Epistle to the Hebrews书信希伯来书

General Information一般资料

The Epistle to the Hebrews is the only New Testament letter not introduced by the name of its author.到希伯来书信是唯一的新约书不是由它的作者的名字推出。Traditionally, it has been ascribed to Saint Paul, but modern scholars suggest that it may have been written by another author, perhaps a disciple of Paul.传统上,它已被归因于圣保罗,但现代学者认为,它可能是由另一位作者,也许是保罗的门徒写的。The letter has a symbolic style and sustained argument that mark it as a Hellenistic work based on the Jewish tradition.信中有一个象征性的风格和持续的论点,即标记为在犹太传统为基础的希腊化工作中去。It was probably written between AD 60 and 90 to a general audience.这可能是写在公元60和90到普通观众。

The epistle falls into two parts.书信分为两部分。In the first part, Jesus Christ is described as superior to Moses; he is seen as the high priest who replaces the Levitical priesthood and who establishes a new Covenant to be accepted by faith (chaps. 1 - 10). In the second part, the author gives counsel on persevering faithfully in the new covenant (chaps. 10 - 13).在第一部分中,耶稣基督被描述为优于摩西,他是大祭司谁取代谁的利未祭司和建立一个新的公约是由信仰(chaps. 1 - 10)接受看出,在第二部分笔者给出了锲而不舍的律师忠实地在新约(chaps. 10 - 13)。Christians are urged to follow the example of Old Testament heroes of faith. The epistle's teachings on the person of Christ have been important to theology.基督徒应依照旧约的信仰英雄的例子上的基督人的书信的教导已非常重要的神学。

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Bibliography 参考书目
GW Buchanan, To the Hebrews (1972); H Montefiore, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (1964); A Saphir, Epistle to the Hebrews (1983); RM Wilson, Hebrews (1987).GW布坎南的希伯来人(1972年),H蒙特弗洛尔,对书信评注希伯来人(1964),一个沙非,书信向希伯来人(1983年); RM威尔逊,希伯来人(1987年)。

Epistle to the Hebrews书信向希伯来人

Brief Outline简述

  1. Pre-Eminence of Christ.一统天下的基督。Christ is superior to Angels and to Moses.基督是优于天使和摩西。(1:1-4:13)(1:1-4:13)
  2. Priesthood of Christ.基督的圣职。Christ is a Priest like Melchizedek (4:14-10:18)基督是像麦基洗德牧师(4:14-10:18)
  3. Perseverance of Christians.坚忍的基督徒。(10:19-12:29) (10:19-12:29)
  4. Postscript, exhortations, personal concerns, benediction (13:1-25)后记,嘱托,个人的关注,祝福(13:1-25)


General Information一般资料

Hebrews (Acts 6:1) were the Hebrew-speaking Jews, as distinguished from those who spoke Greek.希伯来人(徒6:1)是希伯来文为母语的犹太人,从那些谁讲希腊语区别开来。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

Epistle to the Hebrews书信向希伯来人

Advanced Information先进的信息

(1.) Its canonicity.(1)它的正规。All the results of critical and historical research to which this epistle has been specially subjected abundantly vindicate its right to a place in the New Testament canon among the other inspired books.所有的批判和历史的研究,此书信一直受到特别的效果十分辩护的权利,在新的启发之中,其他书籍约佳能的地方。(2.) Its authorship. (2)其著作权。A considerable variety of opinions on this subject has at different times been advanced.一个关于这一问题的看法相当品种在不同的时间已提前。Some have maintained that its author was Silas, Paul's companion.有些人认为,它的作者是西拉,保罗的同伴。Others have attributed it to Clement of Rome, or Luke, or Barnabas, or some unknown Alexandrian Christian, or Apollos; but the conclusion which we think is best supported, both from internal and external evidence, is that Paul was its author.也有人归因于罗马的克莱门特,或卢克,或巴拿巴,或一些不知名的亚历山大基督教,或亚波罗,但得出的结论,我们认为是最好的支持,无论是从内部和外部的证据是,它的作者保罗。 There are, no doubt, many difficulties in the way of accepting it as Paul's; but we may at least argue with Calvin that there can be no difficulty in the way of "embracing it without controversy as one of the apostolical epistles."还有,毫无疑问,在接受作为保罗的它的方式很多困难,但我们至少可以与卡尔文认为不可能有这样的困难“拥抱不作为使徒的书信one争议吧。” (3.) Date and place of writing. (3)写作的日期和地点。It was in all probability written at Rome, near the close of Paul's two years' imprisonment (Heb. 13:19,24).正是在写在罗马附近的保罗的监禁两年(希伯来书13:19,24)关闭,所有的可能性。

It was certainly written before the destruction of Jerusalem (13:10).这是肯定的书面前,耶路撒冷(13:10)的破坏。(4.) To whom addressed. (4)要为之解决。Plainly it was intended for Jewish converts to the faith of the gospel, probably for the church at Jerusalem.说白了它的目的是为给福音信仰犹太教皈依,大概在耶路撒冷教会。The subscription of this epistle is, of course, without authority.这种书信订阅,当然,没有权威。In this case it is incorrect, for obviously Timothy could not be the bearer of it (13:23).在这种情况下,它是不正确的,对于明显蒂莫西不可能是它(13:23)旗手。(5.) Its design was to show the true end and meaning of the Mosaic system, and its symbolical and transient character.(5)它的设计是为了显示真正的结束和意义镶嵌系统,其象征意义和瞬态特性。It proves that the Levitical priesthood was a "shadow" of that of Christ, and that the legal sacrifices prefigured the great and all-perfect sacrifice he offered for us.事实证明,利未祭司是一个“影子”基督的,而法律的牺牲预示伟大和所有完美的牺牲,他为我们提供的。It explains that the gospel was designed, not to modify the law of Moses, but to supersede and abolish it.它解释说,福音的目的,不修改的摩西律法,而是要取代和废除。Its teaching was fitted, as it was designed, to check that tendency to apostatize from Christianity and to return to Judaism which now showed itself among certain Jewish Christians.它的教学是适合的,因为它的目的是,检查的倾向apostatize从基督教和犹太教返回到现在发现自己在某些犹太基督徒。

The supreme authority and the transcendent glory of the gospel are clearly set forth, and in such a way as to strengthen and confirm their allegiance to Christ.至高无上的权威和福音超越glory有明确规定,在这样一种方式,以加强和确认他们的效忠基督。(6.) It consists of two parts: (a) doctrinal (1-10:18), (b) and practical (10:19-ch. 13). (6)它由两部分组成:(一)理论(1-10:18),(b)和实践(。10点19 - CH 13)。There are found in it many references to portions of the Old Testament.有发现它的旧约部分的许多参考。It may be regarded as a treatise supplementary to the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians, and as an inspired commentary on the book of Leviticus.它可能被视为论文补充到罗马和加拉太书信,并作为对利未记书的启发评论。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

Epistle to the Hebrews书信向希伯来人

Catholic Information天主教信息

This will be considered under eight headings: (I) Argument; (II) Doctrinal Contents; (III) Language and Style; (IV) Distinctive Characteristics; (V) Readers to Whom it was Addressed; (VI) Author; (VII) Circumstances of the Composition; (VIII) Importance.这将被视为不满8标题:(一)参数;(二)教义的内容;(三)语言和风格;(四)特色鲜明;(V)的读者对象是谁;(六)作者;(七)的组成情况;(八)的重要性。


In the Oldest Greek manuscripts the Epistle to the Hebrews (pros Hebraious) follows the other letters to the Churches and precedes the pastoral letters.在最古老的希腊手稿书信向希伯来人(正反Hebraious)以下的信件和其他教会的牧函之前。In the later Greek codices, and in the Syriac and Latin codices as well, it holds the last place among the Epistles of St. Paul; this usage is also followed by the textus receptus, the modern Greek and Latin editions of the text, the Douay and Revised Versions, and the other modern translations.在后来的希腊文抄本,以及在叙利亚文和拉丁文抄本,其持有的圣保罗之间的书信最后的地方;这种用法也是由textus receptus,现代希腊文和拉丁文的文字版本,跟着Douay和修订版本,以及其他现代译本。

Omitting the introduction with which the letters of St. Paul usually begin, the Epistle opens with the solemn announcement of the superiority of the New Testament Revelation by the Son over Old Testament Revelation by the prophets (Hebrews 1:1-4).省略引进与其中圣保罗的字母通常开始,书信打开与新约启示录的优势在旧约启示的先知的儿子(希伯来书1:1-4)严正声明。 It then proves and explains from the Scriptures the superiority of this New Covenant over the Old by the comparison of the Son with the angels as mediators of the Old Covenant (i, 5-ii, 18), with Moses and Josue as the founders of the Old Covenant (iii, 1-iv, 16), and, finally, by opposing the high-priesthood of Christ after the order of Melchisedech to the Levitical priesthood after the order of Aaron (v, 1-x, 18).然后,它证明,从圣经解释了对旧的优越性由子与作为旧约(I,5 - II,18)与摩西和若苏埃,调解员的天使比较作为创始人本新约旧约(三,1 - IV,16),最后,由反对后Melchisedech秩序的高铎的基督之后,亚伦(V,1 - X,​​18),以利未祭司。Even in this mainly doctrinal part the dogmatic statements are repeatedly interrupted by practical exhortations.即使在这部分主要是理论的教条式的语句多次打断实际嘱托。These are mostly admonitions to hold fast to the Christian Faith, and warnings against relapse into the Mosaic worship.这些大多是告诫要紧紧抓住的基督教信仰,并镶嵌崇拜对复发的警告。In the second, chiefly hortatory, part of the Epistle, the exhortations to steadfastness in the Faith (x, 19-xii, 13), and to a Christian life according to the Faith (xii, 14-xiii, 17), are repeated in an elaborated form, and the Epistle closes with some personal remarks and the Apostolic salutation (xiii, 18-25).在第二,主要是劝告,部分书信,在信仰的坚定性(X,19十二,13)嘱托,并以基督徒的生活根据信仰(十二,14十三,17),重复在阐述的形式,书信关闭与一些个人的言论和使徒称呼(十三,18-25)。


The central thought of the entire Epistle is the doctrine of the Person of Christ and His Divine mediatorial office.整个书信中央思想是基督的人与他的神中保办公室学说。In regard to the Person of the Saviour the author expresses himself as clearly concerning the true Divine nature of Christ as concerning Christ's human nature, and his Christology has been justly called Johannine.在关于救主​​人的作者明确表示作为有关的有关基督的人性的真正的基督神性自己,他的基督已经公正地叫约翰。 Christ, raised above Moses, above the angels, and above all created beings, is the brightness of the glory of the Father, the express image of His Divine nature, the eternal and unchangeable, true Son of God, Who upholdeth all things by the word of His power (i, 1-4).基督,提出上述摩西,上面的天使,最重要的创造众生,是父的荣耀亮度,他的神性,永恒的和不可改变的,真正的上帝的儿子,谁upholdeth的一切事物的形象表达他的真言(I,1-4)。 He desired, however, to take on a human nature and to become in all things like unto us human beings, sin alone excepted, in order to pay man's debt of sin by His passion and death (ii, 9-18; iv, 15, etc.).他渴望,但是,采取对人性,并成为所有想赐给我们人类,罪单独例外,以支付他的激情和死亡(二,9-18人的罪债的事情;四,15等)。 By suffering death He gained for Himself the eternal glory which He now also enjoys in His most holy humanity on His throne at the right hand of the Father (i, 3; ii, 9; viii, 1; xii, 2, etc.).通过痛苦的死亡,他获得了自己永恒的荣耀,他现在还在他最神圣的人类享有对他的宝座在父亲(I,3;二,9;八,1,第十二章,2等)的右手。 There He now exercises forever His priestly office of mediator as our Advocate with the Father (vii, 24 sq.).还有他现在练习永远作为我们与父亲辩护人(七,24平方米),他的调停祭司办公室。

This doctrine of the priestly office of Christ forms the chief subject-matter of the Christological argument and the highest proof of the pre-eminence of the New Covenant over the Old.这是基督的司铎办公室学说的主要形式是基督参数标的物以及在旧的新公约的主导地位最高的证明。 The person of the High-priest after the order of Melchisedech, His sacrifice, and its effects are opposed, in an exhaustive comparison, to the Old Testament institutions.高级牧师的人后,Melchisedech,他的牺牲,其影响顺序是反对,在一个详尽的比较,以旧约机构。 The Epistle lays special emphasis on the spiritual power and effectiveness of Christ's sacrifice, which have brought to Israel, as to all mankind, atonement and salvation that are complete and sufficient for all time, and which have given to us a share in the eternal inheritance of the Messianic promises (i, 3; ix, 9-15, etc.).书信规定的精神动力和基督的牺牲,这带来了以色列作为全人类,有效性特别强调,赎罪和拯救的是完整的和所有的时间足够了,这给了我们一个永恒的继承份额的(I,3;九,9-15等)弥赛亚的承诺。 In the admonitory conclusions from these doctrines at the end we find a clear reference to the Eucharistic sacrifice of the Christian altar, of which those are not permitted to partake who still wish to serve the Tabernacle and to follow the Mosaic Law (xiii, 9 sq.).在这些理论的结论在最后警示我们找到一个明确的参照基督教祭坛,其中那些不允许参加谁仍然希望服务会幕,并按照摩西律法(十三,9平方米圣体牺牲。)

In the Christological expositions of the letter other doctrines are treated more or less fully.在信的基督论述其他学说都被或多或少充分。Special emphasis is laid on the setting aside of the Old Covenant, its incompleteness and weakness, its typical and preparatory relation to the time of the Messianic salvation that is realized in the New Covenant (vii, 18 sq.; viii, 15; x, 1, etc.).特别强调的是铺在预留的旧约,它的不完备性和虚弱,其典型和筹备有关的弥赛亚救赎是在新约实现时间(七,18平方米;第八,15,X, 1,等等)。In the same manner the letter refers at times to the four last things, the resurrection, the judgment, eternal punishment, and heavenly bliss (vi, 2, 7 sq.; ix, 27, etc.).以同样的方式在信中提到的四个最后的东西,复活,审判,永恒的处罚,并天上的幸福(六,2,7平方米;九,27,等)次。 If we compare the doctrinal content of this letter with that of the other epistles of St. Paul, a difference in the manner of treatment, it is true, is noticeable in some respects.如果我们比较这与圣保罗,在治疗方式的区别其他书信信教义的内容,这是事实,是在某些方面明显。At the same time, there appears a marked agreement in the views, even in regard to characteristic points of Pauline doctrine (cf. J. Belser, "Einleitung" 2nd ed., 571-73).与此同时,出现了一个明显的意见一致,即使在考虑到宝莲学说(参见J.贝尔瑟,“导论”第二版,571-73)特征点。 The explanation of the differences lies in the special character of the letter and in the circumstances of its composition.该解释的分歧在于对信中的特殊性质和它的组成情况。


Even in the first centuries commentators noticed the striking purity of language and elegance of Greek style that characterized the Epistle to the Hebrews (Clement of Alexandria in Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", VI, xiv, n.2-4; Origen, ibid., VI, xxv, n. 11-14).即使在第一世纪评论家注意到了语言和希腊风格的典雅​​醒目纯度为特征的书信向希伯来人(克莱门特的亚历山德里亚的尤西比乌斯,“组织胺传道书 ”,六,十四,N.2 - 4;奥利,同上,六,二十五,注11-14)。This observation is confirmed by later authorities.这一观察也证实了后来当局。In fact the author of the Epistle shows great familiarity with the rules of the Greek literary language of his age.事实上,在书信的作者显示了他的希腊时代的文学语言的规则非常熟悉。Of all the New Testament authors he has the best style.所有新约作者,他有最好的风格。His writing may even be included among those examples of artistic Greek prose whose rhythm recalls the parallelism of Hebrew poetry (cf. Fr. Blass, "[Barnabas] Brief an die Hebraer". Text with indications of the rhythm, Halle, 1903).他的文字甚至可能包括在希腊的艺术散文的节奏回顾希伯来诗歌平行(见神父。布拉斯“[巴拿巴]简介an死Hebraer”与节奏,哈雷,1903年迹象显示文本)。那些例子 As regards language, the letter is a treasure-house of expressions characteristic of the individuality of the writer.至于语言,信中表达的是一个作家的个性特征宝库。As many as 168 terms have been counted which appear in no other part of the New Testament, among them ten words found neither in Biblical or classical Greek, and forty words also which are not found in the Septuagint.多达168条款已算这在没有对新约的其他部分出现,其中十个字发现在圣经或古典希腊没有,45话也不会是在七十发现。 One noticeable peculiarity is the preference of the author for compound words (cf. E. Jacquier, "Histoire des livres du NT", I, Paris, 1903, 457-71; Idem in Vig., "Dict. de la Bible". III, 530-38).其中一个显着特点是作者对复合词的偏好(参见E. Jacquier,“Histoire DES里弗杜NT”,我,巴黎,1903年,457-71,在VIG同上,“快译通德拉圣经”。三,530-38)。A comparison of the letter as regards language and style with the other writings of St. Paul confirms in general the opinion of Origen that every competent judge must recognize a great difference between them (in Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", VI, xxv, n. 11).一个是关于语言和圣保罗的其他著作的风格比较确认信一般的奥利认为,每一个合格的法官必须认识到他们之间的巨大差异(在优西比乌,“组织胺。传道书”,六,二十五,注11)。


Among other peculiarities we should mention:在其他特性,我们应提及:

The absence of the customary form of the Pauline letters.该信件的宝莲习惯形成的情况下。The usual opening with the Apostolic greeting and blessing is entirely lacking; nor is there any clear evidence of the epistolary character of the writing until the brief conclusion is reached (xiii, 18-25).与使徒的问候和祝福平常开放是完全缺乏,也不会有任何的写作书信体字明确的证据之前,简短的结论是达到了(十三,18-25)。 On this account some have preferred to regard the letter rather as a homily, but this is plainly incorrect.在这个帐户的一些倾向于视而作为讲道的信,但这显然是不正确的。According to the statement of the author it is an admonition and exhortation (logos tes karakleseos, xiii, 22), which, above all, presupposes a well-defined situation of an actually existing individual Church.据笔者声明这是一个警告和劝告(徽标TES karakleseos,十三,22),其中,首先,先决条件是一个实际存在的个别教会的定义良好的局面。

The method of citing from the Old Testament.从旧约引用的方法。The author in his instruction, demonstration, and exhortation draws largely from the copious treasures of the Old Testament.在他的指导,示范,借鉴和规劝作者主要从旧约的丰富宝藏。All the citations follow the text of the Septuagint even where this varies from the Masoretic text, unless the citation is freely rendered according to the sense and without verbal exactness (examples, i, 6; xii, 20; xiii, 5).所有的引文遵循七十即使这从马所拉文本不同的文本,除非是免费提供的引文根据这个意义上,没有言语的正确性(例如,I,6;十二,20;十三,5)。 In the other Pauline letters, it is true, quotations from the Old Testament generally follow the Greek translation even when the text varies, but the Apostle at times corrects the Septuagint by the Hebrew, and at other times, when the two do not agree, keeps closer to the Hebrew.在其他宝莲字母,这是事实,从旧约报价普遍遵循的希腊文翻译,即使有所不同,但有时使徒纠正由希伯来文译本,并在其他时候,当两个不同意,不断接近希伯来语。

In regard to the formula with which the citations are introduced, it is worthy of note that the expression "It is written", so commonly used in the New Testament, occurs only once in the Epistle to the Hebrews (x, 7).至于与该引文介绍的公式,这是值得注意的表达“这是写”,所以通常用在新约中,发生在书信的希伯来人只有一次(X,7)。In this Epistle the words of Scripture are generally given as the utterance of God, at times also of Christ or the Holy Spirit.在此书信圣经的话一般都给出了神的话语,也是在基督或圣灵倍。


According to the superscription, the letter is addressed to "Hebrews".据上标,信是写给“希伯来书”。The contents of the letter define more exactly this general designation.信的内容更准确地界定这个统称。Not all Israelites are meant, but only those who have accepted the faith in Christ.并非所有的以色列人都的意思,但只有那些谁已接受基督的信仰。Furthermore, the letter could hardly have been addressed to all Jewish Christians in general.此外,信中难以得到解决,在一般的所有犹太基督徒。It presupposes a particular community, with which both the writer of the letter and his companion Timothy have had close relations (xiii, 18-24), which has preserved its faith in severe persecutions, and has distinguished itself by works of charity (x, 32-35), which is situated in a definite locality, whither the author hopes soon to come (xiii, 19, 23).它预示着一个特定的社区,这无论是作家的文字和他的同伴提摩太有密切的关系(十三18-24),其中保留了其在严重迫害的信仰,并通过慈善杰出作品本身(X, 32-35),这是坐落在一个确定的地方,往那笔者希望即将来(十三,19,23)。The place itself may also be inferred from the content with sufficient probability.这个地方本身也可能有足够的推断从概率的内容。For although many modern commentators incline either to Italy (on account of xiii, 24), or to Alexandria (on account of the reference to a letter of Paul to the Alexandrians in the Muratorian Canon and for other reasons), or leave the question undecided, yet the entire letter is best suited to the members of the Jewish Christian Church of Jerusalem.虽然对于许多现代评论家倾向于要么意大利(十三,24帐户),或到亚历山大(代表到信保在穆拉多利佳能和其他原因的Alexandrians参考帐户),或保留的问题悬而未决,但整个信是最适合于耶路撒冷的犹太基督教教会的成员。 What is decisive above all for this question is the fact that the author presupposes in the readers not only an exact knowledge of the Levitical worship and all its peculiar customs, but, furthermore, regards the present observance of this worship as the special danger to the Christian faith of those addressed.什么是这个问题的所有上述决定的事实,在读者作者的前提不仅是所有的利未崇拜和其特有的习俗确切的知识,但此外,对于作为特别危险的这种崇拜出席纪念活动这些基督教信仰解决。 His words (cf. particularly x, 1 sq.) may, if necessary, perhaps permit of another interpretation, but they indicate Jerusalem with the highest probability as the Church for which the letter is intended.他的话(参见尤其是X,1平方米)可根据需要,可能允许另一种解释,但他们表示与作为该信的目的是教会的概率最高耶路撒冷。 There alone the Levitical worship was known to all by the daily offering of sacrifices and the great celebrations of the Day of Atonement and of other feast-days.有单独的利未崇拜是众所周知的日常提供的牺牲和赎罪日的庆祝活动和其他重大节日天。There alone this worship was continuously maintained according to the ordinances of the Law until the destruction of the city in the year 70.有单独继续保持这种崇拜是根据直至城市在70年销毁的法律条例。


Even in the earliest centuries the question as to the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews was much discussed and was variously answered.即使在最早世纪至于到希伯来书信的作者是很大的问题,并讨论了不同地回答。The most important points to be considered in answering the inquiry are the following:最重要的是在回答调查认为有以下几点:

(1) External Evidence(1)外部证据

(a) In the East the writing was unanimously regarded as a letter of St. Paul. (一)在东方的写作被一致认为是圣保罗的信。Eusebius gives the earliest testimonies of the Church of Alexandria in reporting the words of a "blessed presbyter" (Pantaenus?), as well as those of Clement and Origen (Hist. Eccl., VI, xiv, n. 2-4; xxv, n. 11-14).尤西比乌斯给出了报告的“福地长老”(Pantaenus?),以及克莱门特和奥利那些话的亚历山大教会的最早的证词(Hist.传道书,六,十四,N. 2-4; XXV ,N. 11-14)。Clement explains the contrast in language and style by saying that the Epistle was written originally in Hebrew and was then translated by Luke into Greek.克莱门特解释说,最初写的书信,希伯来语,当时由卢克译成希腊文的语言和风格的对比。Origen, on the other hand, distinguishes between the thoughts of the letter and the grammatical form; the former, according to the testimony of "the ancients" (oi archaioi andres), is from St. Paul; the latter is the work of an unknown writer, Clement of Rome according to some, Luke, or another pupil of the Apostle, according to others.奥利,另一方面,区分信件思想和语法形式,前者,根据“古人”(爱archaioi安德烈斯)的证词,从圣保罗是,后者是一个工作未知的作家,克莱门特的罗马根据一些,卢克,或其他使徒的学生,根据其他人。 In like manner the letter was regarded as Pauline by the various Churches of the East: Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Cappadocia, Mesopotamia, etc. (cf. the different testimonies in BF Westcott, "The Epistle to the Hebrews", London, 1906, pp. lxii-lxxii).在这样的方式被视为波利娜信由东各教会:埃及,巴勒斯坦,叙利亚,卡帕多西亚,美索不达米亚等(参见在BF韦斯科特不同的证词,他说:“给希伯来书信”,伦敦,1906年,第LXII - LXXII)。It was not until after the appearance of Arius that the Pauline origin of the Epistle to the Hebrews was disputed by some Orientals and Greeks.直到后阿里乌斯外观的宝莲​​书信的希伯来人的起源是由一些东方人和希腊人争议。(b) In Western Europe the First Epistle of St. Clement to the Corinthians shows acquaintance with the text of the writing (chs. ix, xii, xvii, xxxvi, xlv), apparently also the "Pastor" of Hermas (Vis. II, iii, n.2; Sim. I, i sq.). (b)在西欧的圣克莱门特第一书信向科林蒂安显示与写作(chs.九,十二,十七,三十六,XLV)文字相识,显然也是“牧师”的黑马(Vis. II ,三,N.2;辛我,我平方米)。Hippolytus and Irenaeus also knew the letter but they do not seem to have regarded it as a work of the Apostle (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", xxvi; Photius, Cod. 121, 232; St. Jerome, "De viris ill.", lix).希波吕托斯和爱任纽也知道他们不信,但似乎已经视为使徒工作(尤西比乌斯,IT,二十六“组织胺传道书。”; Photius,鳕鱼121,232;圣杰罗姆,“德viris病 “,LIX)。Eusebius also mentions the Roman presbyter Caius as an advocate of the opinion that the Epistle to the Hebrews was not the writing of the Apostle, and he adds that some other Romans, up to his own day, were also of the same opinion (Hist. Eccl., VI, xx, n.3).尤西比乌斯还提到作为认为,以书信的希伯来人并非是使徒写作主张罗马长老凯厄斯,他补充说,其他一些罗马人,由他自己的日子,都是相同的看法也(Hist.传道书。,六,XX,N.3)。 In fact the letter is not found in the Muratorian Canon; St. Cyprian also mentions only seven letters of St. Paul to the Churches (De exhort. mart., xi), and Tertullian calls Barnabas the author (De pudic., xx).事实上,信中没有找到的穆拉多利佳能,圣塞浦路斯还提到只有七圣保罗信教会(。德叮咛集市,十一),并呼吁巴拿巴笔者良(德pudic,XX)。 。Up to the fourth century the Pauline origin of the letter was regarded as doubtful by other Churches of Western Europe.直至第四世纪的信宝莲起源被认为可疑的西欧其他教会。As the reason for this Philastrius gives the misuse made of the letter by the Novatians (Haer., 89), and the doubts of the presbyter Caius seem likewise to have arisen from the attitude assumed towards the letter by the Montanists (Photius, Cod. 48; F. Kaulen, "Einleitung in die Hl. Schrift Alten und Neuen Testaments", 5th ed., Freiburg, 1905, III, 211).由于这个原因,给出了Philastrius由Novatians信(Haer.,89号)所作的误用,以及长老凯厄斯的疑惑似乎也已经从对由Montanists信(Photius,鳕鱼所承担的态度出现了。 48; F.考伦,“导论在模具HL Schrift Alten UND Neuen圣经”,第5版,弗赖堡,1905年,三,211)。

After the fourth century these doubts as to the Apostolic origin of the Epistle to the Hebrews gradually became less marked in Western Europe.之后的第四个世纪到使徒书信的希伯来人的起源这些疑虑逐渐变得不那么显着西欧。While the Council of Carthage of the year 397, in the wording of its decree, still made a distinction between Pauli Apostoli epistoloe tredecim (thirteen epistles of Paul the Apostle) and eiusdem ad Hebroeos una (one of his to the Hebrews) (H. Denzinger, "Enchiridion", 10th ed., Freiburg, 1908, n. 92, old n. 49), the Roman Synod of 382 under Pope Damasus enumerates without distinction epistoloe Pauli numero quatuordecim (epistles of Paul fourteen in number), including in this number the Epistle to the Hebrews (Denzinger, 10th ed., n. 84).虽然今年397局的迦太基在其法令的措辞,仍然取得了与圣保利Apostoli epistoloe tredecim(十三使徒保罗的书信)和eiusdem广告Hebroeos UNA(他的希伯来人之一)(H.区别登青格,“便览”,第10版,弗赖堡,1908年,N. 92,老北49),382下的罗马教皇达玛斯主教列举不分epistoloe圣保利numero quatuordecim(保罗fourteen书信的数量),包括这个数字到希伯来书信(登青格,第10版,注84)。In this form also the conviction of the Church later found permanent expression.在这种形式也教会的信念后来发现永久的表达。 Cardinal Cajetan (1529) and Erasmus were the first to revive the old doubts, while at the same time Luther and the other Reformers denied the Pauline origin of the letter.红衣主教Cajetan(1529)和伊拉斯谟是第一个振兴老怀疑,而在同一时间路德和其他改革者否认保罗的信源。

(2) Internal Evidences(2)内部证据

(a) The content of the letter bears plainly the stamp of genuine Pauline ideas. (一)该信的内容带有明显的正版宝莲想法邮票。In this regard it suffices to refer to the statements above concerning the doctrinal contents of the Epistle (see II).在这方面,足以参考上述有关的教义的书信内容(见二)的声明。

(b) The language and style vary in many particulars from the grammatical form of the other letters of Paul, as in sufficiently shown above (see III). (二)语言和风格各不相同的许多细节从保罗的其他字母语法形式,如充分上面(见三)。

(c) the distinctive characteristics of the Epistle (IV) favour more the opinion that the form in which it is cast is not the work of the author of the other Apostolic letters.(三)书信(四)有利于更多的意见,在其所投的形式是不是在其他使徒信作者工作的鲜明特点。

(3) Most Probable Solution(3)最可能的解决方案

From what has been said it follows that the most probable solution of the question as to the author is that up to the present time the opinion of Origen has not been superseded by a better one.从已表示,它遵循的是,以笔者的问题最有可能的解决办法是,截至目前在俄的意见没有被一个更好的替代。It is, consequently, necessary to accept that in the Epistle to the Hebrews the actual author is to be distinguished from the writer.它是,因此,有必要接受,在书信的希伯来人的实际作者是从作家区别开来。 No valid reason has been produced against Paul as the originator of the ideas and the entire contents of the letter; the belief of the early Church held throughout with entire correctness to this Apostolic origin of the Epistle.没有正当的理由对已经产生的保罗作为思想和发端信的全部内容;的早期教会的信仰贯穿与整个正确性举行这一使徒书信的起源。

The writer, the one to whom the letter owes its form, had apparently been a pupil of the Apostle.作家,谁信欠它的形式之一,显然是一个使徒的学生。It is not possible now, however, to settle his personality on account of the lack of any definite tradition and of any decisive proof in the letter itself.现在是不可能的,但是,解决对传统缺乏任何明确的帐户,并在信中的任何决定性的证据本身他的个性。Ancient and modern writers mention various pupils of the Apostle, especially Luke, Clement of Rome, Apollo, lately also Priscilla and Aquila.古代和现代作家,不同的学生的使徒,尤其是卢克,罗马,阿波罗克莱门特,百基拉和亚居拉最近还。


An examination both of the letter itself and of the earliest testimonies of tradition, in reference to the circumstances of its composition, leads to the following conclusions:一个既信本身和传统的最早见证考试,参照其成分的情况下,导致了以下结论:

(1) The place of composition was Italy (13:24), and more precisely Rome (inscription at end of the Codex Alexandrinus), where Paul was during his first imprisonment (61-63). (1)组成的地方是意大利(13:24),更确切地说罗马(在法典Alexandrinus结束题词),其中保罗在他的第一监禁(61-63)了。

(2) The date of its production should certainly be placed before the destruction of Jerusalem (70), and previous to the outbreak of the Jewish War (67), but after the death of James, Bishop of Jerusalem (62). (2)它的生产日期当然应该摆在了耶路撒冷(70)破坏,和以前的犹太战争(67)爆发,但在詹姆斯,主教耶路撒冷(62)死亡。According to ch.据通道。 xiii, 19, 23, the Apostle was no longer a prisoner.十三,19,23,使徒不再是囚犯。The most probable date for its composition is, therefore, the second half of the year 63 or the beginning of 64, as Paul after his release from imprisonment probably soon undertook the missionary journey "as far as the boundaries of Western Europe" (St. Clement of Rome, "I Epistle to the Corinthians", v, n. 7), that is to Spain.其组成为最可能的日期,因此,今年63秒一半或64开头,如保罗在他获释出狱可能很快进行传教之旅“,尽量西欧的边界”(圣克莱门特的罗马,“我书信向哥林多前书”,V,N. 7),这是西班牙。

(3) The reason for its composition is probably to be found in the conditions existing in the Jewish Christian Church at Jerusalem. (3)其成分的原因可能是要在在犹太基督教教会在耶路撒冷的现有条件下找到。The faith of the Church might fall into great danger through continued persecution by the Jews, who had put James, the head of the community to a violent death.教会的信仰可能落空继续迫害的犹太人,谁把詹姆斯的社会暴力死亡头成巨大的危险。Precisely at this period the services in the temple were celebrated with great pomp, as under Albinus (62-64) the magnificent building was completed, while the Christian community had to struggle with extreme poverty.正是在这一时期在寺庙的服务,庆祝伟大的盛况,根据阿尔比努斯(62-64)宏伟的建设已经完成,而基督教社会必须斗争的极端贫困。 The national movement which began shortly before the outbreak of the last Jewish war would increase the danger.全国运动,开始之前的最后一个犹太战争爆发不久,会增加危险。These circumstances might lead the Apostle to write the letter.这些情况可能导致使徒写的信。

(4) The Apostle himself declares the aim of his writing to be the consolation and encouragement of the faithful (xiii, 22).(4)使徒亲自宣布了他的写作目标是成为了安慰和鼓励的忠实(十三22)。 The argument and context of the letter show that Paul wished especially to exhort to steadfastness in the Christian Faith and to warn against the danger of apostasy to the Mosaic worship.参数和信中表明,保罗希望,特别是要敦促以坚定的基督教信仰,并警告反对叛教危险的马赛克崇拜。


The chief importance of the Epistle is in its content of theological teaching.书信的重要性主要在于它的神学教学内容。It is, in complete agreement with the other letters of St. Paul, a glorious testimony to the faith of the Apostolic time; above all it testifies to the true Divinity of Jesus Christ, to His heavenly priesthood, and the atoning power of His death.它是在与圣保罗,光荣地证明了时间的使徒信仰的其他字母完全一致,首先它证明了耶稣基督真神,祂天上的圣职,而他的死赎罪权力。

Publication information Written by Leopold Fonck.出版信息写利奥波德方克。Transcribed by Judy Levandoski.转录由朱迪​​Levandoski。Dedicated to Br.致力于溴。 Terance Thielen, TOR The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VII.Terance蒂伦,TOR天主教百科全书,体积七。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, June 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年6月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

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