Book of Judges法官 书

General Information一般资料

Judges, the seventh book of the Old Testament of the Bible, traces Israel's history from the death of Joshua, the lieutenant and successor of Moses, to the beginning of the monarchy under Saul.法官,圣经旧约第七册,跟踪从约书亚,中尉和摩西的继任者,死亡以色列历史的君主制下扫罗开始。 Its title is derived from the figures who serve as the protagonists in most of the book.它的标题是来自数字谁当主角服务于书中最。Their Hebrew designation is normally translated "judge," but the word has a broader meaning and should perhaps be translated "ruler."他们的希伯来语指定通常翻译成“法官”,但这个词具有更广泛的意义,也许应该翻译成“统治者”。 Where sufficient information is related about individual "judges," they consistently appear in the role of war leader or ruler, not judge.如果有足够的信息是关于个人相关的“法官”,他们始终出现在战争的领导者或统治者,而不是法官的角色。 Deborah, the prophetess, however, may be an exception, and some scholars hold that the minor judges, mentioned only in lists, were officials of the tribal league with judicial functions quite distinct from the role of the major figures like Gideon and Samson.德博拉的先知,然而,可能是一个例外,有的学者认为,未成年人法官,只有在名单中提到,有不少人是从像基甸和参孙的重要人物角色鲜明的司法职能部落联盟的官员。

These major figures appear to have been of only regional importance and may have overlapped chronologically; the neat chronological structure of the book based on their succession is certainly late and artificial.这些重要人物似乎只有区域的重要性,而且可能有重叠的时间顺序,在继承基础上的书整齐的顺序结构是肯定晚和人工。 Judges is part of the Deuteronomistic History, the name given by scholars to the books of Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings, all of which appear to share the same complex history of composition.法官是Deuteronomistic历史,学者给予了申命记,约书亚书,法官,1和2萨穆埃尔,和1个和2个国王,所有这一切似乎有相同的成分复杂的历史名称的一部分。 Many early oral and written sources, including the premonarchical song of Deborah, were incorporated into the general editorial framework provided by the final editor of the history in the time of Josiah (c. 640 - 609 BC).许多早期的口头和书面资料,包括德博拉premonarchical歌曲,被纳入普通编辑由最终编辑的历史提供了约西亚(公元前640 - 公元前609)的时间框架。

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Bibliography 参考书目
M Bal, Death and Dissymetry (1988); J Gray, Joshua, Judges, and Ruth (1967). M,死亡和Dissymetry(1988年)巴尔〔J灰色,约书亚,法官,和露丝(1967)。


Book of Judges书的法官

Brief Outline简述

  1. Introduction (1:1-2:10)简介(1:1-2:10)
  2. Main body of book, describing cycles of failure, oppression and relief by judges.书的主体,法官的故障描述,压迫和救济周期。Activities of 13 judges are described (2:11-16:31)13名法官的活动介绍(2:11-16:31)
  3. Appendix (17-21)附录(17-21)


Book of Judges书的法官

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Book of Judges is so called because it contains the history of the deliverance and government of Israel by the men who bore the title of the "judges."法官的书是所谓的,因为它包含了解脱和以色列政府的男人谁承担了历史的称号“法官”。The book of Ruth originally formed part of this book, but about AD 450 it was separated from it and placed in the Hebrew scriptures immediately after the Song of Solomon.露丝书的最初形成这本书的一部分,但它是大约公元450分开,并放置在希伯来经文后,立即所罗门之歌。

The book contains, (1.) An introduction (1-3:6), connecting it with the previous narrative in Joshua, as a "link in the chain of books."书中包含(1)导言(1-3:6),连接在约书亚以前的叙述它作为一个,“在书本环节。”(2.) The history of the thirteen judges (3:7-ch. 16:31) in the following order:(2)在十三法官按照以下顺序(3:7 - CH 16时31分)历史:

In all 410 years.在所有410年。

Samson's exploits probably synchronize with the period immediately preceding the national repentance and reformation under Samuel (1 Sam. 7:2-6).参孙的漏洞可能同步期间紧接在塞缪尔(1山姆。7:2-6)国家忏悔和改造。After Samson came Eli, who was both high priest and judge.参孙来到礼后,无论谁是大祭司和判断。He directed the civil and religious affairs of the people for forty years, at the close of which the Philistines again invaded the land and oppressed it for twenty years.他指挥四十多年的人民的公民权利和宗教事务,在关闭其中非利士人再次入侵的土地和被压迫了二十多年。Samuel was raised up to deliver the people from this oppression, and he judged Israel for some twelve years, when the direction of affairs fell into the hands of Saul, who was anointed king.塞缪尔有人提出,以提供从这种压迫的人,他判断一些12年以色列,当事务方向进入扫罗,谁是受膏者国王手中。If Eli and Samuel are included, there were then fifteen judges.如果礼和萨穆埃尔都包括在内,有那么fifteen法官。But the chronology of this whole period is uncertain.但是,这整个时期年表是不确定的。(3.) The historic section of the book is followed by an appendix (17-21), which has no formal connection with that which goes before.(3)该书的历史部分后跟一个附录(17-21),这是没有用的肚里才会正式连接。It records (a) the conquest (17, 18) of Laish by a portion of the tribe of Dan; and (b) the almost total extinction of the tribe of Benjamin by the other tribes, in consequence of their assisting the men of Gibeah (19-21).它记录(一)Laish由丹部落的部分征服(17,18)和(二)对本杰明由其他部落族人几乎完全灭绝,在其协助基比亚的男人的后果(19-21)。

This section properly belongs to the period only a few years after the death of Joshua.本节妥善属于时期只有几年后,约书亚死亡。It shows the religious and moral degeneracy of the people.它显示了人的宗教和道德的堕落。The author of this book was most probably Samuel.本书作者是最有可能塞缪尔。The internal evidence both of the first sixteen chapters and of the appendix warrants this conclusion.在双方第一16章及附录内部证据权证这一结论。It was probably composed during Saul's reign, or at the very beginning of David's.这可能是由在扫罗的统治,或在大卫的开始。 The words in 18:30, 31, imply that it was written after the taking of the ark by the Philistines, and after it was set up at Nob (1 Sam. 21).在18:30,31日的话,意味着这是写在了方舟的非利士人服用,之后它被定为诺布(撒上21)组成。In David's reign the ark was at Gibeon (1 Chr. 16:39)在大卫的统治方舟是在基遍(1染色体。16:39)

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Judges法官

Catholic Information天主教信息

The seventh book of the Old Testament, second of the Early Prophets of the Hebrew canon.在旧约的第七册,对希伯来语佳能早期先知第二。

I. TITLE一,标题

The Hebrew name of the book was transliterated by Origen Safateím, and by St. Jerome Sophtim; it was translated by Melito and Origen Kritaí, by the Septuagint ì tôn kritôn bíblos or tôn kritôn, so, too, by the Greek Fathers; the Latins translated liber Judicum or Judicum.书的名字是希伯来文音译由奥利Safateím,并通过圣杰罗姆Sophtim,它被翻译梅利托和奥利Kritaí,由七十ì吨kritôn bíblos或吨kritôn,因此,也由希腊教父;拉丁人翻译LIBER Judicum或Judicum。

The Hebrew verb meant originally "to act as a Divine judge", and was applied to God (Genesis 18:25), and to Moses acting as the specially inspired lawgiver and judge of Israel (Exodus 18:13, 16).希伯来文的动词意味着原本“作为一个神圣的法官”,并应用于作为专门的启发立法者和以色列法官(出埃及记18时13分,16)神(创18时25分)和摩西行动。 In time the elders of the people became the "judges" (vv. 25, 26).随着时间的推移人民的长辈成为“法官”(vv. 25,26)。In this book the term judges (shôphatîm) is applied to the leaders of Israel, and would seem to indicate that their right was Divine (Judges 10:2, 3).在这本书的(shôphatîm)任期的法官适用于以色列的领导人,似乎表明,他们的权利是神圣的(士10:2,3)。The office of judge differed from that of king only in the absence of hereditary succession (xii, 7-15).法官的办公室不同于王,只有在继承的情况下遗传性(十二,7-15)。It is worth noting that the Phoenicians, according to Livy, called their chief magistrate suffetes (XXVIII, xxxvii), and gave to the suffetes of Carthage a power analogous to that of the Roman consul (XXX, vii; XXXIV, lxi).值得一提的是腓尼基人,根据李维,称他们的首席裁判官suffetes(二十八,三十七),并给迦太基的suffetes权力类似于罗马领事(XXX,七; XXXIV,LXI)的。

II. II。CONTENTS目录

(1) Introduction (i-xx, 5).(1)介绍(I - XX,5)。A summary of the conquest of Chanaan (i, 1-36).一对Chanaan征服摘要(我,1-36)。The angel of Jahweh reproves the tribes that made league with the stranger (ii, 1-5).亚威天使的谴责,使得部落与陌生人(二,1-5)的联赛。(2) The history of Israel under the judges (ii, 6-xvi), introduced by a summary of its contents -- Israel's forsaking of Jahweh, turning to Baal and Astaroth, defeat by her enemies, and deliverance by Jahweh (ii, 6-iii, 6).(2)根据法官史以色列(二,六十六),由它的内容摘要介绍 - 以色列的亚威放弃,转向由亚威巴力和Astaroth,由她的敌人失败,解脱(二, 6,三,六)。Then follow the wonderful deeds of the judges, of whom Gedeon and Samson are the chief heroes; to them are devoted seven chapters.然后,按照法官,其中盖德翁和参孙是主要的英雄人物的精彩事迹,他们是专门七章。(3) Two more stories of the times of the judges -- the migration of Dan and their idolatrous worship of the idol of Michas (xvii-xviii), the crime of the Benjamites and their punishment by Israel (xix-xxi).(3)两个更多的故事对法官的时代 - 丹和他们对Michas(十七,十八),在便雅悯和以色列(XIX - XXI)偶像崇拜的偶像崇拜惩罚犯罪的迁移。For fuller analysis see Cornely, "Introd. Spec. in Hist. VT Lib.", I, Paris, 1887, 109-14.为了更全面的分析看Cornely,“Introd。规格的历史。VT LIB ”,我,巴黎,1887年,109-14。

III. III。CANONICITY正规

The Book of Judges is admitted by all to belong to the canons of the Jews of Palestine, the Jews of the Dispersion (the Alexandrian canon), and the Christians.法官的承认书是由所有属于巴勒斯坦的犹太人,犹太人的色散(亚历山大佳能),和基督徒的大炮。Only the authority of the infallible Church can determine the canon of Sacred Scripture, and define the inspired meaning of the Books.只有犯错的教会权威可以确定圣经宝典,并定义了图书的启发意义。Hence Catholics may not go the way of Rationalists and of Protestants in the matter of the so-called late and manifold redaction of Judges.因此,天主教会不走的理性主义和在所谓的晚,歧管法官节录问题新教徒的方式。

IV. IV。AUTHENTICITY真实性

The chief arguments for the authenticity of Judges are given below under Historicity and Sources.对法官的真实性首席给出参数下文历史性和来源。We now appeal to:现在,我们呼吁:

The canonizing of the book by Jews and Christians as an authentic narrative of part of Israel's history;拟由犹太人和基督徒作为以色列的历史真实的叙述书封为;

the life-like style of the work;在工作​​作风般的生活;

the minute and accurate details of the narrative;叙事分钟和准确的细节;

the evident purpose of the narrator to give a history of the things whereof he knows.该叙述者给予下列代表历史的东西他知道明显的目的。

V. PURPOSE五,用途

Although the purpose of the narrator is evidently to give a history of the events that took place in Israel between the days of Josue and of Samuel, yet that purpose is rather epic and didactic than historical in the modern sense of the word.虽然叙述者的目的显然是给一个事件发生在以色列之间的若苏埃和塞缪尔天地方的历史,但这一目的是相当史诗,比在现代意义上的历史说教。

(1) The narrator does not purpose history in the modern sense; he does not narrate in historical order all the important events of the period. (1)解说员并没有现代意义上的目的的历史,他并不以历史顺序叙述的所有时期的重要事件。This fact is clear from the appendixes (xvii-xxi), which give very important events outside their proper historical order.这一事实是清楚的附录(十七- XXI),这给外界的适当顺序非常重要的历史事件。

(2) The historian of Judges has an epic purpose, as early historians (eg Herodotus) often had.(2)法官历史学家具有史诗的目的,如(如希罗多德)早期的历史学家往往有。The epos, or theme, of the historian of Judges is evolved in the summary (ii, 6-iii, 6), wherewith he introduces the history proper; he has it ever in mind to unfold why Jahweh allowed the foe to abide so long in the promised land, and even to defeat the chosen people, and why He raised up the judges. The史诗,或主题的法官历史学家,是在总结(二,六三,六)发展而来,wherewith他介绍了历史正确的,他有否考虑开展亚威为什么让敌人遵守这么久在许诺的土地,甚至打败所选择的人,为什么他提出了法官。 The idolatry of Israel is the reason.以色列偶像崇拜的原因。

(3) The didactic purpose of the book is to teach Israel that the commandments of Jahweh should be obeyed (iii, 4).(3)书的教学目的是教说,以色列应该遵守诫命亚威(三,四)。When Israel leaves Jahweh, Jahweh leaves Israel, at least for the while; the foes of Israel triumph (cf. Aug., "De Civ. Dei", xvi, 43).当以色列离开亚威,亚威离开以色列,至少在同时,以色列的胜利(参见8月,“德CIV业会”,十六,43)的敌人。

VI. VI。SOURCES来源

The problem is complicated.问题是复杂的。Most contradictory theories have been proposed.最矛盾的理论被提出。According to Moore (see "Internat. Crit. Comm." on "Judges", also art. in "Encycl. Bibl."), the body of the book (ii, 6-xvi, 33) is Deuteronomistic; the general setting of the stories and the purpose of that setting show characteristics of the seventh and sixth centuries, the influence of Deuteronomy and of the great Prophets Jeremias and Ezechiel.据摩尔(见“法官”,“INTERNAT暴击通讯 ”,也艺术“Encycl Bibl。”),书体(二,六十六,33)是Deuteronomistic;一般设置的故事和那第七和第六世纪,申命记影响和伟大的先​​知赫雷米亚斯和Ezechiel设置显示特性的目的。 The stories of the book, out of their setting and apart from their set purpose in the Book of Judges, are pre-Deuteronomic; they show no Deuteronomic traces except in the introductions and the links that chain the various stories together.该书的故事从他们设置和除了他们对法官书集的目的,是预先申命记,它们显示,除了在介绍没有申命记痕迹和链接链的各个故事一起。 Indeed, Moore would have it that this redaction and unification of the sources was the work of a pre-Deuteronomic editor; this editor is not admitted by Kittel.事实上,摩尔将有它,这节录和统一的来源是一个预先申命记的编辑工作,这编辑器不是由基特尔录取。To sum up, then, the opinion of Moore, one of the most eminent Protestant students of Judges, the book itself (ie ii, 6-xvi, 31) is made up of two strands (J and E), united not later than 621 BC by a pre-Deuteronomic redactor (RJE), and re-edited shortly thereafter, during the Deuteronomic reform of Josias and the influence of Jeremias, by the Deuteronomic editor of the Hexateuch (D).综上所述,那么,摩尔,其中最杰出的法官新教的学生,书本身(即二,六十六,31)的意见是由两股(J和E),团结不晚于621由前申命记修订者(RJE),并重新编辑在此后不久的Josias和影响力的赫雷米亚斯的Hexateuch由(D)申命记编辑,申命记改革,BC。 Many critics refuse to assign any strata of Judges to the Hexateuchal fictions -- J, E, JH, P or R, and D, even though they postulate many and late sources for the book in its present state.许多批评者拒绝指派任何向Hexateuchal小说法官阶层 - J,E,JH,P或R和D,即使假定为在其目前状态的书很多,后期的来源。Among Catholic scholars a few, who wrote before the Biblical Commission issued its decrees about the Pentateuch, have accepted the late redaction.其中天主教学者数,谁写的圣经委员会之前发表了有关摩西五法令,接受了晚节录。Most Catholic scholars, however, are unanimous against these few who have left the traditional positions of Catholic Bible-study.大多数天主教学者,但是,都一致反对这些谁离开天主教圣经学习的传统立场等等。In the matter of historical criticism of Judges, as of the Pentateuch, Catholic scholars do not deny the use of various sources by the inspired writer, but postulate that these documents shall have been written and put together very much earlier than the Rationalists wish.在历史的批评法官作为摩西五,物质,天主教学者不否认各种来源的启发作家使用,但假设这些文件应已书面和放在一起很远早于理性主义的愿望。 There is no proof whatsoever of the late and manifold redactions of these documents in our present book.有没有在我们目前的书这些文件的后期和多方面的节录任何证明。Cornely (loc. cit., 214-22) and Hummelauer (In Lib. Jud. et Ruth, 27) both consider that the writer of Judges was probably Samuel; and both admit that the work shows signs of the use of pre-existing documents.Cornely(。如上,214-22)和胡梅劳尔( 在LIB达瓦慈善等露丝,27)都认为,法官的作家可能是塞缪尔,并都承认,这项工作显示了已存在的使用痕迹文件。Such is the opinion also of Kaulen ("Einleitung in die heilige Schrift", 3rd ed., Freiburg, 1890, 181).这就是考伦(“导论在模具heilige Schrift”,第3版,弗赖堡,1890,181)的意见也。

(1) Judges, in its present state, cannot have been written before Israel had a king. (1)法官在其目前的状态,不能被写入之前,以色列有一个国王。Only in the time of a king could the writer have said: "In those days there was no king in Israel, but every one did that which seemed right to himself" (xvii, 6; cf. xviii, 1; xxi, 24).只有在国王的时间可能笔者说:“在那些日子里,没有国王在以色列,但每个人做的似乎对自己的权利”(十七,6;比照十八,1; XXI,24。) 。These words appear only in the appendix (xvii-xxi), which we admit to be later than some of the sources used by the sacred writer; this apendix is generally admitted to be part of the work done by the last editor of Judges.这些话只会出现在附录(十七- XXI),我们承认要晚于神圣的作家所使用的一些来源,这apendix普遍承认是由法官最后编辑所做的工作的一部分。This editor, then, wrote while Israel had a king.这个编辑器,然后写道,而以色列有一个国王。

(2) The book was not written after Solomon had done evil.(2)不写的书后,所罗门做了邪恶。The writer deems the lack of a king to be the explanation of the idolatry of the Danites and the misdeeds of the tribe of Benjamin.笔者认为一个国王成为了Danites和便雅悯支派的不良行为缺乏解释偶像崇拜。Such an explanation would have been out of the question had the writer known either of the idolatry brought in by Jeroboam and encouraged by Solomon or of the separation of Juda from Israel.这样的解释,本来出了问题有已知的偶像崇拜所带来的无论是作家在耶罗波安和所罗门或从以色列的犹大分离鼓励。

(3) This last editor must have written before David had reigned seven years. (3)这最后的编辑必须有书面前,大卫在位七年。For Jerusalem was still called Jebus and was occupied by the Jebusites (xix, 11); whereas, in the seventh year of his reign, David took the citadel of Sion, called it the city of David, and destroyed the Jebusites (2 Samuel 5).对于耶路撒冷仍称为耶布斯和由耶布斯人占领(十九11),而在他在位的第七年,大卫攻取锡安城堡,把它称为大卫城,并摧毁了耶布斯人(2塞缪尔5 )。

(4) Finally, it is likely that Judges antedates even the first seven years of David's reign and the last years of Saul's.(4)最后,很可能连法官antedates首七个月大卫的统治和扫罗的最后一个年。 The book purposes to keep the children of Israel from idolatry and from the Divine punishments thereof.这本书的目的,以防止偶像崇拜和神的惩罚及其对以色列的孩子。In the beginning of David's and the end of Saul's reign there was no need of such purpose: Saul had "rooted out the magicians and soothsayers from the land" (1 Samuel 28:9).在大卫的开始和扫罗的统治到底有没有这样的目的需要:扫罗“扎根了魔术师和预言家的土地”(撒上28:9)。Moreover, in that period the writer would have seen that even a "king in Israel" did not prevent the tribal and internal dissensions of the days of the judges.此外,在此期间,作家将看到,即使是“以色列之王”并不能防止法官的日子部落和内部纷争。

(5) Since, then, Judges was most likely written in the first years of Saul's reign, there is no more probable writer thereof than Samuel. (5)由于,那么,法官是最有可能在扫罗的统治的头几年写的,没有更多的作家可能比塞缪尔不足。He had yielded to Israel's clamours, and set up Saul as king.他屈服于以色列的叫嚣,并成立了作为国王扫罗。A new war was impending.一种新的战争即将发生。There was none in Israel more likely to make the people ready for that war by driving home to them the thesis of Judges -- that fidelity to Jahweh meant success against the foe of Israel.在以色列有没有更容易让人们对那场战争的准备开车回家给他们的法官论断 - 即忠实于亚威意味着对以色列的敌人成功。

(6) The use of previous documents by Samuel sufficiently explains the varied literary style on account of which the Rationalists frame their various hypotheses. (6)以前的文件由塞缪尔充分说明了使用不同文学风格上的帐户,其中的理性主义框架的各种假说。The song of Debbora (v) is archaic by contrast with the language of its setting.该Debbora(五)歌曲是由同其设置的语言对比过时。The story of Gedeon is originally from a different hand than that of the first writer of Samson's history.盖德翁的故事是从一个比原来的参孙的历史上第作家不同的手。spirit of the Lord rushed [xxxxxx] upon Samson" (xiv, 6, 19; xv, 14).主的精神赶到后,参孙[XXXXXX]“(十四,6,19;十五,14)。

Catholic commentators of old assigned the Book of Judges to many hands.旧天主教评论家指派法官书很多手。So Maldonatus (Comm. in Matt., ii, 23), Pineda (In Job, præf., iii), Clair (p. 10), and many others.所以Maldonatus(Comm.在马特。,II,23),帕尼达(在作业,præf。,三),克莱尔(第10页),等等。 Hummebauer (In Jud., 27) argues that the longer narratives -- those of Aod (iii, 15-30), Barac (iv and v), Gedeon (avi-viii), Abimelech (ix), Jephte (xi, 1-xii, 7), and Samson (xiii-xvi) -- are distinct accounts, written by separate authors, who were contemporary or almost contemporary with the events they narrated.Hummebauer(在犹27)认为,较长的叙述 - 那些AOD(三,15-30),巴拉克(IV和V),盖德翁(AVI - VIII),亚比米勒(九),Jephte(十一,1 - 十二,7),和黄山(十三 - 十六) - 是不同的帐户,由不同的作者,谁是当代或几乎与他们的书面叙述当代事件。These varied narratives Samuel incorporated much as he found them; he drew from tradition for the minor details which he gives about the lesser judges.这些不同的叙述纳入塞缪尔多,因为他发现他们,他从传统画的,他对较小的法官提供细节。While setting these stories together, Samuel was inspired in regard to the complete thoughts he culled from others, as well as the introductions, links, and remarks he superadded.当设置这些故事一起,塞缪尔的灵感对于他从别人,以及介绍,链接和言论,他superadded宰杀完成的想法。

VII.七。HISTORICITY历史性

(1) Internal Evidence(1)内部证据

The writer of Judges was contemporary with some of the events which he narrated; used documents written by those who were contemporary, or all but contemporary, with the deeds they told; and shows every sign of sincerity, care, and truth.法官的作家是与一些事件,他讲述当代,那些谁是当代的,或全部,但当代的事迹告诉他们,用书面文件,并显示每一个诚意的标志,护理,和真理。 The very concern of the writer to give the truth explains the manifold literary style of the book.的作家非常关心,让真相说明了多方面的文学样式的书。He has preserved to us unchanged the style of the song of Debbora and that of the fable of Joatham.他保留了我们不变的风格的歌曲和Debbora的Joatham寓言的。He has transmitted sayings peculiar to place and to person (ii, 5; iv, 5; vi, 24, 32; xv, 19; xviii, 12, 29).他转交的说法特有的地方和人(二,5,四,五,六,24,32;十五,第19条;十八,12,29)。The nationalistic objections to the miraculous in the stories of Gedeon and Samson are generally accepted by Protestant writers, who look upon these portions of Judges as legendary; to Catholics these are as historical as any other portion of the work.民族主义反对的盖德翁和参孙的故事,以奇迹般的普遍接受基督教作家,谁在为传说中的这些部分法官看;在天主教徒这些像任何其他部分的工作历史。 The enemies to the historicity of the book in vain insist that these stories are set down as legends to please the Israelites.到了历史性的敌人白白书中坚持认为,这些故事定下的传说取悦以色列人。The writer of Judges so berates the Israelites for idolatry and inter-tribal dissension that it is unscientific to accuse him of truckling to their pride in their heroes.法官的作家如此斥责偶像崇拜和部落间的意见分歧,这是不科学的指责truckling他们在他们的英雄感到自豪他的以色列人。

(2) External Evidence(2)外部证据

(a) Catholic tradition is clear.(一)天主教的传统是明确的。The Fathers look upon the narrative of Judges as fact-narrative; their unanimity is admitted by all who deem that unanimity worth consideration.在父亲的眼光来看待,作为事实的叙述法官的叙述,他们一致认为是所有谁是值得考虑的一致承认。

(b) O.-T. (二)O.-T.testimony is manifold.证词是多方面的。The opening summary (i, 1-ii, 5) gives details the historical value of which is attested by Josue: Juda's siege of Dabir (1:10-15; Joshua 15:14-19), the Jebusites in Jerusalem (1:21; Joshua 15:63), the Chanaanite in Gazer along with Ephraim (1:29; Joshua 16:10), the Chanaanite dwelling with Manasses (1:27; Joshua 17:11).开幕摘要(I,1 - II,5)给出详细的历史价值是由若苏埃证明:犹大的围攻Dabir(1:10-15;约书亚15:14-19),在耶路撒冷的耶布斯人(1: 21;约书亚15:63),伴随着以法莲Chanaanite在Gazer(1:29;约书亚16:10),与Manasses Chanaanite住宅(1:27;约书亚17:11)。Like details are the death of Josue (2:6-9; Joshua 24:28-31), the capture of Lesem by Dan (17:18; Joshua 19:47).像细节的若苏埃死亡(2:6-9;约书亚24:28-31),丹的Lesem捕获(17:18;约书亚19:47)。 The Books of Kings tell us as facts much that we read in Judges.国王的书告诉我们太多的事实,我们在法官阅读。Israel's forgetfulness of Jahweh, her defeat by the foe and salvation by the judges (1 Samuel 12:9-11); the death of Abimelech, son of Gedeon (9:53; 2 Samuel 11:21).以色列健忘的亚威,她的敌人,由法官(撒母耳记上12:9-11)拯救失败;了亚比米勒,对盖德翁的儿子(;撒下11时21分9时53分)死亡。 The Psalms dwell proudly on the deeds of the judges: the fate of Sisara, Jabin, Oreb, Zeb, Zebee, and Salmana (vii, 22, 25; iv, 15; viii, 21; Ps. lxxxii, 10-12); the entire history of Judges in outline (Ps. cv, 34-46).诗篇纠缠自豪地对法官的事迹:在Sisara,耶宾,Oreb,瑞伯,Zebee和Salmana(七,22,25;四,15;第八,21,PS捌拾贰,10-12)的命运;在法官的整个历史纲要(诗篇简历,34-46)。 The Prophets refer to real facts given in Judges: the defeat of Madian by Gedeon (Isaiah 9:4; 10:26); the crime at Gabaa (Hosea 9:9; 10:9).先知是指在法官给出真正的事实:由马甸击败盖德翁的(以赛亚书9:4; 10:26);在GABAA犯罪(何西阿书9:9; 10:9)。

(c) In the New Testament, St. Paul mentions the judges in their proper place between Josue and Samuel (Acts 13:20); praises some of the judges along with certain kings (Hebrews 11:32). (三)在新约,圣保罗提到在他们之间若苏埃和Samuel(徒13:20)适当的地方法官;赞誉与(希伯来书11时32分)某国王的一些法官。

VIII.第八。TEXTTEXT

(1) Hebrew.(1)希伯来文。Kittel's edition shows that the Masoretic text is in very good condition.基特尔的版本显示,马所拉文本非常好的状态。 "It is better preserved than any other of the historical books" (Moore, "Judges", 43). “这是更好地保存比任何其他的历史书籍”(摩尔,“法官”,43)。The only serious difficulties are in the song of Debbora.唯一的严重困难,在Debbora歌曲。

(2) Greek. (2)希腊。We have two distinct Septuagint forms (cf. Lagarde, "Septuaginta-Studien", 1892, 1-72): one is seen in the Alexandrinus (A), Coislinianus (P), Basiliano-Vaticanus (V), and many cursives; the other version is represented by the Vatican (B), and a considerable number of cursives.我们有两个不同的译本的形式(见拉嘉德,“Septuaginta,家庭研究”,1892,1-72):一个是在Alexandrinus看到(A),Coislinianus(P),Basiliano - Vaticanus(V)和许多cursives;其他版本的代表是梵蒂冈(B),以及相当数量的cursives。

(3) Latin. (3)拉丁美洲。St. Jerome's version is one of his most careful efforts at translation of the Masorah, and is of the greatest exegetical importance.圣杰罗姆的版本是在他最认真的Masorah翻译工作之一,最伟大的训诂的重要性。

Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息写沃尔特鼓。Transcribed by WGKofron.转录由WGKofron。With thanks to St. Mary's Church, Akron, Ohio The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.由于对圣玛丽教堂感谢,美国俄亥俄州阿克伦城天主教百科全书,音量八。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

Fathers: THEODORET, Quæstiones in Librum Judicorum in PG, LXXX, 485; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comm.父亲:THEODORET,Quæstiones在Librum在PG,LXXX,485 Judicorum;普罗科匹厄斯加沙,通讯。in Judices in PG, LXXXVII, 1041; ST.在PG,LXXXVII,1041 Judices; ST。AUGUSTINE, Quæstiones in Heptateuchium in PL, XXXIV, ;701.奥古斯丁,在Heptateuchium Quæstiones在PL,XXXIV; 701。 Modern commentators mentioned in the body of the article.现代评论中提到的文章的身体。See also BONFRÈRE, Comm.又见邦弗雷雷,通讯。in Jos., Jud., et Ruth (Paris, 1631); SERARIUS, Jud.在圣何塞,达瓦慈善会,等露丝(巴黎,1631); SERARIUS,达瓦慈善会。et Ruth explanati (Mainz, 1609); CLAIR, Les Juges et Ruth (Paris, 1878).等露丝explanati(美因茨,1609); CLAIR,莱斯Juges等露丝(巴黎,1878)。Protestant commentators of worth are MOORE, KEIL, BUDDE, BERTHEAU.值得新教评论家MOORE,KEIL,布德,BERTHEAU。


Book of Judges书的法官

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:第标题:

§ I. Name: §一,名称:

§ II. §二。Synopsis of Contents:概要的内容:

Sections of Book.节的书。

§ III. §三。Sources: The Main Text, iii.来源:正文,三。7-xvi.7十六。31:31:

Song of Deborah.宋的德博拉。

Account of Gideon.帐户的吉迪恩。

Original Book.原书。

The Priest of Micah.米卡的牧师。

§ IV. §四。Combination and Revision of The Sources:组合和修订的来源:

Additions by Deuteronomist.添置了Deuteronomist。

§ V. Age of the Sources:§五,年龄的来源:

Story of Samson.参孙的故事。

§ VI. §六。Literary Characteristics:文学的特征:

In the Hebrew canon, the second book of the Earlier Prophets, placed between Joshua and Samuel.在希伯来文典,在先前的先知的第二本书,约书亚和撒母耳之间放置。

§ I. Name: §一,名称:

The book derives its name from the fact that it deals with the "Judges," a term which, according to the statements found in the book (comp. ii. 11-19 and the constantly recurring formulas in iii. 7, vi. 1; iii. 12, iv. 1, x. 6, xiii. 1; iii. 8, iv. 2, 9, x.7), designates men who dealt out justice to the oppressed people (comp. , Ps. x. 18); hence it is used in the sense of = "rescuer" (ii. 16, 18).该书源于事实,它与“法官”的术语,涉及它的名字,根据书(comp.二,11-19和不断重复的公式在三,七,六,1中找到的声明;三12,四1,十6,十三1;。三,八,四二,九,十.7),指定男子谁处理了正义的(comp.,诗十,被压迫人民。 18),因此它是在=“拯救者”(白介素16,18)的意义上使用。The word, however, means more than this and more than the modern "judge": it means the leaders or rulers (comp. the Suffetes [= ] in Carthage) who took charge of the affairs of the several tribes in case of war with the Canaanites or other neighboring peoples, and who also assumed leadership of their respective tribes in the succeeding times of peace.这个词,然而,比这更意味着,比现代的“法官”:它是指领导者或统治者(comp. the Suffetes [=]在迦太基)谁发生在战争情况下的几个部落的主管与迦南人或其他邻国人民,谁也承担在和平接替倍各自部落的领导。In accordance with the needs of the time, their functions were primarily judicial (iv. 5).按照当时的需要,按照其职能主要是司法(iv. 5)。The book itself announces that it will deal with the time of the Judges from the death of Joshua; but the description of Joshua's death at the beginning of the book is doubtless a later addition, and the introduction repeats (i. 1-ii. 5) the theme of the Book of Joshua, namely, the conquest of the country west of the Jordan.这本书本身宣布,将处理从约书亚死的时候,法官,但约书亚的死在书的开头描述无疑是稍后此外,引进和重复(一1 - II 5。 )的约书亚书的主题,即该国西部乔丹征服。Nor does the Book of Judges give the conclusion of the history of the Judges; for the two stories appended to the book in its present form belong not to the end of that period, but to its beginning, and the narratives forming the kernel of the book break off before the period of the Judges ends.法官也没有书给了法官的历史的结论;两个附加在其目前的形式书中的故事不属于那个时期的结束,但它的开端,叙述形成的内核书断绝之前的法官结束时期。 The thread is taken up again in the Book of Samuel.线程是采取了又在塞缪尔书。It may be assumed, however, that the original Book of Judges was carried down to the end of the period and concluded with the story of Eli and Samuel, which forms the beginning of I Samuel.可以设想,但是,对法官进行了原书的期末与礼和萨穆埃尔,这构成了我塞缪尔开始的故事结束。

§ II. §二。Synopsis of Contents:概要的内容:

Before discussing the several parts and their origin, it may be well to note the peculiar composition of the book.在讨论的几个部分,它们的来源,它可能会很好地注意书的特殊成分。The introduction and additions may clearly be separated from the main text, giving the following three divisions: (1) introduction; (2) Book of Judges proper; and (3) appendixes.引进和补充,可以清楚地分开的主体部分,提供以下三个部门:(1)介绍(2)法官适当的图书,以及(3)附录。

(1) Introduction:(1)介绍:

(a) i. (一)一1-ii.1 - II。5, a general view of the conquest of Canaan.5,征服了迦南的一般看法。The story is evidently intended to portray the great tribulations of the time of the Judges, which God inflicted because the Israelites partially spared the Canaanites in spite of His command to the contrary (see ii. 1-5, especially verse 3).这个故事显然是意在描绘的时候,法官的巨大磨难,上帝造成以色列人部分幸免,因为在他的命令,尽管有相反的迦南人(见二1-5,特别是第3节)。

(b) ii. (二)二。6-iii.6 - III。6, a general description of the conditions obtaining at the time of the Judges. 6,对在获得的时候,法官条件的一般描述。The chief characteristic of this time is found in the recurring change from apostasy and punishment to repentance and deliverance.这个时候的主要特点是在从发现和惩罚叛教经常改变忏悔和解脱。The account forms the introduction to the following stories, which are, as it were, summarized in ii.该帐户的形式介绍了下面的故事,这是,因为它是在总结第二。11-19.11-19。

Sections of Book.节的书。

(2) The Book of Judges Proper, iii.(2)书的法官正确,三。7-xvi.7十六。31: This describes Israel's delivery, through divinely appointed judges, from the subjugation to the Canaanites and the neighboring peoples which it had brought upon itself. 31:这说明以色列的交付,通过神任命的法官,从征服到迦南和邻国人民根据它本身带来了。The accounts of the activities of the several judges vary considerably in length; only the five so-called "Great Judges" are treated in detail.对几个法官活动的账目有很大的不同长度,只有五个所谓的“伟大的法官”中详细论述。The narratives may be summarized as follows:叙述可归纳如下:

(a) iii. (一)三。12-30, account of the Benjamite Ehud, who overthrew the tyranny of the Moabites; 12-30,在便雅悯埃胡德,谁推翻了摩押人暴政帐户;

(b) iv.-v., story of Barak (and Deborah), who overthrew the tyranny of the Canaanites (but see § III.);(二)iv.-v.,故事巴拉克(和德博拉),谁推翻了迦南人(但参阅§三)暴政;

(c) vi. (三)六。1-viii.1 - VIII。32, story of Gideon of western Manasseh, who overthrew "the Midianites and the Amalekites and all the children of the East"; 32,对西部玛拿西,谁推翻了“米甸人和亚玛力人,所有的东方儿童”基甸的故事;

(d) x. (四)X.6-xii.六十二。7, story of Jephthah the Gileadite of the tribe of Gad, who vanquished the Ammonites; 7,耶弗他的迦得,谁战胜亚扪人部落基列的故事;

(e) xiii.-xvi., account of the Danite Samson, who vanquished the Philistines;(五)xiii. -十六,对Danite参孙,谁战胜了非利士人的帐户;

(f) iii. (六)三。7-11, story of the Kenazite Othniel, from the tribe of Judah, who vanquished Chushan-rishathaim (iii. 10); together with various incidental remarks relating to the so-called Minor Judges:7-11,故事的Kenazite奥思尼尔,从犹大,谁战胜竹山- rishathaim(III. 10)部落,以及各种与所谓的小法官的附带意见:

(g) iii. (七)三。31, story of Shamgar;31,故事Shamgar;

(h) x. (H)X1-5, stories of Tola of Issachar and Jair of Gilead (eastern Manasseh); and 1-5,以萨迦和基列睚(东玛拿西)陀的故事;和

(i) xii. (一)十二。8-15, stories of Ibzan of Beth-lehem, Elon the Zebulonite, and Abdon the Pirathonite of the tribe of Ephraim.8-15,在以比赞的故事伯利恒,伊隆的Zebulonite和阿夫东的以法莲族比拉顿人。With the exception of the priestly tribe of Levi and the two tribes of Reuben and Simeon, which soon became extinct, each of the tribes is represented by at least one judge.随着对利维和流便和西缅两族部落的祭司很快灭绝例外,每个部落的代表至少一名法官。The section viii.在第八节。 33-ix.33 - IX。57, dealing with the leadership of Abimelech, is not strictly of the same order as the rest. 57,在亚比米勒的领导时,没有严格的作为,其余顺序相同。

(3) Appendixes: Two stories from the time of the Judges:(3)附件:两名法官的时间的故事:

(a) xvii. (一)十七。and xviii., the campaign of the Danites, and the transference to Dan (Laish) of the sanctuary of Micah the Ephraimite;和十八,对Danites运动,以及对丹的米卡的Ephraimite圣殿(Laish)转移;

(b) xix.-xxi., the outrage at Gibeah, and the resultant punitive war against Benjamin, which is almost destroyed; the measures taken for the preservation of the tribe. (二)xix. - XXI,在基比亚的愤怒,以及由此产生的惩罚性战争对本雅明,这几乎是摧毁;为部落保存所采取的措施。

§ III. §三。Sources: The Main Text, iii.来源:正文,三。7-xvi.7十六。31:31:

The earliest sources are found in the stories relating to the five Great Judges:发现最早的来源是在与法官的五个大的故事:

(1) The account of Ehud, iii.(1)帐户的埃胡德,三。12-30, which, with the exception of the Deuteronomistic framework (verses 12-15 and 30), is a uniform story, based doubtless on ancient tradition. 12-30,其中,与Deuteronomistic框架(诗句12-15和30)之外,是一个统一的故事,无疑是基于对古老的传统。

Song of Deborah.宋的德博拉。

(2) The story of Barak and Deborah, iv.(2)故事的巴拉克和德博拉,四。and v., in which must be distinguished:与诉,其中必须加以区分:

(a) the Song of Deborah, v. 2-31, describing the sufferings and the victory of the people, and which was doubtless composed by an eye-witness. (一)德博拉,诉2-31歌,描述的苦难和人民的胜利,这是毫无疑问组成由一个目击证人。It is uncertain, however, whether Deborah herself composed this.它是不确定的,但是,这是否德博拉自己组成。Doubt arises from the exhortation (v. 12) "utter a song," and from the fact that the introduction does not say that she composed it, but only that Deborah and Barak sang it (ib. verse 1).怀疑源自劝告(12节)“说出一首歌曲”,从一个事实,即引进不说,她组成的,但只是德博拉和巴拉克唱它(同上一节)。Nor does it follow absolutely from the word (verse 7) that Deborah composed the Song.它也不完全遵循从字(第7节)的德博拉组成的乐曲。Although is probably intended as the first person and has been so interpreted down to recent times, yet it may also have been intended as an address to Deborah, as the second person feminine singular (= ; comp. , Jer. ii. 33) - "until thou hast arisen, Deborah!"虽然可能是打算作为第一人,并一直这样解释到近代,但它也可能已经打算作为对德博拉地址的第二人称单数女性(=;。排版,耶二33) - “直到祢出现,德博拉!”And even its interpretation as the third person feminine singular (= , old form of , in which the即使其解释为第三人女性奇异(=,老形式,其中would be secondary, conditioned by the traditional conception, according to which the expression is in the first person) is not excluded, and the reading may be, "until Deborah arose."将是次要的,调节的传统观念,根据该表达的第一人)不排除与阅读的可能,“直到德博拉出现了。”Nor is the first person in verse 3 decisive, as it may refer to any poet.也不是在第3节决定性的第一人,因为它可能指任何诗人。 The exhortation in verse 12, "Awake, awake, Deborah: awake, awake, utter a song," formerly considered a direct proof of Deborah's authorship, really excludes this possibility, unless it is assumed that it is a poetic address of the author to herself.在12节劝勉,“醒了,醒了,德博拉:醒来,醒来,说出一首歌曲,”以前认为是狄波拉的作者直接证明,确实排除了这种可能性,除非是假设它是作者诗意地址她自己。 Aside from these doubtful arguments, the context, with its striking references to the deeds and thoughts of women (Deborah, Jael, Sisera's mother and her "wise women"), might point to apoetess as the author.除了这些怀疑的论据,上下文,与对女性的事迹和思想(德博拉,雅亿,西西拉的母亲和她的“聪明女人”),其惊人的引用,可能指向apoetess的作者。 Even if the Song was not composed by Deborah, it was at least the work of a contemporary; and as such it is the earliest source for the history of Israel, and a historical document of supreme value.即使宋不是由德博拉组成,它至少是一个现代的工作;,因此它是以色列历史上最早的来源,以及最高价值的历史文件。It not only recounts a historical fact, but breathes the wild spirit of a heroic age, and with elemental force portrays especially the pitiless delight in battle and bloodshed, and the joy of deliverance from the yoke of tyranny.它不仅叙述历史事实,但呼吸是一个英雄时代的野生精神,并与元素力量描绘尤其是在战斗和流血无情的喜​​悦和解脱从暴政的枷锁的喜悦。

(b) The prose historical account in ch.(二)散文的历史记录在CH。iv.四。stands in a peculiar relation to the Song, inasmuch as the poetical account has been clearly changed into a historical narrative, which presents various contradictions to and exaggerations of the Song in regard to numbers and events.在一个奇特的关系到宋站,只要该项诗的帐户已被明确地变成了历史的叙述,其中介绍关于数字和事件的各种矛盾和宋夸张。 This prose account based upon the Song of Deborah is, however, only a part of the story told in ch.这散文帐户后,宋的德博拉是,然而,只有故事的一部分告诉记者,在CH。iv.; for, in the first place, the story of the victory of Barak and the tribes of Zebulun and Naphtali over King Jabin of Hazor (iv. 10) is joined to it, and, in the second place, there are other details which are not found in the Song, and which therefore were derived from independent tradition, especially the reference to the attack made by the Israelites from Mount Tabor.四;为,首先,对巴拉克的胜利和西布伦和拿弗他利在夏琐王耶宾(iv. 10)部落的故事加入到它,并在第二位,还有其他细节这是没有发现在宋代,并因此被独立的传统,特别是由以色列人提出从登上塔博尔攻击参考而得。 The story in ch.在路的故事。 iv., taken for the most part from the Song, and which may be called the story of Sisera in contrast to the story of Jabin, narrates the victory of Deborah and of Barak of Issachar over Sisera at the Kishon, and the death of the last-named at the hands of Jael.四,对从宋大部分采取的,并可能被称为中对比的是西西拉耶宾故事的故事,叙述了西西拉胜利德博拉和巴拉克的萨迦在基顺,和死亡最后命名在雅亿的手中。 In consequence of the fusion of the stories, Sisera in the account in ch.鉴于故事,在帐户西西拉在CH融合的结果。iv.四。does not appear as the head of a coalition of the Canaanite kings, as he is represented in the Song, where he is the chief personage, but merely as the general of King Jabin.没有出现作为一个联盟的迦南国王的头,因为他是在宋,他是主要的人物,而只是作为一般代表王耶宾。The stories are so closely fused that they can no longer be separated, this being doubtless due to the confounding of two heroes of the name of Barak (= "lightning"; comp. the surname in "Hamilcar Barcas"); namely, Barak of Kedesh of the tribe of Naphtali (iv. 5 [AV 6]) and Barak of Issachar (v. 15).这些故事是如此紧密地融合,他们再也不能分开,这是毫无疑问,由于两个巴拉克名称(=“闪电”;比赛在“Hamilcar Barcas”姓);英雄混杂即巴拉克基低斯的拿弗他利(iv. 5 [AV 6])和萨迦巴拉克(15节)部落。

Account of Gideon.帐户的吉迪恩。

(3) The account of Gideon, vi.-viii., consisting of two separate narratives brought into harmony by the passages vii.(3)帐户吉迪恩,VI. - VIII。,进入和谐所带来的第七两个独立的叙事段落组成。 25 and viii.25和第八。10.10。According to the main text, including vi.根据主体文本,包括六。2-6, 11-24, 33 et seq., vii. 2-6,11-24,33页起,七。1, and vii.1,七。9-25 (except verse 12), as well as the passages vi.9-25(除12节),以及通道六。35; vii.35;七。2-8, 14, 16-22, preserved only in revised form, Gideon delivered the whole of Israel from the inroads of the Midianites, whose camp on Mount Gilboa he surprised. 2-8,14,16-22,仅在修订的形式保存下来,吉迪恩交付从米甸人的侵蚀了整个以色列,其阵营在登上吉尔博亚他感到惊讶。The Ephraimites then captured and killed the fugitives together with their kings Oreb and Zeeb at the fords of the Jordan (comp. especially vii. 24).在以法莲然后捕获并杀死他们的国王Oreb和在约旦涉Zeeb(comp.特别是七,24)逃犯在一起。According to another account, which forms a connected series of additions to the main text (ie, to vi. 2-viii. 3), and which includes vi.另据帐户,形成了以主文本添加连接系列(即至第六。2八,3),其中包括六。7-10, 25-32, 36-40 as well as the Deuteronomically revised passage viii. 7-10,25-32,36-40以及Deuteronomically修订通过八。4-27, Gideon with 300 men captured the Midianite kings Zebah and Zalmunna beyond the Jordan, whither he had pursued them.4-27,吉迪恩与300人被俘超越乔丹,往那他追求他们的米甸国王Zebah和Zalmunna。

A valuable remnant of the earliest Hebrew history has been preserved in the story of Abimelech, which is appended to the story of Gideon.一个最早的希伯来历史的宝贵遗迹一直保存在了亚比米勒,这是追加到基甸的故事。Jotham's daring and original parable of the trees in search of a king, included in this story, was (as appears from ix. 57) probably added at a later time by an editor who took it from a source earlier than that of the main story.约坦的大胆和原在这个故事中包含了王,搜索树比喻为(从九出现57),可能添加在稍后的时间由一个编辑谁了从源它早于主要故事。 This parable, one of the few remnants of purely secular writing, can not have originated in the time of Abimelech, who reigned only three years at Shechem, as its criticism of the king was evidently the result of a clearer insight than could have been possessed by a contemporary.这个寓言,纯粹世俗的书面少数残余之一,不能有起源于亚比米勒,谁在位仅三年在示剑,作为其国王的批评显然是一个更为明确的认识结果的时间比本来可以拥有由当代。 It was probably a product of the Northern Kingdom, where the people had unfortunate experiences with elected kings.这可能是一份北方王国,那里的人民与民选国王不幸经验的产物。

(4) The story of Jephthah, xi.(4)耶弗他的故事,喜。1-xii.1 - 十二。7, is in general uniform; the first two verses, however, are probably revised, as they do not fit in with verse 7, nor with the passage xi.7,一般是统一的,前两个诗句,然而,可能修改,因为它们不适合第7节中,也不能与通行十一。 12-29, which appears as a learned disquisition applying in no wise to the Ammonites, to whom the message was to be addressed, but to the Moabites. 12-29,作为一个博学disquisition应用在任何明智的亚扪人,谁的信息是要解决的,但对摩押人出现。In xi.在西安。35-40, also, the editor, intent on abbreviating, seems to have made changes in order not to dwell on the human sacrifice which must have been described in the original narrative. 35-40,另外,编辑器,对缩写的意图,似乎已经改变了,才能不纠缠于人的牺牲,必须已在原来的叙事描述。

(5) The story of Samson, xiii-xvi., narrating in twelve sketches his deeds and tragic death.(5)参孙的故事,十三,十六,,叙述他的事迹在十二草图和悲惨的死亡。This, also, is a uniform composition, with the exception of a revision in xiii.这也就是一个统一的组成,是一个在十三修订除外。 and xiv., and is evidently the work of a single author.和十四,是明显的一个作者的工作。

In general, it may be noted in regard to these old heroic stories of the Book of Judges that there is some resemblance in language and manner of description to the narrative sources of the Pentateuch; for this reason Cornill has designated the first version of the story of Gideon, the story of Samson, and the basis of x.在一般情况下,它可以指出在这些方面的书,法官有一定的语言和描述的方式相似的摩西五老英雄的故事叙事来源;这样做的原因Cornill指定了第一个版本的故事基甸,参孙的故事,和x的基础 6-16 as Jahvistic in character, and the story of Sisera, the second version of the story of Gideon, together with the stories of Abimelech and Jephthah, as Elohistic (other scholars, however, as Budde, think differently). 6-16作为Jahvistic性质,以及西西拉,对基甸故事的第二个版本的故事加上亚比米勒和耶弗他的故事为Elohistic,(其他学者,但是,由于布德,认为不同)。 These resemblances are so slight that they may be explained as contemporaneous work or imitation, rather than as a continuation of the Pentateuch sources.这些相似之处是如此轻微,他们可能会为当时的工作或模仿,而不是作为一个来源的pentateuch继续解释。

Original Book.原书。

The main text of Judges, including the above-named stories, constituted, with the exception of later additions, the earlier book, which began therefore with ii.法官,包括上述命名的故事,主要内容构成,与后来的补充外,早期的书,开始用二因此。6; and as the initial words, "And when Joshua had let the people go," correspond with the words introducing the first valedictory in Josh.6,和作为初始的话说,“当约书亚让人民去”对应的介绍中乔希第一告别的话。xxiii.二十三。2, it follows that the original Book of Judges continued the original Book of Joshua. 2,它遵循的是,法官原书延续了原书的约书亚。Furthermore, it follows that the second valedictory with the accompanying statements in Josh.此外,它遵循的与乔希所附报表的第二个告别。xxiv., and the first account of Joshua's death, in Judges ii.二十四,和约书亚死后第一个帐户,在法官II。8 et seq., as well as the present introduction to Judges, were added later; this is also apparent from the present beginning of Judges: "Now after the death of Joshua it came to pass." 8页起,以及目前的法官介绍,是后来添加的,这也是从现在开始显现法官:“现在死亡后,约书亚它来通过。”

The Introduction: It has been shown that the introduction is a later addition; and the fact is further proved by its contents, the story of the conquest of the country west of the Jordan, which is the theme of Joshua, being here repeated.前言:这已经表明,引进是一个后来此外,并进一步的事实是它的内容,对在约旦,这是约书亚的主题,在这里被反复证明了国家西部征服的故事。 But while the Book of Joshua narrates the story of the complete destruction of the Canaanites by the people of Israel under one commander-in-chief, the introduction to Judges says that the tribes of Israel fought singly; and it does not refer to the complete destruction of the Canaanites (comp. Judges i. 27-33, ii. 1-3).不过,虽然约书亚书讲述了在一个统帅,以色列人民的迦南人完全毁灭的故事,向法官介绍说,以色列的部落打单,以及它并不是指完整破坏的迦南人(comp.法官一27-33,二1-3)。 Ofthese two accounts the introduction to Judges is doubtless more objective, and shows a better comprehension of the actual facts, while the narrative in Joshua is founded on the Deuteronomistic revision. Ofthese两个帐户向法官无疑是比较客观的介绍,并给出了实际更好地理解事实,而在约书亚叙事上Deuteronomistic修订成立。The introduction itself, however, is not uniform; according to i.引进本身,但是,不统一,据岛8, the children of Judah conquered and burned Jerusalem and killed its inhabitants, while, according to i. 8,犹大人征服并烧毁耶路撒冷和杀害它的居民,同时,根据一21, the children of Benjamin did not drive the Jebusites out of that city, but dwelt together with them in Jerusalem "unto this day" (according to the parallel account in Josh. xv. 63, some scholars read in this passage instead of , which is derived from Josh. xviii. 28). 21日,本杰明的孩子没有驱动耶布斯人走出这个城市,但与他们一起住在耶路撒冷“直到今日”(根据在乔什。十五平行帐户63,在此通过,而不是读一些学者,这是来自乔什。十八28)。 Cornill ascribes a Jahvistic origin to the passages i.-ii.Cornill归咎a Jahvistic产地到段落i.-ii.1a, 5b, 23a; iii. 1A,5B,23A;三。2-3, and an Elohistic origin to i.2-3,和Elohistic产地到岛la; ii.LA; II。13, 20-22a; iii.13,20 - 22A; III。5-6. 5-6。

The Priest of Micah.米卡的牧师。

The Appendixes: The first appendix, xvii.该附件:第一个附录,十七。and xviii., is a very valuable old story.和十八,是一个非常有价值的老故事。Bertheau, Budde, Kittel, Cornill, and others assert that two accounts must be here distinguished. Bertheau,布德,基特尔,Cornill,和其他人断言,两个帐户必须在这里区别开来。According to one, the Ephraimite Micah made an ephod and teraphim, and hired a Levite to be to him "a father and priest"; 600 Danites then persuaded the Levite to go with them and become their priest, whereupon they conquered Laish and set up there for their tribal sanctuary the image that Micah had made.据一,Ephraimite米卡作了以弗得和teraphim,并聘请了利未人要以他为“父亲和神父”; 600 Danites然后利未人去说服他们,成为他们的牧师,于是他们征服Laish,并成立那里的部族庇护所米卡作出了形象。According to the other account, Micah made a "pesel" (graven image) and "massekah" (molten image), and engaged a young Levite as priest, whom he held as a son; but the Danites, who stole the pesel and massekah, made Jonathan, Moses' grandson, their tribal priest instead of the Levite, and through the descendants of Jonathan the priesthood was transmitted in the tribe of Dan.根据其他帐户,弥迦作出了“pesel”(刻图像)和“massekah”(熔融图像),并受聘为牧师,被他视为一个儿子利未人举行了一个年轻的,但Danites,谁偷了pesel和massekah发乔纳森,摩西的孙子,他们的部落牧师,而不是利未人,并通过后裔的教士乔纳森是在丹部落传输。 But according to Oort, Wellhausen, Kuenen, Baudissin, and others, it is more probable that the discrepancies in the narrative may be explained on the ground of interpolations (compare and , which always follow and ).但据奥尔特,豪森,Kuenen,Baudissin,和其他人,它更可能在叙事的差异可能是地面上的插值(比较和,它始终遵循和)解释。 The story itself is unique in that it describes a cult and a priesthood which are nowhere else found in the Old Testament.故事本身是独特的,它描述了一个邪教组织和它们无处在旧约发现神职人员。This fact itself points to an early date of composition.这一事实本身指向一个组成早日实现。

As two dates are given in the text, xviii.作为两个日期都定在文中,十八。30 and 31, the question arises which of these two statements is the original-that is, the earlier-one. 30日和31日,问题是这两个语句是原来的,也就是说,在早期之一。The first statement, xviii.首先声明,十八。30, points to the time of the fall of Ephraim (722 BC), or at least to that of the deportation of the northern and eastern inhabitants of the country (735 BC); the second, to a time near the beginning of the royal house of Israel, as the destruction of the Temple of Shiloh probably occurred during the Philistine wars, in which the priestly house of Eli, officiating at Shiloh, perished. 30,点到了以法莲下降(公元前722年)的时间,或者至少对国家(735年)的北部和东部居民驱逐出境的;第二,在附近的王室开始时间以色列家,作为圣殿被毁的希洛可能发生在非利士人的战争,其中以利祭司的房子,在示罗礼,灭亡了。 The first statement, also, originated at a time that had become remote to later generations, as is shown by the fact that the ascription of these deeds to a grandson of Moses caused offense to the people, and a copyist tried to remove it by interpolating a第一条语句,同时,在一个已经成为远程后人起源的时间,因为显示的是,这些行为归属到摩西的孙子给人们造成的罪行,并抄写员设法消除它插一 in so as to change the name to (this has recently been denied by Sinker).在以更改名称(此最近被拒绝生克片)。

The second appendix, xix.-xxi., in its main text, which can now hardly be determined with certainty, might similarly be traced back to an ancient story, as is indicated by expressions similar to those found in the first appendix; eg, the Levite sojourning as a stranger in the country (xix. 1).,第二个附录,xix. - XXI,在其主要文本,现在可以肯定地难以确定,可能同样可以追溯到一个古老的故事,表达的是类似于在第一个附录中发现的表示,例如,利未人侨居在该国作为一个陌生人(xix. 1)。The formula common to both appendixes, "in those days there was no king in Israel, but every man did that which was right in his own eyes" (xvii. 6, xxi. 25; comp. xviii. 1, xix. 1), perhaps also indicates that the original text was composed before the Exile; although it is possible that in the second appendix it is a later addition, or was introduced by the author in imitation of the first appendix.该公式的共同双方附录,“在那些日子里,没有国王在以色列,但每个人却认为这是对他自己的眼睛”(xvii. 6,二十一25;。排版十八1,十九1) ,或许也预示着原来的案文是由流亡前,虽然有可能在第二个附录它是一个后来此外,或由作者介绍,在第一个附录模仿。For the story as a whole dates from a very late period, since there is evidence that it is based on the Priestly Code.对于从一个非常后期整个日期的故事,因为有证据表明它在祭司码的基础。This is especially evident in the fact that the community of Israel is represented as a compact body pronouncing punishment upon Benjamin as with one voice, while elsewhere in Judges every tribe attends to its own affairs.这是特别明显的,以色列社会是一个紧凑的身体宣判后,本杰明惩罚同一个声音,而其他地方的部落照顾到每一个法官自己的事务代表的事实。 The fact that all the personages named, with the exception of Aaron's grandson Phinehas in xx.在所有的人物命名的,在XX亚伦的孙子非尼哈例外,事实。28, are anonymous indicates that this is a piece of fiction and not a historical narrative. 28,是匿名的表明这是一个虚构作品,而不是一个历史叙事。The story may have some historical foundation; for Hosea (x. 9), speaking of course quite independently of this story, also mentions the sin of Israel since the days of Gibeah.这个故事可能有一些历史的基础;为何西阿(十9),当然讲这个故事很独立,也提到了基比亚的日子以来,以色列的罪恶。 Nor is it impossible that the story, as Nöldeke was the first to assume, describes the ruin of Benjamin by the war between David and Saul's son and the insurrections under David.也不是不可能的故事,作为Nöldeke是第一个假设,描述了本杰明之间由大卫和扫罗的儿子大卫的起义下战争的废墟。

§ IV. §四。Combination and Revision of The Sources:组合和修订的来源:

Additions by Deuteronomist.添置了Deuteronomist。

The earlier Book of Judges, a compilation of the stories of the five Great Judges together with the additions of the redactor, was practically Judges in its present form, with the exception of the Deuteronomistic framework (together with the story of Othniel), the six Minor Judges, and some later revised additions.法官先前的书,对法官与五个大的redactor有加在一起的故事汇编,实际上是法官在其目前的形式,与Deuteronomistic框架例外(连同奥思尼尔故事),六小型法官,有的后来修改补充。 The Deuteronomistic editor added to the earlier book the following passages; namely, ii.该Deuteronomistic编辑器添加到前面的书下面的段落,即,二。6-9 and iii.6-9和第三。 7-11 (the account of Othniel being taken from Josh. xv. 17), all the additions by which he adapted the old material to his conception of history, and the strictly chronological arrangement taken from I Kings vi. 7-11(即奥思尼尔帐户被从乔希。十五,17所),所有的增加由他改编的旧材料,以他的历史观,并严格按时间顺序排列,从我王六所。1, the 480 years being divided by him into 12x40 years or generations, 20, 40, or 80 years respectively being assigned to each of the judges. 1,480被他分为12x40年或几代人,20,40或80年以上,分别被分配到每一个法官。This Deuteronomistic arrangement was again supplemented by an editor following the Priestly Code, who partly revised the work, inserted passages of his own (viii. 29-31 and x. 17, 18), and added the portions relating to the five Minor Judges (x. 2-5 and xii. 8-15), in order to round out the number of the twelve judges.这Deuteronomistic安排再辅以以下的祭司码,谁部分修订工作的编辑,他自己插入段落(viii. 29-31和x 17,18),并增加了部分有关的五个小法官(十,2-5和十二8-15),以轮出的十二个法官人数。This last-named portion has been skilfully harmonized with the chronological arrangement of the Deuteronomistic editor; for the sum of the years of office of the five Minor Judges (23 + 22 + 7 + 10 + 8 = 70) is practically equal to that of the years of oppression under the five Great Judges (8 + 18 + 20 + 7 + 18 = 71).这最后的命名部分已巧妙地与Deuteronomistic编辑时间顺序安排统一的;为的五(23 + 22 + 7 + 10 + 8 = 70),几乎等同于该未成年法官的年的总和根据五大法官的压迫年(8 + 18 + 20 + 7 + 18 = 71)。The last editor, finally, added to iii.最后编辑,最后,加入到三。31 the personage of Shamgar (from the Song of Deborah, v. 6) because at his time the judgeship of Abimelech caused offense, and the editor wished to remove Abimelech without disturbing the number of the judges. 31日的Shamgar人士(从德博拉,诉6宋),因为在他那个时代的亚比米勒法官地位造成的罪行,编辑希望删除,而不会干扰法官的数量亚比米勒。

§ V. Age of the Sources:§五,年龄的来源:

Story of Samson.参孙的故事。

The sources from which the material for the various heroic stories was taken are in part very old, the Song of Deborah having originated as early as the time of the Judges.These old sources, however, were committed to writing a considerable time after the date of the events which they narrate.从其中的各种英雄故事的材料来源,一部分被带到很老了,宋的德博拉有像旧的Judges.These来源起源时间早,但是,他们致力于写作的日期后相当长的时间它们的事件叙述。 Samson certainly lived a long time before the account of his life was written down, because it has a very evident admixture of mythic elements, as, for instance, his heroic deeds and the virtue ascribed to his hair.萨姆森当然住了很久,才在他生命的帐户被写下来,因为它有一个非常明显的神话元素的混合,因为,例如,他的英雄事迹和美德归因于他的头发。 His deeds remind one of the deeds of Hercules, and his name ( = "the sunny") shows a resemblance in attributes to the Phenician sun-god Melkart, the prototype of the Greek Herakles.他的事迹提醒的大力士的事迹之一,他的名字(=“阳光明媚”)显示到Phenician太阳神Melkart,希腊赫拉克勒斯原型属性的相似性。 Although the story of Samson may be based on historical fact, it must be noted that Samson's deeds differ from those of the other warrior judges in that these latter are "saviors of their tribe" while Samson fights with the Philistines on his own account.尽管参孙的故事可能是基于历史事实,必须指出,黄山的事迹从其他战士法官在这些后者是“自己的部落救世主”的不同而参孙战斗与他自己的帐户非利士人。 Hence the compilation of the stories of the five Great Judges must be dated soon after the division of the kingdom.因此,对五大法官的故事汇编必须注明日期后不久,王国分裂。Single passages, like the basis of ch.单一通道,像通道的基础。xvii.十七。and xviii., may be much older.和十八,,可能是老得多。The editor who combined his own additions with the book containing the stories, producing thereby the earlier Book of Judges, probably wrote in the last decades of the kingdom of Israel.该编辑器包含谁结合自己的故事书增加,从而产生了法官早些时候书,大概写在以色列王国的最后十年。The Deuteronomistic edition was undertaken during the Exile, at which time the other additions were probably also incorporated.该Deuteronomistic版进行了流亡期间,当时的其他添加很可能也纳入其中。The two appendixes were added very much later, as appears not only from the date of composition of the second appendix (xix.-xxi.), but also from the fact that the Deuteronomistic revision, which may be traced throughout the Book of Judges down to ch.这两个附录增加了非常晚得多,因为不仅从第二个附录(xix. - XXI)组成的​​日期出现,但也从一个事实,即Deuteronomistic修订,这可能是整个士师记下来追踪到CH。xvi., did not include the two appendixes.十六,并没有包括两个附录。Had they been added earlier, moreover, they would have been inserted in a different place, namely, in the beginning, where they belong, according to the dates mentioned in them (xviii. 30 and xx. 28).如果他们被添加过,而且,他们将被插入在不同的地方,即在开始时,他们属于,根据他们(xviii. 30 XX 28)中提到的日期。Although these references to the time may be glosses, they can not have been added after the book was completed.虽然这些的时候引用可能是敷衍了事,不能被添加后,书已经完成。

§ VI. §六。Literary Characteristics:文学的特征:

As a result of difference in sources originating at different times, the book has no literary unity.由于在不同的时间始发来源不同造成的,书中没有文学的统一。Side by side with the stereotyped formulas, which reveal the historical point of view of the compiler of the earlier Book of Judges (iii. 7, vi. 1; iii. 12, iv. 1, x. 6, xiii. 1; iv. 2, 9, x. 7), and the passages added in the spirit of these formulas, there are stories popular in character, to which have been added snatches of old folk-poetry, old proverbs, descriptions of popular customs, popular etymologies, and other characteristics of naive popular composition.并排的刻板公式,揭示了早期的法官书(III. 7,六1编译器历史的角度看,三12,四1,十6,十三1;。四2,9,十7),以及段落中的这些公式的精神补充,也有人物故事普及,已经由老民间诗歌,老谚语防抢,对民俗的描述,流行词源天真流行的组合等特点。 The mythological elements, which are especially predominant in the story of Samson, are also derived from popular beliefs.神话元素,这些元素,尤其是在参孙的故事为主,也源自民间信仰。Yet the historical narrative, in spite of various legendary additions, is on the whole true to fact, as appears from the frankness with which religious and moral conditions, widely differing from later customs, are discussed.然而,历史的叙事,在各种传说中添加尽管如此,总体上是忠实于事实,因为从与它的宗教和道德的条件下,广泛,从不同的习俗后,坦率的讨论出现。

Emil G. Hirsch, Victor Ryssel埃米尔G.赫希,维克托Ryssel

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。

Bibliography:参考书目:

Commentaries: GL Studer, Das Buch der Richter, 2d ed.评:GL斯图特,布赫DER里氏达斯,第2版。1842; J. Bachmann, Das Buch der Richter, mit Besonderer Rücksicht auf die Gesch. 1842年的J.巴赫曼,达斯布赫DER里希特,麻省理工学院Besonderer Rücksicht奥夫死Gesch。Seiner Auslegung und Kirchlichen Verwendung Erklärt, vol.围网渔船Auslegung UND Kirchlichen Verwendung Erklärt,第一卷。i., ch.一,CH。i.-v., 1868-1869; E. Bertheau, Das Buch der Richter und Ruth, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch, 1845, 1883; P. Cassel, in Lange's Theologisch-Homiletisches Bibelwerk.i.-v.,1868年至1869年,E. Bertheau,达斯布赫DER里氏UND露丝,在Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手册下载,1845年,1883年; P.卡塞尔,在朗格的Theologisch - Homiletisches Bibelwerk。2d ed. 2版。1887; CF Keil, Josua, Richter, Ruth, in Biblischer Kommentar, 2d ed.1887年,CF KEIL,Josua,里希特,露丝,在Biblischer Kommentar,2版。1874; S. Oettli, Das Deuteronomium und die Bücher Josua und Richter, in Strack and Zöckler, Kurzgefasster Kommentar, 1893; GF Moore, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Judges, in The International Critical Commentary, 1895; K. Budde, Das Buch der Richter, in KHC 1897; W. Nowack, Richter und Ruth, in Nowack's Hand-Kommentar, 1900. 1874年,S.欧特列,达斯Deuteronomium UND死书刊Josua UND里希特,在施特拉克和Zöckler,Kurzgefasster Kommentar,1893年,绿摩尔,对法官关键和训诂解说中的国际评论文章,1895年,K.布德,达斯布赫DER里希特,在KHC 1897年,W. Nowack,里希特UND露丝,在Nowack的手Kommentar,1900。Criticism of Sources: Th.批评来源:TH。Nöldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des AT 1869, pp. 173-198; J. Wellhausen, in Bleek's Einleitung, 4th ed. Nöldeke,Untersuchungen楚Kritik DES AT 1869年,第173-198; J.豪森,在Bleek的导论,第4版。 1878, pp. 181-205; idem, Prolegomena zur Gesch.1878年,第181-205;同上,绪论楚Gesch。Israels, 4th ed.以色列,第4版。 1895, pp. 229-247; B. Stade, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1881, i.1895年,第229-247; B.体育场,在体育场的(杂志),1881年,岛 339-343; SR Driver, in JQR 1889, i.339-343; SR驱动程序,在JQR 1889年,岛258-270; K. Budde, Die Bücher Richter und Samuel, Ihre Quellen und lhr Aufbau, 1890, pp. 1-166; Rudolph Kittel, Die, Pentateuchischen Urkunden in den Büchern Richter und Samuel, in Theologische Studrien und Kritiken, 1892, pp. 44-71; G. Kalkoff, Zur Quellenkritik des Richterbuches (Gymnasial-Programm), Aschersleben, 1893; W. Frankenberg, Die Composition des Deuteronomischen Richterbuches (Richter ii. 2-xvi.) Nebst einer Kritik von Richter xvii-xxi.258-270; K.布德,模具书刊里氏UND萨穆埃尔,Ihre Quellen UND LHR Aufbau,1890年,第1-166;鲁道夫基特尔,模具,Pentateuchischen在书斋里氏Büchern UND塞缪尔Urkunden,在Theologische Studrien UND Kritiken,1892年,第44-71; G. Kalkoff,祖尔Quellenkritik DES Richterbuches(Gymnasial - Programm),阿舍斯雷本,1893年,W.弗兰肯贝格,模具组成DES Deuteronomischen Richterbuches(里氏II 2 - 十六。)Nebst einer Kritik冯里氏XVII - XXI 。1895; G. Moore, Judges, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc.1895年,G.穆尔,法官,在进益和黑色,百科全书。Bibl.; H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, 1892, pp. 55-59 (on Judges iii. 12-31), and 42 et seq., 93 (on vi.-ix.); and the following articles in Stade's Zeitschrift: Ed.Bibl; H. Winckler,Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen,1892年,第55-59(对法官三12-31),42页起,93(上vi.-ix.);和体育场的(杂志)以下的文章:ED。 Meyer, in i.迈尔,在岛117 et seq., B. Stade, in i. 117及以下,B.体育场,在一146 et seq., and K. Budde, in vii.146及以下,和K布德,在七。93-166 and in viii. 93-166和第八。148, on Judges i.148,对法官岛1-ii.1 - II。5; W. Böhme, in v. 86, 251 et seq.5; W.伯梅,在诉86,251起。on Judges vi.-ix.; B. Stade, in iv.对法官vi.-ix.; B.体育场,在四。250-256, and W. Böhme, in v. 251-274, on Judges xiii.250-256,和W.伯梅,在诉251-274,对法官十三。et seq.; K. Budde, in viii.及以下; K.布德,在八。285-300 on Judges xvii-xxi.; W. Böhme, in v. 30-36 on Judges xxi.; Güdemann, in Monatsschrift, xviii.285-300对法官十七- XXI; W.伯梅,对法官在诉30-36 XXI; Güdemann,在月刊,十八。 357 et seq.357起。Criticism of Texts and Translations: OF Fritzsche, Liber Judicum Secundum LXX Interpretes, 1867; A. van Doorninck, Bijdrage tot de Tekstkritick van Richteren i.-xvi.批评的文本和翻译:OF弗里切,LIBER Judicum孔型LXX Interpretes,1867; A.面包车Doorninck,Bijdrage TOT DE Tekstkritick面包车Richteren岛,十六。1879; P. de Lagarde, Septuaginta-Studien, 1892, pp. 1-72 (Abhandlungen der K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 1891, xxxvii.); A. Mez, Die Bibel des Josephus, 1895.1879年,山口拉加德,Septuaginta -(研究),第1-72(Abhandlungen DER K. GESELLSCHAFT DER学问祖哥廷根,1891年,三十七。)1892年,A. MEZ,模具Bibel DES约瑟夫,1895年。

On the historical substance of the book see bibliography to Judges, Period of; and on the mythological elements of the story of Samson see F. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertümer: I. Der Heilige Krieg im Alten Israel, 1901.在书的历史内涵,以期见参考书目法官,以及对参孙故事的神话元素见F. Schwally,Semitische Kriegsaltertümer:一德Heilige克里格IM Alten以色列,1901年。For the Song of Deborah: J. Marquart, Fundamente Israelitischer und Jüdischer Gesch.对于宋的德博拉:J. Marquart,Fundamente Israelitischer UND Jüdischer Gesch。1896, pp. 1-10; GA Cooke, The History and Song of Deborah, 1896; C. Bruston, Le Cantique de Debora, 1901; 1896年,页1-10; GA库克,历史和德博拉宋,1896年; C. Bruston,乐Cantique DE黛博拉,1901年;

and the bibliography to Deborah, The Song of.以及对德博拉,宋书目。Text: edition GF Moore, in SBOTEGHV Ry.文字:版GF穆尔,在SBOTEGHV Ry的。



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