Book of Joel乔尔 书

General Information一般资料

The Book of Joel, a prophetic book of the Old Testament of the Bible, derives its name from the prophet Joel.而乔尔,一本圣经旧约先知书,先知书来自乔尔它的名字。Nothing other than his name is known about the prophet.没有什么比他的名字另一种是已知的关于先知。The date of composition was probably between 400 and 350 BC, although some scholars place it much earlier (9th - 7th century BC).日期的组成可能是公元前400至350,虽然有些学者把它要早得多(第9 - 公元前7世纪)。The book falls into two sections.全书分为两部分。The first (1:1 - 2:17) gives an account of a plague of locusts and a drought that ravaged Judah as a symbol of divine judgment.第一个(1:1 - 2:17)给出了一个蝗灾帐户和干旱蹂躏犹大作为一个神圣的判断标志。The second (2:18 - 3:21) promises the gift of the spirit of the Lord for the entire population and declares final judgment on all nations, with protection and fertility for Judah and Jerusalem.第二(2时18分- 3:21)承诺的对整个人口上帝的恩赐,并宣布对所有国家的最终判决保护和犹大和耶路撒冷的生育能力The passage on the outpouring of God's Spirit (2:28 - 32) is cited in Saint Peter's Pentecost sermon in Acts 2:17 - 21.对上帝的灵浇灌(2时28分 - 32)的通过是在圣彼得引用的五旬节使徒2时17分在布道 - 21。

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Book of Joel约珥书

Brief Outline简述

  1. Locust plague and its removal (1:1-2:27)蝗灾和删除(1:1-2:27)
  2. Future Day of the Lord (2:28-3:21)将来的日子主(2:28-3:21)


Joel乔尔

Advanced Information先进的信息

Joel, Jehovah is his God.乔尔,耶和华是他的上帝。(1.) The oldest of Samuel's two sons appointed by him as judges in Beersh eba (1 Sam. 8:2). (1)对塞缪尔的两个由他任命为Beersh EBA(1萨姆。8:2)法官的儿子最古老的。(See VASHNI.) (2.) A descendant of Reuben (1 Chr. 5:4,8).(见VASHNI)(2)一个后代的鲁本(1染色体。5:4,8)。(3.) One of David's famous warriors (1 Chr. 11:38).(3)大卫的著名战士一(1染色体。11:38)。(4.) A Levite of the family of Gershom (1 Chr. 15:7, 11).(4)对革顺(1染色体。15:7,11)家庭利未人。(5.) 1 Chr.(5)1染色体。 7:3.7:3。(6.) 1 Chr.(6)1染色体。 27:20.27:20。(7.) The second of the twelve minor prophets.(7)对第二十二小先知。He was the son of Pethuel.他是Pethuel儿子。His personal history is only known from his book.他的个人历史,是唯一已知的从他的书。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Book of Joel约珥书

Advanced Information先进的信息

Joel was probably a resident in Judah, as his commission was to that people.乔尔很可能是在犹大的居民,因为他的佣金是人。He makes frequent mention of Judah and Jerusalem (1:14; 2:1, 15, 32; 3:1, 12, 17, 20, 21).他使​​犹大和耶路撒冷经常提及(1:14; 2:1,15,32; 3:1,12,17,20,21)。He probably flourished in the reign of Uzziah (about BC 800), and was contemporary with Amos and Isaiah.他大概兴盛于乌西雅(约公元前800)时期,并与当代阿莫斯和以赛亚。The contents of this book are, (1.) A prophecy of a great public calamity then impending over the land, consisting of a want of water and an extraordinary plague of locusts (1:1-2:11).这本书的内容,(1)一语成谶了公众的极大灾难即将然后对土地,水和一对蝗虫(1:1-2:11)非凡瘟疫要组成。 (2.) The prophet then calls on his countrymen to repent and to turn to God, assuring them of his readiness to forgive (2:12-17), and foretelling the restoration of the land to its accustomed fruitfulness (18-26). (2)先知再呼吁他的同胞悔改,转向神,保证他愿意原谅(2:12-17)他们,并预言土地恢复其习惯丰产(18-26) 。(3.) Then follows a Messianic prophecy, quoted by Peter (Acts 2:39).(3),然后遵循一个弥赛亚的预言,由彼得引用(徒2:39)。(4.) Finally, the prophet foretells portents and judgments as destined to fall on the enemies of God (ch. 3, but in the Hebrew text 4).(4)最后,先知预言征兆和判断作为注定要落在上帝的敌人(章3,但在希伯来文4)。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Book of Joel约珥书

From: Home Bible Study Commentary by James M. Gray来自:主页圣经研究评论詹姆斯M灰色

The text of this lesson except the questions is taken from the author's "Synthetic Bible Studies."这个教训的问题,除了文字是从作者的“圣经合成研究。”Joel was probably the earliest of the prophets whose writings have descended to us.乔尔可能是对先知的著作已下降到我们最早。 His personal history is unknown further than the bare statement, 1:1.他的个人历史是未知的比裸声明,1:1进一步。His field of labor was presumably Judah rather that Israel, the southern rather than the northern kingdom, because of allusions to the center of public worship which was at Jerusalem, 1:9, 13, 14, 2:15, and because of non-allusions to Israel distinctively.他的劳动领域的犹大,而据推测,以色列,而不是英国北部南部,因为向公众崇拜这在耶路撒冷,1:9,13,14,2:15为中心的典故,而且由于非以色列典故鲜明。 Such places as 2:27, and 3:16 are thought to mean Israel as inclusive of Judah, ie, the whole united nation.为2时27分,和3时16这些地方被认为是指为犹大,即全民族团结包容以色列。Although it is assumed, that Joel was the earliest of the prophets, yet the evidence is inferential rather than direct.虽然是假设,即乔尔是最早的先知,但证据是推论,而不是直接的。

He is presumably earlier than Amos who is known to have prophesied somewhere about the close of the eighth century BC, because he seems to be quoted by Amos 5:16-18.他大概早于谁是已知有预言关于公元前八世纪接近某处阿莫斯,因为他似乎被阿莫斯5:16-18引用。He also refers to the same heathen nations as Amos 3:4-6, and to the same physical scourges as prevalent in the land, 1:4, 17, 20.他还提到同异教徒国家的阿莫斯3:4-6,并为在土地,1:4,17,20普遍存在相同的物理灾难。 (Compare the marginal references to Amos.)(比较阿莫斯边际参考。)

General Outline of the Book一般的书大纲

As to the book itself we outline the contents of its chapters thus:至于书本身我们勾勒出这样的章节的内容:

Questions 1.问题 1。What chronological relation does Joel bear to the other prophets?按时间顺序没有什么关系乔尔承担的其他先知?2.2。To which kingdom were his messages sent?这是他的王国要发送的邮件?3.3。What proof is there of this?有什么证据的呢?4.4。What future blessings are predicted for Israel?什么是预测未来的祝福以色列?5.5。When was the prophecy of 2:28-32 partially fulfilled?当是2:28-32预言部分履行?


Joel乔尔

Catholic Information天主教信息

The son of Phatuel, and second in the list of the twelve Minor Prophets.该Phatuel儿子,并在十二小先知名单第二位。Nothing is known of his life.没有人知道他的生活。The scene of his labours was the Southern Israelite Kingdom of Juda, and probably its capital Jerusalem, for he repeatedly refers to temple and altar.他的劳动场面,南方王国犹大以色列人,并可能耶路撒冷为其首都,因为他多次提到寺庙和祭坛。The frequent apostrophes to the priests (1:9, 13-14; 2:17) also lead to the inference that Joel himself was of priestly descent.到祭司(1:9,13-14; 2:17)频繁撇号也导致推论乔尔自己的祭司的后裔。

CONTENTS OF JOEL目录JOEL

The seventy-three verses of this small book, in the Massoretic text of the Old Testament, are divided into four, and in the Septuagint and Vulgate into three, chapters, the second and third chapters of the Massoretic text forming one chapter, the second in the Septuagint and Vulgate.本小书的73节,在旧约massoretic文本,分为四,在七十和武加大三成,章,一章的massoretic形成文字的第二和第三章,第二在七十和武加大。

The contents of the Prophecy of Joel may be regarded, taken altogether, as a typical presentation in miniature of the chief themes of prophetic discourse: sombre warnings of the judgment of Jahweh, intended to rouse the people from the existing moral lethargy, and joyful, glowingly expressed tidings of Jahweh's work of salvation, designed to keep alive the faith in the coming of the Kingdom of God.在约珥预言的内容可能被视为,采取完全,作为话语的预言典型缩影行政主题演讲:对亚威判断严峻的警告,意在唤起人们从现有的道德嗜睡,快乐,盛赞表达福音的亚威的拯救工作,旨在保持在上帝的王国来活着的信念。 These two fundamental thoughts seem to be united, as the misfortunes of the judgment are a process of purification to prepare the people for the reception of salvation, and are in reality only one aspect of the Divine work of redemption.这两个基本的想法似乎是团结,作为判断的不幸是一个净化的过程,以备救恩的接待人,而实际上只是一个神圣的赎回方面的工作。 In the first main division of the Book of Joel (1:2-2:17) the prophecies are threatenings of the day of judgment; the prophecies in the second division, which embraces the rest of the book (2:18-3:21), are consolatory descriptions of the day of grace.在第一次的乔尔(1:2-2:17)的预言是在审判的日子threatenings本书的主要部门,在第二师,其中包含了本书的其余部分(2:18-3的预言: 21),是天的宽限期慰问描述。The first section is further divided into two discourses on the judgment: Chapter 1:2-20, describes a terrible scourge, a plague of locusts, with which the Prophet's land had been visited; these pests had so completely devoured the fields that not even the material for the meat- and drink-offerings existed.第一部分又分为两个判决话语:第1:2-20,描述了一个可怕的灾祸,是蝗灾,与该先知的土地已被访问过,这些害虫有这么完全吞噬领域,甚至没有为肉类和饮料祭材料存在。 For this reason the priests are to utter lamentations and to ordain a fast.由于这个原因,祭司是完全哀歌和祝圣快。Chapter 2:1-17, repeats the same thought more emphatically: all these plagues are only the forerunners of still greater scourges in the day of the Lord, when the land of the Prophet shall become a wilderness.章2:1-17,重复同样的思想更强调:所有这些瘟疫,只是先驱者的更大灾难在主的日子的时候,先知的土地应当成为荒野。 The people must, therefore, return to Jahweh, and the priests must entreat the Lord in the holy place.人们因此,必须返回到亚威,祭司必须恳求在圣所主。the prophecies in the second section are also divided into two discourses: in 2:18-32, the Lord is appeased by the repentance of the nation and gives the blessing of bounteous harvests.在第二部分中的预言也分为两个论述:在2:18-32,主是安抚由全国悔改并给出了宽裕丰收的祝福。Just as in the earlier part the failure of the harvests was a type and foreshadowing of the calamity in the day of judgment, so now the plenty serves as an illustration of the fullness of grace in the kingdom of grace.正如在前面部分的收成失败是类型和灾难铺垫在审判的日子,所以现在很多作为在王国雍容丰满的恩典插图服务。The Lord will pour out His Spirit upon all flesh, and all who call upon His name shall be saved.主会倒出来后,所有的肉他的精神,和所有谁在他的名字叫必得救。In chapter 3:1-21, the redemption of Israel is, on the other hand, a judgment upon the heathen nations: the Lord will take vengeance, in the four quarters of the earth, upon those who tyrannized over His people, upon the Philistines, Phoenicians, Edomites, and Egyptians, for the nations are ripe for the harvest in the valley of Josaphat.在第一章3:1-21,以色列赎回,另一方面,一经异教徒国家判断:主会采取报复,在地球的四个季度,在那些谁在他的人tyrannized,经非利士人,腓尼基人,以东人,和埃及人的国家,是为山谷中的约萨法特收获时机已经成熟。

LITERARY AND THEOLOGICAL CHARACTER OF JOEL文学和神学的性格JOEL

Examined as to logical connexion, the four discourses of Joel show a closely united, compact scheme of thought.以逻辑联接检查,对乔尔四个话语表现出紧密团结,思想紧凑的计划。In regard to form they are a Biblical model of rhetorical symmetry.至于它们是形成对称的修辞圣经的模式。The law of rhetorical rhythm, which as law of harmony regulates the form of the speeches, also shows itself, particularly, in the regular alternation of descriptions in direct or indirect speech, as in the sections given in the first or third person, and in the apostrophes in the second person singular and plural.对修辞的节奏,作为和谐法规定了发言的形式,法律本身也说明,特别是在直接或间接言语描述定期轮换,如在第一或第三人提供的部分,并在在第二人称单数和复数的单引号。 The first two speeches are alike in construction: 2:1-11 resembles 1:2-12, and 2:12-17, is like 1:13-20.前两个讲话是完全一样的建筑:2:1-11类似1:2-12和2:12-17,是像1:13-20。Also in the latter two speeches there is a verbal similarity along with the agreement in thought; cf.另外在后两个讲话有一个伴随着在思想口头协议相似;比照。in 3:17 and 2:27, the like expression.在3:17和2:27,类似的表达。The language of Joel is full of colour, rhetorically animated, and rhythmic.乔尔的语言充满了色彩,修辞动画,而有节奏。The passages from 1:13 sq., and 2:17, are still used in the Liturgy of the Church during Lent.从1点13平方米,与二时17分,该通道仍然用在教会礼仪在四旬期。His prophecy of the pouring out of the spirit upon all flesh (2:28-32) was afterwards adopted as the first Biblical text of the first Apostolic sermon (Acts 2:16-21).他对浇筑出来的精神要求所有肉(2:28-32)预言后获得通过,成为第一个在第一使徒讲道(徒2:16-21)圣经的文本。 Joel's discourses of the day of judgment, and of the abundance of grace which Jahweh in the fullness of time shall bestow from Sion form one of the most beautiful pages in the eschatology of the Prophets.的判断,以及其中的宽限期,在丰满的时间亚威应赠送的形式从锡永在末世的先知最美丽的一页天丰乔尔的话语。 Some of his fiery pictures seem even to have been borrowed by the writer of the Apocalypse of the New Testament (cf. Joel 3:13, and Apocalypse 14:15).他火热的照片似乎有些甚至已经由新约(参珥3时13分,和启示录14:15)启示作家借来的。

The swarm of locusts, which has so frequently received a symbolical interpretation, is no apocalyptic picture; neither is it a description of the progress of a hostile army under the figure of the imaginary advance of locusts.而蝗虫群,其中有这么频繁收到了象征性的解释,没有世界末日的图片;也不是一个敌对的军队下的蝗虫假想图提前进度说明。 The passages in 2:4-7, "They shall run like horsemen . . . like men of war they shall scale the wall", make it absolutely certain that a hypothetical swarm of locusts was not taken as a symbol of a hostile army, but that, on the contrary, a hostile army is used to typify an actual swarm of locusts.在2:4-7的经文,“他们应像骑兵运行。男人喜欢战争,他们将规模墙”,使其完全可以肯定,假设一个蝗虫群不是作为一个象征采取敌对的军队,但是,与此相反,敌对的军队是用来typify实际的蝗虫群。 Consequently, Joel refers to a contemporary scourge, and in the rhetorical style of prophecy passes from this to the evils of the day of judgment.因此,乔尔指的是当代的祸害,并在预言浮夸风传递从这对当天的判决所带来的弊端。

DATE OF THE PROPHECY OF JOEL会期约珥的预言

The most difficult problem in the investigation of Joel is the date, and the many hypotheses have not led to any convincing result.在调查的乔尔最棘手的问题是日期,和许多假说并没有导致任何令人信服的结果。The first verse of the book does not convey, as other prophetic books do, a definite date, nor do the discourses contain any references to the events of the period, which might form a basis for the chronology of the Prophet.该书的第一首诗歌不传达,其他预言书上,明确的日期,也没有任何的话语包含了事件的时期,这可能形成一个先知的年代学依据的参考。 General history took no notice of plagues of locusts which were of frequent occurrence, and it is an arbitrary supposition to interpret the swarm of locusts as the Scythian horde, which, according to Herodotus (I, 103 sqq.; IV, i), devastated the countries of Western Asia from Mesopotamia to Egypt between the years 630-620 BC The Book of Joel has been variously ascribed to nearly all the centuries of the prophetic era.历史上没有采取一般的蝗虫其中频繁发生了瘟疫的通​​知,而且​​是一个任意的假设,以解释为西徐亚人部落,其中,根据希罗多德(I,103 SQQ;四,I)的蝗虫群,满目疮痍西方与亚洲国家的约珥书公元前630-620年从美索不达米亚到埃及已经不同地归因于几乎所有的预言时代世纪。 Rothstein even goes so far as to assign the discourses to various dates, an attempt which must fail on account of the close connexion between the four addresses.罗斯坦甚至竟分配到不同日期的话语,一个尝试,失败,就必须在四个地址之间的紧密联接的帐户。The early commentators, in agreement with Jerome, placed the era of composition in the eighth century BC; they took Joel, therefore, as a contemporary of Osee and Amos.早期的评论家,与杰罗姆协议,放置在公元前八世纪的时代组成,他们采取了乔尔,因此,作为一个Osee和Amos当代。 In justification of this date they pointed out that Joel is placed among the twelve Minor Prophets between Osee and Amos; further, that among the enemies of Juda the book does not mention the Assyrians, who were anathematized by each Prophet from the time they appeared as a power in Asia.在此日期的理由,他们指出,乔尔是其中的十二小先知之间Osee和Amos放置,进一步,这其中的敌人的犹大书没有提到亚述人,谁是从每个先知诅咒的时候,他们表现为在亚洲的力量。 However, in a book of three chapters not much weight can be attached to an argument from silence.然而,在三个章节的书并不多的重量可以连接到一个从沉默的说法。Those also who agree in placing the book before the Exile do not agree in identifying the king in whose reign Joel lived.那些还谁在把流亡前书同意不同意确定在其在位的国王乔尔生活。The assignment to the period of King Josias is supported by the fact that Joel takes for his theme the day of the Lord, as does the contemporary Prophet Sophonias; to this may be added that the anathema upon the Egyptians may be influenced by the battle of Mageddo (608 BC).到国王Josias期分配是支持的事实,乔尔需要为他的主题,主的日子,一样的当代先知Sophonias;在这可能是补充说,在埃及人可能受诅咒的战斗影响Mageddo(608 BC)。Later commentators assign the book to the period after the Exile, both because chapter iii assumes the dispersal of the Jews among other nations, and because the eschatology of Joel presupposes the later period of Jewish theology.后来论者指定书后流亡期间,一方面是因为第三章假设之间其他国家的犹太人分散,而且由于乔尔前提末世的犹太神学后期。 It is, however, impossible for Joel to have been a contemporary of the Prophet Malachias, because of the manner in which the former looks upon the priests of his period as perfect leaders and mediators for the nation.它是,但是,不可能乔尔已经因为以何种方式在前者那样完美的国家领导人和调解员,他的时期祭司看起来的先知玛拉基亚亚当代。 None of the chronological hypotheses concerning Joel can claim to possess convincing proof.关于乔尔的时间顺序假说都不能宣称自己拥有令人信服的证据。

Publication information Written by Michael Faulhaber.出版信息的书面迈克尔冯哈伯。Transcribed by Thomas J. Bress.转录由托马斯J. Bress。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.天主教百科全书,音量八。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

See the introductions to the Scriptures of CORNELY, VIGOUROUX, GIGOT, DRIVER, CORNILL, and STRACK.见介绍到CORNELY,VIGOUROUX,GIGOT,司机,CORNILL和施特拉克圣经。For special questions: PEARSON, The Prophecy of Joel (Leipzig, 1885); SEBÖK, Die syrische Uebersetzung der XII kleinen Propheten (Leipzig, 1887); KESSNER, Das Zeitalter des Propheten Joel (Leipzig, 1888); SIEVERS, Alttest.对于特殊的问题:PEARSON,约珥的预言(莱比锡,1885); SEBÖK,模具syrische Uebersetzung DER第十二kleinen Propheten(莱比锡,1887年); KESSNER,达斯Zeitalter DES Propheten乔尔(莱比锡,1888);的Sievers,Alttest。Miscellen (Leipzig, 1907). Miscellen(莱比锡,1907年)。Commentaries on Joel.--Catholic: SCHOLZ (Würzburg, 1885); KNABENBAUER (Paris, 1886); VAN HOONACKER (Paris, 1908); Protestant: SMITH (London, 1897); DRIVER (Cambridge, 1898); ADAMS (London, 1902); NOWACK (2nd ed., Göttingen, 1903); MARTI (Tübingen, 1904); EISELEN (New York, 1907); ORELLI (3rd ed., Munich, 1908).在乔尔评.--天主教:SCHOLZ(维尔茨堡,1885年); KNABENBAUER(巴黎,1886年); VAN HOONACKER(巴黎,1908年);新教:史密斯(伦敦,1897年); DRIVER(剑桥,1898年);亚当斯(伦敦, 1902年); NOWACK(第二版,哥廷根,1903年);马蒂(图宾根,1904); EISELEN(纽约,1907年); ORELLI(第3版,慕尼黑,1908年)。Further bibliography in commentaries.在进一步的书目评论。


Book of Joel约珥书

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:第标题:

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

§ 1.§ 1。Duplicate Character.重复字符。

-Critical View:临界查看:

§ 2.§ 2。Date of the Book:日期的图书:

Reasons for the Time of Joash.原因是约阿施时间。

Reasons for the Time of Josiah.原因为约西亚时间。

Objections to Post-Exilic Date.到后放逐日期异议。

The Plague of Locusts.对蝗灾。

§ 3.§ 3。Theory of the Origin of Joel in Two Different Parts Written at Different Times:理论的乔尔在不同的时间写了两件不同的起源:

Difference of Back-ground.差返回地面。

Reasons for the Division.该司的原因。

Reasons for Later Composition.原因后来组成。

§ 4.§ 4。Theory of the Revision of an Older Book in a Later Period:论一个在后期早期的著作修订:

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

The prophecies of the Book of Joel are divided into two parts, comprising respectively (1) ch.在约珥书的预言被分为两部分组成,分别(1)CH。i.2-ii.2 - II。17 and (2) ch.17(2)CH。 ii.II。18-iv.18 - IV。21.21。The contents of the first part may be summarized as follows: The prophet at the beginning calls the attention of the elders and of all the inhabitants of the land to a coming event the like of which has never been seen, a terrible visitation by locusts (i. 2-7), which will be coincident with a famine, and which will together reduce the entire land to the bitterest misery (i. 10-12, 16-20).第一部分的内容可概括如下:在开始先知调用的长老和所有的土地的居民注意即将到来的事件一样,这是从来没有过,由蝗虫可怕的探视(一2-7),这将是一个饥荒重合,并会共同减少对激烈的苦难整个土地(一10-12,16-20)。 The prophet exhorts the people to fast, to pray, and to mourn (i. 13 et seq., ii. 1-12 et seq.).先知告诫人们要快,祈祷和哀悼(一13页起,二,1-12页起)。In this double visitation the prophet perceives the approach of the "day of the Lord" (i. 15), which is to be ushered in by a terrible affliction (ii. 2-11) unless the people become truly repentant (ii. 12-17).In the second part it is first related how the people did actually bring about a gracious change in God's plans by obeying the prophet's injunctions (ii. 18); this is followed by Yhwh's answer to the prayer of the people (ii. 19 et seq.); then there is the promise of relief from famine through abundant rains and through a marvelous fruitfulness, after which the spirit of prophecy is to be poured out over all flesh, and the day of the Lord will draw near, accompanied by terrifying signs in heaven and earth.在这种双重探视先知感知的“主的日子”(一15),这是一个可怕的是迎来了痛苦(白介素2-11),除非该人成为真正悔改的做法(白介素12 -17)在第二部分中,首先讲述了人民并没有真正带来了上帝的计划由服从先知的禁令(白介素18)亲切的变化,这是耶和华的答案,人民祈祷(二之后。。19页起);再有就是从救济饥荒的承诺,通过丰富的降雨,并通过一个了不起的丰产,在这之后的预言的精神是要倒出来的所有的肉,主的日子将临近,伴随着天地可怕的迹象。 These terrors, however, are not for the Jews, who will be rescued in the day of judgment because they called on the Lord, but for their enemies (iii. 1-5).这些恐惧,但是,都没有为犹太人,谁就会在审判的日子,因为他们在获救主调用,但对于他们的敌人(III. 1-5)。 At the time of the change in the fate of Judah and Jerusalem the Lord will gather all nations into the valley of Jehoshaphat (see Jehoshaphat, Valley of), there to be destroyed through the fulfilment of the divine judgment of wrath (iv. 11-13), because they have plundered the treasuries of the Lord and have sold the sons of Judah and of Jerusalem to the sons of the Grecians (iv. 5-8).应在犹大和耶路撒冷的命运改变的时候,主会收集到所有国家的约沙法谷(见约沙法谷),有被破坏,通过对判决履行神圣之怒(iv. 11 - 13),因为他们已经掠夺了主的国债和已售出的犹大和耶路撒冷的儿子的儿子的希腊人(iv. 5-8)。God will be a refuge for His people (iv. 16); strangers will no longer pass through Jerusalem (iv. 17); the soil of Judah will become exceedingly fruitful, and a fountain will even water the valley of Shittim (ie, the unfruitful Jordan valley), whereas Egypt and Edom will be changed into a wilderness on account of the evil they have done to Judah (iv. 18-19).神将是他的人入住(iv. 16);陌生人将不再通过耶路撒冷(iv. 17);的犹大土壤将变得极其富有成果的,喷泉,甚至会水什亭谷(即徒劳的约旦谷地),而埃及和以东将成为一个荒野改变对他们所做的邪恶犹大(iv. 18-19)帐户。

§ 1.§ 1。Duplicate Character.重复字符。

-Critical View:临界查看:

That Joel consists of two parts appears from ii.这包括从二乔尔出现两部分组成。18, which, if the rules of Hebrew syntax are applied, must be construed as a narrative reporting the change of God's attitude subsequent to the exhortation to repentance. 18,如果希伯来语语法规则的适用,必须作为报告的上帝的态度改变后的悔改告诫叙事解释。Only through a misunderstanding of the method of Hebrew narrative will the demand be urged, in opposition to this construction, that such a report should necessarily include the story of the actual accomplishment of penitence.只有通过对希伯来文叙述方法误解的需求将督促,反对这方面的建设,这样的报告应当包括一定的悔罪实际完成的故事。 Stylistic carelessness is very usual in Hebrew narrative; and the act of penitence is left to be supplied by the reader from the context-ie, in this instance from the prophetical exhortation to repentance (the accomplished penitence must be supplied between verses 17 and 18).大意是很平常的文体在希伯来文的叙述,以及悔罪行为是左须提供的从上下文 - 即读者,在这种情况下从预言告诫悔改(所完成的忏悔必须介于17和18节提供) 。On the other hand, neither the interpretation of the imperfects in verse 17 as jussives nor even the reading of the consecutive imperfects (, etc.) as simple historical imperfects (, etc.) justifies the following translation approved by De Wette, Baudissin, and others: "Then will Yhwh be jealous for His land and will protect His people; and Yhwh will speak and say to His people," etc. In this rendering, which is inadmissible on linguistic grounds, the words following verse 17 appear as a promise connected with the foregoing petition for a return to favor, and the prophecy of Joel would then form a consecutive whole.另一方面,无论是解释为jussives在第17节imperfects甚至也不是连续imperfects阅读(等),简单的历史imperfects(等)证明以下翻译由德Wette,Baudissin批准,其他:“那将耶和华为他吃醋会保护他的土地和人民,耶和华会说话,说他的人,”在这种渲染,这是对语言的理由不予受理等,下面的诗句17字显示为一个承诺随着对返回有利于上述请愿书,约珥的预言和连接便会形成一个连续的整体。 But even the acceptance of this theory would not remove the difficulties in the way of fixing the time of Joel's prophecy.但即使是这一理论的接受不会消除在固定的约珥的预言时间方式的困难。

§ 2.§ 2。Date of the Book:日期的图书:

Theory of a Pre-Exilic Period: (a) According to the formerly generally accepted opinion, Joel wrote in the beginning of the reign of King Joash (836-797 BC), and was therefore the oldest prophet to leave a book of prophecies.一个前放逐期理论:(一)根据以前普遍接受的意见,乔尔写在约阿施王(836-797年)统治时期的开始,因此最古老的先知留下的预言书。 This theory of an early date of composition was, above all, strongly supported by the fact that no mention is made of the Assyrians.这对早日组成的理论是,首先,强烈的,没有提到的是亚述人提出的事实支持。

The beginning of the reign of Joash was urged in view of the failure of the book to refer to or to name the Damascus Syrians, who, according to II Kings xii.约阿施的统治开始被要求在书的失败,以期指或姓名的叙利亚大马士革,谁,根据二国王十二。18 et seq., seriously threatened Jerusalem under Joash (comp. Hazael).18页起,严重威胁下约阿施(comp.哈薛)耶路撒冷。

Reasons for the Time of Joash.原因是约阿施时间。

In further support of this theory stress was laid on the absence of any reference to the king, which would point to the period of the minority of Joash, while the predominance of the priestly influence led to the conclusion that Joash, at the beginning of his reign, was under the influence of the high priest Jehoiada.在这一理论的支持,奠定了进一步强调对任何地王,这将指向少数的乔阿什期间没有提及,而占主导地位的祭司影响导致的结论是,约阿施,在他开始王朝,被下的大祭司耶何耶大的影响。 Another point of agreement in favor of this date was the hostility shown to the Israelites by the nations, mentioned in iv.另一个在此日期赞成协议点是敌意显示给以色列人的国家,在四提及。(AV iii.) 4, 19, which was made to refer to the rebellion of the Edomites under King Jehoram of Judah (849-842 BC), on which occasion the Arabs and the Philistines plundered Jerusalem (II Chron. xxi. 8 et seq., 16 et seq.; comp. § 3, below). (AV三)4,19,这是指在向犹大王约兰(849-842年),在这一次的阿拉伯人和非利士人掠夺耶路撒冷(二专栏。XXI 8等至以东人叛乱SEQ,16及以下;。排版§ 3,下)。

Reasons for the Time of Josiah.原因为约西亚时间。

(b) König places the composition of the book at a much later date, but still in the pre-exilic period; namely, in the time of King Josiah, or in the period immediately following.(二)柯尼希地在更晚的日期组成的书,但仍处于前放逐时期,即在约西亚王时,或在紧接的期间。His reasons are these: The form of the prophecies is too finished to date from the beginning of the prophetic style of writing; indeed, the linguistic character is that of about the seventh century BC Moreover, the contents reflect the time of Josiah, because it was then that the great famine occurred which Jeremiah (Jer. xiv. 2-6) describes in a similar way to Joel.他的理由是这些:该预言形式过于完成迄今从写作风格开始预言,事实上,语言字符是约公元前七世纪况且如此,内容反映了约西亚的时间,因为它当时的大饥荒发生的耶利米(耶十四2-6)以类似的方式来乔尔介绍。 Finally, the mention of the Egyptians points to the last years of Josiah (or else those immediately following), referring to Josiah's campaign against the Egyptians.终于,在埃及人点提到的约西亚(或其他人立即以下)的最后几年,指的是约西亚的反对埃及人的运动。The fact that neither the Assyrians nor the Babylonians are alluded to militates against König's dating, since all the other pre-exilic prophets, from Amos to Jeremiah, recognize God's judgment, which is to fall on His people precisely in the extension of the Assyrian and, later, of the Babylonian empire.的是,无论是亚述人,也不是巴比伦人都提到对柯尼希的约会militates事实上,因为所有其他前放逐先知,从阿莫斯耶利米,承认神的审判,这是落在他的人在亚述延伸精确,后来的巴比伦帝国。

Theory of a Post-Exilic Period: This theory was first, and in the beginning rather hesitatingly, brought forward by Vatke; since then it has been adopted by Merx (who takes the book for a midrash written after 445 BC), by Stade, Kuenen, Wellhausen, Wildeboer, Nowack, Kautzsch, Duhm, Oort, Cornill, and others.一个后放逐期理论:这个理论首先,在开始,而犹豫,带来Vatke前进;自那时以来已通过MERX(谁需要445 BC后写了一米德拉士书)的体育场, Kuenen,豪森,Wildeboer的,Nowack,Kautzsch,Duhm,奥尔特,Cornill,和其他人。The last named scholar, holding the book to be a compendium of late Jewish eschatology, places it in the year 400 BC, because Jerusalem at that time not only was inhabited, but had a temple (i 14, ii 15), as well as a wall (ii. 9), which would indicate a period after Nehemiah.最后命名的学者,捧着书是一个晚期的犹太末世汇编,地点在公元前400年,因为当时耶路撒冷不仅是居住,但有一个寺庙(一14,二15),以及墙壁(白介素9),这将表明后尼希米时期。 But he overlooks the fact that the walls mentioned in the text are certainly those of the houses within the city.但他忽略了一个事实,在文中提到的墙壁,当然内城的房子的。Of all that has been adduced in support of the post-exilic theory, only passages like iv.在所有已援引在后放逐的理论支持,就像四只段落。(AV iii.) 17 really have any weight.(AV三)17真的有任何重量。The statement, "Then shall Jerusalem be holy, and there shall no strangers pass through her any more," indicates a city that had been destroyed-a fate that befell Jerusalem only under Nebuchadnezzar (see further § 3, below).On the other hand, iv.声明:“那时,耶路撒冷是神圣的,而且应通过她的传递并不陌生了,”表示已被摧毁-一个城市的命运降临在尼布甲尼撒耶路撒冷只(详见§ 3,下同)。另另一方面,四。(AV iii.) 1 can not be appealed to, since the words do not mean, as was formerly believed, "to bring back the captivity"-which would indeed lead to the presupposition that deportation of the inhabitants of Judea and Jerusalem had preceded-but more correctly "to turn the fate." (AV三)1,不能呼吁,自言没有意思,因为以前认为,“带回圈养”,这的确会导致这对犹太和耶路撒冷的居民已被驱逐出境之前,前提 - 但更正确地“转的命运。”

Objections to Post-Exilic Date.到后放逐日期异议。

The other reasons advanced for the post-exilic theory are not very plausible.为后放逐理论先进等原因不是很合理。Thus the fact that the king is not mentioned is not remarkable, since the king is likewise not mentioned in Nahum and Habakkuk.因此,国王是没有提及的事实是不显着,因为王同样在那鸿和哈巴谷没有提及。If silence of this sort is of weight, it ought to be considered just as decisive against a post-exilic dating if the governor and high priest were not mentioned in a work.如果这类沉默的重量,它应该被认为就像对一个后放逐约会决定性的,如果州长和大祭司没有在工作中提到。Neither is the absence of any mention of the high places and their cult beside the Temple at Jerusalem remarkable, since Isaiah and, before him, Amos recognize only the Temple at Jerusalem as the habitation of God; and Isaiah, unlike Amos and Hosea, even polemizes against other places of worship.无论是任何高的地方,他们的邪教组织在耶路撒冷圣殿旁显着自以赛亚书,并没有提及,在他之前,阿莫斯承认在耶路撒冷为神居住的只有寺;和以赛亚,阿摩司和何西阿不同,即使polemizes对其他礼拜场所。 When, however, Joel in i.但是,当乔尔在一9 speaks of the discontinuance of the meat-and drink-offerings as a calamity, and in i. 9谈到了对肉类和灾难酒后产品停产,并在一13 et seq.13起。calls on the priests to fast in consequence, this should not be considered as proof of any high regard for the ritual, an attitude so utterly foreign to the pre-exilic period.就在牧师的后果快速调用,这不应被视为任何仪式高度重视,态度如此完全陌生的前放逐期的证明。Isaiah also mentions the meat-offering (Isa. i. 13), and Amos emphasizes the observance of the Sabbath (Amos viii. 5); and when the pre-exilic prophets reject the external worship of God, they do so only in so far as it tends to represent the whole of man's religious life and to displace entirely the true inner relationship to God (obedience).以赛亚也提到肉祭(赛一13),阿莫斯强调安息日(摩八5)遵守,而当预放逐先知拒绝外部崇拜的神,他们只在那么那么据它往往代表着人的宗教生活的全部,并完全取代真正的内在关系,以神(服从)。 On the other hand, the appointment of a fast on the occasion of exceptional afflictions is found in the narratives of the Book of Kings (I Kings xxi. 9; comp. II Chron. xx. 3).另一方面,一个快速的特殊场合的任命苦难中发现的国王图书(王XXI 9。;比赛第二专栏XX 3)的叙述。It has justly been pointed out that the way in which Joel, by dint of his prophetic office, gives, as it were, higher commands to the priests, does not at all agree with the position which the priesthood occupied during the time of the Persians and later.它公正地有人指出,以何种方式乔尔,由他的预言办公室力,给人,因为它是,更高的命令祭司,不同意在所有与立场的神职人员期间,波斯人占领时间和更高版本。 The post-exilic composition of the book can least of all be proved from the mention of the "elders" (see especially i. 14, where, however, is accusative, not vocative), since Joel does not speak of them as official persons, but connotes by "old men" only the most respected of the people.该书的后放逐的组成可以至少都可以证明从“长老”提(尤其见一14,在那里,不过,是宾格,而不是呼),因为乔尔不说话,他们的官方人士,但“老男人”只有最尊敬的人张三。 The post-exilic theory, moreover, far from removing difficulties, gives rise to various additional ones of a serious nature.后的放逐理论,而且,远离消除困难,使人产生了严重的各种附加的。In the first place, the acceptance of the post-exilic theory of composition necessitates the wholly improbable hypothesis that the prophet in i.首先,该成分后放逐理论就必须接受完全不可能的假设,即在岛的先知 1 et seq.1起。places himself at the end of time and speaks to the generation of the last day.地方在年底的时候自己和讲话的最后一天产生。 Since there is no announcement of the final day, the conclusion is natural that the opening address of the book was intended for the contemporaries of the speaker; but, if so, the apocalyptic interpretation of the opening words becomes impossible, and this negatives one of the most weighty arguments in favor of the late date of composition.由于没有在最后一天公布,结论是很自然的书开幕词是对扬声器的同时代的打算,但是,如果这样的话,开头语世界末日的解释变得不可能,这底片之一在组成晚的日期有利于最有分量的论据。 It must be noticed, moreover, that no mention of a future judgment is made until after iii.必须看到,而且,没有一个未来判断一提的是,直到第三后制成。1 (AV ii. 28), for which reason the nations hostile to Israel are not mentioned until then (eg, in iv. [AV iii.] 2).1(AV二28),其原因是以色列的敌对国家没有提到那之前(例如,在四,[AV三] 2号)。

The Plague of Locusts.对蝗灾。

Another difficulty arises when, for the sake of the post-exilic theory, the locusts are taken to mean not real but "apocalyptic locusts"; that is, such as the fantasy of the prophet has invented to illustrate the final judgment.另一个困难出现时,为后放逐理论的大前提下,蝗虫是不是真正的意思,但“世界末日蝗虫”,即是如先知幻想,发明说明的终审判决。 But the plague of locusts is represented as actually having begun; the prophet describes it without indicating that it is to be expected in the future; and he therefore exhorts his countrymen, who have suffered this affliction with him, to lamentation and repentance.但蝗灾表示为实际已开始;先知描述没有表明它是要在未来的预期,因此,他告诫他的同胞,谁跟他遭受这种痛苦,以哀悼和忏悔。 Moreover, by "locusts" is not meant, as some have held, the mounted army of a human enemy, for there is nothing in the description to indicate anything else than a real plague of locusts.此外,通过“蝗虫”并不是如一些人所认为,一个人的敌人展开军队,对于有在说明任何迹象以外的任何其他蝗虫真正的瘟疫。 If it were true that by them the prophet intended horsemen of the enemy, there would result the incongruity of comparing an army of horses and riders to heroes and warriors (ii. 4. et seq.).如果它是真实的,通过他们的先知打算敌人的骑兵,就结果进行比较的马匹和骑手军队英雄和勇士(白介素4起。)不协调。 When the swarms of locusts are called "northern" () in ii.当蝗虫群被称为“北方”()在二。20, it is indeed most natural to think of an army coming from the north, because locusts in Palestine always come from the south.20,这的确是最自然的想到一个从北方来的军队,因为在巴勒斯坦蝗虫总是从南方来的。Whereas it is not unreasonable to argue that the locusts here described might have been driven into Palestine by a northeast wind from the Syrian desert (so Volck), this theory, in face of the more natural explanation of , appears only a makeshift.虽然它不是不合理地说,这里所描述的蝗虫可能已经打入巴勒斯坦由东北风从叙利亚沙漠(所以Volck),这一理论在解释面对更加自然,似乎只是一个临时搭建的。 But the difficulty disappears with the hypothesis next to be considered.但困难消失的假说下加以考虑。

§ 3.§ 3。Theory of the Origin of Joel in Two Different Parts Written at Different Times:理论的乔尔在不同的时间写了两件不同的起源:

Difference of Back-ground.差返回地面。

The theory that ch.该理论认为,CH。iii.-iv.iii.-iv.(AV ii. 28-iii.) are to be separated from i.-ii.(AV二28三)要分离从i.-ii.was first brought forward by Rothstein in the German translation of Driver's "Introduction to the Old Testament," Berlin, 1896 (p. 333).首次提出在驾驶德国翻译“旧约导论”,柏林,1896年(第333页)由罗斯坦。He starts out with the fact that the general assumptions in the two parts are wholly different: in ch.他开始了与事实,在两部分的一般假设是完全不同的:在CH。i.et seq.起。people and state (Judah) appear in unimpaired integrity; the evil of the day is a terrible plague of locusts together with an all-devouring drought; in the passages where the relation to other nations is characterized, there is no trace of a distressing condition brought about, in a political sense, by the enemy (ii. 17; comp. ib. 19b).人民和国家(犹大)出现在受到损害的完整性;一天的邪恶是一种可怕的瘟疫蝗虫具有吞噬一切的干旱一起,在所在的其他国家关系的特点是段落,没有一个令人痛心的状况跟踪带来的,在政治意义上说,被敌人(白介素17;。排版IB 19B)。On the other hand, in iii.另一方面,在第三。et seq.起。(AV ii. 28 et seq.) the whole historical background is a political one; a reference to the time of need indicated in i.( AV二28及以下)的整个历史背景是一个政治问题,到需要的时候参考一表示1 et seq.1起。is not to be discovered (no more so in ii. 18); moreover, the people, at least a very large part of them, are in exile; the judgment from which they are to be saved according to i.不被发现(没有更多的是在二18);而且,对人民,至少其中的很大一部分,都是在流亡,从他们的判断是根据一被保存et seq.起。has long since come to pass; and Jerusalem is already trodden down and desecrated by Gentiles.早已成为过去,和耶路撒冷已经走过了和外邦人亵渎。Finally, it must be added that a large number of passages in iii.最后,必须补充说,在第三大通道的数量。(ii. 28 et seq.) are wholly lacking in originality (with the exception of iv. [iii.] 9 et seq., where probably fragments of a vigorous original have been preserved). (白介素28起。)是完全缺乏原创性(与四例外。[三] 9及以下,其中可能是一个有力的原始片段已被保留)。Rothstein concludes from this that ch.罗斯坦得出结论认为,从这个通道。i.and ii.及ii。were written by Joel during the minority of King Joash; that, on the other hand, ch.写由乔尔在约阿施王少数,也就是说,另一方面,甲烷。iii.三。(ii. 28 et seq.) and iv. (白介素28及以下)和第四。(iii.) date from a postexilic period, and were written by an author whowas lacking in originality, so that he connected his elaboration with the older prophecy in ch.(III.)日从postexilic时期,被写了作者在缺乏独创性whowas,让他在通道连接旧预言他的阐述。i.and ii., as is the recognized case with Obadiah, verses 10-21 (with which section many parallels are found in Joel iii. et seq. [ii. 28 et seq.]) and 1-9.和二,因为是与俄巴底亚认可的情况下,经文10-21(与该条许多相似之处被发现在乔尔三起。[二28起。])和1-9。 This author, however, who for his part regards the plague of locusts announced in ch.本文作者,但是,谁关于他的一部分,在CH宣布蝗灾。ii.II。as a symbolic reference to the inroad of hostile hordes, also wrote ii.作为一个象征性的参考敌对成群侵入,也写了二。20, in which place he expressly chose expressions which would lead one to think of the "northern" army (ie, the army of heathen which had already entered the country) together with the swarms of locusts which he interprets symbolically. 20日,在哪个地方,他明确地选择了表达,这会导致人们认为的“北方”军队(即对异教徒军队,已经进入该国)与蝗虫,他解释象​​征性的群在一起。 In the same way ii.以同样的方式二。10-11 (or else only 11a) originated from the same hand, since these verses give the impression that the author meant powerful armies rather than locusts. 10-11(或者只11A)起源于同一只手,因为这些诗句给人的印象是作者的意思强大的军队,而不是蝗虫。

Reasons for the Division.该司的原因。

When, on the other hand, it is objected (by Baudissin, in "Einleitung in die Bücher des Alten Testaments," 1901, p. 499) that in this way the difficulties attendant on the time determination are by no means removed, since the reasons for and against a pre-exilic date apply to both halves of the book, it must still be recognized (as Baudissin himself admits) that the difficulties of the pre-exilic theory are greater in the second part.当,另一方面,它是反对(由Baudissin中,“在死书刊DES Alten旧约导论”,1901年,第499页),在这种方式上的时间的确定困难,随之而来的,绝不是取消,因为支持和反对前放逐日期适用于书中的两半的原因,它仍必须确认(如Baudissin自己也承认)表示,前放逐理论的困难是在第二部分更大。 Moreover, it can not be admitted that the reasons which could justify the acceptance of the pre-exilic theory are found almost entirely in the second part only.此外,它不能被承认,原因,都无法自圆其说的预验收放逐理论被发现仅在第二部分几乎完全。The placing of the prophecy in the opening period of King Joash's reign, which rested on the identification of the hostilities mentioned in iv.配售的约阿施在国王的统治,这对在第四节中提到的敌对行动识别休息开放时期的预言。(iii.) 4 et seq. (III.)4起。with the revolt of the Edomites under Jehoram, will, however, have to be abandoned.随着下以东约兰的反抗,意志,但是,不得不放弃。The difficulty arises that these descriptions apply even less to a post-exilic period than to the time of King Joash (see below).困难出现,这些说明适用于甚至低于到约阿施王(见下文)时间到后放逐时期。At any rate the prophetic character of ch.无论如何预言性质的通道。i.and ii., in contrast to the apocalyptic character, which actually begins with iii.和二,相对于世界末日的性格,这实际上与三开始。 1 (ii. 28), is alone sufficient (as is also emphasized by Baudissin) to justify the chronological determination of the two parts.1(白介素28),单是足够(如也是由Baudissin强调)证明的时间顺序确定的两个部分。Furthermore, the oratorical attitude, the vigorous language, and the originality of expression and of illustrations-of which the picture of being spread out like the morning upon the mountain is found only in Joel (ii. 2)-speak for the older date of composition of the first part.此外,演说的态度,有力的语言,表达和创意的插图,其中被传播一样,早上出来后山的图片仅在乔尔发现(白介素2)发言,旧日期组成的第一部分。 It is wrong to suppose that the perfection of form of this prophecy indicates that it was not written in the first period of prophetical composition, because, in the face of the song of Deborah and of the elegies on Saul and Jonathan, the possibility of perfection of form in the period in which Joel wrote can not be denied; just as in other literatures also the first poetical writings have always been preceded by a longer stage of poetic development.这是错误的假设,对这一预言的形式完美表明,它是不是在预言组成第一期写的,因为,在对德博拉和对扫罗和乔纳森的挽歌歌曲,完美的可能性,面对在期间在乔尔写形式不能否认,就像在其他文献还首次诗意的著作一直是由一个较长的发展阶段之前诗意。 Whether or not Joel really prophesied under Joash, or is to be placed only shortly before Amos, is irrelevant, if one separates ch.无论乔尔真正预言约阿施下,或将会摆在阿莫斯只在短期内,是无关紧要的,如果一个分离通道。iii.三。and iv.及iv。and at the same time ii.并在同一时间二。4, 11, which are based on the early theory.4,11,这是对早期的理论基础。In favor of the time shortly before Amos, Baudissin has suggested, not without justice, that also in Amos a plague of locusts together with a drought is mentioned as a divine punishment (Amos iv. 6-9; comp. vii. 1-6), and that in this book, as also in Joel iv.在前不久阿莫斯时间的青睐,Baudissin建议,不无正义,还阿莫斯了与干旱蝗虫一起鼠疫是一种神圣的惩罚提到(摩四6-9;。排版七1-6。 ),并在这个书,也乔尔四。(iii.) 4 et seq.(III.)4起。(if this passage as well as iv. [iii.] 9 et seq. also dates from an older prophecy), there is a complaint concerning the delivery of captured slaves (Amos i. 6, 9) which, in spite of single variations, makes it easy to suppose that the same event is here meant, namely, the killing of the Judeans at the time of the revolt of Edom against Judah under Jehoram (comp. Amos i. 11 and Joel iv. [iii.] 19).(如果这一段以及四,[三] 9起。也是从旧预言日期),有投诉就捕获的奴隶交货(摩一6,9),其中的变化,尽管在单,可以很容易地假设,同样的事件在这里的意思,即在Judeans在以东对犹大反抗下约兰(comp.阿莫斯一11和乔尔四,[三] 19号)时间杀。The mention of the "sons of the Grecians" (in iv. [iii.] 6, if this still belongs to the older part) can hardly be taken as a proof against this theory (although it has been brought forward to prove a very late date of composition), since there is no reason why Greeks should not have been mentioned in an early pre-exilic period.而“对希腊人的儿子”提(在四,[三] 6,如果这仍然属于较旧的部分)很难被视为对这一理论的证据(尽管它已被提前到证明非常构成晚日期),因为希腊人没有理由不应该在早期前放逐期提到的原因。

Reasons for Later Composition.原因后来组成。

On the other hand, the fact that most of the data pointing to a post-exilic composition are found in the second half of the book, after ch.在另一方面,这是指向后放逐成分的数据大部分是发现在书的后半部分通道后,事实。iii.三。(ii. 28), speaks for the later composition of ch.(白介素28),充分说明了通道后组成。iii.三。and iv.及iv。(ii. 28-iii.).(白介素28 - III)。This is assumed on the following grounds: Only Judah is expressly mentioned, whereas the idea seems to be to connote both Judah and Israel (thus ch. iv. [iii.] 2; but not so in ii. 27); also because in the description of the approaching day of judgment for the nations and the glorification of God's people there is no reference to Ephraim; finally, above all, because in iv.假定这是基于以下理由:只有犹大是明确提及,而这个想法似乎是意味着两个犹大和以色列( [三],因此CH四第二,但不是在二使27条);也因为在在当天的审判临近的国家和上帝的人有赞美的描述是没有以法莲参考,最后,最重要的,因为在四。 (iii.) 17, as has already been remarked, not only the destruction of Jerusalem is presupposed, but also the dispersion of God's people, Israel, among the nations, and the division of Israel's land. (III.)17,正如已经说过,不仅摧毁耶路撒冷是先决条件,也是上帝的子民,以色列,列国中,和以色列的土地分割的分散。

As to the question concerning the prophetic sources of the respective passages, it is probably easier to derive the passages iii.至于有关问题的各自通道的预言的来源,它可能是更容易获得的第三通道。5 (ii. 32) from Obadiah, verse 17; iv.5(白介素32)从俄巴底亚,17节;四。(iii.) 18 from Ezek, xlvii. (III.)从以西结书18,四十七。1 et seq.; and iv. 1及以下;及iv。(iii.) 16 from Amos i.(III.)16个阿莫斯岛2-all of them in a part which gives the impression of a dull and barren style of writing-than to suppose these passages in Joel to have been original. 2,所有的人都在一个部分,给人一种写作,而不是想在乔尔这些通道已被原来的枯燥和贫瘠的风格印象。For these reasons the supposition that iii.对于这些假设的第三原因。and iv.及iv。(ii. 28-iii.) were written in a post-exilic period seems to offer the easiest solution of the difficulty. (白介素28 - III)是在后放逐期间写的似乎提供了最简单的解决方案的难度。

§ 4.§ 4。Theory of the Revision of an Older Book in a Later Period: The division of the book into two parts convinces Baudissin (lcp 499) that such a revision must have taken place.理论中的一个较早的后期著作修订版:该两部分说服Baudissin(LCP 499),这样的修改书必须有发生分裂。 He considers the description of the judgment of the nations with its reference to the scattering of Israel, the division of the land of Yhwh, and the passing of strangers through Jerusalem as additions of the reviser.他认为,对在其参照以色列的耶和华土地分割散射各国判断的描述,并通过耶路撒冷的陌生人路过作为审校补充。But the theory leaves open the possibility that single parts of the second half of the book may have belonged to the original composition and were incorporated in the compilation of the later writer, directly or else with certain changes to suit the times.但理论留下了那书的单件下半年可能属于原成分并在编制合并后作家的可能性,具有一定的变化,直接或者以适应时代。In view of this, and of the further supposition, first suggested by Rothstein, that the second author made changes and additions also in the first part, there is little difference between the two theories.鉴于这种情况,以及进一步假设首先由罗斯坦建议,即第二作者还提出,在第一部分修改和补充意见,有两种理论之间的差别不大。 Moreover, it is possible to agree with Baudissin that the original writing does not need to have originated in the Persian period.此外,有可能与Baudissin同意,原写作并不需要有起源于波斯时期。It is indeed advisable to place its composition as late as the time of the Ptolemies, since then the mention of Egypt might refer to the war in Egypt.这确实是最好的地方只要时间晚了托勒密的组成,自那时以来,埃及提到可能是指在埃及的战争。

Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel埃米尔G.赫希,维克托Ryssel

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。

Bibliography:参考书目:

Commentaries: Hitzig, in Kommentar zu den Kleinen Propheten, 1838 (new ed. by J. Steiner, 1881, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch); Keil, in Biblischer Kommentar, 3d ed., 1888; Orelli, in Strack and Zoeckler, Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 2d ed., 1888; J. Wellhausen, Die Kleinen Propheten (transl. with notes in Skizzen und Vorarheiten, part v.), 1892; W. Nowack, in Handkommentar, 1897; B. Pusey, The Minor Prophets, 1888; FW Farrar, The Minor Prophets, Their Lives and Times, in Men of the Bible series, 1890; KA Credner, Der Prophet Joel, Uebersetzt und Erklärt, 1831; E. Meier, Der Prophet Joel, Neu Uebersetzt und Erklärt; Aug. Wünsche, Die Weissagung des Propheten Joel, 1872 (gives a complete bibliography on Joel to 1872); Adalbert Merx, Die Prophetie des Joel und Ihre Ausleger, 1879; Beck, Die Propheten Micha und Joel, Erklärt, ed.评:希齐格,在Kommentar祖书房Kleinen Propheten,1838(新版由J.斯坦纳,1881年,在Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手册下载); KEIL,在Biblischer Kommentar,3D版,1888; Orelli,在施特拉克和Zoeckler,Kurzgefasster Kommentar。 ,2版,1888; J.豪森,模具Kleinen Propheten(transl.与Skizzen UND Vorarheiten指出,第五部分),1892年,W. Nowack,在Handkommentar,1897年; B.皮塞,小先知,1888; FW法勒,小先知,他们的生活和时代的圣经系列,1890年男性; KA Credner,明镜先知乔尔,Uebersetzt UND Erklärt,1831; E.迈尔,明镜先知乔尔,神经Uebersetzt UND Erklärt;八月Wünsche ,模具Weissagung DES Propheten乔尔,1872(上给出了一个完整的书目乔尔1872年); Adalbert MERX,模具Prophetie DES乔尔UND Ihre Ausleger,1879年,贝克,模具Propheten米莎UND乔尔,Erklärt,编辑。Lindemeyer, 1898; Ant. Lindemeyer,1898年;蚂蚁。Scholz, Commentar zum Buche des Propheten Joel, 1885; Eugéne le Savoureux, Le Prophète Joel: Introduction, Critique, Traduction, et Commentaire, 1888; WWL Pearson, The Prophecy of Joel: Its Unity, Its Aim, and the Age of Its Composition, i.肖尔茨,Commentar ZUM布车DES Propheten乔尔,1885年,尤金乐Savoureux,乐Prophète乔尔:简介,批判,Traduction,等评注,1888; WWL皮尔逊,约珥的预言:它的统一,其目的,其组成和年龄岛885; Grätz, Joel, Breslau, 1872; EG Hirsch, The Age of Joel, in Hebraica, New York, 1879; Kessner, Das Zeitalter des Propheten Joel, 1888; G. Preuss, Die Prophetie Joels, 1889; H. Holzinger, Sprachcharakter und Abfassungszeit des Buches Joel, in Stade's Zeitschrift, ix.885;格拉茨,乔尔,布雷斯劳,1872年; EG赫希,乔尔的时代,在Hebraica,纽约,1879年; Kessner,达斯Zeitalter DES Propheten乔尔,1888; G.普罗伊斯,模具Prophetie Joels,1889年,H. Holzinger, Sprachcharakter UND Abfassungszeit DES Buches乔尔,在体育场的(杂志),九。 89-131; GB Gray, The Parallel Passages in Joel in Their Bearing on the Question of Date, in The Expositor, 1893, Supplement, pp. 208 et seq.; JC Matthes, in Theologisch Tijdschrift, xix. 89-131; GB灰色,在乔尔在其上的日期问题轴承平行通道,在解释者,1893年,补编,第208页起; JC Matthes,在Theologisch Tijdschrift,十九。34-66, 129-160; xxi.34-66,129-160; XXI。357-381; AB Davidson, in The Expositor, March, 1888; Volck, Der Prophet Joel, in Herzog-Plitt, Real-Encyc. 357-381; AB戴维森,在解释者,三月,1888; Volck,明镜先知乔尔,在赫尔佐格,Plitt,实时百科全书。ix.九。234-237; Robertson Smith and Driver, Joel, in Encyc.234-237;罗伯逊史密斯和驱动程序,乔尔在百科全书。Brit.EGHV Ry.Brit.EGHV Ry的。


Joel乔尔

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:第标题:

-1. -1。Biblical Data:圣经资料:

-Critical View:临界查看:

-1. -1。Biblical Data:圣经资料:

The superscription of the second book of the so-called Minor Prophets names as the author of the book "Joel, the son of Pethuel."而对所谓的小先知书的作者姓名的第二本书上标“乔尔,在Pethuel的儿子。”Further historical record is wanting.进一步的历史记录是希望。It is even impossible to get an idea of the prophet's personality from the contents of his book, because, in correspondence with its partly oratorical, partly visionary style, all personal traits have been omitted.它甚至不可能得到一个先知从他的书的内容个性的想法,因为,在其部分演说,部分有远见的风格信件,所有的个人特质已被省略。 Only this can be concluded from his writing, that he was a Judean and that at the time of his prophetical activity he lived in Jerusalem.仅此可以得出结论,从他的写作,他是一个犹太和,在他的预言的活动时间,他在耶路撒冷居住。 On the other hand, imaginative suppositions try to prove from passages like Joel i.另一方面,富有想象力的推测试图证明从像乔尔岛通道9, 13; ii.9,13;二。17 that he belonged to the tribe of Levi.17,他属于利未支派。

-Critical View:临界查看:

The name "Joel" was quite common, being borne by the first-born son of Samuel (I Sam. viii. 2), and by prominent Levites of the time of David (I Chron. vi. 18 et seq.) and of Hezekiah (II Chron. xxix. 12).命名为“乔尔”是相当普遍,正由塞缪尔(我心。八2)先出生的儿子承担,由大卫时间(我专栏。六,18及以下)和突出的利希西家(二专栏。二十九12)。 "Joel" means "Yhwh is God" (comp. Ps. l. 1; Jer. xxii. 24); it is, therefore, the transposed form of . “乔尔”的意思是“耶和华是神”(comp.诗湖1;耶二十二24),它是,因此,调换形式。In the face of this clearly recognizable and wholly appropriate meaning of the name, it is not necessary to suppose (with Baudissin) that it is the jussive of (= "may He [ie, God] prove"); nor (with Nestle) that it is the participle of , which, corresponding to the proper names or (Arabic, "wa'il") occurring often in the Sinaitic inscriptions, is supposed to mean "strong-willed."在这个名称的清晰可辨的意义和完全适当的面孔,它是没有必要的假设(与Baudissin),它是jussive(=“可能他[即神]证明”);或(雀巢)它的分词,其中,对应到正确的名称或(阿拉伯语,“wa'il”)发生在西乃半岛铭文的时候,应该是指“意志坚强”。 The fact that is found also as a Phenician proper name (see "CIS" 132), proves nothing against the most natural interpretation of the name.认为是找到了一份Phenician适当的名称(见“CIS”132),事实证明也对这个名字最自然的解释什么。

What non-Biblical sources tell of the prophet belongs to the realm of fable.什么非圣经来源的先知告诉属于寓言的境界。According to pseudo-Epiphanius (ii. 245), Joel was from the town Bethor of the tribe of Reuben; but according to the Syrian pseudo-Epiphanius, the true reading is "Bet Me'on" (to be read instead of ), the place mentioned in the Mesha inscription (line 9) as Moabitic, but which, according to Josh.据伪埃皮法尼乌斯(白介素245),乔尔是从部落的鲁本镇Bethor;但据叙利亚伪埃皮法尼乌斯,真正的阅读是“投注Me'on”(而不是要读),地方碑文中提到的米沙(第9行)作为Moabitic,但据乔希。 xiii.十三。17, originally belonged to Reuben.17,原本属于鲁本。

Victor Ryssel, Emil G. Hirsch, M. Seligsohn维克多Ryssel,埃米尔赫斯基G.,M. Seligsohn

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。

Bibliography:参考书目:

See bibliography under Joel, Book of.V.见乔尔下书目,图书of.V.Ry.Ry的。2.2。Eldest son of Samuel and father of Heman the singer (I Sam. viii. 2; I Chron. vi. 18 [AV vi. 33]).长子塞缪尔和父亲的儿子希幔的歌手(我心八2; 我专栏六18 [AV六33])。His name is omitted in I Chron.他的名字被省略在我专栏。vi.六。13 (AV vi. 28); the word (= "and the second one"), corrupted into , is erroneously supposed to be the name given by the chronicler to the eldest son of Samuel. 13(AV六28);字(=“和第二个”),损坏到,是错误地认为是由编年史给予塞缪尔长子的名字。Joel and his younger brother Abiah, or Abijah, were made judges in Beer-sheba when Samuel was old and could no longer make his usual circuit (comp. I Sam. vii. 16, 17).乔尔和他的弟弟Abiah,或亚比雅,分别在别是巴法官塞缪尔年老时,可以不再让他一贯的电路(comp.我萨姆。七,16,17)。 They disgraced their office by taking bribes and perverting judgment; and their misdeeds provoked the people to ask for a king (ib. viii. 5 et seq.).他们灰头土脸的受贿罪,枉法裁决他们的办公室,他们的恶行激起人民要求国王(同上八5页起)。For the different opinions of the Talmudists with respect to the sins of these two judges see Abijah in Rabbinical Literature.对于该Talmudists相对于这两种不同意见的法官的罪看到在犹太教文学亚比雅。

3. 3。An ancestor of Samuel who is mentioned in I Chron.塞缪尔的一个祖先是谁在我专栏提及。vi.六。21 (AV 36), and who in verse 9 (AV 24) is called "Shaul."21(AV 36),谁在第9节(AV 24)被称为“扫罗”。4.4。A Simeonite prince (ib. iv. 35).阿Simeonite王子(同上四,35)。5.5。A Reubenite; father of Shemaiah (ib. v. 4, 8).阿Reubenite;示玛雅的父亲(同上第4节,8)。6.6。A Gadite chief (ib. v. 12).阿Gadite首席(同上12节)。7.7。A chief of Issachar (ib. vii. 3).一个以萨迦(ib.七3)长。8.8。One of David's mighty men, indicated as the brother of Nathan (ib. xi. 38).大卫的勇士之一,表示作为弥敦道(同上十一38)兄弟。 In the parallel list of II Sam.在平行的第二山姆名单。xxiii.二十三。36 he is called "Igal, the son of Nathan."36,他被称为“Igal,在弥敦道的儿子。”9.9。A Gershonite Levite, a prince in the time of David (I Chron. xv. 7, xxiii. 8, xxvi. 22).阿革顺利未人,在大卫的时间(I慢性。十五,七,二十三,八,二十六22)王子。10.10。Son of Pedaiah; a Manassite chief in the time of David (ib. xxvii. 20).毗大雅的儿子,一个在大卫的时间Manassite长(同上二十七20)。11.11。A Kohathite Levite in the time of Hezekiah (II Chron. xxix. 12; comp. No. 2, above).希西家中的时间Kohathite利未人(II代上二十九12;。比赛第2段)。12.12。One of those who married foreign wives (Ezra x. 43).其中的一个谁结婚(拉十43)外国妻子。13.13。Son of Zichri; a Benjamite overseer after the Exile (Neh. xi. 9).EGHM Sel.细基利的儿子,一个便雅悯后,流亡国外监督员(尼十一9)。EGHM Sel的。



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