Book of Judith朱迪思 书

A book in the Old Testament Apocrypha一个在旧约伪经书

General Information一般资料

A book of the Old Testament in versions of the Bible based on the Greek Septuagint, Judith is included with the Apocrypha in the Authorized and Revised Standard versions; it does not appear at all in the Hebrew Bible.一个在希腊译本的基础上的圣经版本旧约书,朱迪思是包含在授权和伪经修订的标准版本,它不会出现在希伯来文圣经的。The work of an unknown author, the book is a fictitious account of the deliverance of Israel from a foreign army by Judith, the devout and beautiful heroine who first beguiled and then beheaded the Assyrian commander Holofernes.在一个未知作者工作,该书是对以色列的解脱由朱从外国军队虚构的帐户,虔诚和美丽的女主角谁首先引诱,然后斩杀亚述司令员何乐弗尼。 The book is dated to the Maccabean period in the 2d century BC.该书是可追溯至公元前在2D世纪马加比时期。

Although the besieged city of Bethulia is described as being in Samaria, Samaritans are curiously unmentioned.虽然Bethulia围城是在撒马利亚被描述,撒马利亚人都好奇地未提及。Deliberate anachronisms, such as calling the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar "king of the Assyrians," were probably intended to signal readers that Judith is not exact history but a call to celebrate recent victories of the Maccabees and to inspire further resistance to Hellenizing enemies.故意时代错误,如调用的巴比伦国王尼布甲尼撒“的亚述王”很可能是为了读者,朱信号是不准确的历史,但调用的马加比最近庆祝胜利,鼓舞进一步阻力Hellenizing敌人。 The ritual scrupulosity of the heroine suggests an early pharisaic origin for the book.而女主角仪式scrupulosity建议书的一个早期pharisaic的起源。

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Bibliography 参考书目
T Craven, Artistry and Faith in the Book of Judith (1983). T克雷文,艺术性和在朱(1983)图书信仰。

Book of Judith朱书

General Information一般资料

Judith is the fourth book of the Old Testament Apocrypha in those versions of the Bible following the Greek Septuagint (generally Roman Catholic and Orthodox versions).朱迪思是旧的圣经希腊文译本的后(一般为罗马天主教和东正教的版本)的版本约伪经四书。Judith is included with the Apocrypha in the King James Version; it does not appear in the Hebrew Bible.朱迪思是包含在国王詹姆斯版伪经,它不会出现在希伯来文圣经。The work of an unknown author, the book falls into two roughly equal parts.在一个未知作者工作,该书分为两种大致相等的部分。In the first part (chapters 1-7), King Nebuchadnezzar, "who reigned over the Assyrians in the great city of Nineveh" (Judith 1:1), sends his general Holofernes to punish the western nations because they have refused to join him in a war against Media.在第一部分(1-7章),王尼布甲尼撒,“谁统治了亚述人在尼尼微伟大的城市”(朱1:1),一般的何乐弗尼送他的惩罚西方国家,因为他们拒绝加入他在对媒体的战争。 Holofernes marches against them, and all except the Israelites submit.何乐弗尼游行反对他们,除以色列人所有提交。At this point in the narrative Achior, leader of the Ammonites, warns Holofernes that God will defend the Israelites so long as they remain faithful.此时在叙述Achior点,亚扪人领导人警告说,何乐弗尼神将捍卫以色列人,只要他们保持忠诚。Holofernes, however, disregarding the warning, surrounds the Israelites in the ancient Palestinian town of Bethulia, near Jerusalem.何乐弗尼,然而,不顾警告,环绕在古代巴镇Bethulia耶路撒冷附近,以色列人。

In the second part of the book (chapters 8-16), the pious and beautiful widow Judith (Hebrew, "Jewess") volunteers to deliver the Israelites after rebuking them for losing faith in God when under siege.在书中(8-16章),虔诚和美丽的寡妇朱(希伯来文,“Jewess”)志愿者提供斥责后为失去信仰的神,当他们被围困的以色列人的第二部分。 She goes to the Assyrian camp, pretending to be an informer against her people, and charms Holofernes, who invites her to a banquet in his tent.她去亚述营,假装是一个人对她的线人,和魅力何乐弗尼,谁邀请她在他的帐篷宴会。At the banquet, Holofernes becomes drunk and falls asleep.在宴会上喝醉了,何乐弗尼成为睡着。Judith seizes a sword, beheads him, wraps the severed head in a bag, and returns with it to her people.朱迪思抓住剑,断头他,包在一个袋子的头颅,并与它返回到她的人。The jubilant Israelites then attack the leaderless Assyrians, who flee in panic.在欢快的以色列人然后攻击群龙无首亚述人,谁逃离恐慌。 Judith leads the people in a song of celebration and praise, and then all go to Jerusalem to offer thanksgiving.朱领导的庆祝和赞美歌的人,然后都去耶路撒冷提供感恩。

Most modern scholars recognize that Judith is a historical romance written for didactic purposes.大多数现代学者认识到,朱是一个历史的浪漫为教学目的编写的。The author appears to have deliberately ignored historical fact in order to focus attention exclusively on the religious message.作者似乎故意忽略的历史事实,以专注于宗教信息的关注。Nebuchadnezzar II, for example, was king of Babylon, but he was never styled "king of Assyria," nor did he have his capital at the Assyrian capital Nineveh, which was destroyed in 612BC by his father, Nabopolassar.尼布甲尼撒二世,例如,是巴比伦国王,但他从来没有自称“亚述王”也没有了亚述首都尼尼微时,这是在612BC摧毁他的父亲,Nabopolassar他的资本。 Indeed, any participation by the historical Nebuchadnezzar in the story of Judith is a chronological impossibility: Nebuchadnezzar died in 562BC, while the action of Judith is said to take place after the end of the Babylonian Captivity in 538 (4:3; 5:19).事实上,任何在历史故事的朱迪思尼布甲尼撒的参与是不可能的顺序:尼布甲尼撒王在562BC死了,而朱行动是称取后,巴比伦圈养结束538位(4:3; 5时19分)。The geography of Judith is similarly open to question.而朱地理同样值得商榷。The itinerary of Holofernes and his army (2:21-28) is geographically impossible, and the site of Bethulia - the town around which the action revolves - resists identification, despite the presence of topographical details in the text that should fix its location with precision.而何乐弗尼和他的军队(2:21-28)行程地理不可能的,而Bethulia网站 - 镇围绕旋转的动作 - 抵抗尽管在文本地形细节的存在,应该修正其位置与鉴定,精度。

Judith betrays affinities with Ezekiel and Joel, as well as with Daniel and other apocalyptic writings.朱背叛与以西结书和乔尔亲和力,以及与丹尼尔和其他世界末日的著作。Both the apocalyptic element in the book and certain details of the narrative suggest that it dates from the period of the Maccabees.无论是在书中世界末日的元素和某些细节的叙述表明,它从马加比时期的日期。Nebuchadnezzar, for example, is said to have wanted "to destroy all local gods so that the nations should worship Nebuchadnezzar alone and people of every language and nationality should hail him as a god" (3:8).尼布甲尼撒,例如,据说是想“摧毁所有本地神使各国应该崇拜尼布甲尼撒单独和每一个语言和国籍的人士,应视他为神欢呼”(3:8)。 Yet it was the Seleucids, not the Assyrians or Babylonians, whose kings first insisted on divine honors.然而,这是塞留西士,而不是亚述人或巴比伦人,他们的国王第一次神圣的荣誉坚持。In that case, "Nebuchadnezzar" might represent Antiochus IV, while "Holofernes" may stand for his general Nicanor, "Assyrians" for the Seleucid Syrians, and "Nineveh" for Antiochus's capital Antioch.在这种情况下,“尼布甲尼撒”可能代表安提阿哥四,而“何乐弗尼”可能代表他的一般尼卡诺尔,“亚述人”为塞琉古叙利亚人和“尼尼微”的安提阿哥伊首都安提阿。 This interpretation is supported by the existence of a Hebrew Midrash that tells the story of Judith in an abbreviated form, explicitly assigning it to the period of Seleucid oppression.这种解释是支持由希伯来米德拉士,告诉在一个缩写形式的朱迪思的故事,明确地将其分配给压迫的塞琉古时期的存在。


Advanced Information先进的信息

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

Book of Judith朱书

Catholic Information天主教信息


Nabuchodonosor, King of Nineveh, sends his general Holofernes to subdue the Jews. Nabuchodonosor,尼尼微王,送他一般何乐弗尼制服的犹太人。The latter besieges them in Bethulia, a city on the southern verge of the Plain of Esdrelon.后者在Bethulia围攻,就对Esdrelon平原南部边缘城市的。Achior, the Ammonite, who speaks in defense of the Jews, is maltreated by him and sent into the besieged city to await his punishment when Holofernes shall have taken it. Achior的菊石,谁在犹太人的防御讲,是虐待他,进入围城发送到等待他的处罚时,何乐弗尼应采取它。Famine undermines the courage of the besieged and they contemplate surrender, but Judith, a widow, upbraids them and says that she will deliver the city.饥荒损害了被围困,他们考虑放弃的勇​​气,但朱,一个寡妇,upbraids他们说,她将提供城市。She goes into the camp of the Assyrians and captivates Holofernes by her beauty, and finally takes advantage of the general's intoxication to cut off his head.她进入了亚述人营地和着迷她的美貌何乐弗尼,最后利用一般的中毒优势,切断他的头。She returns inviolate to the city with his head as a trophy, and a sally on the part of the Jews results in the rout of the Assyrians.她返回不可侵犯的城市,他作为战利品头,一个关于在亚述人击溃犹太人结果的一部分突围。The book closes with a hymn to the Almighty by Judith to celebrate her victory.该书关闭庆祝她的胜利,以期通过朱迪思全能赞歌。


The book exists in distinct Greek and Latin versions, of which the former contains at least eighty-four verses more than the later.书中存在于不同的希腊文和拉丁文版本,其中前者包含至少84节经文比后来多。St. Jerome (Praef. in Lib.) says that he translated it from the Chaldaic in one night, "magis sensum e sensu, quam ex verbo verbum transferens" (aiming at giving sense for sense rather than adhering closely to the wording).圣杰罗姆(在lib Praef.)说,他翻译的Chaldaic在一个晚上吧,“MAGIS sensum Ë意义上,华富前verbo verbum transferens”(旨在扶助感,而不是坚持密切的措辞)。He adds that his codices differed much, and that he expresses in Latin only what he could clearly understand of the Chaldaic.他补充说,他的抄本不同了,而且他表示在拉美只有他能清楚地了解Chaldaic。

Two Hebrew versions are known at present, a long one practically identical with the Greek text, and a short one which is entirely different; we shall return to the latter when discussing the origin of the book.两个希伯来文版本,目前已知的,漫长的几乎与希腊文字相同的,是短暂的是完全不同的,我们将回到后者在讨论书的起源。The Chaldaic, from which St. Jerome made our present Vulgate version, is not recoverable unless it be identified with the longer Hebrew version mentioned above.该Chaldaic,从中圣杰罗姆使我们目前的武加大版本,是不可恢复的,除非它已被确定与上述希伯来文版本。If this be the case we can gauge the value of St. Jerome's work by comparing the Vulgate with the Greek text.如果是这种情况,我们可以通过比较衡量与希腊文的武加大了圣杰罗姆的工作的价值。We at once find that St. Jerome did not exaggerate when he said that he made his translation hurriedly.一旦我们发现在圣杰罗姆没有夸大,他说,他做他的翻译匆匆。Thus a comparison between vi, 11, and viii, 9 shows us a certain confusion relative to the names of the elders of Bethulia -- a confusion which does not exist in the Septuagint, where also x, 6, should be compared.因此,一个VI之间,11和第八,九比较表明我们一定相混淆的Bethulia长辈的名字 - 这一片混乱中不存在的译本,哪里还X,6,应加以比较。Again in iv, 5, the high priest is Eliachim, which name is later changed into Joachim (xv, 9) -- an allowable change but somewhat misleading: the Septuagint is consistent in using the form Joachim.同样是在四,五,大祭司是Eliachim,这名字是后来改到约阿希姆(十五,9) - 一个允许的变化而有所误导:七十是一致的使用形式约阿希姆。Some of the historical statements in the Septuagint directly conflict with those of the Vulgate; for example, the thirteenth year (Vulgate) of Nabuchodonosor becomes the eighteenth in the Septuagint, which also adds a long address of the king to Holofernes.一些在七十直接与武加大这些冲突的历史陈述,例如,第13年举行的Nabuchodonosor(武加大)成为中译本,这也增加了王长地址,以何乐弗尼十八。 St. Jerome has also frequently condensed the original-always on the supposition that the Septuagint and the longer Hebrew version do really represent the original.圣杰罗姆还经常浓缩在假定的译本和希伯来文版本不再做真正代表原来的原始始终。

To give but one instance:要举一个实例:

Septuagint (2:27): "And he came down into the plain of Damascus at the time of the wheat harvest, and burnt up all their fields, their flocks and their herds he delivered to destruction, their cities he ravaged, and the fruits of their fertile plains he scattered like chaff, and he struck all their young men with the edge of the sword."译本(2:27):“他下来到大马士革平原的小麦收割时间,烧毁了所有的领域,他们的羊群和牛群,他交付给他们的破坏,他们的城市,他蹂躏,和水果其肥沃的平原,他像散糠,他拨动了所有的剑边缘的年轻人。“

Vulgate (2:17): "And after these things he went down into the plains in the days of the harvest, and he set all the corn on fire, and he caused all the trees and vineyards to be cut down."武加大(2:17):“这事以后,他就下到平原在收获的日子里,他将所有的火玉米,和他所造成的所有的树木和被砍掉葡萄园。”

With regard to the Septuagint version of the Book of Judith it should be noted that it has come down to us in two recensions: Codex B or Vaticanus on the one hand, and Codex Alexandrinus with Codex Sinaiticus on the other.关于对朱书译本的版本,应该指出的是,它已经回落到两个recensions我们:食品乙或Vaticanus一方面,与食品法典委员会和食品法典西奈抄本Alexandrinus为另一方。


Catholics with very few exceptions accept the book of Judith as a narrative of facts, not as an allegory.除了极少数例外天主教徒接受的事实叙述的朱书,而不是作为一个寓言。Even Jahn considers that the genealogy of Judith is inexplicable on the hypothesis that the story is a mere fiction ("Introductio", Vienna, 1814, p. 461).即使雅恩认为,朱迪思家谱是在假设莫名其妙的故事是一个单纯的小说(“Introductio”,维也纳,1814年,第461页)。 Why carry out the genealogy of a fictitious person through fifteen generations?为什么要开展通过fifteen几代人的一个虚构的家谱?The Fathers have ever looked upon the book as historical.在父亲曾经白眼书作为历史。St. Jerome, who excluded Judith from the Canon, nonetheless accepted the person of the valiant woman as historical (Ep. lxv, 1).圣杰罗姆,谁排除在佳能朱迪思,仍然接受了作为历史英勇女人(插曲第六十五,1)人。

Against this traditional view there are, it must be confessed, very serious difficulties, due, as Calmet insists, to the doubtful and disputed condition of the text.在这种传统的观点也有,但必须承认,很严重的困难,因为,作为卡尔梅特坚持,以文本的怀疑和争议的条件。The historical and geographical statements in the book, as we now have it, are difficult to understand: thus在书的历史和地理陈述,因为我们现在有它,是很难理解:因此

Nabuchodonosor was apparently never King of Nineveh, for he came to the throne in 605, whereas Nineveh was destroyed certainly not later than 606, and after that the Assyrians ceased to exist as a people; Nabuchodonosor显然从未尼尼微王,因为他来到了在605位,而尼尼微被摧毁肯定不会晚于606,之后,亚述人已不复存在,作为一个民族;

the allusion in i, 6, to Erioch, King of the Elicians, is suspicious; we are reminded of the Arioch of Gen., xiv, i.在我,6,暗示Erioch,对Elicians王,是可疑的,我们是在将军,十四岛Arioch提醒The Septuagint makes him King of the Elumaens, presumably the Elamites,该译本让他国王的Elumaens,想必埃兰人,

the character of Nabuchodonosor is hardly that portrayed for us on the monuments: in the India House Inscription, for example, his sentiments are remarkable for the modesty of their tone.在Nabuchodonosor性格是很难的为我们描绘的纪念碑:在印度众议院铭文,例如,他的情绪是为他们的语气谦虚显着。 On the other hand, we must remember that, as Sayce says, the "Assyrian kings were most brazen-faces liars on their monuments";另一方面,我们必须记住,作为塞斯说,“亚述国王是在他们最厚颜​​无耻的古迹,面临着骗子”;

the name Vagao, or the Septuagint Bagoas, for the eunuch of Holofernes is suggestive of the Bagoses, who, according to Josephus (Antiquities, XI, vii, 1), polluted the temple and to whom apparently we have a reference in the recently discovered papyri from Assuan;名称Vagao,或七十Bagoas,是Bagoses,谁,根据约瑟夫(古物,十一,七,1),污染了寺庙和向谁显然我们在最近发现了一种参考提示的何乐弗尼的太监纸莎草纸从Assuan;

the mixture of Babylonian, Greek, and Persian names in the book should be noted;在巴比伦,希腊和波斯的名字在书中的混合物应注意;

the genealogy of Judith as given in the Vulgate is a medley: that given in the three principal Greek codices is perhaps better but varies in every one.族谱的朱在给定的武加大是一个混合泳:即在给定的三个主要希腊抄本可能是更好,但在每一个变化。Still it is an historical genealogy, though ill-conserved;不过这是一个历史的族谱,虽然生病保守;

a geographical puzzle is presented by the Vulgate of ii, 12-16; the Septuagint is much superior, and it should be noted that throughout this version, especially in Codex B, we have the most interesting details furnished us (cf. particularly i, 9; ii, 13, 28-9).地理难题,提出由二,12-16武加大;七十优越得多,它应该指出的是,在本版本中,特别是在食品B,我们有最有趣的细节布置我们(参见尤其是我, 9,二,13,28-9)。The Septuagint also gives us information about Achior which is wanting in the Vulgate; it is apparently hinted in vi, 2, 5, that he was an Ephraimite and a mercenary hired by Moad;该译本还为我们提供了有关Achior这是在武加大想要的信息,它显然是在暗示六,2,5,他是一名Ephraimite和雇佣军的Moad聘用;

Bethulia itself is a mystery: according to the Septuagint it was large, had streets and towers (vii, 22, 32), and withstood a long siege at the hands of a vast army. Bethulia本身就是一个谜:根据七十它是大的,有街道和塔(七,22,32),在经受了巨大的军队手中的长期围困。Its position, too, is stated with minuteness; it stood on the edge of the Plain of Esdrelon and guarded the pass to Jerusalem; yet no trace of the existence of such a place is to be found (unless we accept the theory of Conder, "Handbook", 5th ed., p. 239);它的位置,也就是表示与微小,它站在了Esdrelon平原边缘,守卫传递到耶路撒冷,但没有对这样一个地方存在的痕迹被发现(除非我们接受Conder理论, “手册”,第5版,第239页);

the names, Judith (Jewess), Achior (brother of light), and Bethulia (?Bethel, ie ?Jerusalem, or perhaps from the Hebrew meaning "virgin" -- in the shorter Hebrew version Judith is called not "the widow" but "the virgin", ie Bethulia), sound rather like symbolic names than those of historical places or persons;的名称,朱(Jewess),Achior(光哥)和Bethulia(伯特利,即耶路撒冷,或者是从希伯来文意思是“处女” - ?在较短的希伯来文版本朱迪思被称为不是“寡妇”,但“处女”,即Bethulia),而不是像历史的地方或个人的符号名的声音;

in Judith's speech to Holofernes there is (xi, 12, 15) some apparent confusion between Bethulia and Jerusalem;在朱的讲话,何乐弗尼有(十一,十二,15)和耶路撒冷之间的一些Bethulia明显的混乱;

while the events are referred to the time of Nabuchodonosor, and therefore to the close of the Hebrew monarchy, we seem to have in v, 22, and viii, 18-19, an allusion to the time subsequent to the Restoration; there is no king in Palestine (iv, 5), but only a high priest, Joachim or Eliachim; and in iv, 8; xi, 14; xv, 8 (Sept.), the Sanhedrin is apparently mentioned;而事件提到Nabuchodonosor时间,因此到希伯来君主制结束时,我们似乎已经在V,22,和第八,对时间的恢复后18-19典故,也没有国王在巴勒斯坦(四,五),但只有大祭司,约阿希姆或Eliachim,以及在四,8;十一,14;十五,8(9月),公会显然提到;

the book has a Persian and even a Greek colouring, as is evidenced by the recurrence of such names as Bagoas and Holofernes.书中有一个波斯甚至希腊着色,因为是由作为Bagoas和何乐弗尼这样的名字再次证明。

These are serious difficulties, and a Catholic student must be prepared to meet them.这些都是严重的困难,和天主教学生必须准备迎接他们。There are two ways of doing so.有两个这样做的方法。

(a) According to what we may term "conservative" criticism, these apparent difficulties can every one be harmonized with the view that the book is perfectly historical and deals with facts which actually took place. (一)根据我们可能长期“保守”的批评,这些明显的困难,可以与每一个被认为书是完全符合事实的历史和实际发生的交易协调。Thus, the geographical errors may be ascribed to the translators of the original text or to copyists living long after the book was composed, and consequently ignorant of the details referred to.因此,地理错误可能是归因于原文的翻译或抄写员生活后不久,书组成,因此提到的细节一无所知。Calmet insists that the Biblical Nabuchodonosor is meant, while in Arphaxad he sees Phraortes whose name, as Vigoroux (Les Livres Saints et La Critique Rationaliste, iv, 4th ed.) shows, could easily have been thus perverted.卡尔梅特坚持认为,圣经Nabuchodonosor的意思,而在亚法撒他认为Phraortes的名称,如Vigoroux(LES里弗圣徒ET LA批判Rationaliste,四,第4版)显示,因此很容易被扭曲。

Vigoroux, however, in accordance with recent Assyrian discoveries, identifies Nabuchodonosor with Assur-bani-pal, the contemporary of Phraortes. Vigoroux然而,根据最近的亚述人的发现,识别与亚述 - 巴尼- PAL,对Phraortes当代Nabuchodonosor。This enables him to refer the events to the time of the captivity of Manasses under Assur-bani-pal (2 Chronicles 33:11; cf. Sayce, "Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments", 4th ed., p. 458).这使他指事件对圈养的Manasses下亚述 - 巴尼- PAL(历代33:11时;比照塞斯,“高等批判与古迹裁决”,第4版,第458页。 )。It is further maintained that the campaign conducted by Holofernes is well illustrated in the records of Assur-bani-pal which have come down to us.它进一步认为,由何乐弗尼进行的活动是很好的亚述 - 巴尼- PAL的已回落到我们的记录说明。And these facts will undoubtedly afford an explanation of the apparent allusion to the captivity; it was indeed a Restoration, but that of Manasses, not that under Esdras.而这些事实无疑将承受一个明显的暗示到圈养的解释,它的确是一个恢复,但Manasses的,而不是根据埃斯德拉斯。 The reference, too, to the Sanhedrin is doubtful; the term gerousia is used of the "ancients" in Lev., ix, 3, etc. Lastly, Conder's identification of Bethulia with Mithilia (loc. cit. supra) is highly probable.该参考,也为公会是值得怀疑;一词gerousia是“古人”的列夫使用,九,3等最后,Conder的Bethulia识别与Mithilia(如上段。)极有可能。 Moreover, the writer who described the strategical position in iv, 1-6, knew the geography of Palestine thoroughly.此外,作家谁描述四,1-6,在战略地位认识的巴勒斯坦彻底地理。And we are given details about the death of Judith's husband which (viii, 2-4) can hardly be attributed to art, but are rather indications that Judith represents a really existing heroine.而我们得到对朱的丈夫是(八2-4)难以归结到艺术的死亡细节,但有迹象表明,而是代表了一个真正朱现有的女主角。 With regard to the state of the text it should be noted that the extraordinary variants presented in the various versions are themselves a proof that the versions were derived from a copy dating from a period long antecedent to the time of its translators (cf. Calmet, "Introd. in Lib. Judith").关于文本的状态应该指出,在各种版本提出的特殊变种是一个自己的版本,是根据从长一个时期前因追溯至其翻译的时间复制而得的证据(见卡尔梅特, “Introd,在lib。朱迪思”)。

(b) Some few Catholic writers are not satisfied with Calmet's solution of the difficulties of the Book of Judith; they deem the errors of translators and of scribes to be no sufficient explanation in this matter. (b)一些少数天主教作家不满意卡尔梅特的对朱书的困难的解决方案,他们认为的翻译和文士的错误是没有在这个问题上有足够的解释。These few Catholics, together with the non-Catholics that do not care to throw the book over entirely into the realm of fiction, assure us that the Book of Judith has a solid historical foundation.这几个天主教徒,连同非天主教徒不小心丢了,完全进入小说境界的书,保证我们的朱书有着坚实的历史基础。Judith is no mythical personage, she and her heroic deed lived in the memory of the people; but the difficulties enumerated above seem to show that the story as we now have it was committed to writing at a period long subsequent to the facts.朱没有神话人物,她和她的英雄事迹在人们的记忆中居住,但上面列举的困难似乎表明,我们现在有它承诺在随后的一段时间长的事实写的故事。 The history, so it is maintained, is vague; the style of composition, the speeches, etc., remind us of the Books of Machabees.历史,所以它得以保持,是模糊的,构图风格,演讲等方式,提醒我们的Machabees的书籍。A remarkable knowledge of the Psalter is evinced (cf. 7:19 and Psalm 105:6; 7:21, and Psalm 78:10, 93:2; 9:6, 9, and Psalm 19:8; 9:16, and Psalm 146:10; 13:21, and Psalm 105:1).一个显着知识的psalter是明证(参7时19分和诗篇105:6; 7点21分,和诗篇78:10,93:2; 9时06分,9,和诗篇十九时08; 9时16分,和诗篇146:10; 13:21,和诗篇105:1)。Some of these psalms must almost certainly be referred to the period of the Second Temple.这些诗篇几乎可以肯定一些必须提到的第二圣殿时期。Again, the High Priest Joachim must presumably be identified with the father of Eliashib, and must therefore have lived in the time of Artaxerxes the Great (464-424 BC Cf. Josephus, "Antiquities", XI, vi-vii).再次,大祭司约阿希姆必须想必是确定与以利亚实的父亲,因此必须有时间在亚达薛西居住的大(464-424 BC参看约瑟夫,“古物”,第十一,六,七)。We referred above to a shorter Hebrew version of the book; Dr. Gaster, its discoverer, assigns this manuscript to the tenth or eleventh century AD (Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archaeol., XVI, pp. 156 sqq.).上面我们谈到了较短的希伯来文版的书博士法莫替丁,其发现者,分配此手稿到第十或十一世纪AD(SOC的诉讼Bibl考古,十六,第156 SQQ。。)。It is exceedingly brief, some forty lines, and gives us only the gist of the story.这是极其短暂的,大约四十线,使我们仅仅是故事的要点。Yet it seems to offer a solution to many of the difficulties suggested above.然而,它似乎提供了一个以上的困难提出许多解决方案。 Thus Holofernes, Bethulia, and Achior, all disappear; there is a very natural explanation of the purification in xii, 7; and, most noticeable of all, the enemy is no longer an Assyrian, but Seleucus, and his attack is on Jerusalem, not on Bethulia.因此,何乐弗尼,Bethulia和Achior,全部消失,有一个在十二,7净化很自然的解释;,而最引人注目的一切,敌人不再是亚述人,但塞琉古,他的攻击耶路撒冷,不Bethulia。

If it could be maintained that we have in this manuscript the story in its original form, and that our canonical book is an amplification of it, we should then be in a position to explain the existence of the numerous divergent versions.如果它能够保持我们在这一手稿的原始形式的故事,我们的规范书是它的一个放大,那么我们应该在一个位置,以解释众多不同版本的存在。 The mention of Seleucus brings us down to Machabean times, the title of Judith, now no longer the "widow" but the "virgin", may explain the mysterious city; the Machabean colouring of the story becomes intelligible, and the theme is the efficacy of prayer (cf. 6:14-21; 7:4; 2 Maccabees 15:12-16).而塞琉古提给我们带来了下来Machabean次,朱冠军,现在不再是“寡妇”,但“处女”,可以解释神秘的城市,故事的Machabean着色变得清晰,主题是疗效祷告(参6:14-21;七时04分,2马加15:12-16)。


The Book of Judith does not exist in the Hebrew Bible, and is consequently excluded from the Protestant Canon of Holy Scripture.而朱书不存在于希伯来文圣经,并因此从新教的圣经佳能排除在外。 But the Church has always maintained its canonicity.但教会一直保持了正规。

St. Jerome, while rejecting in theory those books which he did not find in his Hebrew manuscript, yet consented to translate Judith because "the Synod of Nicaea is said to have accounted it as Sacred Scripture" (Praef. in Lib.).圣杰罗姆,虽然在理论上那些书,他没有发现在他的希伯来文手稿拒绝,但同意翻译朱迪思因为“尼西亚宗教会议,据说已经占到它作为圣经”(在lib Praef.)。It is true that no such declaration is to be found in the Canons of Nicaea, and it is uncertain whether St. Jerome is referring to the use made of the book in the discussions of the council, or whether he was misled by some spurious canons attributed to that council, but it is certain that the Fathers of the earliest times have reckoned Judith among the canonical books; thus St. Paul seems to quote the Greek text of Judith, viii, 14, in I Cor., ii, 10 (cf. also 1 Corinthians 10:10, with Judith 8:25).诚然,没有这样的声明是要在尼西亚的大炮发现,这是确定是否圣杰罗姆是指的是在安理会讨论书中提出的使用,还是他被一些虚假误导大炮由于该会,但可以肯定的是在最早的时候,父亲已经计算之中,典型的书籍朱迪思,因此圣保罗似乎引述朱,八,14希腊文,在我肺心病,二,10(。比照也哥林多前书10:10与朱迪思8:25)。 In the early Christian Church we find it quoted as part of Scripture in the writing of St. Clement of Rome (First Epistle ot the Corinthians, lv), Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Tertullian.在早期的基督教教会我们发现它作为圣经的一部分,在圣克莱门特的罗马(OT科林蒂安,LV第一书信),亚历山德里亚,奥利克莱门特和良写作引用。

Publication information Written by Hugh T. Pope.出版信息写休T.教皇。Transcribed by Michael T. Barrett.转录由迈克尔T巴雷特。Dedicated to Judy Van Horn The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.致力于朱迪范霍恩天主教百科全书,音量八。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


Consult the various Biblical dictionaries and introductions; also Civilta Cattolica (1887).咨询各种圣经字典和介绍;也Civilta卡托利卡(1887年)。The best summary of the various view and arguments on the question is in GIGOT, Special Introd., I; cf.对各种意见,并就这个问题争论的最好概括,是在GIGOT,特别Introd,我;比照。also especially SCHURER, The Jewish People in the Time of Christ, div.还特别SCHURER,在基督时代的犹太人,DIV。II, vol.二,第二卷。III; VIGOUROUX, La Bible et les Decouvertes Modernes, IV (5th ed.), 275-305; BRUENGO, Il Nabucodonosor di Giuditta (Rome, 1888).三; VIGOUROUX,香格里拉圣经ET LES Decouvertes Modernes,IV(第5版),275-305; BRUENGO,伊尔Nabucodonosor迪Giuditta(罗马,1888)。

Book of Judith朱书

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息



General Character and Contents.一般性质和内容。

Historical Setting.历史背景。

The City Bethulia.城市Bethulia。

Identity of Bethulia.身份的Bethulia。

Literary and Religious Importance.文学和宗教的重要性。

Original Language; Versions.原文;版本。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

Possible Date of Composition.可能的日期组成。


An Apocryphal book in sixteen chapters.在16章杜撰的书。The book receives its title from the name of its principal character, Judith ( = "Jewess"; in the Greek transliteration, Ἰουδείθ), a name found also in Gen. xxvi.该书接收其从它的主要特征,朱(=“Jewess”,在希腊的音译,Ἰουδείθ)的名称标题,名称还发现,在将军二十六。 34 (comp. the corresponding masculine proper name in Jer. xxxvi. 14, 21, 23). 34(comp.相应的男性在哲。XXXVI适当的名称。14,21,23)。

The Book of Judith is a story written for house-hold reading, While it may properly be classed as didactic, yet it is one of those popular tales in which the chief concern of the writer is with the telling of the story rather than with the pointing of a moral, and in which the wish to interest takes precedence even of the desire to instruct.朱书的是日用品阅读写的故事,虽然可以适当归类为说教,但它是那些流行的故事之一,其中主要关注的作家与讲故事的,而不是为指着一种道德,并在其中要利益需要的欲望,甚至指示优先。 What gained for the book its high esteem in early times, in both the Jewish and the Christian world, was its intrinsic merit as a story, rather than its religious teaching or its patriotism.做什么书获得其在早期高自尊,无论在犹太教和基督教世界,是其内在的优点,一个故事,而不是其宗教教职或爱国主义。

General Character and Contents.一般性质和内容。

It is, furthermore, a historical novel; that is, its scenes are definitely located as to place and time and connected with important personages of history, with the purpose of adding life to the narrative.这是,此外,历史小说,也就是说,其场面绝对位置,以地点和时间,并与历史的重要人物连接中加入生活的叙事目的。 This feature it has in common with such stories as those of Ruth, Esther, Daniel, and especially with the Book of Tobit, the work most nearly akin to it.此功能已在为露丝,以斯帖,丹尼尔,特别是那些与Tobit回归书,大部分的工作几乎类似这样的故事是常见的。But in Judith the names of persons and localities are introduced in such profusion and with such minuteness of detail as have no parallel in the other old Jewish compositions of this class.但在朱人员和地方的名称是介绍这种丛生,并与这些微小的细节都没有在这个类的其他老犹太组成平行。

The events of the narrative are represented as taking place on the occasion of the hostile advance of an "Assyrian" army into Palestine.叙述的事件表示为采取对一个“亚述”军队敌对提前进入巴勒斯坦之际举行。The inhabitants of a certain Jewish city called "Bethulia," (properly "Betylua") can check the advance of the enemy, because their city occupies the narrow and important pass through which is the entrance into Judea (Judith iv. 7 et seq., viii. 21-24).有一定的犹太人称为“Bethulia”(正常“Betylua”)城市的居民可以查看敌人的前进,因为他们的城市占据了狭窄和重要的是通过高考进入朱迪亚(朱四,7起。 ,八21-24)。But the Assyrians, instead of attempting to force the pass, blockade the city and cut off its water-supply.但是,亚述人,而不是试图通过武力,封锁城市,切断其供水。In the distress which follows, Judith, a woman of Bethulia, works deliverance for her city-and thus for all Judea and Jerusalem-by bewitching the Assyrian captain, Holofernes, and cutting off his head.在这危难如下,朱迪思,一个Bethulia女人,她的作品拯救城市,从而为所有犹太和耶路撒冷,由迷人的亚述队长,何乐弗尼,并切断他的头。

Historical Setting.历史背景。

The book begins with a date, "the twelfth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar," and everything moves with the air of a precise account of actual events.该书的开卷日期“的尼布甲尼撒在位的第十二年”,与一个实际事件精确的空气一切举动。But the way in which the narrative at once makes open sport of chronology and history is very striking.但以何种方式叙述一次使历史的年表和开放的运动是非常惊人的。Nebuchadnezzar is the king of Assyria, and reigns in Nineveh(!).尼布甲尼撒是亚述王,和尼尼微(!)统治。The Jews, who have "newly returned from the captivity" (iv. 3, v. 19), are in no sense his subjects; indeed, his chief captain has apparently never heard of them (v. 3).犹太人,谁(iv. 3,诉19)“新的圈养返回”,在没有他的臣民意识,事实上,他的千夫长显然从来没有人(3节)听到。Yet the writer of this story was a well-informed man, familiar with foreign geography (i. 6-10, ii. 21-28), and well acquainted with the Hebrew Scriptures (i. 1; ii. 23; v. 6-19; viii. 1, 26; ix. 2 et seq.).然而,这个故事的作者是一个消息灵通的人,熟悉与外国地理(一6-10,二21-28),并很好地与希伯来文圣经(一,一了解​​,二23;诉6 -19;八1,26;九,2及以下)。It must therefore be concluded either that the principal names of the story are a mere disguise, or that they were chosen with a purely literary purpose, and with the intent to disclaim at the outset any historical verity for the tale.因此,必须得出结论要么是故事的主体名称是一个单纯的掩饰,或者说,他们与纯粹的文学目的选择,并与有意在一开始就任何历史真实性的声明的故事。 The former supposition is not rendered plausible by any consideration, and fails utterly to account for the peculiarities of the narrative; the latter, on the contrary, gives a satisfactory explanation of all the facts.前者假设是合理的不呈现任何代价,并没有完全对叙事的特殊性来考虑,后者,相反,给人以所有事实令人满意的解释。That is, with the very first words of the tale, "In the twelfth year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, who reigned over the Assyrians in Nineveh," the narrator gives his hearers a solemn wink.也就是说,与这个故事的第一话,“在对尼布甲尼撒,谁在亚述王朝统治在尼尼微第十二年,”解说员给他的听众一个庄严的眼色。 They are to understand that this is fiction, not history.他们明白,这是小说,不是历史。It did not take place in this or that definite period of Jewish history, but simply "once upon a time," the real vagueness of the date being transparently disguised in the manner which has become familiar in the folk-tales of other parts of the world.它没有参加这样或那样的犹太历史的一定时期的地方,但仅仅是“曾几何时,”真正的日期是透明的模糊已成为对其他地区的民间故事熟悉的方式变相世界。

The City Bethulia.城市Bethulia。

Both the name and the site of the city in which the scene of the story is laid have been the subject of much debate.双方的名称和在其中的故事场景的布局城遗址一直是备受争议。It is beyond all question that the narrator in describing Bethulia is describing a real place with which he is personally familiar.它是超越一切问题,在描述Bethulia叙述者是描述一个真实的地方与他有亲身熟悉。 The plain requirements of the description are these: a large city in the hill-country of Samaria, on the direct road from Jezreel to Jerusalem, lying in the path of the enemy, at the head of an important pass, a few hours (vi. 11, vii. 1-3) south of Geba.平原的描述要求是这些:在撒玛利亚山地大城市,就直接道耶斯列到耶路撒冷,在敌人的路径卧,在一个重要的通行证头,几个小时(六11,七1-3)南部迦巴。 This Geba is the of the Talmud, the modern Jeba', two or three hours northeast of Samaria, at the point where the ascent into the mountainous country begins.这迦巴是犹太法典的,现代Jeba“,两三个小时东北撒马利亚,在点入多山的国家开始上升。Between this point and the plain of Jezreel there is nothing resembling a pass.这点和之间的耶斯列平原,没有什么类似一通。 Holofernes, with the division of his army which had just chastised the coast cities (iii. 6 et seq.), was in the van.何乐弗尼,随着他的军队师刚刚严厉批评沿海城市(III. 6页起),在面包车。A considerable body now joined him from the east (Moab, Ammon, Edom, etc.; v. 2, vii. 8).现在加入了一个相当大的身体从东(摩押,亚扪人,以东等;诉2,七8)他。The statement that his vast army "encamped between Geba and Seythopolis" (iii. 10) suits all the conditions perfectly.在他的大军“扎营之间迦巴和Seythopolis”(III. 10)语句的所有条件完全适合。

Identity of Bethulia.身份的Bethulia。

As Torrey first pointed out, in the "Journal of the American Oriental Society," xx.正如托里首先指出,在“美国东方学会杂志”XX。160-172, there is one city, and only one, which perfectly satisfies all the above-mentioned requirements, namely, Shechem.160-172,有一个城市,只有一个,这完全满足所有上述要求,即示剑。A great army, with its baggage-trains, breaking camp at Geba in the morning (vii. 1), would arrive in the afternoon at the springs in the broad valley (ib. 3) just under Shechem.一个伟大的军队,其行李列车,打破在早上迦巴(vii. 1)营,将在下午抵达时在广阔的山谷(同上3)刚下示剑的弹簧。 This, moreover, is the city which occupies the all-important pass on this route, the pass by which "was the entrance into Judea" (iv. 7).这一点,而且,是城市所占用这条线路上所有重要的通,通,其中“是为犹太入口”(iv. 7)。Furthermore, each one of the details of topography, which the writer introduces in great number, finds its unmistakable counterpart in the surroundings of Shechem.此外,每一个细节的地形,这对作家的大量引入,发现在示剑周围的明确无误的副本。The valley below the city is on the west side (vii. 18; comp. ib. verses 13, 20).下面的城市山谷(vii. 18;比赛IB节13,20)的西侧。The "fountain of water in the camp" (xii. 7) is the modern Bait al-Ma, fifteen minutes from Shechem.而“水喷泉营”(xii. 7)是现代诱饵人,马,十五分钟从示剑。The ascent to the city was through a narrowing valley (xiii. 10; comp. x. 10).上升到城市是通过缩小山谷(xiii. 10;赛十10)。Whether the words "for two men at the most" (iv. 7) are an exaggeration for the sake of the story, or whether they truly describe the old fortifications of the city, it is impossible to say with certainty.无论是“两个男人在最”(iv. 7)的话是一个故事的缘故夸张,还是真实地描述了城市的旧工事,就不可能肯定地说。At the head of this ascent, a short distance back from the brow of the bill, stood the city (xiv. 11).在这个上升的头,从该法案眉短距离回来,站在城市(xiv. 11)。Rising above it and overlooking it were mountains (vii. 13, 18; xv. 3).瑞星上面,俯瞰它是山(vii. 13,18;十五3)。The "fountain" from which came thewater-supply of the city (vii. 12 et seq.) is the great spring Ras el-'Ain, in the valley (ἐν τῷ αὐλῶνι, ib. 17) just above Shechem, "at the foot" of Mount Gerizim.该“喷泉”,从里面传来的城市thewater电源(vii. 12起。)是伟大的春天Ras的EL - 'Ain,在示剑谷的正上方(ἐντῷαὐλῶνι,IB 17),“在脚“山盖里济姆。The abundant water-supply of the modern city is probably due to a system of ancient underground conduits from this one spring; see Robinson, "Physical Geography of the Holy Land," p.在丰富的现代城市供水可能是由于来自这一个古老的地下管道系统的春天,见鲁宾逊“的圣地自然地理”,第247, and Guérin, "Samarie," i. 247,和卡介苗,“Samarie,”一401 et seq.401起。Further corroborative evidence is given by the account of the blockade of Bethulia in vii.进一步的佐证是赋予的对Bethulia在七封锁帐户。13-20.13-20。"Ekrebel" is 'Aḳrabah, three hours southeast of Shechem, on the road to the Jordan; "Chusi" is Ḳuza (so GA Smith and others), two hours south, on the road to Jerusalem. “Ekrebel”是“Aḳrabah,三个小时的示剑东南,上至佐敦道,”初四“是Ḳuza(所以GA史密斯和其他人),两小时就到耶路撒冷以南的道路。 The identity of Bethulia with Shechem is thus beyond all question.的身份与示剑Bethulia因此超越一切问题。

The reason for the pseudonym is obvious.为化名的原因是显而易见的。Because of the feeling of the Jews toward the Samaritans, the name "Shechem" could not be repeatedly used in a popular tale of this character for the city whose people wrought deliverance for Jerusalem and for the sanctuary of the Jews.由于朝撒玛利亚犹太人的感觉,命名为“示剑”不能反复使用的这种性格,为城市的人民造成了耶路撒冷和犹太人的避难所拯救流行的故事。 The original form of "Betylua" (Greek, Βαιτουλουα, etc.; Latin, "Bethulia," whence the modern usage) is quite uncertain.而“Betylua”(希腊语,Βαιτουλουα等;拉丁语,“Bethulia,”何处是现代用法)的原始形式是相当不确定的。 The favorite = "House of God," is not improbable.最喜欢=“上帝之家”,不是不可能。

Literary and Religious Importance.文学和宗教的重要性。

Judith is certainly one of the very best extant specimens of old Jewish story-telling, and forms a worthy companion-piece to Tobit, which it surpasses in vividness of style.朱肯定是老犹太讲故事最好的现存标本之一,并形成一个有价值的伙伴,一块Tobit回归,它的风格生动超过。Its author introduces a considerable variety of material, but all in due proportion; everything is subordinated to the main action, and the interest never flags.它的作者介绍了各种材料相当,但都在适当的比例;一切都服从于主要行动和利息没有标志。The principal scenes are painted very vigorously, and a striking picture is often sketched in a few words (comp. x. 10, 18; xiii. 13; xiv. 6).主要场景画非常积极,和一个醒目的图片往往是几句话勾勒(comp.十,10,18,十三13;。十四6)。The poem in the closing chapter is a fine composition, plainly the work of no ordinary writer.在诗的最后一章是一个很好的组合,显然不是普通的作家的作品。The book has a distinctly religious trend, and is well calculated to inspire both patriotism and piety.书中有一个明显的宗教趋势,是很好计算,既激发爱国主义和虔诚。For the history of the Jewish religion, however, it contributes little of importance.为犹太宗教的历史,但是,它的重要性一点贡献。Views and doctrines which have nothing to do with the progress of the story are not introduced.观点和学说已无关的故事进度未出台。

Original Language; Versions.原文;版本。

As most students of the book have recognized, it was originally written in Hebrew.至于书的大部分学生已经认识到,它最初是希伯来文写的。The standard Greek version bears the unmistakable marks of a translation from this language.标准版熊希腊从这个语言的翻译无误的标记。The idioms are those of classical Hebrew; and yet the dialect in which the book is composed is plainly a living one.经典的成语是希伯来人;,但在其中的书是由方言显然是一个活一个。The diction is fresh and vigorous, and not noticeably reminiscent of the canonical Old Testament.文词是新鲜和活力,并没有明显的规范旧约的影子。

The wide-spread popularity of the story is attested, as in the case of Tobit, by the existence of a number of separate recensions; these do not, however, diverge very widely from one another.这个故事的广泛的普及证明,如在Tobit回归的情况下,由一个独立的recensions的存在,这些不这样做,但是,偏离彼此非常广泛。 Three Greek forms have been preserved: (1) the standard text, found in most manuscripts (including the principal uncials) and given in all the printed editions; in all probability the recension which most nearly represents the original form of the story; (2) a somewhat corrected and "improved" recension, represented by Codex 58 (Holmes and Parsons) and by the Old Latin and Syriac versions; and (3) a text closely related to the preceding, found in Codices 19 and 108.三希腊形式被保存:(1)标准文本,发现在大多数手稿(包括本金uncials)和所有的印刷版本给予,在所有的概率校订几乎代表了大多数的故事原来的形式;(2 )有点纠正和“改善”校订,食品法典委员会58(福尔摩斯和Parsons)和旧版本拉丁美洲和叙利亚代表,以及(3)一文密切相关的前面,在19和108发现抄本。 The Old Latin translation exists in several divergent forms.旧拉丁语翻译中存在几个不同的形式。The Vulgate version was made by Jerome (according to his own testimony hastily and with considerable freedom) from an Aramaic text.武加大版是由杰罗姆(根据他自己的证言匆匆和相当大的自由度)从阿拉姆语文字。It gives the narrative in a form which is both much abridged and plainly secondary.它给它的形式是两个非常明显删节和次要的叙述。

The several Hebrew versions of Judith are all comparatively recent, and are quite worthless for the criticism of the book.希伯来文的几个版本的朱迪思都比较近,并为书的批评相当不值钱。Two of these are given in Jellinek, "BH" i.其中两个载于耶利内克,“波黑”岛130-141, ii.130-141,二。 12-22; another is published by Gaster in "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch."12-22,一个是发表在由法莫替丁“PROC的SoC Bibl建筑。” xvi.十六。156-163.156-163。These are all free adaptations of the story, very much abridged.这是所有自由改编的故事,很简略。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

The author of Judith beyond question lived and wrote in Palestine.毫无疑问的作者朱迪思生活和巴勒斯坦写道。He was a Jew, not a Samaritan, and probably dwelt near Shechem.他是犹太人,而不是见义勇为,而且很可能住附近的示剑。From the manner and frequency of the mention of Dothan (iii. 9 [?]; "Dothaim," iv. 6; vii. 3, 18; viii. 3)-if the Greek text can be trusted-it might perhaps be conjectured that his home was there.从方式和频率的Dothan的提(III. 9 [?]“Dothaim,”四6;七,3,18;八3)如果希腊文可以信任 - 它也许会猜想他的家在那里。From the prominence given in the book to the ceremonial law, many have drawn the conclusion that its author was a Pharisee; but this is hardly a safe conclusion.从到礼仪律法书应有的重视,很多人得出的结论是,它的作者是一个法利赛人,但这绝不是安全的结论。All that can be inferred with certainty is, that the punctilious performance of rites and ceremonies was popularly recognized at that time as characteristic of the extreme type of "holiness" demanded by the story for its heroine.所有可以肯定地推断是,认为祭祀礼仪执表现当时普遍公认的“圣德”极端类型的特征由它的女主人公的故事要求。There is nowhere in the story any hint that its writer would have recommended such punctiliousness as desirable for the Jews in general, any more than the admiring Christian biographers of Simeon Stylites appear to think that it would be well for the people to follow his example.有无处故事中的任何暗示其作者将推荐为一般的犹太人,任何比西缅Stylites欣赏基督教传记作者似乎认为,这将是很好的人以他为榜样较为理想等punctiliousness。 As for the tale invented to deceive Holofernes (xi. 12-16), it is of course not necessary to suppose that even such a saint as Judith would have regarded this transgression of the Law, in a time of distress, as a grievous sin.至于故事的发明欺骗何乐弗尼(xi. 12-16),当然是没有必要的假设,即使这样一个朱圣会认为这个法海侵,在危难之时,作为一个严重的罪过。

Possible Date of Composition.可能的日期组成。

The tale of Judith, as has already been observed, is not given any genuine historical setting; nor is it likely that its author himself connected it with any particular time.而朱的故事,正如已经指出,没有给出任何真正的历史背景,也不是它可能是其作者本人与任何特定的时间。 The names, Jewish and Persian, of his principal characters he selected with the freedom which belongs to any popular narrator.的名称,犹太和波斯他的主要角色,他选择的自由属于任何流行的解说员。There is nothing in the book which gives any direct clew to its date, or any precise indication of the circumstances of the Jews at the time when it was written.在书中有任何直接的线索赋予其日期,或任何犹太人的情况下,在其发生时写的时间准确说明什么。The passage iii.在通过第三。 8 is plainly a reminiscence of the measures taken by Antiochus Epiphanes.8显然是一个由安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯采取的措施回忆。 It may also fairly be urged that the glorification of Shechem in this transparent way is much more easily conceivable after 120 BC, when John Hyrcanus took and humbled the city, than before that date, when it was a perpetual thorn in the side of the Jews.它也可能公正地敦促示剑在这个透明的方式颂扬是更容易可以想象后公元前120年,当约翰Hyrcanus了,也动摇了城市,超过该日期之前,当时在犹太人的一面永久刺。 On the other hand, the character of the Hebrew in which the book is written (see above) favors a comparatively early date.另一方面,对其中的书是写的(见上文)希伯来文字符赞成较早的日期。One would probably not be far out of the way in placing it near the beginning of the first century BC The book is first quoted by Clement of Rome (Ep. I. ad Corinth., c. 55), near the end of the first century of the common era.一个可能不会远的方式在附近放置了公元前一世纪开始的时候是第一本书援引罗马(插曲一广告科林斯。角55)克莱门特附近的首端,世纪的共同的时代。

Crawford Howell Toy, Charles C. Torrey克劳福德豪威尔玩具,查尔斯C托里

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。


The principal commentaries are those by Fritzsche, 1853, Ball in the Speaker's Commentary, 1888, and Scholz.主要的评论是弗里切,1853年,在议长的解说球,1888年和肖尔茨的。2d ed., 1896; Löhr translates the book in Kautzsch's Apokryphen; Nestle contributes helpful notes on the text in his Marginalien und Materialien, 1893; see also Gaster, in Hastings, Dict. 2版,1896年; LOHR翻译在Kautzsch的Apokryphen书;雀巢贡献就在他Marginalien UND Materialien,1893年文本有帮助的说明;又见法莫替丁,在黑斯廷斯,快译通。Bible; Porter, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc.圣经;波特在进益和​​黑色,百科全书。Bibl.TCCTBibl.TCCT

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