The Epistle to the Galatians is one of the books of the New Testament.该书信向加拉太书是一本书籍的新约圣经。 It was written by Saint Paul in answer to opponents who were trying to convince the Galatian Christians that circumcision was necessary for salvation.这是写的圣保罗在回答谁的对手分别试图说服拉太人的基督徒认为，包皮环切术是必要的救赎。 The letter, written about AD 54 - 55, is the fourth epistle in the collection of Pauline letters in the Bible.信中，书面有关广告54 -5 5，是第四次在书信收集宝莲信在圣经中。
The Galatians lived in north central Anatolia.该加拉太住在北安那托利亚中央。 Their faith evidently had been disturbed by the insistence of some Jewish Christians on close ties to Judaism even for gentile converts to Christianity.他们的信仰，显然已不安的坚持，一些基督徒对犹太人有密切联系的犹太教，甚至为詹蒂莱转换了基督教。 Paul replied by developing the theme of the efficacy of salvation in Jesus Christ.保罗回答发展的主题，疗效救赎在耶稣基督。 In the first two chapters, he defends his apostleship and authority. He then presents arguments from Scripture for the primacy of faith in Jesus as alone essential for salvation (chapters 3 - 4) and continues with an exhortation to true Christian life and freedom (chapters 5 - 6). This epistle and the Epistle to the Romans served as prime sources for the Reformation teaching on justification by faith.在首两章，他辩护，他apostleship性和权威性。 然后，他介绍了论据从经文为至高无上的信仰耶稣的作为，仅必不可少的救赎（第一章3 -4 ） ，并继续与一告诫真正的基督徒生命和自由（第一章5 -6 ） ，这书信和书信向罗马担任总理的来源，为教学改革的正当性信仰。
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Bibliography
参考书目
J Bligh,
Galatians (1969); JD Dunn, Jesus, Paul, and the Law (1990). j Bligh ）
，加拉太书（ 1969年） ;第纳尔邓莲如，耶稣，保罗和法（ 1990年） 。
The genuineness of this epistle is not called in question.真实性，这书信是不叫的问题。 Its Pauline origin is universally acknowledged.其宝莲，原产地是公认的。 Occasion of.值此。 The churches of Galatia were founded by Paul himself (Acts 16:6; Gal. 1:8; 4:13, 19).教会的加拉太人所创立的保罗自己（的行为， 16时06分; GAL的。 1:8 ; 4点13 ， 19 ） 。 They seem to have been composed mainly of converts from heathenism (4:8), but partly also of Jewish converts, who probably, under the influence of Judaizing teachers, sought to incorporate the rites of Judaism with Christianity, and by their active zeal had succeeded in inducing the majority of the churches to adopt their views (1:6; 3:1).他们似乎已组成为主的转换，从heathenism （ 4时08分） ，但部分也犹太转换，谁可能的影响下，犹太化的教师，要求把礼犹太教与基督教，以及他们的积极热情了成功地诱导大多数教会采取他们的意见（ 1时06分; 3:1 ） 。 This epistle was written for the purpose of counteracting this Judaizing tendency, and of recalling the Galatians to the simplicity of the gospel, and at the same time also of vindicating Paul's claim to be a divinely-commissioned apostle.这是书信的书面为目的的对抗，这犹太化的趋势，以及回顾加拉太书，以简单的福音，并在同一时间，也维护保罗的索赔是一个神委托的使徒。
Time and place of writing.时间和地点的书面答复。 The epistle was probably written very soon after Paul's second visit to Galatia (Acts 18:23).该书信，可能是写得很后不久，保罗的第二次访问加拉太（行为18时23分） 。 The references of the epistle appear to agree with this conclusion.参考的书信似乎同意这一结论。 The visit to Jerusalem, mentioned in Gal.访问耶路撒冷，所提到的半乳糖。 2:1-10, was identical with that of Acts 15, and it is spoken of as a thing of the past, and consequently the epistle was written subsequently to the council of Jerusalem. 2:1-10 ，是一致的，与行为的15 ，这是发言的，因为过去的事，因此，书信写随后向安理会提交的耶路撒冷。 The similarity between this epistle and that to the Romans has led to the conclusion that they were both written at the same time, namely, in the winter of AD 57-8, during Paul's stay in Corinth (Acts 20:2, 3).之间的相似性，这和书信向罗马导致的结论是，他们都是写在同一时间内，即在冬季广告57-8 ，在保罗的留在科林斯（ 20时02分行为， 3 ） 。
This to the Galatians is written on the urgency of the occasion, tidings having reached him of the state of matters; and that to the Romans in a more deliberate and systematic way, in exposition of the same great doctrines of the gospel.这给加拉太书是写在紧迫之际，福音达成他的国家的事项，以及向罗马人在一个更蓄意和有系统的方式，在博览会的同时，伟大的教义福音。 Contents of.内容。 The great question discussed is, Was the Jewish law binding on Christians?伟大的问题，讨论的是，是犹太法律约束力的基督徒呢？ The epistle is designed to prove against the Jews that men are justified by faith without the works of the law of Moses.该书信是设计，以证明对犹太人认为，男性是合理的信念，没有工程的法律，郑慕智。 After an introductory address (Gal. 1:1-10) the apostle discusses the subjects which had occasioned the epistle.后一介绍地址（ gal. 1:1-10 ）使徒讨论的科目，已occasioned的书信。 (1) He defends his apostolic authority (1:11-19; 2:1-14); (2) shows the evil influence of the Judaizers in destroying the very essence of the gospel (3 and 4); (3) exhorts the Galatian believers to stand fast in the faith as it is in Jesus, and to abound in the fruits of the Spirit, and in a right use of their Christian freedom (5-6:1-10); (4) and then concludes with a summary of the topics discussed, and with the benediction. （ 1 ）他辩护，他的使徒管理局（ 1:11-19 ; 2:1-14 ） ; （ 2 ）显示，邪恶的影响，该judaizers在破坏非常的本质福音（ 3和4 ） ; （ 3 ）力促该拉太人信徒的立场，在快速的信念，因为它是在耶稣，并比比皆是，在成果的精神，和在一个正确的使用他们的基督教自由（ 5-6:1-10 ） ; （ 4 ） ，然后得出结论与总结了讨论的议题，并与benediction 。
The Epistle to the Galatians and that to the Romans taken together "form a complete proof that justification is not to be obtained meritoriously either by works of morality or by rites and ceremonies, though of divine appointment; but that it is a free gift, proceeding entirely from the mercy of God, to those who receive it by faith in Jesus our Lord."该书信向加拉太书，并以罗马人所采取的一起“形成一个完整的证明，理由是没有得到meritoriously无论是工程的道德或礼和仪式，虽然神圣的任命，但它是一个免费的礼物，程序完全从上帝的怜悯，对那些谁得到它的信念，在我们的主耶稣“ 。 In the conclusion of the epistle (6:11) Paul says, "Ye see how large a letter I have written with mine own hand."在总结该书信（ 6时11分）保罗说： “叶，看看如何大的信，我已经写与排雷自己的手” 。 It is implied that this was different from his ordinary usage, which was simply to write the concluding salutation with his own hand, indicating that the rest of the epistle was written by another hand.这意味着，这是不同的从他的普通使用，这是纯粹为了写总结称呼自己的手，表明其余的书信作者是另一方面。
Regarding this conclusion, Lightfoot, in his Commentary on the epistle, says: "At this point the apostle takes the pen from his amanuensis, and the concluding paragraph is written with his own hand. From the time when letters began to be forged in his name (2 Thess. 2:2; 3:17) it seems to have been his practice to close with a few words in his own handwriting, as a precaution against such forgeries......In the present case he writes a whole paragraph, summing up the main lessons of the epistle in terse, eager, disjointed sentences. He writes it, too, in large, bold characters (Gr. pelikois grammasin), that his hand-writing may reflect the energy and determination of his soul."对于这一结论， lightfoot ，在他的评论对书信，说： “在这一点上使徒需笔从他的amanuensis ，和结论段是写他自己的手，从信的时候开始是伪造的，他名称（ 2 thess 。 2时02分; 3时17分） ，它似乎已他的实践，以密切与几句话，在他自己的笔迹，作为一项预防措施，对这些伪造的......在目前情况下，他写了一个整段，总结的主要经验教训的书信在简洁，渴望，不连贯的句子。他写道，它也，在很大程度上，粗体字（ gr. pelikois grammasin ） ，他的手写作可能反映的精力和决心，他灵魂“ 。 (See Justification.) （见的理由） 。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
GALATIA加拉太
In the course of centuries, gallic tribes, related to those that invaded Italy and sacked Rome, wandered east through Illyricum and Pannonia.在这个过程中数百年，没食子部落，与那些入侵意大利和解雇罗马，游荡东通过伊利里库姆和潘诺尼亚。 At length they penetrated through Macedonia (279 BC), and assembled in great numbers under a prince entitled Brennus, for the purpose of invading Greece and plundering the rich temple of Delphi.在长度，他们侵入通过马其顿（ 279 BC ）的，和聚集在大量下王子题为雷努斯为目的，入侵希腊和掠夺的富有的庙宇， Delphi公司。 The leaders disagreed and the host soon divided, one portion, under Brennus, marching south on Delphi: the other division, under Leonorius and Luterius, turned eastward and overran Thrace, the country round Byzantium.领导人同意和东道国尽快分歧，一部份，根据雷努斯，进军南Delphi的：其他分区，根据leonorius和luterius ，转向东移，并占领了色雷斯，该国轮拜占庭。 Shortly afterwards they were joined by the small remnants of the army of Brennus, who was repulsed by the Greeks, and killed himself in despair.不久之后，他们参加了由小遗留下来的军队雷努斯，谁是击退由希腊人，并杀害自己在绝望中。 In 278 BC, 20,000 Gauls, under Leonorius, Luterius, and fifteen other chieftains, crossed over to Asia Minor, in two divisions.在公元前278 ， 20000高卢人，根据leonorius ， luterius ，和其他15酋长，越过到小亚细亚，在两个组别。 On reuniting they assisted Nicomedes I, King of Bithynia, to defeat his younger brother; and as a reward for their services he gave them a large tract of country, in the heart of Asia Minor, henceforward to be known as Galatia.关于团聚，他们协助尼科梅德，我国王bithynia ，打败他的弟弟，以及作为一个奖励他们的服务，他给了他们一个大道的国家，在亚洲的心脏，轻微的，从此以后被称为加拉太。
The Galatians consisted of three tribes:该加拉太书包括三个部落：
the Tolistboboii, on the west, with Pessinus as their chief town;该tolistboboii ，对西，与佩西努斯作为其行政城市;
the Tectosages, in the centre, with their capital Ancyra; and该tectosages ，在该中心内，与他们的资本安该拉;
the Trocmi, on the east, round their chief town Tavium.该trocmi ，对东，圆他们的总城市tavium 。
Each tribal territory was divided into four cantons or tetrarchies.每个部落的领土分为四个县或tetrarchies 。 Each of the twelve tetrarchs had under him a judge and a general.每一项12 tetrarchs了下他一名法官和一名一般。 A council of the nation consisting of the tetararchs and three hundred senators was periodically held at a place called Drynemeton, twenty miles southwest of Ancyra.一国家议会组成的tetararchs和300参议员是定期举行的地方，所谓drynemeton ，二十〇英里西南安该拉。
That these people were Gauls (and not Germans as has sometimes been suggested) is proved by the testimony of Greek and Latin writers, by their retention of the Gallic language till the fifth century, and by their personal and place names.这些人被高卢人（而不是德国人有时被建议）是证明了的证词，希腊和拉丁美洲作家，他们保留该没食子语言，直到第五世纪，由个人和地名。 A tribe in the west of Gaul in the time of Caesar (Bell. Gall., VI, xxiv) was called Tectosages.部落在西部的高卢在的时候，凯撒（ bell.胆，六，二十四）被称为tectosages 。 In Tolistoboii we have the root of the word Toulouse, and in Boii the well known Gallic tribe.在tolistoboii我们的根字，图卢兹，并在boii著名的高卢部落。 Brennus probably meant prince; and Strabo says he was called Prausus, which in Celtic means terrible.雷努斯，大概的意思王子;拉波说，他被称为prausus ，而在凯尔特手段可怕的。 Luterius is the same as the Celtic Lucterius, and there was a British saint called Leonorius. luterius是一样的凯尔特lucterius ，并有一个英国圣所谓leonorius 。 Other names of chieftains are of undoubted Gallic origin, eg Belgius, Achichorius, Gaezatio-Diastus.其他的名称，酋长是不容置疑的没食子原产地，如belgius ， achichorius ， gaezatio - diastus 。 Brogoris (same root as Brogitarus, Allobroges), Bitovitus, Eposognatus (compare Caesar's Boduognatus, etc.), Combolomarus (Caesar has Virdomarus, Indutionmarus), Adiorix, Albiorix, Ateporix (like Caresar's Dumnorix, ambbiorix, Vercingetorix), Brogitarus, Deiotarus, etc. Place names are of a similar character, eg Drynemeton, the "temple of the oaks" or The Temple, from nemed, "temple" (compare Augustonemetum in Auvergene, and Vernemeton, "the great temple", near Bordeaux), Eccobriga, Rosologiacum, Teutobodiacum, etc. (For a detailed discussion of the question see Lightfoot's "Galatians", dissertation i, 4th ed., London, 1874, 235.) brogoris （同根作为brogitarus ，阿罗伯吉） ， bitovitus ， eposognatus （比较凯撒的boduognatus等） ， combolomarus （凯撒已virdomarus ， indutionmarus ） ， adiorix ，土卫二十六， ateporix （如caresar的dumnorix ， ambbiorix ，韦辛格托里克斯） ， brogitarus ， deiotarus ，等地名是一个类似的字符，例如drynemeton ， “庙的橡树”或庙宇，从涅梅德， “圣殿教” （比较augustonemetum在auvergene ， vernemeton ， “伟大的圣殿教” ，近波尔多） ， eccobriga ， rosologiacum ， teutobodiacum等（详细讨论的问题，见lightfoot的“加拉太书” ，论文，我第四教育署，伦敦， 1874 ， 235 ） 。
As soon as these Gauls, or Galatians, had gained a firm footing in the country assigned to them, they began to send out marauding expeditions in all directions.一旦这些高卢人，或加拉太书，获得了中站稳脚跟，在国家分配给他们，他们就开始发送劫掠探险队在所有的方向。 They became the terror of their neighbours, and levied contributions on the whole of Asia Minor west of the Taurus.他们成为恐怖他们的邻居，和征收的贡献，对整个亚洲的小西的金牛座。 They fought with varying success against Antiochus, King of Syria, who was called Soter from his having saved his country from them.他们又打了不同的成功对安提奥，国王叙利亚，谁被称为苏特从他的后挽救了他的国家从他们。 At length Attlaus I, King of Pergamun, a friend of the Romans, drove them back and confined them to Galatia about 235-232 BC After this many of them became mercenary soldiers; and in the great battle of Magnesia, 180 BC, a body of such Galatian troops fought against the Romans, on the side of Antiochus the Great, King of Syria.在长度attlaus ，我国王pergamun ，有一位朋友，罗马人把它们驱逐出境回到局限在他们加拉太约235-232年后，这其中许多人成为雇佣军士兵;和在伟大的战役镁砂， 180年，一个机构这种拉太人的部队抗击罗马，就一边安提奥的伟大，国王叙利亚。 He was utterly defeated by the Romans, under Scipio Asiaticus, and lost 50,000 of his men.他完全是败在罗马，下scipio亚洲，并失去了5.0万，他的男子。 Next year the Consul Manlius entered Galatia, and defeated the Galatians in two battles graphically described by Livy, XXXVIII, xvi.明年领事manlius进入加拉太，打败了加拉太在2战生动地描述livy ，三十八，十六。 These events are referred to in I Mach., viii.这些事件是指在I马赫，八。 On account of ill-treatment received at the hands of Mithradates I King of Pontus, the Galatians took the side of Pompey in the Mitradatic wars (64 BC).对帐户的不当待遇，收到手中的i米德拉底特六世国王桥，加拉太了一边，庞培，在mitradatic战争（ 64年代） 。 As a reward for their services, Deiotarus, their chief tetrarch, received the title of king, and his dominions were greatly extended.作为回报，他们的服务， deiotarus ，他们的行政tetrarch ，收到的标题国王，和他的dominions被大大延长。 Henceword the Galatians were under the protection of the Romans, and were involved in all the troubles of the civil wars that followed. henceword该加拉太人的保护下，罗马，并在所涉及的所有故障的内战之后。 They supported Pompey against Julius Caesar at the battle of Pharsalia (48 BC).他们支持庞培对凯撒在战役pharsalia （ 48年代） 。 Amyntas, their last king was set up by Mark Antony, 39 BC His kingdom finally included not only Galatia Proper but also the great plains to the south, together with parts of Lyesonia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Phrygia, ie the country containing the towns Antioch, Iconium, Lystra and Derbe.阿铭塔，他们最后国王成立了马克安东尼， 39年代他的王国，最后不仅包括加拉太适当的，而且大平原到南，连同部分lyesonia ，潘菲利亚，皮西迪亚， phrygia ，即该国载新市镇安提阿，伊康， lystra和derbe 。 Amyntas went to Actium, 31 BC, to support Mark Antony; but like many others he went over, at the critical moment, to the side of Octavianus, afterwards called Augustus.阿铭塔到actium ， 31年代，以支持马克安东尼，但其他许多人一样，他前往，在关键时刻，向一侧octavianus ，事后所谓的奥古斯都。 Augustus confirmed him in his kingdom, which he retained until he was slain in ambush, 25 BC After the death of Amyntas, Augustus made this kingdom into the Roman province of Galatia, so that this province had ben in existence more than 75 years when St. Paul wrote to the Galatians.奥古斯都证实，他在他的王国，这是他保留，直到他被杀害在埋伏， 25年代去世后，阿铭塔，奥古斯都提出这个英国到罗马省加拉太，使这个省在本已存在75岁以上时，圣。保罗写信给加拉太书。
THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH GALATIAN THEORIES北方和南方拉太人的理论
St. Paul addresses his letter to the churches of Galatia (Galatians 1:2) and calls them Galatians (Galatians 3:1); and in I Cor., vi, 1, he speaks of the collections which he ordered to be made in the churches of Galatia.圣保禄地址，他写信给教会的加拉太（加拉太书1:2 ） ，并呼吁他们加拉太（加拉太书3:1 ） ;和在I肺心病，六，第1 ，他谈到收藏，他饬令作出在教会的加拉太。 But there are two theories as to the meaning of these terms.但有两个理论，以所指的这些条款。 It is the opinion of Lipsius, Lightfoot, Davidson, Chase, Findlay, etc., that the Epistle was addressed to the people of Galatia Proper, situated in the centre of Asia Minor, towards the north (North Galatian Theory).这是民意的lipsius ， lightfoot ，戴维森，大通，范达等，认为书信是给人民的加拉太正确的，位于亚洲的中心，未成年人，对北（北拉太人的理论） 。
Others, such as Renan, Perrot, Weizsacker, Hausrath, Zahn, Pfleiderer, Gifford, Rendell, Holtzmann, Clemen, Ramsay, Cornely, Page, Knowling, etc., hold that it was addressed to the southern portion of the Roman province of Galatia, containing Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, which were visited by Saints Paul and Barnabas, during their first missionary journey (South Galatian Theory).其他国家，如勒南， perrot ，魏茨泽克，豪斯拉特，赞恩， pfleiderer ， gifford ，仁德耀， holtzmann ，克莱门，拉姆齐， cornely ，网页，诺灵等，认为这是给南部的部分罗马省加拉太，其中载有pisidian安提阿，伊康， lystra ， derbe ，分别参观了由圣徒保罗和巴拿巴，在第一次传教之旅（南拉太人的理论） 。
Lightfoot was the chief upholder of the North-Galatian theory; but a great deal has become known about the geography of Asia Minor since he wrote in the eighteenth century, and the South-Galatian Theory has proportionately gained ground. lightfoot是行政维护者北拉太人的理论，但大量已成为众所周知的有关地理小亚细亚以来，他写道：在十八世纪，和南方-拉太人理论的比例抬头。 A German Catholic professor, Stinmann (Der Liserkreis des Galaterbriefes), has, however, recently (1908) given Lightfoot his strong support, though it must be admitted that he has done little more than emphasize and expand the arguments of Chase.一家德国天主教教授， stinmann （明镜liserkreis万galaterbriefes ） ，不过，最近（ 1908年）鉴于lightfoot他的强有力的支持，但必须承认，他的所作所为，稍多于强调和扩大的论点，大通。 The great coryphaeus of the South-Galatian theory is Prof. Sire WM Ramsay.伟大coryphaeus的南-拉太人理论是教授父系西医结合拉姆齐。 The following is a brief summary of the principal arguments on both sides.以下是简要的主要论据，双方的。
(1) The fact that the Galatians were being changed so soon to another gospel is taken by Lightfoot as evidence of the characteristic fickleness of the Gauls. （ 1 ）的事实，即加拉太被改变这么快就到另一个福音，是所采取的lightfoot作为证据的特点，变化无常的高卢人。 Ramsay replies that tenacity in matters of religion has ever been characteristic of the Celts.拉姆塞的答复坚韧，在宗教事务以往的特点，凯尔特人。 Besides, it is precarious to argue from the political mobility of the Gauls, in the time of Caesar, to the religious inconsistency of Galatians, whose ancestors left the West four hundred years before.此外，它是不稳定的争论从政治上的流动性的高卢人，在的时候，凯撒，宗教不一致的加拉太，他们的祖先离开西四百年前。 The Galatians received St. Paul as an angel from heaven (Galatians 4:14).该加拉太收到圣保禄作为一个天使从天上（加拉太4时14分） 。 Lightfoot sees in this enthusiastic reception proof of Celtic fickleness of character. lightfoot认为，在这方面的热情接待证明凯尔特变化无常的性格。 In the same way it may be proved that the 5000 converted by St. Peter at Jerusalem, and, in fact, that, nearly all the converts of St. Paul were Celts.在同样的方式可能是证明了5000转换由圣彼得在耶路撒冷，并在事实上，几乎所有转换的圣保禄被凯尔特人。 Acts (xiii-xiv) gives sufficient indications of fickleness in South Galatia.行为（十三-十四）给予足够的迹象显示，变化无常，在南加拉太。 To take but one instance: at Lystra the multitude could scarcely be restrained from sacrificing to St. Paul; shortly afterwards they stoned him and left him for dead.但采取的一个实例：在lystra众多可以几乎被冻结，从牺牲到圣保禄;不久之后，他们投掷石块，他离开他的死亡。
(2) St. Paul warns the Galatians not to abuse their liberty from the obligations of the Law of Moses, by following the works of the flesh. （ 2 ）圣保禄警告加拉太不要滥用他们的自由，从所承担的义务的法律，郑慕智，按照下列工程，肉中刺。 He then gives a long catalogue of vices.然后，他给一个长期的目录罪恶。 From this Lightfoot selects two (methai, komoi) as evidently pointing to Celtic failings.从这个lightfoot选择2 （ methai ，神威[日] ）作为明显指向凯尔特的弱点。 Against this it may be urged that St. Paul, writing to the Romans (xiii, 13), exhorts them to avoid these two very vices.针对这可能是敦促圣保禄，以书面形式向罗马（十三， 13 ） ，敦促他们避免这两个非常邪恶。 St. Paul, in giving such an enumeratio here and elsewhere, evidently does not intend to paint the peculiar failings of any race, but simply to reprobate the works of the flesh, of the carnal or lower man; "they who do such things shall not obtain the kingdom of God" (Galatians 5:21).圣保禄，在做出这样的enumeratio在这里和其他地方，显然并不打算画特有的失误，任何种族，但只是为了reprobate的作品，肉中刺，对肉体或更低的男子; ： “他们谁做这类事情应未能获得上帝的王国“ （加拉太5时21分） 。
(3) Witchcraft is also mentioned in this list. （ 3 ）巫术是也提到，在这个名单上。 The extravagant devotion of Deiotarus, says Lightfoot, "fully bears out the character ascribed to the parent race."奢侈奉献deiotarus说， lightfoot “ ，充分证明了的性质归因于家长种族” 。 But the Emperor Tiberius and many officials in the empire were ardent devotees of augury.但皇帝提庇留和许多官员在帝国被殷切信徒的征兆。 Sorcery is coupled by St. Paul with idolatry, and it was its habitual ally not only amongst the Gauls but throughout the pagan world.巫术是再加上由圣保禄与偶像崇拜，这是其惯常的盟友，不仅当中，高卢人，但在整个异教的世界。
(4) Lightfoot says that the Galatians were drawn to Jewish observances; and he takes this as evidence of the innate Celtic propensity to external ceremonial, "appealing rather to the senses and passions than the heart and mind." （ 4 ） lightfoot指出，加拉太人提请犹太纪念活动;及他以此为证据的本质凯尔特倾向外部典礼“ ，呼吁市民，而不是为了感官和激情，比心脏和心态” 。 This so-called racial characteristic may be questioned, and it is a well-known fact that the whole of the aboriginal inhabitants of Asia Minor were given over heart and soul to gross pagan cermonial.这个所谓的种族特性可能受到质疑，这是一个众所周知的事实是，整个原住民居民的小亚细亚给出了以上的心脏和灵魂，总值中所占的比重异教cermonial 。 We do not gather from the Epistle that the Galatians were naturally attracted to Jewish ceremonies.我们不收集从书信说，加拉太人自然吸引了犹太人的仪式。 They were only puzzled or rather dazed (iii, 1) by the specious arguments of the Judaizers, who endeavoured to persuade them that they were not as perfect Christians as if they adopted circumcision and the Law of Moses.他们只是疑惑，或者更确切地说， dazed （三， 1 ）由似是而非的论调的judaizers ，谁努力说服他们，他们没有完善的基督信徒，如果他们通过了割礼和法律的郑慕智。
(5) On the South-Galatian theory it is supposed that the Epistle was written soon after St. Paul's second visit to Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, etc. (Acts 16). （ 5 ）对南-拉太人的理论，这是假定该书信写后不久，圣保禄的第二次访问derbe ， lystra ，伊康，等（行为16 ） 。 Lightfoot makes use of a strong argument against this early date. lightfoot利用了有力的论据反对这项早日实现。 He shows, by a detailed examination, that the Epistle bears a close resemblance, both in argument and language, to parts of the Epistle to the Romans.他表明，由一个详细检查，认为书信担负着紧密的相似性，无论是在论据和语言，以部分的书信向罗马。 This he thinks can be accounted for only on the supposition that both were written about the same time, and, therefore, several years later than the date required for the South-Galatian view.他认为，这可占，不仅对假定均书面大约同一时间，因此，数年后，比日期须为南-拉太人的看法。 To this date required for the South-Galatian view.此日期须为南-拉太人的看法。 To this Rendell (Expositor's Greek Test., London, 1903.p. 144) replies that the coincidence is not due to any similarity in the circumstances of the two communities.这仁德耀（ expositor的希腊的考验。 ，伦敦， 1903.p. 144 ）答复说，巧合的是，并非因为任何的相似性在这种情况下的两个社区。 "Still less can the identity of language be fairly urged to prove an approximation of the two epistles. For these fundamental truths formed without doubt the staple of the Apostle's teaching throughout the years of continuous transition from Jewish to Christian doctrine, and his language in regard to them could not fail to become in some measure stereotyped." “ ，更不能的身份，语言是相当呼吁，以证明一个近似的两个书信。这些基本道理，形成毫无疑问，主食的使徒的教学在整个多年的连续过渡，从犹太基督教教义，和他的语言方面的他们不能失败，成为在一定程度上定型“ 。
(6) The controversy has raged most fiercely round the two verses in Acts, xvi, 6 and xviii, 23, the only places where there is any reference to Galatia in Acts: （ 6 ）争议已肆虐最激烈的一轮两诗的行为，十六，第6和18 ， 23 ，唯一的地方有任何参考加拉太的行为：
"And they went through the Phrygian and Galatian region" (ten phrygian kai Galatiken choran); “他们经历了phrygian和地区的拉太人” （ 10 phrygian启galatiken choran ） ;
"he departed and went through the Galatian region and Phrygia" (or "Phrygian") (ten Galatiken choran kai phyrgian). “他离开，并经历了拉太人地区和phrygia ” （或“ phrygian ” ） （ 10 galatiken choran启phyrgian ） 。
Lightfoot held that Galatia Proper was meant in the second. lightfoot认为，加拉太适当的意思，在第二。 Other supporters of the North-Galatian theory think that the countries of North Galatia and Phrygia are meant in both cases.其他支持者，北拉太人的理论认为，国家北加拉太和phrygia的意思是在这两种情况下。 Their opponents, relying on the expression of contemporary writers, maintain that South Galatia was intended in both places.他们的对手，依靠表达的当代作家，保持南加拉太的用意是在两地。 The former also interpret the second part of xvi, 6 (Greek text) as meaning that the travellers went through Phrygia and Galatia after they had passed through South Galatia, because they were forbidden to preach in Asia.前还解释的第二部分，十六， 6 （希腊文）即旅客经历了phrygia和加拉太后，他们已通过南加拉太，因为他们被禁止鼓吹在亚洲。 Ramsey, on the other hand, maintains that after they had passed through the portion of Phrygia which had been added to the southern part of the province of Galatia (and which could be called indifferently Galatian or Phrygian) they passed to the north because they were forbidden to preach in Asia.拉姆齐，在另一方面，主张后，他们已通过的部分phrygia已被添加到南部的部分省加拉太（其中可称为indifferently拉太人或phrygian ） ，他们通过向北韩，因为他们禁止鼓吹在亚洲。 He holds that the order of the verbs in the passage is in the order of time, and he gives examples of similar use of the aorist participle (St. Paul The Traveller, London, 1900, pp. ix, 211, 212).他认为，秩序的动词在通过是在该命令的时间，和他给的例子，类似的使用该aorist participle （圣保禄旅客，伦敦， 1900年，页。第九， 211 ， 212 ） 。
The arguments on both sides are too technical to be given in a short article.论点对双方都太技术，以获得在很短的文章。 The reader may be referred to the following: North-Galatian: Chase, "Expositor", Dec. 1893.读者可转介如下：北拉太人：大通， “ expositor ” ， 1893年12月。 p.401, May, 1894, p.331; Steinmann, "Der Leserkreis des Galaterbriefes" (Münster, 1908), p. p.401 ，五月， 1894 ， p.331 ;斯氏， “明镜leserkreis万galaterbriefes ” （明斯特， 1908 ） ，第 191. 191 。 On the South-Galatian side: Ramsey, "Expositor", Jan., 1894, p.关于南-拉太人的一面：拉姆齐， “ expositor ” ， 1月， 1894年，页 42, Feb., p. 42 ， 2月，第 137, Apr., p. 137 ， 4月，第 288, "St. Paul The Traveller", etc; Knowling, "Acts of the Apostles", Additional note to ch. 288 ， “圣保禄旅客”等;诺灵， “使徒行传” ，附加说明的CH 。 xviii (Expositor's Greek Test., London, 1900, p. 399); Gifford, "Expositor", July, 1894, p.十八（ expositor的希腊的考验。 ，伦敦， 1900年，页399 ） ; gifford ， “ expositor ” ， 7月， 1894年，页 I.我。
(7) The Galatian churches were evidently important ones. （ 7 ）拉太人教堂，显然是重要的。 On the North-Galatian theory, St. Luke dismissed their conversion in a single sentence: "They went through the Phrygian and Galatian region" (Acts 16:6).对北-拉太人理论，圣卢克驳回他们的转换在一个单一的一句： “他们经历了phrygian和地区的拉太人” （行为16时06分） 。 This is strange, as his plan throughout is to give an account of the establishment of Christianity by St. Paul in each new region.这是奇怪，因为他的整个计划是让一个帐户的建立，基督教由圣保禄在每一个新的地区。 Lightfoot fully admits the force of this, but tries to evade it by asking the question: "Can it be that the historian gladly drew a veil over the infancy of a church which swerved so soon and so widely from the purity of the Gospel?" lightfoot充分承认的力量，这一点，但试图回避它要求的问题： “可以被认为历史学家很乐意提请面纱超过起步阶段，一所教堂，其中swerved这么快，所以从广泛的纯洁性福音” ？ But the subsequent failings of the Corinthians did not prevent St. Luke from giving an account of their conversion.但随后失误的哥林多前书并没有阻止圣卢克从一个帐户给他们的转换。 Besides, the Galatians had not swerved so widely from the purity of the Gospel.此外，加拉太没有swerved ，所以从广泛的纯洁性福音。 The arguments of the judaizers made some of them waver, but they had not accepted circumcision; and this Epistle confirmed them in the Faith, so that a few years later St. Paul writes of them to the Corinthians (1 Corinthians 16:1): "Now concerning the collections that are made for the saints, as I have given order to the churches of Galatia, so do ye also."论据的judaizers作出他们中的一些动摇，但他们没有接受包皮环切术;这书信证实，他们在信仰，使数年后，圣保禄写道，他们向哥林多前书（ 1哥林多前书16时01分） ： “现在有关的收藏品是为圣人，正如我已发出，以教会的加拉太，所以你们也” 。 It was long after the time that St. Paul could thus confidently command the Galatians that Acts was written.这是很久之后的时间圣保禄因此可理直气壮地指挥加拉太书的行为，是书面。
(8) St. Paul makes no mention of this collection in our Epistle. （ 8 ）圣保禄没有提及这个集合在我们的书信。 According to the North-Galatian theory, the Epistle was written several years before the collection was made.据北拉太人理论，书信写在数年前，收集发了言。 In Acts 20:4, etc., a list is given of those who carried the collections to Jerusalem.在行为20时04分，等了一份清单，给出了那些谁进行集合到耶路撒冷。 There are representatives from South Galatia, Achaia, Macedonia, and Asia; but there is no deputy from North Galatia -- from the towns of Jerusalem on occasion, the majority probably meeting at Corinth, St. Paul, St. Luke, and Sopater of Berea (probably representing Philippi and Achaia; see 2 Corinthians 8:18-22); Aristarchus and Secundus of Macedonia; Gaius of Derbe, and Timothyof Lystra (S. Galatia); and Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia.有代表从南加拉太， achaia ，马其顿，和亚洲，但没有代理从北加拉太-从城镇耶路撒冷的场合，大部分可能是会议的科林斯，圣保禄，圣卢克，和s opater的伯里亚（可能代表腓立比和achaia ;见二哥林多前书8:18-22 ） ;阿里斯和secundus的马其顿;勇士穆裘的derbe ， timothyof lystra （第加拉太） ;和tychicus和trophimus亚洲的。 There is not a word about anybody from North Galatia, the most probable reason being that St. Paul had never been there (see Rendall, Expositor, 1893, vol. II, p.321).是不是闭口不谈任何人从北加拉太，最有可能的原因是圣保禄从未有（见rendall ， expositor ， 1893年，第二卷， p.321 ） 。
(9) St. Paul, the Roman citizen, invariably employs the names of the roman provincces, such as Achaia, Macedonia, Asia; and it is not probable that he departed from this practice in his use of "Galatia". （ 9 ）圣保禄，罗马公民，往往雇用的姓名，罗马provincces ，如achaia ，马其顿，亚洲;这是没有可能，他偏离了这种做法，在他使用“加拉太” 。 The people of South Galatia could with propriety be styled Galatians.人民的南加拉太可以与正当性予以风格的加拉太。 Two of the towns, Antioch and Lystra, were Roman colonies; and the other two boasted of the Roman names, Claudio-Iconium, and Claudio-Derbe.两个城镇，安提阿和lystra ，被罗马的殖民地;和其他两个吹嘘罗马的姓名，克劳迪奥-伊康，克劳迪奥- derbe 。 "Galatians" was an honourable title when applied to them; but they would be insulted if they were called Phrygians or Lycaonians. “加拉太书”是各位的标题时，适用于他们，但他们将侮辱，如果他们被称为phrygians或lycaonians 。 All admit that St. Peter named the Roman provinces when he wrote "to the elect strangers dispersed throught Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia" (1 Peter 1:1).所有承认，圣彼得命名为罗马省份时，他写道： “向选举陌生人分散思想庞，加拉太，卡帕多西亚，亚洲和bithynia ” （ 1彼得1:1 ） 。
(10) The manner in which St. Paul mentions St. Barnabas in the Epistle indicates that the latter was known to those for whom the Epistle was primarily intended. （ 10 ）以何种方式圣保禄提到圣巴拿巴，在书信表明，后者是众所周知的那些人的书信，主要是打算。 St. Barnabas had visited South Galatia with St. Paul (Acts 13:14), but he was unknown in North Galatia.圣巴拿巴访问了南加拉太与圣保禄（行为13时14分） ，但他是未知的在北加拉太。
(11) St. Paul states (ii, 5) that the reason for his course of action at Jerusalem was that the truth of the gospel might continue with the Galatians. （ 11 ）圣保禄国（二，五）的原因，他的行动在耶路撒冷的是，真相福音可能继续与加拉太书。 This seems to imply that they were already converted.这似乎意味，他们已经转换。 He had visited the southern part of the Galatian province before the council, but not northern.他访问了南部部分的拉太人省摆在安理会面前的，而不是北部。 The view favoured above receives confirmation from a consideration, as appended, of the persons addressed.的看法，赞成上述确认收到从一个考虑，作为附加，有关人员的处理。
THE KIND OF PEOPLE ADDRESSED什么样的人处理
THE KIND OF PEOPLE ADDRESSED什么样的人处理
The country of South Galatia answers the conditions of the Epistle admirably; but this cannot be said of North Galatia.该国南部加拉太答案条件的书信令人钦佩;不过，这不能说北加拉太。 From the Epistle we gather that the majority were Gentile converts, that many were probably Jewish proselytes from their acquaintance with the Old Testament, that Jews who persecuted them from the first were living amongst them; that St. Paul had visited them twice, and that the few Judaziers appeared amongst them only after his last visit.从书信，我们收集到多数人詹蒂莱转换，很多人可能proselytes犹太人从他们的相识与旧约，犹太人谁迫害他们，从第一人的生活当中;圣保禄访问了他们两次，并少数judaziers出现，其中只有后，他上次访问。 We know from Acts, iii, xiv (and early history), that Jews were settled in South Galatia.我们知道，从行为，三，第十四条（和早期历史） ，即犹太人定居在南加拉太。 During the first missionary journey unbelieving Jews made their presence felt everywhere.在第一次传教之旅信的犹太人了他们的存在，感受到无处不在。 As soon as Paul and Barnabas returned to Syrian Antioch, some Jewish converts came from Judea and taught that the circumcision was necessary for them, and went up to the council, where it was decreed that circumcision and the Law of Moses were not necessary for the Gentiles; but nothing was determined as to the attitude of Jewish converts regarding them, following the example of St. James, though it was implied in the decree that they were matters of indifference.尽快保罗和巴拿巴返回叙利亚安提阿，一些犹太转换来自朱迪亚和教授认为，包皮环切术是必要的他们，并上升到安理会，它被命令割礼和法律郑慕智没有必要为外邦人，但没有决心，以态度的犹太转换方面，以下的例子，圣雅各福群会，虽然是隐含在该法令，他们的问题漠不关心。 This was shown, soon after, by St. Peter's eating with the Gentiles.这表明，不久之后，由圣彼得的饮食与外邦人。 On his withdrawing from them, and when many others followed his example, St. Paul publicly vindicated the equality of the Gentile Christians.他的退出他们，当其他许多追随他举例来说，圣保禄公开平反，平等的詹蒂莱基督徒。 The majority agreed; but there must have been "false brethren" amongst them (Galatians 2:4) who were Christians only in name, and who hated St. Paul.大多数人同意，但必须有已“假兄弟” ，其中（加拉太书2:4 ）谁都是基督徒，只有在姓名，以及谁恨圣保禄。 Some of these, in all probability, followed him to South Galatia, soon after his second visit.一些这些，在所有的概率，跟随他到南加拉太后不久，他的第二次访问。 But they could no longer teach the necessity of circumcision, as the Apostolic decrees had been already delivered there by St. Paul (Acts 16:4).但他们再也无法教导的必要性，割礼，作为使徒的法令已发表的有由圣保禄（行为16时04分） 。 These decrees are not mentioned in the Epistle by the Judaizers, the advisability of the Galatians accepting circumcision and the Law of Moses, for their greater perfection.这些法令都没有提及，在书信由judaizers ，可取的加拉太接受割礼和法律的摩西，为他们更大的完善。 On the other hand, there is no evidence that there were any Jews settled at this time in North Galatia (see Ramsay, "St. Paul The Traveller").在另一方面，目前并没有证据显示有任何犹太人定居在这个时候在北加拉太（见拉姆塞， “圣保罗旅行者” ） 。 It was not the kind of country to attract them.这是不是种的国家，吸引他们。 The Gauls were a dominant class, living in castles, and leading a half pastoral, half nomadic life, and speaking their own Gallic language.该高卢人的主导阶层，住在城堡，和领导一个半牧区，半游牧的生活，并谈到他们自己的没食子语言。 The country was very sparsley populated by the subjugated agricultural inhabitants.该国是非常sparsley人口所征服农业居民。 During the long winter the ground was covered with snow; in summer the heat was intense and the ground parched; and one might travel many miles without meeting a human being.在漫长的冬季地面雪覆盖;在夏季热是激烈和地面干枯;之一可能英里的旅行，许多不符合一个人。 There was some fertile tracts; but the greater part was either poor pasture land, or barren undulating hilly ground.有一些肥沃的大片，但更大的一部分，不是穷人的牧场土地，或贫瘠，丘陵起伏的地面。 The bulk of the inhabitants in the few towns were not Gauls.大部份的居民在未来数新市镇不是高卢人。 Trade was small, and that mainly in wool.贸易是小，而且主要是在羊毛。 A decree of Augustus in favour of Jews was supposed to be framed for those at Ancyra, in Galatia.一项法令，奥古斯都赞成，犹太人是要被诬陷为那些在安该拉，在加拉太。 It is now known that it was addressed to quite a different region.现在是众所周知的，这是给一个截然不同的地区。
WHY WRITTEN为什么书面
The Epistle was written to conteract the influence of a few Judaizers who had come amongst the Galatians, and were endeavouring to persuade them that in order to be perfect Christians it was necessary to be circumcised and observe the Law of Moses.该书信是写信给conteract的影响数judaizers谁已经到来当中，加拉太书，并正在努力说服他们认为，为了得到完美的基督徒有必要予以割礼和遵守法律的郑慕智。 Their arguments were sufficiently specious to puzzle the Galatians, and their object was likely to gain the approval of unbelieving Jews.他们的论据充分，以似是而非的疑惑，加拉太书，和他们的对象很可能获得批准，不信的犹太人。 They said what St. Paul taught was good as far as it went; but that he had not taught the full perfection of Christianity.他们说什么圣保禄教好就到了，但他并没有教导充分完善了基督教。 And this was not surprising, as he was not one of the great Apostles who had been taught by Christ Himself, and received their commission from Him.这并不令人感到意外，因为他是不是一位伟大的使徒谁已教导基督本人，并收到他们的委员会，由他。 Whatever St. Paul knew he learned from others, and he had received his commission to preach not from Christ, but from men at Antioch (Acts 13).无论圣保禄知道他的教训别人，他收到了他的委员会鼓吹不是从基督，但由男子在安提阿（行为13 ） 。 Circumcision and the Law, it is true, were not necessary to salvation; but they were essential to the full perfection of Christianity.割礼和法律的规定，这是事实，没有必要救赎;但他们必须充分完善了基督教。 This was proved by the example of St. James, of the other Apostles, and of the first disciples, at Jerusalem.这是证明的例子，圣雅各福群会，至于其他的使徒，和第一弟子，在耶路撒冷。 On this very point this Paul, the Apostle, placed himself in direct opposition to Cephas, the Prince of the Apostles, at Antioch.关于这点，这保罗，使徒，置于自己的直接反对cephas ，王子的使徒，在安提阿。 His own action in circumcising Timothy showed what he expected of a personal companion, and he was now probably teaching the good of circumcision in other places.他自己的行动在circumcising提摩太表明什么，他预期的个人电脑，他现在可能是教学的好割礼的在其他地方。 These statements puzzles the Galatians, and made them waver.这些声明的困惑该加拉太书，并作出了他们的动摇。 They felt aggrieved that he had left them, as they thought, in an inferior position; they began to observe Jewish festivals, but they had not yet accepted circumcision.他们感到受屈，他已离开他们，因为他们认为，处于劣势的他们开始观察犹太节日，但他们尚未接受割礼。 The Apostle refutes these arguments so effectively that the question never again arose.使徒驳斥了这些论点，以便有效地，这个问题永远不会再出现。 Henceforth his enemies confined themselves to personal attacks (see II Corinthians).此后他的敌人局限于自己的人身攻击（见哥林多前书） 。
CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE内容的书信
The six chapters naturally fall into three divisions, consisting of two chapters each.该六个章节，自然分为三个分区，构成的两章。
In the first two chapters, after the general introduction, he shows that he is an Apostle not from men, nor through the teaching of any man, but from Christ; and the gospel he taught is in harmony with the teaching of the great Apostles, who gave him the right hand of fellowship.在首两章后，一般的介绍，他表明，他是一个使徒不是来自男人，也不是通过教学任何人，而是来自基督和福音，他教是在和谐与教学的伟大使徒，谁给了他右手的奖学金。
He next (iii, iv) shows the inefficacy of circumcision and the Law, and that we owe our redemption to Christ alone.他明年（第III ， IV ）显示失效的割礼和法律的规定，和我们欠我们的赎回基督单。 He appeals to the experience of the Galatian converts, and brings forward proofs from Scripture.他呼吁的经验，该拉太人转换，并提出证据，从经文。
He exhorts them (v, vi) not to abuse their freedom from the Law to indulge in crimes, "for they who do such things shall not obtain the kingdom of God."他敦促他们（五，六）不要滥用他们的自由从法律沉迷于犯罪的， “因为他们谁做这些事情，不得取得上帝的王国” 。 It is not for love of them he admonishes, that the Judaizers wish the Galatians to be circumcised.这是不是爱他们，他admonishes ，即judaizers希望加拉太要割礼。 If there is virtue in the mere cutting of the flesh, the inference from the argument is that the Judaizers could become still more perfect by making themselves eunuchs -- mutilating themselves like the priests of Cybele.如果有美德，在仅仅切割肉，推理，从所持的论据是，该judaizers可以变得更加完美，使自己的太监-残害自己喜欢的祭司神母。 He writes the epilogue in large letters with his own hand.他写了后记在大信，用自己的手。
IMPORTANCE OF THE EPISTLE重要的书信
As it is admitted on all hands that St. Paul wrote the Epistle, and as its authenticity has never been seriously called in question, it is important not only for its biographical data and direct teaching, but also for the teaching implies in it as being known at the time.因为它是承认，对所有的手圣保禄写书信，并作为它的真实性从来没有认真在所谓的问题，这是很重要的，不仅是为了它的履历资料，并直接教学，而且也为教学意味着在它作为在已知的时间。 He claims, at least indirectly, to have worked miracles amongst the Galatians, and that they received the Holy Ghost (iii, 5), almost in the words of St. Luke as to the events at Iconium (Acts 14:3).他声称，至少间接，有工作的奇迹之一，加拉太，他们收到了圣灵（三，五） ，几乎在的话，圣卢克，以事件在伊康（行为14时03分） 。 It is the Catholic doctrine that faith is a gratuitous gift of God; but is is the teaching of the Church, as it is of St. Paul, that the faith that is of any avail is "faith that worketh by charity" (Galatians 5:6); and he states most emphatically that a good life is necessary for salvation; for, after enumeration the works of the flesh, he writes (v, 21), "Of the which I foretell you, as I have foretold to you, that they who do such things shall obtain the kingdom of God."这是天主教教义，信仰是一种无偿神的恩赐;但是，是教学的教会，因为它是圣保罗，信念，这是任何徒劳的是“信仰worketh慈善” （加拉太书5 ： 6 ） ;和最严重的国家，他强调指出，一个良好的生活是必要的救赎;之后，列举的作品，肉中刺，他写道： （五， 21 ） ， “对我预示着你，正如我刚才给你的预言，他们谁做这类事情，应取得上帝的王国“ 。 In vi, 8, he writes: "For what things a man shall sow, those also shall he reap. For he that soweth in his flesh, of the flesh, also shall reap corruption. But he that soweth in the spirit, of the spirit shall reap life everlasting."在六，八，他写道： “为什么东西，一名男子应母猪，这些也应他收获。 soweth他说，在他的肉，肉，也应获得腐败，但他认为，在soweth的精神，该精神应获得永恒的生命“ 。 The same teaching is found in others of his Epistles, and is in perfect agreement with St. James: "For even as the body without the spirit is dead; so also faith without works is dead" (James 2:2).同时，教学是发现在其他他的书信，是在完美的协议，与圣雅各福群会： “即使身体没有精神，是死，所以也没有信仰的工程已死” （詹姆斯2时02分） 。 The Epistle implies that the Galatians were well acquainted with the doctrines of the Trinity, the Divinity of Christ, Incarnation, Redemption, Baptism, Grace, etc. As he had never to defend his teaching to these points against Judaizers, and as the Epistle is so early, it is clear that his teaching was identical with that of the Twelve, and did not, even in appearance, lend itself to attack.该书信意味着该加拉太人熟悉的理论三位一体，基督的神，化身，赎回，洗礼，宽限期，等他从未捍卫他的教学，以上述各点对judaizers ，作为书信是这么早，很清楚，他的教学是一致的，与该十二，并没有，甚至在外观上，出借本身的攻击。
DATE OF THE EPISTLE日期的书信
(1)Marcion asserted that it was the first of St. Paul's Epistles. （ 1 ）马吉安断言，这是第一次的圣保禄的书信。 Prof. Sir W. Ramsay (Expositor, Aug., 1895, etc.) and a Catholic professor, Dr. Valentin Weber (see below), maintain that it was written from Antioch, before the council (AD 49-50).主席先生，教授瓦特拉姆齐（ expositor ， 8月， 1895年，等） ，以及天主教教授，博士瓦伦丁韦伯（见下文） ，保持，这是书面由Antioch ，摆在安理会面前的（广告49-50 ） 。 Weber's arguments are very plausible, but not quite convincing.韦伯的论点是非常合理的，但不是很有说服力。 There is a good summary of them in a review by Gayford, "Journal of Theological Studies", July, 1902.有一个良好的概要，他们在审查盖福德， “杂志的神学研究” ， 7月， 1902年。 The two visits to Galatia are the double journey to Derbe and back.这两个访问加拉太是双重之旅derbe及背部。 This solution is offered to obviate apparent discrepancies between Gal., ii, and Acts, xv.这个解决方案是提供给省却了明显的差异之间的半乳糖。第一，二，和行为，十五。
(2) Cornel and the majority of the upholders of the South-Galatian theory suppose, with much greater probability, that it was written about AD 53, 54. （ 2 ）山茱萸和大部分的upholders的南-拉太人的理论假设，与更大的概率，这是写关于广告53 ， 54 。
(3) Those who defend the North-Galatian theory place it as late as AD 57 or 58. （ 3 ）这些谁保卫北拉太人理论的地方，它迟广告57或58 。
DIFFICULTIES OF GALATIANS II AND I困难加拉太第二，我
(a) "I went up . . . and communicated to them the gospel . . . lest perhaps I should run, or had run in vain." （一） “我去了。 。 。和沟通，向他们的福音。 。 。否则，也许我应该运行，或者已经运行在徒劳的” 。 This does not imply any doubt about the truth of his teaching, but he wanted to neutralize the oppostion of the Judaizers by proving he was at one one with the others.这并不意味着有任何疑问的真相，他的教学，但他想瓦解oppostion的judaizers ，证明他是在1 1与他人。
(b) The following have the appearance of being ironical: "I communicated . . . to them who seemed to be some thing" (ii, 2); But of them who seemed to be something . （二）有下列的出现，被讽刺说： “我沟通。 。 。向他们谁似乎是一些事” （二， 2 ） ;但他们谁似乎是一些。 . 。 . 。 for to me they that seemed to be something added to nothing" (ii, 6): "But contrawise .为给我，他们似乎有所补充，为Nothing “ （二，六）说： ”但contrawise 。 . 。 . 。 James and Cephas and John, who seemed to be pillars." Here we have three expressions tois dokousin in verse 2; ton dokounton einai ti, and oi dokountes in verse 6; and oi dokountes styloi einai in verse 9. Non-Catholic scholars agree with St. John Chrystostom that there is nothing ironical in the original context. As the verbs are in the present tense, the translations should be: "those who are in repute"; "who are (rightly) regarded as pillars". It is better to understand, with Rendall, that two classes of persons are meant: first, the leading men at Jerusalem; secondly, the three apostles. St. Paul's argument was to show that his teaching had the approval of the great men. St. James is mentioned first because the Judaizers made the greatest use of his name and example. "But of them who are in repute (what they were some time, it is nothing to me. God accepteth not the person of man)", verse 6. St. Augustine is almost alone in his interpretation that it made no matter to St. Paul that the Apostles were once poor ignorant men. Others hold that St. Paul was referring to the privilege of being personal disciples of our Lord. He said that did not alter the fact of his Apostolate, as God does not regard the person of men. Most probably this verse does not refer to the Apostles at all; and Cornerly supposes that St. Paul is speaking of the elevated position held by the presbyters at the council, and insists that it did not derogate from his Apostolate.詹姆斯和cephas和约翰，谁似乎是支柱。 “我们在这里有三个表达tois dokousin在新诗二;吨dokounton einai钛，及爱dokountes在诗六;与爱dokountes styloi einai在诗9 。非天主教学者同意与圣约翰chrystostom是有什么讽刺的在原来的背景下，作为动词，是在目前的紧张，翻译应该是： “谁在享负盛名” ; “谁是（正确）视为支柱” ，这是更好地了解，与rendall ，这两类人士是指：第一，领导的男子在耶路撒冷;第二，三使徒。圣保禄的说法是要表明，他的教学已批准的伟人。圣雅各福群会是先提到的，因为judaizers作出了最大的使用他的名字和榜样“ ，但他们谁是在享负盛名（这是什么，他们一些时间，它只不过是给我。上帝accepteth不是人的男子） ” ，诗6 。圣奥古斯丁是几乎是独自在他的解释是，它没有将此事圣保禄宗徒们认为，一度被贫穷无知的男子。别人认为圣保禄是指的特权被个人弟子我们的上帝，他说没有不会改变的事实，他的使徒，因为上帝不把人的男子。极有可能这首诗并不是指使徒在所有; cornerly假设认为，圣保禄是在谈到高架所持的立场是由presbyters在安理会，并坚持认为它没有减损他的使徒。
(c) "I withstood Cephas." （三） ： “我顶住了cephas ” 。 -- "But when Cephas was come to Antioch, I withstood him to the face, because he was blamed [kategnosmenos, perf. part. -- not, "to be blamed", as in the Vulgate]. For before that some came from James, he did eat with the Gentiles; but when they were done, he withdrew and separated himself, fearing them who were of circumcision. And to his dissimulation the rest of the Jews consented, so that Barnabas also was led by them into that dissimulation. But when I saw that they walked not uprightly unto the truth of the gospel, I said to Cephas before them all: if thou, being a Jew, livest after the manner of the Gentiles, and not as the Jews do, how dost thou compel the Gentiles to live as do the Jews?" -“但是，当c ephas是来安提阿，我顶住了他去面对，因为他是指责[ k ategnosmenos，效能的一部分。 -不， ”难辞其咎“，如在武加大]。为此之前，一些来由詹姆斯，他当时吃与外邦人;但是，当他们这样做，他撤回和失散的自己，怕他们谁被割礼。和他的异化其余的犹太人同意，使巴拿巴也率领他们进入该异化，但是当我看到他们走不uprightly祂的真理福音，我说cephas之前，他们所有的：如果你，作为一个犹太人， livest后的方式外邦人，而不是作为犹太人做，如何多斯特你迫使外邦人的生活，因为这样做犹太人“ ？ (ii, 11-14). （二， 11月14日） 。
Here St. Peter was found fault with probably by the Greek converts.圣彼得在这里被发现的故障与可能由希腊转换。 He did not withdraw on account of bodily fear, says St. John Chrystostom; but as his special mission was at this time to the Jews, he was afraid of shocking them who were still weak in the Faith.他并没有撤回对帐户的身体担心，说，圣约翰chrystostom ;但由于他的特殊使命，是在这个时候向犹太人，他是怕令人震惊的他们谁仍然疲弱，在信仰。 His ususal manner of acting, to which he was led by his vision many years previously, shows that his exceptional withdrawal was not due to any error of doctrine.他ususal的方式代理，而他所领导的他的远见多年以前，表明他的特殊的撤回是不是因为任何错误学说。 He had motives like those which induced St. Paul to circumcise Timothy, etc.; and there is no proof that in acting upon them he committed the slightest sin.他的动机一样，那些诱导圣保禄以circumcise提摩太等;有没有证据证明在代理后，他们承诺，他有丝毫的单仲偕。 Those who came from James probably came for no evil purpose; nor does it follow they were sent by him.这些谁来自詹姆斯可能来没有的罪恶目的，也没有按照他们被送往他。 The Apostles in their letter (Acts 15:24) say: "Forasmuch as we have heard, that some going out from us have troubled you . . . to whom we gave no commandment."使徒们在信中（行为15时24分）说： “ forasmuch正如我们所听到，有些走出去，从我们有困扰你。向谁，我们没有戒律” 。 We need not suppose that St. Peter foresaw the effect of his example.我们无须假设圣彼得预见到的效果，他的例子。 The whole thing must have taken some time.整个事情，必须采取了一些时间。 St. Paul did not at first object.圣保禄没有在第一个对象。 It was only when he saw the result that he spoke.它只是当他看到的结果，他讲了话。 The silence of St. Peter shows that he must have agreed with St. Paul; and, indeed, the argument to the Galatians required that this was the case.沉默的圣彼得表明，他必须同意与圣保禄; ，而事实上，论据向加拉太需要，这是个案。 St. Peter's exalted position is indicated by the manner in which St. Paul says (i, 18) that he went to behold Peter, as people go to view some remarkable sight; and by the fact that in spite of the preaching of St. Paul and Barnabas for a long time at Antioch, his mere withdrawal was sufficient to draw all after him, and in a manner compel the Gentiles to be circumcised.圣彼得大教堂的崇高地位，表明以何种方式圣保禄说， （我18 ）表示，他到看哪，黄匡源，由于人们去查看一些显着视线，并通过事实，即尽管该国的说教，圣保罗和巴拿巴相当长的时间在安提阿，他仅仅是撤出，足以吸引所有经过他，并在方式上，迫使外邦人要割礼。 In the expression "when I saw that they walked not uprightly", they does not necessarily include St. Peter.在表达“当我看到他们走不uprightly ” ，他们不一定包括圣彼得大教堂。 The incident is not mentioned in the Acts, as it was only transitory.事件中没有提到的行为，因为它只是暂时性的。 Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., I, xii) says that St. Clement of Alexandria, in the fifth book of the Hypotyposeis (Outlines), asserts that this Cephas was not the Apostle, but one of the seventy disciples.尤西比乌斯（ hist.传道书。 ，我十二）说，圣克莱门特亚历山德里亚，在第五本书的hypotyposeis （纲要） ，声称这cephas不是使徒，但其中的70弟子。 Clement here has few followers.克莱门特在这里有几个追随者。
A very spirited controversy was carried on between St. Jerome and St. Augustine about the interpretation of this passage.一个很热心的争议进行了之间的圣杰罗姆和圣奥古斯丁约的解释，这段话。 In his "Commentary on the Galatians", St. Jerome, following earlier writers such as Origen and St. Chrysostom, supposed that the matter was arranged beforehand between St. Peter and St. Paul.在他的“评论对加拉太书” ，圣杰罗姆，继较早前作家如奥利和圣金口，假定这件事被安排在事前之间的圣伯多禄和圣保禄。 They agreed that St. Peter should withdraw and that St. Paul should publicly reprehend him, for the instruction of all.他们一致认为，圣彼得应撤回和圣保禄应该公开reprehend他，为他指示所有。 Hence St. Paul says that he withstood him in appearance (kata prosopon).因此，圣保禄说，他顶住了他在外观上（字prosopon ） 。 Otherwise, says St. Jerome, with what face could St. Paul, who became all things to all men, who became a Jew that he might gain the Jews, who circumcised Timothy, who shaved his head, and was ready to offer sacrifice at Jerusalem, blame St. Peter for acting in a similar manner?否则，说，圣杰罗姆，面对什么可以圣保禄，谁成为所有的东西，所有的男子，谁成为犹太人说，他可能获得的犹太人，谁包皮提摩太，谁剃光他的头部，并准备提供牺牲在耶路撒冷，责备圣彼得大教堂为署理在类似的方式呢？ St. Augustine, laying stress on the words "when I saw that they walked not uprightly", etc., maintained that such an interpretation would be subversive of the truth of Holy Scripture.圣奥古斯丁，注重对的话： “当我看到他们走不uprightly ”等，认为这样的解释，将颠覆的真相圣经。 But against this it may be said that it is not so very clear that St. Peter was included in this sentence.但对这个可以说，也不是那么很清楚，圣彼得是包含在这句话。 The whole controversy can be read in the first volume of the Venetian edition of St. Jerome's works, Epp., lvi, lxvii, civ, cv, cxii, cxv, cxvi.整个争议，可以看到，在首卷威尼斯人版圣杰罗姆的作品，资源增值计划， 56 ， lxvii ， civ ，简历， cxii ， cxv ， cxvi 。
(d) Apparent Discrepancies between the Epistle and Acts. （四）明显的差异之间的书信和行为。 -- (1) St. Paul says that three years after his conversion (after having visited Arabia and returned to Damascus) he went up to Jerusalem (i, 17, 18) Acts states that after his baptism "he was with the disciples that were at Damascus, for some days" (ix, 19). -（ 1 ）圣保禄说，三年后，他的转换（后访问了阿拉伯和返回大马士革） ，他上升到耶路撒冷（我， 1 7， 1 8）的行为，国后，他的洗礼“ ，他与弟子说，分别在大马士革，对于一些天“ （第九， 19条） 。 "He immediately began to preach in the synagogues" (ix, 20). “他立即开始鼓吹，在犹太教堂” （九， 20 ） 。 "He increased more in strength, and confounded the Jews" (ix, 22). “他增加了更多的力量，混淆了犹太人” （九， 22 ） 。 "And when many days were passed, the Jews consulted together to kill him" (ix, 23); he then escaped and went to Jerusalem. “当很多天获得通过，犹太人征询一起杀死他” （九， 23 ） ;然后，他逃脱，前往耶路撒冷。 These accounts here are not contradictory, as has been sometimes objected; but were written from different points of view and for different purposes.这些帐户在这里并不矛盾，已有时反对，但写的从不同的角度和不同的用途。 The time for the visit to Arabia may be placed between Acts, ix, 22 and 23; or between "some days" and "many days".的时间，访问阿拉伯可放在之间的行为，九， 22日和23日;或之间的“一些天”和“许多天” 。 St. Luke's "many days" (hemerai ikanai) may mean as much as three years.圣卢克的“许多天” （ hemerai ikanai ）可能意味着高达三年。 (See 1 Kings 2:38; so Paley, Lightfoot, Knowling, Lewin.) The adjective ikanos is a favourite one with St. Luke, and is used by him with great elasticity, but generally in the sense of largeness, eg "a widow: and a great multitude of the city" (Luke 7:12); "there met him a certain man who had a devil now a very long time" (Luke 8:27); "a herd of many swine feeding" (Luke 8:32); "and he was abroad for a long time" (Luke 20:9); "for a long time, he had bewitched them" (Acts 8:11). （见1国王2时38分，因此，帕雷， lightfoot ，诺灵，卢因）形容词ikanos是一个最喜欢的一与圣卢克，并用他伟大的弹性，但一般来说，在意识大之，如“一遗孀：一个伟大的众多的城市“ （路加福音7时12分） ; ”有与他会面某男子谁了魔鬼，现在一段很长的时间“ （卢克8时27分） ; ”一群，许多猪喂养“ （卢克8时32分） ; “和他在国外相当长的时间” （路加福音20时09分） ; “相当长的时间，他曾蛊惑他们” （使徒8时11分） 。 See also Acts 14:3, 21 (Greek text); 18:18, 19:19, 26; 20:37.也见的行为， 14时03分， 21 （希腊文） ; 18时18分， 19时19分， 26日; 20:37 。
(2) We read in Acts 9:27, that St. Barnabas took St. Paul "to the apostles". （ 2 ）我们在阅读的行为， 9时27分，圣巴拿巴了圣保禄“使徒” 。 St. Paul states (Galatians 1:19) that on this occasion, besides St. Peter, "other of the apostles I saw one, saving James the brother of the Lord".圣保禄国（加拉太书1:19 ）表示，在这一场合，除了圣彼得大教堂， “其他的使徒我看到一，节省詹姆斯的兄弟主” 。 Those who find a contradiction here are hard to satisfy.这些谁找到一个矛盾是难以满足。 St. Luke employs the word Apostles sometimes in a broader, sometimes in a narrower sense.圣卢克雇用字使徒有时在更广阔的，有时甚至在一个狭义的。 Here it meant the Apostles who happened to be at Jerusalem (Peter and James), or the assembly over which they presided.在这里，它是指使徒谁发生在耶路撒冷（彼得和詹姆斯） ，或大会超过他们主持。 The objection can be pressed with any force only against those who deny that St. James was an Apostle in any of the senses used by St. Luke (see BRETHREN OF THE LORD).反对，可按下与任何势力，只有对那些谁否认，圣雅各福群会是一个使徒在任何感官所用的圣卢克（见兄弟的主） 。
Publication information Written by Cornelius Aherne.出版的资料，撰写的科尼利厄斯阿赫尼。 Transcribed by Beth Ste-Marie.转录由什么科技教育-玛丽。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI.天主教百科全书，第六卷。 Published 1909. 1909年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. nihil obstat ， 1909年9月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.的Remy lafort ，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰米farley ，大主教of New York所
Bibliography参考书目
One of the best critical commentaries on Galatians is CORNELY, commentarius in S. Pauli Epistolam ad Galatas in the Cursus Scriptura Sacrae (Paris, 1892).其中一个最好的关键评论，加拉太是cornely ， commentarius在美国保利epistolam广告galatas ，在cursus scriptura sacrae （巴黎， 1892年） 。 Other useful Catholic commentaries are the well-known works of A LAPIDE, ESTIUS, BISPING, PALMIERI, MACEVILLY.其他有用的天主教评论是著名的作品，一拉辟特的哥尼流， estius ，比斯平，帕尔米耶里， macevilly 。
PATRISTIC LITERATURE; There are commentaries on the Epistle by AMBROSIASTER, ST.教父的文学;有评论就书信由ambrosiaster ，圣。 AUGUSTINE, ST.奥古斯丁，圣。 CHRYSOSTOM, ST.金口，圣。 JEROME, (ECUMENIUS, PELAGIUS, PRIMASIUS, THEODORET, THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA (a fragment), and THEOPHYLACT (all in Migne), and by ST. THOMA AQUINAS (many editions of St. Paul's Epistles).杰罗姆， （ ecumenius ，伯拉纠， primasius ， theodoret ，西奥多的摩普绥提亚（片段） ，以及theophylact （所有在米涅） ，以及由圣托马阿奎那（许多版本的圣保禄的书信） 。
CRITICAL EDITIONS IN ENGLISH: LIGHTFOOT, Galatians (4th ed., London, 1874); RAMSAY, Historical Commentary on Galatians (London, 1900): RENDALL, Galatians in Expositor's Greek Test., III (London, 1903).关键的版本在英文： lightfoot ，加拉太书（第四教育署，伦敦， 1874 ） ;拉姆塞，历史的评论加拉太（伦敦， 1900年） ： rendall ，加拉太在expositor的希腊测试，三（伦敦， 1903年） 。
FOR NORTH-GALATIAN THEORY: LIGHTFOOT (supra); CHASE in Expositor, Dec., 1893, May, 1894; FINDLAY in Expository Times, VII; CHEETHAM in Classical Review, vol.北拉太人的理论： lightfoot （同上） ;大通在expositor ， 12月， 1893年5月， 1894年;范达在阐述时代，第七章; Cheetham ）在古典的检讨，第二卷。 III (London, 1894): SCHMIEDEL, Galatia in Encyc.三， （伦敦， 1894年） ： schmiedel ，加拉太在encyc 。 Bibl.; BELSER, Die Selbstvertheidigung des heiligen Paulus (Freiburg, 1896); STEINMANN, Der Leserkreis des Galaterbriefes (Munster, 1908) contains a very full biblography. bibl 。 ; belser ，模具selbstvertheidigung万heiligen保禄（弗赖堡， 1896 ） ;斯氏，明镜leserkreis万galaterbriefes （明斯特， 1908年）包含了非常充分的biblography 。
FOR SOUTH-GALATIAN THEORY: RAMSAY in Expositor, Jan., Feb., Apr., Aug., 1894, July 1895; IDEM in Expository Times, VII; IDEM, The Church in the Roman Empire (London, 1900); IDEM, St. Paul the Traveller ( London, 1900); IDEM in HAST., Dict.华南-拉太人的理论：拉姆塞在expositor ，一月，二月，四月，八月， 1894年， 1895年7月;同上在阐述时代，第七章;同上，教会在罗马帝国（伦敦， 1900 ） ;同上，圣保禄旅客（伦敦， 1900 ） ;同上在行事，翻译字典。 of the Bible; KNOWLING, Acts of the Apostles (additional note to ch. xviii) in Expositor's Greek Test.对圣经;诺灵，使徒行传（额外注意的CH 。 xviii ）在expositor的希腊的考验。 (London, 1900); RENDALL, op. （伦敦， 1900 ） ; rendall ，作品。 cit.创新科技署署长。 above; IDEM in Expositor, Nov., 1893, Apr., 1894; GIFFORD in Expositor, July, 1894; BACON in Expositor, 1898, 1899; WOODHOUSE, Galatia in Encyc.以上;同上在expositor ， 11月， 1893年4月， 1894年; gifford在expositor ， 7月， 1894年;培根在expositor ， 1898年， 1899年;胡，加拉太在encyc 。 Bibl,; WEBER, Die Abfassung des Galaterbriefes von dem Apostelkonzil (Ratisbon, 1900); IDEM, Die Adressaten des Galaterbriefes (Ratisbon, 1900); IDEM, Das Datum des Galaterbriefes (Passau, 1900); IDEM in Katholik (1898-99), Die theol.-praki. bibl ， ;韦伯，模具abfassung万galaterbriefes冯DEM的apostelkonzil （拉蒂斯邦， 1900 ） ;同上，模具adressaten万galaterbriefes （拉蒂斯邦， 1900 ） ;同上，之基准万galaterbriefes （帕绍， 1900 ） ;同上在katholik （ 1898年至1899年）模具theol. - praki 。 Monatsschrift, and Die Zeitschrift fur kath. monatsschrift ，及模具zeitschrift毛皮kath 。 Theolgie. theolgie 。
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