Epistles of John约翰 书信

General Information一般资料

The Epistles of John are three letters in the New Testament of the Bible traditionally ascribed to Saint John the apostle.约翰的书信中有三个新的圣经传统归因于圣约翰使徒约信。They are classed with the General, or Catholic, Epistles because they are addressed to a general readership rather than to specified churches or individuals.他们被归类与一般,或天主教,书信,因为它们是针对一般的读者,而不是指定的教堂或个人。The first epistle bears no clue to its authorship, but in the other two epistles the author calls himself "the elder."第一书信承担任何线索,其著作权,但在其他两个书信的作者自称“老”。The three letters were probably written in the Roman province of Asia (western Anatolia) toward the end of the 1st century.这三个字母很可能写在亚洲的罗马省对第1世纪末(西部安纳托利亚)。

The first epistle should probably be understood as a general pamphlet written to churches in Anatolia. Its message is about life, meaning eternal life, life in fellowship with God through faith in Jesus Christ. The book was written to give a series of standards by which people can know that they possess eternal life. Two features stand out in the series of tests.第一书信或许应该被理解为写在安纳托利亚教堂一般的小册子, 它的消息是关于生命,这意味着与上帝通过耶稣基督的信仰永恒的生命,在团契生活,书是写给予一系列的标准,其中人们可以知道,他们拥有永恒的生命,两个突出的特点,在一系列的测试了。 First, the validity of the Incarnation is affirmed against those who claimed special knowledge (see Docetism; Gnosticism) and denied that Christ came in the flesh (1 John 4:2 - 3).首先,有效性的化身,是肯定对那些声称谁的专业知识(见Docetism;诺斯替主义),并否认基督的肉身(约翰一书4点02分- 3)来了。The second feature of the test is love. The true follower of Christ is to love as Christ loved (1 John 2:6; 4:7 - 12, 19).测试的第二个特点是爱的真正的基督信徒,是基督的爱作为爱(约翰一书2点06分,4点07分- 12,19)。

The second epistle, the shortest book of the Bible, is a note to a church addressed as the "elect lady."第二书信,圣经最短的书,是一个为解决教会注意“选小姐。”In this letter the message of 1 John is applied to a local church situation. The people are warned about teachers with special knowledge. They are encouraged to be hospitable toward one another.在此信中约翰一消息被应用到一个地方教会形势,人们对具有特殊知识的教师发出警告,并鼓励他们要对彼此好客。 The third epistle is a personal word to Gaius, a follower of the truth. He is encouraged to show kindness to traveling believers who pass his way.第三书信是个人字盖尤斯,对真理的追随者, 他鼓励信徒显示善待谁通过他的旅行方式。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息来源
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects

我们2300 宗教科目名单
E-mail电子邮件
Douglas Ezell道格拉斯Ezell

Bibliography 参考书目
WE Vine, Epistles of John (1970).WE藤,约翰书信(1970年)。


First Epistle of John第一使徒约翰

Advanced Information先进的信息

The First Epistle of John, the fourth of the catholic or "general" epistles.约翰的第一书信中,天主教或“一般”的书信第四位。It was evidently written by John the evangelist, and probably also at Ephesus, and when the writer was in advanced age.这显然​​是写了约翰的传道者,亦可能在以弗所,当笔者在先进的年龄。The purpose of the apostle (1:1-4) is to declare the Word of Life to those to whom he writes, in order that they might be united in fellowship with the Father and his Son Jesus Christ.的使徒(1:1-4)的目的是宣布将生命的道的那些人,他写道,为了使他们可能会在奖学金团结与父亲和他的儿子耶稣基督。 He shows that the means of union with God are, (1) on the part of Christ, his atoning work (1:7; 2:2; 3:5; 4:10, 14; 5:11, 12) and his advocacy (2: 1); and (2), on the part of man, holiness (1:6), obedience (2:3), purity (3:3), faith (3:23; 4:3; 5:5), and love (2:7, 8; 3:14; 4:7; 5:1).他表明,工会与上帝的手段,对基督的一部分,他的赎罪工作(1:7; 2:2; 3时05分,4点10分,14; 5:11,12)(1)和他的宣传(2:1)和(2),对人的一部分,圣洁(1:6),服从(2:3),纯度(3:3),信心(3:23; 4:3; 5 :5),爱(2:7,8; 3:14; 4点07; 5:1)。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Second Epistle of John第二书信约翰

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Second Epistle of John is addressed to "the elect lady," and closes with the words, "The children of thy elect sister greet thee;" but some would read instead of "lady" the proper name Kyria.约翰的第二书信是写给“的选小姐”,并改为关闭,“你选的姐妹,孩子们招呼你,”但有些人会读的“小姐”的正式名称Kyria代替。 Of the thirteen verses composing this epistle seven are in the First Epistle.在撰写此书信seven thirteen经文是在第一书信。The person addressed in commended for her piety, and is warned against false teachers.该人士讨论了赞扬她的虔诚,是对假教师发出了警告。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Third Epistle of John第三书信约翰

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Third Epistle of John is addressed to Caius, or Gaius, but whether to the Christian of that name in Macedonia (Acts 19: 29) or in Corinth (Rom. 16:23) or in Derbe (Acts 20:4) is uncertain.约翰的书信是写给三凯厄斯,或盖尤斯,但是否该名称在马其顿基督教(徒19:29)或科林斯(罗马书16:23)或Derbe(徒20:4)是不确定的。 It was written for the purpose of commending to Gaius some Christians who were strangers in the place where he lived, and who had gone thither for the purpose of preaching the gospel (ver. 7).它被写为表彰对盖尤斯一些基督徒谁是陌生人的地方他住的地方,谁去了为传福音(版本7)条的目的上去的目的。The Second and Third Epistles were probably written soon after the First, and from Ephesus.第二次和第三次书信很可能是写后不久,首先,从以弗所。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Second Epistle of John第二书信约翰

From: Home Bible Study Commentary by James M. Gray来自:主页圣经研究评论詹姆斯M灰色

The second epistle of John is addressed to whom?约翰的第二书信是写给谁的?The word "lady" in the Greek is Kyria, which may be translated as a proper name, and perhaps in this case it should be so understood.单词“小姐”,在希腊是Kyria,这可能是翻译为适当的名称,也许在这种情况下,应该这样理解。Kyria was a common name among the Greeks and refers here, it may be, to some notable saint in the neighborhood of Ephesus, to which John ministered in his old age. Kyria是一个共同的名字在希腊人,是指在这里,它可能是,一些在以弗所附近的显着圣人,哪个约翰在他的晚年事奉。The letter is brief, for the writer is soon to make a visit to this sister in Christ and to speak with her face to face (12).该信是短暂的,对于作家很快做出在基督访问这个姐姐和她说话面对面(12)。

And mark the central fact of that truth which consititutes love, the confession that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh.而纪念真理的consititutes爱,表白实际上中央耶稣基督是在肉体来。 This strikes at the Jew's denial of Jesus, certainly, but also how can Christian Science, which denies the material body confess this?这在犹太人的耶稣,当然拒绝罢工,又如何能基督教科学,它拒绝承认这个物质身体?Changing the language again to conform to the Revised Version, we see that they are the deceivers and the anti-Christ in spirit who fail to confess that He "cometh in the flesh."更改语言再次以符合经修订的版本中,我们看到,他们是骗子和精神的反基督谁不承认,他“在肉身降临。”It is Christ's second coming John has in mind as truly as His first coming.这是基督的第二次来约翰的想法是真正的他第一次来。 In the light of the above consider the warning in verse 8.在上述情况考虑在第8节的警告。There is danger of believers losing something which belongs to them.有失去的东西是属于他们的信徒的危险。That something which belongs to them.这是属于他们的东西。That something is "a full reward."这东西是“一个完整的奖励。”Compare Luke 19:15-27; I Corinthians 3:11-15; 2 Peter I: 21; 1 Corinthians 3:11-15; 2 Peter 1: them?比较路加福音19:15-27,林前3:11-15;彼得I:21;哥林多前书3:11-15;彼得1:他们呢?See Matthew 16:27; Revelation 22:12.见马太福音16:27,启示录22:12。

Does not the comparison of these passages bear out verse 7 as rendered by the Revised Version?难道不是这些段落比较证实了第7节所呈现的修订版?What is it to transgress as given in verse 9?什么是它违背在第9节定?By the "doctrine of Christ" is not meant merely the things He taught while in the flesh, but the whole doctrine concerning Him, ie, the whole of the Old and New Testaments.由“基督的教义”,并不是他的东西,而只是在肉体教,但关于他的整个学说,即在旧约和新约的整体。To deny the truth concerning Christ is to deny His first and HIs second coming, and He who denies this "hath not God."要拒绝真理关于基督是否认他的第一个和他第二次来,和他谁否认这“祂所不是上帝。”He may speak much of the "Father," but he only has the Father who has the Son.他可能讲的多“父亲”,但他只有父亲谁的儿子。 To have the One you must have the Other, (9).为了有一个你必须有其他的,(9)。Observe how strenuous we should be in maintaining this doctrine (v. 10).观察如何艰苦,我们应该保持这种学说(10节)。

The command "receive him not into your house," is relative.命令“接收到你的房子他不要,”是相对的。It means not that we are to deny him meat and shelter altogether, if he be in need of them, but that we are not to fellowship him as a brother.这意味着,我们不能否认他的肉和住房共有,如果他是在他们的需要,但我们​​不相交的兄弟他。Even our personal enemies we are to bless and pray for, if they hunger we are to feed them and if they thirst give them drink.即使我们的,我们祝福和祈祷,如果他们饥饿,我们养活他们,如果他们渴望个人的敌人给他们喝。But those who are the enemies of God by being enemies of His truth, we are to have nothing to do with in the capacity of fellow-Christians.但是,这些谁是被他的真理是神的敌人的敌人,我们有什么做的同胞基督徒能力处理。We must not aid them in their plans or bid them God speed.我们不能帮助他们的计划,或申办他们神的速度。How would such a course on our part involve us (II)?怎么会这样对我们来说当然包括我们(II)?

The apostle closes with that allusion to his visit already referred to, and a greeting from Kyria's elect sister.使徒关闭与访问,据他已经提到,并从Kyria的选举姐姐问候典故。Did this mean her sister in the flesh or only in the faith?难道这意味着她在肉体或只在信仰妹妹?And in this last case was it the apostle's wife?而在这最后的情况下,它的使徒的妻子吗?

Questions 1.问题 1。How may we translate "lady" and to whom may it refer?我们如何翻译“小姐”,并可能是指谁?2.2。Can you discover in the text the four points under the "Salutation"?你可以在文本中发现四点下的“称呼”?3.3。What is the message of this letter?什么是这封信的消息?4.4。What is Christian love?什么是基督的爱?5.5。What is its central fact?什么是它的核心事实?6.6。Who are spiritual anti-Christs?谁是精神的反基督?7.7。Have you examined the parallel scriptures on the subject of "reward"?你有没有研究过的“奖励”问题的平行经文?8.8。What is meant by the "doctrine of Christ"?什么是“基督的教义”?9.9。Explain "receive him not into your house."解释“接收到你的房子他不要。”


Third Epistle of John第三书信约翰

From: Home Bible Study Commentary by James M. Gray来自:主页圣经研究评论詹姆斯M灰色

Gaius is a name frequently alluded to by Paul, but whether this were the same individual as any of those is problematical.盖尤斯经常提到的保罗的名字,但是这是否是同一个人作为这些任何一个问题的。 In any event he seems to have been a convert of John (v. 4).在任何情况下他似乎一直是约翰(4节)转换。Another form of the name is Caius and this was a very common name indeed.另一种形式的名称是凯斯,这是一个非常普遍的名字确实。 What distinction in spiritual things is ascribed to Gaius (2)?在精神层面的东西有什么区别,归因于该犹(2)?His soul was prospering even if his bodily health and his business were not, but the apostle is interested in other things as well.他的灵魂蓬勃即使他的身体健康和他的生意都没有,但在使徒以及其他感兴趣的东西。The Christian should be careful of his health, and it is compatible with a deep spiritual life that he should have a sucessful business.基督徒应该小心他的健康,这是一个深刻的精神生活,他应该有一个sucessful业务兼容。

As to the Christian character of Gaius, three particulars are named: (1) He possessed the truth (3).至于盖尤斯基督徒的品格,三个细节被命名为:(1)他拥有的真相(3)。(2) He walked in the truth, ie, his life and conduct measured up to the light he had received from God, (3, 4).(2)他走在真理,即,他的生活和测量到的他从上帝接收到的光的行为,(3,4)。(3) As walking in the truth he was "careful to maintain good works," especially in the distribution of his means (5, 6).(3)行走在真理,他是“谨慎地保持良好的工作,”尤其是在他的手段分配(5,6)。It is noticeable that his "faithfulness" in this regard is mentioned.值得注意的是,他的“忠诚”在这方面被提及。 It was not a spasmodic thing on his part, but a steady flow of grace through him.这是不是对他的部分痉挛性的东西,而是通过他的恩典源源不断。His breadth of disposition is also mentioned since his giving was not limited to those he knew but extended to those he did not know (5).他的性格广度还提到因为他的付出,并不限于那些他知道,但对这些他不知道(5)。 Some recipients of his bounty are referred to in verse 6, and a journey mentioned toward the expense of which he was contributing (6).他的奖金部分人士称为在第6节,向着他的牺牲是贡献(6)条所述的旅程。All this is very realistic, and brings the life of the church in the first century "up to date" as we sometimes say.所有这些,都是很现实的,并带来了在第一世纪的教会生活“最新”我们有时说。One or two facts are given concerning the recipients of Gaius' gifts equally honoring to them, (7).一个或两个事实给出关于盖尤斯“送礼者也同样尊重他们,(7)。Look at the motive of their journey, "His Name's sake," and at the Gentiles," ie, the heathen.看看他们的旅途的动机,“他的名字的缘故,”并在外邦人“,即异教徒。

Whatever the journey was, they might have been assisted in it pecuniarily by those who were not actuated by a love for His name, but their conscience would not permit them to receive such aid.无论路途,他们可能已经协助它pecuniarily那些谁不为他的名字由爱驱动,但他们的良心不允许他们接受这种援助。 How valuable this example.如何宝贵的这个例子。And what a close relationship it bears to the teaching of the second epistle about fellowshipping with heretics.什么密切的关系,它承担的关于与异端fellowshipping第二书信教学。How should such loyal and self-denying workers as these be treated in the church, and why (8)?这种忠诚应该如何自我否定,因为这些工人在教会对待,为什么(8)?The Worldly Character of Diotrephes Here we have another type of the professing Christian in the worldly character of Diotrephes, 9-11.丢特腓世间的字符在这里,我们在丢特腓,9-11世俗性格的另一个信奉基督教的类型。What seems to have been his besetting sin (9)?什么似乎一直困扰他的罪(9)?How this experience of John recalls that of Paul in the churches of Corinth, Galatia and Thessalonica?这怎么约翰经验回顾科林斯,加拉太和帖撒罗尼迦教会的保罗呢?In what manner did John intend to deal with him (10)?以什么方式没有约翰打算处理他(10)?

Does this recall anything similar in apostolic authority on Paul's part?这是否记得什么对保罗的一部分使徒权威相似?How does verse 10 reveal the worldiness and insincerity of Diotrephes?如何第10节揭示丢特腓worldiness和诚意?What an awfully overbearing, autocratic, unholy man he must have been!什么是非常霸道,专制,邪恶的人,他一定是! How did he get into the church?他是怎么进入教堂吗?What advice is given Gaius in verse 11?是什么样的建议给予11节盖尤斯?How does this testify to the relation between faith and works?请问这个证明的信仰与工作的关系?What opposite kind of example is set before him in verse 12?什么样的例子相反的是他在之前设置12节?How many kinds of witnesses testify to the Christian character of Demetrius?如何对证人的多种证明了德米特里基督徒的品格?One can not help wondering if this were the Demetrius of Acts 19.不禁怀疑这是使徒行传19德米特里。Such trophies of grace are by no mean unusual, Paul was such an one.这些奖杯的宽限期并不意味着不同寻常的是,保罗是这样的人。Note the similarities in the conclusions of this epistle and the one previously considered (13, 14), suggesting that they may have been penned at the same time.注意在此书信和以前考虑(13,14)一个相似的结论,表明它们可能已经在同一时间写作。

The Scofield Bible has an interesting note here, saying that "historically, this letter marks the beginning of that clerical assumption over the churches in which the primitive church order disappeared. It also reveals the believers' resource in such a day. John addresses this letter not to the church, but to a faithful man in the church for the comfort of those who were standing fast in the primitive simplicity. Second John conditions the personal walk of a Christian in a day of apostasy; and Third John the personal responsibility in such a day of the believer as a member of the local church."斯科菲尔德圣经的注意这里有一个有趣的,认为“从历史上看,这标志着该信在教会中的原始教会秩序消失文书的假设开始,也揭示了这样一个日子的信徒”的资源。约翰地址本信不能到教堂,而是在为那些谁是站在教堂古朴快速舒适的忠实男子第二约翰条件的一个基督教的叛教个人走一天;和第三约翰在这种个人责任作为一个在当地教会的成员信奉的一天。“

Questions 1.问题 1。Analyze the Christian character of Gaius.分析盖尤斯基督徒的品格。2.2。What two features marked his faithfulness?什么两个特点标志着他的忠诚?3.3。Tell something of the character of the two other men named.推荐的另外两名男子已命名字符的东西。4.4。What epoch does this epistle mark?这封信没有什么划时代标志?5.5。Distinguish between second and third John.区分第二和第三约翰。


Epistles of Saint John书信的圣约翰

Catholic Information天主教信息

Three canonical books of the New Testament written by the Apostle St. John.三,由使徒圣约翰写新约典型的书籍。

The subject will be treated under the following heads:该主题将被视为根据以下元首:

FIRST EPISTLE第一书信

I. Authenticity一,真实性

II. II。Canonicity正规

III. III。Integrity诚信

IV. IV。Author作者

V. Time and Place五,时间和地点

VI. VI。Destination and Purpose目标和目的

VII.七。Argument参数

SECOND EPISTLE第二书信

THIRD EPISTLE第三书信

FIRST EPISTLE第一书信

I. Authenticity一,真实性

A. External evidenceA.外部证据

The very brevity of this letter (105 verses divided into five chapters) and the lateness of its composition might lead us to suspect no traces thereof in the Apostolic Fathers.此信(分为五个章节分为105节)和它的组成非常简洁迟到可能导致我们怀疑在使徒父亲及其任何痕迹。Such traces there are, some unquestionable.有这样的痕迹,一些不可置疑的。St. Polycarp (AD 110-117, according to Harnack, whose chronology we shall follow in this article) wrote to the Philippians: "For whosoever confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the Flesh is Antichrist" (c. vi; Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, 304).圣波利卡普(公元110-117,根据哈纳克,其年表我们将按照此文章)写信给腓:“对于凡confesseth不耶稣基督是在肉体来的是敌基督”(约六;冯克, “Patres Apostolici”,我,304)。Here is an evident trace of I John, iv, 2-3; so evident that Harnack deems this witness of Polycarp conclusive proof that the first Epistle and, consequently, the Gospel of John were written toward the end of the reign of Trajan, ie not later than AD 117 (cf. Chronologie der Altchristlichen Litteratur, I, 658).下面是我约翰,四,2-3明显的痕迹,所以明显,哈纳克认为这波利卡普确凿的证据,第一书信,因此,约翰福音是对的图拉真,即统治结束的书面见证不晚于公元117(参见Chronologie DER Altchristlichen Litteratur,我,658)。It is true that Polycarp does not name John nor quote word for word; the Apostolic Fathers cite from memory and are not wont to name the inspired writer whom they cite.诚然,波利卡普不名约翰也引述逐字逐句;使徒父亲举从内存中,不惯于名作家的启发他们所引用。The argument from Polycarp's use of I John is strengthened by the fact that he was, according to Irenæus, the disciple of St. John.从波利卡普的约翰使用的参数是加强了事实,他是,根据爱任纽,在圣约翰弟子。The distinctively Johannine phrase "come in the Flesh" (en sarki eleluthota) is also used by the Epistle of Barnabas (v, 10; Funk, op. cit., I, 53), which was written about AD 130.约翰的独特语“中的肉来”(EN sarki eleluthota)也使用了巴拿巴书信(V,10;。冯克,同上,我53岁),这是约公元130写的。We have it on the authority of Eusebius (Hist. eccl., V, xx) that this First Epistle of John was cited by Papias, a disciple of John and fellow of Polycarp (AD 145-160).我们对权威的尤西比乌斯(Hist.传道书。,V,XX)表示,这首约翰书信是由帕皮亚,弟子的约翰和波利卡普研究员(公元145-160)引用它。 Irenæus (AD 181-189) not only cites I John ii, 18, and v, 1 but attributes the citation to John the Lord's disciple ("Adv. Hær." 3, 16; Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", V, viii).爱任纽(公元181-189)不仅引用了我约翰二世,18,和V,1但属性引用约翰主的门徒(“高级Hær。”3,16,优西比乌,“组织胺传道书 ”,V ,八)。The Muratorian Canon (AD 195-205) tells the story of the writing of John's Gospel consequent upon a revelation made to the Apostle Andrew, and adds: "What wonder, then, that John so often in his letters gives us details of his Gospel and says of himself, etc."该穆拉多利佳能(公元195-205),讲述了约翰福音使徒后向安德鲁写的故事一个启示随之而来的,并补充说:“什么奇迹,那么,约翰经常在他的信给了我们他的福音细节和自己说,等等。“ -- here I John.- 这里我约翰。 i, 1, is quoted.我,1,是引用。 St. Clement of Alexandria (AD 190-203) quotes v, 3, with his usual indubitable accuracy, and expressly assigns the words to John ("Pædag.", III, xi; Kirch. Comm., ed. I, p. 281).圣克莱门特亚历山大(公元190-203)报价与他一贯的准确性不容置疑V,3,并明确指定的话来约翰(,三,十一“Pædag”;。基尔希通讯,编我,第281)。 Tertullian (AD 194-221, according to Sunday) tells us that John, in his Epistle, brands as Antichrist those who deny that Christ is come in the flesh (De Præscrip. 33), and clearly attributes to "John the author of the Apocalypse" several passages of the First Epistle (cf. "Adv. Marc.", III, 8, and V, 16, in PL, II, 359 and 543; "Adv. Gnost.", 12, in PL, II, 169; "Adv. Prax.", 15, in PL, II, 196).特土良(公元194-221,根据星期日)告诉我们,约翰在他的书信,因为敌基督品牌那些谁否认基督是在肉体来(德Præscrip 33),并明确属性“的作者约翰启示高级马克“,三,八,和V,16日,在PL,II,359和543”,“第一书信(见几个通道”。高级Gnost“,12日在PL,二, 169;“。高级普凯 ”,15 PL,II,196)。

B. Internal evidenceB.内部证据

So striking is the internal evidence in favour of common authorship of the Gospel and First Epistle of John, as to be almost universally admitted.所以引人注目的是对约翰福音和第一书信共同作者的青睐内部证据,以几乎普遍承认。It cannot be by accident that in both documents we find the ever-recurring and most distinctive words light, darkness, truth, life, and love; the strictly Johannine phrases "to walk in the light", "to be of the truth", "to be of the devil", "to be of the world", "to overcome the world", etc. Only such erratic and sceptical critics as Holtzmann and Schmiedel deny the forcefulness of this argument from internal evidence; they conclude that the two documents come from the same school, not from the same hand.它不能由意外,在这两个文件,​​我们发现不断重复和最有特色的话光,黑暗,真理,生命,爱情;严格约翰短语“走在光”,“要真相”, “是的魔鬼”,“成为世界”,“克服世界”等,只有这样的不稳定,怀疑为HOLTZMANN和Schmiedel批评否认这种说法forcefulness从内部证据,他们得出结论,这两个文件来自同一所学校,而不是从相同的手。

II. II。Canonicity正规

The foregoing citations, the fact that there never was any controversy or doubt among the Fathers in the matter of the canonicity of the First Epistle of John, the existence of this document in all the ancient translations of the New Testament and in the great uncial manuscripts (Sinaitic, Alexandrian, etc.) -- these are arguments of overwhelming cumulative force to establish the acceptance of this letter by the primitive Church as canonical Scripture, and to prove that the inclusion of the First Epistle of John in the Canon of Trent was only a conciliar acceptance of an existing fact -- the feet that the letter had always been among the Homologoumena of Holy Writ.上述引文,但事实上,从来就没有任何争议或疑问之中,父亲在的约翰,这个文件在所有的新约古书信正规的翻译存在的问题,首先在伟大的安色尔字体手抄本(西乃半岛,亚历山大等) - 这些都是压倒性的累积力量参数,建立了本信作为典型的经文原始教会的认可,证明的是,约翰在佳能的遄达列入第一书信只有在现有的事实conciliar的验收 - 在该信一直跻身于圣经Homologoumena被脚。

III. III。Integrity诚信

The only part of the letter concerning the authenticity and canonicity whereof there is serious question is the famous passage of the three witnesses: "And there are three who give testimony (in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost. And these three are one. And there are three that give testimony on earth): the spirit, and the water, and the blood: and these three are one" (1 John 5:7-8).而有关的真实性和canonicity以资证明信只有一部分有严重的问题是三个证人著名的话:“还有三个谁提供证词(在天上的父,字,和圣灵而这些。 3顷之一,有三个,让地球上的证词):精神,水,和血:这三为一“(约翰一书5:7-8)。Throughout the past three hundred years, effort has been wade to expunge from our Clementine Vulgate edition of canonical Scripture the words that are bracketed.纵观过去三百年来,一直努力韦德抹去从我国典型的经文克莱门汀武加大版的是括号内的词语。Let us examine the facts of the case.让我们来看看案件的事实。

A. Greek ManuscriptsA.希腊手稿

The disputed part is found in no uncial Greek manuscripts and in only four rather recent cursives -- one of the fifteenth and three of the sixteenth century.本案所争议的部分是在没有发现安色尔字体的希腊手稿和在只有四个,而最近cursives之一 - 第十五和十六世纪三。 No Greek epistolary manuscript contains the passage.没有希腊书信手稿包含了通过。

B. VersionsB.版本

No Syriac manuscript of any family -- Peshito, Philoxenian, or Harklean -- has the three witnesses; and their presence in the printed Syriac Gospels is due to translation from the Vulgate.Peshito,Philoxenian,或Harklean - - 没有任何家庭叙利亚手稿有三个证人,他们的在印刷叙利亚福音的存在,是因为从武加大译本。So too, the Coptic manuscripts -- both Sahidic and Bohairic -- have no trace of the disputed part, nor have the Ethiopic manuscripts which represent Greek influence through the medium of Coptic.所以也科普特手稿 - 无论Sahidic和Bohairic - 没有一丝的有争议的部分,也有即通过对希腊的影响埃塞俄比亚科普特人手稿中。The Armenian manuscripts, which favour the reading of the Vulgate, are admitted to represent a Latin influence which dates from the twelfth century; early Armenian manuscripts are against the Latin reading.亚美尼亚手稿,这有利于阅读的武加大,都考上代表拉美的影响力,从12世纪日期;早期亚美尼亚手稿是对拉丁美洲的阅读。 Of the Itala or Old Latin manuscripts, only two have our present reading of the three witnesses: Codex Monacensis (q) of the sixth or seventh century; and the Speculum (m), an eighth or ninth century manuscript which gives many quotations from the New Testament.该伊泰莱或旧拉丁美洲手稿,只有两个有我们的三名证人出席阅读:食品Monacensis(Q)的第六或第七世纪,以及窥器(米),第八或第九世纪的手稿这给从许多报价新约。 Even the Vulgate, in the majority of its earliest manuscripts, is without the passage in question.即使是武加大,在其最早的手稿大部分是没有问题的通过。Witnesses to the canonicity are: the Bible of Theodulph (eighth century) in the National Library of Paris; Codex Cavensis (ninth century), the best representative of the Spanish type of text: Toletanus (tenth century); and the majority of Vulgate manuscripts after the twelfth century.到正规的证人是:Theodulph圣经(八世纪)在巴黎国家图书馆;食品Cavensis(第九世纪),西班牙的文本型的最佳代表:Toletanus(十世纪),以及大多数的武加大手稿之后的12世纪。 There was some dispute as to the canonicity of the three witnesses as early as the sixth century: for the preface to the Catholic Epistles in Codex Fuldensis (AD 541-546) complains about the omission of this passage from some of the Latin versions.有一些至于像六世纪初的三名证人正规的争议:为在食品Fuldensis(公元541-546),天主教书信前言关于这段话来自拉丁美洲版本的一些遗漏抱怨。

C. The FathersC的父亲

(1) Greek Fathers, until the twelfth century, seem one and all to have had no knowledge of the three witnesses as canonical Scripture. (1)希腊教父,直到12世纪,似乎一个和所有有过作为典型的经文没有对三个证人的知识。At times they cite verses 8 and 9 and omit the disputed portions of verses 7 and 8.有时,他们举的诗句8和9省略诗句7日和8有争议的部分。The Fourth Lateran (AD 1215), in its decree against Abbot Joachim (see Denzinger, 10th ed., n. 431) quotes the disputed passage with the remark "sicut in quibusdam codicibus invenitur".第四次拉特兰(公元1215年)在其对住持约阿希姆法令(见登青格,第10版,N. 431)报价与备注“sicut在quibusdam codicibus invenitur”有争议的通过。Thereafter, we find the Greek Fathers making use of the text as canonical.此后,我们找到了使作为规范的文字使用希腊教父。

(2) The Syriac Fathers never use the text.(2)叙利亚父亲从来不使用的文字。

(3) The Armenian Fathers do not use it before the twelfth century. (3)亚美尼亚父亲不要使用前十二世纪。

(4) The Latin Fathers make much earlier use of the text as canonical Scripture. (4)拉丁教父作出更早使用作为典型的经文文本。St. Cyprian (third century) seems undoubtedly to have had it in mind, when he quotes John, x, 30, and adds: "Et iterum de Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto scriptum est -- Et hi tres unum sunt" (De Unitate Ecclesiæ, vi).圣塞浦路斯(三世纪)似乎无疑是有过介意,当他引​​用约翰,X,30,并补充说:“ET iterum去帕特雷等Filio等Spiritu Sancto scriptum EST - ET喜特雷斯UNUM必须遵守”(德Unitate,该书,六)。Clear also is the witness of St. Fulgentius (sixth century, "Responsio contra Arianos" in PL, LXV, 224), who refers to the above witness of St. Cyprian.清除也是圣Fulgentius(六世纪,“Responsio禁忌Arianos”在PL,第六十五,224),谁是指圣塞浦路斯以上证人作证。 In fact, outside of St. Augustine, the Fathers of the African Church are to be grouped with St. Cyprian in favour of the canonicity of the passage.其实,外面的圣奥古斯丁,非洲教会的神父要与圣塞浦路斯分组在通过正规的青睐。The silence of the great and voluminous St. Augustine and the variation in form of the text in the African Church are admitted facts that militate against the canonicity of the three witnesses.伟大的和大量的圣奥古斯丁和在非洲教会文本形式的变化沉默是承认事实,妨碍对三个证人正规。St. Jerome (fourth century) does not seem to know the text.圣杰罗姆(第四世纪)似乎不知道该文本。After the sixth century, the disputed passage is more and more in use among the Latin Fathers; and, by the twelfth century, is commonly cited as canonical Scripture.六世纪后,有争议的话是越来越多的拉美之间的父亲使用,以及由12世纪,就是俗称的典型的经文引用。

D. Ecclesiastical DocumentsD.教会文件

Trent's is the first certain ecumenical decree, whereby the Church established the Canon of Scripture.特伦特的是第一某些合一法令,即教会确立了圣经佳能。We cannot say that the decree of Trent on the Canon necessarily included the three witnesses.我们不能说,对佳能的遄达法令一定包括三名证人。For in the preliminary discussions signs that led up to the canonizing of "the entire books with all their parts, as these have been wont to be read in the Catholic Church and are contained in the old Latin Vulgate", there was no reference whatsoever to this special part; hence this special part is not canonized by Trent, unless it is certain that the text of the three witnesses has "been wont to be read in the Catholic Church and is contained in the old Latin Vulgate".对于在初步讨论的迹象,导致直至封为“与所有的部件全部书籍,因为这些已经习惯被读在天主教教会,并在旧拉丁语武加大载”,也没有提及任何关系这个特殊的一部分,因此这种特殊的部分不是由特伦特册封,除非可以肯定的是,三名证人文本“已惯于读在天主教教会,是在旧拉丁语武加大载”。 Both conditions must be verified before the canonicity of the text is certain.这两个条件必须验证前的文本正规是肯定的。Neither condition has as yet been verified with certainty; quite the contrary, textual criticism seems to indicate that the Comma Johanninum was not at all times and everywhere wont to be read in the Catholic Church and is not contained in the original old Latin Vulgate.无论条件尚未得到验证与肯定;恰恰相反,考据学似乎表明,逗号Johanninum没有在任何时候,到处惯于在读天主教教会,而不是在原来的旧拉丁语武加大中。

However, the Catholic theologian must take into account more than textual criticism; to him the authentic decisions of all Roman Congregations are guiding signs in the use of the Sacred Scripture, which the Church and only the Church has given to him as the Word of God.然而,天主教神学家必须考虑到以上考证;在他的所有罗马教会的真实决策指导的圣经使用的迹象,这对教会和教会只给出了神的话给他。 He cannot pass over the disciplinary decision of the Holy Office (13 January, 1897), whereby it is decreed that the authenticity of the Comma Johanninum may not with safety (tuto) be denied or called into doubt.他不能越过的圣洁办公室纪律处分的决定(1897年1月13日),即它是颁布法令,该逗号Johanninum真实性可能无法与安全(tuto)被拒绝或称为成疑问。 This disciplinary decision was approved by Leo XIII two days later.这纪律的决定批准了利奥十三两天后。Though his approval was not in forma specifica, as was Pius X's approval of the Decree "Lamentabili", all further discussion of the text in question must be carried on with due deference to this decree.虽然他的批准,在形式上specifica不,正如碧岳X的该法令“Lamentabili”审批,所有的文字问题,必须进行进一步的讨论与应有的尊重这项法令。 (See "Revue Biblique", 1898, p. 149; and Pesch, "Prælectiones Dogmaticæ", II, 250.) (见“歌剧Biblique”,1898年,第149页;和佩施,“Prælectiones Dogmaticæ”,第二章,250页。)

IV. IV。Author作者

It was of chief moment to determine that this letter is authentic, ie, belongs to the Apostolic age, is Apostolic in its source, and is trustworthy.它是主要的时刻,以确定这封信是真实的,即属于使徒时代,是在其源头使徒,是值得信赖的。Among those who admit the authenticity and canonicity of the letter, some hold that its sacred writer was not John the Apostle but John the Presbyter.在那些谁承认的真实性和信,有人认为它是不神圣的作家约翰使徒约翰长老,但正规。We have traced the tradition of the Apostolic origin of the letter back to the time of St. Irenæus.我们已经追查该信回圣irenæus时间使徒的起源的传统。Harnack and his followers admit that Irenæus, the disciple of Polycarp, assigns the authorship to St. John the Apostle; but have the hardihood to throw over all tradition, to accuse Irenæus of error in this matter, to cling to the doubtful witness of Papias, and to be utterly regardless of the patent fact that throughout three centuries no other ecclesiastical writer knows anything at all of this John the Presbyter.哈纳克和他的追随者承认,爱任纽,对波利卡普弟子,分配给使徒圣约翰作者,但有hardihood扔在所有的传统,在这个问题上指责是错误的爱任纽,抱住了可疑的见证帕皮亚,并可以完全不顾事实的专利,在整个三个世纪没有任何其他教会作家知道在这个约翰长老所有。 The doubtful witness of Papias is saved for us by Eusebius ("Hist. eccl." III, xxxix, Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, p. 350): "And if any one came my way who had been a follower of the elders, I enquired the sayings of the elders -- what had Andrew, or what had Peter said, or what Philip, or what Thomas or James, or what John (he ti Ioannes) or Matthew or any one else of the disciples of the Lord; and what were Aristion and John the elder, the disciples of the Lord, saying?"帕皮亚可疑的见证是我们救了尤西比乌斯(“。组织胺传道书”第三,三十九,放克,“Patres Apostolici”,我,第350页):“如果任何人来我的路谁曾是跟随长老,我询问了老人的说法 - 安德鲁了什么,或彼得说了什么,或者什么菲利普,或什么托马斯或詹姆斯,或者什么约翰(他TI Ioannes)或马修或任何一个其他的弟子主,什么是亚里斯提安和约翰长老,主的门徒,他说“?(a te Apistion kai ho presbuteros Ioannes, oi tou kuriou mathetai legousin).(一德Apistion启浩presbuteros Ioannes,爱头kuriou mathetai legousin)。Harnack insists that Eusebius read his sources thoroughly; and, on the authority of Eusebius and of Papias, postulates the existence of a disciple of the Lord named John the Elder, who was distinct from John the Apostle; and to this fictitious John the Elder assigns all the Johannine writings.哈纳克坚持尤西比乌斯读他的消息来源彻底;以及对尤西比乌斯和帕皮亚权威,假设一个主命名约翰长老,谁是从不同的门徒约翰使徒的存在,并以这个虚构的约翰长老分配所有的约翰著作。 (See Geschichte der Altchristliche Litteratur, II, i, 657.) With all Catholic authors, we consider that either Eusebius alone, or Papias and Eusebius, erred, and that Irenæus and the rest of the Fathers were right, in fact we lay the blame at the door of Eusebius. (见历史馆DER Altchristliche Litteratur,II,I,657。)与所有天主教作者,我们认为,无论是尤西比乌斯单独,或帕皮亚和尤西比乌斯,是错误的,而且爱任纽和休息的父亲是正确的,其实我们打好怪在尤西比乌斯门。 As Bardenhewer (Geschichte der Altkirchlichen Literatur, I, 540) says, Eusebius set up a straw man.由于巴登黑韦尔(历史馆DER Altkirchlichen Literatur,我,540)说,尤西比乌斯成立了稻草人。 There never was a John the Elder.有没有是约翰长老。So think Funk (Patres Apostolici, I, 354), Dr. Salmon (Dictionary of Christian Biography, III, 398), Hausleiter (Theol. Litteraturblatt, 1896), Stilting, Guerike, and others.因此认为冯克(Patres Apostolici,我354),鲑鱼博士(基督教传记辞典,三,398),Hausleiter(Theol. Litteraturblatt,1896年),Stilting,Guerike等。

Eusebius is here a special pleader.尤西比乌斯是这里特殊的辩护士。He opposes the millennium.他反对千年。Wrongly fancying that the Apocalypse favours the Chiliasts, he assigns it to this John the Elder and tries to rob the work of its Apostolic authority, the clumsiness of expression of Papias gives occasion to Eusebius in proof of the existence of two disciples of the Lord named John.误服fancying的启示利于Chiliasts,他将其分配给本约翰长老,并试图抢夺其使徒管理局的工作,对帕皮亚表达笨拙给机会尤西比乌斯在两个主命名的弟子存在的证据约翰。 To be sure, Papias mentions two Johns -- one among the Apostles, the other in a clause with Aristion.可以肯定的是,帕皮亚提到two约翰 - 其中使徒之一,其他与亚里斯提安条款。Both are called elders; and elders here (presbuteroi) are admitted by Eusebius to be Apostles, since he admits that Papias got information from those who had met the Apostles (substituting ton apostolon for ton presbuteron; see Hist. eccl., III, xxxix, 7).这两个被称为长老和长老在这里(presbuteroi)是由尤西比乌斯承认是使徒,因为他也承认,帕皮亚了从那些谁见过的使徒(取代吨presbuteron吨apostolon信息,见组织胺传道书,三,三十九。 ,7)。Hence it is that Papias, in joining John with Aristion, speaks of John the Elder and not of Aristion the Elder; Aristion was not an elder or Apostle.因此,它是帕皮亚,加入与亚里斯提安约翰,谈到约翰长老和亚里斯提安不老;亚里斯提安不是一个长老或使徒。The reason for joining the Aristion with John at all is that they were both witnesses of the present to Papias, whereas all the Apostles were witnesses of the past generation.对于加盟与约翰在所有亚里斯提安原因是,他们是到现在都帕皮亚证人,而所有的使徒都是过去一代证人。Note that the second aorist (eipen) is used in regard to the group of witnesses of the past generation, since there is question of what they had said, whereas the present (legousin) is used in regard to the witnesses of the present generation, ie Aristion and John the Elder, since the question is what they are now saying.请注意,第二不定过去(eipen)用于在关于过去一代证人组,因为是他们所说的问题,而目前(legousin)是考虑到目前的一代人的证人使用,即亚里斯提安和约翰长老,因为这个问题是他们现在说。 The Apostle John was alive in the time of Papias.使徒约翰还活着的帕皮亚时间。He and he alone can be the elder of whom Papias speaks.他和他一人可以老,其中帕皮亚说话。How is it, then, that Papias mentions John twice?它是如何,那么,帕皮亚提到约翰两次?Hausleiter conjectures that the phrase he ti Ioannes is a gloss (Theol. Litteraturblatt, 1896). Hausleiter推测,这句话他TI Ioannes是光泽(Theol. Litteraturblatt,1896年)。It is likelier that the repetition of the name of John is due to the clumsiness of expression of Papias.这是更有可能的是,约翰的名字重复是由于帕皮亚表达的笨拙。He does not mention all the Apostles, but only seven; though he undoubtedly means them all.他没有提到所有的使徒,但只有七,但他无疑是他们所有。His mention of John is quite natural in view of the relation in which he stood to that Apostle.他对约翰一提的是相当的关系,他站在那个使徒观点自然。After mention of the group that were gone, he names the two from whom he now receives indirect information of the Lord's teaching; these two are the disciple Aristion and John the Apostle.后,该组被提走了,他的名字从人,他现在收到的主教学间接信息的两个;这两个是弟子亚里斯提安和约翰使徒。

V. Time and Place五,时间和地点

Irenæus tells us the letter was written by St. John during his stay in Asia (Adv. Hær., III, i).爱任纽告诉我们的是由圣约翰写在他留在亚洲(Adv. Hær,,三,I)的信。Nothing certain can be determined in this matter.没有什么一定能确定这件事情。The arguments are probable in favour of Ephesus and also for the last few years of the first century.这些参数是在以弗所,也赞成第一个世纪的最后几年可能。

VI. VI。Destination and Purpose目标和目的

The form is that of an encyclical letter.该表格​​是一个通谕信。Its destination is clearly the churches which St. John evangelized, he speaks to his "little children", "beloved", "brethren", and is affectionate and fatherly throughout the entire letter.其目标显然是教堂的圣约翰福音,他讲他的“老吾老以及人之老,幼吾幼以及人之幼”,“心爱”,“弟兄”,并深情和整个信父爱。 The purpose is identical with the purpose of the Fourth Gospel -- that his children may believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and that believing may have life eternal in His name (1 John 5:13; John 20:31).其目的是与第四福音的目的相同 - 即他的孩子们可以相信耶稣基督,神的儿子,并认为可能有生命在他的名字永远(约翰5点13;约翰福音20:31)。

VII.七。Argument参数

A logical analysis of the letter would be a mistake.阿信的逻辑分析将是一个错误。The thought is built up not analytically but synthetically.本以为是没有建立起来,但综合分析上。After a brief introduction, St. John works up the thought that God is Light (i, 5); so, too, should we walk in the light (i, 7), keep from sin (i, 6-ii, 6), observe the new commandment of love (ii, 7), since he that loves is in the light and he that hates is in darkness (ii, 8-iii).在简要介绍,圣约翰工程了,以为神就是光(I,5);何尝不是如此,我们应该走在光(I,7),防止罪恶(I,6二,六) ,观察新的爱的诫命(二,7),因为他认为爱是在光线和他的恨在黑暗(二,8 - III)。Then follows the second leading Johannine thought that God is Love (iii-v, 12).然后跟随第二大约翰认为上帝是爱(III - V,12)。Love means that we are sons of God (iii, 1-4); Divine sonship means that we are not in sin (iii, 4-13), that we love one another (iii, 13-44), that we believe in Jesus Christ the Son of God (iv, 5, 6); for it was love that impelled God to give us His only Son (iv, 7-v, 12).爱意味着,我们是神的儿子(三,1-4);神圣sonship意味着我们在罪恶(三,4-13),我们彼此相爱(三,13-44),我们相信在不耶稣基督是神的儿子(四,五,六),因为它是爱情的驱使上帝给我们他的独生子(四,7 - V,12)。The conclusion (v, 13-end) tells the reader that the purpose of the letter is to inculcate faith in Jesus Christ, since this faith is life eternal.结论(V,13年底)告诉读者,该信的目的是要灌输在耶稣基督的信仰,因为这个信念是永恒的生命。In this conclusion as well as in other parts of the letter, the same salient and leading Johannine thoughts recur to defy analysis.在这样的结论,以及在其他地区的信,同样突出,导致再次发生,以约翰的想法违抗分析。John had two or three things to say; he said these two or three things over and over again in ever varying form.约翰有两个或三个话要说,他说,在不断变化的形式这两个或三件事情一遍又一遍。

SECOND EPISTLE第二书信

These thirteen verses are directed against the same Docetic errors and germs of Gnosticism which St. John strives to uproot in his Gospel and First Epistle.这13个经文是针对同一Docetic错误和诺斯替主义细菌的圣约翰努力铲除在他的福音和第一书信。Harnack and some others, who admit the canonicity of the Second and Third Epistles, assign them to the authorship of John the Elder; we have shown that this John the Elder never existed.哈纳克和其他一些人,谁承认了第二和第三书信正规,将它们分配给约翰的老作者,我们已经表明,这个约翰长老根本不存在。 The authenticity of this second letter is attested by very early Fathers.这个第二个字母的真实性是很早就证明了父亲。St. Polycarp ("Phil.", VII, i; Funk, "Patres Apostolici", I, 304) cites rather II John, 7, than I John, 4.圣波利卡普(“菲尔”,第七章,我,放克,“Patres Apostolici”,我,304)引用,而第二约翰,比我约翰,4 7。 St. Irenæus expressly quotes II John, 10, as the words of "John the Disciple of the Lord".圣irenæus明确引号为“约翰主的门徒”的字样II约翰,10。The Muratorian Canon speaks of two Epistles of John.该穆拉多利佳能谈到两个约翰书信。St. Clement of Alexandria speaks of the larger Epistle of John; and, as a consequence, knows at least two.圣克莱门特亚历山大谈到较大的约翰书信,以及作为结果,知道至少有两个。Origen hears witness to the two shorter letters, which "both together do not contain a hundred lines" and are not admitted by all to be authentic.奥利听到证人的两个较短的信件,其中“两一起不包含一百行”,是不是所有的承认是真实的。The canonicity of these two letters was long disputed.这两个字母是长期正规争议。Eusebius puts them among the Antilegomena.尤西比乌斯使得它们之间的Antilegomena。They are not found in the Peshito.他们没有发现在Peshito。The Canon of the Western Church includes them after the fourth century; although only Trent's decree set the question of their canonicity beyond the dispute of such men as Cajetan.而西方教会佳能之后的第四个世纪,包括他们,虽然只有特伦特的法令设置超出了作为Cajetan这样的男人纠纷其正规的问题。 The Canon of the Eastern Church, outside that of Antioch, includes them after the fourth century.而东部以外的安提阿教会佳能的,包括之后的第四个世纪它们。The style and manner of the second letter are very like to those of the first.的风格和第二个字母的方式是非常喜欢的第一人。 The destination of the letter has been much disputed.该信的目的地一直备受争议。The opening words are variously interpreted -- "The ancient to the lady Elect, and her children" (ho presbuteros eklekte kuria kai tois teknois autes).开头语是不同的解释 - “古代的小姐当选,她的孩子”(何presbuteros eklekte kuria偕tois teknois autes)。We have seen that the elder means the Apostle.我们已经看到,老手段使徒。Who is the lady elect?这位女士是谁当选?Is she the elect Kyria?是她的选择Kyria?The lady Eklekte?这位女士Eklekte?A lady named Eklekte Kyria?命名Eklekte Kyria一位女士?A lady elect, whose name is omitted?A小姐选举,他的名字被省略?A Church?一个教会?All these interpretations are defended.所有这些解释都辩护。We consider, with St. Jerome, that the letter is addressed to a particular church, which St. John urges on to faith in Jesus Christ, to the avoidance of heretics, to love.我们认为,与圣杰罗姆,该信是写给某教会,圣约翰敦促就在耶稣基督的信仰,对异端回避,爱。This interpretation best fits in with the ending to the letter -- "The children of thy sister Elect salute thee."这个解释最适合与结局的信 - “你的妹妹当选的敬礼你的孩子。”

THIRD EPISTLE第三书信

Fourteen verses addressed to Gaius, a private individual.十四节给盖尤斯,私人个体。This Gaius seems to have been not an ecclesiastic but a layman of means.这盖尤斯似乎已经不是一个传教士,而是手段门外汉。He is praised by John for his hospitality to visiting brethren (verses 2-9).他赞扬他的招待来访的兄弟(诗句2-9)由约翰。The Apostle then goes on: "I had written perhaps to the church; but Diotrephes, who loveth to have the pre-eminence among them, doth not receive us" (verse 9).使徒接着说:“我已致函也许教会,但丢特腓,谁爱心的有它们之间的一统天下,doth没有收到我们”(第9节)。This Diotrephes may have been the bishop of the Church.这丢特腓可能已经教会的主教。He is found fault with roundly, and Demetrius is set up for an example.他全面地发现故障,德米特里设置为榜样。This short letter, "twin sister", as St. Jerome called it, to the second of John's letters, is entirely a personal affair.这个简短的信,“孪生姐妹”,称它作为圣杰罗姆,对约翰的信件第二,完全是个人的私事。No doctrine is discussed.任何学说进行了讨论。The lesson of hospitality, especially of care for the preachers of the Gospel is insisted on.而好客的教训,特别是对福音的传教士关怀,是坚持。The earliest certain recognition of this letter as Apostolic is by St. Denis of Alexandria (third century).最早的这封信一定承认为使徒是由圣亚历山大丹尼斯(三世纪)。Eusebius refers to the letters called "the second and third of John, whether these chance to belong to the evangelist or to someone else with a name like to his" ("Hist. eccl.", III xxv; Schwartz, II, 1, p. 250).尤西比乌斯指的是字母称为“第二和第三的约翰,这些机会是否属于某人的传播者或用其他像他的名字”(“组织胺传道书 ”,三二十五;施瓦茨,二,1,第250页)。The canonicity of the letter has already been treated.该信已被正规治疗。The greeting and ending of this letter are internal evidence of composition by the author of the previous Johannine letter.的问候,并结束此信是由以前的作者约翰字母组成的内部证据。The simple and affectionate style, the firmness of the rebuke of Diotrephes are strictly Johannine.简单,亲切的风格,坚定的丢特腓训斥严格约翰。Nothing certain is known as to time and place of writing; but it is generally supposed that the two small letters were written by John towards the end of his long life and in Ephesus.没有什么可以肯定的是被称为时间和写作的地方,但人们普遍假定两个小约翰写的信,对他漫长的一生结束,在以弗所。

Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息写沃尔特鼓。Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.转录由厄尼Stefanik。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.天主教百科全书,音量八。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约



This subject presentation in the original English language这在原来的主题演讲, 英语



Send an e-mail question or comment to us:发送电子邮件的问题或意见给我们:E-mail电子邮件

The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at:的, 主要相信网页(和索引科目),是在:
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源
http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html