Book of Jeremiah, Jeremias书耶利米书

General Information一般资料

The Book of Jeremiah, second of the Major Prophets or longer books of the prophetic collection of the Old Testament of the Bible, derives its name from the prophet Jeremiah who lived in Anathoth, on the outskirts of Jerusalem.耶利米的,主要的先知或对圣经旧约先知书的第二本书收集较长,来自先知耶利米谁住在亚拿突在耶路撒冷郊外,它的名字。 His prophetic career ranged from about 626 BC, during the reign of Josiah, at least to the fall of Jerusalem (586 BC) and the deportation of the population; at this time Jeremiah was taken by the remaining Jewish community to Egypt, where he died.他的预言生涯范围从大约626 BC,在约西亚统治时期,至少在耶路撒冷(586年)下降和人口驱逐出境;此时耶利米是由剩余的犹太社区采取了埃及,在那里他死。The career of Jeremiah embraced the period of Josiah's reformation (626 - 622 BC); the years of resurgent Judaic nationalism (608 - 597 BC); the period leading to the final demise of Judah (597 - 586 BC); and the time in Egypt.在耶利米生涯接受了约西亚的改革(626 - 622年)时期,在复活的犹太人的民族主义(608 - 597年)年;期间导致犹大(597 - 公元前586年)的最终灭亡,以及时间埃及。

The message of Jeremiah was a call to moral reform to establish a personal relationship between God and humankind. He advocated resignation in the face of political and religious crisis and denounced sin as a perversion of creation.耶利米的信息是对道德改革以建立一个神和人类之间的个人关系,他主张在政治和宗教危机面临辞职并谴责作为一种创造变态罪。 He called urgently for repentance so that turning to God might lead to a new creation; he thus prefigured the New Testament notion of the "new covenant."他呼吁尽快悔改,使转向上帝可能导致一场新的创造,他从而预示了新约的概念“新约”。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息来源
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects

我们2300 宗教科目名单
E-mail电子邮件
The Book of Jeremiah is composed of a collection of sayings, as well as autobiographical passages, the "confessions of Jeremiah."在耶利米书是由一组格言收集,以及自传式通道,有“耶利米口供。”Considerable debate has developed over the designation of an original scroll containing Jeremiah's words in contrast to later rewriting of the scroll - both a rewriting engineered by Jeremiah and several successive editions of the book running through the Deuteronomistic period.相当多的争论已经发展了一个原始含有对比后的滚动改写耶利米的话滚动指定 - 既是一个重写的耶利米和通过Deuteronomistic运行期间连续几个版本的设计书。To reconstruct the original scroll in detail does not seem possible.重建原始滚动详细似乎并不可能。The "confessions," probably an original collection in its own right, includes the passages in 11:18 - 23; 12:1 - 6; 15:10; 17:14 - 18; 18:18 - 23; 20:7 - 13, 14 - 18, and perhaps also 15:15 - 20.在“自白”,可能是原来在自己的权利集合,包括在通道11:18 - 23; 12:1 - 6; 15:10,17:14 - 18; 18:18 - 23; 20:7 - 13,14 - 18,也许还15:15 - 20。The parallel for these "confessions" lies in the lamentation or complaint Psalms.对于这些“供词”平行在于哀悼或投诉诗篇。

They reveal Jeremiah's dramatic inner conflict in his struggle to surrender himself to God.他们揭示了他的奋斗耶利米的戏剧性内心冲突交出自己的上帝。In addition, the book contains some royal sayings (21:13 - 14; 22:1 - 7, 10, 13 - 19, 24 - 27, 28, 29 - 30); a minor collection "concerning the prophets"; one of optimistic sayings; and a group of oracles against foreign nations (46 - 51).此外,书中包含了一些皇家谚语(21:13 - 14; 22:1 - 7,10,13 - 19,24 - 27,28,29 - 30);一个小集合“关于先知”;之一乐观的说法,以及一个对外国神谕(46 - 51组)。

George W Coats乔治W科茨

Bibliography 参考书目
S Blank, Jeremiah: Man and Prophet (1961); SM Fettke, Messages to a Nation in Crisis: An Introduction to the Prophecy of Jeremiah (1983); G Fohrer, Introduction to the Old Testament (1968); WL Holladay, "Jeremiah the Prophet," in The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible Supplement (1976), Jeremiah One (1986), Jeremiah Two (1989), and Jeremiah: A Fresh Reading (1990); JA Soggin, Introduction to the Old Testament (1976).S空白,耶利米:人与先知(1961年); SM Fettke,消息到一个国家的危机:一个到耶利米(1983)预言介绍,G Fohrer,介绍旧约(1968年); WL霍拉迪,“耶利米先知“,在翻译的圣经的补充(1976年),耶利米之一(1986年),耶利米二(1989年),和耶利米词典:一个新的读(1990); JA Soggin,介绍旧约(1976年)。


Book of Jeremiah, Jeremias耶利米书,赫雷米亚斯

Brief Outline简述

  1. Jeremiah's oracle against the theocracy (1:1-25:38)耶利米的甲骨文(1:1-25:38)反对政教合一
  2. Events in the life of Jeremiah (26:1-45:5)活动在耶利米生活(26:1-45:5)
  3. Jeremiah's oracles against foreign nations, Egypt, Philistines, Moab, Ammonites, Edom, Damascus, Kedar, Hazor, Elam, Babylon.耶利米的神谕反对外国的国家,埃及,非利士,摩押,亚扪人,以东,大马士革,基达,夏琐,以拦,巴比伦。(46:1-51:64) (46:1-51:64)
  4. Appendix: The fall of Jerusalem and related events (52:1-34)附录:耶路撒冷和相关事件下降(52:1-34)


Jeremiah耶利米

Advanced Information先进的信息

Jeremiah, raised up or appointed by Jehovah.耶利米,提出或由耶和华任命。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Book of Jeremiah耶利米书

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Book of Jeremiah consists of twenty-three separate and independent sections, arranged in five books.耶利米书由23分开和独立的五本书安排部分。I. The introduction, ch.一,引进,甲烷。1.1。II.II。Reproofs of the sins of the Jews, consisting of seven sections, (1.) ch.对犹太人的七个部分组成的罪责备,(1)通道。2; (2.) ch.2,(2)通道。 3-6; (3.) ch.3-6(3)CH。 7-10; (4.) ch.7-10(4)CH。 11-13; (5.) ch. 11-13(5)CH。14-17:18; (6.) ch.14-17:18(6)通道。17:19-ch.17:19 - CH。 20; (7.) ch.20(7)通道。 21-24.21-24。III.III。A general review of all nations, in two sections, (1.) ch.所有国家的全面审查,在两个部分,(1)通道。46-49; (2.) ch. 46-49(2)CH。25; with an historical appendix of three sections, (1.) ch.25;与历史附录三部分,(1)通道。 26; (2.) ch.26(2)CH。 27; (3.) ch.27(3)CH。 28, 29.28,29。IV.IV。Two sections picturing the hopes of better times, (1.) ch.两节描绘的更美好的时代的希望,(1)通道。30, 31; (2.) ch. 30,31(2)CH。32,33; to which is added an historical appendix in three sections, (1.) ch. 32,33;在这三个部分中增加了一个历史的附录,(1)通道。34:1-7; (2.) ch. 34:1-7;(2)CH。34:8-22; (3.) ch.34:8-22;(3)CH。35.35。V. The conclusion, in two sections, (1.) ch.五,在两节的结论,(1)通道。36; (2.) ch.36(2)CH。 45.45。In Egypt, after an interval, Jeremiah is supposed to have added three sections, viz., ch.在埃及,后间隔,耶利米应该是增加了三个部分,即,CH。37-39; 40-43; and 44. 37-39,40-43和44。The principal Messianic prophecies are found in 23:1-8; 31:31-40; and 33:14-26.主要弥赛亚的预言被发现在23:1-8; 31:31-40和33:14-26。Jeremiah's prophecies are noted for the frequent repetitions found in them of the same words and phrases and imagery.耶利米的预言都指出在他们发现了相同的词句和意象的频繁重复。They cover the period of about 30 years.它们涵盖了约30年。

They are not recorded in the order of time.他们不是记录在时间顺序。When and under what circumstances this book assumed its present form we know not.何时及在何种情况下这本书假设目前的形式我们不知道。The LXX.在LXX。Version of this book is, in its arrangement and in other particulars, singularly at variance with the original.这本书的版本是在其安排和其他细节,奇在与原来的差异。The LXX.在LXX。omits 10:6-8; 27:19-22; 29:16-20; 33:14-26; 39:4-13; 52:2, 3, 15, 28-30, etc. About 2,700 words in all of the original are omitted.省略10:6-8; 27:19-22; 29:16-20; 33:14-26; 39:4-13; 52:2,3,15,28-30关于2700所有文字等原被省略。These omissions, etc., are capricious and arbitrary, and render the version unreliable.这些疏漏等,都是枉法裁判,并呈现版本不可靠。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Jeremias赫雷米亚斯

Catholic Information天主教信息

(THE PROPHET.)(先知)。

Jeremias lived at the close of the seventh and in the first part of the sixth century before Christ; a contemporary of Draco and Solon of Athens.赫雷米亚斯住在第七密切和六世纪的第一部分公元前,是德拉科和梭伦雅典当代。In the year 627, during the reign of Josias, he was called at a youthful age to be a prophet, and for nearly half a century, at least from 627 to 585, he bore the burden of the prophetic office.在627年,在位期间,Josias,他被要求在一个年轻的年龄是一个先知,用近半个世纪以来,至少从627到585,他承担了的预言办公室负担。 He belonged to a priestly (not a high-priestly) family of Anathoth, a small country town northeast of Jerusalem now called Anatâ; but he seems never to have performed priestly duties at the temple.他属于一个祭司(不是高祭司)的亚拿突,一个小国,耶路撒冷城的东北家庭现在ANATA,但他似乎从来就没有执行祭司在神庙的职责。 The scenes of his prophetic activity were, for a short time, his native town, for the greater part of his life, the metropolis Jerusalem, and, for a time after the fall of Jerusalem, Masphath (Jeremiah 40:6) and the Jewish colonies of the Dispersion in Egypt (Jeremiah 43:6 sqq.).他预言活动的场面,很短的时间,他的家乡,为他的生命,耶路撒冷的大都市,更大的一部分,并为后的耶路撒冷下降时间,Masphath(耶40:6)和犹太殖民地在埃及(耶43:6 SQQ)色散。His name has received varying etymological interpretations ("Lofty is Jahwah" or "Jahweh founds"); it appears also as the name of other persons in the Old Testament.他的名字已收到不同(“崇高是Jahwah”或“亚威创立”)词源的解释,它也出现在旧约其他人的名字。Sources for the history of his life and times are, first, the book of prophecies bearing his name, and, second, the Books of Kings and of Paralipomenon (Chronicles).为他的生活和时代的历史来源,第一,他的名字命名的预言书,第二,国王和的Paralipomenon(编年史)的书籍。 It is only when taken in connection with the history of his times that the external course of his life, the individuality of his nature, and the ruling theme of his discourses can be understood.只有当与他那个时代的历史,是他一生的外部当然,他的本性,以及他的话语统治主题个性可以理解方面所采取的。

I. PERIOD OF JEREMIAS一期赫雷米亚斯

The last years of the seventh century and the first decades of the sixth brought with them a series of political catastrophes which completely changed national conditions in Western Asia.七世纪和第六的第一个十年的最后岁月带来了一系列的政治灾难而彻底改变了西亚国情。The overthrow of the Assyrian Empire, which was completed in 606 by the conquest of Ninive, induced Nechao II of Egypt to attempt, with the aid of a large army, to strike a crushing blow at the ancient enemy on the Euphrates.该亚述帝国,这是在606完成了征服的Ninive推翻,诱发Nechao第二埃及尝试,与大部队的援助,以打击在幼发拉底河上的古老的敌人毁灭性的打击。 Palestine was in the direct route between the great powers of the world of that era on the Euphrates and the Nile, and the Jewish nation was roused to action by the march of the Egyptian army through its territory.在巴勒斯坦之间的那对幼发拉底河和尼罗河时代的世界大国直接的路线,和犹太民族是激起了埃及军队通过其领土游行行动。 Josias, the last descendent of David, had begun in Jerusalem a moral and religious reformation "in the ways of David", the carrying out of which, however, was frustrated by the lethargy of the people and the foreign policy of the king. Josias,大卫的最后后裔,已经开始在耶路撒冷“大卫的方式在”道德和宗教的改革,其中的开展,然而,由人民和国王的外交政策嗜睡受挫。The attempt of Josias to check the advance of the Egyptians cost him his life at the battle of Mageddo, 608.该Josias试图检查提前埃及人花费了他在Mageddo,608战斗一生。Four years later, Nechao, the conqueror at Mageddo, was slain by Nabuchodonosor at Carchemish on the Euphrates.四年后,Nechao,在Mageddo征服者,被杀害在Carchemish在幼发拉底河上的Nabuchodonosor。 From that time Nabuchodonosor's eyes were fixed on Jerusalem.从那个时候Nabuchodonosor的目光都盯在耶路撒冷。The last, shadowy kings upon the throne of David, the three sons of Josias–Joachaz, Joakim, and Sedecias–hastened the destruction of the kingdom by their unsuccessful foreign policy and their anti-religious or, at least, weak internal policy.最后,在大卫的宝座,为Josias - Joachaz,乔金姆的三个儿子,Sedecias,加速了其失败的外交政策王国杀伤性武器及其反宗教的,或至少,薄弱的内部政策阴暗的国王。 Both Joakim and Sedecias, in spite of the warnings of the prophet Jeremias, allowed themselves to be misled by the war party in the nation into refusing to pay the tribute to the King of Babylon.双方乔金姆和Sedecias,在对先知的警告,尽管赫雷米亚斯,让自己由党在民族战争误导拒绝支付赞扬巴比伦国王。 The king's revenge followed quickly upon the rebellion.国王的报复律师函后,叛乱。In the second great expedition Jerusalem was conquered (586) and destroyed after a siege of eighteen months, which was only interrupted by the battle with the Egyptian army of relief.在第二个伟大的远征耶路撒冷被征服(586)和十八个月后,围攻,这是只能由与埃及军队作战救济中断破坏。The Lord cast aside his footstool in the day of his wrath and sent Juda into the Babylonian Captivity.主唾弃在他发怒的日子,他的脚凳和发送到巴比伦的犹大圈养。

This is the historical background to the lifework of the Prophet Jeremias: in foreign policy an era of lost battles and other events preparatory to the great catastrophe; in the inner life of the people an era of unsuccessful attempts at reformation, and the appearance of fanatical parties such as generally accompany the last days of a declining kingdom.这是历史背景的先知赫雷米亚斯毕生的事业:在外交政策的一个失去了战斗和其他活动的准备到大灾难的时代,在人民群众在改革的尝试失败的时代,狂热的外观和内在生命如当事人一般伴随有下降王国的最后几天。 While the kings from the Nile and the Euphrates alternately laid the sword on the neck of the Daughter of Sion, the leaders of the nation, the kings and priests, became more and more involved in party schemes; a Sion party, led by false prophets, deluded itself by the superstitious belief that the temple of Jahweh was the unfailing talisman of the capital; a fanatically foolhardy war party wanted to organize a resistance to the utmost against the great powers of the world; a Nile party looked to the Egyptians for the salvation of the country, and incited opposition to the Babylonian lordship.虽然从尼罗河和幼发拉底河交替奠定了国王对女儿颈部的锡永剑,民族的领袖,国王和祭司,成为越来越多的计划,涉及党,一个党的锡永,率领由假先知,蒙骗的迷信认为,亚威寺资本不懈护身符本身,一个有勇无谋的战争狂热党要组织抵抗对世界最大的大国,一个党的期待,以尼罗河为埃及人得救的国家,煽动反对巴比伦贵族身份。 Carried away by human politics, the people of Sion forgot its religion, the national trust in God, and wished to fix the day and hour of its redemption according to its own will.由人类政治而去,锡永的人忘记了它的宗教,在神国的信任,并希望解决的一天,其赎回按照自己的意愿小时。Over all these factions the cup of the wine of wrath gradually grew full, to be finally poured from seven vessels during the Babylonian Exile laid upon the nation of the Prophets.在所有这些派别的葡萄酒杯的愤怒渐渐充分,得到最终由七艘倒在后的先知国家奠定了巴比伦流亡。

II. II。MISSION OF JEREMIAS教会赫雷米亚斯

In the midst of the confusion of a godless policy of despair at the approach of destruction, the prophet of Anathoth stood as "a pillar of iron, and a wall of brass".在一个绝望的毁灭方式无神政策混乱之中,对亚拿突先知站在为“支柱的铁和铜墙”。The prophet of the eleventh hour, he had the hard mission, on the eve of the great catastrophe of Sion, of proclaiming the decree of God that in the near future the city and temple should be overthrown.而最后一刻的先知,他有硬任务,对锡永大劫难前夕,宣告上帝的法令,在不久的将来,城市和寺庙应该被推翻。 From the time of his first calling in vision to the prophetic office, he saw the rod of correction in the hand of God, he heard the word that the Lord would watch over the execution of His decree (i, 11 sq.).从他的眼光去预言办公室首次通话时间,他看到了上帝之手的矫正杆,他听到这个词,主会看在他的法令的执行(I,11平方米)。 That Jerusalem would be destroyed was the constant assertion, the ceterum censeo of the Cato of Anathoth.耶路撒冷将被销毁,是不断断言,对亚拿突卡托ceterum censeo。He appeared before the people with chains about his neck (cf. xxvii, xxviii) in order to give a drastic illustration of the captivity and chains which he foretold.他出现之前,关于他的脖子(见二十七,二十八)链,以人民给予的囚禁和链条,他预言了激烈的例证。The false prophets preached only of freedom and victory, but the Lord said: "A liberty for you to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine" (xxxiv, 17).假先知讲道只有自由和胜利,但主说:“你的剑自由,对瘟疫和饥荒的”(三十四,17)。It was so clear to him that the next generation would be involved in the overthrow of the kingdom that he renounced marriage and the founding of a family for himself (xvi, 104), because he did not wish to have children who would surely be the victims of the sword or become the slaves of the Babylonians.它是如此清楚,他说,下一代将在王国参与推翻他放弃婚姻和家庭为自己成立(十六,104),因为他不希望有孩子一定会是谁剑的受害者或成为巴比伦人的奴隶。 His celibacy was consequently a declaration of his faith in the revelation granted him of the destruction of the city.他独身是因此对他的信仰授予城市毁灭了他启示声明。Jeremias is thus the Biblical and historical counterpart of Cassandra in the Homeric poems, who foresaw the fall of Troy, but found no credence in her own house, yet was so strong in her conviction that she renounced marriage and all the joys of life.赫雷米亚斯因此是卡桑德拉圣经和历史中的荷马史诗,谁预见到了秋天特洛伊对口,但发现她不信任自己的房子,但在她的信念如此强烈,她放弃了所有的婚姻和生活的乐趣。

Along with this first task, to prove the certainty of the catastrophe of 586, Jeremias had the second commission to declare that this catastrophe was a moral necessity, to proclaim it in the ears of the people as the inevitable result of the moral guilt since the days of Manasses (2 Kings 21:10-15); in a word, to set forth the Babylonian Captivity as a moral, not merely a historical, fact.随着这第一个任务,要证明的586灾难确定性,赫雷米亚斯了第二委员会,宣布这场灾难是道德的必要性,宣布在人们的耳朵作为道德罪恶感,因为它的必然结果的Manasses(2国王21:10-15)天,在一个字,要提出作为道德,不仅是一个历史的,事实巴比伦圈养。 It was only because the stubborn nation had thrown off the yoke of the Lord (Jeremiah 2:20) that it must bow its neck under the yoke of the Babylonians.只是由于顽固国家已揭去主的轭(耶2:20),它必须弓下的巴比伦人枷锁它的脖子。In order to arouse the nation from its moral lethargy, and to make moral preparation for the day of the Lord, the sermons of the preacher of repentance of Anathoth emphasized this causal connection between punishment and guilt, until it became monotonous.为了引起嗜睡从道德的国家,并为主的日子道德准备,对亚拿突忏悔牧师布道之间的这种强调惩罚和罪责的因果关系,直到它变得单调。 Although he failed to convert the people, and thus to turn aside entirely the calamity from Jerusalem, nevertheless the word of the Lord in his mouth became, for some, a hammer that broke their stony hearts to repentance (xxiii, 29).虽然他没能转换的人,从而打开一边完全来自耶路撒冷的灾难,然而,在他的嘴里成了耶和华的话,一些人认为,锤子爆发的石心悔改(二十三,29)。 Thus, Jeremias had not only "to root up, and to pull down", he had also in the positive work of salvation "to build, and to plant" (i, 10).因此,赫雷米亚斯不仅“地根起来,拉下来”,他也是在拯救“建设,并以植物”(I,10)积极的工作。These latter aims of the penitential discourses of Jeremias make plain why the religious and moral conditions of the time are all painted in the same dark tone: the priests do not inquire after Jahweh; the leaders of the people themselves wander in strange paths; the prophets prophesy in the name of Baal; Juda has become the meeting-place of strange gods; the people have forsaken the fountain of living water and have provoked the Lord to anger by idolatry and the worship of high places, by the sacrifice of children, desecration of the Sabbath, and by false weights.后面的这些目标的赫雷米亚斯的悔罪话语使平原为什么当时的宗教和道德条件,都在同一个暗调绘:祭司不打听后亚威;人民自己的领导人在陌生的道路徘徊;先知预言在巴力的名字;犹大已成为怪神会场,人民离弃了活水的泉源,并挑起了上帝愤怒的偶像崇拜和祭祀场所的高的儿童牺牲,亵渎在安息日,并以虚假的重量。 This severity in the discourses of Jeremias makes them the most striking type of prophetic declamation against sin.这种严重的赫雷米亚斯的话语使他们对罪预言declamation最引人注目的类型。One well-known hypothesis ascribes to Jeremias also the authorship of the Books of Kings.一个著名的假说归咎到赫雷米亚斯也是国王的图书作者。In reality the thought forming the philosophical basis of the Books of Kings and the conception underlying the speeches of Jeremias complement each other, inasmuch as the fall of the kingdom is traced back in the one to the guilt of the kings, and in the other to the people's participation in this guilt.在现实的思想形成了对国王的书籍和相关的赫雷米亚斯的发言立意的哲学基础互为补充,因为法王国下降是追溯到到有罪的国王之一,并在对方群众参与本内疚。

III. III。LIFE OF JEREMIAS生活赫雷米亚斯

A far more exact picture of the life of Jeremias has been preserved than of the life of any other seer of Sion.一对赫雷米亚斯生活更加精确的图片一直保存比任何其他先见锡永的生活。It was an unbroken chain of steadily growing outward and inward difficulties, a genuine "Jeremiad".这是一个稳步增长的向外和向内困难的完整链条,一个真正的“Jeremiad”。On account of the prophecies, his life was no longer safe among his fellow-citizens of Anathoth (xi, 21 sqq.), and of no teacher did the saying prove truer that "a prophet hath no honour in his own country".论预言帐户,他的生活已经不再安全在他的亚拿突(十一,21 SQQ)同胞们,和老师也没有证明的说法更真实的“先知祂所在自己的国家没有兑现”。When he transferred his residence from Anathoth to Jerusalem his troubles increased, and in the capital of the kingdom he was doomed to learn by corporal suffering that veritas parit odium (truth draws hatred upon itself).当他从他的住所转移到耶路撒冷亚拿突他的烦恼增加,并​​在王国的首都,他注定是要学习的体罚痛苦VERITAS巴力odium(真理借鉴本身仇恨)。 King Joakim could never forgive the prophet for threatening him with punishment on account of his unscrupulous mania for building and for his judicial murders: "He shall be buried with the burial of an ass" (xxii, 13-19).王乔金姆永远无法原谅的威胁与惩罚对他肆无忌惮的建设热潮帐户他和他的司法谋杀先知:(二十二,13-19)“他应与一个屁股墓地埋葬”。 When the prophecies of Jeremias were read before the king, he fell into such a rage that he threw the roll into the fire and commanded the arrest of the prophet (xxxvi, 21-26).当之前的预言赫雷米亚斯王读,他陷入了这样的愤怒,他全身心地投入到火滚,指挥先知逮捕(三十六,21-26)。Then the word of the Lord came to Jerermias to let Baruch the scribe write again his words (xxxvi, 27-32).然后,耶和华的话临到Jerermias让巴鲁克的抄写员写他的话再次(三十六,27-32)。More than once the prophet was in prison and in chains without the word of the Lord being silenced (xxxvi, 5 sqq.); more than once he seemed, in human judgment, doomed to death, but, like a wall of brass, the word of the Almighty was the protection of his life: "Be not afraid . . . they shall not prevail: for I am with thee, saith the Lord, to deliver thee" (i, 17-19).不止一次先知是在监狱和链没有被沉默的主(三十六,5 SQQ)字;不止一次他似乎在人的判断,注定要死亡,但像铜墙,在的全能字是他生命的保护:“不要怕他们不得为准:。。。因为我与你同在,耶和华如此说,要实现你”(I,17-19)。 The religious opinion he maintained, that only by a moral change could a catastrophe in outward conditions prepare the way for improvement, brought him into bitter conflict with the political parties of the nation.他坚持的宗教观点,即只有通过道德的变化可能在灾难准备向外条件改善的方式,带入激烈的冲突与民族的政党了。The Sion party, with its superstitious confidence in the temple (vii, 4), incited the people to open revolt against Jeremias, because, at the gate and in the outer court of the temple, he prophesied the fate of the holy place in Silo for the house of the Lord; and the prophet was in great danger of violent death at the hands of the Sionists (xxvi; cf. vii).党的锡永,其在寺庙迷信的信心(七,4),煽动人民反抗赫雷米亚斯公开反对,因​​为,在大门口和在寺庙外院,他预言了在筒仓圣地的命运为耶和华的殿;和先知是非常危险的暴力死亡的犹太复国主义在手中(XXVI;比照七)。 The party friendly to Egypt cursed him because he condemned the coalition with Egypt, and presented to the King of Egypt also the cup of the wine of wrath (xxv, 17-19); they also hated him because, during the siege of Jerusalem, he declared, before the event, that the hopes placed on an Egyptian army of relief were delusive (xxxvi, 5-9).党的友好埃及诅咒他,因为他与埃及谴责联盟,并提交给埃及国王还对愤怒的酒(二十五,17-19)杯,他们也恨他,因为,在耶路撒冷的围攻,他宣称,在活动开始前,上埃及军队的救济安置的希望是虚妄的(三十六,5-9)。 The party of noisy patriots calumniated Jeremias as a morose pessimist (cf. xxvii, xxviii), because they had allowed themselves to be deceived as to the seriousness of the crisis by the flattering words of Hananias of Gabaon and his companions, and dreamed of freedom and peace while exile and war were already approaching the gates of the city.而嘈杂的爱国者党污蔑为孤僻悲观(参见二十七,二十八)赫雷米亚斯,因为他们允许自己被视为对危机的严重性欺骗的Gabaon和他的同伴Hananias的奉承话,自由的梦想与和平而流亡和战争已经逼近了城市的大门。 The exhortation of the prophet to accept the inevitable, and to choose voluntary submission as a lesser evil than a hopeless struggle, was interpreted by the war party as a lack of patriotism.先知告诫接受不可避免的,并选择作为一个比一个无望的斗争不幸中之大幸自愿服从,被解释为战争的一方作为爱国主义缺乏。 Even at the present day, some commentators wish to regard Jeremias as a traitor to his country–Jeremias, who was the best friend of his brethren and of the people of Israel (II Mach. xv, 14), so deeply did he feel the weal and woe of his native land.即使在今天,一些评论家想赫雷米亚斯视为叛徒对他的国家赫雷米亚斯,谁是他的兄弟和以色列人民(二马赫。十五,14)最好的朋友,所以他也深深感受到患难与共他的故土。 Thus was Jeremias loaded with the curses of all parties as the scapegoat of the blinded nation.因此是与作为国家替罪羊蒙蔽各方的诅咒加载赫雷米亚斯。During the siege of Jerusalem he was once more condemned to death and thrown into a miry dungeon; this time a foreigner rescued him from certain death (xxxvii-xxxix).在耶路撒冷的围攻,他再次被判处死刑,并成为一个泥泞地牢抛出,这一次一定外国人救出死亡(三十七,三十九)他。

Still more violent than these outward battles were the conflicts in the soul of the prophet.然而,比这些外在的暴力是战争中的先知灵魂的冲突。Being in full sympathy with the national sentiment, he felt that his own fate was bound up with that of the nation; hence the hard mission of announcing to the people the sentence of death affected him deeply; hence his opposition to accepting this commission (i, 6).在与民族情感充分的同情之中,他觉得自己的命运注定与国家,直至,因此在向人民宣布了死刑硬深深地影响了他的使命,因此他反对接受这一委员会(I ,6)。With all the resources of prophetic rhetoric he sought to bring back the people to "the old paths" (vi, 16), but in this endeavour he felt as though he were trying to effect that "the Ethopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots" (xiii, 23).与所有的预言修辞资源他寻求带回市民“古道”(六,16),但在这项工作中,他觉得好像他试图效果“的Ethopian改变他的皮肤,或豹他点“(十三23)。 He heard the sins of his people crying to heaven for vengeance, and forcibly expresses his approval of the judgment pronounced upon the blood-stained city (cf. vi).他听到他的哭声复仇天堂人的罪,并强行表达他的后血迹斑斑的城市(参六)宣判的判决批准。The next moment, however, he prays the Lord to let the cup pass from Jerusalem, and wrestles like Jacob with God for a blessing upon Sion.下一刻,然而,他祈祷上帝让从耶路撒冷杯传球,像雅各与神搏斗了在锡永的祝福。The grandeur of soul of the great sufferer appears most plainly in the fervid prayers for his people (cf. especially xiv, 7-9, 19-22), which were often offered directly after a fiery declaration of coming punishment.灵魂的伟大患者会出现最壮观显然在他的人(见特别是十四,7-9,19-22),这往往提出来后,直接申报处罚火热激越的祈祷。 He knows that with the fall of Jerusalem the place that was the scene of revelation and salvation will be destroyed.他知道,随着秋季耶路撒冷的地方是启示和救恩的场景将被销毁。Nevertheless, at the grave of the religious hopes of Israel, he still has the expectation that the Lord, notwithstanding all that has happened, will bring His promises to pass for the sake of His name.然而,在以色列的宗教希望坟墓,他仍然有期望,主,尽管一切已经发生,将会带来他的承诺,以通为他的名字的缘故。The Lord thinks "thoughts of peace, and not of affliction", and will let Himself be found of those who seek (xxix, 10-14).主认为“思想的和平,而不是痛苦”,并让自己成为那些谁寻求(二十九,10-14)发现。As He watched to destroy, so will He likewise watch to build up (xxxi, 28).当他看到毁灭,所以他也将钟表建立(三十一,28)。 The prophetic gift does not appear with equal clearness in the life of any other prophet as alike a psychological problem and a personal task.礼物的预言没有出现具有同等清晰的任何心理问题都和个人任务的其他先知的生活。 His bitter outward and inward experiences give the speeches of Jeremias a strongly personal tone.他苦向外和向内的经验给予的发言赫雷米亚斯强烈个人基调。More than once this man of iron seems in danger of losing his spiritual balance.不止一次这样的铁人,似乎在他的精神失去平衡的危险。He calls down punishment from heaven upon his enemies (cf. xii, 3; xviii, 23).他呼吁他的敌人从天上下来的惩罚(参见第十二章,3;十八,23)。Like a Job among the prophets, he curses the day of his birth (xv, 10; xx, 14-18); he would like to arise, go hence, and preach instead to the stones in the wilderness: "Who will give me in the wilderness a lodging place . . . and I will leave my people, and depart from them?"像之间的先知工作,他咒骂他的生日(十五10; XX,14-18),他想出现的,因此走,鼓吹而是在旷野的石头:“谁给我在荒野住宿的地方。我会离开我的人,离开他们呢?“(ix, 2; Heb. text, ix, 1). (九,2;希伯来文,九,1)。It is not improbable that the mourning prophet of Anathoth was the author of many of the Psalms that are full of bitter reproach.这不是不可能的是,亚拿突哀悼先知是的诗篇是充满苦涩的非议很多的作者。

After the destruction of Jerusalem, Jeremias was not carried away into the Babylonian exile.后销毁耶路撒冷,赫雷米亚斯没有带走到巴比伦流亡。He remained behind in Chanaan, in the wasted vineyard of Jahweh, that he might continue his prophetic office.他仍然落后于Chanaan,在亚威浪费了葡萄园,他可能会继续他的预言办公室。It was indeed a life of martyrdom among the dregs of the nation that had been left in the land.这的确是中殉难的是曾在全国土地留下的渣滓生活。At a later date, he was dragged to Egypt by emigrating Jews (xi-xliv).在以后的日子,他被拖到埃及的犹太人移民(西四十四)。 According to a tradition first mentioned by Tertullian (Scorp., viii), Jeremias was stoned to death in Egypt by his own countrymen on account of his discourses threatening the coming punishment of God (cf. Hebrews 11:37), thus crowning with martyrdom a life of steadily increasing trials and sorrows.根据最初由良(Scorp.,八)条所述的传统,赫雷米亚斯被石头砸死在埃及由他自己对他的话语帐户危及神(参希伯来书11时37分)来处罚的同胞,从而与殉道加冕试验的稳步提高和悲伤的生活。 Jeremias would not have died as Jeremias had he not died a martyr.赫雷米亚斯不会死亡赫雷米亚斯他没有死了烈士。The Roman Martyrology assigns his name to 1 May.罗马Martyrology分配到5月1日他的名字。Posterity sought to atone for the sins his contemporaries had committed against him.后人试图弥补了他的同时代人对他所犯的罪。 Even during the Babylonian Captivity his prophecies seem to have been the favourite reading of the exiles (2 Chronicles 36:21; Ezra 1:1; Daniel 9:2).即使在巴比伦囚禁他的预言似乎一直是流亡者(历代志下36:21;以斯拉1:1;丹尼尔9:2)最喜欢读。In the later books compare Ecclus., xlix, 8 sq.; 2 Maccabees 2:1-8; 15:12-16; Matthew 16:14.在后来的书籍比较Ecclus,XLIX,8平方米; 2马加比2:1-8; 15:12-16;马太16时14分。

IV. IV。CHARACTERISTIC QUALITIES OF JEREMIAS品质特性的赫雷米亚斯

The delineation in II and III of the life and task of Jeremias has already made plain the peculiarity of his character.在第二和第三的生活和工作的划分赫雷米亚斯已经取得了他的性格平原的特殊性。 Jeremias is the prophet of mourning and of symbolical suffering.赫雷米亚斯是哀悼和象征痛苦的先知。This distinguishes his personality from that of Isaias, the prophet of ecstasy and the Messianic future, of Ezechiel, the prophet of mystical (not typical) suffering, and of Daniel, the cosmopolitan revealer of apocalyptic visions of the Old Covenant.这区别于伊萨亚斯,忘我的和将来的救世主先知的Ezechiel,在神秘(不典型)苦难的先知,他的个性,和丹尼尔,对旧约启示愿景大都会启示者。 No prophet belonged so entirely to his age and his immediate surroundings, and no prophet was so seldom transported by the Spirit of God from a dreary present into a brighter future than the mourning prophet of Anathoth.所以完全没有先知属于他的年龄和他周围的环境,也没有先知所以很少由神从一个更光明的未来目前沉闷的精神比哀悼先知亚拿突运。

Consequently, the life of no other prophet reflects the history of his times so vividly as the life of Jeremias reflects the time immediately preceding the Babylonian Captivity.因此,没有其他先知的生活反映了他那个时代的历史如此生动地作为生活赫雷米亚斯反映时间紧接巴比伦圈养。A sombre, depressed spirit overshadows his life, just as a gloomy light overhangs the grotto of Jeremias in the northern part of Jerusalem.一个阴沉,抑郁精神黯然失色他的生活,就像阴沉的在耶路撒冷北部赫雷米亚斯石窟光出挑。In Michelangelo's frescoes on the ceilings of the Sistine chapel there is a masterly delineation of Jeremias as the prophet of myrrh, perhaps the most expressive and eloquent figure among the prophets depicted by the great master.在对西斯廷教堂的天花板米开朗基罗的壁画有一个赫雷米亚斯作为没药,也许是经由伟大的大师描绘先知最具表现力和说服力的数字先知巧妙的划分。 He is represented bent over like a tottering pillar of the temple, the head supported by the right hand, the disordered beard expressive of a time of intense sorrow, and the forehead scored with wrinkles, the entire exterior a contrast to the pure soul within.他是代表弯曲像一个蹒跚支柱庙结束,由右手支持头部,无序胡子的时间表达强烈的悲痛,并取得了与皱纹的额头,整个外观到内部纯净的灵魂的对比。 His eyes seem to see blood and ruins, and his lips appear to murmur a lament.他的眼睛似乎看到鲜血和废墟,他的嘴唇似乎杂音的慨叹。 The whole picture strikingly portrays a man who never in his life laughed, and who turned aside from scenes of joy, because the Spirit told him that soon the voice of mirth should be silenced (xvi, 8 sq.).整个画面描绘了一个惊人的人谁从未在他的生活笑了,谁把除了欢乐的场面,因为圣灵告诉他,很快,欢乐的声音应该是沉默(十六,8平方米)。

Equally characteristic and idiosyncratic is the literary style of Jeremias.同样的特征和特质是文学风格的赫雷米亚斯。He does not use the classically elegant language of a Deutero-Isaias or an Amos, nor does he possess the imagination shown in the symbolism and elaborate detail of Ezechiel, neither does he follow the lofty thought of a Daniel in his apocalyptic vision of the history of the world.他不使用的Deutero - 伊萨亚或阿莫斯古典优雅的语言,也不具备的象征意义和Ezechiel详细阐述显示的想象力,他也没有按照他的历史眼光世界末日的崇高思想丹尼尔世界。 The style of Jeremias is simple, without ornament and but little polished.赫雷米亚斯风格的简单,没有装饰,但很少和抛光。 Jerome speaks of him as "in verbis simplex et facilis, in majestate sensuum profundissimus" (simple and easy in words, most profound in majesty of thought).杰罗姆说,作为“在verbis单等facilis,在majestate sensuum profundissimus”(简单,易于在口头上,最深刻的思想威严)他。Jeremias often speaks in jerky, disjointed sentences, as if grief and excitement of spirit had stifled his voice.赫雷米亚斯经常讲的干,不连贯的句子,仿佛悲伤和精神兴奋扼杀了他的声音。Nor did he follow strictly the laws of poetic rhythm in the use of the Kînah, or elegiac, verse, which had, moreover, an anacoluthic measure of its own.他也没有按照诗的节奏在Kînah使用,或挽联,诗歌,其中有,而且,对自己的anacoluthic措施严格的法律。Like these anacoluthæ so are also the many, at times even monotonous, repetitions for which he has been blamed, the only individual expressions of the mournful feeling of his soul that are correct in style.像这些anacoluthæ所以也很多,有时甚至单调,重复的,他一直指责,只有个别的灵魂,他的表情悲哀的感觉是正确的风格。 Sorrow inclines to repetition, in the manner of the prayers on the Mount of Olives.悲伤倾向于重复,在在橄榄山的祷告方式。 Just as grief in the East is expressed in the neglect of the outward appearance, so the great representative of elegiac verse of the Bible had neither time nor desire to adorn his thoughts with a carefully chosen diction.正如在东方悲伤是在外观忽视表示,所以圣经的挽歌诗大代表既没有时间也没有欲望,装饰用精心挑选的文辞他的想法。

Jeremias also stands by himself among the prophets by his manner of carrying on and developing the Messianic idea.赫雷米亚斯还主张,各国的先知由他的继承和发展的弥赛亚思想的方式由他本人。He was far from attaining the fullness and clearness of the Messianic gospel of the Book of Isaias; he does not contribute as much as the Book of Daniel to the terminology of the gospel.他还远远没有实现丰满及对伊萨亚斯弥赛亚福音书清晰,他不出力像但以理书很大的福音术语。Above all the other great prophets, Jeremias was sent to his age, and only in very isolated instances does he throw a prophetic light in verbal prophecy on the fullness of time, as in his celebrated discourse of the Good Shepherd of the House of David (xxiii, 1-5), or when he most beautifully, in chapters xxx-xxxiii, proclaims the deliverance from the Babylonian Captivity as the type and pledge of the Messianic deliverance.以上所有其他伟大的先知,赫雷米亚斯被送到他的年龄,只有在极个别情况下确实他扔在丰满的时间在口头预言预言光线在他对大卫家善牧庆祝话语,(二十三,1-5),或当他最漂亮,在章节XXX -三十三,宣布从巴比伦圈养的类型和服务承诺的救世主拯救解脱。This lack of actual Messianic prophecies by Jeremias has its compensation; for his entire life became a living personal prophecy of the suffering Messias, a living illustration of the predictions of suffering made by the other prophets.这种实际的赫雷米亚斯弥赛亚的预言缺乏有其赔偿;为他的整个生活成了生活的个人预言的痛苦弭赛亚,一个痛苦的其他先知所作的预测生活的例证。 The suffering Lamb of God in the Book of Isaias (liii, 7) becomes in Jeremias a human being: "I was as a meek lamb, that is carried to be a victim" (Jeremiah 11:19).上帝的苦难中的伊萨亚斯图书羔羊(LIII,7)在赫雷米亚斯成为一个人:(耶11:19)“我作为一个温顺的羔羊,就是抬到一个受害人”。 The other seers were Messianic prophets; Jeremias was a Messianic prophecy embodied in flesh and blood.其他预言家是弥赛亚先知赫雷米亚斯是弥赛亚的预言在血肉体现。It is, therefore, fortunate that the story of his life has been more exactly preserved than that of the other prophets, because his life had a prophetic significance.正是因此,幸运的是,他的人生故事更准确地保存了比其他先知,因为他的生活有一个预言的意义。The various parallels between the life of Jeremias and of the Messias are known: both one and the other had at the eleventh hour to proclaim the overthrow of Jerusalem and its temple by the Babylonians or Romans; both wept over the city which stoned the prophets and did not recognize what was for its peace; the love of both was repaid with hatred and ingratitude.之间的赫雷米亚斯和生活的messias是已知的各种相似之处:都之一,另一名在最后一刻宣布对耶路撒冷及其由巴比伦人或推翻罗马神庙,都痛哭过的城市,投掷石块和先知没有认识到什么是对的和平,双方的爱是与仇恨和忘恩负义偿还。 Jeremias deepened the conception of the Messias in another regard.赫雷米亚斯加深了另一个方面的messias概念。From the time the prophet of Anathoth, a man beloved of God, was obliged to live a life of suffering in spite of his guiltlessness and holiness from birth, Israel was no longer justified in judging its Messias by a mechanical theory of retribution and doubting his sinlessness and acceptableness to God because of his outward sorrows.从时间的亚拿突,一个人心爱的神,先知被迫过着一种在他的无辜和痛苦,尽管从出生圣洁的生活,以色列已经不再有理由判断由报应机械论和怀疑他的弭赛亚无罪和acceptableness神,因为他向外悲伤。 Thus the life of Jeremias, a life as bitter as myrrh, was gradually to accustom the eye of the people to the suffering figure of Christ, and to make clear in advance the bitterness of the Cross.因此,赫雷米亚斯生活,只要没药苦的生活,是逐步习惯于对人眼的基督苦难的身影,并提前做出了明确的十字架苦。Therefore it is with a profound right that the Offices of the Passion in the Liturgy of the Church often use the language of Jeremias in an applied sense.因此,它是,在教会的礼仪热情的办公室经常使用赫雷米亚斯在语言应用意识与深刻的权利。

V. THE BOOK OF THE PROPHECIES OF JEREMIAS五,对预定的预言赫雷米亚斯

A. Analysis of ContentsA.分析目录

The book in its present form has two main divisions: chapters i-xiv, discourses threatening punishment which are aimed directly against Juda and are intermingled with narratives of personal and national events, and chapters xlvi-li, discourses containing threats against nine heathen nations and intended to warn Juda indirectly against the polytheism and policy of these peoples.在其目前形式的书主要有两个部分:第一至第十四,论述威胁惩罚的目的是直接针对犹大,并与个人和国家的事件的叙述交织,和章节XLVI力,话语包含对九异教徒国家的威胁,旨在警告反对多神教和这些民族政策犹大间接的影响。 In chapter i is related the calling of the prophet, in order to prove to his suspicious countrymen that he was the ambassador of God.在第一章是有关先知呼吁,为了证明他的怀疑的同胞,他是上帝的使者。Not he himself had assumed the office of prophet, but Jahweh had conferred it upon him notwithstanding his reluctance.不是他自己承担了先知的办公室,但他赋予了亚威尽管他不愿意的。Chapters ii-vi contain rhetorical and weighty complaints and threats of judgment on account of the nation's idolatry and foreign policy.第II - VI包含修辞和有分量的投诉在全国的偶像崇拜和外交政策考虑和判断的威胁。The very first speech in ii-iii may be said to present the scheme of the Jeremianic discourse.在II - III的第一个发言,可以说目前的Jeremianic话语计划。Here also appears at once the conception of Osee which is typical as well of Jeremias: Israel, the bride of the Lord, has degraded herself into becoming the paramour of strange nations.这里还出现在曾经是Osee概念这是典型的赫雷米亚斯以及:以色列,主的新娘,已经退化到成为国家的情夫怪自己。 Even the temple and sacrifice (vii-x), without inward conversion on the part of the people, cannot bring salvation; while other warnings are united like mosaics with the main ones.即使是寺庙和牺牲(VII - X),不因部分人向内转化,不能带来救恩;而其他的警告就像镶嵌与主体的统一。The "words of the covenant" in the Thorah recently found under Josias contain threatenings of judgment; the enmity of the citizens of Anathoth against the herald of this Thorah reveals the infatuation of the nation (xi-xii).而“公约词”中的Thorah最近根据Josias发现含有判决threatenings;对亚拿突的公民反对这Thorah预示着敌意揭示了民族的痴情(十一至十二)。 Jeremias is commanded to hide a linen girdle, a symbol of the priestly nation of Sion, by the Euphrates and to let it rot there, to typify the downfall of the nation in exile on the Euphrates (xiii).赫雷米亚斯是隐藏命令亚麻腰带,一个祭司的民族象征的锡永的幼发拉底河,让它烂在那里,以typify在幼发拉底河上(十三)流亡民族的灭亡。 The same stern symbolism is expressed later by the earthen bottle which is broken on the rocks before the Earthen Gate (xix, 1-11).同样严峻的象征意义是表示后来被土瓶是在岩石破碎前的土门(十九,1-11)。According to the custom of the prophets (1 Kings 11:29-31; Isaiah 8:1-4; Ezekiel 5:1-12), his warnings are accompanied by forcible pantomimic action.根据先知(王上11:29-31;以赛亚书8:1-4;以西结书5:1-12)的习俗,他的警告都伴随着强行哑剧动作。 Prayers at the time of a great drought, statements which are of much value for the understanding of the psychological condition of the prophet in his spiritual struggles, follow (xiv-xv).在一个大旱时的祈祷,陈述其中为在他的斗争精神心理状态的理解先知多少价值的,按照(十四,十五)。The troubles of the times demand from the prophet an unmarried and joyless life (xvi-xvii).时代的烦恼需求先知未婚和悁生活(十六,十七)。The creator can treat those he has created with the same supreme authority that the potter has over clay and earthen vessels.创作者可以治疗那些曾与相同的最高权力机构的陶工对粘土和陶器创造。Jeremias is ill-treated (xviii-xx).赫雷米亚斯是虐待(XVIII - XX)。A condemnation of the political and ecclesiastical leaders of the people and, in connection with this, the promise of a better shepherd are uttered (xxi-xxiii).一个对人民和在这方面,政治和宗教领袖谴责,对美好前景的一声牧羊人(XXI - XXIII)。The vision of the two baskets of figs is narrated in chapter xxiv.对两筐无花果的目标是在第一章叙述XXIV。The repeated declaration (ceterum censeo) that the land will become a desolation follows (xxv).一再声明(ceterum censeo),该地块将成为一个荒凉如下(二十五)。Struggles with the false prophets, who take wooden chains off the people and lead them instead with iron ones, are detailed.与假先知,谁起飞的人木链,并引领着他们,而不是铁的,斗争是详细。Both in a letter to the exiles in Babylon, and by word of mouth, Jeremias exhorts the captives to conform to the decrees of Jahweh (xxvi-xxix).无论是在一个在巴比伦流亡者的信,并通过口耳相传,赫雷米亚斯规劝俘虏,以顺应亚威(XXVI - XXIX)法令。Compare with this letter the "epistle of Jeremias" in Baruch, vi.比较这封信的“赫雷米亚斯书信”在巴鲁克,六。A prophecy of consolation and salvation in the style of a Deutero-Isaias, concerning the return of God's favour to Israel and of the new, eternal covenant, is then given (xxx-xxxiii).一种安慰和一个Deutero - 伊萨亚式救赎的预言,关于上帝的青睐,以色列和新的,永恒的盟约回报,然后给定的(XXX - XXXIII)。The chapters following are taken up largely with narratives of the last days of the siege of Jerusalem and of the period after the conquest with numerous biographical details concerning Jeremias (xxxiv-xlv).下面的章节主要是采取与围困的耶路撒冷的最后几天的时间叙述和后与有关赫雷米亚斯(三十四 - XLV)征服无数简历细节。

B. Literary Criticism of the BookB.文学批评的书

Much light is thrown on the production and genuineness of the book by the testimony of chapter xxxvi; Jeremias is directed to write down, either personally or by his scribe Baruch, the discourses he had given up to the fourth year of Joakim (604 BC).许多光扔在生产和由章XXXVI证词书的真实性;赫雷米亚斯是针对写下来,亲自或通过他的隶巴鲁克,他已经放弃了对乔金姆第四年(公元前604年)的论述。 In order to strengthen the impression made by the prophecies as a whole, the individual predictions are to be united into a book, thereby preserving documentary proof of these discourses until the time in which the disasters threatened in them should actually come to pass.为了加强作为一个整体的预言作出的印象,个人的预测要团结成册,从而维护这些话语的证明文件的时间,直到其中的灾害威胁他们应该真正成为过去。 This first authentic recension of the prophecies forms the basis of the present Book of Jeremias.这首预言真实校订形成了目前的赫雷米亚斯书的基础。According to a law of literary transmission to which the Biblical books are also subject–habent sua fata libelli (books have their vicissitudes)–the first transcript was enlarged by various insertions and additions from the pen of Baruch or of a later prophet.根据法律,文学传播的圣经的书籍也受到- habent SUA FATA libelli(书籍有其沧桑) - 第一个转录各插入和从巴鲁克或稍后先知笔补充扩大。The attempts of commentators to separate these secondary and tertiary additions in different cases from the original Jeremianic subject-matter have not always led to as convincing proof as in chapter lii.论者的企图分开,从原来的Jeremianic标的物不同的情况下,这些二级,三级增加并不总是导致像在章LII有力证据。 This chapter should be regarded as an addition of the post-Jeremianic period based on 2 Kings 24:18-25:30, on account of the concluding statement of li: "Thus far are the words of Jeremias."本章应被视为对2国王24:18-25:30基础后Jeremianic期此外,对李总结发言帐户:“到目前为止是赫雷米亚斯的话。” Cautious literary criticism is obliged to observe the principle of chronological arrangement which is perceptible in the present composition of the book, notwithstanding the additions: chapters i-vi belong apparently to the reign of King Josias (cf. the date in iii, 6); vii-xx belong, at least largely, to the reign of Joakim; xxi-xxxiii partly to the reign of Sedecias (cf. xxi, 1; xxvii, 1; xxviii, 1; xxxii, 1), although other portions are expressly assigned to the reigns of other kings: xxxiv-xxxix to the period of the siege of Jerusalem; xl-xlv to the period after the destruction of that city.谨慎文学批评有义务遵守的原则是按时间顺序排列在书目前的组成感觉到,尽管补充:第一至第六属于显然是国王Josias(参见在第三日,6)统治; VII - XX属于,至少在很大程度上,对乔金姆统治; XXI,三十三部分的Sedecias(参二十一,1,二十七,1,二十八,1个;三十二,1)统治时期,尽管其他部分都明确分配与其他国王的统治:三十四,三十九到耶路撒冷围困期间,XL - XLV到那个城市后销毁期。Consequently, the chronology must have been considered in the arrangement of the material.因此,年表必须被认为在材料的安排。Modern critical analysis of the book distinguishes between the portions narrated in the first person, regarded as directly attributable to Jeremias, and those portions which speak of Jeremias in the third person.现代书的批判性分析区分以第一人称的直接归属于赫雷米亚斯认为,叙述的部分,这些部分其中赫雷米亚斯发言的第三人。 According to Scholz, the book is arranged in "decades", and each larger train of thought or series of speeches is closed with a song or prayer.据肖尔茨,书是安排在“十年”,每个思想的一系列讲话或较大的列车是一首歌曲或祈祷关闭。It is true that in the book parts classically perfect and highly poetic in character are often suddenly followed by the most commonplace prose, and matters given in the barest outline are not seldom succeeded by prolix and monotonous details.诚然,在书中部分经典完美的性格和高度的诗意往往突然其次是最常见的散文,在给定的问题是最起码的轮廓并不很少的冗长和单调的细节成功。 After what has been said above concerning elegiac verse, this difference in style can only be used with the greatest caution as a criterion for literary criticism.经过了什么上面关于祭文诗说,这种风格的差异只能用于与作为文学批评的标准最大的谨慎。In the same way, investigation, of late very popular, as to whether a passage exhibits a Jeremianic spirit or not, leads to vague subjective results.以同样的方式,调查,近来非常流行的一段话,是否呈现出Jeremianic精神或没有,导致模糊的主观结果。Since the discovery (1904) of the Assuan texts, which strikingly confirm Jer., xliv, 1, has proved that Aramaic, as the koine (common dialect) of the Jewish colony in Egypt, was spoken as early as the fifth and sixth centuries BC, the Aramaic expressions in the Book of Jeremias can no longer be quoted as proof of a later origin of such passages.自Assuan文本发现(1904年),其中引人注目的确认耶,四十四,1,证明阿拉姆语,作为犹太人在埃及殖民地koine(普通方言),被作为第五个和第六个世纪初发言BC,在赫雷米亚斯预订阿拉姆表达式可以不再被引用到这些经文后来的原产地证明。 Also, the agreement, verbal or conceptual, of texts in Jeremias with earlier books, perhaps with Deuteronomy, is not in itself a conclusive argument against the genuineness of these passages, for the prophet does not claim absolute originality.此外,协议,口头或概念性的书籍或许与早前与申命记,赫雷米亚斯文本,本身并不对这些经文的真实性确凿的论据,为先知不要求绝对原创。

Notwithstanding the repetition of earlier passages in Jeremias, chapters l-li are fundamentally genuine, although their genuineness has been strongly doubted, because, in the series of discourses threatening punishment to the heathen nations, it is impossible that there should not be a prophecy against Babylon, then the most powerful representative of paganism.尽管在前面的段落重复赫雷米亚斯,章升利从根本上真正的,虽然他们的真实性一直强烈怀疑,因为,在威胁惩罚异教徒国家的一系列论述,这是不可能也不应该对预言巴比伦,那么异教最强大的代表。 These chapters are, indeed, filled with the Deutero-Isaian spirit of consolation, somewhat after the manner of Is., xlvii, but they do not therefore, as a matter of course, lack genuineness, as the same spirit of consolation also inspires xxx-xxxiii.这些章节的确是充满了安慰Deutero - Isaian精神,有点后的。,XLVII方式,但他们并不因此,作为一个理所当然的,缺乏真实性作为安慰同样的精神,也激励着XXX - 三十三。

C. Textual Conditions of the BookC.文字的书籍条件

The arrangement of the text in the Septuagint varies from that of the Hebrew text and the Vulgate; the discourses against the heathen nations, in the Hebrew text, xlvi-li, are, in the Septuagint, inserted after xxv, 13, and partly in different order.而中译本的文字安排各不相同的希伯来文和拉丁文圣经说,反对异教徒国家的话语,在希伯来文,XLVI礼,是在七十,后二十五,13插入和部分不同的顺序。 Great differences exist also as to the extent of the text of the Book of Jeremias.大的差异存在也给了图书的赫雷米亚斯文本的程度。 The text of the Hebrew and Latin Bibles is about one-eighth larger than that of the Septuagint.对希伯来文和拉丁文圣经约八分之一,比七十多。The question as to which text has preserved the original form cannot be answered according to the theory of Streane and Scholz, who declare at the outset that every addition of the Hebrew version is a later enlargement of the original text in the Septuagint.作为对这些文字保留了原来的形式问题不能回答根据Streane和肖尔茨,谁在一开始就宣布理论的每一个希伯来文版本除了是对原文的译本在以后的扩大。 Just as little can the difficulty be settled by avowing, with Kaulen, an a priori preference for the Masoretic text.就像小的困难是可以解决的avowing与考伦,是一个先验的马所拉文本的偏好。In most cases the Alexandrian translation has retained the better and original reading; consequently, in most cases the Hebrew text is glossed.在大多数情况下,亚历山大翻译保留了原有的阅读更好,因此,在大多数情况下,希伯来文是掩饰。In a book as much read as Jeremias the large number of glosses cannot appear strange.在多达赫雷米亚斯读的书大量的粉饰不能出现奇怪。But in other cases the shorter recension of the Septuagint, amounting to about 100 words, which can be opposed to its large lacunæ, as compared with the Masorah, are sufficient proof that considerable liberty was taken in its preparation.但在其他情况下,较短的译本校订,金额约100字,可以反对它的大缺陷,因为相对于Masorah,都足以证明,相当大的自由是在其准备采取的。 Consequently, it was not made by an Aquila, and it received textual changes in the literary transmission.因此,它不是由一家拉奎拉,并获得文学传输文字的变化。The dogmatic content of the discourses of Jeremias is not affected by these variations in the text.对教条式的话语赫雷米亚斯内容是在不影响这些变化的文字。

VI. VI。LAMENTATIONS耶利米哀歌

In the Greek and Latin Bibles there are five songs of lament bearing the name of Jeremias, which follow the Book of the Prophecy of Jeremias.在希腊文和拉丁文圣经有五首歌曲的悲叹轴承的赫雷米亚斯,它遵循的赫雷米亚斯预言书的名字。In the Hebrew these are entitled Kinôth.在希伯来文这些都有权Kinôth。from their elegiac character, or the 'Ekhah songs after the first word of the first, second, and fourth elegies; in Greek they are called Threnoi, in Latin they are known as Lamentationes.从他们的挽联字符,或“Ekhah歌曲后的第一,第二和第四挽歌的第一个字,在希腊,他们被称为Threnoi,在拉美它们作为Lamentationes闻名。

A. Position and Genuineness of LamentationsA.位置和道地的哀歌

The superscription to Lamentations in the Septuagint and other versions throws light on the historical occasion of their production and on the author: "And it came to pass, after Israel was carried into captivity, and Jerusalem was desolate, that Jeremias the prophet sat weeping, and mourned with this lamentation over Jerusalem, and with a sorrowful mind, sighing and moaning, he said".而在七十和其他版本的哀歌上标上抛出了他们的生产历史场合和对作者的光:“它来通过后,以色列将进行圈养,耶路撒冷是荒凉,那赫雷米亚斯先知星期六哭泣,和哀悼与此耶路撒冷哀悼,并与悲哀心态,叹息和呻吟,他说“。 The inscription was not written by the author of Lamentations, one proof of this being that it does not belong to the alphabetical form of the elegies.碑文写的不是作者的哀歌,这是一个证明,它不属于字母形式的挽歌。 It expresses, however, briefly, the tradition of ancient times which is also confirmed both by the Targum and the Talmud.它表示,但是,简单地说,在古代传统,同时也证实了Targum和犹太法典。To a man like Jeremias, the day on which Jerusalem became a heap of ruins was not only a day of national misfortune, as was the day of the fall of Troy to the Trojan, or that of the destruction of Carthage to the Carthaginian, it was also a day of religious inanition.要像赫雷米亚斯人,一天上耶路撒冷成为一堆废墟不仅是国家的不幸日子,因为是秋天的一天特洛伊的木马,或毁灭的迦太基的迦太基的是,它也是一种宗教空虚的日子。 For, in a religious sense, Jerusalem had a peculiar importance in the history of salvation, as the footstool of Jahweh and as the scene of the revelation of God and of the Messias.因为,在宗教意义上说,耶路撒冷曾在救恩历史的特殊重要性,作为亚威脚凳和作为上帝和启示的messias现场。 Consequently, the grief of Jeremias was personal, not merely a sympathetic emotion over the sorrow of others, for he had sought to prevent the disaster by his labours as a prophet in the streets of the city.因此,在悲痛赫雷米亚斯是个人,而不仅仅是一种同情的情感比别人的悲伤,因为他曾试图阻止作为一个城市的街道先知他的劳动力的灾难。 All the fibres of his heart were bound up with Jerusalem; he was now himself crushed and desolate.他心里所有的纤维方向与耶路撒冷,他现在自己粉碎和荒凉。Thus Jeremias more than any other man was plainly called–it may be said, driven by an inner force–to lament the ruined city as threnodist of the great penitential period of the Old Covenant.因此赫雷米亚斯超过其他任何男子显然被叫可以说,一种内在的驱动力,感叹作为伟大的旧约悔罪期threnodist破坏的城市。 He was already prepared by his lament upon the death of King Josias (2 Chronicles 35:25) and by the elegiac songs in the book of his prophecies (cf. xiii, 20-27, a lament over Jerusalem).他已经准备好由他感叹后,国王Josias(历代志下35:25)死亡和在他的预言书(见十三,20-27,比耶路撒冷悲叹)的祭文歌曲。 The lack of variety in the word-forms and in the construction of the sentences, which, it is claimed, does not accord with the character of the style of Jeremias, may be explained as a poetic peculiarity of this poetic book.该品种在文字形式和在服刑,其中,它声称,不符合的赫雷米亚斯作风建设缺乏性格,原因可能是由于这个充满诗意的书诗意特点。 Descriptions such as those in i, 13书耶利米书几篇文章。信息来源,以便更深入地了解宗教科目。"> or iv, 10, seem to point to an eye witness of the catastrophe, and the literary impression made by the whole continually recalls Jeremias.如我,13-15,或四,10,这些描述似乎指向一个目击者的灾难,而文学的整体印象作出不断回忆赫雷米亚斯。 To this conduce the elegiac tone of the Lamentations, which is only occasionally interrupted by intermediate tones of hope; the complaints against false prophets and against the striving after the favour of foreign nations; the verbal agreements with the Book of Prophecy of Jeremias; finally the predilection for closing a series of thoughts with a prayer warm from the heart–cf.为此有助于该悲叹,这只是偶尔通过中间色调的希望中断祭文音;对假先知,反对外国后,有利于争取的投诉;与预言书的赫雷米亚斯的口头协议,最后的好发的关闭与祈祷的心比照温暖思绪系列。 iii, 19-21, 64-66, and chapter v, which, like a Miserere Psalm of Jeremias, forms a close to the five lamentations.三,19-21,64-66,和第五章,其中,像求主怜悯的赫雷米亚斯诗篇,形成了密切的五个悲叹。The fact that in the Hebrew Bible the Kinôth was removed, as a poetic work, from the collection of prophetic books and placed among the Keth&úhîm, or Hagiographa, cannot be quoted as a decisive argument against its Jeremiac origin, as the testimony of the Septuagint, the most important witness in the forum of Biblical criticism, must in a hundred other cases correct the decision of the Masorah.认为,在希伯来文圣经Kinôth被删除,作为一个富有诗意的工作,从先知书收集并跻身Keth&úhîm,或Hagiographa放在事实,不能援引作为对其Jeremiac起源决定性的说法,作为七十证词,在圣经批评论坛最重要的证人,必须在其他案件一百正确的Masorah决定。 Moreover, the superscription of the Septuagint seems to presuppose a Hebrew original.此外,该译本上标似乎预设了一个希伯来语原始。

B. Technical Form of the Poetry of LamentationsB.技术形态的哀歌诗

(1) In the first four laments the Kînah measure is used in the construction of the lines. (1)在头四个感叹Kînah措施是用在了线的建设。In this measure each line is divided into two unequal members having respectively three and two stresses, as for example in the introductory first three lines of the book.这项措施在每一行分为两个不平等的分别有三名成员和两名强调,作为在介绍前三书行的例子。

(2) In all five elegies the construction of the verses follows an alphabetical arrangement.(2)在所有五个挽歌建设的诗句如下一个字母的安排。The first, second, fourth, and fifth laments are each composed of twenty-two verses, to correspond with the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet; the third lament is made up of three times twenty-two verses.第一,第二,第四和第五哀歌,每个由22节,以对应的希伯来文字母表中的字母数,第三感叹是由三个次22节了。In the first, second, and fourth elegies each verse begins with a letter of the Hebrew alphabet, the letters following in order, as the first verse begins with Aleph, the second with Beth, etc.; in the third elegy every fourth verse begins with a letter of the alphabet in due order.在第一,第二和第四挽歌每节开始的希伯来文字母表中的字母顺序在下面,信作为第一首诗歌与阿莱夫,与贝丝,等第二次开始,在第三挽歌每四节开始用在适当的字母顺序。 Thus, with a few exceptions and changes (Pê, the seventeenth, precedes Ayin the sixteenth letter), the Hebrew alphabet is formed from the initial letters of the separate verses.因此,除少数例外和变化(PE,十七,十六之前阿银信),希伯来文字母表形成从独立的诗句的首字母。How easily this alphabetical method can curb the spirit and logic of a poem is most clearly shown in the third lament, which, besides, had probably in the beginning the same structure as the others, a different initial letter to each of the original verses; it was not until later that a less careful writer developed each verse into three by means of ideas taken from Job and other writers.如何轻松地按字母顺序排列的方法可以遏制这种精神和诗的逻辑是极其清楚地表明,在第三哀叹,其中,除了曾在一开始可能是为别人,不同的首字母,以原诗句每个相同的结构;直到后来,一个不小心作家发展成为三个来自工作和其他作家采取的想法意味着每个诗句。

(3) As to the structure of the strophe, it is certain that the principle followed in some cases is the change of the person of the subject as speaker or one addressed. (3)至于对strophe结构,可以肯定的是,在某些情况下,遵循的原则是,作为扬声器或一个解决的受调查人的变化。The first elegy is divided into a lament over Sion in the third person (verses 1-11), and a lament of Sion over itself (verses 12-22).第一挽歌分为在第三人(1-11节)慨叹过锡永,以及锡安超过本身(12-22节)感叹。 In the first strophe Sion is the object, in the second, a strophe of equal length, the subject of the elegy.在第一strophe锡永是对象,在第二,长度相等,则挽歌主题strophe。In 11c, according to the Septuagint, the third person should be used.在11C,根据七十,第三人应当使用。In the second elegy, also, the intention seems to be, with the change of strophe, to change from the third person to the second, and from the second to the first person.在第二个挽歌,也意图似乎是,随着strophe变化,从第三人变更为第二,从第二到第一人。In verses 1-8 there are twenty-four members in the third person; in 13-19 twenty-one in the second person, while in 20-22, a strophe in the first person, the lament closes in a monologue.在1-8节中有第三人24名;在13-19第二人21,而在20-22日,在第一人称strophe,在独白的慨叹关闭。 In the third lament, as well, the speech of a single subject in the first person alternates with the speech of several persons represented by "we" and with colloquy; verses 40-47 are clearly distinguished by their subject "we" from the preceding strophe, in which the subject is one individual, and from the following strophe in the first person singular in verses 48-54, while the verses 55-66 represent a colloquy with Jahweh.在第三哀叹,以及,一个在与由“我们”,并以讨论会为代表的几个人讲话的第一人候补单一主体的演讲;诗句40-47是明确区分其主题为“我们”从前面strophe,其中主体是一个人,并从48-54中的诗句以下strophe第一人称单数,而诗句55-66代表与亚威讨论会。 The theory of the writer, that in the structure of Hebrew poetry the alternation of persons and subjects is a fixed principle in forming strophes, finds in Lamentations its strongest confirmation.该作家的理论,即在希伯来诗歌结构的人员和学科交替是在形成strophes固定原则,认定在悲叹其最强的确认。

(4) In the structure of the five elegies regarded as a whole, Zenner has shown that they rise in a steady and exactly measured progression to a climax. (4)在作为一个整体视为五个挽歌结构,真兰已经表明,他们在一个稳定的上升和精确测量的发展推向了高潮。In the first elegy there are two monologues from two different speakers.在第一挽歌有两个从两个不同的扬声器独白。In the second elegy the monologue develops into an animated dialogue.在第二个挽歌的独白发展成为一个动画对话。In the third and fourth elegies the cry of lamentation is louder still, as more have joined in the lament, and the solitary voice has been replaced by a choir of voices.在第三和第四挽歌的悲叹一声响亮仍然是,随着越来越多的加入已经在哀叹,而孤立的声音是由一个声音合唱团所取代。In the firth lament a third choir is added.在弗斯悲叹合唱团是第三次补充。Literary criticism finds in the dramatic construction of the book a strong argument for the literary unity of Lamentations.文学批评中找到的书,为文学的哀歌团结有力的论据戏剧性的建设。

C. Liturgical Use of LamentationsC.礼仪使用的哀歌

The Lamentations have received a peculiar distinction in the Liturgy of the Church in the Office of Passion Week.已收到的哀歌在周中的激情所教会礼仪奇特的区别。If Christ Himself designated His death as the destruction of a temple, "he spoke of the temple of his body" (John 2:19-21), then the Church surely has a right to pour out her grief over His death in those Lamentations which were sung over the ruins of the temple destroyed by the sins of the nation.如果基督自己指定为寺庙破坏他的死,(约2:19-21)“他在谈到他的身体庙”,那么教会肯定有权倾诉了他的死在她的悲伤的哀歌其中演唱了由民族的罪恶破坏了寺庙的废墟。

Publication information Written by M. Faulhaber.出版信息由M.冯哈伯书面。Transcribed by WGKofron.转录由WGKofron。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.天主教百科全书,音量八。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

For a general introduction to Jeremias and Lamentations see the Biblical Introduction of CORNELY, VIGOUROUX, GIROT, DRIVER, CORNILL, STRACK.对于一般介绍赫雷米亚斯和悲叹看到CORNELY圣经介绍,VIGOUROUX,GIROT,司机,CORNILL,施特拉克。 For special questions of introduction: CHEYNE, Jeremiah (1888); MARTZ, Der Prophet Jeremias von Anatot (1889); ERBT, Jeremia und seine Zeit (Göttingen, 1902); GILLIES, Jeremiah, the Man and His Message (London, 1907); RAMSAY, Studies in Jeremiah (London, 1907); WORKMAN, The Text of Jeremiah (Edinburgh, 1889); STREANE, The Double Text of Jeremiah (Cambridge, 1896); SCHOLZ, Der masoretische Text und die Septuagintaübersetzung des B. Jeremias (Ratisbon, 1875); FRANKL, Studien über die LXX und Peschito zu Jeremia (1873); NETELER, Gliederung der B. Jeremias (Münster, 1870).对于特殊问题的介绍:进益,耶利米(1888); MARTZ,DER先知赫雷米亚斯冯Anatot(1889年); ERBT,Jeremia UND围网宰特(哥廷根,1902年);吉利斯,耶利米,人与他的信息(伦敦,1907年) ;拉姆齐,在耶利米研究(伦敦,1907年);工人,该文本耶利米(爱丁堡,1889年); STREANE,对耶利米(剑桥,1896年)双文本; SCHOLZ,DER masoretische文本UND死Septuagintaübersetzung DES B.赫雷米亚斯(拉蒂斯邦,1875),弗兰克,(研究)黚死LXX UND Peschito祖Jeremia(1873年); NETELER,Gliederung DER B.赫雷米亚斯(明斯特,1870年)。Commentaries on Jeremias issued in the last decades.–Catholic: SCHOLZ (Würzburg, 1880); TROCHON (Paris, 1883); KNABENBAUER (Paris, 1889); SCHNEEDORFER (Vienna, 1903).在上decades.天主教发出赫雷米亚斯评:SCHOLZ(维尔茨堡,1880年); TROCHON(巴黎,1883年); KNABENBAUER(巴黎,1889年); SCHNEEDORFER(维也纳,1903年)。Protestant: PAYNE SMITH in the Speaker's Commentary (London, 1875); CHEYNE in SPENCE, Commentary (London, 1883-85); BALL (New York, 1890); GIESEBRECHT in NOWACK, Handkommentar (Göttingen, 1894); DUHM in MARTI, Kurzer Hand-Commentar (Tübingen and Leipzig, 1901); DOUGLAS (London, 1903); ORELLI (Munich, 1905).新教:PAYNE史密斯议长的评注(伦敦,1875年);进益在SPENCE,评论(伦敦,1883年至1885年);球(纽约,1890年),在NOWACK GIESEBRECHT,Handkommentar(哥廷根,1894年),在马蒂DUHM, Kurzer手Commentar(蒂宾根大学和莱比锡,1901年);道格拉斯(伦敦,1903年); ORELLI(慕尼黑,1905年)。 Commentaries on Lamentations:–Catholic: SEISSENBERGER (Ratisbon, 1872); TROCHON (Paris, 1878); SCHÖNFELDER (Munich, 1887); KNABENBAUER (Paris, 1891); MINOCCHI (Rome, 1897); SCHNEEDORFER (Vienna, 1903); ZENNER, Beiträge zur Erklärung der Klagelieder (Freiburg im Br., 1905).在哀歌评:天主教:SEISSENBERGER(拉蒂斯邦,1872年); TROCHON(巴黎,1878年); SCHÖNFELDER(慕尼黑,1887年); KNABENBAUER(巴黎,1891年); MINOCCHI(罗马,1897年); SCHNEEDORFER(维也纳,1903年);真兰,Beiträge楚Erklärung DER Klagelieder(弗赖堡IM溴,1905年)。Protestant: RAABE (Leipzig, 1880); OETTLI (Nördlingen, 1889); LÖHR (Göttingen, 1891); IDEM in NOWACK, Handkommentar (Göttingen, 1893); BUDDE in MARTI Kurzer Hand-Commentar (Freiburg im Br., 1898).新教:拉贝(莱比锡,1880年);欧特列(Nördlingen,1889年); LOHR(哥廷根,1891年),在NOWACK同上,Handkommentar(哥廷根,1893年),在马蒂Kurzer手Commentar布德(弗赖堡IM溴,1898年)。 For monographs see the latest commentaries and the bibliographies in the Biblical periodicals.对于专着看到最新的评论在圣经期刊和书目。


Book of Jeremiah耶利米书

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:第标题:

Three Sections.三个部分。

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

§ I. The Prophecies in Part I.:§一,在第一部分的预言:

-Critical View:临界查看:

Dated Prophecies.过时的预言。

§ II. §二。Displaced, Disputed, and Non-Authentic Passages of Part I.:流离失所的第一部分,有争议的,与非正宗之旅:

Relations with Deutero-Isaiah.关系与第二以赛亚。

Passage on Sabbath Not Genuine.通道上的安息日不是正版。

Ungenuine Passages in Later Sections.在后面的章节Ungenuine通道。

§ III. §三。The Historical Sections of Parts I. and II.:。部件一和附件二的历史章节:

Ch. CH。xxvi.二十六。and xxxv.-xlv.和xxxv.,XLV。

Work of Baruch.巴鲁克的工作。

§ IV. §四。The Prophecies Against Foreign Peoples in Part III.:在第三部分对外国人民的预言:

Prophecy Not by Jeremiah.耶利米预言没有。

Oracles Worked Over.甲骨文工作了。

Not Before the End of the Exile.不前的流放结束。

§ V. Sources of the Book of Jeremiah, According to Duhm:§五源的耶利米书,根据Duhm:

Duhm's Analysis.Duhm的分析。

Parts Ascribed to Baruch.零件冲高巴鲁克。

Messianic Passages.弥赛亚通道。

§ VI. §六。Relation of the Hebrew Text to the Septuagint:相关的希伯来文字的译本:

Additions to the Septuagint.到七十添置。

§ VII. §七。Origin of the Book of Jeremiah:起源耶利米书:

Final Redaction.最后节录。

Three Sections.三个部分。

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

Contents: At the beginning of the book is a superscription (i. 1-3) which, after giving the parentage of Jeremiah, fixes the period of his prophetical activity as extending from the thirteenth year of Josiah to the eleventh of Zedekiah (ie, the year of the second deportation, 586 BC).内容:在书的开始是上标(一1-3)其中,在给予耶利米出身,修正为扩大从约西亚第十三年的西底家(即第十一届他的预言活动期间,第二次被驱逐出境,公元前586年)年。 This period certainly does not cover the whole contents of the book; hence probably the superscription was originally that of an older book of smaller compass.这一时期当然不包括书的全部内容,因此可能是上标原是一个小罗盘旧的书。This is followed by the first part, i.其次是第一部分,一4-xxxviii.4,三十八。28a, containing prophecies concerning the kingdom of Judah and incidents from the life of the prophet up to the destruction of Jerusalem and the second deportation. 28A,包含预言关于从先知生活的犹大王国​​和事件上升到耶路撒冷的毁灭和第二次被驱逐出境。Only one passage treats of a different subject, viz., ch.只有一个通道处理一个不同的主题,即,CH。xxv.二十五。13 et seq., containing Yhwh's command to Jeremiah, according to which the prophet was to proclaim God's judgment to foreign peoples.13及以下,含耶和华的命令耶利米,根据该先知宣告神的审判外国人民。The second part of the book, xxxviii.该书的第二部分,三十八。28b-xliv.28B - XLIV。 30, contains prophecies and narrations from the period following the destruction of Jerusalem. 30,包含以下的耶路撒冷销毁期的预言和旁白。As an appendix to this, in ch.作为本附录,在CH。xlv., is a short warning to Baruch on the occasion of his writing down the words of Jeremiah. XLV,是一个短的警告对他的写作之际巴鲁克了耶利米的话。A third part, xlvi.-li., comprises prophecies against foreign peoples.第三部分,xlvi.-li.,包括对外国人民的预言。 At the end are given, by way of appendix, historical data (lii.) concerning Zedekiah, the deportation of the captives to Babylon, and the change in the fortunes of King Jehoiachin.在最后,给出了附录,关于西底家的历史数据,对俘虏驱逐到巴比伦,并在国王约雅斤的命运改变(lii.)的方式。

§ I. The Prophecies in Part I.:§一,在第一部分的预言:

-Critical View:临界查看:

In he first part no consistent plan of arrangement, either chronological or material, can be traced.在第一部分,他没有安排是一致的计划,无论是按时间顺序或材料,可跟踪。The speeches not being separated by superscriptions, and data generally (though not always as to time and occasion) being absent, it is very difficult to fix the date of composition.的发言没有被分隔superscriptions和数据通常(但并不总是以时间和场合)被缺席,这是非常难以解决的组成日期。 In this first part, however, may be distinguished different groups which, with a single exception, reflect substantially the successive phases of the development of Jeremiah's prophetic activity.在第一部分,然而,这可能是杰出的,具有唯一的例外,实质上反映了耶利米的预言活动的发展各个阶段的不同群体。 These groups are five in number, as follows:这些团体中排名第五,具体如下:

(1) Ch. (1)CH。i. 4-vi.4 - VI。30, belonging to the reign of Josiah.30,属于约西亚统治。Its first passage, describing the calling of the prophet, is also chronologically the oldest (iii. 6b-18, fixed by the superscription as belonging to the time of Josiah, does not harmonize with the assumed historical background [see below, § II.]; the superscription is undoubtedly a later addition).它的第一个段落,描述先知要求,也是最古老的按时间顺序(III. 6B - 18,由作为属于约西亚时间上标固定,不统一的历史背景与假设[见下文§二。 ;的上标,无疑是一个后来此外)。

(2) Ch. (2)CH。vii.-xx., in the main, of the time of Jehoiakim.vii.-xx.,在时间约雅敬主。This group contains passages that belong to earlier and later dates respectively.该组包​​含段落属于较早,后来日期分别。For instance, ch.例如,甲烷。 xi.十一。1-8 is earlier: the mention of the "words of the covenant" assigns it to the antecedent period (Josiah) and as having been written soon after the discovery of the Book of Deuteronomy. 1-8早:对“该公约的话”提到其分配给前因期(约书亚)和为已后,很快发现了申命记书编写的。Ch.CH。xiii.十三。is certainly later, and probably belongs to the time of the young king Jehoiachin (see below, § II.).当然后来,大概是属于年轻的国王约雅斤的时间(见下文§二)。Other passages in this group should be excluded as not being by Jeremiah, or at least as having been only partially written by him: ch.本组的其他段落应包括在内,因为不是由耶利米之中,或至少已被他写的只是部分:CH。ix.九。22 et seq.; ch.22及以下;通道。 ix.九。24 et seq.; ch.24及以下;通道。 x.X.1-16; and the sermon on the Sabbath, ch.1-16,以及在安息日,CH讲道。xvii.十七。19-27 (see below, § II.). 19-27(见下文§二)。Dated Prophecies.过时的预言。

(3) Speeches from various periods:从各个时期(3)演讲:

(a) a proclamation of the certain fall of Jerusalem made, according to the superscription to Zedekiah and the people, during the siege of Jerusalem, ie, about 588 BC (xxi. 1-10);(一)对耶路撒冷宣布了一定的下降,据对西底家和人民的上标,在耶路撒冷,即围困,约588 BC(xxi. 1-10);

(b) menacing prophecies against the kings of Judah in the time of Jehoiakim (608;xxi. 11-xxii. 19), completed by the passage xxii. (二)针对来势汹汹的预言犹大王约雅敬的时间(608;。XXI 11 - XXII 19),完成了通过二十二。20-30, descriptive of the leading away of Jehoiachin into captivity (597);20-30,领先的约雅斤被掳(597)以外的描述;

(c) threats against the "unfaithful shepherds" (ie, the prophets), the promise of peace and of the real shepherd (after 597), and warnings against false prophets and godless priests (perhaps in the time of Jehoiakim; xxiii. 1-8, 9-40); (三)对“不忠牧羊人”(即先知),和平和真正的牧羊人的承诺(在597),并警告反对假先知和不信神的祭司(也许在约雅敬时威胁; XXIII 1 -8,9-40);

(d) the vision of the two baskets of figs, illustrating the fate of the captives and of those who were left behind, from the period after the first deportation by Nebuchadnezzar, in 597 (xxiv.); (四)两筐无花果的视野,说明了俘虏和那些谁被留下,从期后,由第一驱逐尼布甲尼撒在597(xxiv.)的命运;

(e) threats of punishments to be inflicted on Judah and the surrounding nations, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, ie, the year of the battle of Carchemish (605; xxv.); (五)造成被惩罚的威胁对犹大和周边国家,在约雅敬,即对Carchemish战役(605;二十五)年第四年;

(f) the first of the historical passages recounting Jeremiah's prophecy in the Temple (comp. vii.), his arrest, his threatened death, and his rescue, in which connection the martyrdom of the prophet Uriah is briefly mentioned (xxvi.). (F)的叙述耶利米的预言在庙(comp.七),他被逮捕,他的死亡威胁,他的拯救,在这方面的先知乌利亚殉难是简述(xxvi.)历史第一段落。

(4) Utterances from the time of Zedekiah (see § II.), with an appendix, the last connected prophecy of any length, in ch. (4)从西底家的时间(见§二)话语与一个附录,最后连接的任何长度的预言,在CH,。xxxv., treating of the fidelity of the Rechabites and of the unfaithfulness of Judah.三十五。,对Rechabites的保真度和犹大的不忠治疗。This dates from a somewhat earlier period, that of Jehoiakim (because certainly before 597), and thus forms a transition to the first passages of the narrative sections.这从某种程度上同期的日期,即约雅敬(因为肯定前597),从而形成了一个以叙事部分的第一个段落的过渡。

(5) The fifth group of part I. consists of the first half of the historical narrative concerning Jeremiah's life and work, xxxvi.-xxxviii. (5)第一部分第五组由有关的历史耶利米的生活和工作,xxxvi.,三十八叙事上半年。28a, and may be thus divided: 28A,并可能因此分为:

(a) account of the writing, destruction, and rewriting of the prophecies of Jeremiah under Jehoiakim (xxxvi.);(一)账户的写作,破坏,以及根据约雅敬(xxxvi.)耶利米预言的重写;

(b) narratives and sayings from the time of Zedekiah, who is introduced as a new ruler at the beginning of this historical account (xxxvii. 1), although often mentioned before in the prophecies (xxxvii.-xxxviii. 28a). (二)叙述和从西底家,谁是在这一历史帐户(xxxvii. 1)开始新的统治者推出时间的说法,虽然经常提到前的预言(xxxvii.,三十八。28A)。

§ II. §二。Displaced, Disputed, and Non-Authentic Passages of Part I.:流离失所的第一部分,有争议的,与非正宗之旅:

Relations with Deutero-Isaiah.关系与第二以赛亚。

In group 2 the short admonition in ix.在第2组在九短训诫。22 et seq.22起。is certainly not genuine; it is a warning against self-glorification and an appeal to those who would boast to glory in the knowledge of God instead.当然不是真正的,它是对自我颂扬,是对那些谁就会拥有在神的荣耀,而不是知识,呼吁警告。As its sententious style indicates, it was probably taken from a collection of wise sayings.由于其简洁的风格表明,它可能是来自一个明智的谚语集合。The question as to the genuineness of the second short utterance, ix.作为对第二短的话语,九真实性的问题。24 et seq., which proclaims God's punishment upon the uncircumcised-the heathen who are uncircumcised in the flesh, and the Israelites who are uncircumcised in heart-can not be so easily decided, since the Biblical conception of being uncircumcised in heart is found elsewhere in Jeremiah. 24页起,其中宣布后,未受割礼的,是谁在肉体未受割礼异教徒,和以色列人谁是未受割礼的神的惩罚的心不能轻易决定,自本次会议中心未受割礼的圣经观是其他地方找到在耶利米。 Again, the following section, x.同样,下面的部分,X.1-16, is certainly not genuine. 1-16,当然不是真实的。Here, in a style wholly like that of Deutero-Isaiah, the speaker mocks at the unreality of idols, which exist only as images and hence are not to be feared; this recalls the time of Deutero-Isaiah and the idols of Babylon rather than the period of Jeremiah and the tendency of his contemporaries to worship other gods than Yhwh.在这里,在全像第二以赛亚的风格,在虚幻的偶像扬声器嘲笑,这仅存的图像,因此也不会害怕,这回顾了第二以赛亚时间和巴比伦的偶像,而不是在耶利米和他同时代的倾向,崇拜耶和华比其他神的时期。 The interpolated Aramaic verse (x. 11) is held by Duhm to be a magic formula with which the later Jews, who did not know much Hebrew, used to exorcise the various evil spirits in the air, shooting stars, meteors, and comets.该插值阿拉姆诗句(十11)是由Duhm认为是一个神奇的公式与该后来犹太人,谁不知道多少希伯来语,用于驱除空气中的各种辟邪,流星,流星和彗星。 In xi.-xx., besides various additions to Jeremiah's sayings which can not be by the prophet himself, there are two passages which till now have generally, and probably rightly, been held to be genuine, although they do not belong to the time of Jehoiakim.在xi.-xx.,除了耶利米的说法,不能由先知自己不同的增加,其中有两段话到现在普遍,并可能正确地,被认为是真实的,虽然他们不属于时间约雅敬。 That the passage xi.这是通过喜。1-8 is earlier, and belongs to the time of Josiah, has been explained above (§ I.). 1-8较早,且属于约西亚时间,上面已经解释(§一)。Ch.CH。xiii., however, must have been written later than Jehoiakim's time; after a symbolic narrative of a girdle buried beside the Euphrates, and which, in that it is soiled and unfit for use, represents Israel and Judah, the passage treats of the king and "queen"-that is, the queen mother-to whom it is announced that they must descend from their throne; and the deportation of the whole of Judah is similarly foretold.第十三,但是,必须是书面迟约雅敬的时间,经过旁边的幼发拉底河埋下了带象征性的叙述,其中,因为它是脏和不宜使用,代表以色列和犹大,通行对待王和“女王”,也就是说,女王母亲向他们宣布,他们是从他们的王位必须下降,以及对整个驱逐犹大也同样预言。 The king in this case, however, with whom his mother is mentioned on equal terms, is certainly (comp. xxii. 26, xxix. 2) the youthful Jehoiachin, and the time is shortly before his deportation to Babylon.在这种情况下国王,然而,他的母亲与他们提到在平等的条件,肯定是(comp.二十二26,二十九2)约雅斤的青春,时间是前不久他被驱逐到巴比伦。

Passage on Sabbath Not Genuine.通道上的安息日不是正版。

The one non-authentic passage incorporated in group 2 is that concerning the Sabbath, xvii.一个非正宗通道组2条编入的是,关于安息日,十七。19-27.19-27。The reason why the prophet can not be credited with the authorship of this passage, though in form and content it is not unlike Jeremiah, is the high value put upon the observance of holy days, which is wholly foreign to the prophet.之所以先知不能归功于这段话的作者,虽然在形式和内容上是没有什么不同耶利米的原因,是高价值后,圣天的遵守,这是外商到先知付诸表决。 The author of the passage not only recommends the keeping of the Sabbath day holy as a day of rest ordained by God, but he even goes so far as to make the possibility of future salvation, and even directly the destruction of Jerusalem, depend upon the observance or non-observance of this day.通过作者的建议不仅作为一个由神命定休息日的安息日为圣保持一致,但他甚至竟使未来救赎的可能性,甚至直接破坏了耶路撒冷,取决于这一天的纪念活动或不遵守。

In group 3, ch.在第3组,CH。xxv.二十五。is doubtful (see below, § IV., in connection with the prophecy against foreign peoples in xlvi.-li.).是值得怀疑的(见下文§四,与人民反对外国在xlvi.-li.预言连接)。In group 4 (of the time of Zedekiah) certain parts of the promises in xxx.-xxxiii.在第4组(西底家的时间)在xxx.,三十三的承诺的某些部分。have given rise to doubt in more than one respect.便产生了怀疑在多个方面。Of the three sections in this collection, xxx.在此集合,XXX三个部分。et seq., xxxii., and xxxiii., the middle one may, however, be accepted without reserve.及以下,三十二,和三十三。,中间一个可能,但是,毫无保留地接受。This section begins (xxxii. 9) with a relation of Jeremiah's purchase of a field in Anathoth in accordance with ancient usage, at the time when the Babylonians were already besieging Jerusalem (comp. xxxii. 1 with lii. 5, in opposition to lii. 4), and of Jeremiah's prophecy to Zedekiah of the conquest of the city and of the deportation to Babylon.本节开始(xxxii. 9)与耶利米的现场购买亚拿突中关系按照古老的使用,在当时的巴比伦人已经包围与LII耶路撒冷(comp.三十二。1 5,反对LII 4),和耶利米的预言城市的征服西底家和向巴比伦被驱逐出境。The divine promise is appended to this narration: "Houses and fields and vineyards shall be possessed again" (ib. verse 15), which, upon a question of the prophet's, is explained thus (ib. verses 26 et seq.): Jerusalem will be burned by the Chaldeans on account of its sins, but afterward Yhwh will collect His people, scattered in all lands.神圣的承诺是附加到这个叙述:“房子和田地和葡萄园应具备再次”(同上15节),其中,根据对先知的问题,是这样解释(同上节26起。):耶路撒冷将被烧毁的迦勒底人就其罪恶的帐户,但后来耶和华将收集他的人,在所有土地分散。 He will make an everlasting covenant with them, and will cause them with rejoicing to settle again in this land (ib. verse 41).他将永远与他们立约,将导致他们与喜悦定居在这片土地再次(同上41节)。

Ungenuine Passages in Later Sections.在后面的章节Ungenuine通道。

The first of the three sections, xxx.这三个部分第一,XXX。et seq., foretells another day of terror for Jacob, but also promises liberation from foreign rule, punishment of the enemy, the rebuilding of the destroyed cities by the people (who will have begun to increase again and whose numbers will have been swelled by the return of Ephraim), and the making of a new covenant.及以下,预示着另一个为雅各恐怖的一天,但也承诺从外国统治的解放,敌人的,由人民(谁便开始再次上升,其人数将已膨胀的城市重建被毁坏的处罚以法莲的回报),以及一个新的契约决策。 Inthis section the following passages are doubtful as regards a Jeremianic origin: the passage in which the servant of God, Jacob, is comforted in his exile with words of Deutero-Isaiah (xxx. 10 et seq.; comp. Isa. xl. et seq.); the threat inserted among the words of promise (xxx. 23 et seq.; comp. xxiii. 19 et seq., where this threat occurs again, likewise in an inappropriate place); the description of Yhwh's power on the sea (xxxi. 35b, similar to Isa. li. 15); and various other passages which have many points of contact with Deutero-Isaiah. Inthis节以下段落怀疑就某Jeremianic来源:在其中的神,雅各,仆人在他流亡安慰与第二以赛亚(xxx. 10及以下的话通行;比赛赛XL等。。 SEQ);之间的承诺的话插入的威胁(xxx. 23及以下;。排版XXIII 19页起,在这种威胁再次出现,同样在一个不恰当的地方)。在耶和华的力量在海面上的说明(xxxi. 35B,类似赛里15);及各种有许多接触点与第二以赛亚其他段落。A considerable portion of this section is shown to be secondary matter by the fact that it is lacking in the text of the Septuagint.本节中的一个有相当一部分被证明是由事实,即它是在没有文字的译本次要问题。At any rate, examination leads to the conclusion that this section, like so much else in the Book of Jeremiah, was worked over afterward, although it is not justifiable to deny to Jeremiah the authorship of the whole of the section, nor to assume that it was written by a post-exilic author.无论如何,考试引出了这么多,这就像在耶利米书其他部分中,事后的结论是工作了,虽然它没有理由否认耶利米了该科的整体著作权,也没有假设它被写了一个后放逐作者。 Such a writer would have had more interest in the hope that the Judeans, only a part of whom had come back, would all return home, whereas for a prophet who wrote immediately before the downfall of Judah it was more natural to recall the overthrow of the Northern Kingdom, and to express the hope that with the return of Ephraim Judah also would return, although its present downfall seemed certain to him.这样的作家将有更多的希望Judeans,只有一人已回来的一部分,将全部返回家园的兴趣,而对于一个先知是谁写的倒台前的犹大立刻有人更自然地想起了推翻北方王国,并表示希望,随着莲犹大回报也将回归,虽然目前的垮台似乎一定给他。 In the third of these sections, ch.在这些路段的三分之一,CH。xxxiii., the conclusion (xxxiii. 14-26) is suspicious.三十三。,结论(xxxiii. 14-26)是可疑。It is missing in the Septuagint, although no plausible reason for the omission is apparent.这是失踪的译本,虽然没有遗漏可能的原因是显而易见的。Not to speak of smaller matters, the fact that the people among whom (according to verse 24) the prophet was sojourning, and who were wholly opposed to the compatriots of the prophet, can only have been Babylonians-who indeed might have said insultingly of Israel that "it was no more a nation before them" (ib.)-does not seem to accord with Jeremiah's authorship.不说话的小问题,但事实上,其中的人(按24节)先知是旅居,谁的人完全反对同胞的先知,只能被巴比伦人,谁确实可能说侮辱的以色列说,“这是一个民族没有更多的面前”(同上),似乎并不符合耶利米的著作权。 The passage must consequently have been written by one of the exiles in Babylon and not by Jeremiah, in whose time such a taunt could not have been uttered either in Palestine or later in Egypt.因此该通道必须已在巴比伦流亡者之一,不是由耶利米写的,在其出现这样的嘲讽已经不能说出以后无论是在巴勒斯坦或埃及。

§ III. §三。The Historical Sections of Parts I. and II.:。部件一和附件二的历史章节:

Ch. CH。xxvi.二十六。and xxxv.-xlv.和xxxv. - XLV。

The historical passages contained in xxvi.在二十六中所包含的历史通道。and xxxvi.-xlv.和xxxvi. - XLV。display such an exact knowledge of the events described in the life of Jeremiah, and contain so many interesting details, that as a matter of course they were formerly considered to have been written by a pupil of Jeremiah in close touch with him.显示这样一个生活在耶利米所描述的事件确切的知识,并包含许多有趣的细节,作为一个理所当然的事,他们以前认为已经由耶利米与他密切接触的学生写的。 When Kuenen and other commentators object that in certain passages the single episodes are not properly arranged and that details necessary for a complete understanding of the situation are lacking, it must be remembered that it is just an eye-witness who would easily pass over what seemed to him as matter of course and likewise displace certain details.当Kuenen和其他评论员对象,在某些段落单一事件不妥善安排和细节的情况缺乏全面的了解必要的,但必须记住,它只是一个目击证人谁很容易越过了似乎作为理所当然的他,同样取代某些细节。 Moreover, a comparison with the text of the Septuagint shows that in the historical as in the prophetical passages many changes were made after composition.此外,随着文字的译本的比较表明,在预言中的许多变化的历史段落组成后作出。It is therefore neither necessary nor advisable to set, with Kuenen, 550 BC as the date of the first edition of the book; but even if that late date be accepted one must still suppose that the notes of a pupil and eye-witness had been used as material.因此,既无必要,也不可取设置与Kuenen,公元前550年,作为书的初版日期,但即使这晚的日期必须接受仍然假设一个学生和目击证人的说明是作为材料。

Work of Baruch.巴鲁克的工作。

If, however, the former and generally prevalent opinion is maintained (which has been readopted also by Duhm), namely, that the historical passages were written by a pupil of Jeremiah, there can be no doubt that this pupil was Baruch.然而,如果前者一般流行的看法是维持(已readopted由Duhm也),即认为历史段落是由耶利米学生写的,可以毫无疑问,这名学生是巴鲁克。 Since it is known that it was Baruch and not Jeremiah who first wrote down the prophecies, and since in all cases the speeches in the historical portions can not be taken out of their setting, it seems the most natural thing to suppose that Baruch was also directly concerned in the composition of the historical passages.因为它是已知的,这是巴鲁克,而不是谁首先写下耶利米的预言,由于在所有情况下,在历史部分的发言不能考虑他们制定出来,它似乎是最自然不过的事情的假设,巴鲁克也直接有关的历史段落组成。 But this does not at all exclude the possibility of the insertion, shortly after the passages had been written and put together, of various details and episodes.但是,这并不排除在所有的可能性插入后不久,通道已被写入和拼凑各种细节和情节。This theory is supported by Jeremiah's admonition to Baruch (in xlv.), which, although addressed to him by the prophet on the occasion of Jeremiah dictating the prophecies in the time of Jehoiakim, yet stands at the end of the section containing prophecies against Judah.这一理论的支持,耶利米的告诫巴鲁克(在XLV),其中,虽然处理了对耶利米支配的约雅敬时间的预言,但有时先知对他在本节末尾看台含有攻击犹大的预言。 The fact that this admonition occurs at the end of the original Book of Jeremiah (concerning xlvi. et seq. see § IV.) can only mean that Baruch placed it at the end of the book edited by him as a legitimation of his labor.事实上,这告诫在原书耶利米结束时发生(关于四十六。起。见§四)只能意味着巴鲁克放置在由他主编的书作为他的劳动合法化结束。

§ IV. §四。The Prophecies Against Foreign Peoples in Part III.:在第三部分对外国人民的预言:

Prophecy Not by Jeremiah.耶利米预言没有。

Ch. CH。xxv.二十五。speaks of the direction received by Jeremiah from God to proclaim His anger to foreign peoples.谈到耶利米收到来自上帝宣布他的愤怒外国人民的方向发展。In the fourth year of Jehoiakim-that is, the year of the battle of Carchemish and of Nebuchadnezzar's victory and accession to the throne-Jeremiah proclaims that Yhwh, in revenge for Judah's sins, will bring His servant Nebuchadnezzar and the peoples of the north against Judah and the surrounding peoples; that they will serve the King of Babylon for seventy years; and that at the end of this time Yhwh will punish the King of Babylon and the Chaldeans.在约雅敬,也就是第四个年头,对Carchemish和尼布甲尼撒的胜利和加入战斗的宝座耶利米年宣布在犹大的罪报复的耶和华,将带来他的仆人尼布甲尼撒和北方人民反对犹大和周围的人民;他们将成为七十年的巴比伦国王,并认为在这个时候耶和华年底将惩罚巴比伦和迦勒底王。 In connection with this, Jeremiah is further told to pass the wine-cup of divine wrath to all the nations to whom he is sent, and all the nations who must drink of the cup are enumerated.与此相关,耶利米是进一步告诉来传递神的愤怒葡萄酒杯的所有国家的人,他被发送出去,谁所有国家必须喝一杯列举了。 But however appropriate it may have been for Jeremiah to announce the downfall of foreign nations (comp. xxxvi. 2 and i. 5), and however much the expression "cup of wrath" may sound like one of Jeremiah's, since this illustration occurs often after him and accordingly probably goes back to him, yet this prophecy as it now stands (in xxv.) can not have been written by him.但是,无论适当的资讯科技可能已耶利米宣布下台的外国(comp. XXXVI 2和一5),但多表达“愤怒杯”听起来像耶利米的之一,因为这说明经常发生在他之后,因此可能要追溯到他,但这个预言,因为它目前停留(在二十五。)不能被他写的。 The proclamation of the punishment of Babylon (ib. verses 12-14) interrupts the connection of the threatening of the nations by Babylon.而在巴比伦(同上诗句12-14)宣布中断对处罚的国家威胁的巴比伦连接。Also the words "all that is written in this book, which Jeremiah hath prophesied against all the nations" (verse 13) can not of course have originated with Jeremiah.同时将“所有这一切都写在这书,这耶利米祂所对所有国家的预言”(13节)当然不能起源与耶利米。Finally, the enumeration of the nations that must drink from the cup of wrath (verses 17-26) is not Jeremianic; indeed, some of the nations were located far from Jeremiah's horizon, and the concluding remark (verse 26), with the puzzling word "Sheshach" (ie, Babylon), certainly dates from a much later period.最后,各国必须喝一杯的愤怒(诗句17-26)枚举不Jeremianic,事实上,在国家的一些人远离耶利米的地平线,和结束语(26节),与令人费解单词“Sheshach”(即巴比伦),从一定日期晚得多的时期。 This passage characteristically illustrates the fact that more than one hand worked on the amplification, and that such passages arosein several stages, as may be observed in detail by a comparison with the Septuagint text (see § VI.).这段话典型地说明了一个事实,超过一方面工作的扩增,而这种通道arosein几个阶段,可能是观察与文字的译本的比较详细(见§ VI)。

Oracles Worked Over.甲骨文工作了。

The question next arises as to whether the prophecies against foreign nations contained in xlvi.-li.接下来出现的问题,是否对外国国家的预言在xlvi.-li.载are really those which, according to xxv., were to be expected as the latter's amplification.真正的,而根据二十五。,分别被视为后者的放大预期。This question seems all the more natural because in the text of the Septuagint those prophecies are actually incorporated in xxv.这个问题似乎更加自然,因为在那些文字的译本预言实际上是在二十五中。If l.如果湖et seq., a long oracle dealing with the sentence against Babylon, be left out of consideration, there can be no doubt that the section xlvi.-xlix.及以下,长期用句处理甲骨文对巴比伦,被排除在考虑,可以有毫无疑问,部分xlvi. - XLIX。has in some way a Jeremianic basis.在某些方式Jeremianic基础。The single oracles of this section are in part expressly referred to Jeremiah in the heading, and the victory of Nebuchadnezzar is in part given as their occasion.本节的单签的部分在标题中明确提到耶利米,以及尼布甲尼撒胜利之际给他们的部分。At any rate the hypothesis that this section is a working over of original Jeremianic material is to be preferred to the difficulties attending the various other theories that have been suggested to explain the later origin of xlvi.-xlix.无论如何的假设,这部分是工作在原有的Jeremianic材料是首选的困难参加已提出解释xlvi. - XLIX后来的原产地不同的其他理论。On the face of it, it is hardly probable that a later author would have written a whole series of oracles and have artificially made them seem to belong to the time of Nebuchadnezzar, merely for the sake of enriching the Book of Jeremiah.在它的面前,它是很难的作者可能以后会写了一整个系列的神谕,并人为地使他们似乎属于尼布甲尼撒时间只为丰富耶利米书的缘故。 If it is suggested that some one else, perhaps Alexander the Great, was intended by the Nebuchadnezzar of these oracles, it must be objected that even to the last judgment, that against Elam (which, however, did not originally belong in this section; see below), which might be taken to mean Persia, no reference to post-Jeremianic events can be found.如果是建议,有些别人,也许亚历山大大帝,是由尼布甲尼撒这些神谕目的,必须反对,即使到最后判决,这对以拦(其中,但是,并没有原先属于本节;见下文),这可能是波斯的意思,没有后Jeremianic事件可以找到参考。 A detailed examination, however, shows that in most of these prophecies only a Jeremianic basis is possible.一份详细的检查,但是,显示,在这些预言只有Jeremianic最基础是可能的。The prophecy concerning the Philistines in xlvii.关于四十七的预言非利士人。(but without the heading) is the one that could most readily be accepted as belonging as a whole to Jeremiah. (但没有标题),可能是最容易被视为一个整体,属于接受耶利米之一。

On the other hand, it is to be supposed that all the other oracles underwent a more or less extensive revision, so that they do not give the impression of being real prophetic utterances, but seem rather to be compilations by later scholars, who also made use of the oracles of other prophets, especially of the exilic and post-exilic passages in Isaiah (comp. Jer. xlviii. 43 et seq. with Isa. xxiv. 17, 18a; Jer. xlix. 18 with Isa. xiii. 19 et seq.; Jer. xlix. 24 with Isa. xiii. 8).另一方面,它是要假定所有其他神谕经历了或多或少广泛的修订,使他们不给被真正的先知话语的印象,但似乎相当被后来的学者,谁也作了汇编使用其他先知的神谕,特别是在以赛亚(comp.哲XLVIII的放逐后和放逐通道43页起与ISA XXIV 17,18A;。。。。。耶XLIX 18伊萨十三19。及以下;。哲XLIX 24伊萨十三8)。This working over of the material explains the lack of perspicuity and the non-adherence to the historical situation which frequently characterize these prophecies.该工作过的材料说明了明晰的缺乏和不遵守的历史情况,经常刻画这些预言。The following oracles are contained in this section: (a) the oracle against Egypt, in two parts, xlvi.以下神谕载于本节:(一)甲骨文对埃及,分为两部分,四十六。1-12 and xlvi.1-12和四十六。 13-28 (comp. xlvi. 27-28[= xxx. 10 et seq.] with the consolations of Deutero-Isaiah); (b) that against the Philistines, xlvii.; (c) that against Moab, xlviii., which in parts recalls Isa.13-28(comp. XLVI 27-28 [= XXX 10起。]与第二以赛亚的安慰。)(二),对非利士人,四十七;(三)对摩押,XLVIII,这使人想起在部分伊萨。xv.十五。et seq.; (d) that against Ammon, xlix.及以下;(四),对阿蒙,XLIX。1-6; (e) that against Edom, xlix.1-6(E),对以东,XLIX。7-22, which has much in common with that of Obadiah; (f) that against Damascus and other Aramaic cities, xlix.7-22,其中有许多与俄巴底亚,共同的;(六),对大马士革和其他阿拉姆城市,XLIX。23-27; (g) that against Kedar and other Arabic tribes, xlix.23-27(G),对基达和其他阿拉伯部落,XLIX。28-33; and (h) that against Elam, xlix.28-33;及(h),对拦,XLIX。34-39.34-39。Whereas the other nations named all lay within Jeremiah's horizon, this was not the case with Elam, since Judah had no direct dealings with this country until after the Exile.而其他国家内的所有命名耶利米的地平线躺着,这是不是与以拦的情况下,因为犹大曾用后,流亡国外,直到这个国家没有直接来往。 This alone would not, however, be a sufficient reason for denying that Jeremiah wrote the oracle, especially since as early as Isa.仅此一点也不会,但是,成为否认耶利米写的甲骨文有足够的理由,尤其是因为早在伊萨。xxii.二十二。6 the Elamites were known as vassals of the kings of Assyria, and hence an interest in the history of Elam could not have been so far removed from a prophet of Israel as may now appear. 6埃兰人被称为亚述国王的附庸,因此,在对历史的兴趣伊拉姆不可能一直这么远的以色列先知删除,因为现在可能出现。By whom and at what time the supposed revision of Jeremiah's original stock of material was made, it is impossible to determine; but the large number of similar expressions connecting the separate oracles makes it probable that there was only one redaction.由谁在什么时候和在耶利米的原始材料股票应该作出调整,这是无法确定,但在连接单独神谕大量类似的表述使得可能只有一个节录。

Not Before the End of the Exile.不前的流放结束。

The oracle against Babylon, l.-li.反对巴比伦,l.-li.甲骨文58, which follows the section xlvi.-xlix., and to which a historical addition is appended (li. 59-64), is very clearly seen to be non-Jeremianic in spite of the fact that individual passages recall very vividly Jeremiah's style.58,这是继一节xlvi. - XLIX。,以及其中的历史除了追加(li. 59-64),是很清楚地看到要在一个事实,即个别段落还记得非常清楚地耶利米的风格,尽管非Jeremianic 。It is really no oracle at all, but a description in oracle form, dating from after the Exile, and originally written so as to appear as a production by Jeremiah, for which purpose the author assumes the standpoint of an older time.这实在是没有甲骨文可言,但在甲骨文的形式介绍,从约会后,流亡国外,最初写,以显示为生产耶利米,为此笔者假定一个旧时间立场。 Since he is acquainted with Deutero-Isaiah (comp. li. 15-19 with Jer. x. 12-16, which is also taken from Deutero-Isaiah, and apparently furnishes the direct basis for the passage in question), and describes the upheaval in Babylon and the destruction of the city-making use of the exilic oracle in Isa.由于他认识了第二以赛亚(comp.李。15-19与耶十12-16,这也是取自第二以赛亚,显然furnishes对有问题的通道直接依据),并介绍了在巴比伦和动荡的放逐甲骨文在ISA城市决策使用的破坏。 xiii.十三。et seq.起。(Jer. l. 16, 39 et seq.; comp. l. 39; li. 40 with Isa. xxxiv. 14 and xxxiv. 6 et seq.), he can not have written it before the end of the Babylonian exile at the earliest. (耶湖16,39及以下;。排版湖39;。。李赛三十四40 14和三十四6及以下),他不能写前的巴比伦流亡结束它在最早的。This also explains why the destroyers of Babylon are called "kings of Media" (li. 28).这也解释了为什么在巴比伦驱逐舰被称为“国王的媒体”(li. 28)。Moreover, the author of the oracle against Babylon made use of the Jeremianic oracle against Edom, at times quoting it literally (comp. l. 44-46 with xlix. 19-21; and the origin of l. 41-43 is found in vi. 22-24).此外,对巴比伦甲骨文笔者提出反对以东Jeremianic Oracle使用,有时引用它字面(comp.湖44-46与XLIX 19-21;以及湖中发现的起源41-43六,22-24)。That he lived in Jerusalem may be inferred not only from l.他在耶路撒冷居住可以推断不仅来自湖5, in which, speaking of the returning exiles, he says that their faces were turned "hitherward," but also from the fact that he is much more concerned with the desecrated and destroyed Temple of Jerusalem than are the prophets of the Exile. 5,在其中,返回的流亡者来说,他说,他们的脸被拒绝“hitherward”,但也从一个事实,他更是与耶路撒冷亵渎和破坏寺比对流亡的先知关注。 The added passage, li.新增加的通行,李。59-64, proceeding probably from a historical record of a journey to Babylon made by Seraiah, was most likely written by the author of the oracle against Babylon, if not by some one later, who desired by his short narrative to authenticate the oracle which he took to be Jeremianic. 59-64,继续从由西莱雅作出了旅程巴比伦的历史记录的可能是最有可能写由甲骨文对巴比伦的作者,如果没有一些一人后来,谁是他的简要叙述需要验证的Oracle的他走上被Jeremianic。

The section closes with the words: "Thus far [are] the words of Jeremiah," showing that the Book of Jeremiah once ended at this point, and that that which follows is a later addition.本节结束的话:“到目前为止[是]耶利米的话”,这一次的耶利米书在这一点上结束了,而这种遵循是后来补充。 In fact, lii.事实上,LII。 is a historical account, concerning Zedekiah, the deportation to Babylon, and the turning-point in the fortunes of Jehoiachin, which was transferred from the Book of Kings to that of Jeremiah.是历史的帐户,就西底家,驱逐到巴比伦,并在约雅斤的命运,这是从国王转移到耶利米书的转折点。This is shown by the fact that with slight variations and with the exception of two passages, the two accounts agree; one of the exceptions is presented by three verses giving a count of the exiles, which are found only in Jeremiah (lii. 28-30) and which were probably inserted later from some separate source, since they are lacking also in the text of the Septuagint; the other is the short passage recording the appointment of Gedaliah as governor, his murder, and the flight to Egypt of those who were left, which is lacking in Jeremiah (II Kings xxv. 22-26), and which doubtless was purposely omitted because the same facts had already been recorded elsewhere in the Book of Jeremiah (xl. et seq.).这表现的是,有轻微的变化,并与两个通道之外,这两个帐户同意;的例外之一是由三个给人一种流亡者计数,仅在耶利米发现(lii. 28节提出 - 30),这很可能是后来插入一些独立的源,因为它们缺乏对文字的译本也;另一种是短通道记录了基大利作为州长的任命,他的谋杀,和那些谁飞往埃及被留下,这是缺乏耶利米(二国王二十五22-26),并毫无疑问是故意省略,因为相同的事实已经被记录在其他地方的耶利米(xl.及以下)图书。 Moreover, the addition of ch.此外,除了通道。lii.LII。was of itself not necessary, since the information given in it was already partially known from earlier statements of the Book of Jeremiah; and the last passage concerning the change in the fate of Jehoiachin is wholly superfluous, since the event recorded took place after Jeremiah's death.是本身没有必要,因为在它提供的资料,已经部分地从耶利米书较早声明称,而最后通过有关的约雅斤的命运的变化是完全多余的,因为事件记录发生后耶利米的死亡地点。

§ V. Sources of the Book of Jeremiah, According to Duhm: What has here been said concerning the supposed origin of the Book of Jeremiah corresponds to the opinion held on the subject by most modern scholars, whose consensus, though they may differ in detail, has indorsed the view as a whole and in substance. §五源的耶利米书,根据Duhm:这里有人说什么有关于该耶利米书应该起源对应的主题举行了最现代化的学者,他们的共识认为,尽管他们可能会有所不同,详细已背书作为一个整体和实质内容。 The views of Duhm differ materially from this opinion, however many points of contact therewith it may show, because Duhm, in opposition to previous conceptions, has with an unparalleled boldness and confidence extended his critical investigation to the most minute details, for which reason his analysis is here given separately.不同的意见的Duhm从这个观点大相径庭,但多点接触此有关它可能会显示,因为Duhm,反对以前的观念,已与无与伦比的勇气和信心调查,以延长他的批判最微小的细节,为此他分析在这里分别给出。 Although it seems more plausible to suppose that the real prophecies of Jeremiah are contained in the versified portions, whereas in the prose utterances the thoughts of Jeremiah have been worked over, for the most part in the form of sermons, the question still arises whether one is justified in "ascribing, with the greatest detail, [the various parts of] writings which without doubt have passed through many hands before they received the form in which we know them, to their [respective] authors" (see Nöldeke in "ZDMG" lvii. 412).虽然它似乎更合理的假设,真正的预言耶利米载于versified部分,而在散文话语耶利米的思想已经工作了为在大部分的说教形式,问题仍然出现一个人是否是有道理的“指称以最大的细节,著作[各部分],它毫无疑问已经通过许多动手前通过,他们收到的表格中,我们了解他们,给他们[各自]作者”(见“ZDMG Nöldeke “LVII 412)。Duhm distinguishes: Duhm区分:

Duhm's Analysis.Duhm的分析。

(1) Jeremiah's Poems.(1)耶利米的诗。These, in all about sixty, date在所有这些,大约六十,日期

(a) from the period when Jeremiah was still in Anathoth: the cycle ii. (一)从耶利米时期仍然是在亚拿突:循环二。2b, 3, 14-28; 29-37; iii. 2B,3,14-28,29-37;三。1-5; 12b, 13, 19, 20; 21-25; iv. 1-5,12B,13,19,20,21-25; IV。1, 3, 4; the cycle xxxi. 1,3,4;周期XXXI。2-6; 15-20; 21, 22, and perhaps xxx.2-6,15-20,21,22,也许XXX。12-15; the oldest five poems concerning the Scythians, iv.12-15;最古老的诗五首有关斯基泰人,四。5-8; 11b, 12a, 13, 15-17a; 19-21, 23-26; 29-31;5-8,11B,12A,13,15 - 17A,19-21,23-26,29-31;

(b) from the time of Josiah: v. 1-6a; 6b-9; 10-17; vi.(b)从约西亚时间:诉1 - 6A,6B - 9; 10-17;六。1-5; 6b-8, 9-14; 16, 17, 20; 22-26a; 27-30; vii.1-5,6B - 8,9-14,16,17,20,22 - 26A; 27-30;七。28 et seq.; viii.28及以下;八。4-7a; 8, 9, 13, 14-17; 18-23; ix.4 - 7A,8,9,13,14-17,18-23;九。1-8; 9; 16-18; 19-21; x. 1-8,9,16-18,19-21; X.19, 20, 22;19,20,22;

(c) from the time of Joah: xxii.(三)从Joah时间:二十二。10;10;

(d) from the time of Jehoiakim: xxii.(四)从约雅敬时间:二十二。13-17, and probably xi. 13-17,大概十一。15 et seq.; xii.15及以下;十二。7-12 (from the first period); xxii.7-12(从第一期);二十二。18 et seq., and perhaps xxii. 18页起,也许二十二。6b, 7; 20-23; xiii.6B,7,20-23;十三。15 et seq.; 17; 18, 19; 20, 21a, 22-25a, 26 et seq.15及以下,17,18,19,20,21A,22 - 25A,26及以下。(from the time after the burning of the book-roll);(从后书辊燃烧时间);

(e) from the time of Jehoiachin: xxii.(五)从约雅斤时间:二十二。24; 28;24; 28;

(f) from a later period (a more exact definition is unnecessary): description of the great famine, xiv.(六)从后期(更确切的定义是不必要的):伟大的饥荒,十四描述。2-10; of the evil conditions in the country and their results, xv.2-10;在该国及其结果,十五邪恶的条件。5-9; xvi.5-9;十六。5-7; xviii.5-7;十八。13-17; xxiii.13-17; XXIII。9-12; 13-15; impressive complaints of personal enmities, xi. 9-12,13-15,个人敌意,令人印象深刻的第十一投诉。18-20; xv.18-20;十五。 10-12, 15-19a, 20 et seq.; xvii. 10-12,15 - 19A,20及以下;十七。9 et seq., 14, 16 et seq.; xviii.9及以下,14,16及以下;。十八。18-20; xx.18-20; XX。 7-11; xx.7-11; XX。14-18; from an earlier period, but first inserted after the restoration of the roll: xiv. 14-18日,从较早时期,但第一次插入后的轧辊修复:XIV。17 et seq.; xvii. 17及以下;十七。1-4; 1-4;

(g) from the last period of Zedekiah (according to Baruch), xxxviii. (七)从西底家(据巴鲁克),三十八的最后期限。22.22。

Parts Ascribed to Baruch.零件冲高巴鲁克。

(2) The Book of Baruch.(2)图书的巴鲁克。Besides single data and exhortations preserved in i.-xxv.除了单一的数据和嘱托保存在一,二十五。(eg, i. 1-3, 6; vii. 18; comp. xliv. 15 et seq., xi. 21, vii. 21 et seq.), the following passages are derived from this book (they are here arranged according to their original order of succession, the groups of verses which have been revised being marked with an asterisk): (例如,一1-3,6;七18;。。。。。赛四十四15页起,十一21,七21及以下),下面的段落都来源于这本书(他们在这里安排根据他们继承原有秩序,已被修改以星号标记)经文组:

(a) on the time of Jehoiakim: xxvi.(一)对约雅敬时间:二十六。1-3, 4 (to ), 6-24 (early period); xxxvi.1-3,4(地),6-24(初期);三十六。1-26; 32 (fourth and fifth years of Jehoiakim); xxxv.1-26; 32(约雅敬第四年和第五年);三十五。1-11* (a later year);1-11 *(以后每年);

(b) on the time of Zedekiah: xxviii.(二)对西底家时间:二十八。1a, xxvii.1A,二十七。2 et seq., xxviii. 2页起,二十八。2-13, 15-17 (fourth year of Zedekiah); xxix.2-13,15-17(西底家第四年);二十九。1 (to ), 3, 4a, 5-7, 11-15, 21-23, 24 et seq.,* 26-29 (probably the same period); xxxiv. 1(),3,4A,5-7,11-15,21-23,24页起,* 26-29(可能是同一时期);三十四。1-7* (ninth year); xxxiv.1-7 *(第九年);三十四。8-11*; xxxvii.8-11 *;三十七。5, 12-18, 20 et seq.; xxxii. 5,12-18,20及以下;三十二。6-15; xxxviii.6-15;三十八。 1, 3-22, 24-28a (during the siege of Jerusalem);1,3-22,24 - 28A(在耶路撒冷的围攻);

(c) on the time after the conquest of Jerusalem, events in Mizpah and the emigration to Egypt: xxxviii.(三)在耶路撒冷后,在米斯巴事件和埃及移民征服时间:三十八。28b, xxxix.28B,三十九。 3, 14a, xl.3,14A,XL。 6; xl.6,XL。7-xlii.7 - 四十二。9, 13a, 14, 19-21, xliii. 9,13A,14,19-21,四十三。1-7;1-7;

(d) on an event in Egypt (comp. vii. 18): xliv.(四)在埃及(comp.七18)事件:四十四。15a, 16-19, 24 et seq.,* 28b; xlv.15A,16-19,24页起,* 28B; XLV。forms the conclusion.形式的结论。

Messianic Passages.弥赛亚通道。

(3) The Supplements to the Writings of Jeremiah and Baruch. (3)对耶利米和巴鲁克的著作补充。These comprise about 800 verses, that is, more than the poems of Jeremiah (about 280 verses) and the sections from the Book of Baruch (about 200 verses).这些包括约800节,也就是说,比诗更耶利米(约280节),​​并从巴鲁克图书(约200节)的章节。The process of amplification, by which the Book of Jeremiah grew to its present size, must have gone on for centuries.而放大,其中耶利米书增长到现在的规模过程中,必须已经持续几个世纪。It is possible that single additions (which are difficult to identify) were incorporated in the roll of the Book of Jeremiah in the Persian period.它是可能的(这是难以识别)单增加是在耶利米书在波斯湾内卷中。 The greatest number of additions was made in the third century, the age of "the most midrashic literature"; the most recent are in general the Messianic passages and their complement, the prophecy concerning the heathen.增加最多的是在第三世纪作出的“最Midrashic文学”的时代,最近期的救世主一般的通道和他们的补充,有关的预言的异教徒。 They are in part (as in i.-xxv.) inserted among older additions, in part placed together in a separate section (xxx. et seq., xlvi.-li.), which could not have originated before the end of the second century BC, and which have received even later additions; single passages (eg, xxxiii. 14-26) are so late as not even to have come into the Septuagint.他们是部分(如在一,二十五。)插入老年人补充,放置在一个单独的章节(xxx.及以下,xlvi.-li.),这不可能在年底之前,起源于共同的​​一部分,公元前二世纪,并已收到,即使后来增加;单一通道(。如,三十三14-26)都这么晚的甚至有到七十来。 These additions fall into separate categories according to their contents:这些新增分为不同的类别按其内容:

(a) amplifications in the nature of sermons in connection with verses of the Jeremianic text, to suit the needs of the post-exilic period; (一)在与诗句的Jeremianic文字布道的连接,自然扩增,以适应后放逐期间的需要;

(b) short narratives, in the form of the Midrash or of free versification, recording deeds and sayings of the prophet;(b)短期叙述,在米德拉士或自由韵律学,记录事迹和格言形式的先知;

(c) consolatory passages which in part are appended to an admonitory sermon, and in part stand in a separate group in xxxii. (三),其中部分被附加到一个警示讲道,并慰问部分段落站在一个单独的组中三十二。et seq.;及以下;

(d) additions of various kinds having no connection with the contents of the book. (四)无添加各种与书的内容连接。

However justifiable it may be to separate the "songs" of Jeremiah, the question still arises whether much of that which Duhm excludes as a later addition may not still be Jeremianic, since it is easy to suppose that besides the versified portions there must also have been prose utterances of Jeremiah, to which these excluded passages may have belonged.然而正当它可能是独立的“歌曲”耶利米,问题仍然出现,是否是它作为一个后来此外Duhm排除可能不会仍然Jeremianic,因为它很容易猜想,除了versified部分还必须有多大被散文话语耶利米,要排除这些通道可能属于。

§ VI. §六。Relation of the Hebrew Text to the Septuagint:相关的希伯来文字的译本:

Additions to the Septuagint.到七十添置。

A comparison of the Masoretic text with the Septuagint throws some light on the last phase in the history of the origin of the Book of Jeremiah, inasmuch as the translation into Greek was already under way before the work on the Hebrew book had come to an end.一个与马所拉文本的译本比较抛出关于在耶利米书的起源历史最后阶段的一些情况,只要该项成希腊文的翻译正在进行之前已经在希伯来书的工作已经走到了尽头。 This is shown by the fact that a large part of the additions to the Hebrew text, which, absent in the Septuagint, are evidently secondary, are proved also by their contents to be later elaborations.这表现在,一个向希伯来文,其中,在七十缺席,显然是次要增加很大一部分,是证明了他们的内容也被后来的事实阐述。 The two texts differ above all in that the Septuagint is much shorter, containing about 2,700 words (that is, about one-eighth of the whole book) less than the Hebrew.上面的两个文本中的所有不同的译本要短得多,包含约2700字(即约全书的八分之一)比希伯来语少。On the other hand, headings in the Hebrew text are only comparatively rare.另一方面,在希伯来文标题只是比较罕见的。Even if the text of the Septuagint is proved to be the older, it does not necessarily follow that all these variations first arose after the Greek translation had been made, because two different editions of the same text might have been in process of development side by side.即使文字的译本被证明是年纪大了,它并不一定遵循所有的这些变化后,首次出现在希腊翻译了出来,因为两个不同版本的同一文本可能在发展过程中被边一面。 Furthermore, the correspondence between the Septuagint and the Hebrew is too great, and their relationship too close, for one to be able to speak of two redactions.此外,在七十和希伯来文的对应关系太大了,和他们的关系太密切,一个能讲两个删节。They are rather two editions of the same redaction.他们都比较两个相同的节录版本。

§ VII. §七。Origin of the Book of Jeremiah:起源耶利米书:

Final Redaction.最后节录。

The different stages in the history of the growth of the book as they are shown in the two theories of its origin, that of Duhm and that of Ryssel, practically coincide.在书的成长历史的,因为他们都列在其原产地的两个理论,Duhm的和Ryssel不同阶段,几乎不谋而合。The book, dictated by Jeremiah himself under Jehoiakim, was first worked over by a pupil, probably Baruch, who added later utterances, which he wrote perhaps partly at the dictation of the prophet, but in the main independently, and to which he furthermore added narrative passages (at least for the time preceding the conquest of Jerusalem).该书由自己支配耶利米在约雅敬,最早是由学生工作了,大概巴鲁克,谁补充后的言论,他写了部分在先知听写也许,但在主要独立,并以他还补充说:叙事段落(至少在时间前面的征服耶路撒冷)。 This "Book of Baruch," the composition of which Kuenen without sufficient reason (see above, § III.) places first in the second half of the Babylonian exile, concludes with the passage addressed to that scribe.这种“巴鲁克书”的其中Kuenen没有足够的理由组成(见上文§三)地方首先在巴比伦流亡下半年,最后提出了解决该隶通行。 It contains oracles concerning foreign nations, which, however, stood immediately after the section referring to the cup of wrath for the nations, and had little to do with the group of oracles, now contained in xlvi.-li., concerning the nations conquered by Nebuchadnezzar.它包含关于外国神谕,其中,然而,站在后立即指的是愤怒的国家杯部分,几乎没有做与目前在xlvi.-li.神谕中,有关国家集团征服由尼布甲尼撒。 Besides the oracle concerning Babylon, which is without doubt not genuine, the one concerning Elam must also have been added later, since, according to its dating, it did not belong to the oracles of the fourth year of Jehoiakim.除了关于巴比伦,这无疑是不是真正的甲骨文,一个关于拦也必须被添加后,因为根据它的年代,它不属于对约雅敬第四年的神谕。 The Book of Jeremiah at a comparatively early date became subject to additions and revisions, which were made especially in the schools and from the material of Deutero-Isaiah; and the only question which suggests itself is whether this critical activity in reality must have continued until the end of the second century or even later.而在耶利米书相对早日成为受增补和修订,其中特别是在学校和从第二以赛亚的材料,其中,唯一的问题是,这是否表明自己在现实中关键的活动必须继续,直到第二个世纪末甚至更晚。 The book as a whole was first terminated by the addition of the oracle concerning Babylon, and again later by the addition of the account taken from the Book of Kings.作为一个整体,图书是首次终止了Oracle有关巴比伦此外,并再次后来从书的国王采取的帐户除。

Bibliography:参考书目:

Commentaries: Hitzig, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch, Leipsic, 1841; 2d ed.评:希齐格在Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手册下载,Leipsic,1841; 2版。1866; Ewald, in Prophetische Bücher des Alten Testaments, 1842: 2d ed.1866年,埃瓦尔德,在Prophetische书刊DES Alten圣经,1842年:2版。1868; Karl Heinrich Graf, 1862; CWE Nägelsbach, in Theologisch-Homiletisches Bibelwerk, 1868; TK Cheyne, in Spence and Exell's Pulpit Commentary (3 vols., with Lamentations), 1883-85; C. von Orelli, in Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 1887; 2d ed.1868年,卡尔海因里希格拉夫,1862; CWE Nägelsbach,在Theologisch - Homiletisches Bibelwerk,1868年,传统知识进益,在斯彭斯和EXELL的讲坛评论(3卷与悲叹, ),1883年至1885年; C.冯Orelli,在Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 1887年,2版。1891 (together with Jeremiah); Friedrich Giesebrecht, in Handkommentar zum Alten Testament, 1894; B. Duhm, in Kurzer Handkommentar, 1901.1891年(连同耶利米);弗里德里希Giesebrecht,在Handkommentar ZUM Alten约,1894年; B. Duhm,在Kurzer Handkommentar,1901年。

Treatises and Monographs:论文和专着:

(1) On single critical questions: K. Budde, Ueber die Kapitel 50 und 51 des Buches Jeremia, in Jahrbücher für Deutsche Theologie, xxiii.(1)在单关键问题:K.布德,Ueber死Kapitel 50 UND 51 DES Buches Jeremia,在Jahrbücher献给德意志神学,二十三。428-470, 529-562; CJ Cornill, Kapitel 52 des Buches Jeremia (in Stade's Zeitschrift, iv. 105-107); B. Stade, Jer.428-470,529-562; CJ Cornill,Kapitel 52 DES Buches Jeremia(在体育场的(杂志),IV 105-107); B.体育场,哲。iii.三。6-16 (ib. pp. 151-154), and Jer. 6-16(同上第151-154),和哲。xxxii.三十二。11-14 (ib. v. 175-178); Das Vermeintliche Aramäisch-Assyrische Aequivalent für , Jer. 11-14(同上诉175-178);达斯Vermeintliche Aramäisch - Assyrische Aequivalent皮毛,哲。 xliv.四十四。17 (ib. vi. 289-339); F. Schwally, Die Reden des Buches Jeremia Gegen die Heiden, xxv., xlvi-li. 17(ib.六289-339); F. Schwally,模具Reden DES Buches Jeremia葛根死海登,二十五,四十六丽。 (ib. viii. 177-217); B. Stade, Bemerkungen zum Buche Jeremia (ib. xii. 276-308).(同上八177-217); B.体育场,Bemerkungen ZUM布车Jeremia(同上十二276-308)。

(2) On the metrical form of the speeches: K. Budde, Ein Althebräisches Klagelied (in Stade's Zeitschrift, iii. 299-306); CJ Cornill, Die Metrischen Stücke des Buches Jeremia, Leipsic, 1902.(2)在发言格律形式:K.布德,艾因Althebräisches Klagelied(在体育场的(杂志),三299-306); CJ Cornill,模具Metrischen Stücke DES Buches Jeremia,Leipsic,1902年。

(3) On Biblical-theological questions: H. Guthe, De Fœderis Notione Jeremiana Commentatio Theologica, 1877; A. von Bulmerincq, Das Zukunftsbild des Propheten Jeremia, 1894: HG Mitchell, The Theology of Jeremiah, in Jour. (3)在圣经神学问题:H. Guthe,德Fœderis Notione Jeremiana Commentatio神学,1877年,A.冯Bulmerincq,达斯Zukunftsbild DES Propheten Jeremia,1894年:HG米切尔,在耶利米神学,在怨妇。Bibl.Bibl。Lit.点亮。xx.XX。56-76.56-76。

(4) For the life and personality of Jeremiah see the bibliography to Jeremiah (the prophet).(4)见的生命和人格,以耶利米耶利米(先知)书目。

The Text and Translations:文本和翻译:

(1) Edition of the text: CJ Cornill, The Book of the Prophet Jeremiah (English transl. of the notes by C. Johnston), part xi.(1)版的文字:CJ Cornill,先知耶利米(英文译由C.约翰斯顿的音符 ),第十一部分图书。of P. Haupt's SBOT 1895.P的豪普特的SBOT 1895年。

(2) A collection of single conjectures in the appendixes to Kautzsch's translation of the Old Testament (2d ed. 1896) and to Het Oude Testament; much scattered material, eg, on Jer.(2)在附录单猜想到Kautzsch的旧约翻译(2版1896年)和HET欧德约收集;多分散的材料,例如,在哲。 ii.II。17, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxi. 17日,在体育场的(杂志),21。192.192。

(3) Relation of the Masoretic text to the Septuagint: FK Movers, De Utriusque Recensionis Vaticiniorum Jeremiœ, Grœcœ Alexandrinœ et Hebraicœ Masorethicœ, Indole et Origine, 1837; PF Frankl, Studien über die LXX. (3)相关的马所拉文本的译本:FK推动者,德Utriusque Recensionis Vaticiniorum Jeremiœ,Grœcœ Alexandrinœ等Hebraicœ Masorethicœ,吲哚等Origine,1837; PF弗兰克,(研究)黚死LXX。und Peschito zu Jeremia, 1873; GC Workman, The Text of Jeremiah, 1889; Ernst Kühl, Das Verhältniss der Massora zur Septuaginta im Jeremia, Halle, 1882; AW Streane, The Double Text of Jeremiah, 1896.UND Peschito祖Jeremia,1873年,GC工人,在耶利米文本,1889年,恩斯特库尔,达斯Verhältniss DER Massora楚Septuaginta IM Jeremia,哈雷,1882年; AW Streane,对耶利米双文本,1896年。

In general, comp.在一般情况下,比赛。also the introduction to the Old Testament and articles on the Book of Jeremiah in the theological cyclopedias.EGHV Ry.亦是旧约和关于在耶利米书的神学cyclopedias.EGHV Ry的文章介绍。

Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel埃米尔G.赫希,维克托Ryssel

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。


Jeremiah耶利米

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:第标题:

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

§ I. Life: §一,生活:

His Family.他的家人。

Attitude Toward Jerusalem Priesthood.姿态走向耶路撒冷的圣职。

§ II. §二。Prophetic Career:先知经历:

Residence in Jerusalem.居住在耶路撒冷。

Imprisonment and Release.监禁和释放。

Reading of the Roll.读卷筒。

Political Attitude.政治态度。

Advises Acceptance of Yoke.接受建议的轭。

Second Imprisonment.第二次入狱。

Taken to Egypt.两者埃及。

§ III. §三。Character:特点:

Strong Personality.强烈的个性。

Despondent Tone.沮丧音。

Relieved by Consolation.如释重负的安慰。

His Similes.他的比喻。

Universality of the Godhead.普遍性的神。

-In Rabbinical Literature:- 在犹太教文学:

His Prophetic Activity.他预言活动。

During the Destruction of the Temple.在圣殿的毁灭。

Vision of the Mourning Woman.视觉的莫宁女人。

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

Son of Hilkiah; prophet in the days of Josiah and his sons.希勒家的儿子,先知在约西亚的日子和他的儿子。

§ I. Life: §一,生活:

In the case of no other Israelitish prophet is information so full as in that of Jeremiah.在没有其他Israelitish先知案件资料,以便在耶利米,全面。The historical portions of the Book of Jeremiah give detailed accounts of his external life evidently derived from an eye-witness-probably his pupil Baruch.在耶利米书的历史的部分给他的外部显然从目击证人,可能是他的瞳孔巴鲁克获得生活的详细帐目。Jeremiah's prophecies give an insight into his inner life, and by reason of their subjective quality explain his character and inward struggles.耶利米的预言给了他内心的生活景况,并通过自己的主观质量原因解释他的性格和内向的斗争。Of a gentle nature, he longed for the peace and happiness of his people, instead of which he was obliged to proclaim its destruction and also to witness that calamity.一个温柔的本质,他渴望的和平与他的人民的幸福,而不是他不得不宣布其销毁,同时也见证灾难。He longed for peace and rest for himself, but was obliged instead to announce to his people the coming of terrors, a task that could not but burden his heart with sorrow.他渴望和平和为自己休息,但有责任,而不是宣布他的人在未来的恐惧,任务无法负担与悲伤,但他的心。He had also to fight against the refractory ones among them and against their councilors, false prophets, priests, and princes.他还对抗当中,反对他们的议员,假先知,祭司,和王子耐火材料的。His Family.他的家人。

Jeremiah was born in the year 650 BC at Anathoth, a small town situated three miles north of Jerusalem, in the territory of Benjamin.耶利米是在公元前650年出生在亚拿突,一个小镇位于耶路撒冷以北三英里,在本杰明的领土。He belonged to a priestly family, probably the same one as cared for the Ark of the Covenant after the return from Egypt, and the one to which the high priest Eli had belonged, but which had retreated to Anathoth when Abiathar, David's priest, was banished by Solomon (I Kings ii. 26).他属于一个祭司的家庭,可能是同一个至于后从埃及返回约柜关心,以及对其中大祭司礼曾属于一个,但已回落至亚拿突当亚比亚他,大卫的祭司,是放逐由所罗门(王二,26)。 The family owned property in this place, so that Jeremiah was able to give himself up wholly to his prophetic calling.家庭拥有的财产在这个地方,让耶利米能够投案自首,他的预言完全呼吁。Devoted as he was exclusively to his high vocation, and realizing that it entailed vexation and involved the proclaiming of disaster, he did not marry (Jer. xvi. 2 et seq.).因为他完全投入到他的高职业,实现它entailed烦恼和涉及灾害宣布,他不嫁(耶十六(2)及以下)。In the thirteenth year of King Josiah (626 BC) while still a young man Jeremiah was called to be a prophet.在约西亚王(626年)第十三年,同时还是一个年轻的男子耶利米被称为是一个先知。It was just at this time that the plundering Scythian hordes, which troubled Nearer Asia for decades in the second half of the seventh century, swept past the western boundary of Palestine on their swift horses, to capture rich booty in the ancient civilized land of Egypt (Herodotus, i. 164).它只是在这个时候,成群的掠夺西徐亚人,其中越接近亚洲困扰,在七世纪下半叶几十年,过去的巴勒斯坦马其西部边界迅速风靡,捕捉在古埃及文明的土地丰富的战利品(希罗多德岛164)。 Since he continued to prophesy until after the conquest and destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar (586 BC), Jeremiah's prophetic career covered a period of more than forty years.由于他一直持续到后征服和摧毁耶路撒冷的尼布甲尼撒(公元前586年),以预言,耶利米的预言生涯涵盖了四十多年时间。 All the important events of this period are reflected in his prophecies: the publication of the Deuteronomic law (621 BC) and the religious reforms instituted by Josiah in consequence; the first deportation to Babylon, that of Jehoiachin, or Jeconiah (597); and the final catastrophe of the Jewish kingdom (586).所有这一时期的重要事件都反映在他的预言:对Deuteronomic法(621 BC)和约西亚在实行改革后果的宗教出版物,第一驱逐到巴比伦,即约雅斤,或耶哥尼雅(597)和犹太王国最后的灾难(586)。Strange to say, of all these events the publication of the Deuteronomic law and the religious reforms of Josiah are the least prominently brought out in his writings.说来奇怪,所有这些事件的Deuteronomic法和约西亚的宗教出版物,突出改革带来了至少他的著作。

Attitude Toward Jerusalem Priesthood.姿态走向耶路撒冷的圣职。

It is not improbable that the opposition in which Jeremiah seems to have stood to the priesthood of the central sanctuary at Jerusalem was a continuation of the opposition which had existed from former times between that priesthood and his family and which is traceable to Zadok, the successful opponent of Abiathar.这不是不可能,反对派在其中耶利米似乎已经站到了在耶路撒冷中央圣殿祭司是一个装置已之间的教士和他的家人和前时代的延续,是存在反对追溯至扎多克,成功对手的亚比亚他。 Jeremiah's attitude may also have been influenced by the fact that he considered Josiah's measures too superficial for the moral reformation which he declared to be necessary if the same fate were not to befall the Temple of Zion as had in days gone by befallen the Temple of Shiloh (I Sam. iv.).耶利米的态度也可能被影响的事实,他认为约西亚的措施过于道德改革肤浅的,他宣布将必要的,如果同样的命运并没有降临在锡安祠中所遭受的希洛寺走了几天了(我心四)。 An inward opposition of Jeremiah to the Deuteronomic law is not to be thought of.一个向内反对耶利米的Deuteronomic法律是不能想到的。This may be seen from the exhortation (ib. xi. 1-8) in which Jeremiah calls on his people to hear "the words of this covenant" (ib. v. 3) which God had given to their fathers when He brought them up out of Egypt.这可以看出从劝勉(同上十一1-8),其中耶利米他呼吁人们听到“字样的这个公约”(同上第3节)上帝给了他们的父亲时,他给他们带来了出了埃及。 In this passage there is a plain reference to the newly found law.在这段话有一个普通的参照新发现的规律。

Just as little justifiable is the theory, which has recently been suggested, that Jeremiah in his later years departed from the Deuteronomic law.正如没有合理的理论是,最近有人建议,在他晚年耶利米的Deuteronomic法离去。"The false [lying] pen of the scribe," which, as Jeremiah says, "makes the Torah of Yhwh to falsehood" (Jer. viii. 8, Hebr.), could not have referred to the Deuteronomic law, nor to its falsification by copyists. “假[撒谎]笔的文士,”这正如耶利米说,“使得耶和华律法来谬误”(耶八,8,黑布尔),不可能提到Deuteronomic法,也没有其伪造的抄写员。 Rather, Jeremiah is thinking here of another compilation of laws which was then in progress under the direction of his opponents, the priests of the central sanctuary at Jerusalem.相反,耶利米这里是思想的另一法律,是根据他的对手,在耶路撒冷中央圣殿祭司的方向取得进展,然后编译。Jeremiah probably expected from them no other conception of law than the narrow Levitical one, which actually is apparent in the legal portions of the so-called Priestly writings and results from the Priestly point of view.耶利米预计他们可能并不比窄利未的,这实际上是明显的所谓著作和祭司从祭司的角度来看结果,法律的部分其他法律概念。

§ II. §二。Prophetic Career:先知经历:

(a) During the Time of King Josiah: No further details of Jeremiah's life during the reign of Josiah are known.(一)在约西亚王时间:耶利米的生活没有约西亚在位期间,进一步的细节是已知的。This is probably due to the fact, as has recently been suggested,that Jeremiah continued to live in his home at Anathoth during the opening years of his prophetic career.这可能是由于这一事实,因为最近有人建议,耶利米期间继续他的预言生涯的最初几年,在他家居住在亚拿突。This theory is supported by the description of the prevailing religious rites which he gives in his first prophecies (Jer. iv. 4) and which applies better to the rough, simple, local cults than to the elaborate ritual of Yhwh in the central sanctuary.这一理论的支持,根据当时的宗教仪式的描述,他在给他的第一个预言(耶四4)和适用于更好地粗糙,简单,比耶和华的圣所阐述的中央地方邪教仪式。 "On every hill and under every green tree" (ib. ii. 20) they honor the "strangers" (ib. v. 25), ie, the Baalim (ib. ii. 23), who, introduced from abroad, had taken their place among the local deities. “在每一个山头,根据每一个绿色的树”(ib.二20),他们的荣誉的“陌生人”(同上25节),即Baalim(ib.二23),谁,从国外引进,已决定了他们在当地神灵的地方。 Israel had "acted wantonly" with them from the time when he first settled in the land of Canaan and had even burned his own children for them "in the valley" (ib. vii. 31).以色列“采取行动大肆”与他们的时候,他首先在迦南地解决,甚至烧毁了自己的孩子为他们“中谷”(ib.七31)。

Residence in Jerusalem.居住在耶路撒冷。

The oldest discourses concerning the Scythians (ib. iv. 5-31) seem also to have first been written in Anathoth.最古老的话语有关斯基泰人(同上四5-31)似乎也有第一次在亚拿突写的。In them Jeremiah describes the irresistible advance of the people "from the north" which will bring terrible destruction upon the land of Israel on account of its apostasy.在耶利米书描述了他们的人无法抗拒的前进“来自北方的”,这将带来后,以色列就其土地叛教帐户可怕的破坏。Another proof in favor of the theory that Jeremiah continued to live in Anathoth at the outset of his career is that the prophecies before ch.另一个有利的理论证明,耶利米继续在亚拿突住在他的职业生涯一开始是,在通道的预言。 v. do not concern themselves with the doings of the capital, and that only with his supposed change of residence to Jerusalem begins the account of the external details of his life by his pupil, who was probably originally from Jerusalem and who first became associated with the prophet there.五,不关心资本的行为本身,只有与他居住耶路撒冷应该首先改变他的学生,谁可能是最初是从耶路撒冷和谁首先成为了与他的生活细节的外部帐户先知那里。 In the capital the simple local cults dwindled into comparative insignificance before the central sanctuary, but on the other hand immorality, frivolity, and deceit made themselves prominent, together with a disregard of the words of the prophet spoken by him to the people by Yhwh's order.在资本的简单地方邪教缩减到比较渺小前中央圣殿,但在另一方面不道德,轻浮,和欺骗了自己突出的,具有口语由他的耶和华的命令,以人民的先知的话无视在一起。 Even the prophets took part in the general moral debasement; indeed they were worse than those who erstwhile had "prophesied in the name of Baal" (ib. ii. 8), ie, the prophets of the Northern Kingdom.即使是先知参加了一般道德贬值的一部分,实际上他们是谁比那些昔日曾(ib.二8),也就是说,北王国的先知“,在巴力的名预言”雪上加霜。 The people, moreover, which Jeremiah was to test for its inner worth, as an assayer (ib. vi. 27) tests the purity of metal, had lost all its preciousness and was only a generation of wrath.人民,而且,这耶利米是测试其内在价值为assayer(ib.六27),测试的金属纯度,已经失去了其所有珍贵和只是一个愤怒的产生。

Imprisonment and Release.监禁和释放。

(b) During the Time of King Jehoiakim: Jeremiah's removal from Anathoth to Jerusalem seems to have taken place a little before the time of Jehoiakim's accession; at least he appears as a resident in Jerusalem under that king. (二)在国王约雅敬时间:耶利米从亚拿突搬迁到耶路撒冷似乎已经发生前约雅敬的加入时间一点点,至少他作为国王在耶路撒冷的居民下出现。Just as his sternness and his threat of impending punishments had already displeased his fellow citizens in Anathoth to such an extent that they sought his life (ib. xi. 19), so also in Jerusalem general anger was soon aroused against him.正如他的严厉和他的威胁已经迫在眉睫的处罚不满在亚拿突到这样的程度,他们寻求他的生命(同上十一19)他的同胞,因此也一般在耶路撒冷对他的愤怒很快就被调动起来。 The first occasion therefor was an event in the reign of Jehoiakim.为此在第一次是在约雅敬在位的事件。Jeremiah preached a sermon in the valley Ben-hinnom against idolatry, and in order to bring the utter and complete ruin of the kingdom of Judah more clearly before the minds of his hearers he broke an earthen pitcher.耶利米鼓吹反对偶像崇拜的谷本 - 欣嫩说教,为了使他的听众之前的头脑,他打破了an土投手的犹大王国​​彻底和完整的破坏更清楚。When immediately afterward he repeated the same sermon in the Temple court, he was put in prison by Pashur, the priest in charge, being liberated, however, on the next day.当随即他重复在同一法院寺布道,他被投入监狱的Pashur,负责牧师,被解放了,但是,在第二天。The following section (ib. xxvi.) gives more details.以下部分(同上XXVI)提供了更多的细节。When the people at the beginning of Jehoiakim's reign, in spite of the terrible loss they had sustained by the death of Josiah in the unfortunate battle of Megiddo and the resultant establishment of the Egyptian domination, still took comfort in the thought of the Temple and of the protection which the sanctuary was believed to afford, Jeremiah stood in the Temple court and called on the people to improve morally; otherwise the Temple of Jerusalem would share the fate of that of Shiloh.当在约雅敬的王朝开始人们在可怕的损失,他们由约西亚死亡持续的米吉多和埃及的统治造成的成立不幸战尽管如此,仍然发生在圣殿思想和舒适在该保护区被认为是提供保护,耶利米站在庙法院和人民改善道德要求,否则将分享耶路撒冷圣殿对希洛的命运。 In terrible excitement the priests and prophets cried out that Jeremiah was worthy of death.在可怕的兴奋祭司和先知耶利米大叫是值得死亡。He, however, was acquitted by the priests and elders, who seem to have had great respect for the word of a prophet, especially in view of the fact that some of the most prominent persons rose up and called to mind the prophet Micah, who had prophesied the same fate for the Temple and for Jerusalem.然而,他被无罪释放的牧师和长老,谁似乎都曾经为先知字非常尊重,尤其是在一个事实,即一些最突出的人站起来,并呼吁想起先知弥迦认为,谁曾预言了圣殿和耶路撒冷同样的命运。

Reading of the Roll.读卷筒。

The following incidents in Jeremiah's life are most closely connected with public events as he was more and more drawn into political life by them.在耶利米的生活下面的事件是最密切的公共事件,他被越来越多地进入政治生活吸引他们。In the fourth year of Jehoiakim, the same in which the Babylonians conquered the Egyptians in the battle of Carchemish and thus became the ruling power in the whole of Nearer Asia for almost seventy years, Jeremiah dictated to Baruch the speeches he had composed from the beginning of his career till then, and caused his pupil to read them before the people in the Temple, on a feast-day in the fifth year of Jehoiakim.在约雅敬,同样在其中巴比伦人征服战中Carchemish埃及人,从而成为在亚洲的更近了近70年整个执政第四年,耶利米口授巴鲁克他从一开始就组成讲话然后到他的职业生涯,并引起他的学生阅读之前,在寺庙的人他们在盛宴日,在约雅敬第五年。 Upon hearing of this event the highest officers of the court caused Baruch to read the roll once more to them; and afterward, in their dismay at its contents, they informed the king of it.此事件的听证会后对法院的最高官员造成巴鲁克阅读辊再次给他们,并随后在其在其内容沮丧,他们通报了它的国王。Jehoiakim next caused the roll to be brought and read to him, but scarcely had the reader Jehudi read three or four leaves when the king had the roll cut in pieces and thrown into the brazier by which he was warming himself.未来造成约雅敬将要带来的,并给他读卷,但很少有读者Jehudi读三,四叶时,国王和削减块,其中入火盆烤火,他抛出的滚动。 Jeremiah, however, who on the advice of the officials had hidden himself, dictated anew the contents of the burnt roll to Baruch, adding "many like words" (ib. xxxvi. 32).耶利米,然而,对官员的意见,谁隐藏了自己,重新支配的烧卷的内容,巴鲁克,加入“许多人喜欢的话”(同上三十六32)。 It was his secretary likewise who (later) wrote into the roll all the new prophecies which were delivered up to the time of the destruction of Jerusalem.这是他的秘书也同样谁(后)入卷写了所有的包括已经交付到耶路撒冷的毁灭时间新的预言。

Political Attitude.政治态度。

(c) During the Time of Zedekiah: In the original roll which was burned by Jehoiakim, and which probably included practically the prophecies contained in ch. (三)在西底家时间:在原来的滚动而被烧毁了约雅敬,并可能包括几乎在通道中的预言。ii.-xii., Jeremiah had not made any positive demands concerning the political attitude of the kingdom of Judah.白介素-十二,耶利米没有作出任何有关犹大王国的政治态度积极的要求。He had merely, in accordance with the principle laid down by Hosea and Isaiah, declared that Judah should not take any political stand of her own, and should follow neither after Assyria nor after Egypt, but should wait and do what Yhwh commanded (ib. ii. 18, 36).他只是在与何西阿和以赛亚书所规定的原则下,宣布犹大不应采取任何她自己的政治立场,并应遵循后亚述也不埃及后既没有,而应该等待,做耶和华吩咐(同上二,18,36)。 But in the course of events he felt impelled to take active part in political affairs.但在事件过程中,他觉得促使参与政治事务的积极参与。This was during the time of Zedekiah, who had been placed on the throne by Nebuchadnezzar after the deportation of Jehoiachin (ib. xxvii., xxviii.).这是在西底家,谁已放置尼布甲尼撒宝座上后,约雅斤(同上二十七。,二十八)驱逐出境时间。

Advises Acceptance of Yoke.接受建议的轭。

When, in the fourth year of Zedekiah, ambassadors from the surrounding nations came to deliberate with the King of Judah concerning a common uprising against the Babylonian king, a prophet by the name of Hananiahproclaimed in the Temple the speedy return of Jehoiachin and his fellow exiles as well as the bringing back of the Temple vessels which had been carried off by Nebuchadnezzar, supporting his prophecy by the announcement that the "word of Yhwh" was to the effect that he would "break the yoke of the king of Babylon" (ib. xxviii. 4).时,在西底家第四年,从周边国家的大使来到犹大王故意关于反对巴比伦王,由Ha​​naniahproclaimed在寺庙名称的约雅斤迅速返回流亡的先知和他的同事共同起义以及圣殿的船只已进行过支持由尼布甲尼撒宣布了“耶和华词”,大意是说,他将“打破了巴比伦王的轭”他预言,带回(IB ,二十八4)。Jeremiah then appeared in the market-place with a yoke of wood and counseled the ambassadors, King Zedekiah, and his people to submit voluntarily to the Babylonian power.耶利米然后出现了用木枷锁市场的地方和咨询的大使,王西底家,和他的人提出自愿巴比伦的力量。When Jeremiah appeared also at the Temple, Hananiah tore the yoke from his shoulders and repeated his prophecy of good tidings (ib. v. 10 et seq.).当耶利米也出现在寺庙,哈拿尼雅撕毁的枷锁,从他的肩膀,并重申了他的好消息预言(同上诉10起。)Jeremiah likewise advised the exiles in Babylon to settle there quietly (ib. xxix.), which caused one of them to write to the high priest in Jerusalem directing him to fulfil his duty, to watch over every mad man in the Temple and over every one that "maketh himself a prophet" and, consequently, to put Jeremiah "in prison and in the stocks" (ib. xxix. 26).耶利米同样建议在巴比伦流亡在那里定居悄悄(同上二十九),造成其中一人写信给在耶路撒冷大祭司指示他履行他的职责,看在每一个疯狂的人在寺庙和在每一个一个“maketh自己是先知”,因此,应该“在监狱中的股票”耶利米(同上二十九26)。

Second Imprisonment.第二次入狱。

But destiny was soon fulfilled, and with it came new trials for Jeremiah.但是,命运很快实现,并用它来为耶利米新的考验。Zedekiah had been obliged to succumb to the insistence of the war party and to rebel against Nebuchadnezzar.西底家已经被迫屈服于战争党坚持和反抗尼布甲尼撒。The Babylonians then marched against Judah to punish Zedekiah and quell the rebellion.巴比伦人然后游行反对犹太惩罚西底家和平息叛乱。When Jeremiah's prophecy was near its fulfilment, the king sent often for him to consult with him and to ascertain how it would go with the people and with himself and what he should do to save himself.当耶利米的预言是接近完成,国王派他经常与他进行磋商,以确定它将如何顺应人民和他本人和他所应该做的拯救自己。 Jeremiah told him plainly that the Babylonians would conquer and advised him to surrender before the beginning of hostilities, in order to ward off the worst.耶利米告诉他明明白白说,巴比伦人将征服,劝他投降前的敌对行动开始,为了抵御最坏的打算。Zedekiah, however, did not dare follow this advice, and thus the catastrophe came to pass, not without Jeremiah having in the meantime to endure many hardships owing to the siege.西底家,然而,不敢遵循这一建议,从而灾难来通过不无耶利米在此期间不得不忍受由于围攻许多困难。Since he undoubtedly prophesied the overthrow of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, and warned against resisting them as well as against trusting in the Egyptians for help, he was regarded as a traitor to his country; and for that reason and because his openly expressed conviction robbed the besieged of their courage, he was placed in confinement.由于他无疑预言耶路撒冷由巴比伦人推翻,对抵制和反对在他们的帮助埃及人的信任,以及警告,他被视为叛徒对他的国家以及该原因,因为他公开表示定罪抢劫他们的勇气包围,他被安置在禁闭。 He was treated as a deserter also because he desired to go to his native city on a personal matter at a time when the Babylonians had temporarily raised the siege to march against Hophra, the Egyptian king (the "Apries" of Herodotus), who was advancing against them.他被视为逃兵也因为他渴望去一个个人的事情在他的家乡城市时,巴比伦人已经暂时提出反对Hophra,埃及国王(以下简称“Apries”的希罗多德),谁是围城游行时间推进对他们。 Jeremiah was arrested and thrown into a dungeon, whence he was released by the king.耶利米被抓进地牢,从那里他被国王释放抛出。 He was then confined in the court of the guard in the royal castle, as his discouraging influence on the soldiers was feared.然后,他被局限在在皇家城堡守卫法庭,因为他对战士的影响是令人沮丧害怕。Although he was allowed a certain freedom there, since he continued to make no secret of his conviction as to the final downfall of Judah, the king's officers threw him into an empty cistern.虽然他被允许有一定的自由,因为他继续做,以最终灭亡的犹大没有他的信念的秘密,国王的人员全身心地投入到他一个空水箱。 From this also he was rescued by a eunuch with the king's permission, being saved at the same time from death by starvation (ib. xxxvii., xxxviii.).这也是他从被救出的太监与国王的许可,善于从饿死同一时间(同上三十七。,三十八)保存。He then remained in the lighter captivity of the court prison until he was liberated at the capture of Jerusalem by the Babylonians.然后,他留在了法庭的监狱囚禁,直到他被从轻在耶路撒冷由巴比伦人捕捉解放。

(d) During the Time After the Fall of Jerusalem: The Babylonians handed Jeremiah over to the care and protection of the governor Gedaliah, with whom he lived at Mizpah.(d)在耶路撒冷后下降时间:巴比伦人交给耶利米到照顾和保护的省长基大利与他住在米斯巴。After the murder of the governor, Jeremiah seems to have been carried off by Ishmael, the murderer of Gedaliah, and to have been rescued by Johanan and his companions.之后,省长谋杀,耶利米似乎已经进行过的以实玛利,对基大利凶手,并已被约哈难和他的同伴救出。This may be concluded from the fact that the prophet, with Baruch, was among the non-deported Jews who thought of going to Egypt through fear of the Babylonians.这可能是最后的事实是先知,与巴鲁克,其中非驱逐犹太人谁的经历恐惧的巴比伦人认为是埃及。During a stay near Beth-lehem he was asked for God's will on the matter.在附近的伯利恒,他被要求留在上帝的意愿的问题。When, after ten days, he received the answer that they should remain in the country, his warning voice was not heard, the cry being raised against him that Baruch had incited him to give this counsel.当,十天后,他收到的答复,他们应该留在国内,他没有听到警告声音,哭对他所提出的巴鲁克煽动他给这名律师。Accordingly the Jews dragged the prophet with them, as a hostage (Duhm ["Theologie der Propheten," p. 235]: "as an amulet")to Tahapanhes (ie, Daphne, on the eastern branch of the Nile).因此,犹太人与他们拖先知,作为人质(Duhm [“神学DER Propheten”,第235页]:“作为护身符”),以Tahapanhes(即达芙妮,对尼罗河东部分支)。Here Jeremiah continued to prophesy the destruction by the Babylonians of his fellow refugees as also of the Pharaohs and of the temples of Egypt (ib. xxxvii.-xliv.).这里耶利米继续预言的作为也是法老和埃及(同上xxxvii. - XLIV)寺庙他的同胞难民巴比伦人破坏。Here also he must have experienced the anger of the women refugees, who could not be prevented by him from baking cakes and pouring out wine to the "queen of heaven" (ib. xliv. 15 et seq.).这里也是他必须经历的妇女难民,谁也不能阻止他从烤蛋糕和酒倾泻而出的“天上的女王”(同上四十四15起。)愤怒。

Jeremiah probably died in Egypt.耶利米可能死在埃及。Whether his countrymen killed him, as tradition says, can, on account of the lack of historical data, be neither affirmed nor denied.无论是他杀害了他的同胞,为传统说,可以对历史数据缺乏的帐户,既不肯定也不否认。But his assassination does not seem wholly impossible in view of the angry scene just mentioned.但他的暗杀似乎并不完全在刚刚提到的愤怒现场查看不可能的。At any rate, his life, even as it had been a continual struggle, ended in suffering.无论如何,他的生活,尽管它一直是不断奋斗,在苦难结束。And it was not the least of the tragic events in his life that his chief opponents belonged to the same two classes of which he himself was a member.它不是在他的生活,他的主要对手是属于相同的两个班,而他本人是一个成员的悲惨事件最少。The priests fought him because he declared sacrifice to be of little importance, and the prophets because he declared that it was self-interest which prompted them to prophesy good for the people.祭司打他,因为他宣称牺牲是没有多大的重要性,和先知,因为他宣称,这是自我利益,促使他们预言为人民好。

§ III. §三。Character:特点:

Strong Personality.强烈的个性。

(a) Character of Personality: The tragic element in Jeremiah's life has already been mentioned.(一)人格特征:在耶利米的生活悲剧的元素已经提到。It was heightened by the subjective trait which is peculiar to Jeremiah more than to other prophets, even the older ones.这是高度的主观特征是特有的耶利米超过其他先知,即使是老的。This personal suffering over the hard fate which he is obliged to proclaim to his people as God's changeless will is so strong that he even makes the attempt in earnest intercession to move God to a milder attitude toward the guilty.这在硬盘的命运,他有责任向人们宣布他为神的不变的意志是如此强烈,他甚至使得在认真说情尝试移动到神对罪温和态度的个人痛苦。 "Remember that I stood before thee to speak good for them and to turn away thy wrath from them" (ib. xviii. 20).“记住,我站在你面前为他们说话好,转离他们你的愤怒”(同上十八20)。He would undoubtedly like to keep silence and yet must speak: "I said, I will not make mention of him, nor speak any more in his name. But his word was in mine heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones, and I was weary with forbearing, and I could not stay"-ie, "I struggled to keep it within me and I could not" (ib. xx. 9).他肯定会想保持沉默,但必须说:“我说,我不会提到他,也不讲他的名字,但他的话再在我的骨头如关在了一个燃烧的火我的心和。我对忍厌倦了,我不能留“,即”我挣扎着保持在我来说,我不能“(同上XX 9)。Yhwh even has to forbid his intercession for the sinners (ib. vii. 16, xi. 14, xiv. 11), and to forbid the people to seek his intercession (ib. xlii. 2, 4).耶和华甚至已经禁止他为罪人代求(ib.七16,十一14,十四11),并禁止人们去寻找他的代祷(同上XLII 2,4)。 Jeremiah's sympathy for his countrymen who have been punished by God is so great that at one time the prophetical declaration to the people is changed into the people's petition: "O Lord, correct me, but with judgment; not in thine anger, lest thou bring me to nothing" (ib. x. 24).耶利米对他的同胞的同情谁被上帝惩罚是如此之大,在同一时间的预言声明,人是为人民的请愿书改变了:“主啊,纠正我,但判决;没有在thine愤怒,免得你带来我没有什么“(同上十24)。 In moving terms he describes the pain which he feels within him, in his "very heart," when he hears the sound of war and must announce it to the people (ib. iv. 19, viii. 18-22); and in despair over his sad life he curses the day of his birth (ib. xx. 14-18).在移动方面,他介绍了痛苦,他在他觉得,在他的“非常心”,当他听到战争的声音,必须宣布它的人(同上四19,八18〜22。);和在他伤心绝望的生活,他咒骂了他的生日(同上XX 14-18)。

With this intense sensitiveness on the part of the prophet, it should not cause surprise that, on the other hand, his anger breaks forth against his persecutors and he desires a day of destruction to come upon them (ib. xvii. 18).有了这个对先知的一部分激烈的敏感性,因此,不会造成意外的是,另一方面,他的愤怒对他提出打破迫害,他的欲望的破坏一天的到来给他们(同上十七18)。

Despondent Tone.沮丧音。

(b) Character of His Writing: It is doubtless due to this despondent and often despairing frame of mind that his words frequently make a dull and lifeless impression which is not remedied by a heaping up of synonymous terms; and this is all the more noticeable because the rhythm of the speeches is very feeble and frequently almost disappears. (二)对他的写作特点:这无疑是由于这种精神沮丧和绝望的框架,往往他的话常常使枯燥和毫无生气的印象,是不是由堆积起来的同义词补救,这就是更明显因为讲话的节奏非常虚弱,经常几乎消失。 Although this may have been due in part to the fact that Jeremiah did not write his book himself, it is still undeniable that there is a monotony in the contents of his speeches.虽然这可能是由于部分的事实,耶利米没有写他的书自己,它仍然是不可否认的,有一个在他的发言内容单调。This may be traced to the conditions of his age.这可追溯到他的年龄条件。The prophet is always complaining of the sins of the people, particularly of their idolatry, or else describing the catastrophe which is to burst upon them through the hordes from the north.先知总​​是抱怨的人的罪,特别是他们的偶像崇拜,否则描述的灾难是要通过对他们一阵来自北方的游牧部落。Seldom is there a brighter outlook into a better future.很少有没有成为一个更美好的未来光明的前景。

Relieved by Consolation.如释重负的安慰。

The hope which he had at the beginning, that the people would recognize the evils of idolatry and would turn again to God with inward repentance (ib. ii.-iv. 4), entirely disappears later in face of the utter perverseness of the people; as does the other hope that Ephraim, the lost favorite of Yhwh, that child of Rachel who had been lost sight of for 100 years, would return from "out of the desert."人们希望这是他在一开始,即人们会认识到偶像崇拜所带来的弊端,并会再次向内转悔改(同上ii.-iv. 4)神,完全消失,后来在人们的脸上完全乖张;一样的其他希望以法莲的耶和华,即雷切尔孩子谁已失传百年的视线失去了最爱,将返回从“走出沙漠。” But when Jeremiah speaks from the depths of his soul the monotony of the content is relieved by the charm of the language in which he, as no other prophet, is able to relate God's words of love to his faithless wife Judah.但是,当耶利米从他的灵魂深处讲的内容是由单调的语言魅力,他的,因为没有其他的先知,是能够与神的爱的话,他的妻子移情别恋犹大松了一口气。

His Similes.他的比喻。

From his choice of words it may be concluded that Jeremiah, like Isaiah, was an educated man.从他的用词可能得出的结论是耶利米,如以赛亚,是一个受过教育的人。The pictures which he paints of outdoor life show a deep, delicate appreciation of nature.这些照片,他对户外生活的描绘表现出深刻的,自然细腻的赞赏。The voices of the desert sound in his poems; he speaks of the swift-footed dromedary running to and fro, of the cattle grown wild on the plains, of the thirsty wild ass gasping for breath with dim eyes, and of the bird of prey which the fowler has tied to a stake in order to attract his victim.而在他的诗沙漠声的声音,他的迅速足来来回回跑单峰骆驼谈到了牛,生长在平原的野生,野生的口渴与暗淡的眼睛喘气的屁股,以及猛禽其中福勒绑在股权,以吸引他的受害者。 Even in the description of chaos (ib. iv. 25) "Jeremiah does not forget the birds" (Duhm, in the introduction to his translation of Jeremiah, p. xxii.).即使在混乱(同上四,25)的说明“耶利米不会忘记鸟”(Duhm,在他的耶利米,第XXII翻译介绍)。His is, indeed, rather a lyrical nature, since even without a picture he tarries sometimes in an appreciative contemplation of nature, which corresponds to his sensitive comprehension of the human heart.他确实是相当抒情性,因为即使没有照片,他tarries有时在一个性质,相当于他对人的心脏敏感的理解表示感谢沉思。 God's greatness is manifested to him in the sand on the shore, which is placed as an eternal boundary for the sea; "andthough the waves thereof toss themselves, yet can they not prevail; though they roar, yet can they not pass over it" (ib. v. 22).神的伟大表现,以他在沙地上了岸,这是作为一个海永恒的边界上;“andthough波及其折腾自己,还可以,他们不会得逞,但他们的轰鸣声,但他们不能越过它” (同上22节)。He observes the lengthening shadows as the day is sinking (ib. vi. 4), or the dry wind of the high places which comes in from the wilderness and is too strong to serve either for fanning or for cleansing (ib. iv. 11).他指出作为一天的延长阴影正在下沉(ib.六4),或者是其中部分来自旷野和太强以服务为煽动或清洗(同上四,11无论是高的地方干风)。 Now and then with a special touch he raises his pictures of human life above the vagueness which on account of the suppression of details is common to the Old Testament illustrations and examples.现在,然后用一个特殊的接触,他提出了上述含糊其对细节抑制帐户是很常见的旧约插图和人类生活的例子,他的照片。 He furnishes the "smelter" (), who has been a stereotyped example since the oldest prophets, with bellows (ib. vi. 29); as symbols of the joyful existence which his prophecies foretelling punishment will drive away, he mentions, besides the voices of the bridegroom and of the bride, the sound of the millstones and the light of the candle (ib. xxv. 10; comp. ib. vii. 34, xvi. 9).他furnishes的“熔炉”(),与波纹管(ib.六29。)谁以来最古老的先知千篇一律的例子;作为快乐的存在而他的预言预示惩罚将赶走符号,他提到,除了在新郎和新娘的声音,对磨盘声和蜡烛(同上二十五10。。;比赛IB七34,十六9)光。 He also observes how the shepherd counts the sheep of his flock (ib. xxxiii. 13).他还指出如何计算的牧羊人,他的羊群的羊(同上三十三13)。

The symbolic acts of which he makes frequent use, whether he actually carries them out, as in breaking the earthen pitcher, in putting on the cords, and in placing the yoke on his neck, or merely imagines them, as in the allegories in Jer.这使得他的频繁使用,他是否真正落实这些措施,如打破了土投手,在投入上线,并在把他的脖子上的枷锁,或者仅仅是想象中的寓言他们在哲,象征性的行为。 xiii.十三。1 et seq., are simple and easily intelligible (Baudissin, "Einleitung," pp. 420 et seq.). 1及以下,很简单,容易理解(Baudissin,“导论”,第420页起)。

Universality of the Godhead.普遍性的神。

(c) Character of His Religious Views: In conformity with the subjectivity of his nature, Jeremiah raised the conception of the bond between God and His people far above the conception of a physical relation, and transferred piety from mere objective ceremonies into the human heart (comp. ib. iv. 4, xvii. 9, xxix. 13, and, if Jeremianic, also xxxi. 31 et seq.). (三)他的宗教点击角色:在与他的自然主体合格,耶利米提出了上帝之间,远远高于物理概念的关系他的人债券的概念,并从单纯的目标转移到人的心脏仪式虔诚(comp.兴业。四,四,十七9,二十九13,并且,如果Jeremianic,也XXXI 31页起)。Through this conception of man's relation to the divinity, the idea of the divine universality, if not created by him, was yet (if Amos ix. 2-4, 5 et seq. be excluded) very clearly demonstrated.通过这个人的关系的神性,普遍性的神圣理念,如果不是由他创造的概​​念,是又(如果阿莫斯九2-4,5起。被排除在外)非常清楚地表现出来。 Although a large part of the passages in which the universality of God is most clearly expressed (Jer. xxvii. 5, 11; xxxii. 19; xlix. 11) are doubtful as regards their authorship, there are nevertheless undoubted passages (ib. xii. 14 et seq., and xviii. 7 et seq.) in which Jeremiah, although from the standpoint that Yhwh is the special God of Israel, expresses his conviction that He can reject nations other than Israel and afterward take them again into His favor.虽然有很大一部分的通道,其中神的普遍性是最清楚的表述(耶二十七5,11;三十二19;。XLIX 11)被怀疑是有关其著作权,但无疑有通道(同上十二14及以下,和第十八7页起),其中耶利米,虽然从立场而言耶和华是以色列特殊的神,他表示相信,他可以拒绝其他国家比以色列和后来考虑到他的再次青睐。 If in these passages the particularistic conception of God is not completely abandoned, nevertheless His universality is the direct consequence of the portrayal, which was first given by Jeremiah, of His omnipresence and omnipotence, filling heaven and earth (ib. xxiii. 23; comp. ii. 16).如果这些通道的神特殊主义的概念是没有完全放弃,但他的普遍性的写照,这是首次由耶利米给他的无所不在,无所不能,尽显天地(同上XXIII 23,直接后果;比赛二16)。Thus Jeremiah, starting out from his conception of God, can characterize the gods of the heathen as "no gods," and can express his conviction that "among the idols of the heathen there is not one which can cause rain," whereas Yhwh has made all (ib. xiv. 22; comp. xvi. 19 et seq.).因此耶利米,开始从他的神的概念了,可以定性为神的异教徒“没有神”,能够表达自己的信念“之间的异教徒的偶像有没有一个可引起雨”,而耶和华已作出一切(同上十四22;。排版十六19及以下)。 But in spite of this tendency toward a universalistic conception of God, which later became a firm article of belief, the barriers of the national religion had not yet fallen in Jeremiah's mind.但在这种对神的普遍性概念,后来成为坚定的信念,尽管文章的倾向,国家宗教的障碍还没有在耶利米的头脑下降。This is shown most clearly by the fact that even he conceives of a final restoration of the tribe of Israel.这表现最明显的是,连他的一个部落,以色列最终恢复设想。

Bibliography:参考书目:

CWE Nägelsbach, Der Prophet Jeremia und Babylon, Erlangen, 1850; CH Cornill, Jeremia und Seine Zeit, 1880; TK Cheyne, Jeremiah: His Life and Times, 1888; Lazarus, Der Prophet Jeremia; K. Marti, Der Prophet Jeremia von Anatot, 1889; W. Erbt, Jeremia und Seine Zeit, 1902; Bernhard Duhm, Das Buch Jeremia, Uebersetzt, 1903 (comp. Introduction, pp. v.-xxxiv.);CWE Nägelsbach,DER先知Jeremia UND巴比伦,埃尔兰根,1850; CH Cornill,Jeremia UND塞纳时代周报,1880年,传统知识进益,耶利米:他的生活和时代,1888年;拉撒路,明镜先知Jeremia; K.马蒂,DER先知Jeremia冯Anatot 1889年,W. Erbt,Jeremia UND塞纳时代周报,1902年,伯恩哈德Duhm,达斯布赫Jeremia,Uebersetzt,1903(comp.介绍,第诉 - 三十四);

bibliography under Jeremiah, Book of.EGHV Ry.书目下耶利米书of.EGHV Ry的。

-In Rabbinical Literature:- 在犹太教文学:

Jeremiah, a descendant of Rahab by her marriage with Joshua (Sifre, Num. 78; Meg. 14b, below), was born during the persecution of the prophets under Jezebel (Gen. R. lxiv. 6; Rashi on Jer. xx. 14 reads, probably correctly, "Manasseh" instead of "Jezebel").耶利米,由她的婚姻的后代与约书亚的拉哈伯(Sifre,序号78;。梅格14B,下),在被迫害的先知出生在耶洗别(将军河LXIV 6; Rashi上哲XX。 14曰,可能正确,“玛”而不是“耶洗别”)。The lofty mission for which Jeremiah was destined was evident even at his birth; for he not only came into the world circumcised (Ab. RN ii. [ed. Schechter, p. 12]; Midr. Teh. ix. [ed. Buber, p. 84]), but as soon as he beheld the light of day he broke out into loud cries, exclaiming with the voice of a youth: "My bowels, my bowels! I am pained at my very heart; my heart maketh a noise in me," etc. (Jer. iv. 20).对其中的崇高使命耶利米注定是明显,即使在他出生时,因为他不仅进入了世界割礼(Ab. RN II [谢克特版,第12页。]。。。Midr第九届[编者按布伯,第84页]),但只要他看到了曙光,他大声呼喊到爆发,与一名青年的声音感叹:“我的心肠,我的肠子,我很心疼我的心,我的心maketh!在我的噪音“等(耶四20)。 He continued by accusing his mother of unfaithfulness; and as the latter was greatly astonished to hear this unbecoming speech of her new-born infant, he said: "I do not mean you, my mother. My prophecy does not refer to you; I am speaking of Zion and Jerusalem. They deck out their daughters, and clothe them in purple, and put golden crowns on their heads; but the robbers shall come and take these things away."他继续指责他的不忠的母亲,以及因为后者大为吃惊地听到了她新出生的婴儿不得体的讲话,他说:“我不是你,我的母亲我的预言不是指你,我我说,他们和耶路撒冷的锡安甲板他们的女儿,他们的紫色衣服,并把他们的头冠金;但劫匪应来把这些东西拿走。“

Jeremiah refused God's call to the prophethood, and referred to Moses, Aaron, Elijah, and Elisha, all of whom, on account of their calling, were subjected to sorrows and to the mockery of the Jews; and he excused his refusal with the plea that he was still too young.耶利米拒绝上帝的召唤的先知,并提到摩西,亚伦,以利亚和以利沙,所有的人,对他们的要求考虑,都遭受的痛苦和对犹太人的嘲弄,他原谅的请求他拒绝他还太年轻。 God, however, replied: "I love youth because it is innocent; it was for this reason that when I led Israel out of Egypt I called him 'my son' [comp. Hosea xi. 1], and when I think lovingly of Israel, I speak of it as of a boy [Jer. ii. 2]; hence do not say 'I am a boy.'" Then God handed to Jeremiah the "cup of wrath," from which he was to let the nations drink; and when Jeremiah asked which nation should drink first, the answer was "Israel."神,但是,回答说:“我爱少年,因为它是无辜的,它基于这个原因,当我带领以色列人出埃及我叫他是”我的儿子“[比赛何西阿十一1],当我觉得亲切的以色列,我说的是,作为一个男孩[哲二(2)],因此不说“神交给耶利米的”愤怒杯“,从他是让各国”我是一个男孩。“饮料,而当耶利米问哪个国家应该先喝点,答案是“以色列。” Then Jeremiah began to lament his fate, comparing himself with the high priest who was about to perform in the Temple the ceremonies prescribed in the case of a woman suspected of adultery (Num. v. 12 et seq.), and who, when he approached her with the "cup of the bitter water," beheld his own mother (Pesiḳ. R. 26 [ed. Friedmann, p. 129a, b]).于是耶利米开始哀叹自己的命运,比较大祭司谁是即将在寺庙中进行的通奸嫌疑的女人(民数记诉12起。)的情况下自己规定的仪式,和谁,当他上前与她的“苦一杯水,”看见自己的母亲(Pesiḳ.R. 26 [编者按:弗里德曼,第129A,B])。

His Prophetic Activity.他预言活动。

The prophetic activity of Jeremiah began in the reign of Josiah; he was a contemporary of his relative the prophetess Hulda and of his teacher Zephaniah (comp. Maimonides in the introduction to "Yad"; in Lam. R. i. 18 Isaiah is mentioned as Jeremiah's teacher).耶利米先知的活动开始于约西亚在位,他是他的亲属先知胡尔达当代他的老师西番(comp.迈蒙尼德在介绍“屠杀”和;在林河一提到18以赛亚如耶利米的老师)。 These three prophets divided their activity in such wise that Hulda spoke to the women and Jeremiah to the men in the street, while Zephaniah preached in the synagogue (Pesiḳ. R. lc).这三个先知分为这样明智的胡尔达交谈的妇女和耶利米在街上的男人,而西番雅在犹太教堂(Pesiḳ.R. LC)宣扬他们的活动。 When Josiah restored the true worship, Jeremiah went to the exiled ten tribes, whom he brought to Palestine under the rule of the pious king ('Ar. 33a).当约西亚恢复了真正的崇拜,耶利米去流亡的十个支派,其中他受到了虔诚的国王(“AR。33A)统治巴勒斯坦。Although Josiah went towar with Egypt against the prophet's advice, yet the latter knew that the pious king did so only in error (Lam. R. lc); and in his dirges he bitterly laments the king's death, the fourth chapter of the Lamentations beginning with a dirge on Josiah (Lam. R. iv. 1; Targ. II Chron. xxxv. 25).虽然约西亚了与埃及反对先知的忠告towar,但后者知道虔诚的国王也只能在错误(Lam. R. LC),因此,在他痛苦地感叹他的dirges国王的去世,对哀歌第四章开始与上约西亚(Lam. R.四1。;塔尔格II专栏XXXV 25)哀乐。

Under Jehoiakim the prophet's life was a hard one; not only did the wicked king burn the early chapters of Lamentations, but the prophet was even in danger of his life (M. Ḳ. 26a; Lam. R., Introduction, p. 28).在约雅敬先知的生活是艰苦的;不仅没有恶人国王烧伤早期章节的哀歌,但先知,即使在他生命危险(M.Ḳ26A的;。林河,导言,第28页)。 He fared still worse, however, under Zedekiah, when he had to withstand many attacks both upon his teachings and upon his life.他表现更糟糕,但是,在西底家,当他不得不承受都在他的教诲,并且在他生活中的许多攻击。On account of his descent from the proselyte Rahab he was scorned by his contemporaries as one who had no right to reproach the Jews for their sins (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, xiii. 115b), and they furthermore accused him of unchastity (B. Ḳ. 16b).在他的后裔从proselyte拉哈伯帐户,他被他同时代的嘲笑作为一个谁没有权利责备犹太人为他们的罪孽(Pesiḳ.,编辑。布伯,十三,115B),他们还指责他不贞(B ,K,16B)。The hatred of the priests and of the war party against Jeremiah brought about his imprisonment on a false accusation by one of them, Jeriah, a grandson of Hananiah, an old enemy of Jeremiah.而祭司和反对耶利米主战派仇恨带来了一个虚假的指控,其中,Jeriah,哈拿尼雅一个孙子,一个老敌人耶利米对他的监禁。 His jailer Jonathan, a relative of Hananiah, mocked him with the words: "Behold, what honors your friend has brought upon you! How fine is this prison in which you now are; truly it is like a palace!"他的狱卒乔纳森,哈拿尼雅相对的,嘲笑他的话说:“看哪,你的朋友有什么荣誉后,你带来了怎样的罚款是该监狱中,你现在是,真正它像一个宫殿!” Yet the prophet remained steadfast; and when the king asked whether Jeremiah had a prophecy for him, the prophet fearlessly answered: "Yes: the King of Babel will lead you into exile."然而,先知依然坚定,而当国王询问了他耶利米预言,先知无畏地回答:“是:巴别国王将带领流亡你。”When he saw how angry the king grew on hearing this, he tried to change the subject, saying: "Lo, even the wicked seek a pretext when they revenge themselves on their enemies! How much greater right has one to expect that a just man will have sufficient reason for bringing evil upon any one! Your name is 'Zedekiah,' indicating that you are a just 'ẓaddiḳ'; I therefore pray you not to send me back to prison."当他看到愤怒国王听到这个增长,他试图改变话题,说:“罗,即使是邪恶的借口寻求报复时,他们自己对他们的敌人有多少更大的权利有一个期望,一个正直的人!会后,有把任何一个邪恶的充分理由你的名字是“西底家”,这表明你是一个公正的“ẓaddiḳ';!因此,我祈祷你不要送我回监狱” The king granted this request; but he was unable to withstand for long the clamorings of the nobles, and Jeremiah was cast into a muddy pit, the intention being that he should perish therein.国王授予这一请求,但他无法承受长时间的贵族clamorings,耶利米是浑成坑,其意图是,他应该灭亡其中演员。 As there was enough water in the pit to drown a man, the design of his enemies would have been carried out had not God miraculously caused the water to sink to the bottom and the dirt to float, so that Jeremiah escaped death.由于没有足够的水在坑内淹死一个人,他的敌人设计将已经进行了上帝奇迹般地没有造成水沉底和污垢浮起,让耶利米逃脱死亡。 Even then his former keeper, Jonathan, mocked the prophet, calling to him: "Why do you not rest your head on the mud so that you may be able to sleep a while?"即使如此,他的前老板,乔纳森,嘲弄先知,称他:“你为什么不休息你的脑袋上的泥浆,使你可以睡一会儿?”At the instance of Ebed-melech, the king permitted Jeremiah to be rescued from the pit.截至Ebed - melech例如,国王允许耶利米从坑里救出。Jeremiah at first did not answer Ebed-melech when he called to him, because he thought it was Jonathan.起初耶利米没有回答Ebed - melech当他打电话他,因为他认为这是乔纳森。Ebed-melech, who thought that the prophet was dead, then began to weep, and it was only after he had heard the weeping that Jeremiah answered; thereupon he was drawn up from the mire (Pesiḳ. R. 26 [ed. Friedmann, p. 130a, b]; comp. Ebed-melech in Rabbinical Literature).Ebed - melech,谁想到,先知死了,然后开始哭泣,它只是在他听到了哭泣的耶利米回答,于是,他得出的泥潭(Pesiḳ.R. 26 [编者按:弗里德曼起来。第130A,B]比赛在犹太教文学Ebed - melech)。

During the Destruction of the Temple.在圣殿的毁灭。

The enemies and adversaries of the prophet were not aware that to him alone they owed the preservation of the city and the Temple, since his merits were so great in the eyes of God that He would not bring punishment upon Jerusalem so long as the prophet was in the city (Pesiḳ. R. lc [ed. Friedmann, p. 131a]; somewhat different in the Syriac Apoc. Baruch, ii.).敌人和对手的先知并没有认识到,他一人欠了他们的城市和寺保存,因为他的优点是在上帝的眼中如此之大,他不会在耶路撒冷带来的惩罚,只要先知在城市(Pesiḳ.R. LC [主编弗里德曼,第131A];有所不同,在叙利亚文载脂蛋白C巴鲁克,二)。The prophet was therefore commanded by God to go to Anathoth; and in his absence the city was taken and the Temple destroyed.先知因此指挥神去亚拿突,并在他缺席的城市采取了和圣殿被毁。When Jeremiah on his return beheld smoke rising from the Temple, he rejoiced because he thought that the Jews had reformed and were again bringing burnt offerings to the sanctuary.当他返回耶利米看见烟雾从寺上升,他高兴,因为他认为犹太人改革,再次把燔祭的庇护所。Soon, however, he discovered his error, and began to weep bitterly, lamenting that he had left Jerusalem to be destroyed.然而不久,他发现他的错误,并开始哭泣痛苦,感叹说,他已离开耶路撒冷被摧毁。He now followed the road to Babylon, which was strewn with corpses, until he overtook the captives being led away by Nebuzar-adan, whom he accompanied as far as the Euphrates (Pesiḳ. R. lc; comp. Syriac Apoc. Baruch, lc).他现在跟着路到巴比伦,这与尸体散落着,直到他追上了正在由Nebuzar,阿丹,谁陪同他远在幼发拉底河(Pesiḳ.R.立法会的俘虏;。排版叙利亚文载脂蛋白C巴鲁克,LC )。Although Jeremiah, by the express command of Nebuchadnezzar, was allowed to come and go as he pleased (Jer. xxxix. 12), yet when he saw captives he voluntarily caused himself to be chained or otherwise bound to them, notwithstanding Nebuzar-adan, who, anxious to carry out the orders of his master, always unchained him.虽然耶利米,由尼布甲尼撒明确的命令,被允许来来去去,他高兴(耶三十九12),然而,当他看到俘虏他自愿造成自己被链接或以其他方式约束他们尽管Nebuzar,阿丹,谁,急于开展他的主人的命令,他总是被释放的。 At last Nebuzar-adan said to Jeremiah: "You are one of these three: a false prophet, one who despises suffering, or a murderer. For years you have prophesied the downfall of Jerusalem, and now when the prophecy has been fulfilled, you are sorry, which shows that you yourself do not believe in your prophecies. Or you are one who voluntarily seeks suffering; for I take care that nothing shall happen to you, yet you yourself seek pain. Or perhaps you are hoping that the king will kill me when he hears that you have suffered so much, and he will think that I have not obeyed his commands" (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, xiv. 113; Lam. R., Introduction, p. 34).最后Nebuzar -阿丹耶利米说:“你是这三种之一:假先知,谁蔑视痛苦,或杀人犯多年来你预言耶路撒冷灭亡,现在当预言已经实现,你很抱歉,这说明你自己都不相信你的预言或者你是一个谁主动寻求痛苦;因为我照顾,没有什么会发生在你身上,但你自己寻找痛苦也许你是希望国王的意志。杀了我,当他听说你遭受了这么多,他会认为我没有听从他的命令“(Pesiḳ.,编辑布伯,十四113;。林河,导言,第34页)。

After the prophet had marched with the captives as far as the Euphrates, he decided to return to Palestine in order to counsel and comfort those that had remained behind.之后,先知曾与俘虏游行至于幼发拉底河,他决定返回巴勒斯坦,以律师和安慰那些一直保持落后。When the exiles saw that the prophet was about to leave them, they began to cry bitterly, saying: "O father Jeremiah, you too are abandoning us!"当流亡者看到,先知正要离开时,他们就开始痛哭,曰:“父啊耶,你也正在放弃我们” But he answered: "I call heaven and earth to witness, had you shed a single tear at Jerusalem for your sins you would not now be in exile" (Pesiḳ. R. 26 [ed. Friedmann, p. 131b]; according to Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, and Lam. R. lc God commanded Jeremiah to return to Palestine).但他回答说:“我叫天地见证,流下了你为你的罪在耶路撒冷单撕你不会现在流亡”(Pesiḳ.R. 26 [编者按:弗里德曼,第131B],据Pesiḳ。主编。布伯,和林。R. LC神吩咐耶利米返回巴勒斯坦)。On the way back to Jerusalem he found portions of the bodies of the massacred Jews, which he picked up lovingly one after another and placed in various parts of his garments, all the while lamenting that his warnings had been heeded so little by these unfortunates (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, and Lam. R. lc).在回来的路上他发现了耶路撒冷的大屠杀犹太人团体,这是他精心挑选了一个又一个,并在他的服装各部位放置,所有的感叹,他同时警告听取了这些不幸这么少部分( Pesiḳ。主编。布伯,和林。R. LC)。

Vision of the Mourning Woman.视觉的莫宁女人。

It was on this journey that Jeremiah had the curious vision which he relates in the following words: "When I went up to Jerusalem, I saw a woman, clad in black, with her hair unbound, sitting on the top of the [holy] mountain, weeping and sighing, and crying with a loud voice, 'Who will comfort me?'正是在这漫长的旅程耶利米曾好奇的眼光,他在下面的话有关:“当我走到耶路撒冷,我看到一个女人,她身着黑色的头发绑定,对[罗马]坐在上面山,哭泣和叹息,并用大声哭泣,“谁来安慰我?” I approached her and said, 'If you are a woman, then speak; but if you are a spirit, then depart from me.'我走近她说:“如果你是一个女人,那么讲,但如果你是一个精神,然后离开我。”She answered, 'Do you not know me? I am the woman with the seven children whose father went far oversea,and while I was weeping over his absence, word was brought to me that a house had fallen in and buried my children in its ruins; and now I no longer know for whom I weep or for whom my hair is unbound.'她回答说:“你不认识我吗?我与七个孩子的父亲也远远海外的女人,而我对他没有哭泣,字被带到我的房子已经下降并埋在我的孩子废墟,而现在我不再知道我为谁哭泣或对他们来说,我的头发是绑定“。 Then said I to her, 'You are no better than my mother Zion, who became a pasture for the beasts of the field.'于是我对她说:“你没有比我母亲锡安,谁成为了该领域的野兽牧场更好。”She answered, 'I am your mother Zion: I am the mother of the seven.'她回答说:“我是你的母亲锡安:我的七个孩子的母亲。”I said, 'Your misfortune is like that of Job. He was deprived of his sons and daughters, and so were you; but as fortune again smiled upon him, so it will likewise smile upon you'" (Pesiḳ. R. lc; in IV Esd. there is mentioned a similar vision of Ezra; comp. Lévi in "REJ" xxiv. 281-285).我说,'你的不幸一样是他的工作是他的儿子和女儿被剥夺,所以是你;但随着财富再次向他微笑着,所以它同样会在你的微笑'“(Pesiḳ.R.立法会;在四防静电有提到了类似的看法以斯拉;比赛列维在“REJ”XXIV 281-285)。

On his return to Jerusalem it was the chief task of the prophet to protect the holy vessels of the Temple from profanation; he therefore had the holy tent and the Ark of the Covenant taken [by angels ?] to the mountain from which God showed the Holy Land to Moses shortly before his death (II Macc. ii. 5 et seq.; comp. Ark in Rabbinical Literature).在他返回耶路撒冷是先知,以保护从亵渎圣殿的圣器的主要任务,因此他有圣洁的帐篷和所采取的约柜到山上从上帝显示[以天使?]圣地不久之前他的死亡摩西(二排雷二第5页起;。排版方舟在犹太教文学)。 From the mountain Jeremiah went to Egypt, where he remained until that country was conquered by Nebuchadnezzar and he was carried to Babylon (Seder 'Olam R. xxvi.; comp. Ratner's remark on the passage, according to which Jeremiah went to Palestine again).从山上耶利米前往埃及,在那里他一直到该国的征服尼布甲尼撒和他带到巴比伦(家宴“奥兰R. XXVI;。排版拉特纳对通行说法,根据该耶利米去巴勒斯坦再次) 。

The Christian legend (pseudo-Epiphanius, "De Vitis Prophetarum"; Basset, "Apocryphen Ethiopiens," i. 25-29), according to which Jeremiah was stoned by his compatriots in Egypt because he reproached them with their evil deeds, became known to the Jews through Ibn Yaḥya ("Shalshelet ha-Ḳabbalah," ed. princeps, p. 99b); this account of Jeremiah's martyrdom, however, may have come originally from Jewish sources.基督教传说(伪埃皮法尼乌斯,“德葡萄Prophetarum”,巴吉度,“Apocryphen Ethiopiens,”一25-29),根据该耶利米在埃及他的同胞投掷石块,因为他责备他们的恶行,出名要通过伊本叶海亚(“Shalshelet公顷,卡巴拉,”埃德princeps,第99B)的犹太人,这耶利米的殉道帐户,但是,可能有来最初是从犹太人的来源。 Another Christian legend narrates that Jeremiah by prayer freed Egypt from a plague of crocodiles and mice, for which reason his name was for a long time honored by the Egyptians (pseudo-Epiphanius and Yaḥya, lc).另一个基督教传说叙述,通过祈祷耶利米摆脱了鳄鱼,老鼠,为此他的名字由埃及人(伪埃皮法尼乌斯和Yahya,LC)兑现时间长了瘟疫埃及。 The assertion-made by Yaḥya (lcp 101a) and by Abravanel (to Jer. i. 5), but not by Isserles, as Yaḥya erroneously states-that Jeremiah held a conversation with Plato, is also of Christian origin.断言,由叶海亚(LCP 101A)和阿布拉瓦内尔(以耶一5),而不是由Isserles,作为海亚误国,耶利米举行了柏拉图的对话,也是基督教的起源。

In haggadic literature Jeremiah and Moses are often mentioned together, their life and works being presented in parallel lines.在haggadic文学耶利米和摩西经常提到在一起,他们的生活和作品被介绍的平行线。The following old midrash is especially interesting in connection with Deut.以下是特别有趣的老米德拉士与申连接。xviii.十八。18, in which a prophet like Moses is promised: "As Moses was a prophet for forty years, so was Jeremiah; as Moses prophesied concerning Judah and Benjamin, so did Jeremiah; as Moses' own tribe [the Levites under Korah] rose up against him, so did Jeremiah's tribe revolt against him; Moses was cast into the water, Jeremiah into a pit; as Moses was saved by a female slave (the slave of Pharaoh's daughter), so Jeremiah was rescued by a male slave [Ebed-melech]; Moses reprimanded the people in discourses, so did Jeremiah" (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, xiii. 112a; comp. Matt. xvi. 14). 18,其中一个像摩西的先知是承诺:“作为摩西是先知四十年,因此被耶利米;摩西预言关于犹大和本杰明,所以没有耶利米;摩西自己的部落[下可拉的利]奋起对他,所以没有耶利米的对他的部落叛乱,摩西是入水,耶利米铸造成一个坑,摩西是由一个女奴隶(即法老的女儿从)保存,所以耶利米被一个男奴[救出Ebed - melech]摩西谴责在话语的人,所以没有耶利米“(Pesiḳ.,编辑布伯,十三112A;。。比赛太十六14)。Compare the rabbinical section of the following articles: Ebed-melech; Manna; Temple.SSLG比较下面的文章犹太教部分:Ebed - melech;曼纳; Temple.SSLG

Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel, Solomon Schechter, Louis Ginzberg埃米尔赫斯基G.,维克多Ryssel,索罗门谢克特,路易金兹伯格

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。



This subject presentation in the original English language这在原来的主题演讲, 英语



Send an e-mail question or comment to us:发送电子邮件的问题或意见给我们:E-mail电子邮件

The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at:的, 主要相信网页(和索引科目),是在:
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源
http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html