the breeches;(6) the girdle; (7) the golden plate of the crown.接下来是对祭司,包括服装的准备:(1)以弗得与玛瑙石,连同胸甲和twelve宝石和金链;(2)以弗得长袍;(3)为亚伦和他的儿子大衣(4)人字和帽子;(5)裤子(6)腰带(7)冠金板。 Moses inspects the work when completed and praises it, and the sanctuary is set up on the first of the second month.摩西检查工作完成后,并称赞它,圣域设置在第二月的第一了。In connection with this section (xxxv.-xl.) the questions arise: Why the lengthy repetition of ch.在本节连接(xxxv.-xl.)出现的问题:为什么冗长重复的通道。xxv.-xxxi, in ch. xxv​​.,三十一,在CH。xxxv.-xl.? xxxv.-xl.?and Why the difference in the order in which the various objects are described?以及为什么在其中的各种对象描述为了区别?To the first question the answer is: When the people fell away and God renounced them, the tablets of the covenant seemed to have become useless, wherefore Moses broke them.第一个问题的答案是:当人们下跌路程,神放弃他们,该公约的药片似乎已经成为无用的,他们打破了摩西何方。But after the people had been forgiven new tablets were made and the promises relating to the country had to be repeated.但是,当人们已经原谅了新的片作了承诺和有关国家不得不重演。Furthermore, the promise given by God that He will dwell among Israel, in a sanctuary erected by them and in which they will worship, must not be allowed to remain unfulfilled; and therefore the building of the sanctuary that had been planned is undertaken anew, but according to the original idea.此外,神所赋予的承诺,他将住在庇护以色列之间,搭建起由他们和他们将崇拜,绝不允许仍未兑现,因而认为已计划进行重新建设,是圣域,但按照原来的想法。 Hence ch.因此通道。xxxii.-xxxiv.xxxii. - 三十四。belong necessarily between ch.属于一定CH之间。xxv.-xxxi.xxv​​. - XXXI。 and xxxv.-xl.和xxxv.-xl. To the second question the reply is, that in xxv.-xxxi., which contain the plan, the pieces are enumerated according to the uses to which they are put, while in xxxv.-xl.第二个问题的答复是,在xxv. - XXXI。,其中包含计划,部分列举根据它们所投入使用,而在xxxv.-xl.(as also in the working-plans given to the overseers in xxxi. 7 et seq.), which narrate the progress of the work, they are enumerated according to their arrangement. (如同时在工作,计划给在三十一。监督员7页起),其中叙述了工作进度,他们列举根据自己的安排。

Religion.宗教。

Exodus contains the most fundamental anct sublime revelations of God regarding His nature and will, and describes the beginnings of the theocratic constitution of the Israelitic people and the foundations of its ethics, law, customs, and worship.出埃及记中最根本的anct关于他的神性,将崇高的启示,并介绍了Israelitic人民和它的道德,法律,风俗,和崇拜神权宪法的基础的开端。 God, as revealed in Exodus, is not a new, hitherto unknown God: He is the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob-the Fathers of the people-who has protected them and has been worshiped by them (Ex. ii. 24; iii. 6, 13-18; iv. 5; vi. 3, 8; xv. 2; xxxii. 13).神,在出埃及记透露,并不是一个新的,前所未有的上帝:他是亚伯拉罕的神,以撒,雅各,对人谁也保护了他们,他们(出二一直崇拜父亲24,三6,13-18;四5;六,3,8;十五2;三十二13)。 He Himself designates the name by which He is to be addressed: " [Yhwh], the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob" (iii. 15).他自己指定的名称,通过它,他要解决的是:“[耶和华],你列祖的神,是亚伯拉罕,以撒的神,雅各的神”(III. 15)。 The book, however, expressly purposes to reveal, or fully develop, for the first time certain aspects of the divine nature that have not hitherto been noted.这本书,但是,明确的目的揭示,或全面发展,首次对神性的某些方面迄今还没有注意到。When God appears to Moses in the flaming bush, and commissions him, to announce to the Israelites their impending liberation, Moses asks doubtingly (iii. 13): "Behold when I come unto the children of Israel, and shall say unto them, The God of your fathers hath sent me unto you; and they shall say to me, What is his name? what shall I say unto them?"当上帝出现在燃烧的灌木丛,他和佣金,摩西向以色列人宣布他们即将解放,摩西问怀疑地(III. 13):“看哪,当我告诉以色列的孩子来了,并说对他们的你父亲的神差遣你们我,?并应对我说,他叫什么名字我应该怎么对他们说“?Moses seeks to know, not the name of God, but what God's name, which he knows is full of significance, expresses in this particular case.摩西的目的,是了解,而不是神的名字,但神的名字,而他知道是充满意义,在这个特殊的情况下表示。Moses is well aware that the name "Yhwh" means "the Almighty," and that salvation rests with God; but in his anxiety, amounting indeed to a lack of faith, he wishes to know at once how God will save.摩西是清楚地知道,命名为“耶和华”的意思是“全能”,而在于与上帝救赎,但在他的焦虑,金额确实是缺乏信心,他想知道上帝会如何一次保存。

Revelations of God.神的启示。

God, however, will not announce that now; merely comforting him by saying (iii. 14) ("I will be there [helping when necessary] in such a way as I may deem fit"; AV "I AM THAT I AM").神,但是,不会宣布,现在,只是安慰他说(III. 14)(“我将在那里[在必要时帮助]在这样一种方式,我认为适当”; AV“我是,我” )。"I will prove myself as the Almighty, the unfailing savior."“我将证明自己的全能,在不懈的救星。” On this passage, if interpreted rightly, is based the passage vi.在这段话中,如果正确地解释,是基于通过六。2, where God encourages Moses-who is disappointed because reference to this name has availed him nothing-by saying "I am Yhwh! I have revealed myself as a faithful God ["El Shaddai"] to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, without their having known me according to my name Yhwh."2,凡神鼓励摩西 - 谁是失望,因为提到这个名字已经利用过他的话说,不受任何“我耶和华!我发现自己作为一个忠实的上帝[”厄尔尼诺Shaddai“]亚伯拉罕,以撒,雅各,无我知道他们有根据我的名字耶和华。“ And now God works His miracles, all with the express intention that the people may "know that I am Yhwh" (vi. 7; vii. 5, 17; viii. 6, 18; ix. 14, 25, 29; x. 2: xiv. 18; xvi. 12).而现在他的奇迹上帝的作品,都与表达的意图,人民可以“知道我是耶和华”(VI. 7;七5,17;八6,18; IX 14,25,29;十2:十四18;十六12)。Thus, God is, as His name Yhwh implies, the almighty Savior, subject only to His own will, independent, above nature and commanding it; the God of miracles; the helpful God, who uses His power for moral purposes in order to establish law and liberty in the world, by destroying the wicked and saving the oppressed (iii. 8; vi. 6; vii. 5; xv. 2, 3, 11), in whose hands are given judgment and salvation (iii., iv., vi. 1-8).因此,神,正如他的名字耶和华所暗示的,万能的救世主,只服从他自己的意志,独立的,上述性质和指挥它,而奇迹的神,乐于助人的上帝,谁使用他的权力道德的目的,以建立法律和自由的世界,摧毁邪恶的压迫和保存(III. 8;六6;七5;。XV 2,3,11),在其给出的判断和救赎手(III.,四,,六1-8)。In ch.在CH。xxxii.三十二。et seq.起。is revealed another side of God's nature.是揭示了另一个神的本性的一面。Israel has merited His destructive anger because of its sin with the golden calf.以色列值得,因为它与金牛犊的罪,他的破坏性的愤怒。But God not only refrains from destruction and from recalling His word regarding the promised land; He even listens to Moses' prayers to grant His presence anew to the people.但神不仅refrains免遭破坏,从回顾他的话就应许之地;他甚至听摩西的祷告重新授予他的存在给人们。When Moses again asks, "Show me thy glory," God answers, "I will make all my goodness pass before thee, and I will proclaim the name of Yhwh before thee, and will be gracious unto whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy unto whom I will show mercy" (xxxiii. 18-19).当摩西再次问道:“告诉我你的荣耀,”上帝回答:“我会尽我所有的善良前通过你,我会在你面前宣告耶和华的名,将祂的人,我会殷勤亲切,并会显示祂的人,我会开恩“(xxxiii. 18-19)摆布。And again, "Thou canst not see my face: for man shall not see me and live; . . . thou shalt see my back; but my face shall not be seen" (ib. 20, 23, RV).再次,“你canst不是看到我的脸:对于男人不得见我和生活;你要见我的背,但我的脸不可见 ”(同上20,23,RV)。When God appears to Moses He reveals Himself as "Yhwh, Yhwh God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth. Keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children's children, unto the third and to the fourth generation" (xxxiv. 6-7).当上帝似乎对摩西他透露为“耶和华,耶和华上帝,仁慈和亲切的,长期的痛苦,在善良和真理丰富。自己保持的数以千计,原谅的罪孽和罪过罪过和怜悯,而绝不会清除有罪;参观后,孩子的父亲的罪孽,并要求孩子的孩子,所不欲,第三和第四代“(xxxiv. 6-7)。In these words God has revealed Himself as a being full of holy zeal against wickedness-a zeal, however, which is counteracted by the immeasurably greater power of His love, mercy, and forgiveness, for these are inexhaustible.在这些话暴露了神对邪恶- A的热情被充分自己神圣的热情,然而,这抵消了对他的爱,怜悯和宽恕没法比更大的权力,因为这是取之不尽,用之不竭。But even this does not constitute His entire nature, which in its full depth and clarity is beyond the comprehension of man.但即使这并不构成他的整个性质,在其全部深度和清晰度超越了人理解的。These two revelations contain the highest and most blessed insight into the nature of God ever attained; and around them may be grouped the other statements regarding God which the book of Exodus contains.这两个启示包含进入神性最高,达到有史以来最幸福的洞察力,以及他们周围的可能是关于上帝的分组的出埃及记中的其他陈述。

God the Absolutely Exalted One.上帝的绝对崇拜之一。

God is the absolutely Exalted One, who can not be compared with any other gods; even the Midianite Jethro admits that Yhwh is greater than all gods (xv. 1, 11; xviii. 11).上帝是绝对世尊,谁也无法与任何其他神相比,连米甸叶忒罗承认耶和华是比所有神(xv. 1,11;十八11)更大。The whole world belongs to God: He has created heaven and earth and all that is therein; He rules forever; He performs marvels; nothing like Him has ever been; hence He is an object of veneration (xv. 11, 18; xix. 5; xx. 11; xxxiv. 10).整个世界属于上帝:他创造了天地和其中所有的,他永远的规则,他执行的奇迹;像他并没有去过,因此他是一个崇拜的对象(xv. 11,18;十九。 5,XX 11;三十四10)。He givesspeech to man, or leaves him deaf and dumb; gives him sight, or makes him blind (iv. 11).他givesspeech到人,或离开他又聋又哑,给他的视线,或使他失明(iv. 11)。He has power over men's hearts, either encouraging them to do good (iii. 21, xi. 3, xii. 36), or, having larger ends in view, not preventing them from doing evil ("hardening the heart," iv. 21; vii. 3; x. 1, 20; xiv. 4, 17).他拥有超过人们的心电,无论是鼓励他们做的好(III. 21,十一,3,十二36),或虽在放大目的,而不是阻止他们这样做邪恶(“硬化的心,”四。 21,七3;十,1,20,十四4,17)。God is omniscient: He knows the distant, the future, what man may be expected to do according to his nature (vi. 4-13, 29; viii. 11, 15; ix. 12, 35; xxiv. 20; xxxiv. 10-12).神是无所不知:他知道遥远的未来,什么人可能是意料之中的事情按照他的本性(VI. 4-13,29,八11,15,九12,35,二十四20;三十四。。 10-12)。From God proceed artistic inspiration, wisdom, insight, knowledge, and skill (xxxi. 3; xxxv. 31, 34; xxxvi. 1, 2).从神开始的艺术灵感,智慧,洞察力,知识和技能(xxxi. 3; XXXV 31,34;。XXXVI 1,2)。

God is Providence (ii.25); He rewards good deeds, be they done from fear of or love for Him (i. 21, xx. 6).上帝是普罗维登斯(白介素25),他奖励善行,不论是来自或对祂的爱(一21,XX 6)恐惧完成。He is not indifferent to human misery; He sees and hears and intervenes at the right moment (iii. 7; iv. 31; vi. 5; xxii. 22, 26); He makes promises which He fulfils (ii. 24, iii. 16, iv. 31, vi. 5, xxxii. 13).他是不是人类的苦难无动于衷,他看到,听到,并在适当的时候进行干预(III. 7;四31;六5;。XXII 22,26);他使承诺的履行他(白介素24,三16,四31,六,五,三十二13)。God is jealous and leaves nothing unpunished (xx. 7, xxxiv. 7); but He always punishes the sinner Himself, admitting no vicarious death, even if it is offered (xxxii. 33).上帝是嫉妒和叶没有受到惩罚(xx. 7,三十四7),但他始终惩罚罪人自己,承认没有替代死刑,即使它是提供(xxxii. 33)。His great moral indignation ("anger") against sin would be destructive (xxxii. 10, 33) were not His forgiving love still greater (xx. 5, xxxii. 14, xxxiii. 19).他的伟大的道德义愤与罪(“愤怒”)将是破坏性(xxxii. 10,33)不爱他的宽容更大(xx. 5,三十二14,三十三19)。He is gracious and full of mercy (xv. 13, xxxiv. 6).他是亲切和怜悯(xv. 13日,三十四6)充分。 His presence means grace; it sanctifies; for He Himself "is glorious in holiness" (xv. 11, xxix. 43).他的出现意味着优雅,它成圣,因为他自己“是圣洁的光辉”(xv. 11日,二十九43)。

Man can not perceive God in His entire nature; he may only look after God when He has passed by and imagine Him (Dillmann to Ex. xxxiii. 22).人不能感知他的整个自然界的神,他可能只照顾神时,他已经通过并想象他(Dillmann到前三十三22)。

Yet God reveals Himself to man; ie, He informs man visibly and audibly of His presence and will.然而上帝显露自己的人,也就是说,他告诉男子和声音明显他的存在和意志。God, who has already appeared to the Fathers, appears in the flaming bush, in the pillar of cloud and of fire on the march, in the clouds in which He came down on Sinai, in the fire on the mountain, in the cloud in the desert, in the pillar of cloud on Moses' tent, in the cloud from which He calls out to Moses His attributes of grace, in the cloud and the fire that serve as signals to the Israelites to start or to encamp (vi. 3; xiii. 21; xiv. 19; xix. 11; xx.; xxiv. 15, 17; xxxiii. 9; xxxiv. 5; xl. 34-36).上帝,谁已经出现的父亲,出现在燃烧的灌木丛,在云和火在行军的支柱,在云中,他就来到西奈倒在火上了山,在云在关于摩西的帐篷支柱云在云从他召唤出他的宽限期,以摩西的属性在云和火,作为对以色列人的信号启动或扎营服务,沙漠,(VI. 3 ;十三21;十四19;。十九11; XX; XXIV 15,17;三十三9;三十四5; XL 34-36)。This divine appearance is called God's message (xiv. 19; xxiii. 20, 23; xxxii. 34; xxxiii. 2) or His glory (xvi. 7, 10; xxiv. 16-17; xxxiii. 22; xl. 34).这神圣的外观被称为上帝的消息(xiv. 19; XXIII 20,23;三十二34;。XXXIII 2)或他的荣耀(xvi. 7,10,二十四16-17;三十三22;。XL 34) 。

God appears in order to make Himself known, to give commands, and to impart reverence leading to obedience (xvi. 10, xix. 9, xx. 20).上帝似乎为了让自己知道,给命令,并传授崇敬导致服从(xvi. 10,十九9,XX 20)。God speaks chiefly with Moses; He puts the words in Moses' mouth, and tells him what to say; He talks with him face to face, as a man with his neighbor, and gives him a staff as a token of his office (iii. 15; iv. 17; vii. 2, 17, 20; ix. 23; x. 13; xxxiii. 11).上帝与摩西说话,主要是,他把在摩西的口的话,并告诉他该说些什么,他与他会谈面对面,作为一个男人与他的邻居,并且给他作为他的办公室一位工作人员令牌(三15,四17;七,2,17,20;九23;十13;三十三11)。 But God also speaks from heaven to the entire people (xx. 22), and orders for Himself a permanent dwelling-place among them in the tabernacle set up according to His directions (xx. 22, xxv. 8, xxix. 45); He descends thither in order to talk with Moses, His especial place being the cover of the Ark of the Covenant, between the two cherubim (xxv. 22, xxix. 43, xxx. 6).但上帝还谈到从天上到(xx. 22)全体人民,并为自己是一个永久居住,其中就地在帐幕订单成立,根据他的指示(xx. 22,二十五8,二十九45);他降临到那里才能与摩西说话,他ESPECIAL到位的约柜盖的,两者之间的基路伯(xxv. 22日,二十九43,XXX 6)。

Israel.以色列。

God has made a covenant with the Fathers of the people, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, that He will multiply them as the stars of heaven; that He will remember them, save them, and give to them and their descendants the land of Canaan-a land "flowing with milk and honey," and that, shall reach "from the Red Sea even unto the sea of the Philistines, and from the desert unto the river" (ii. 24; iii. 8, 17; vi. 4-8; xiii. 5; xxiii. 31; xxxii. 13; xxxiii. 3).上帝做了一个与人民,亚伯拉罕,以撒,雅各,他将乘如天上的星星他们的父亲公约,也就是说,他会记住他们,挽救他们,给他们和他们的后代的迦南地 - 土地“流奶与蜜”,并认为,要达到“从连所不欲,非利士人的海红海,并从所不欲,河沙漠”(白介素24;三8,17;六。 4-8,十三5;二十三31;三十二13;三十三3)。God remembers this covenant and keeps it despite everything, as is exemplified in the deliverance of Israel and the destruction of Pharaoh (i. 7, 12; iii. 7; vi. 1; xxiii. 20); He does not forget it, in spite of the dejection and the murmurings of the people (vi. 9; xiv. 10; xv. 24; xvi. 2, 27; xvii. 3), their worship of the golden calf and their obstinacy (xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 3, 5; xxxiv. 9).神记得,尽管这个公约,并保持它的一切,正如在以色列的拯救和毁灭的法老(一7,12,三7;六1;,二十三20);体现他没有忘记它,在沮丧和人民的怨言(;十四10;十五24;十六2,27;。VI. 9十七3)尽管如此,他们对金牛犊的崇拜和他们的顽固(xxxii. 9;三十三。 3,5,三十四9)。He leads, fights for, heals, and educates Israel and destroys Israel's enemies (xiii. 17; xiv. 14, 25; xv. 3, 26; xvi. 4; xx. 20; xxiii. 22, 23, 27; xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11, 24).他领导,打架的,愈合,和教导以色列和摧毁以色列的敌人(xiii. 17;十四14,25;十五3,26;十六4; XX 20;二十三22,23,27;三十三。 2,三十四11,24)。The Israelites are God's people, His host, His first-born son (vi. 7, vii. 4, xii. 41, xv. 16, xxxii. 11 et seq.; xxxiii. 13, 16).以色列人是上帝的子民,他的主​​人,他的第一个出生的儿子(VI. 7,七4,十二41,十五16,三十二11及以下;。。。。。。三十三13,16)。Yhwh will be Israel's God (vi. 7, xxix. 5).耶和华将以色列的神(VI. 7,二十九5)。Israel is His property ("segullah").以色列是他的财产(“segullah”)。Above all people Israel shall be His people, "a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation," if Israel will listen to God's voice and keep His covenant (xix. 5, 6).最重要的是应他的民以色列的人,“作祭司的国度,一个神圣的民族”,如果以色列将听神的声音,保持他的盟约(xix. 5,6)。 Therefore He gives to the Israelites commandments, descends to them in His glory, holds them worthy of renewed revelations, and orders divine service (xxiv. 8, xxxiv. 27).因此他给以色列人的诫命,降落在他的荣耀给他们,他们认为值得的新启示,订单神圣的服务(xxiv. 8,三十四27)。

The Moral Law.道德律。

In Exodus are found for the first time the preeminent characteristics of the Israelitic law: its origin in and pragmatic connection with history.在出埃及记是首次发现的Israelitic法律的卓越的特性:其起源和历史务实的连接。An account is given of the laws in connection with the events that called them forth.一个帐户是给予与事件称他们提出有关的法律。Thus, on the one hand, history explains and justifies the Law, while on the other the Law keeps alive and commemorates the events and teachings of history.因此,一方面,历史解释和辩护律师,而在其他的法律保持活着和纪念的事件和历史的教诲。As furthermore God is the subject of history as well as the lawgiver, Israel's religion assumes here the fundamental characteristic that determines its entire future development: it is a law founded on God as revealed in history.此外由于上帝是历史的主体,以及立法者,以色列的宗教假设这里的根本特点,决定了它的整个未来的发展:它是建立在上帝的法律,如历史显露出来。 The basis is the Decalogue, the Ten Commandments (Ex. xx. 1-17), in which all duties are designated as duties toward the God who liberated Israel from the slavery of Egypt.其依据是十诫,十诫(出二十。1-17),其中所有的职责是向上帝谁解放从埃及的奴役以色列的职责指定。Israel must not recognize any other God; idolatry and the making and worshiping of images are forbidden (xx. 2-5, 23; xxiii. 13, 24, 33; xxxii.; xxxiv. 12-14, 17); Israel shall beware of seductive intercourse with the idolatrous Canaanites; sacrificing to idols, and magic, are punishable by death.以色列必须不承认任何其他神崇拜和祭祀的图像制作和禁止(xx. 2-5,23岁;二十三13,24,33;三十二;。三十四12-14,17);以色列应提防与偶像崇拜迦南诱人的性交;牺牲的偶像,和魔术,都处以死刑。 Nor may the name of the true God be applied to vain idols (this is the only correct explanation of xx. 7).也可能是真正的上帝的名义被应用到(这是唯一的XX 7正确的解释)徒劳的偶像。God is recognized as Creator of the world by the sanctification of the Sabbath, on which man and beast shall rest from all labors (xvi. 23 et seq., xx. 7 et seq., xxiii. 12, xxxi. 12-17, xxxv. 1-3), and also by the observance of the Sabbatical year (xxiii. 10).神是公认为世界的创造者由圣安息日,在人与野兽将所有劳动者休息(xvi. 23页起,XX 7页起,二十三十二,三十一。12-17,三十五。1-3),以及由该休假年(xxiii. 10)的遵守情况。He is recognized as Israel's savior from Egyptian oppression by the celebration of the Passover (see below).他被公认为以色列从埃及的压迫救世主由逾越节的庆祝活动(见下文)。

"Honor thy father and thy mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee" (xx. 12, fifth commandment). “荣誉你父亲和你的母亲:那你的日子可能会在土地,其中主你神所赐长”(xx. 12,第五诫)。He who strikes or insults his father or mother is punished by death (xxi. 15, 17).他谁罢工或他的父亲或母亲是处以死刑(xxi. 15,17)的侮辱。Honor must also be accorded to those in authority (xxii. 27 [AV 28])."Thou shalt not kill" (xx. 13).荣誉也必须给予在当权者(xxii. 27 [AV 28])。“不可杀人”(xx. 13)。Murder is punishable by death (xxi. 12); there is no place of refuge for the murderer, as there is for the accidental homicide, even at the altar (xxi. 13-14).谋杀是由死亡(xxi. 12)惩处;不存在避难的凶手的地方,因为那里的意外杀人,甚至在祭坛(xxi. 13-14)。For bodily injuries there is a fine (xxi. 18-19, 22-25, 28-31).对于身体的伤害有罚款(xxi. 18-19,22-25,28-31)。

"Thou shalt not commit adultery" (xx. 14).“不可奸淫”(xx. 14)。Lechery and intercourse with animals are punishable by death (xxii. 17); the seducer of a virgin must either marry her or compensate her father (xxii. 15 et seq.).Lechery和动物性交是由死亡(xxii. 17)惩处;的处女诱惑要么她结婚或补偿她的父亲(xxii. 15页起)。"Thou shalt not steal" (xx. 15). “不可偷盗”(xx. 15)。Kidnaping is punishable by death (xxi. 16). Killing of a burglar is justifiable. Whoever steals cattle, slaughtering and selling it, has to pay four or five times its value; if it is found alive, double; if the thief is unable to pay he is sold into slavery (xxi. 37, xxii. 3).绑架是由死亡(xxi. 16)处以一窃贼盗窃杀人是正当的谁牛,屠宰和销售它,必须付出四,五倍其价值;。若发现活着,双;如果窃贼无法支付他卖为奴(xxi. 37,22 3)。Property injured or destroyed must be made good (xxi. 33-36, xxii. 4-14).受伤或毁坏财产必须是取得了良好的(xxi. 33-36,22,4-14)。

"Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor" (xx. 16).“你应该对你的邻居不忍心虚假证人”(xx. 16)。Justice, veracity, impartiality, honesty in court, are enjoined (xxiii. 1, 2, 6-8).司法,真实性,公正性,在法庭上的诚实,是责成(xxiii. 1,2,6-8)。An oath is demanded where there is suspicion of a default (xxii. 7 et seq.).宣誓是要求地方有一个默认的怀疑(xxii. 7页起)。

"Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor's (xx. 17). The duties to one's neighbor include both kindly deeds and kindly thoughts. The poor man must be cared for: justice shall be done to him; loans shall be made to him; and he shall not be pressed for payment, nor shall the necessaries of life be taken in pawn (xxii. 24 et seq.). Widows and orphans shall not be oppressed; for God is their advocate (xxii. 21). Strangers shall not be injured or oppressed; "for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt" (xxii. 20, xxiii. 9); they also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10). A Hebrew bond-servant shall not serve longer than six years, unless he himself chooses to remain. He may not earn any wages for himself while serving. The master of a girl that has been sold into servitude shall marry her or give her a dower. Servants are to be set free on receiving bodily injuries; and death caused by an animal is requited (xxi. 1-11, 20, 21, 26, 27, 32). Servants also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10, xxiii. 12). Animals shall be treated gently (xxiii. 4, 5, 19), and be allowed to rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10; xxiii. 12). Consideration for an enemy is enjoined (xxiii. 4, 5). To do these commandments is to obey God (xv. 26, xvi. 28, xx. 6, xxiii, 13). Israel shall trust in Him (iii.-vi., xiv. 31, xvi., xvii. 7, xix. 9); and in a significant passage (xx. 6) the love for God is accentuated. “你不可贪图你的邻居的房子,你不可贪图你的邻居的妻子,也不是他的仆人,也不是他的女仆,也不是他的牛,也不是他的屁股,也没有任何东西是你的邻居(xx. 17)的职责,一个人的邻居包括亲切的事迹和思想的可怜的人好心,必须照顾:司法应做给他,贷款必须向他和他的支付,不得压,也不得对生活必需品采取在棋子(。 。XXII 24及以下)的遗孀和孤儿不得压迫,因为神是他们的主张(xxii. 21)陌生人不得受伤或压迫;“因为你们是在埃及的土地上的陌生人”(xxii. 20 ,二十三9);他们也应休息的安息日(xx. 10)希伯来语债券的仆人连任不得超过六年,除非他自己选择留他不得为自己赚取任何工资而服务。对一个已经进入销售的女孩奴役船长必须娶她或给她嫁妆公务员将设在收到人身伤害的自由;和动物所造成的死亡是requited(xxi. 1-11,20,21, 26,27,32)。公务员也应休息的安息日(xx. 10,二十三12)。动物应被视为轻轻(xxiii. 4,5,19),及可以休息的安息日(xx. 10;。XXIII 12)为敌人代价是责成(xxiii. 4,5)要做到这些诫命是服从神(xv. 26,十六28,XX 6,二十三,13)以色列应信任。在他(iii.-vi.,十四31,十六,十七7,十九9。);和显着的通道(xx. 6)对上帝的爱是加剧。

Cult.邪教。

In Exodus the beginnings of the national cult are seen.在出埃及记国家被视为邪教的开端。It is strictly forbidden to make or worship idols (xx. 3, 23; xxiii. 24; xxxii.; xxxiv. 13, 17).这是严格禁止制造或崇拜偶像(xx. 3,23岁;二十三24;三十二;。XXXIV 13,17)。The symbol of the Divine Presence is the Tabernacle built according to God's directions, more especially the cover of the Ark of the Covenant and the space between the cherubim thereon (see Tabernacle).神的存在的象征,是建立了符合上帝的指示,更特别是该公约,并就此之间的基路伯(见幕)空间方舟盖幕。Worship by specially sanctified priests shall be observed in this sanctuary (see Leviticus).特别崇拜的神圣牧师应当遵守本保护区(见利未记)。The festivals include the Sabbath, for which no ritual is mentioned, and three "pilgrimage festivals," at which all males are to appear before God (xxiii. 14-17, xxxiv. 18-23).该节日包括安息日,但没有提到仪式,和三个“朝圣节”,在所有男性都出现在神面前(xxiii. 14-17,三十四。18-23)。

The Passover is discussed in detail, a large part of the book being devoted to its institution (xii. 1-28, 43-50; xiii. 1-16; xxiii. 15; xxxiv. 18-20); and its historical origin is to be brought home to all future generations (xii. 2, 14, 17, 24-27, 42; xiii. 5-10, 16; see MaẒẒah; PesaḤ; Seder).逾越节是详细讨论,一书的很大一部分被用于其机构(xii. 1-28,43-50,十三1-16;二十三15;。三十四18-20),而且它的历史渊源要带回家给所有(xii. 2,14,17,24-27,42;十三5-10,16,见MaẒẒah;PesaḤ;家宴)的后代。Toward evening of the 14th day of the first month a yearling male lamb or kid without blemish shall be slaughtered, roasted by the fire, and eaten at the family dinner, together with unleavened bread and bitter herbs.走向的第一个月的第14天晚上周岁的男性没有残疾的孩子或羔羊应屠宰,烤的火,在家庭吃晚餐,加上无酵饼和苦菜。It must be roasted whole, with the legs and entrails, and no bones must be broken; none of the meat must be carried from the house, but whatever remains until morning must be burned.它必须被烤整体,腿部和内脏,并没有骨头必须打破,肉没有,必须从内部进行,但无论到早晨仍然必须被烧毁。In connection with this there is a seven days' festival (), the Feast of Maẓẓot (unleavened bread).在这方面是有七天节(),在Maẓẓot(未经发酵的面包)盛宴​​。This bread shall be eaten for seven days, from the 14th to the 21st of the first month (the month of Abib, in which Israel went out from Egypt; xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18).这面包应吃七天,从14到正月21日(在亚笔月,以色列从埃及出去;。XXIII 15日,三十四18)。It is strictly forbidden to partake of anything leavened; it must be removed from the house on the first day.它是严禁参加任何东西熘,它必须从第一天的房子拆除。The first and the seventh day are strictly days of rest, on which only necessary food may be prepared.第一和第七天严格的休息日,就只需要食物可能有所准备。The sanctification of the firstlings that belong to God is also connected with the Passover.该firstlings属于神成圣也与逾越节。The first-born child, and that of the ass, which can not be sacrificed, must be redeemed by a lamb (xiii. 1 et seq., xxii. 28, xxxiv. 19 et seq.).第一个出生的孩子,和屁股,这是不能被牺牲,必须赎回的羔羊(xiii. 1及以下,22 28,三十四。19页起)。Other festivals are (1) the cutting of the first-fruits of the harvest ("Ḥag ha-Ḳaẓir") or the Feast of Weeks ("Ḥag Shabu'ot"), and (2) the harvest-home ("Ḥag ha-Asif") at the end of the year, after the harvest has been gathered in (xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22).其他节日(1)切割的收获第一水果(“女巫公顷Ḳaẓir”)或周(“女巫Shabu'ot”)宴,和(2)收获回家(“女巫公顷 - 阿西夫“)在今年年底前,后收获已经聚集在(xxiii. 16日,三十四22)。At these festivals the people must not appear empty-handed before God; they must not mix the blood of the Passover sacrifice with leavened bread, nor leave the sacrifice until the morning; they must take the firstlings of the field into the house of God, and must not seethe the kid in its mother's milk (xxiii. 18, 19; xxxiv. 25, 26).在这些节日的人一定不会出现空手上帝面前,他们不能混在一起发酵面包的逾越节牺牲血,也不留到早晨的牺牲,他们必须考虑到了神的殿的领域firstlings,绝不能沸腾在其母亲的奶的孩子(xxiii. 18,19;三十四25,26)。The tithes from the barn and the vineyard must not be delayed.从谷仓和葡萄园的什一税不得延误。Animals torn in the field ("ṭerefah") must not be eaten, but must be thrown to the dogs, for "ye shall be holy men" (xxii. 28-30; AV 29-31).EGHBJ在现场(“ṭerefah”)撕裂动物不能吃,但必须甩在狗,因为“你们要圣洁的人”(xxii. 28-30; AV 29-31)。EGHBJ

-Critical View I.:- 批评的看法一:

The Book of Exodus, like the other books of the Hexateuch, is of composite origin, being compiled of documents originally distinct, which have been excerpted and combined by a redactor (see Pentateuch).在出埃及记,像其他书籍的Hexateuch,是复合的起源,是原本不同的文件,已经由一个redactor的摘录,并结合(见摩西五)编译的。 The two main sources used in Exodus are the one now generally known as "JE," the chief component parts of which date probably from the seventh or eighth century BC, and the one denoted by "P," which is generally considered to have been written during or shortly after the Babylonian captivity.在出埃及记中使用的两​​个主要来源,现在一般称为“日本脑炎”的主要组成部分已知的一个可能的日期从第七或公元前八世纪,由“P”,这是一般认为已表示一个书面期间或之后不久巴比伦囚禁。 The former of these sources is in tone and character akin to the writings of the great prophets; the latter is evidently the work of a priest, whose chief interest it was to trace to their origin, and describe with all needful particularity, the ceremonial institutions of his people.这些来源前者是在语气和性格类似的伟大先知的著作,后者显然是一个牧师的工作,其主要兴趣是追查其来源,并说明所有needful的特殊性,礼仪机构他的人。 It is impossible, within the limits of the present article, to state the details of the analysis, at least in what relates to the line of demarcation between J and E, or to discuss the difficult problems which arise inconnection with the account of the legislation contained in JE (xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv.); but the broad and important line of demarcation between P and JE may be indicated, and the leading characteristics of the principal sources may be briefly outlined.这是不可能的,在本文章的范围,以国家的详细的分析结果,至少在涉及到什么J和E之间的分界线,或讨论其产生与立法的帐户inconnection难题载于JE(xix. - XXIV和xxxii. - 三十四。);但P和乙脑划界广泛而重要的线路,可以表明,和主要来源的主要特征可以简要概括。

The parts of Exodus which belong to P are: i.出埃及记的部分,属于P是:(一)1-5, 7, 13-14, ii. 1-5,7,13-14,II。23b-25 (the oppression); vi.23B - 25(压迫);六。2-vii.2 - VII。13 (commission of Moses, with genealogy, vi. 14-27); vii.13(佣金摩西,与族谱,六14-27);七。19-20a, 21b-22, viii.19 - 20A,21B - 22,第八。1-3, 11b-15 (AV 5-7, 15b-19), ix.1-3,11B - 15(AV 5-7,15B - 19),九。8-12, xi.8-12,喜。9-10 (the plagues); xii. 9-10(上的灾祸);十二。1-20, 28, 37a, 40, 41, 43-51, xiii.1-20,28,37A,40,41,43-51,十三。1-2, 20 (Passover, maẓẓot, dedication of first-born); xiv.1-2,20(逾越节,maẓẓot,第一出生的奉献);十四。1-4, 8-9, 15-18, 21a, c, 22-23, 26-27a, 28a-29 (passage of Red Sea); xvi.1-4,8-9,15-18,21A,C,22-23,26 - 27A,28A - 29(红海上通道);十六。1-3, 6-24, 31-36 (the manna); xvii.1-3,6-24,31-36(甘露);十七。1a, xix.1A,十九。1-2a (journey to Sinai); xxiv.1 - 2A(行车西奈); XXIV。15-18a, xxv.15 - 18A,二十五。1-xxxi. 1,三十一。18a (instructions respecting the Tabernacle); xxxiv.18A(指令尊重幕);三十四。29-35, xxxv.-xl. 29-35,xxxv.-xl.(the construction and erection of the Tabernacle).(建设和会幕勃起)。The rest of the book consists of J and E, which (before they were combined with P) were united into a whole by a redactor, and at the same time, it seems, expanded in parts (especially in the legal portions) by hortatory or didactic additions, approximating in style to Deuteronomy.该书的其余部分由由劝告的J和E,其中(之前他们与P相结合)的团结成一个整体由修订者,并在同一时间,它似乎在扩展部分(特别是在法律部分)增加或说教,风格近似在申命记。

Characteristics of JE.JE特性。

In JE's narrative, particularly in the parts belonging to J, the style is graphic and picturesque, the descriptions are vivid and abound in detail and colloquy, and both emotion and religious feeling are warmly and sympathetically expressed.在日本脑炎的叙述,特别是在属于到J部分,风格图形和如诗如画,生动的描述和讨论会,并详细比比皆是,无一不是感情和宗教感情和同情表示热烈。 As between J and E, there are sometimes differences in the representation.由于J和E之间,有时在有代表性的差异。In the account of the plagues, for instance, the Israelites are represented by J as living apart in Goshen (viii. 18 [AV 22], ix. 26; compare Gen. xlv. 10, xlvi. 28, etc.; also J); and the plagues are sent by Yhwh at a specified time announced beforehand to Pharaoh by Moses.在帐户的困扰,例如,以色列人的代表由J除了作为生活在歌珊(viii. 18 [AV 22],九26;比较将军XLV 10 XLVI 28等;。也J ),以及由耶和华在指定的时间发送瘟疫事先宣布的摩西对法老。In E the Israelites are represented, not as occupying a district apart, but as living side by side with the Egyptians (iii. 22, xi. 2, xii. 85 et seq.); and the plague is brought to pass on the spot by Moses with his rod (vii. 20b; ix. 23; x. 12, 13a; compare iv. 2, 17, 20b; xvii, 5; also E) or his hand (x. 22).在E以色列人的代表,而不是占领了区外,但通过与埃及人的生活并肩(III. 22,2第十一,十二85及以下。)和瘟疫带来的是通过现场摩西与他的棒(vii. 20B;九23;十12,13A;比较IV 2,17,20B;十七,5;也E)或他的手(十22​​)。An interesting chapter belonging to E is xviii., which presents a picture of Moses legislating.一个有趣的章节属于E是十八。,其中提出了摩西立法的图片。Disputes arise among the people; they are brought before Moses for settlement; and his decisions are termed "the statutes and directions ["torot"] of God."在人民群众中出现纠纷,他们是在摩西带来了解决;和他的决定被称为“章程和方向[”torot“]的神。”It was the office of the priests afterward to give direction () upon cases submitted to them, in matters both of civil right (Deut. xvii. 17) and of ceremonial observance (ib. xxiv. 8; Hag. ii. 11-13); and it is difficult not to think that in Exodus xviii.这是对神职人员办公室在随后给它们的案件提交给方向()在两者的公民权利(申命记十七17),并遵守的礼仪事项,(同上二十四8;。女巫II 11-13 ),这是很难不认为,在出埃及记十八。there is a genuine historical tradition of the manner in which the nucleus of Hebrew law was created by Moses himself.有真正的,其中的希伯来法的核心是由摩西自己创造历史的传统方式。

JE's account of the Sinaitic legislation is contained in xix.乙脑的的Sinaitic立法的情况载于十九。3-xxiv.3二十四。14, 18b; xxxi.14,18B; XXXI。18b-xxxiv. 18B - XXXIV。28. 28。This narrative, when examined attentively, discloses manifest marks of composite structure.这说明,在聚精会神地研究,揭示了复合材料结构的明显标志。The greater part of it belongs tolerably clearly to E, viz.: xix.它的大部份属于容忍清楚,E,即:十九。3-19; xx.-xxiii.3-19; xx. - XXIII。33 (expanded in parts by the compiler); xxiv.33(部分扩大的编译器); XXIV。3-8, 12-14, 18b; xxxi. 3-8,12-14,18B; XXXI。18b; xxxii.18B;三十二。 1-8 (9-14, probably compiler), 15-35; xxxiii.1-8(9-14,可能是编译器),15-35;三十三。5-11.5-11。To J belong xix.到J属于十九。 20-25, xxiv.20-25,二十四。 1-2, 9-11 (fragments of an account of the theophany on Sinai); and xxxiii. 1-2,9-11(一个关于西奈theophany帐户片段)和三十三。1-4, xxxiii.1-4,三十三。 12-xxxiv.12三十四。28 appear also to be based upon J, but amplified by the compiler.28似乎也应根据J,而是由编译器放大。A particularly noticeable passage in E's narrative is xxxiii.在电子的叙述,特别引人注目的话是三十三。7-11, which preserves the oldest representation of the "Tent of Meeting"; it was outside the camp (compare Num. xi. 16, 17, 24-30; xii. 4; also E; and contrast the representation of P in Num. ii. et seq.); the youthful Joshua was its keeper; and Moses from time to time repaired to it for the purpose of communing with Yhwh. 7-11,其中保留了“会幕”最古老的代表性,它是营外(比较数十一16,17,24-30;。十二4;也E;和对比度的P代表性。编号II及以下);的青春约书亚是其老板,摩西不时维修,以它为与耶和华communing目的。 Evidently the Tent of Meeting, as pictured by E, was a much simpler structure than it is in the representation of P (xxvi.-xxxi., etc.), just as the altar (xx. 24-26), feasts, etc. (xxiii. 10-19), presented by E, reflect the usage of a simpler, more primitive age than do the corresponding regulations in P.显然,会幕,作为电子合照,是一个更简单的结构比在P的代表性(xxvi. - XXXI。等),就如同祭坛(xx. 24-26日),节日等(xxiii. 10-19),通过电子邮件提出,反映了一个更简单,更原始的年龄比使用在P的相应法规

The laws of JE are contained in xii.日本脑炎的法律载于十二。21 27 (Passover); xiii.21 27(逾越节);十三。3-16 (maẓẓot and consecration of first-born); xx.3-16(maẓẓot和第一出生的奉献); XX。1-17 (the Decalogue); xx. 1-17(十诫); XX。22-xxiii. 22 - XXIII。33 (the "Book of the Covenant"; see xxiv. 7); and the repetition (with slight verbal differences, and the addition in xxxiv. 12-17 of more specific warnings against idolatry) of xiii. 33(下称“公约书”,见二十四7);和第十三重复(略有口头上的差异,而在另外三十四对偶像崇拜的更具体的警告,12-17)。12-13, and of the theocratic section of the Book of the Covenant (xxiii. 10-19) in xxxiv. 12-13,以及对在XXXIV公约(xxiii. 10-19)图书政教合一的部分。10-26 (sometimes called the "Little Book of the Covenant").10-26(有时被称为“小书的公约”)。The Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant both belong in particular to E.十诫和该公约的图书都属于特别E.

These laws have in many places had parenetic additions made to them by the compiler (eg, much of xiii. 3-16; the explanatory comments in xx. 4-6, 9-11, 12b, 17; xxii. 21b, 22; xxiii. 23-25a).这些法律在许多地方已parenetic增补由编译器(例如,十三大3-16给他们;在xx解释性意见4-6,9-11,12B,17;。XXII 21B,22;二十三,23 - 25A)。The laws in xxxiv.在三十四的法律。10-26 are introduced ostensibly as embodying the conditions for the renewal of the Covenant after it had been broken by the sin of the golden calf; but it is generally supposed that originally they formed a separate collection, which was introduced independently, in slightly different recensions, into E in xxiii. 10-26介绍表面上体现为对后,已通过了金牛犊的罪公约重建破碎的条件,但人们普遍假定原来他们组成了一个单独的集合,它被引入独立略有不同,在二十三到发送的recensions。 10-19, and into J here, and which probably, when J was complete, stood as part of J's direct sequel to xxiv.10-19,进入J这里,这很可能,当J完成后,站在作为律政司的直接续集二十四部分。1-2, 9-11.1-2,9-11。 Further, although by the author of xxxiv.此外,虽然由三十四的作者。1-28 in its present form (see verse 1b), the "ten commandments" (Hebr. "ten words") of verse 28b are evidently intended to be the Decalogue of xx.在其目前的形式1-28(见诗1B)中,“十戒”的诗句28B(Hebr.“十个字”)是显然意在成为XX十诫。1-17, yet the natural subject of "And he wrote" in verse 28 is "Moses" (compare verse 27); hence it is also inferred by many critics that, in the original context of verse 28, the "ten words" were the preceding group of laws (verses 10-26), which, though now expanded by the compiler, would in that case have comprised originally ten particular injunctions (the "ritual Decalogue" of J, as opposed to the "moral Decalogue" of E in xx. 1-17). 1-17,然而,“他写道:”在28节自然的主题是“摩西”(比较诗27),因此它也被许多评论家推测,在诗句28日,“十个字”原背景是法律上组(10-26节),其中,虽然现在的编译器扩大,将有包括在这种情况下,原本十(在“礼仪十诫”的J,作为反对“道德十诫”特别禁令E在XX。1-17)。 Whatever the true explanation of the double appearance of this little group of laws may be, it is in any case the earliest existing formulation of what were regarded at the time as the essential ritual observances of the religion of Yhwh.无论在这个小群体的法律双重外观真实的解释可能是,它是最早在什么时候被认为是必不可少的耶和华宗教祭祀纪念活动在任何情况下,现有的制订。

Characteristics of P.特征P.

The literary and other characteristics of P are, mutatis mutandis, the same in Exodus as in other parts of the Hexateuch.p的文学和其他特征,比照,在出埃及记中的Hexateuch其他部分一样。The same or similar stereotyped formulas appear; and (as a reference to the synopsis above will show) there is the same disposition to reduce the account of ordinary events to a bare summary, but to enlarge upon everything connected with ceremonial institutions.相同或相似的刻板公式出现;和(作为上述概要引用将显示)存在同样的处置,以减少普通事件的叙述,以裸的总结,但放大后的礼仪机构连接一切。 In i.-xi.在i.-xi.the narrative of P runs parallel to that of JE; and the compiler has sometimes preserved divergent versions of the same events.P的叙述平行延伸到日本脑炎;及编译器有时保存了相同的事件不同的版本。Thus, if vi.因此,如果vi。 2-vii.2 - VII。13 be compared carefully with iii.13比较仔细III。1-vi.1 - VI。1, it will be seen not to describe the sequel of it, but to contain a parallel and partly divergent account of the commission of Moses and of the preliminary steps taken by him to secure the release of the people. 1,我们将看到不来形容它的续集,而是包含平行的摩西和他所采取的确保人民委员会公布的初步步骤部分不同的帐户。In the narrative of the plagues there aresystematic differences between P and JE: thus in P Aaron cooperates with Moses; no demand for Israel's release is ever made upon Pharaoh, the plagues being viewed rather merely as signs or proofs of power; the description is brief; the success or failure of the Egyptian magicians (who are mentioned only in this narrative) is noted, and the hardening of Pharaoh's heart is expressed by the verb "ḥhazaḳ," "ḥizzaḳ" (this verb is used also by E; but J has regularly "kabed," "hikbid"), In xii.-xiii.在瘟疫之间有P和乙脑aresystematic差异叙述:因此在P亚伦合作与摩西,没有以色列的发行需求不断在法老提出,瘟疫被查看,而只是作为标志或权力的证明,说明是短暂的;成功或(谁是只有在这个叙述中提到)埃及魔术师失败注意到,和法老的心硬化是由动词表示“ḥhazaḳ”,“ḥizzaḳ”(这个动词也用于电子,但J定期“kabed”,“hikbid”),在xii. - 十三。the double strand is particularly evident: Passover, maẓẓot, narrative, and the dedication of the first-born are all in duplicate (in P, xii. 1-13 [43-50 supplementary], 14-20, 28, 37a, 40-41, 51; xiii. 1-2: in JE, xii, 21-27 (which careful comparison will show to be not really the sequel of xii. 1-13), 29-36, 37b-39, 42a; xiii. 3-10, 11-16).双股尤其明显:逾越节,maẓẓot,叙事,以及第一胎奉献是一式两份所有(在P,十二1-13 [43-50补充],14-20,28,37A,40。 -41,51;十三1-2:在乙脑,十二,21-27(哪仔细比较会显示为没有真正的续集十二1-13),29-36,37B - 39,42A;十三3-10,11-16)。

The most characteristic part of P is, however, the account of the instructions given to Moses on the Mount (xxiv. 15-18a) for the construction of the Tabernacle and the appointment of a priesthood (xxv.-xxxi.).P的最具特色的部分,然而,在给定的安装(xxiv. 15 - 18A),以摩西的会幕建设和神职人员(xxv. - XXXI)任命的指示帐户。These instructions fall into two parts: (1) xxv.-xxix.; (2) xxx.-xxxi.这些指令可分为两部分:(1)xxv. - XXIX;(2)xxx. - XXXI。In xxv.-xxix.在xxv.,二十九。the following subjects are dealt with: the Ark, table of show-bread, and candlestick (xxv.); the Tabernacle ("mishkan"), its curtains, boards, and veil (xxvi.); the altar of burnt offering, and the court (xxvii.); the dress of the priests (xxviii.); the ritual for their consecration, and for the daily burnt offering, which it is a primary duty of the priesthood to maintain (xxix. 1-42); and finally what is apparently the formal close of the entire body of instructions, Yhwh's promise to take up His abode in the sanctuary thus established (xxix. 43-46).以下科目处理:方舟,是展示面包表,烛台(xxv.);幕(“mishkan”),其窗帘,板和面纱(xxvi.);的燔祭坛,和法院(xxvii.)的祭司(xxviii.)礼服;为他们的奉献仪式,并为每日燔祭,它是对神职人员维护(xxix. 1-42)的主要职责;和最后是什么显然是整个身体的指令正式关闭,耶和华的承诺承担由此确立在保护区(xxix. 43-46)他的居留权。Chapters xxx.-xxxi.章xxx. - XXXI。contain directions respecting the altar of incense, the maintenance of public worship, the brazen laver, the anointing-oil, the incense (xxx.); the nomination of Bezaleel and Aholiab, and the observance of the Sabbath (xxxi.).包含方向尊重香坛,公共崇拜的维护,公然紫菜,恩膏油,香(xxx.);的Bezaleel和Aholiab提名,并在安息日(xxxi.)遵守。 While now it is not doubted that xxv.-xxix., with unimportant exceptions, form part of the original legislation of P, it is generally held by critics that xxx.-xxxi.虽然现在是不是怀疑xxv. - XXIX。与不重要的例外,形成了P原来立法的一部分,它一般由评论家认为xxx. - XXXI举行。belong to a secondary and posterior stratum of it, reflecting a later stage of ceremonial usage.属于它的一个次要和后阶层,反映了礼仪的使用后期。The chief reason for this conclusion is the manner in which the altar of incense is introduced (xxxi. 1-10).对于这一结论的主要原因是其中的香坛介绍(xxxi. 1-10)的方式。If such an altar had been contemplated by the author of xxv.-xxix., he must, it is argued, have introduced it in xxv., together with the other furniture of the Holy Place, and also mentioned it in xxvi.如果这样的祭坛已经由xxv. - XXIX作者设想。,他必须有人认为,已在二十五了。,加上其他家具的圣地,也提到XXVI它。33-35; moreover, he would naturally, in such a case, have distinguished the altar described in xxvii. 33-35;此外,他自然会在这种情况下,有杰出的二十七所描述的祭坛。1-8 from the altar of incense, and not have spoken of it simply as the altar.1-8从香坛,并没有谈到它只是作为祭坛。

This conclusion respecting the secondary character of the altar of incense appears to be confirmed by the fact that in the other laws of P there is a stratum in which such an altar is not recognized (for instance, Lev, xvi.).这一结论尊重香坛次要人物似乎是一个事实,在P的其他法律中有一个这样的祭坛是不承认(例如,列弗,十六)。地层证实。 There are also other indications tending to show that xxx.-xxxi.也有趋向表明,xxx. - XXXI其他迹象。belong to a posterior stratum of P, as compared with xxv.-xxix.属于一个阶层的P后,与xxv. - XXIX比较。Chapters xxxv-xl.章XXXV - XL。describe, largely in the same words as xxv.-xxxi.描述,主要是作为xxv. - XXXI同样的话。(the tenses alone being altered), but with several differences of order, how the instructions given there to Moses were carried out.(单独的时态被修改),但与几个不同的顺序,如何给那里摩西的指示进行。In these chapters the altar of incense and the brazen laver (xxx. 17-21) are introduced in the places which they would naturally be expected to occupy, namely, in the descriptions of the Holy Place and the court respectively (xxxvii. 25-28, xxxviii. 8).在这些章节的香和厚颜无耻的紫菜(xxx. 17-21)坛的介绍,在他们自然会有望占据,即在圣所描述和法院分别(xxxvii. 25,地点 - 28日,三十八8)。It follows that if xxx.-xxxi.因此,如果xxx. - XXXI。belong to a secondary stratum of P, the same must be true of xxxv.-xl.属于中等阶层的P,同样必须是真实的xxxv.-xl.The later origin of xxxv.-xl.该xxxv.-xl.后来的原产地seems to be further supported by the fact that the Septuagint version of these chapters is not by the same hand as the rest of the book; so that presumably they were not in the manuscript used by the original translators.似乎还有待进一步的事实,这些章节七十版本是不被作为书的其余同一只手的支持,所以这大概是他们在由原始的翻译使用的手稿没有。 The chapters, if this view is correct, have taken the place of a much briefer account of the manner in which the construction of the Tabernacle was carried out.该章节,如果这种观点是正确的,采取了一种在其中的帐幕建筑进行了简短的方式多占地方。

P's Representationof the Tabernacle Unhistorical.P的代表在会幕的非历史。

P's representation of the Tabernacle and its appointments can not be historical.P的会幕和人事任命的代表不能是历史性的。The lsraelites in the wilderness had undoubtedly an "ohel mo'ed"; but it was the simple "ohel mo'ed" of E (Ex. xxxiii. 7-11; Num. xi., xii.), not the costly and elaborate structure described by P. P's representation is the embodiment of an ideal; it is a "product of religious idealism," constructing for the Mosaic age, upon the basis of traditions or reminiscences of the Temple of Solomon, a shrine such as might be adequate to Yhwh's majesty, and worthily symbolize His presence in the midst of His people (compare Ottley, "Aspects of the OT" p. 226).在旷野lsraelites曾无疑是“犹太教mo'ed”,但它是简单的“犹太教mo'ed的”E(出埃及记三十三7-11;。编号十一,十二),而不是昂贵和完善组织结构由P. P的代表描述的是一个理想的化身,它是一种“宗教唯心主义的产物,”建设为花叶年龄后,传统或回忆的所罗门圣殿的基础上,如可能参拜靖国神社,足以耶和华的威严,象征和抱负,他在他的人民中间(比较Ottley,第226页“的OT问题”)的存在。

Bibliography:参考书目:

The introductions to the OT by Kuenen, Driver, Holzinger, König, Cornill, Baudissin; the commentaries of Dillmann, Baentsch (1900), Holzinger (1900), and ARS Kennedy (forthcoming); CA Briggs, The Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1897; Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, The Hexateuch, Oxford, 1900, especially ii.评注的Dillmann,Baentsch(1900),Holzinger(1900),和ARS肯尼迪(即将出版);;到了Kuenen OT,驱动,Holzinger,柯尼希,Cornill,Baudissin介绍CA布里格斯,该批评的Hexateuch更高, 1897年,卡彭特和哈福德,巴特斯,的Hexateuch,牛津,1900年,尤其是二。79-143 (text of Exodus, with the sources distinguished typographically, and full critical notes); GF Moore, Exodus, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc. 79-143(出埃及记文字,与杰出的排版来源,并全部关键票据);绿摩尔,出埃及记,在进益和黑色,百科全书。Bibl.Bibl。ii.II。(where further literature is referred to).EGHSRD(需要进一步的文献被称为)。EGHSRD

-Critical View II.:临界查看二:

The critical problems and hypotheses that Exodus shares with the other books, such as the historical value of the accounts; authorship; relation to the later books; age, origin, and character of the alleged sources, can not be discussed here now; the analysis of sources of Exodus can alone be treated.关键的问题和假设,与其他书籍,如出埃及记的帐目历史价值的股份;上署名的;关系到后来的书籍,年龄,籍贯,所指称的来源和性质,不能在这里讨论了;分析出埃及记的来源可以单独进行处理。 According to the critics of the Pentateuch, Exodus, like all the other books of the Torah, possesses no unity, having been compiled from different sources at different times, the various parts being then revised finally by one redactor (R); the same sources as those for Genesis furnish the material, namely, J (Jahvist), E (Elohist), and P (Priestly Code), in which again several strata must be distinguished, as P2, P3, P4, J1, J2, E1, E2, etc. It is not necessary to refer to all the suggestions that have been made; the analyses of sources by Kuenen and Cornill are chiefly treated here (Kuenen: Introduction; § 5; § 6, 2-15; § 8, 10-13; § 13, 12 et seq.; § 16, 12; Cornill: Introduction; § 7; § 11, 4; § 12; § 13, 2, 8; § 14, 1, 2, 3. To P2 is assigned, according to Kuenen: i. 1-7, 13, 14; ii. 23-25; vi. 2-12 (13-28 interrupt the course of the story and are by a later reviser; they are, according to Wellhausen, unskilfully inserted and amplified); vii. 1-13, 19, 20a (21c ?), 22; viii. 1-3, 11b, 12-15; ix. 8-12 (35 ?); xi. 9-10; xii. 1-20, 28, 40revision , 41revision, 43-51 (xiii. 20 ?); xiv. 1-4, 8, 9, 10 (inpart), 15-18, 21 (in part), 22, 23, 26, 27 (in part), 28, 29; xvi. ("this chapter has been subsequently revised and completed") (xvii. 1; xix. 2a ?); xxiv. 15-18a; xxv.-xxix. "follow in natural and regular order, and may have been arranged in this way by the author himself," but (§ 16, 12) contain many interpolations by R.根据摩西五,出埃及记的批评,像所有其他的律法书,具有不团结,被来自不同来源的编制在不同的时间,然后被一个redactor的修订(R)最后的各个部分;同一来源至于那些成因提供的材料,即J(Jahvist),E(Elohist)和P(祭司码),其中再次几个阶层必须加以区分,如P2,P3,P4,J1,J2,E1,E2等,这是没有必要指所有已提出的建议,由Kuenen和Cornill来源的分析是主要处理在这里(Kuenen:导言; § 5,§ 6,2-15; § 8,10 - 13,§ 13,12及以下; § 16,12; Cornill:导言; § 7,§ 11,4,§ 12,§ 13,2,8,§ 14,1,2,3至P2分配据Kuenen:一1-7,13,14;二23-25​​;六2-12(13-28中断故事的过程和以后的审校是,他们是根据豪森,。 unskilfully插入扩音);七1-13,19,20A(21C),22;?八1-3,11B,12月15日,九8-12(35);?十一9-10;第十二1-20,28,40revision,41revision,43-51(xiii. 20℃);十四1-4,8,9,10(inpart),15-18,21(部分),22,23。 ,26,27(部分),28,29;十六(“这一章已经其后修订并完成”)(xvii. 1;十九2A?);。XXIV 15 - 18A; xxv. - XXIX“遵循自然和正常秩序,可能已被安排在这样由作者自己,“但(§ 16,12)载有许多插值R.

Ch. CH。xxx., xxxi.XXX。,三十一。1-17, in which "the connection is looser, or is wanting altogether; and in which there are contained regulations that do not harmonize with what has preceded, and that are not presupposed later where they would naturally be mentioned . . . probably contain later additions, harmonizing in style with xxiv.-xxix., but not composed by the same author." 1-17,其中“连接松散,或者是想完全;。并在其中包含有规定不相协调了什么之前,这不是先决条件后,他们自然会被提及可能含有后来补充,协调的风格与xxiv. - XXIX。,而不是由同一作者组成的。“To P4 are assigned ch.为了P4分配通道。xxxv.-xl.xxxv.-xl.(and also Lev. viii.), which "depend entirely on xxv.-xxxi., which the author must have had before him." (也列弗。VIII),其中“靠xxv. - XXXI完全 ,它的作者必须在他面前了。”They formed "originally a very brief account of the observance of the regulations laid down in xxv. et seq.; they seem to have been gradually worked out, and then made as similar to those regulations as possible. The striking variations found in the Greek translation of xxxv.-xl. lead to the assumption that the final redaction of these chapters was hardly completed-if indeed it was completed-when that translation was made, ie, about 250 BC" This entire theory regarding xxv.-xxxi., xxxv.-xl.他们形成了“原本是遵守法规的规定很短的帐户在二十五及以下; 他们似乎已经逐渐摸索出来,然后尽可能类似这些法规在希腊发现的惊人变化。翻译xxxv.-xl.导致假设,这些章节的最后节录了也难以完成,如果确实已经完成,翻译时作出的,即大约公元前250年“这整个理论就xxv. - XXXI。, xxxv.-xl.is based on Popper's work, which the other critics also follow.是根据波普尔的工作,这对其他批评也随之而来。

Cornill, who includes the later parts of P2 under the general designation Px, assigns to the Priestly Code the following portions: i. Cornill,谁包括P2下的一般指定Px的后面的部分,分配给祭司码的以下部分:(一)1-5, 7revision , 13, 14 revision ; ii.1-5,7revision,14修订13;二。23revision, 24-25; vi. 23revision,24-25;六。essentially (13-30 = Px): vii.本质(13-30 =像素):七。1-13, 19, 20a revision, 21b-22; viii.1-13,19,20A修订,21B - 22;八。1-3, 11a, b-15; ix.1-3,11A,B - 15;九。8-12; xi. 8-12;十一。9-10; xii. 9-10;十二。1-20, 28, 37 revision, 40-41, 43-51 (15-20 and 43-50 = Px); xiii. 1-20,28,37修订,40-41,43-51(15-20和43-50 = Px)的;十三。1-2; xiv.1-2;十四。1-4, 8, 9b, 10a, b, 15 revision, 16-18, 21-23essentially, 26-28aa, 28 revision, 29; xvi. 1-4,8,9B,10A,B,15修订,16-18,21 23essentially,26 - 28aa,28修订,29;十六。1-3, 6-7, 9-18 revision, 20, 22a, b-24, 32-35a; xvii.1-3,6-7,9-18修订,20,22A,B - 24,32 - 35A;十七。1a; xix.1A;十九。1 revision, 2a; xxiv.1修订,2A; XXIV。15-18aa; xxv.15 - 18AA;二十五。1-xxxi.1,三十一。18a (xxviii. 41 belongs surely to Px, as do perhaps also other shorter additions to xxv.-xxix.; and xxx.-xxxi. entire); xxxiv.18A(xxviii. 41属于一定到PX一样,也许还有其他更短的补充xxv. - XXIX;和xxx. - XXXI整);三十四。29-35 (?); xxxv.-xl.29-35(?); xxxv.-xl.(entirely Px).(完全Px)的。

It is much more difficult in what remains to distinguish between the closely related J and E. Passages relatively complete in themselves are: (1) ch.这是更困难的还有什么区别密切相关的J和E.旅费相对完整的自己是:(1)CH。xxi.-xxiii., the so-called "Book of the Covenant"; it belongs to E, though dating from an earlier time, and was found by him and incorporated in his work; (2) the story of the golden calf (xxxii.-xxxiv.), J and E sharing about equally in the account; (3) the Decalogue and the preparations for it (xix., xx.), chiefly E, but J also has a Decalogue tradition, its Ten Commandments being found in xxxiv.xxi. - XXIII,即所谓的“图书的盟约”;它属于E,虽然从一个较早的时间约会,并发现他和他的工作中;(2)对金牛犊的故事( 。xxxii. - 三十四),J和E同样分享有关的帐户;(3)十诫和它(xix.,XX的筹备工作),主要是E,但J也有十诫的传统,其十诫被发现三十四。14-26 (Wellhausen). 14-26(豪森)。E1, originally composed in the Northern Kingdom, must be distinguished from E2; the latter was compiled about 100 years later for Judah, and was worked over with J to form JE, many passages of which can no longer be analyzed. E1,原本在北方王国组成,必须区别于E2,后者被编译约100年后的犹大,并曾与J到形式乙脑,其中可以不再进行分析许多段落。E: Kuenen: Traces of E are found in i.E:Kuenen:E的痕迹被发现在一(15-21, and apparently also 8-12, "is generally included in E"); in ii.(15-21,显然也8-12“,一般是包含在E”),在第二。 "there is great difference of opinion" on the origin of verses 1-23 (according to Jülicher verses 1-22 are taken from E; according to Dillmann 1-14 from E and 15-23a from J. Wellhausen takes the story on the whole to be a combination from J and E.) This document appears especially clear, though not without admixture, in iii. “有很大的差别的意见”对经文1-23(根据Jülicher 1-22采取从E节的起源,据Dillmann从E和15 - 23A从J.豪森发生在1-14的故事整个是一个从J和E)的组合这份文件显得尤为明显,虽然不无杂质在第三。1-15, a section that, as complement to vi.1-15,一节,作为补充六。2 et seq.2起。(P), also explains the use of "Elohim" in the account of the pre-Mosaic time taken from E. In the following "the traces are only with difficulty distinguished: in iii. 16-xii. only here and there with any certainty."(P),也说明了“耶洛因”中的前花叶从E.采取以下“的痕迹都难以分辨只有时间账:在III 16 - XII只有在这里,有任何。确定性。“(Dillmann includes in E: the greater part of iii. 16-22; iv. 17, 20b, 18, 21; the greater part of v.; vii. 15, 16, 17b, 20b, 21a, 23 in part, 24; viii. 16a, 21-24a, 25b; ix. 22, 23a, 24a, 25b (?), 31, 32, 35; x. 8-13a, 14 in part, 15 in part, 20, 21-27; xi. 1-3; xii. 31-33, 37b, 38. Jülicher includes: iv. 17, 18, 20b: v. 1, 2, 5; vii. 17 in part, 18, 20 in part, and 21, 24, 25a; viii. 21b, 22, 23; ix. 22, 23a, 24 and 28 in part, 35; x. 7, 8-11, 12, 13a, 14a, 15a, 20, 21-27, 28, 29; xi. 1-7; xii. 32, 35-38.) E is found again in: xiii. (Dillmann包括E:大部份的三16-22,四17,20B,18,21;之诉更大的一部分;七,15,16,17B,20B,21A,23个部分,24。 ;八16A,21 - 24A,25B;九22,23A,24A,25B,31,32,35(?); X. 8 - 13A,14部分,15部分,20,21-27;十一,1-3,十二31-33,37B,38 Jülicher包括:四,17,18,20B:诉1,2,5,七部分17,18,20部分和21。 24,25A;第八21B,22,23; IX 22,23A,24和28部分,35条;。十,7,8-11,12,13A,14A,15A,20,21-27,28, 。。。29;十一1-7;十二32,35-38)E再次被发现在:十三。17-19, 21, 22; xiv. 17-19,21,22;十四。19a (19b ?); xv.19A(19B?);十五。22-26; xvii.22-26;十七。 1b-7, 8-16; xviii.1B - 7,8-16;十八。Also xix.另外十九。9a, 10-17; xx.9A,10-17; XX。18-21, 1-17 (in this order); this-the so-called "first"-the Decalogue, with the historical matter connected with it in xix.-xxiv., belongs to E2. 18-21,1-17(按此顺序);此,所谓的“第一”,用它连接xix. - 二十四十诫的历史问题,属于E2。From the Book of the Covenant xxiv.从该公约XXIV书。1, 2, 9-14, 18a, and various other passages, belong to E, as does also the story of Israel's apostasy at Sinai, which appears enlarged and connected with other stories in xxxii.-xxxiv., belonging originally to E2. 1,2,9-14,18A,以及其他各种通道,属于E,也一样在西奈故事以色列叛教,这似乎在扩大,与xxxii. - 三十四其他故事相连。,原本属于E2。

Cornill: i.Cornill:(一)11-12, 15-22 essentially; ii. 11-12,15-22本质;二。1-10 essentially; iii. 1-10本质;第三。1-15essentially, 21-22; iv.1 15essentially,21-22;四。17, 18, 20b; vii. 17,18,20B;七。15b, 17b-18, 20b-21a, 24; ix.15B,17B - 18,20B - 21A,24;九。22-23a, 24brevision, 25b, 31-32, 35; x.22 - 23A,24brevision,25B,31-32,35,X。12-13aa, 14aa, b, 15b, 20-23, 25 (?); xi.12 - 13AA,14AA,B,15B,20-23,25(?);十一。1-3; xii.1-3;十二。35-36, 37revision; xiii. 35-36,37revision;十三。17-19; xiv.17-19;十四。 7-9a,β, 10a, β, 19a, 20 (?); xv. 7 - 9A,β,10A,β,19A,20(?);十五。20-26essentially; xvii-xxiv.essentially; xxxi.20 26essentially; XVII - xxiv.essentially; XXXI。18b; xxxii.essentially; xxxiii.18B; xxxii.essentially;三十三。1-11revision; xxxiv.1 11revision;三十四。1a,4 revision, 28b revision (?).1A,4修订,修订28B(?)In xix.-xxxiv.在xix. - 三十四。only xix.仅十九。13b (perhaps); xxiv.13B(也许); XXIV。1-2, 9-11; and xxxiii. 1-2,9-11,以及三十三。7-10 belong to E1.7-10属于E1。

J, according to Kuenen, is represented in i.-xv.J,根据Kuenen,在代表i.-xv.by accounts parallel with those of E, but which can not now be distinguished; "but it is doubtful whether J contributed anything to the account of the laws promulgated at Mount Sinai and of the defection of Israel, xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv."通过账户平行的E的人,但现在无法加以区分,“但它是值得怀疑的无论是否造成任何的法律在西奈山颁布帐户和以色列的倒戈,xix. - 二十四和三十二。 - 三十四。“(Wellhausen finds J in: xix. 20-25; xx. 23-26; xxi.-xxiii.; xxiv. 3-8; Dillmann, in: xix. 9a, 20-25 [xx. 1-17, perhaps under a different form]; xxiv. 1, 2; xxxiv. 10-27; fragments in xxiv. 3-8, 9-11, 12 in part, 18b; xxxii. 1-14, 19b-24, 30-34; also in xxxiii. 1-6, 12, 13, 18-23; xxxiii. 14-17; xxxiv. 1-9.)(豪森发现J在:十九20-25; XX 23-26; xxi. - XXIII; XXIV 3-8; Dillmann在:。。。。第十九9A,20-25 [XX 1-17,也许下以不同的形式; XXIV 1,2;三十四10-27;在XXIV片段3-8,9-11,12部分,18B;三十二1-14,19B - 24,30-34;也在三十三1-6,12,13,18-23,三十三14-17;。XXXIV 1-9)。

Cornill: i.Cornill:(一)6, 7a,b, 8-10, 14a,β, 20b, 22 (?); ii.6,7A,B,8-10,14A,β,20B,22(?);二。11-23aa; iii.11 - 23AA; III。16-20; iv. 16-20;四。1-12, 19, 20a, 24-26, 29revision, 30revision, 31; v.essentially; vi. 1-12,19,20A,24至26日,29revision,30revision,31; v.essentially;六。1; vii.1;七。14-15a, 16-17a, 23, 25, 29; viii.14 - 15A,16 - 17A,23,25,29;八。4revision, 5-7, 8revision, 9-11aa, 16-20, 21 revision, 22-28; ix.4revision,5-7,8revision,9 11AA,16-20,21修订,22-28;九。1-7, 13-21, 23b, 24 revision, 25a, 26, 27 revision, 28-30, 33; x.essentially; xi. 1-7,13-21,23B,24修订,25A,26,27修订,28-30,33; x.essentially;十一。4-8; xii.4-8;十二。21-27essentially, 29-39essentially, 42a; xiii.21 27essentially,29 39essentially,42A;十三。3-16essentially, 21-22; xiv.3 16essentially,21-22;十四。5-6, 9aa, 10ba, 11-14, 19b, 21a,β, 24-25, 27 revision, 28b, 30-31; xvi. 5-6,9AA,10ba,11-14,19B,21A,β,24-25,27修订,28B,30-31;十六。4-5, 16a,β, 18b, 21-22aa; 25-31essentially, 35b; xvii.4-5,16A,β,18B,21 - 22AA; 25 31essentially,35B;十七。1a,b, 2, 7; xix. A,B,2,7;十九。2b, 7, 9-11, 18, 20-21, 22b, 25a; xxxiii.2B,7,9-11,18,20-21,22B,25A;三十三。12-23essentially (?); xxxiv.12 23essentially(?);三十四。1a revision, 2-3, 4 revision, 5, 6a, 8, 10-28essentially.1A修订,2-3,4修订,5,6A,8,10 28essentially。

Redaction.节录。

Editions (according to Cornill): In the first place J and E were combined into one book (JE) by one redactor (RJE).版本(根据Cornill):首先J和E合并为一书(JE)一修订者(RJE)。 He greatly revised iii., and may have added the marching song xv.他大大的修订三,可能已经添加了进行曲十五。1-19 ("it is entirely improbable that it was composed at the time the event itself took place"). 1-19(“这是完全不可能的,这是在当时发生的事件本身组成”)。He also did much editing of the pericope dealing with the legislation (xix.-xxxiv.).他还做了很多编辑与立法(xix. - 三十四。)处理pericope。He used E2 throughout as foundation, supplementing it with J; he omitted entirely the second Decalogue in J, incorporating what he thought valuable in the Book of the Covenant, xxiii.他用整个E2为基础,它与J补充,他完全省略第二十诫在J,结合他认为在该公约,二十三书有价值。15-19, and reduced xxxii.-xxxiii., on the whole, to its present form.15-19,降低xxxii. - 三十三。,就整体而言,其目前的形式。A second redactor then combined (the later) Deuteronomy with JE ( = JE + D).第二修订者然后结合(后来)与日本脑炎(JE = + D)申命记。He added iv.他说四。21-23; in the story of the Egyptian plagues (x. 2) "there is at least a Deuteronomistic, touch"; he also added viii. 21-23日,在埃及瘟疫(十2)的故事“有至少Deuteronomistic,触摸”,他还补充说:八。18b and ix.18B和第九。29b, and probably revised ix. 29B,并可能修订九。14-16. 14-16。He greatly revised xii.他大大修订十二。21-27, xiii.21-27,十三。 3-16, xv.3-16,十五。26, xvi., and xviii. 26,十六,和十八。20b. 20B。He transferred, according to Kuenen, the Book of the Covenant to Mount Sinai in order to get room for Deuteronomy, being responsible, therefore, for all the confusion caused thereby-for example, the transferring of xx.他转移,根据Kuenen,对图书的盟约,以西乃山,以获得申命记室,负责的,因此,造成了种种困惑,从而,例如,对XX转移。 18-21 from its original position before, to its present position after, xx. 18-21从原来的位置之前,其后,XX现在的位置。1-17; the transition to the Book of the Covenant as found in xx.1-17;到作为在XX发现盟约书的过渡。22, 23; and the peculiar form of xxiv.22,23;以及XXIV特殊形式。1-15a.1 - 15A。Ch.CH。xix.十九。3b-8 is also specifically Deuteronomic, as well as the revisions of the Book of the Covenant with the final admonitions in xxiii.3B - 8还专门申命记,以及对在XXIII最后告诫盟约书的修订。22b-25a, 27, 31b-33, and the revision of the second Decalogue, which RJE transferred to the Book of the Covenant.22B - 25A,27,31B - 33,而第二十诫,这RJE转移到图书的盟约修订。

A third redactor, who combined JED with P, thus practically producing the Pentateuch (RP), added iv.第三redactor的,谁用P JED结合,从而实际上生产的五(RP),增加四。13-16 and 27-28, revised 29-30, and in v.-x.13-16和27-28,29-30修订,并在v.-x.added everywhere the name of Aaron (which was not includedat all originally!).添加到处亚伦(这是没有includedat所有原来!)的名称。He or Px (see ante) added vi.他或PX(见事前)补充六。13-30.13-30。It is more difficult to ascertain the method of his revision of xii.这是更难以确定他的十二大修订的方法。40-42.40-42。To xvi.为了十六。he transferred (in consideration of JE) a passage by P on the manna, which originally was placed after the revelation on Sinai (the reason assigned for this assumption on the part of the critics is that verse 34 presupposes the Tabernacle; but this verse is as much merely an anticipatory comment as is 35).他转移(以JE考虑)由P一个通道上的甘露,这原本是放置在后启示西奈(本上的批评部分假设分配的原因是,34节的前提条件是会幕,但这一节是尽可能多的仅仅是一个预期性的评论是35)。 He added to xvii.他补充到十七。 the fragment of the Jahvistic miraculous story of the spring in order to make room for P in Num.该Jahvistic神奇的春天的故事片段,以使数为P的空间。xx.XX。He added finally the repeated phrase "the tables of testimony," xxxi.他说最后一句的反复“的证词表”,三十一。18, xxxiv.18,三十四。29, and in xxxiii. 29,在三十三。he omitted the Elohistic account of the making of the Ark of the Covenant.他省略了的约柜使Elohistic帐户。It is often doubtful whether a revision was made by RP or by P3, 4, 5-RP is himself a priestly redactor.人们常常怀疑是否调整是由RP或P3制成,4,5 - RP是自己一个祭司修订者。

Errors of Critical School.错误的批判学派。

All these and similar analyses of the sources of Exodus and the conclusions based thereon are entirely wrong.所有这些和类似的出埃及记来源,并据此分析得出的结论是完全错误的。However rich and many-sided may have been the traditions from which the author drew his material, the book from beginning to end is composed and arranged according to a predetermined plan.然而丰富和多方面的传统可能已经从该画的作者从开始到结束,是创作和改编按照预定的计划他的材料,书籍。The fundamental errors of the critical views are these: (1) The distinction made between J and E is erroneous, resting as it does on the varying use of the divine names "Yhwh" and "Elohim"; this use does not indicate a difference in authorship, but is due to the different meanings of the two names, the choice of which is carefully considered in each case.对批评意见的基本错误是这些:(1)J和E之间所做的区分是错误的,搁在了“耶和华”和“耶洛因”神圣的名字不同的使用它,这并不表示使用差异在作者,但由于这两个名字,这是在仔细考虑每宗个案的选择不同的含义。 The statement that E uses in iii.声明说E在III使用。15 the name "Yhwh" for the first time, is due to a wrong interpretation; it is based on the Alexandrian-Essenic-Christian-Gnostic common superstition of the power of names and mere words, which, going back to Egyptian antiquity, is strongly marked in the New Testament-and hence naturally influences modern scholars-but is entirely foreign to the Old Testament.15名“耶和华”的第一次,是由于一个错误的解释,它是在亚历山大 - Essenic - 基督教诺斯底的名称和单纯的话语权,这可以追溯到古埃及常见的迷信为基础,强烈标志着在新约和自然的影响,因此现代学者,但是是完全陌生的旧约。 The verses vi.的诗句六。2 et seq.2起。are likewise interpreted wrongly.也同样理解错误。(2) An entirely insufficient argument is the alleged further variations of the language; for this presupposes the point to be proved.(2)参数是完全不够的语言指称的进一步变化,这预示着这一点来加以证明。This argument turns in a circle: the critics seek to prove different sources by the variations of language, and vice versa.这种说法变成了一圈:批评者试图证明由语言的变化,反之亦然不同的来源。Moreover, the vocabulary is too limited for such assertions.此外,词汇是太有限了这种说法。(3) The differences of style and treatment do not indicate different authors, but are called forth by the different subjects.(3)风格和治疗的差异并不表明不同的作者,但被称为由不同科目等等。The account of the Tabernacle demanded technical details; while the stories of the deliverance from Egypt and of the revelation on Sinai prompted a strong, energetic, and thoughtful style.该幕帐户要求的技术细节,而来自埃及和西奈半岛上的启示的故事引起了强烈的解脱,精力充沛,周到的风格。A separation into JE and P is not admissible.一个分离到乙脑和P是不予受理。(4) All suggestions of reduplications, differences, and contradictions show an insufficient insight into the spirit and intentions of the author. (4)reduplications,分歧和矛盾的建议,表现出成的精神和作者的意图不够了解。Ch.CH。i.-vi., for example, appear, on close investigation, to be an indissolubly united passage, from which not one word may be omitted.i.-vi.,例如,出现在密切调查,是一个不可分割的统一通道,从中没有一个词可以省略。The same holds good of the story of the Egyptian miracles (vii.-xi.), the arrangement of which the critics have entirely misunderstood.这同样对埃及的奇迹(vii.-xi.),其批评者完全误解安排好故事。The critics have refuted their own argument by making as a criterion of the division of this narrative into J and E the very want of definite scheme which is, according to them, characteristic of J and E.评论家们驳斥了作为这一叙述到J和E的非常想要明确的计划,是根据他们的J和E的特征划分标准作出自己的说法

The Book of the Covenant (xix.-xxiv.) is a unified piece of work, with logical connections that are admirably established.该图书的盟约(xix. - 二十四)是一个统一的工作片,与那些令人钦佩的建立逻辑连接。The alleged double tradition of the revelation, and especially Wellhausen's so-called second Decalogue in ch.被指控的双重传统的启示,特别是豪森的所谓第二十诫在CH。xxxiv., are mere figments of the brain.三十四。,都是大脑只是虚构。The inadequacy of these criticisms is most striking in the review of the account of the Tabernacle, in the sequence of the passages xxv.-xxxi.这些批评的不足是最在会幕帐户审查引人注目,在通道xxv. - XXXI序列。 and xxxv.-xl.和xxxv.-xl. and their connection with xxxii.-xxxiv.以及它们与xxxii. - 三十四连接。(5) The theory that the book was compiled from previous works is not sufficiently supported; and the attempt to analyze it into its component parts is a hopeless one, for all the elements of the book are closely welded together into one harmonious whole. (5),该书是从以前的作品编译理论支持不够,以及试图分析其​​组成部分将是一个没有希望的,所有的书内容是紧密焊接成一个和谐的整体。nullCompare Deuteronomy. nullCompare申命记。

Emil G. Hirsch, Benno Jacob, SR Driver埃米尔赫斯基G.,本诺雅各布,SR驱动程序

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901-1906之间。

Bibliography:参考书目:

The commentaries: M. Kalisch, 1855; A. Knobel, 1857 (2d ed. by A. Dillmann, 1880; 3d ed. by V. Ryssel, 1897); JP Lange, 1874; Rawlinson, 2d ed., 1882; HL Strack, 1894; B. Baentsch, 1899.评注:M. Kalisch,1855; A.克诺贝尔,1857(2版由A. Dillmann,1880年,由五Ryssel 3D版,1897年); JP兰格,1874年,罗林森,第2版,1882年; HL。施特拉克,1894年; B. Baentsch,1899年。

Criticism: Th.批评:TH。Nöldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des Alten Testaments, 1869; Colenso, The Pentateuch and Book of Joshua, vi., 1872; A. Kayser, Das Vorexilische, Buch der Urgesch. Nöldeke,Untersuchungen楚Kritik DES Alten圣经,1869;科伦索的摩西五和约书亚记,六,1872年; A.凯瑟,达斯Vorexilische,布赫DER Urgesch。Israels und Seine Erweiterungen, 1874; Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuch und der Historischen Bücher des Alten Testaments, 1876-77, 2d ed.以色列UND塞纳河Erweiterungen,1874年,豪森,模具组成DES Hexateuch UND DER Historischen书刊DES Alten约,1876年至1877年,第2版。1889; A. Jülicher, Die Quellen von Exodus, i.-vii.1889年,A. Jülicher,模具Quellen冯出埃及记,一,七。7, 1880; idem, Die Quellen von Exodus, vii.7,1880;同上,模具Quellen冯出埃及记,七。8-xxiv.8二十四。11, in Jahrb.11日,在Jahrb。 für Protestantische Theologie, 1882, viii.献给Protestantische神学,1882年,八。79-177, 272-315; A. Kuenen, in Theologische Tijdschrift, 1880, xiv.79-177,272-315; A. Kuenen,在Theologische Tijdschrift,1880年,十四。281-302 (Ex. xvi.); ib. 281-302(出十六);兴业。1881, xv.1881年,十五。164-223, (Israel at Sinai, Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxii.-xxxiv.); Cornill, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1881, xi. 164-223,(以色列在西奈山,前xix. - XXIV,xxxii. - 三十四。); Cornill,在体育场的(杂志),1881年,十一。 (on the relation of Ex. xvii. 1-7 to Num. xx. 1-13); E. Bertheau, Die Sieben Gruppen Mosaischer Gesetze, etc., 1840; Bruston, Les Quatre Sources des Lois de l'Exode, in Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie, 1883, xvi.(根据前1-7第十七关系到数XX 1-13。); E. Bertheau,模具Sieben Gruppen Mosaischer Gesetze等,1840; Bruston,莱斯世嘉源DES洛伊丝DE L' Exode,在杂志DE DE哲学的神学等,1883年,十六。329-369; idem, Des Cinq Documents de la Loi Mosaïque, 1892; JW Rothstein, Das Bundesbuch und die Religionsgesch. 329-369,同上,德五首文件德拉莱Mosaïque,1892年,JW罗斯坦,达斯Bundesbuch UND死Religionsgesch。 Entwickelung Israels, 1888 (designates Ex. xxi. et seq. as a commentary to the Decalogue); Budde, Die Gesetzgebung der Mittleren Bücher des Pentateuch, Insbesondere der Quellen J und E, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1891, xi. Entwickelung以色列,1888年(前XXI及以下指定作为对十诫的评论。)布德,模具Gesetzgebung DER Mittleren书刊DES摩西五,Insbesondere UND DER Quellen J E,在体育场的(杂志),1891年,十一。 193-234; idem, Bemerkungen zum Bundesbuch, in ib.193-234,同上,Bemerkungen ZUM Bundesbuch,在IB。 pp. 99 et seq.; BW Bacon, JE in the Middle Books of the Pentateuch, in Jour.第99页起; BW培根,在中东的摩西五书乙脑,在怨妇。Bib.背带裤。Lit.点亮。1890, ix a, 161-200 (Ex. vii.-xii.); ib.1890年,九A,161-200(出vii. - XII);兴业。1891, xb, 107-130 (Ex. i.-vii.); ib.1891年,预算外,107-130(出一至七);兴业。xi b.溪湾1892, 177-200 (Ex. xii. 37-xvii. 16); ib.1892年,177-200(出十二37,十七16);兴业。1893, xii a, 23-46 (Ex. xviii.-xxxiv.); idem, The Triple Tradition of the Exodus, Hartford, 1894; B. Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, 1892 (Ex. xx. 23-xxiii. 33); LB Paton, The Original Form of the Book of the Covenant, in Jour.1893年,十二A,23-46(出xviii. - XXXIV);同上,在传统的出埃及记三,哈特福德,1894年; B. Baentsch,达斯Bundesbuch,1892年(例如:XX 23二十三33。) ; LB佩顿,该公约的原始形式在图书怨妇。Bib.背带裤。Lit.点亮。1893, xii b, 79-93; Briggs, Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1893, Appendix, vi.; idem, The Greater Book of the Covenant, etc., pp. 211-232; R. Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im AT 1896, pp. 70-99; Steuernagel, Der Jehovistische, Bericht über den Bundesschluss am Sinai (Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 28), in Studien und Kritiken, 1899, p.1893年,十二B,79-93;布里格斯,更高的Hexateuch,1893年,附录,六批评;,该公约等大书,第211-232同上; R. Kraetzschmar,模具Bundesvorstellung IM AT 1896年,页70-99; Steuernagel,明镜Jehovistische,Bericht黚巢穴Bundesschluss上午西奈(出xix. - 二十四,三十一18,三十四28。),在北达科Kritiken(研究),1899年,第319.319。On the Decalogue in particular: Franz Delitzsch, Der Dekalog in Exodus und Deuteronomium, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft, 1882, iii.在特别十诫:弗朗茨Delitzsch,DER Dekalog在出埃及记UND Deuteronomium,献给Kirchliche Wissenschaft在(杂志),1882年,三。281-299; O. Naumann, Der Dekalog und das Sinaitische Bundesbuch, ib.281-299; O.瑙曼,DER Dekalog UND DAS Sinaitische Bundesbuch,兴业。1888, pp. 551-571; CG Monteflore, Recent Criticism upon Moses and the Pentateuchal Narratives of the Decalogue, in JQR 1891, xi.1888年,第551-571; CG Monteflore,最近批评后,摩西十诫和叙事的Pentateuchal在JQR 1891年,十一。251-291; Briggs, The Higher Criticism, Appendix, iii.251-291;布里格斯,上级批评,附录三。181-187; O. Meissner, Der Dekalog, 1893.181-187; O.迈斯纳,明镜Dekalog,1893。On the question of the division of the Ten Commandments: Dillmann, lcp 221.在该师的十诫问题:Dillmann,LCP 221。 On the Tabernacle: J. Popper, Der Biblische Bericht über die Stiftshütte, 1862; Delitzsch, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft und Kirchliches Leben, 1880, i.在幕:J.波普尔,DER Biblische Bericht黚死Stiftshütte,1862; Delitzsch在(杂志)献给Kirchliche Wissenschaft UND Kirchliches别人的生活,1880年,岛,57-66, 622; Green, in Presbyterian and Reformed Review, v. 69-88; A. Klostermann, in Neue Kirchliche Zeitscrift, 1897, pp. 48-77, 228-253, 289-328, 353-383; introductions by Kuenen, Cornill, Strack, Driver, König, Baudissin, and especially Holzinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuch, 1893.BJ57-66,622,绿,在长老会和改革审查,诉69-88; A. Klostermann,在NEUE Kirchliche Zeitscrift,1897年,第48-77,228-253,289-328,353-383;介绍由Kuenen,Cornill,施特拉克,驱动,柯尼希,Baudissin,特别是Holzinger,在书房Hexateuch导论,1893.BJ



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