Books of Maccabees or Machabees本书的马加比

A book in the Old Testament Apocrypha旧约伪经中的

General Information一般资料

The books of the Maccabees consist of four Jewish books named after Judas Maccabeus, the hero of the first two.马加的书籍包括犹大Maccabeus,前两个英雄的名字命名的4个犹太书籍。The books do not appear in the Jewish Bible, but 1 and 2 Maccabees are included in the Greek and Latin canon and in the Protestant Apocrypha.书籍没有出现在犹太圣经,但1和2马加比在希腊和拉丁的佳能,在新教伪经。Books 1 and 2 provide a vivid account of Jewish resistance to the religious suppression and Hellenistic cultural penetration of the Seleucid period (175 - 135 BC).书1和2提供了一个生动的犹太抵抗帐户的宗教镇压和塞琉古时期(175 - 公元前135年)的古希腊文化的渗透。

They also contain partial records of the Hasmonean (or Maccabean) dynasty, which achieved Jewish political independence during the resistance to the Seleucids and maintained it until 63 BC.哈斯蒙尼(或马加比)王朝,这期间取得的塞留西士的阻力犹太人的政治独立,并保持它,直到公元前63年,它们还含有部分记录。 Written about 110 BC, 1 Maccabees has more historical scope and detail than the others and displays Hasmonean sympathies.书面公元前约110年,1马加比别人哈斯蒙尼同情,并显示有更多的历史范围和细节。Dated prior to 63 BC, 2 Maccabees epitomizes an earlier work by Jason of Cyrene and has modest historical value.2日以前到公元前63年,马加缩影古利奈贾森早期的工作,并有温和的历史价值。A historically dubious but edifying account of the persecution of Egyptian Jews by Ptolemy IV (r. 221 - 204 BC) constitutes 3 Maccabees, which was written about 50 BC.一个历史上的埃及托勒密四(R.公元前221 - 204年)的犹太人的迫害半信半疑,但有启发性的帐户的构成3马加约公元前50年,这是书面。The last book, 4 Maccabees, originally written in Greek probably about AD 25, is primarily a philosophical discussion of the primacy of reason, governed by religious laws, over passion.最后一本书,4马加,最初在希腊可能大约在公元25编写,主要是哲学讨论的首要地位的原因,宗教法律管辖,过的激情,。

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Bibliography 参考书目
JA Goldstein, 1 Maccabees (1976); M Hadas, The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees (1953); RH Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times with an Introduction to the Apocrypha (1949); DS Russell, Between the Testaments (1960); S Tedesche and S Zeitlin, The First Book of Maccabees (1950) and The Second Book of Maccabees (1954). JA戈尔茨坦,1马加比(1976年);中号的哈达,马加的第三次和第四次图书(1953年);相对湿度菲佛,与伪经(1949)新约时代的历史;局副局长罗素之间的圣经“(1960年), ,S Tedesche和S蔡特林,马加比(1950)和马加比二书(1954)的第一本书。


Maccabees马加

Advanced Information先进的信息

This word does not occur in Scripture.这个词不会出现在圣经中。It was the name given to the leaders of the national party among the Jews who suffered in the persecution under Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded to the Syrian throne BC 175.这是给国家党领导人之间的犹太人所遭受的迫害下安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯,成功叙利亚王位,公元前175的名字。It is supposed to have been derived from the Hebrew word (makkabah) meaning "hammer," as suggestive of the heroism and power of this Jewish family, who are, however, more properly called Asmoneans or Hasmonaeans, the origin of which is much disputed.它应该已经从希伯来文(makkabah),意思是“锤”,暗示这个犹太家庭的英雄气概和力量,然而,更正确Asmoneans或Hasmonaeans,这是很多争议的起源派生。 After the expulsion of Antiochus Epiphanes from Egypt by the Romans, he gave vent to his indignation on the Jews, great numbers of whom he mercilessly put to death in Jerusalem.安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯从埃及被罗马人驱逐出境后,他发泄他的愤慨,对犹太人,他毫不留情地把在耶路撒冷去世的伟大的数字。 He oppressed them in every way, and tried to abolish altogether the Jewish worship.他被压迫他们以各种方式,试图完全取消犹太崇拜。

Mattathias, and aged priest, then residing at Modin, a city to the west of Jerusalem, became now the courageous leader of the national party; and having fled to the mountains, rallied round him a large band of men prepared to fight and die for their country and for their religion, which was now violently suppressed.玛他提亚和中年牧师,然后居住在耶路撒冷以西的一个城市,Modin,成为现在的国家党勇敢领袖;逃往山区,凝聚了他周围的男子准备打大乐队及模具他们的国家和他们的宗教,这是现在的暴力镇压。 In 1 Macc.在1 MACC。2: 60 is recorded his dying counsels to his sons with reference to the war they were now to carry on. 2:60是记录他垂危的律师给他的儿子,他们现在进行的战争。His son Judas, "the Maccabee," succeeded him (BC 166) as the leader in directing the war of independence, which was carried on with great heroism on the part of the Jews, and was terminated in the defeat of the Syrians.他的儿子犹大“,Maccabee”继他之后(公元前166年)作为指挥独立战争,这是对犹太人的伟大的英雄主义的领导者,并在叙利亚人的失败终止。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Books of the Maccabees马加的书籍

Advanced Information先进的信息

There were originally five books of the Maccabees.最初有五马加的书籍。The first contains a history of the war of independence, commencing (BC 175) in a series of patriotic struggles against the tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes, and terminating BC 135.第一个包含了独立战争的历史,(公元前175年)开始,在一系列对安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯暴政的爱国斗争,并终止公元前135。 It became part of the Vulgate Version of the Bible, and was thus retained among the Apocrypha.它成为武加大版本的“圣经”的一部分,并因此保留之间的伪经。The second gives a history of the Maccabees' struggle from BC 176 to BC 161.第二,给人一种历史的马加比“的斗争于公元前176至公元前161。Its object is to encourage and admonish the Jews to be faithful to the religion of their fathers.其宗旨是鼓励和告诫犹太人要忠实于他们的父辈的宗教。The third does not hold a place in the Apocrypha, but is read in the Greek Church.第三个不持有伪经的地方,但在希腊教会读。 Its design is to comfort the Alexandrian Jews in their persecution.它的设计是亚历山大的犹太人迫害他们的安慰。Its writer was evidently an Alexandrian Jew.其作家显然是亚历山大犹太人。The fourth was found in the Library of Lyons, but was afterwards burned.四是在里昂图书馆发现,但后来被烧毁。The fifth contains a history of the Jews from BC 184 to BC 86.第五包含一个犹太人的历史从公元前184至公元前86。It is a compilation made by a Jew after the destruction of Jerusalem, from ancient memoirs, to which he had access.这是一个犹太人的耶路撒冷的毁灭后的编译,从古代的回忆录中,他曾访问。It need scarcely be added that none of these books has any divine authority.它几乎需要补充的是,这些书没有任何神圣的权威。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


The Books of MachabeesMachabees书籍

Catholic Information天主教信息

The title of four books, of which the first and second only are regarded by the Church as canonical; the third and fourth, as Protestants consider all four, are apocryphal.四书,其中第一和第二只被作为典型的教会称号;第三和第四,为新教徒认为所有四个,是杜撰的。The first two have been so named because they treat of the history of the rebellion of the Machabees, the fourth because it speaks of the Machabee martyrs.前两个已被如此命名是因为他们Machabees,第四叛乱的历史对待,因为它Machabee烈士的讲话。The third, which has no connection whatever with the Machabee period, no doubt owes its name to the fact that like the others it treats of a persecution of the Jews.第三,没有连接任何与Machabee时期,毫无疑问欠它的名字,喜欢别人的迫害犹太人对待的事实。For the canonicity of I and II Mach.对于正规的I和II马赫。see CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT见佳能的旧约

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACHABEES第一本书的MACHABEES

(Makkabaion A; Liber Primus Machabaeorum).(Makkabaion一个; LIBER博智Machabaeorum)。

Contents目录

The First Book of the Machabees is a history of the struggle of the Jewish people for religious and political liberty under the leadership of the Machabee family, with Judas Machabeus as the central figure.的Machabees的第一本书是一个历史的犹太人民的宗教和政治自由的Machabee家庭的领导下,与犹大Machabeus,作为中心人物斗争。 After a brief introduction (i, 1-9) explaining how the Jews came to pass from the Persian domination to that of the Seleucids, it relates the causes of the rising under Mathathias and the details of the revolt up to his death (i, 10-ii); the glorious deeds and heroic death of Judas Machabeus (iii-ix, 22); the story of the successful leadership of Jonathan (ix, 23-xii), and of the wise administration of Simon (xiii-xvi, 17). (I,1-9),说明如何犹太人来传递从波斯统治的塞留西士一个简单的介绍后,它涉及下Mathathias上升的原因和反叛的细节(我到他的死亡, 10 - II);的光辉事迹和壮烈牺牲的犹大Machabeus(III - IX,22);成功地领导了乔纳森的故事(九,23 - XII)和西蒙明智的管理(第十三,第十六, 17)。It concludes (xvi, 18-24) with a brief mention of the difficulties attending the accession of John Hyrcanus and with a short summary of his reign (see MACHABEES, THE).最后简要地提到了出席约翰Hyrcanus加入的困难,并与他的统治的一个简短的摘要(十六18-24)(见MACHABEES)。 The book thus covers the period between the years 175 and 135 BC书中涵盖175年和公元前135年之间的时期

Character字符

The narrative both in style and manner is modelled on the earlier historical books of the Old Testament.无论是在叙事风格和方式是仿效旧约早期的历史书籍。The style is usually simple, yet it at times becomes eloquent and even poetic, as, for instance, in Mathathias's lament over the woes of the people and the profanation of the Temple (ii, 7-13), or in the eulogy of Judas Machabeus (iii, 1-9), or again in the description of the peace and prosperity of the people after the long years of war and suffering (xiv, 4-15).通常是简单的风格,但它有时变得口若悬河,甚至诗意,因为,例如,在Mathathias对人民的悲哀和亵渎圣殿(二7-13)的感叹,或在犹大的悼词Machabeus(三1-9),或再次在战争和苦难后的漫长岁月里人民的和平与繁荣的说明(十四4-15)。 The tone is calm and objective, the author as a rule abstaining from any direct comment on the facts he is narrating.基调是冷静和客观的,笔者作为一个从任何直接评论他是叙述事实的规则弃权。The more important events are carefully dated according to the Seleucid era, which began with the autumn of 312 BC It should be noted, however, that the author begins the year with spring (the month Nisan), whereas the author of II Mach.更重要的事件仔细月根据塞琉古的时代,始于公元前312年秋天,但是,应该指出,作者开始的今年春季(尼散月),而二马赫的作者。 begins it with autumn (the month Tishri).秋(一个月提斯利)开始。By reason of this difference some of the events are dated a year later in the second than in the first book.通过这种差异的原因,其中一些事件一年后,在第二年比第一本书。(Cf. Patrizzi, "De Consensu Utriusque Libri Mach.", 27 sq.; Schürer, "Hist. of the Jewish People", I, I, 36 sq.).(参见Patrizzi,“德Consensu Utriusque Libri马赫”,27平方米; Schürer,“嘘”的犹太人民,我,我,36平方米)。

Original Language原文

The text from which all translations have been derived is the Greek of the Septuagint.从所有的翻译已经派生的文本是希腊文的译本。But there is little doubt that the Septuagint is itself a translation of a Hebrew or Aramaic original, with the probabilities in favour of Hebrew.但有一点是无可置疑的译本是本身的一个希伯来文或阿拉姆原的翻译,赞成在希伯来文的概率,。Not only is the structure of the sentences decidedly Hebrew (or Aramaic); but many words and expressions occur which are literal renderings of Hebrew idioms (eg, i, 4, 15, 16, 44; ii, 19, 42, 48; v, 37, 40; etc.).不仅是决然希伯来语(或阿拉姆语)的句子的结构,但许多词语和词句的出现,这是希伯来文的成语(如,我,4,15,16,44的文字渲染; II,19,42,48,V ,37,40,等等)。These peculiarities can scarcely be explained by assuming that the writer was little versed in Greek, for a number of instances show that he was acquainted with the niceties of the language.这些特殊性,几乎可以被解释假设,作家很少精通希腊文,许多情况下,他是熟悉的语言的细微。Besides, there are inexact expressions and obscurities which can be explained only in the supposition of an imperfect translation or a misreading of a Hebrew original (eg, i, 16, 28; iv, 19, 24; xi, 28; xiv, 5).此外,还有这可以解释,只有在一个不完美的翻译或原来的希伯来文的误读假设的不精确表达式和含混不清(例如,我,16,28;四,19,24席,28;十四,5) 。The internal evidence is confirmed by the testimony of St. Jerome and of Origen.内部证据证实圣杰罗姆和奥利的证词。The former writes that he saw the book in Hebrew: "Machabaeorum primum librum Hebraicum reperi" (Prol. Galeat.).前者写道,他看到在希伯来文的书:“Machabaeorum primum librum Hebraicum reperi”(Prol. Galeat。)。As there is no ground for assuming that St. Jerome refers to a translation, and as he is not likely to have applied the term Hebrew to an Aramaic text, his testimony tells strongly in favour of a Hebrew as against an Aramaic original.至于有没有假设圣杰罗姆是指一个翻译,并因为他是不可能有长期希伯来语阿拉姆文本的,他的证词告诉赞成一个希伯来强烈反对阿拉姆原的理由。 Origen states (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", vi, 25) that the title of the book was Sarbeth Sarbane el, or more correctly Sarbeth Sarbanaiel.奥利国(优西比乌,“组织胺。传道书”,六,25),书的标题是Sarbeth Sarbane EL,或者更正确Sarbeth Sarbanaiel。Though the meaning of this title is uncertain (a number of different explanations have been proposed, especially of the first reading), it is plainly either Hebrew or Aramaic.虽然这个称谓的含义是不确定的(已提出了不同的解释,特别是一读,),它显然是希伯来文或阿拉姆。The fragment of a Hebrew text published by Chwolson in 1896, and later again by Schweitzer, has little claim to be considered as part of the original.一个希伯来文的片段发表于1896年由Chwolson,以后再由施韦策,也鲜有声称要考虑作为原始的一部分。

Author and Date of Composition作者和作曲日期

No data can be found either in the book itself or in later writers which would give us a clue as to the person of the author.没有数据可以发现,无论是在书本身或后来的作家,这将使我们作为作者的人的线索。Names have indeed been mentioned, but on groundless conjecture.名称的确被提及,但毫无根据的猜想。That he was a native of Palestine is evident from the language in which he wrote, and from the thorough knowledge of the geography of Palestine which he possessed. ,他是土生土长的巴勒斯坦人是显而易见的,从语言中,他写道,彻底从他拥有对巴勒斯坦的地理知识。Although he rarely expresses his own sentiments, the spirit pervading his work is proof that he was deeply religious, zealous for the Law, and thoroughly in sympathy with the Machabean movement and its leaders.虽然他很少表达自己的情绪,他的工作精神渗透是证明他是深刻的宗教,热心为法律,并彻底Machabean运动及其领导人的同情。 However, strange to say, he studiously avoids the use of the words "God" and "Lord" (that is in the better Greek text; in the ordinary text "God" is found once, and "Lord" three times; in the Vulgate both occur repeatedly. But this is probably due to reverence for the Divine James, Jahweh and Adonai, since he often uses the equivalents "heaven", "Thou", or "He". There is absolutely no ground for the opinion, maintained by some modern scholars, that he was a Sadducee. He does not, it is true, mention the unworthy high-priests, Jason and Menelaus; but as he mentions the no less unworthy Alcimus, and that in the severest terms, it cannot be said that he wishes to spare the priestly class. The last verses show that the book cannot have been written till some time after the beginning of the reign of John Hyrcanus (135-105 BC), for they mention his accession and some of the acts of his administration. The latest possible date is generally admitted to be prior to 63 BC, the year of the occupation of Jerusalem by Pompey; but there is some difference in fixing the approximately exact date. Whether it can be placed as early as the reign of Hyrcanus depends on the meaning of the concluding verse, "Behold these [the Acts of Hyrcanus] are written in the book of the days of his priesthood, from the time (xx xx, "ex quo") that he was made high priest after his father". Many understand it to indicate that Hyrcanus was then still alive, and this seems to be the more natural meaning. Others, however, take it to imply that Hyrcanus was already dead. In this latter supposition the composition of the work must have followed close upon the death of that ruler. For not only does the vivid character of the narrative suggest an early period after the events, but the absence of even the slightest allusion to events later than the death of Hyrcanus, and, in particular, to the conduct of his two successors which aroused popular hatred against the Machabees, makes a much later date improbable. The date would, therefore, in any case, be within the last years of the second century BC然而,说来也怪,他刻意避免使用的话“上帝”和“地王”(更好的希腊文是在普​​通的文本“上帝”发现一次,和“地王”的三倍;武加大都一再发生,但是这可能是由于神圣的詹姆斯,亚威和阿多奈崇敬,因为他经常使用等值的“天堂”,“你”,或“他”。是绝对没有意见的地面,保持一些现代学者,一个撒都该他不不,这是事实,提的不配高牧师,贾森和墨涅拉俄斯;。但作为他提到的没有少不配Alcimus,并认为最严峻的,它可以不被说,他希望,不遗余力的祭司阶级。最后的诗句,书不能被写入,直到约翰Hyrcanus王朝(公元前135-105)开始后一段时间,他们提到他的一些行为加入最新的可能的日期,他的政府是普遍承认,到公元前63年,庞培占领耶路撒冷的一年之前,但有一些不同,在固定的约确切日期,是否可以放在王朝的早期。 Hyrcanus上的结论诗句的含义取决于,“看哪,这些Hyrcanus的行为都写在他的圣职的日子书,从时间(XX XX,”现状“),他是大祭司后他的父亲。“很多了解它表明,Hyrcanus当时还活着,这似乎是更自然的含义,然而,其他人把它带到意味着Hyrcanus是已经死了后者假设在此工作的组成不仅必须有随后关闭后,统治者的死亡。生动的叙事性建议,在事件发生后初期,但事件最迟Hyrcanus死亡,特别是,没有,即使是丝毫的典故他的两个接班人,这引起对Machabees流行仇恨的行为,使得更晚的日期不可能,因此,该日期将在任何情况下,公元前二世纪的最后几年内

Historicity历史性

In the eighteenth century the two brothers EF and G. Wernsdorf made an attempt to discredit I Mach., but with little success.在18世纪的两个兄弟EF和G Wernsdorf企图抹黑我马赫,但收效甚微。Modern scholars of all schools, even the most extreme, admit that the book is a historical document of the highest value.所有学校,甚至最极端的现代学者,承认这本书是一个价值最高的历史文件。"With regard to the historical value of I Mach.", says Cornill (Einl., 3rd ed., 265), "there is but one voice; in it we possess a source of the very first order, an absolutely reliable account of one of the most important epochs in the history of the Jewish people." “关于我马赫的历史价值”,Cornill(Einl.,第3版,265。)说,“有,但一个声音,在我们所拥有的第一秩序的源头,一个绝对可靠的帐户在犹太人民的历史上最重要的时代之一。“ The accuracy of a few minor details concerning foreign nations has, however, been denied.一个关于外国的一些微小的细节的准确性,但是,被拒绝。The author is mistaken, it is said, when he states that Alexander the Great divided his empire among his generals (i, 7), or when he speaks of the Spartans as akin to the Jews (xii, 6, 7, 21); he is inexact in several particulars regarding the Romans (viii, 1 sq.); he exaggerates the numbers of elephants at the battle of Magnesia (viii, 6), and some other numbers (eg, v, 34; vi, 30, 37; xi, 45, 48).作者是错误的,它是说,当时他指出,亚历山大大帝瓜分他的将军们(I,7),或当他谈到类似于犹太人(十二,6,7,21)斯巴达,他的帝国;他是不精确的关于罗马人(第八,1平方米)的若干资料;他夸大镁战(第八,6)大象的数量,以及一些其他的数字(例如,V,34;六,30,37十一,45,48)。 But the author cannot be charged with whatever inaccuracies or exaggerations may be contained in viii, 1-16.但笔者不能落案控以任何不准确或言过其实,可能在八,1-16载。He there merely sets down the reports, inexact and exaggerated, no doubt, in some particulars, which had reached Judas Machabeus.他有只订的报告,不精确和夸张的,毫无疑问,在一些细节,已达到犹大Machabeus。The same is true with regard to the statement concerning the kinship of the Spartans with the Jews.关于斯巴达人与犹太人的亲缘关系的声明方面的情况也是如此。The author merely reproduces the letter of Jonathan to the Spartans, and that written to the high-priest Onias I by Arius.作者只是再现乔纳森斯巴达的信,并写入到高神父Onias我阿里乌斯。

When a writer simply reports the words of others, an error can be laid to his charge only when he reproduces their statements inaccurately.当一个作家只报告他人的话,可以奠定错误由他负责,只有当他再现他们的发言不准确。The assertion that Alexander divided his empire among his generals (to be understood in the light of vv. 9 and 10, where it is said that they "made themselves kings . . . and put crowns on themselves after his death"), cannot be shown to be erroneous.的说法,亚历山大分为他将领到被理解维维的光。9和10,其中它是说,他们“做出自己的国王。。。,并把他去世后牙冠自己”,中了他的帝国不能已经证明是错误的。 Quintus Curtius, who is the authority for the contrary view, acknowledges that there were writers who believed that Alexander made a division of the provinces by his will.昆图斯库尔提乌斯,谁是权威相反的观点,承认有作家认为亚历山大由他将各省分工。As the author of I Mach is a careful historian and wrote about a century and a half before Q. Curtius, he would deserve more credit than the latter, even if he were not supported by other writers.正如我马赫的作者是个细心的历史学家写了大约一个世纪前问库尔提乌斯半,他会比后者值得更多的信贷,即使他没有受到其他作家的支持。 As to the exaggeration of numbers in some instances, in so far as they are not errors of copyists, it should be remembered that ancient authors, both sacred and profane, frequently do not give absolute figures, but estimated or popularly current numbers.夸张的数字,到目前为止,因为它们不是抄写错误,在某些情况下,它应该被记住的古代作家,无论是神圣的和世俗的,经常不给绝对数字,但估计的或普遍的数目。 Exact numbers cannot be reasonably expected in an account of a popular insurrection, like that of Antioch (xi,45,48), because they could not be ascertained.确切的数字无法合理预期中的一个受欢迎的起义的帐户,喜欢的安提阿(十一,45,48),因为他们无法确定。 Now the same was often the case with regard to the strength of the enemy's forces and of the number of the enemy slain in battle.现在同样的通常情况下,与敌人的势力的力量和敌人在战斗中被杀的人数。A modifying clause, such as "it is reported", must be supplied in these cases.一个修改条款,如“据报道”,在这些情况下,必须提供。

Sources来源

That the author used written sources to a certain extent is witnessed by the documents which he cites (viii, 23-32; x, 3-6, 18-20, 25-45; xi, 30-37; xii, 6-23; etc.).笔者采用书面来源在一定程度上是有目共睹的文件,他举(八,23-32,X,3-6,18-20,25-45;十一,30-37;第十二,6-23 ;等)。But there is little doubt that he also derived most of the other matter from written records of the events, oral tradition being insufficient to account for the many and minute details; There is every reason to believe that such records existed for the Acts of Jonathan and Simon as well as for those of Judas (ix, 22), and of John Hyrcanus (xvi, 23-24).但毫无疑问,他也来自其他事项的书面记录的事件,不足以为许多微小的细节帐户的口头传统最有充分的理由相信这些纪录的乔纳森的行为存在,并西蒙,以及那些犹大(九,22),(十六,23日至24日)约翰Hyrcanus。 For the last part he may also have relied on the reminiscences of older contemporaries, or even drawn upon his own.最后一部分,他可能也有依靠老年同时代的回忆,甚至在他自己绘制。

Greek Text and Ancient Versions希腊文和古版本

The Greek translation was probably made soon after the book was written.希腊的翻译很可能不久后写的书。The text is found in three uncial codices, namely the Sinaiticus, the Alexandrinus, and the Venetus, and in sixteen cursive manuscripts The textus receptus is that of the Sixtine edition, derived from the Codex Venetus and some cursives.文本是在三个安色尔字体的抄本,即西奈抄本,Alexandrinus和Venetus发现,在16个草书手稿textus receptus Sixtine版Venetus从食品和一些cursives,。The best editions are those of Fritzsche ("Libri Apocryphi VT", Leipzig, 1871, 203 sq.) and of Swete "OT in Greek", Cambridge, 1905, III, 594 sq.), both based on the Cod.弗里切(“Libri Apocryphi的VT”,莱比锡,1871年,203平方米)和Swete最好的版本是在那些“旧约希腊文”,剑桥,1905年,第三,594平方米),都基于对COD。 Alexandrinus. Alexandrinus。The old Latin version in the Vulgate is that of the Itala, probably unretouched by St. Jerome.可能圣杰罗姆unretouched伊泰莱,在武加大拉丁旧版本。Part of a still older version, or rather recension (chap. i-xiii), was published by Sabatier (Biblior. Sacror. Latinae Versiones Antiquae, II, 1017 sq.), the complete text of which was recently discovered in a manuscripts at Madrid.萨巴蒂尔(Biblior. Sacror。Latinae Versiones Antiquae,二,1017平方米),其中完整的文本发表的一个旧版本,或者更确切地说,校订(章I - 13)的一部分,是最近被发现在手稿马德里。Two Syriac versions are extant: that of the Peshitto, which follows the Greek text of the Lucian recension, and another published by Ceriani ("Translatio Syra photolithographice edita," Milan, 1876, 592-615) which reproduces the ordinary Greek text.现存的两个叙利亚文版本Peshitto,这是继卢西恩校订的希腊文,另一个Ceriani(“Translatio Syra photolithographice edita,”米兰,1876,592-615),再现了普通的希腊文出版。

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACHABEES第二本书的MACHABEES

(Makkabaion B; Liber Secundus Machabaeorum).(Makkabaion B,LIBER Secundus Machabaeorum)。

Contents目录

The Second Book of Machabees is not, as the name might suggest, a continuation of the First, but covers part of the same ground. Machabees二书是没有的,正如它的名字可能会建议,延续第一,但涵盖了同样的理由的一部分。The book proper (ii, 20-xv, 40) is preceded by two letters of the Jews of Jerusalem to their Egyptian coreligionists (i, 1-ii, 19).书中正确“(II 20 - XV,40)是前两个字母耶路撒冷的犹太人的埃及教友(I,1 - II,19)。The first (i, 1-10a), dated in the year 188 of the Seleucid era (ie 124 BC), beyond expressions of goodwill and an allusion to a former letter, contains nothing but an invitation to the Jews of Egypt to celebrate the feast of the Dedication of the Temple (instituted to commemorate its rededication, 1 Maccabees 4:59; 2 Maccabees 10:8).第一(I,1 - 10A),在塞琉古时代的一年(即124 BC)188年,超越的商誉和暗指的前字母的表达式,包含只不过是邀请到埃及的犹太人,以庆祝圣殿的奉献精神盛宴(设立,以纪念其重新致力于1马加比4:59; 2马加比10:8)。The second (i, 10b-ii, 19), which is undated, is from the "senate" (gerousia) and Judas (Machabeus) to Aristobulus, the preceptor or counsellor of Ptolemy (DV Ptolemee)第二个(我19,10B - II),这是没有注明日期,是从“参议院”(gerousia)和犹大(Machabeus阿里斯托布鲁斯,辅导员或辅导员托勒密(DV Ptolemee))

(Philometor), and to the Jews in Egypt.(Philometor),并在埃及的犹太人。It informs the Egyptian Jews of the death of Antiochus (Epiphanes) while attempting to rob the temple of Nanea, and invites them to join their Palestinian brethren in celebrating the feasts of the Dedication and of the Recovery of the Sacred Fire.它通知安提阿哥伊(皮法尼斯)死亡的埃及犹太人,而试图抢劫Nanea寺,并邀请他们加入他们的巴勒斯坦兄弟,在庆祝的奉献和神圣之火的恢复节日。 The story of the recovery of the sacred fire is then told, and in connection with it the story of the hiding by the Prophet Jeremias of the tabernacle, the ark and the altar of incense. “神圣之火的复苏的故事,然后告诉记者,和与它连接的躲在帐幕的先知赫雷米亚斯,方舟和香坛的故事。After an offer to send copies of the books which Judas had collected after the example of Nehemias, it repeats the invitation to celebrate the two feasts, and concludes with the hope that the dispersed of Israel might soon be gathered together in the Holy Land.提供犹大后内赫米亚斯例如收集书的副本发送后,重复的邀请,为庆祝这两个节日,并希望,分散的以色列可能很快就会聚集在圣地的结论。

The book itself begins with an elaborate preface (ii, 20-33) in which the author after mentioning that his work is an epitome of the larger history in five books of Jason of Cyrene states his motive in writing the book, and comments on the respective duties of the historian and of the epitomizer.这本书本身开始一个精心制作的序言(二20-33),其中后提的是,他的工作是一个更大的历史在5古利奈贾森的书籍的一个缩影的“一书的作者,国家在他写书的动机,和上的评论的历史学家,在epitomizer各自的职责。 The first part of the book (iii-iv, 6) relates the attempt of Heliodoris, prime minister of Seleucus IV (187-175 BC), to rob the treasures of the Temple at the instigation of a certain Simon, and the troubles caused by this latter individual to Onias III.书的第一部分“(III - IV,6)与塞琉古四(187-175年),总理Heliodoris的尝试,在一定西蒙的怂恿下抢劫寺宝藏的烦恼引起后者的个人Onias第三。 The rest of the book is the history of the Machabean rebellion down to the death of Nicanor (161 BC), and therefore corresponds to I Mach., I, 11-vii, 50.本书的其余部分是尼卡诺尔(161 BC)死亡的Machabean叛乱的历史,因此,对应于我马赫,我11七,50。Section iv, 7-x, 9, deals with the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Maccabees 1:11-6:16), while section x, l0-xv, 37, records the events of the reigns of Antiochus Eupator and Demetrius I (1 Maccabees 6:17-7:50).第四节,7 - X,​​9,处理安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯(1马加1:11-6:16)统治时期,而第X,L0 - XV,37,记录安提阿哥伊Eupator和德米特里统治的事件我(1马加6:17-7:50)。II Mach.二马赫。thus covers a period of only fifteen years, from 176 to 161 BC But while the field is narrower, the narrative is much more copious in details than I Mach., and furnishes many particulars, for instance, names of persons, which are not found in the first book.从而涵盖了仅仅15年,期间,从176至161年,但是,而该领域窄,叙事是在比我马赫的细节更加丰富。furnishes许多资料,例如,人名,这是不符合在第一本书。

Object and Character对象和字符

On comparing the two Books of Machabees it is plainly seen that the author of the Second does not, like the author of the First, write history merely to acquaint his readers with the stirring events of the period with which he is dealing.比较两书Machabees,显然是看到,第二作者不喜欢,第一,写历史,只是熟悉他的读者与他打交道的时期搅拌事件作者。 He writes history with a view to instruction and edification.他写道,指导和启迪的历史。His first object is to exalt the Temple of Jerusalem as the centre of Jewish worship.他的第一个对象就是要高举耶路撒冷的圣殿,犹太人崇拜的中心。This appears from the pains he takes to extol on every occasion its dignity and sanctity.这似乎从他每次歌颂其尊严和神圣的痛苦。It is "the great temple", (ii, 20), "the most renowned" and "the most holy in all the world" (ii, 23; v, 15), "the great and holy temple" (xiv, 31); even heathen princes esteemed it worthy of honour and glorified it with great gifts (iii, 2-3; v, 16; xiii, 23); the concern of the Jews in time of danger was more for the holiness of the Temple than for their wives and children (xv, 18); God protects it by miraculous interpositions (iii, xiv, 31 sq.) and punishes those guilty of sacrilege against it (iii, 24 sq.; ix, 16; xiii, 6-8; xiv, 31 sq.; xv, 32); if He has allowed it to be profaned, it was because of the sins of the Jews (v, 17-20).这是“伟大的寺庙”,(II,20),“最负盛名的”,“在这个世界上最圣洁的”(二,23 V,15),“伟大的圣殿”(14,31 );甚至异教徒王子尊敬的,值得的荣誉和荣耀与伟大的礼物(2-3 III,V,16;十三,23);犹太人的危险的时候关注的是圣殿的圣洁比神保护他们的妻子和孩子(十五,18);神奇的interpositions(三,第十四条,31平方米)和惩罚反对亵渎罪(三,24平方米; 16九,十三,6-8十四,31平方米;十五,32);如果他允许它被亵渎,是因为犹太人的罪(V,17-20)。It is, no doubt, with this design that the two letters, which otherwise have no connexion with the book, were prefixed to it.这是,毫无疑问,这个设计的两个字母,否则没有随书的联接,它的前缀。The author apparently intended his work specially for the Jews of the Dispersion, and more particularly for those of Egypt, where a schismatical temple had been erected at Leontopolis about l60 BC The second object of the author is to exhort the Jews to faithfulness to the Law, by impressing upon them that God is still mindful of His covenant, and that He does not abandon them unless they first abandon Him; the tribulations they endure are a punishment for their unfaithfulness, and will cease when they repent (iv, 17; v, 17, 19; vi, 13, 15, 16; vii, 32, 33, 37, 38; viii, 5, 36; xiv, 15; xv, 23, 24).作者显然是他的工作,为犹太人特别的分散性,以及埃及,一个分裂的寺庙已竖立在Leontopolis公元前约L60作者的第二个对象是告诫犹太人忠于法律特别上帝仍然铭记他的约,并给他们留下深刻印象,他不会抛弃他们,除非他们首先放弃他;他们承受的苦难为自己的不忠的惩罚,并且将不再当他们悔改(四,17,V八,5,36;十四,十五,十五,23,24),17,19;六,13,15,16;七,32,33,37,38;。 To the difference of object corresponds a difference in tone and method.为不同的对象对应一个语气和方法的区别。The author is not satisfied with merely relating facts, but freely comments on persons and acts, distributing praise or blame as they may deserve when judged from the standpoint of a true Israelite.作者是不是满意,只是有关的事实,但自由的人士和行为的意见,散发赞扬或责备,因为他们从一个真正的以色列人的立场判断时,可能值得。 Supernatural intervention in favour of the Jews is emphasized.强调超自然的干预是有利于在犹太人。The style is rhetorical, the dates are comparatively few.风格是修辞,日期是相对较少。As has been remarked, the chronology of II Mach.正如已经指出,二马赫的年表。slightly differs from that of I Mach.稍有不同,从我马赫。

Author and Date作者和日期

II Mach.二马赫。is, as has been said, an epitome of a larger work by a certain Jason of Cyrene. ,正如人们所说,是一个较大的工作由一个古利奈一定贾森的缩影。Nothing further is known of this Jason except that, judging from his exact geographical knowledge, he must have lived for some time in Palestine.没有什么可以再被称为本贾森,除了从他确切的地理知识判断,他必须住了一段时间,在巴勒斯坦。The author of the epitome is unknown.作者的缩影,是未知的。From the prominence which he gives to the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, it has been inferred that he was a Pharisee.从他给突出,死人复活的教义,它已被推断,他是一个法利赛人。Some have even maintained that his book was a Pharisaical partisan writing.有些人甚至认为他的书是Pharisaical党派书面。 This last, at tiny rate, is a baseless assertion.这最后的,微小的利率,是以讹传讹。II Mach.二马赫。does not speak more severely of Alcimus than I Mach., and the fact that it mentions the high-priests, Jason and Menelaus, by name no more proves it to be a Pharisaic partisan writing than the omission of their names in I Mach.马赫比我更严重的Alcimus不说话,并没有更多的事实,即它提到了名的高牧师,贾森和墨涅拉俄斯,证明它是一个Pharisaic比党派写在我马赫数自己的名字遗漏。 proves that to be a Sadducee production.证明是一个撒都该生产。Jason must have finished his work shortly after the death of Nicanor, and before disaster overtook Judas Machabeus, as he not only omits to allude to that hero's death, but makes the statement, which would be palpably false if he had written later, that after the death of Nicanor Jerusalem always remained in the possession of the Jews (xv, 38).贾森必须有尼卡诺尔去世后不久完成他的工作,和之前的灾难超越犹大Machabeus,因为他不仅忽略了暗示,英雄的死亡,但使的语句,这palpably虚假,如果他已书面后,即后尼卡诺尔耶路撒冷死亡始终在犹太人藏(XV 38)。The epitome cannot have been written earlier than the date of the first letter, that is 124 BC的缩影不能被写入比的第一个字母日期,即124 BC

As to the exact date there is great divergence.至于确切日期有很大的分歧。In the very probable supposition that the first letter was sent with a copy of the book, the latter would be of about the same date.在“一书的副本发送的第一个字母是非常可能的假设,后者将大约在同一日期。It cannot in any case be very much later, since the demand for an abridged form of Jason's history, to which the author alludes in the preface (ii, 25-26), must have arisen within a reasonably short time after the publication of that work.它不能在任何情况下非常晚,因为贾森的历史的删节形式的需求,作者在前言(二25-26)暗示,必须有一个相当短的时间内出现后,该出版物工作。 The second letter must have been written soon after the death of Antiochus, before the exact circumstances concerning it had become known in Jerusalem, therefore about 163 BC That the Antiochus there mentioned is Antiochus IV and not Antiochus III, as many Catholic commentators maintain, is clear from the fact that his death is related in connection with the celebration of the Feast of the Dedication, and that he is represented as an enemy of the Jews, which is not true of Antiochus III.第二个字母必须有书面的确切情况之前,关于它已成为著名的耶路撒冷,因此约163公元前安提阿哥伊有提到是安提阿哥四,而不是安提阿哥伊第三,许多天主教评论家保持安提阿哥伊死亡后不久,从他的死亡是在庆祝的奉献盛宴相关的事实清楚,和他为代表的犹太人,这不是真正安提阿哥伊三的敌人。

Original Language原文

The two letters which were addressed to the Jews of Egypt, who knew little or no Hebrew or Aramaic, were in all probability written in Greek.这两个字母,这给埃及的犹太人,谁知道很少或根本没有希伯来文或阿拉姆在希腊文写的所有的概率。That the book itself was composed in the same language, is evident from the style, as St. Jerome already remarked (Prol. Gal.).这本身是相同的语言组成的书,是显而易见的,从款式,圣杰罗姆已经说过(Prol.加仑)。Hebraisms are fewer than would be expected considering the subject, whereas Greek idioms and Greek constructions are very numerous.Hebraisms正在考虑这个问题比预期的少,而希腊的成语和希腊的建筑非常多。Jason's Hellenistic origin, and the absence in the epitome of all signs that would mark it as a translation, are sufficient to show that he also wrote in Greek.贾森的古希腊起源,并没有在所有迹象都表明,这将标志着它作为一个翻译的缩影,都足以说明,他也写在希腊。Historicity.-- The Second Book of Machabees is much less thought of as a historical document by non-Catholic scholars than the First, though Niese has recently come out strongly in its defence.历史性.-- Machabees二书要少得多的思想作为一个非天主教学者比第一个历史文件,虽然Niese最近在其辩护强烈。The objections brought against the two letters need not, however, concern us, except in so far as they affect their authenticity, of which hereafter.不需要对两个字母所带来的反对,然而,我们关心的,除了在到目前为止,因为它们影响其真实性,其中以下。These letters are on the same footing as the other documents cited in I and II Mach.; the author is therefore not responsible for the truth of their contents.这些信件在同一基础上的其他文件在我和二马赫引;因此,笔者不负责其内容的真实性。We may, then, admit that the story of the sacred fire, as well as that of the hiding of the tabernacle, etc., is a pure legend, and that the account of the death of Antiochus as given in the second letter is historically false; the author's credit as a historian will not in the least be diminished thereby. ,然后,我们可能会承认,神圣之火的故事,以及躲在帐幕等,是一个纯粹的传说,是历史上的第二个字母死亡安提阿哥伊帐户虚假的;笔者作为一个历史学家的信贷不会在最不被削弱从而。 Some recent Catholic scholars have thought that errors could also be admitted in the book itself without casting any discredit on the epitomizer, inasmuch as the latter declines to assume responsibility for the exact truth of all its contents.最近的一些天主教学者认为,错误也可以在书本身没有铸造任何抹黑epitomizer,因为后者拒绝承担责任的所有内容的确切真理承认。 But though this view may find some support in the Vulgate (ii, 29), it is hardly countenanced by the Greek text.但是,尽管这种观点,可能会发现一些,在武加大支持(II,29),它是很难由希腊文纵容。Besides, there is no need to have recourse to a theory which, while absolving the author from formal error, would admit real inaccuracies in the book, and so lessen its historical value.此外,有没有需要诉诸一种理论,而笔者从正式的错误开脱,也承认在书中真正的不准确之处,并因此减轻其历史价值。The difficulties urged against it are not such as to defy satisfactory explanation.呼吁反对的困难,如违抗令人满意的解释。 Some are based on a false interpretation of the text, as when, for instance, it is credited with the statement that Demetrius landed in Syria with a mighty host and a fleet (xiv, 1), and is thus placed in opposition to I Mach., vii, 1, where he is said to have landed with a few men.一些是基于一个错误解释的文字,例如,当它是与一个强大的主机和一个车队(14,1),德米特里降落在叙利亚的声明贷记,因此反对我马赫,七,1,他是说有几个男人降落。 Others are due to subjective impressions, as when the supernatural apparitions are called into question.其他人则由于主观印象,当超自然的幻象质疑。The exaggeration of numbers has been dealt with in connexion with I Mach.夸张的数字已处理我马赫联接。

The following are the main objections with some real foundation: (1) The campaign of Lysias, which I Mach., iv, 26-34, places in the last year of Antiochus Epiphanes, is transferred in II Mach., xi, to the reign of Antiochus Eupator; (2) The Jewish raids on neighbouring tribes and the expeditions into Galilee and Galaad, represented in I Mach., v, as carried on in rapid succession after the rededication of the temple, are separated in II Mach.下面是一些真实的基础,主要的反对意见:(1)运动的莱西阿斯,我马赫,四,26-34,在去年安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯的地方,是在二马赫转移,西安,到。安提阿哥伊Eupator统治;(2)犹太人空袭邻近部落和加利利和Galaad,我马赫,V在寺庙后重新致力于快速连续进行,为代表的探险,是在二马赫分离。 and placed in a different historical setting (viii, 30; x, 15-38; xii, 10-45); (3) The account given in II Mach., ix, differs from that of I Mach., vi, regarding the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, who is falsely declared to have written a letter to the Jews; (4) The picture of the martyrdoms in vi, 18-vii, is highly coloured, and it is improbable that Antiochus was present at them.并放置在不同的历史背景(八,30; X,15-38;第十二,10-45);(3)在二马赫的帐户,IX,不同于我马赫,第六,关于。安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯,虚报写了一信的犹太人死亡;(4)在vi中,18 VII martyrdoms图片,具有很强的着色,它是不可能的安提阿哥伊他们。

To these objections it may be briefly answered: (1) The campaign spoken of in II Mach., xi, is not the same as that related in I Mach., iv; (2) The events mentioned in viii, 30 and x, 15 sq. are not narrated in I Mach., v. Before the expedition into Galaad (xii, 10 sq.) can be said to be out of its proper historical setting, it would have to be proved that I Mach.这些反对意见,可简要回答:(1)二马赫所说的运动,第十一,是不是在我马赫,IV相关;(2)事件八,30和X提到,。 15平方米是不是讲述我马赫。之前,远征到Galaad(12,10平方米)诉,可以说是其应有的历史背景,那就要证明,我马赫。invariably adheres to chronological order, and that the events grouped together in chap.总是坚持按时间顺序排列,组合在一起,在事件的第一章。v took place in rapid succession; (3) The two accounts of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes differ, it is true, but they fit very well into one another. v快速连续的地方;(3)安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯死亡这两个帐户的不同,这是事实,但他们很好地融入彼此。

Considering the character of Antiochus and the condition he was in at the time, it is not at all improbable that he wrote a letter to the Jews; (4) There is no reason to doubt that in spite of the rhetorical form the story of the martyrdoms is substantially correct.考虑安提阿哥伊字符和他在当时的条件,它是不是在所有不可能的,他写了一信向犹太人;(4)有没有理由怀疑,尽管修辞形式的故事martyrdoms实质上是正确的。 As the place where they occurred is unknown, it is hard to see on what ground the presence of Antiochus is denied.由于它们发生的地方是未知的,这是很难看到什么理由拒绝安提阿哥伊存在。It should be noted, moreover, that the book betrays accurate knowledge in a multitude of small details, and that it is often supported by Josephus, who was unacquainted with it.此外,应该指出,这本书在众多的小细节暴露了准确的知识,并且,它常常是由约瑟夫,谁是它不了解支持。Even its detractors admit that the earlier portion is of the greatest value, and that in all that relates to Syria its knowledge is extensive and minute.即使它的诋毁者承认,前面部分的最大价值,并在所有涉及到叙利亚的知识是广泛的和分钟。Hence it is not likely that it would be guilty of the gross errors imputed to it.因此,它是不太可能,这将是犯归咎于它的严重错误。

Authenticity of the Two Letters两个字母的真实性

Although these letters have a clear bearing on the purpose of the book, they have been declared to be palpable forgeries.虽然这些信件有一个书的目的,明确轴承,他们已宣布可扪伪造。Nothing, however, justifies such an opinion.不过,没什么,证明这样的意见。The glaring contradiction in the first letter, which represents the climax of affliction as having been experienced under Demetrius II, has no existence.中的第一个字母,它代表根据德米特里二世经历的痛苦的高潮,突出的矛盾已不存在。The letter does not compare the sufferings under Demetrius with those of the past, but speaks of the whole period of affliction including the time the time of Demetrius.信中并没有与过去的比较下德米特里的痛苦,但整个期间的苦难,包括时间德米特里时间说话。The legend of the sacred fire etc., proves nothing against the genuineness of the second letter, unless it be shown that no such legend existed at the time.神圣之火等的传说,证明了什么对的第二个字母的真实性,除非它没有这样的传说,当时存在。The false account of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes is rather a proof in favour of the authenticity of the letter.安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯死亡的假帐户,而在支持信的真实性证明。Such an account would be quite natural if the letter was written soon after the first news, exaggerated and distorted as first news often is, had reached Jerusalem.这样的帐户将是很自然的,如果是书面的信后不久,首次新闻,夸大和歪曲为第一新闻往往是,已经达到了耶路撒冷。 There remains only the so-called blunder of attributing the building of the Temple to Nehemias.仍然只能归于寺的建设内赫米亚斯所谓的失误。The very improbability of such a gross blunder on the part of an educated Jew (the supposed forger) should have made the critics pause.应该有这样一个上一个受过教育的犹太人(应该伪造)的一部分总值的失误非常不大可能的批评暂停。 Nehemias put the last touches to the Temple (Nehemiah 2:8; Josephus, "Antiq.", XI, 5:6) which justifies the use of oikodomesas.内赫米亚斯寺(尼希米记2时08分把最后触及;约瑟夫,“Antiq。”十一,5:6),这更加证明了oikodomesas使用。 Codex 125 (Mosquensis) reads oikonomesas "having ordered the service of the temple and altar"; this would remove all difficulty (cf. Nehemiah 10:32 sq.; 13 sqq.).食品法典125(Mosquensis)读取oikonomesas“订购服务”的寺庙和祭坛,这将消除所有的困难(参见尼希米10点32平方米; 13 SQQ)。

Greek Text and Versions希腊文版本

The Greek text is usually found in the same manuscripts as I Mach.; it is wanting, however, in the Cod.希腊文通常是发现在我马赫相同的手稿,是希望,然而,在鳕鱼,。Sinaiticus, The Latin version in the Vulgate is that of the Itala.西奈抄本,在武加大拉丁版本的伊泰莱。An older version was published by Peyron and again by Ceriani from the Codex Ambrosianus.一个旧版本出版Peyr​​on由Ceriani再次从食品Ambrosianus。A third Latin text is found in the Madrid manuscripts which contains an old version of I Mach.第三拉丁文字是在马德里手稿,其中包含了旧版本我马赫。The Syriac version is often a paraphrase rather than a translation.叙利亚版本往往是意译,而不是翻译。

THE THIRD AND FOURTH BOOKS OF MACHABEESMACHABEES的第三和第四的书籍

III Mach.三马赫。is the story of a persecution of the Jews in Egypt under Ptolemy IV Philopator (222-205 BC), and therefore has no right to its title.是托勒密四Philopator(222-205 BC)在埃及的犹太人的迫害下的故事,因此没有权利的标题。Though the work contains much that is historical, the story is a fiction.虽然这项工作包含很多是历史的,故事是虚构的。IV Mach.四马赫。is a Jewish-Stoic philosophical treatise on the supremacy of pious reason, that is religious principles, over the passions.是虔诚的原因,那就是宗教原则,在激情至上的一个犹太斯多葛哲学论文。The martyrdorm of Eleazar and of the seven brothers (2 Maccabees 6:18-7) is introduced to illustrate the author's thesis.埃莱亚萨和七个兄弟(2马加6:18-7)martyrdorm介绍,以说明作者的论文。Neither book has any claim to canonicity, though the first for a while received favourable consideration in some Churches.无论是书有任何正规的索赔,尽管第一个同时获得有利的考虑在一些教堂。

Publication information Written by F. Bechtel.楼柏克德公司编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by Robert H. Sarkissian.转录由罗伯特H萨尔基相。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IX.天主教百科全书,卷第九。Published 1910.发布1910。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

GIGOT, Spec.GIGOT,规格。Introd., I (New York, 1901), 365 sq.; CORNELY, Introd., II (Paris, 1897), I, 440 sq.; KNABENBAUER, Comm. 。Introd,我(纽约,1901年),365平方米;。CORNELY,Introd,二(巴黎,1897年),我,440平方米; KNABENBAUER,COMM。in Lib.在lib。Mach.马赫。(Paris, 1907); PATRIZZI, De Consensu Utriusq.(巴黎,1907年); PATRIZZI,德Consensu Utriusq。Lib.LIB。Mach.马赫。(Rome, 1856); FRÖLICH, De Fontibus Historiae Syriae in Lib.(罗马,1856年); FRÖLICH,在lib Fontibus十年史料SyriaeMach.马赫。(Vienna, 1746); KHELL, Auctoritas Utriusq.(维也纳,1746年); KHELL,Auctoritas Utriusq。Lib.LIB。Mach.马赫。(Vienna, 1749); HERKENNE, Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabäerbuches (Freiburg, 1904); GILLET, Les Machabées (Paris, 1880); BEURLIER in Vig.(维也纳,1749年); HERKENNE,模具Briefe组Beginn DES Zweiten Makkabäerbuches(弗赖堡,1904年); GILLET,莱斯Machabées(巴黎,1880年),VIG BEURLIER。Dict.快译通。de la Bible, IV, 488 sq.; LESÊTRE, Introd., II (Paris, 1890); VIGOUROUX, Man.德拉圣经,四,488平方米; LESÊTRE,Introd,二(巴黎,1890年); VIGOUROUX,曼。Bibl., II (Paris, 1899), 217 sq.; IDEM, La Bible et la Critique Ration., 5th ed., IV, 638 sq.; SCHÜRER, Hist. 。Bibl,二(巴黎,1899年),217平方米;同上,香格里拉圣经和批判定量,第5版,四,638平方米;。SCHÜRER,历史。of the Jewish People (New York, 1891), II, iii, 6 sq.; 211 sq.; 244 sq.; FAIRWEATHER in HASTINGS, Dict.犹太人民“(纽约,1891年),Ⅱ,Ⅲ,6平方米,211平方米,244平方米;费尔韦瑟在黑斯廷斯,快译通。of the Bible, III, 187 sq.; NIESE, Kritik der beiden Makkabäerbücher (Berlin, 1900); GRIMM, Kurzgefasstes Exeg.“圣经”,三,187平方米; NIESE,Kritik DER beiden Makkabäerbücher(柏林,1900年);格林Kurzgefasstes Exeg。Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, Fasc.手册下载祖书房Apokryphen,FASC。3 and 4 (Leipzig, 1853, 1857); KEIL, Comm.3和4(莱比锡,1853年,1857年); KEIL,通讯。über die Bücher der Makkabäer (Leipzig, 1875); KAUTZSCH (AND KAMPHAUSEN), Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des AT (Tübingen, 1900).超级死书刊DER Makkabäer(莱比锡,1875年); KAUTZSCH(和KAMPHAUSEN),模具Apokryphen和Pseudepigraphen DES AT(蒂宾根大学,1900年)。


Books of Maccabees书籍的马加

Jewish Perspective Information犹太透视信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题:

I. Original Language.一,原文。

Author.作者。

Date.日期。

Sources and Integrity.来源和完整性。

Historical and Religious Character.历史和宗教性质的。

Sources.来源。

The Letters.信件。

Authorship and Character.作者和字符。

Integrity and Character.完整性和性格。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

Eschatology.末世论。

II.A second article on the Book of Maccabees is inserted as treating the subject from a Jewish standpoint.-J.插入II.A篇马加比书上的第二篇文章是从一个犹太standpoint. - J作为治疗的主体。

I Maccabees.我马加。

II Maccabees.二马加。

III Maccabees.第三马加。

IV Maccabees.第四马加。

V Maccabees.V马加。

I. There are four books which pass under this name-I, II, III, and IV Maccabees.一,有四书,在这个名称- I,Ⅱ,Ⅲ,和IV马加通过。The first of these is the only one of the four which can be regarded as a reliable historical source.首先是四个只有一个,这可以作为一个可靠的历史来源。

I Maccabees: The First Book of the Maccabees covers the period of forty years from the accession of Antiochus (175 BC) to the death of Simon the Maccabee (135 BC).我马加:马加第一本书涵盖了四十多年,从安提阿哥伊(175 BC)的加入期间死亡的西蒙Maccabee(公元前135年)。 Its contents are as follows: Ch.其内容如下:CH。i.1-9 is a brief historical introduction; i.1-9是一个简短的历史介绍;一10-ii.10 - II。70 treats of the rise of the Maccabean revolt; iii.70对待马加比起义的兴起;三。1-ix.1 - IX。22 is devoted to the Maccabean struggle under Judas; ix.22致力于“犹大马加比斗争; IX。23-xii.23 - XII。53, to the fortunes of Israel under Jonathan; xiii.53岁的乔纳森下的以色列的命运;第十三。1-xvi.1 - 十六。24, to the administration of Simon.24,西蒙的管理。The events are followed with intense interest and sympathy.其次浓厚的兴趣和同情的事件。At times the enthusiasm of the writer rises to a high pitch and breaks out into poetry of a genuine Semitic character (comp. iii. 3-9).在时代的作家的积极性上升到一个高音调,并分解成一个真正的犹太人的字符(comp.三3-9)。诗歌。 The style is simple, terse, restrained, and objective, modeled throughout on that of the historical books of the Old Testament.风格是简单,简洁,内敛,和客观的,整个旧约的历史书籍为蓝本。The fact that just proportions are observed in treating the different parts of the narrative proves the author to have been a writer of considerable skill.只是比例在治疗的不同部分的叙述中观察到的事实证明作者已相当的技巧的作家。He dates all events in terms of the Seleucid era.他日期塞琉古时代的所有事件。

Original Language.原始语言。

It is clear from the Semitic idioms which occur throughout the work that it was composed in a Semitic language (see, for example, ii. 40, iv. 2), and certain passages indicate with great clearness that the original language was Hebrew (see ii. 39, iii. 19).这是整个工作中发生的,这是在一个犹太人的语言组成(见,例如,40二,四,2)从犹太人的成语清楚,某些段落非常清晰表明,原文是希伯来文(见二39,三19)。 To this fact Origen and Jerome also bear testimony, though it is possible that the version or paraphrase known to them was Aramaic.这一事实,奥利和杰罗姆还见证,虽然它是可能的,他们的版本或意译阿拉姆。

The Hebrew original seems not to have borne the name "Maccabees," though it is not known what was its real designation.原来希伯来文似乎没有承担的名称“马加比”,尽管它不知道什么是其真实名称。 Eusebius ("Hist. Eccl." vi. 25) quotes Origen as authority for the name Σαρβηθ Σαβαναι, a name which has been explained in many different ways.尤西比乌斯(“组织胺。传道书。”六,25)援引权威的名称奥利ΣαρβηθΣαβαναι,已在许多不同的方式解释的名称。 For some of these see Grimm ("Das Erste Buch der Makkabäer," p. xvii.).对于这些看到格林(“达斯Erste布赫DER Makkabäer,”第XVII。)。Dalman ("Grammar," p. 6), whom Torrey (Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl.") follows, takes the name as a corruption of (= "Book of the Hasmoneans").达尔曼(第6页的“语法”),其中托里(进益及黑色,“百科全书。Bibl。”)如下,以作为一种腐败(=“的哈斯摩年王朝书”)的名称。 If this be the correct interpretation, an Aramaic translation of the book must have been made at an early time, and it was this translation which was known to Origen and Jerome-a view which does not seem improbable.如果这是正确的解释,必须已经在早期的时候一书的阿拉姆语翻译,它是这是众所周知的渊源和杰罗姆的看法,似乎没有不可能的翻译。 Be this as it may, the Hebrew was translated very early into Greek, and the Greek only has survived.是这样,因为它可能被译成希伯来文很早就进入希腊,与希腊只有幸存下来。The Greek version seems to be a literal one, often preserving the Semitic, and sometimes even the Hebrew, idiom; but it is clear, and probably it is, on the whole, a satisfactory translation.希腊的版本似乎是一个文字,经常保持犹太人的,有时甚至是希伯来文,成语,但很明显,大概是,就整体而言,一个满意的翻译。 It is transmitted in three uncial manuscripts of the Septuagint-the Codex Sinaiticus, the Codex Alexandrinus, and the Codex Venetus-as well as in several cursives.它是在三个安色尔字体手稿的译本法典西奈抄本,食品法典委员会Alexandrinus,食品法典委员会Venetus,以及在几个cursives传输。

Author.作者。

Concerning the author no information is obtainable beyond that which may be inferred from the book itself.关于提交的信息没有被超越,这可能是从书本身推断索取。He was a devout and patriotic Jew who lived and wrote in Palestine.他是一个虔诚和爱国的犹太人在巴勒斯坦人居住和写。This latter fact is proved by his intimate and exact geographical knowledge of the Holy Land (comp. iii. 24; vii. 19; ix. 2-4, 33, 34, 43; xii. 36-40; xiii. 22, 23; xvi. 5, 6) and by his lack of accurate knowledge of any of the foreign countries which he mentions.后者的事实证明他的亲密的和精确的地理知识的圣地(comp.三24;。,七19; IX 2-4,33,34,43;第十二36-40;十三,22,23第十六5,6)和由他缺乏准确的认识,他提到的任何外国。The author was also a loyal admirer of the Hasmonean family; he believed that to it Israel owed her deliverance and existence.笔者也是一个哈斯蒙尼家族的忠实崇拜者,他认为,以色列欠她的解脱和存在。He admired not only the military deeds of Judas (comp. v. 63), but also those of Jonathan (comp. x. 15-21) and Simon (comp. xiv. 4-15).他推崇不仅在军事犹大的事迹(comp.诉63),但也乔纳森(comp.十15-21)和西蒙(comp.十四4-15)。 The narrative is told not as though deliverance came by miracle, but as though it was due to the military genius of these men, exercised under the favoring guidance of God (i. 64, iii. 8).叙事告诉仿佛解脱的奇迹了,但好像它是由于军事天才,这些人的神(一64,三8)有利于指导下行使。Curiously enough the word "God" does not appear in the work, nor does the word "Lord."奇怪的是这个词“上帝”没有出现在工作,也不单词“主”。The idea is not lacking, however, as in the Book of Esther, but is represented by "Heaven," or by the pronoun "He."的想法是不缺,然而,在以斯帖记,而且是由“天道”,或代表的代名词“他。”The author was a deeply religious man in spite of this mannerism.作者是一个笃信宗教的人,尽管这矫饰。He was very zealous for the Law and for the national religious institutions (see i. 11, 15, 43; ii. 20-22; iii. 21), for the Scriptures (i. 56, iii. 48), and for the Temple (i. 21, 39; iii. 43).他很热心,对法律和国家的宗教机构(见一11,15,43;二20-22;三21),圣经(一56,三48),和为寺(39一21,三43)。

Date.日期。

It should be noted, also, that throughout the work the priesthood is represented in a favorable light.,也应该指出,整个工作的神职人员是一个良好的光代表。The renegade priests Jason and Menelaus are not mentioned-a fact in striking contrast with the treatment which the Second Book of the Maccabeesaccords them.叛徒牧师Jason和墨涅拉俄斯都没有提到在与治疗的Maccabeesaccords二书,他们形成鲜明对比的事实。 From these facts Geiger conjectured that the author was a Sadducee, and most recent writers follow him in this opinion, although they consider him wrong in calling the First Book of the Maccabees a partizan document; its temperate and just tone certainly redeems it from such a stricture.盖革从这些事实推测,作者是撒都该和大多数最近的作家,他按照这个意见,虽然他们认为他在一个游击队文档调用的马加比一书的错误;温带和公正的语气肯定从这样的赎回狭窄。 The terminus a quo of the work is found in the fact that John Hyreanus I., who began to reign in 135 BC, is mentioned at the close of the book (xvi. 21-24).总站的工作现状,发现在约翰Hyreanus一,开始在公元前135年在位,密切书(xvi. 21日至24日)中提到的事实。As the Romans are throughout spoken of in terms of respect and friendliness, it is clear that the terminus ad quem must be sought at some time before the conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey in 63 BC As to whether the date can be more nearly determined scholars are not agreed.入乡随俗是整个的尊重和友好的发言,很显然,总站广告quem必须寻求在庞培征服耶路撒冷前一段时间在公元前63年,至于日期是否可确定更近的学者不同意。 The determining fact is held by most to be the statement in xvi.确定的事实是大多数举行第十六声明。23, 24, that the "rest of the acts of John . . . are written in the chronicles of his high-priesthood." 23,24,“约翰。行为的休息是写在他的高祭司编年史。”It is thought by many that this implies that John had died and that a sufficient time had elapsed since his death to permit the circulation of the chronicles.它被认为是很多,这意味着,约翰已经死了,和足够的时间,自他去世后,允许流通的编年史。Bissell (Lange's "Commentary," p. 479) thinks that not more than a score or two of years had passed, while Schürer ("Hist. of the Jewish People," div. ii., vol. iii., p. 8) and Fairweather (in "Cambridge Bible" and Hastings, "Dict. Bible") think that not more than a decade or two had elapsed, and date the work in the first or second decade of the first century BC Torrey, on the other hand, thinks ("Encyc. Bibl.") that this reference to the chronicle of the priesthood is an imitation of well-known passages in the Books of Kings, that it was intended solely as a compliment to John, and that the work was composed early in his reign (ie, soon after 135 BC) by one who had been an interested spectator of the whole Maccabean movement.比塞尔(朗格的“解说”,第479)认为,不低于一个分数或两三年过去了,而Schürer专区(“犹太人民的历史。”二,第三卷,第8页)和费尔韦瑟(“剑桥圣经”和黑斯廷斯,“快译通。圣经”)认为,不超过一,二十年已经过去了,迄今为止,在公元前一世纪托里的第一个或第二个十年的工作,另一方面另一方面,认为(“百科全书。Bibl。”),这祭司纪事参考的书国王模仿著名的段落,这是只打算作为一个恭维约翰,和工作早在他的统治(即后不久,公元前135年)组成一直是整个马加比运动有兴趣的观众。 The vivid character of the narrative and the fact that it closes so abruptly after the death of Simon make this a very plausible view.生动的叙述和事实,它关闭后突然死亡的西蒙字符,这是一个非常合理的。

Sources and Integrity.来源和完整性。

Those who maintain the later date of the work are obliged to account for the vivid details which it contains by supposing that the writer employed older sources, such as letters and memoranda.那些维持日后的工作必须考虑的假设,作家采用旧的来源,如信件和备忘录,它包含了生动的细节。 In Torrey's view no such sources are needed, as the author, where he did not have personal knowledge, could have talked with participants or eye-witnesses of the events.在托里的观点没有这样的来源是必要的,作为作者,他没有个人的知识,有可能与事件的参与者或目击者交谈。In either case the First Book of the Maccabees is one of the best sources known for the history of the Jews.在这两种情况下的马加的第一本书是犹太人的历史已知的最佳来源之一。

JD Michaelis held that Josephus used the Hebrew original of the book, which differed in some important particulars from the present text. JD米氏认为,约瑟夫使用的希伯来文,原来的书,不同于目前的案文中的一些重要细节。Destinon ("Die Quellen des Josephus," 1882) revived this theory and endeavored to prove (pp. 80 et seq.) that ch.Destinon(“模具Quellen约瑟夫,”1882年)复兴这一理论,并努力来证明(第80及以下),CH。xiv.-xvi.xiv. - XVI。 were not contained in the edition used by Josephus.不包含在由约瑟夫所使用的版本。Destinon bases his argument on the fact that Josephus treats this portion very scantily in comparison with his treatment of the other material of the book, although these chapters contain quite as much and as interesting material. Destinon基地的事实,约瑟夫将在与他的书的其他材料的处理相比,这部分非常人口稀少他的说法,虽然这些章节包含了相当多,有趣的材料。He has been followed by Wellhausen ("IJG" pp. 222 et seq.).他一直跟着豪森(“IJG”第222及以下)。But Torrey (in "Encyc. Bibl."), by utilizing the investigations of Mommsen, has shown that Josephus actually knew some of this material and introduced it at a later point in his work ("Ant." xiv. 8, § 5), in describing the history of Hyrcanus II.但托利(在“百科全书。Bibl。”),利用蒙森的调查表明,约瑟夫其实知道这种材料的一些介绍,后来在他的工作点(“蚂蚁。”十四,8,§ 5 ),在描述Hyrcanus第二历史。In all probability, therefore, the First Book of the Maccabees has retained its original form.在所有的可能性,因此,第一本书的马加保留其原来的形式。

Bibliography:参考书目:

Grimm, Das Erste Buch der Makkabäer, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen, 1853; Wace, Apocrypha; Bissell, Apocrypha, in Lange's Commentary; Fairweather and Black, First Book of Maccabees, in Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges; Kautzsch, Apokryphen; Torrey, Schweizer's Hebrew Text of I Maccabees, in Jour.格林,达斯Erste布赫DER Makkabäer Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手册下载组书斋Apokryphen 1853; WACE,伪经;比斯尔,伪经,在朗格的评注;费尔韦瑟和黑色,第一书籍的马加剑桥圣经,学校和学院; Kautzsch,Apokryphen托里,施韦策的希伯来文我马加在怨妇。Bib.背带裤。Lit.点亮。xxii.二十二。51-59.51-59。II Maccabees: The Second Book of the Maccabees opens with two letters written by Jews resident in Palestine to brethren dwelling in Egypt.二马加:马加比二书由居住在巴勒斯坦弟兄们居住在埃及的犹太人写了两封信打开。 The first letter occupies ch.第一个字母占用通道。i.1-10a; the second, ch.1 - 10A;第二,CH。i. 10b-ii.10B - II。18.18。These letters, it is thought by some, formed no part of the original work.这些信件,它是由一些思想,形成了原作品的任何部分。 The preface is found in ch.序言是在CH。ii.II。19-32, and states that Jason of Cyrene had composed five books on the Maccabean revolt, which the writer undertakes to epitomize for his readers.19-32,并指出古利奈贾森组成的五本书的马加比起义,作家承担的缩影他的读者。 Ch.CH。iii.III。relates how the attempt of Heliodorus to plunder the Temple was miraculously thwarted; ch.有关如何Heliodorus企图掠夺圣殿却奇迹般地挫败; CH。iv.IV。narrates the wickedness of the high priests Jason and Menelaus, and of Simon, the Temple overseer; ch.讲述邪恶的大祭司贾森和墨涅拉俄斯,西蒙,寺监督员; CH。v., how Antiochus began the persecution of the Jews; ch.五,如何安提阿哥伊开始迫害犹太人; CH。vi.VI。and vii., the story of the martyrdom of Eleazar and the seven young men and their mother; while ch.七,殉道埃莱亚萨和7名年轻男子和他们的母亲的故事;而CH。viii.-xv.viii.-xv.are occupied with the history of the wars of Judas Maccabeus.占领了犹大Maccabeus战争的历史。

Historical and Religious Character.历史和宗教性质的。

The time covered by this material is barely fifteen years, from the very end of the reign of Seleucus IV., whose servant was Heliodorus, to the victory of Judas over Nicanor (175-160 BC).这种材料所涵盖的时间是勉强的塞琉古四,他的仆人Heliodorus,王朝的最后15年,尼卡诺尔(公元前175-160)犹大胜利。 The reason why the book terminates here is to be found in its aim, which was to set before the Jews of the Diaspora the importance of observing the two Maccabean feasts-the Feast of the Dedication and the Feast of Nicanor.书终止这里的原因是其目的,这是前犹太人散居地设置观察两个马加比节日的奉献精神和尼卡诺尔盛宴节的重要性。In no other way, the writer believed, could they share in the glory and the fruits of the great struggle for liberty.笔者认为,在没有其他办法,他们可以共享的荣耀和对自由的伟大斗争的成果。The author is so intent on this that though he has lauded Judas as a splendid example of religious patriotism he passes in silence over his death.作者的这一意图,虽然他称赞犹大作为一个越过他的死亡,他在沉默中灿烂的宗教爱国主义例子。The writer further takes occasion often to impress upon his readers the sacred character of the Temple at Jerusalem, which the Diaspora might easily undervalue.笔者还注意到场合经常呼吁他的读者留下深刻的印象圣殿在耶路撒冷的神圣性,散居可能很容易低估。In contrast with I Maccabees, the language of II Maccabees is highly religious.我马加相反,二马加的语言是高度宗教。 God appears as the great "Sovereign" who miraculously delivers His people (see iii. 24 and, perhaps, ii. 21).上帝出现伟大的“主权”,他奇迹般地提供他的人(见三24,也许,二21)。The author is a religious teacher (see iii. 1 et seq., iv. 15-17, v. 17-20, et al.); he did not write for the sake of the history as such.作者是一个宗教老师(III 1等SEQ,四15-17,五17-20,等。。);为了这样的历史,他没有写。This places his work in a very different class from that of I Maccabees.这在一个非常不同的的类,从我马加他的工作。 In the earlier part he supplies some welcome information not contained in I Maccabees, and in nearly every chapter are interesting facts-some of them confirmed by Josephus-which may, with caution, be used.在前面的部分,他提供了一些可喜的信息,不载我马加,几乎在每一个章节是有趣的事实,其中一些由约瑟夫的可能,谨慎,可以用来证实。 But his purpose, style, and temperament are such that, since the time of Ewald, it has been recognized that the work is not a sober and restrained history like I Maccabees, but is rhetorical and bombastic.但他的目的,风格和气质,埃瓦尔德时间以来,它已被认可的工作是不是像我马加的冷静,克制的历史,但修辞和夸夸其谈。

Sources.来源。

One important fact to be noted is the writer's belief in the bodily resurrection of the dead (see vii. 9, 11, 14, 36; xiv. 16; and especially xii. 43-45).要注意的一个重要的事实是作家的信念在死者的身体复活(见七,9,11,14,36;十四16;,尤其是第十二43-45)。 This, together with his attitude toward the priesthood asshown in his lifting the veil which I Maccabees had drawn over Jason and Menelaus, led Bertholdt and Geiger to regard the author as a Pharisee and the work as a Pharisaic party document.这一点,连同他对神职人员在他抬起我马加战胜Jason和墨涅拉俄斯,LED Bertholdt和盖革绘制Pharisaic党的文件是法利赛人的工作视为作者的面纱asshown的态度。This much, at least, is true-the writer's sympathies were with the Pharisees.这一点,至少,是真正的作家的同情与法利赛人。 The author claims that he epitomized the work of Jason of Cyrene (ii. 23), which seems to have been his only source, unless he himself prefixed the two letters to his work.作者声称,他集中反映贾森昔兰尼(白介素23),这似乎已经是他的唯一来源的工作,除非他自己的两个字母前缀对他的工作。 Jason is thought by Schürer (lcp 212) to have compiled his work from hearsay shortly after 160 BC at Cyrene.贾森被认为Schürer(LCP 212)已编制160公元前后不久,他的工作从传闻在古利奈。If this is true, the work of Jason, like II Maccabees, concluded with the victory over Nicanor.如果这是真的,贾森的工作,如第二马加,超过尼卡诺尔胜利结束。There can be no doubt that both the work of Jason and that of his epitomizer (ie, the author of II Maccabees) were written in Greek, and that the latter was a Hellenistic Jew.可以毫无疑问,无论是贾森和他epitomizer的工作(即,二马加作者)被写在希腊,和,后者是希腊化的犹太人。

There is a reference in ch.有一个CH的参考。xv.十五。37 to the Book of Esther, which would preclude any earlier date of authorship than about 130 BC (see Cornill, "Einleitung," p. 252). 37以斯帖记,这将排除任何作者的较早日期比约公元前130年(见Cornill,“导论”,第252页)。On the other hand, II Maccabees was known to the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (see Peak, in "The Century Bible," p. 223) and to Philo (see Schürer, lcp 214).另一方面,被称为第二马加书信希伯来书的作者(见山顶,在“世纪”圣经“,第223页)和斐罗(见Schürer,LCP 214)。The work, therefore, must have been composed about the beginning of the common era.这项工作,因此,必须已经组成共同的时代的开始。

The Letters.信件。

The two letters prefixed to II Maccabees have excited much discussion.二马加两个前缀字母已经激发了很多讨论。Some scholars regard them as the basis of the author's work, which he himself prefixed to it because they treat of the topics of which he wished to speak-the Temple at Jerusalem and the importance of observing its feasts.有些学者认为的作者的作品,而他自己给它的前缀的基础上,因为他们的主题,而他希望对待讲寺在耶路撒冷和观察其节日的重要性。 Others hold that the letters were placed in their present position by a later hand, while some believe them to be fabricated.其他人认为字母被安置在其目前的位置以后,有些则相信他们编造。There is in the letters nothing which is inconsistent with their belonging to the time from which they profess to come, and there seems to be no good reason for doubting that it was the epitomist himself who prefixed them to the book.有字母无关,这是他们的时间,从他们自称来属于不一致,似乎有很好的理由怀疑,这是epitomist自己前缀他们的书没有。 For details see the works mentioned below.有关详情,请参阅下文提到的作品。

Bibliography:参考书目:

Grimm, Zweites, Drittes, und Viertes Bücher der Makkabäer, in Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zu den, Apokryphen; Wace, Apocrypha; Kautzsch, Apokryphen; Bruston, Trois Lettres des Juifs de Palestine, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1890, x.格林,Zweites,Drittes,DER Makkabäer和Viertes书刊,Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches手册下载组书斋,Apo​​kryphen; WACE,伪经; Kautzsch,Apokryphen; Bruston,三河Lettres DES Juifs的巴勒斯坦,在体育场的(杂志),1890年,X。110 et seq.; Torrey, Die Briefe 2 Makkabäer, i.110及以下;托里,模具Briefe 2 Makkabäer岛1-ii.1 - II。18, ib.18,IB。1900, xx.1900年,XX。225 et seq.; Herkenne, Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabäerbuches, 1904.225及以下; Herkenne,模具Briefe组Beginn Zweiten Makkabäerbuches,1904年。

III Maccabees: The Third Book of the Maccabees has in reality nothing to do either with the Maccabees or with their times.第三马加:马加比三书“,在现实中已经没有任何关系与马加与他们的时代。 It received its name probably because it is a fiction concerning the persecution of the Jews by a foreign king; that king was Ptolemy Philopator (222-205 BC).它接受了它的名字,可能是因为它是虚构的,关于迫害犹太人的外国国王,国王托勒密Philopator(222-205 BC)。 The story runs as follows: After Ptolemy's defeat of Antiochus III.故事的运行如下:安提阿哥三世托勒密的战败后。in 217 BC, at the battle of Raphia, the former visited Jerusalem and tried to enter the Temple, but was miraculously prevented (i. 1-ii. 24).公元前217年,在Raphia战斗,前访问耶路撒冷,并试图进入寺庙,但是却奇迹般地阻止(1一24 - II)。Returning to Alexandria, he assembled the Jews in the hippodrome to be massacred, but the necessity of writing down their names exhausted the paper in Egypt, so that they escaped (ii. 25-iv. 21).回到亚历山大,他在竞技场组装犹太人被屠杀,但必须写下自己的名字在埃及的纸用尽,让他们逃脱(白介素25 - 21 IV。)。 Next the king devised a plan for having the Jews trampled to death by elephants; this also was frustrated in various improbable ways (v. 1-vi. 21).接下来的国王制定大象践踏致死的犹太人的计划,这也是在各种不可能的方式(诉1 - VI 21)沮丧。The king then underwent a change of heart and bestowed great favor on the Jews, and the day on which this occurred was ever after celebrated as a festival in memory of the deliverance (vi. 22-vii. 23).然后,国王接受了心脏和赐予犹太人的大忙变化,并不断发生这种情况,一天后,作为庆祝节日(22 VI.七,23)在内存的解脱。

Authorship and Character.作者和字符。

The author of this fiction was certainly an Alexandrian Jew who wrote in Greek, for its style is even more rhetorical and bombastic than that of II Maccabees.本小说的作者是亚历山大犹太人是谁写在希腊,它的风格更是修辞,比二马加夸夸其谈的。The work begins abruptly and is thought to be but a fragment of a once larger whole.突然开始这项工作,被认为不过是一次更大的整体的片段。Whether there is any foundation for the story concerning Philopator with which the writer begins there is no means of knowing.是否有任何故事Philopator作家开始的基础是无从知晓的一种手段。If true, it is one of a very few grains of fact in the whole account.如果属实,这是在整个帐户,其实是很少的谷物之一。Josephus ("Contra Ap." ii. 5) tells how Ptolemy Physco (146-117 BC) cast the Jews of Alexandria, who, as adherents of Cleopatra, were his political opponents, to intoxicated elephants.约瑟夫(“魂斗罗鸭”。II 5)讲述如何托勒密Physco(146-117年)铸造,克娄巴特拉的追随者,他的政治对手,亚历山德里亚,犹太人陶醉大象。When the elephants turned on his own people the king saw a sudden apparition and gave up his purpose.大象打开自己的人当国王看到突然显身,并放弃了他的目的。The Jews, it is added, celebrate the day of their deliverance.的犹太人,它被添加中,庆祝他们解脱的一天。It would seem that the author of III Maccabees, anxious to connect this celebration with Jerusalem, has transferred it to an earlier Ptolemy and given it an entirely unhistorical setting.这似乎笔者第三马加,急于与耶路撒冷连接这一庆祝活动,已转让较早托勒密,并给它一个完全非历史的设置。His narrative can not be regarded as a successful fiction, as it abounds in psychological as well as historical improbabilities.他的叙述不能被视为一个成功的小说,因为它在心理以及历史的不可能性比比皆是。

This work was written later than II Maccabees, for its author made use of that book (see ii. 9; comp. II Macc. vi. 18 et seq. and xiv. 35 with III Macc. iii. 25-33; see also Grimm, lcp 220).这项工作后来被写入二马加比,它的作者使用这本书(见二9;。。。。比赛第二MACC VI 18等条,第十四35 MACC三三25-33;。亦见格林,LCP的220)。He can not have written earlier, therefore, than the end of the first century BC On the other hand, he can not have written later than the first century CE or his work would not have been used by Christians.他可以没有书面较早,因此比另一方面公元前一世纪的结束,他不能迟于公元一世纪或他的工作不会有基督徒的书面。 Ewald regarded this work as a polemic against Caligula and dated it accordingly about 40 CE; this view has been abandoned by more recent writers, since Philopator is not represented as claiming divine honors.埃瓦尔德这项工作视为对卡里古拉的争议,并相应地约40 CE给这一观点已被抛弃更近的作家,因为Philopator是不是代表声称神圣的荣誉。

Bibliography:参考书目:

In addition to the works cited in the bibliography to the second part of this article: Deissmann, Bible Studies, 1901, pp. 341-345; I. Abrahams, in JQR 1896-97, ix.除了在参考书目本文的第二部分列举的作品:戴斯曼,圣经研究,1901年,页341-345;一亚伯拉罕在1896年至1897年,九JQR,。 39 et seq.; Ewald, Gesch. 39等以下;埃瓦尔德,Gesch。des Volkes Israel, iv.DES Volkes以色列,IV。611-614. 611-614。IV Maccabees: The Fourth Book of the Maccabees, so called, is a semiphilosophic discourse, or sermon, on the "supremacy of the pious reason" (ch. i. 1).四马加:马加的第四册,所谓的,是一个semiphilosophic的话语,或讲道,“虔诚的原因至上”(章一,1)。It consists of a prologue (i. 1-12) and of two principal parts.它包括一个序言(一1-12)和两个主要部分。The first of these (i. 13-iii. 18) is devoted to the elucidation of the author's philosophical thesis, and the second (iii. 19-xviii. 24) to the illustration of the thesis by examples drawn from II Maccabees.其中第(一13 18 - III)是专门来阐发作者的哲学论文,第二个(III. 19 24 - XVIII)的例子,来自二马加论文的插图。In the latter portion of the work there is, first (iii. 19-iv. 26), a brief review of the sufferings of the Jews under Seleucus and his son(?) Antiochus Epiphanes; the conquering power of reason is illustrated (v. 1-vii. 23) by the example of Eleazar, drawn from II Macc.在后者部分工作,一是(III. 19 - IV 26),一个简要回顾下塞琉古犹太人的苦难和他的儿子安提阿哥伊皮法尼斯(?);征服权力的原因说明(V 1七,23)利亚撒例如,来自第二MACC。 v. 18-31; by that of the seven brethren (vii. 24-xiv. 10), drawn from II Macc.五18-31;七个弟兄(vii. 24十四10),从第二MACC绘制。vii.七。1-23; and by that of their mother (xiv. 11-xvi. 25), taken from II Macc.1-23;和他们的母亲(xiv. 11十六25),从第二MACC。 vii.七。25 et seq.25及以下。In ch.在CH。xvii.十七。and xviii.十八。the author expresses his impressions with reference to these martyrdoms.笔者对这些martyrdoms他的印象。

It appears, therefore, that the only connection this work has with the Maccabees is in the fact that the author's illustrations are drawn from the Second Book of the Maccabees.因此,它的出现,唯一的连接,这项工作与马加是在事实上,从马加比二书的作者的插图。

Integrity and Character.完整性和性格。

Ch. CH。xviii.十八。3-24 has been thought by several scholars to be the work of a later hand, but the opinion does not appear to be well founded.3-24几位学者一直认为以后的工作,但看来不会出现很有道理。Ch.CH。xvii.十七。2 would form a weak ending to the book, while xviii.2,将形成一个以书弱的结束,而十八。20-24 suits well the style of the author of the earlier parts, and the apparent incongruity of xviii. 20-24西服以及前面部分的作者,和第十八明显不协调的风格。6-19 would seem to be designed in this hortatory composition to make a strong impression on its hearers. 6-19将在此劝告组成,其听众留下了深刻的印象似乎是设计。This latter view is strengthened if it be remembered that the work is throughout a discourse addressed directly to listeners (comp. i. 1, 7; ii. 13; xiii. 19; xviii. 1).如果记住的是,整个工作直接向听众(comp.一,1,7;二13;第十三19;。第十八1)一种话语,这后一种观点是加强。 Ewald and Freudenthal called it a sermon and held that it is an example of Alexandrian synagogue preaching, but this view is now abandoned, for even in the Diaspora the sermon of the synagogue was usually founded on a passage from the Bible.埃瓦尔德和弗赖登塔尔称为说教,认为它是亚历山大的犹太教堂讲道的例子,但这种观点现在已经废弃,散居各地的犹太教堂的讲道通常是通过从“圣经”上成立。 This discourse, also, is too abstruse for an ordinary congregation; it is an address to a more select circle.这话语,也太深奥对于一个普通的众的,它是​​一个更多的选择圈的地址。Its style is oratorical and ornate, though not so extravagant as that of III Maccabees.其风格是口才和华丽的,虽然不是那么奢侈的第三马加。It contains a large philosophic element of the Stoic type, though its author possessed a taste for philosophy rather than real philosophical insight.它包含一个大的哲学元素,斯多葛类型,虽然它的作者,拥有哲学,而不是真正的哲学洞察力的味道。It contains also a core of Judaism.它也包含一个犹太教的核心。The writer was a Jew who could clothe his religion in a philosophic garb in accordance with the tendency of the times.作家是一个犹太人,谁可以穿暖在他的宗教哲学的外衣按照时代的趋势。The Hellenic and the Jewish elements in his work both appear at their best and in a combination almost without a parallel; the nearest example is the New Testament Epistle to the Hebrews.希腊和犹太人在他的工作内容都出现在最佳状态,并在组合几乎没有一个平行的,最近的例子是新约书信的希伯来人。

Author and Date.作者和日期。

It is probable, therefore, that the author of IV Maccabees was an Alexandrian Jew.它是可能的,因此,四马加的作者是亚历山大犹太人。Eusebius ("Hist. Eccl." iii. 10) and Jerome ("De Viris Illustribus," xiii.) ascribe the work to Josephus-an opinion which was for a long time followed, and which has caused the text of IV Maccabees to be included in many editions of the works of Josephus.尤西比乌斯(“组织胺。传道书。”三10)和杰罗姆(“德Viris Illustribus,”十三)。归因于约瑟夫,随后很长一段时间的一项民意工作,并已造成文本第四马加约瑟夫的作品包括许多版本。But the language and style of the work differ so radically from those of the writings of Josephus that it is clear that this is a mistaken opinion.但语言和工作作风不同约​​瑟夫的著作,以便从根本上说,很明显,这是一个错误的意见。Of some of its historical combinations, as in iv.其历史的一些组合,如在第四。5 and v. 1, Josephus could hardly have been guilty.5和1节,约瑟夫可能很难被无罪。The writer of IV Maccabees had certainly come under the influence of the culture of Alexandria, even if he lived and wrote in some other city.第四马加作家肯定的亚历山德里亚文化的影响下,即使他住在其他一些城市中写道。As to the time when the book was written, the data for an opinion are the same as in the case of III Maccabees: it was written probably at the close of the last century BC or during the first century CE, and before the time of Caligula, for the Jews seem to have been at peace at the time.至于书是写的时间,征求意见的数据同样在第三马加书面大概在公元前上个世纪结束时,或在公元一世纪,和之前的时间卡里古拉,似乎为犹太人,当时有和平。

Eschatology.末世论。

The writer is a strong believer in immortality, but he has abandoned the Pharisaic standpoint of II Maccabees, which recognizes a bodily resurrection, and holds to the view that all souls exist forever, the good being together in a state of happiness (xvii. 18), with the Patriarchs (v. 37) and with God (ix. 8 and xvii. 18).作者是一个不朽的强烈信徒,但他已经放弃了马加比二,承认一个身体复活Pharisaic的立场,并持有认为,所有的灵魂永远存在,在一个幸福的状态良好,正合(xvii. 18 ),与始祖(37节)与神(ix. 8条和第十七条第18条)。These views are the more striking as they are entwined with the same narratives which in II Maccabees express the more materialistic view.这些意见是比较显着的,因为它们是缠绕在第二马加表达更唯物的观点相同的叙事。 The writer holds, also, that the suffering of the martyrs was vicarious; by it they wrought deliverance for their nation (comp. i. 11, xvii. 19-23, xviii. 24).也,笔者认为,烈士的痛苦是替代;他们为他们的国家造成的解脱(comp.一11,十七19-23,十八24。)。

Bibliography:参考书目:

For the Greek text of IV Maccabees, as well as of the other books, see Swete, The Old Testament in Greek, vol.第四马加希腊文,以及其他书籍,见Swete,在希腊,卷旧约。iii., 1894;三,1894年;

for the translation, see Kautzsch, Apokryphen, ii.翻译,请参阅Kautzsch,Apokryphen,II。152 et seq.; for introductions, see Bissell in Lange's Commentary, and Schürer, History of the Jewish People; see also Bensly, The Fourth Book of Maccabees in Syriac, 1895.TGAB II.A second article on the Book of Maccabees is inserted as treating the subject from a Jewish standpoint.-J. 152及以下;介绍,比塞尔在朗格的评论,和犹太人民的历史Schürer;也Bensly,在叙利亚的马加比四书,1895.TGAB二。A马加比书上的第二篇文章是插入从一个犹太standpoint. - J作为治疗的主体。

I Maccabees.我马加。

I Maccabees, now extant only in Greek, was originally composed in Hebrew or Aramaic, most probably the former; but the original can not have been long in circulation.我马加,现在只能在希腊现存的,原本是在希伯来文或阿拉姆,最有可能前组成;但原来不能流通长。The fragment of a Hebrew text of I Maccabees published by Chwolson (1896) and again by Schweizer (1901) is not part of the original; and it may well be that even Origen knew only an Aramaic translation and not the original.一个希伯来文的片段我马加Chwolson(1896年)出版,由施韦策(1901年)再次是不是原始的一部分,它很可能,甚至奥利知道只有阿拉姆语翻译,而不是原来的。 He calls (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." vi. 25) I Maccabees Σαρβηθ Σα(ρ)βαναιελ, a title which has given rise to much conjecture.他呼吁(优西比乌,“组织胺。传道书”。六,25)我马加ΣαρβηθΣα(ρ)βαναιελ称号,这已经引起了很多猜想。 Only two suggestions need be named: Derenbourg's ("Book of the Family of the Chief of the People of God"), given in his "Essai sur l'Histoire et la Géographie de la Palestine" (p. 450, Paris, 1867), and Dalman's , in his "Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinischen Aramäisch" (p. 6, Leipsic, 1894).只有两个建议需要被命名为:德朗堡(“神人的行政家庭的书”),在他的“Essai SUR L'史ET LA Géographie DE LA巴勒斯坦”(第450页,巴黎,1867年)和达尔曼的,在他的“Grammatik DES Jüdisch Palästinischen Aramäisch”(第6页,Leipsic,1894年)。Of the name "Maccabees" it may be mentioned that in a text of the Megillat Anteyukas ("JQR" xi. 291 et seq.) the reading is (= "the zealot"), which would be very acceptable were it better attested.“马加比”名称可能会提到,在Megillat Anteyukas的文本(“jqr”十一291起。)阅读(=“狂热分子”),这将是很容易接受它更好的证明。

As to the date of the book, much turns on the meaning of the last two verses.至于书之日起,大大打开的最后两节经文的意思。Some critics, indeed, doubt the authenticity of the whole of the last section (xiv. 16-xvi. 24), but the trend of opinion is in favor of the integrity of the book.的确,有些人批评,怀疑整个最后一节的真实性(xiv. 16十六,24),但趋势的意见,赞成书的完整性。Schürer and Niese (in "Kritik der Beiden Makkabäerbücher," Berlin, 1900) maintain that the last verses imply that I Maccabees was written after the death of John Hyrcanus (105 BC), but there is good reason for holding that the reference is to the beginning (135 BC) and not to the end of Hyrcanus' reign (see "JQR" xiii. 512 et seq.). Schürer和Niese(在“Kritik DER Beiden Makkabäerbücher,”柏林,1900)认为,最后的诗句暗示我马加约翰Hyrcanus(公元前105)去世后,书面,但有很好的理由是参考开始(公元前135年),而不是Hyrcanus“时期(见”jqr“十三,512起。)结束。 Critics are practically unanimous in attaching great value to I Maccabees as a historical record.批评家们几乎一致附加作为一个很有价值的历史记录我马加的。"On the whole, the book must be pronounced a work of the highest value, comparing favorably, in point of trustworthiness, with the best Greek and Roman histories" (Torrey). “整体而言,书,必须突出工作的最高值,点的可信度比较毫不逊色,用最好的希腊和罗马的历史,”(托里)。This is high praise; but it is fully deserved (comp. Schürer, "Gesch." iii. 141).这是高度赞扬,但它是当之无愧的(comp. Schürer,III 141“Gesch。”)。Niese (lc) has done good service in vindicating the authenticity of Judas' embassy to Rome; and it is no peculiar demerit in I Maccabees that in the reports of the numbers engaged in battle, of speeches, and even of documents, its account is inexact and sometimes quite incredible. Niese(LC)已经做了平反犹大“驻罗马大使馆的真实性的良好服务;它是无异味的记过处分,在我马加,从事在战斗中,发言,甚至文件的数量的报告,其帐户不精确的和有时是相当令人难以置信。 Such defects are shared by Thucydides and Livy.这种缺陷是由修昔底德和李维共享。The substance, not the exact form, of documents was given by ancient historians.物质,没有确切的文件形式,是由古代的历史学家。 On the other hand, it differs somewhat from the Biblical histories in its standpoint.另一方面,从圣经的历史在其立场有所不同。 The divine element is not wanting, and success is ultimately traced (as in Mattathias' deathbed utterances) to God.神圣的元素是没有希望,成功是最终追溯到(玛他提亚的临终话语)上帝。Judas invariably sings psalms of thanksgiving for victory, and the key-note of the revolt is "Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us,but unto thy name give glory" (Ps. cxv. 1).犹大的胜利总是唱感恩的诗篇,起义的关键,注意是“不告诉我们,主啊,赐给我们,但所不欲,你的名字荣耀”(诗篇第一百一十五1)。 The period also, as many hold, gave rise to numerous new psalms.期间,许多持有,引起了众多新的诗篇。But in I Maccabees, nevertheless, history is written from the human standpoint.但在我马加,然而,历史是从人类的角度编写。 Victory is earned by endeavor as well as bestowed by grace.赢得胜利是通过努力,以及赐予的恩典。Partly because of this phenomenon, it was urged by Geiger ("Urschrift," 1857, pp. 200-230) that one may detect a dynastic purpose in the book and that its author was a Sadducean apologist for the Hasmoneans.部分原因是因为这种现象,这是敦促由盖格(“Urschrift”,1857年,第200-230页),可能会侦测到在书上,它的作者是一个Sadducean卫道士的哈斯摩年王朝王朝的目的。

It is certainly true that the author is silent concerning the worst excesses of the (Sadducean) high priests, and attaches primary importance to the founder of the dynasty, Mattathias.诚然,作者是有关的大祭司(Sadducean)的最恶劣的暴行保持沉默,并极为重视,玛他提亚王朝的创始人。 Mattathias is unknown to II Maccabees, though the latter is supposed by Geiger to be a Pharisaic counterblast to the Sadducean I Maccabees.玛他提亚是未知的第二马加,尽管后者是由盖格应该是一个Pharisaic counterblast的Sadducean我马加。Yet, strangely enough, in the Pharisaic tradition of the Talmud and Synagogue Mattathias plays a large part, so large that Judas is thrown into the background.然而,奇怪的是,在Pharisaic传统的犹太法典和犹太教堂玛他提亚的很大一部分,如此之大,犹大是进入后台抛出。

On one important point some modern writers are unfair to the book.其中重要的一点在一些现代作家的书是不公平的的。God is not "named" in it; the term "heaven" replaces the divine name.上帝不是“命名”;“天堂”一词取代了神圣的名字。From this the inference has been drawn that "God was absolutely conceived as reigning in the remote heaven, and no longer as dwelling among the people by the Shekinah" (Fairweather and Black, "I Maccabees," Introduction, p. 47).从这个推论已经绘就,“上帝是绝对设想为在远程天堂统治,并没有居住的舍吉拿人民之间”(费尔维瑟以及黑色,“我马加比”介绍,第47页)。 This is as false an inference as would be a similar conclusion from the opening words of the Lord's Prayer, "Our Father who art in Heaven."这是假的推论从主祷文的开头语,将一个类似的结论:“我们的父亲在天上。”God is not "named" throughout the Lord's Prayer.上帝不是“命名为”整个主祷文。In I Maccabees the personal pronoun is most significantly used (iii. 22, 51; iv. 10, 55) with relation to the term "heaven"; and, more remarkable still, the pronoun is sometimes used (ii. 61) without any noun at all: "And thus consider ye from generation to generation, that none that put their trust in him shall want for strength."在我马加是最显着的人称代词(III. 22,51;四,10,55)关于“天堂”一词;,更为显着的是,代词有时没有任何(白介素61)名词全部:“因此,考虑你们一代又一代,他们的信任,没有把他想要的实力。” That there grew up a disinclination to "name" God is undoubted; but whatever the origin of this scrupulosity, it was not any sense of the remoteness of God (see discussion by Benjacob, "Im Namen Gottes," p. 164, Berlin, 1903).有一个不愿长大的“名称”上帝是勿庸置疑的,但无论这个scrupulosity的起源,它不是任何神偏远的意义(见Benjacob讨论,“IM纳闷Gottes”,第164页,柏林, 1903年)。From the Maccabean period onward God becomes ever nearer to Israel.从马加比时期以来,神的以色列变得更接近。If there was a fault at all, it was not that God became too transcendent; the tendency was rather in the direction of overfamiliarity than of undue aloofness.如果有故障,但它不是神变得过于超然;的倾向是过分亲密的方向,而不是过分超脱。

II Maccabees.二马加。

Unlike I Maccabees, the book known as II Maccabees was written in Greek.不像我马加,被称为第二马加本书是写在希腊。For the history of the war it is of less value than I Maccabees, though some recent writers (in particular Niese) have maintained the opposite opinion.对于战争的历史,它的价值比不上我马加,虽然一些作家(尤其是Niese)最近一直保持着相反的意见。It adds, however, important particulars regarding the events that led up to the Maccabean revolt.然而,它补充说,有关的事件导致了马加比起义的重要资料。Besides this, II Maccabees, written quite independently of I Maccabees, is a strong support of the general truth of the familiar story of the revolt, though II Maccabees is embellished with angelical and miraculous ornament foreign to the first book.除此之外,二马加比,我马加写得相当独立,是一个熟悉起义的故事一般真理的大力支持,尽管二马加与国外的第一本书天使的神奇的饰品点缀。 Its style is rhetorical, its purpose didactic.其风格是修辞,其目的说教。It emanated from Alexandria and was addressed to the Greek-speaking Jews of the Diaspora.它出自亚历山大是给希腊讲犹太人散居。It was designed to impress on them the unity of Judaism, the importance of Jerusalem as the center of religious life, and the duty of observing the two feasts of Ḥanukkah and Nicanor's Day (nullsee Nicanor).它的目的是对他们留下深刻的印象犹太教的团结,耶路撒冷的宗教生活的中心的重要性,和观察的光明节和尼卡诺尔节两个节日(nullsee尼卡诺尔)的责任。 That the book has a Pharisaic color is undoubted, but not in the sense of being a partizan pamphlet in reply to I Maccabees, which, indeed, the author of II Maccabees most probably did not know.这本书有一个Pharisaic的颜色是勿庸置疑的,但不是在小册子,我马加,事实上,第二作者马加最有可能不知道在答复游击队的感觉。 Moreover, II Maccabees takes no account of Mattathias, nor, indeed, of any of the band of heroes except Judas; and this is not easily forced into evidence of Pharisaic partizanship.此外,二马加概不玛他提亚的帐户,也不,事实上,任何乐队除了犹大英雄,这是不容易被迫到Pharisaic partizanship的证据。On the other hand, in II Macc.另一方面,在第二MACC。xiv.十四。6 Judas is represented as the leader of the Hasidtæans, who have many points in common with the Pharisees, and from whom the Hasmoneans were soon alienated. 6犹大是代表作为Hasidtæans,与法利赛人的共同点多领导者,并从他们的哈斯摩年王朝很快就被疏远。

Of specifically non-Sadducean doctrines, II Maccabees has a very clear expression of belief in the resurrection.二马加专门的非Sadducean教义,有一个非常明确的表达,在复活的信仰。Death is a "short pain that bringeth everlasting life" (II Macc. vii. 36; comp. other passages in the same chapter and xiv. 46).死亡是一个“短痛,所存的永生”(II MACC七36;。比赛在同一章第十四中的其他段落46)。Judas is represented (II Macc. xii. 43 et seq.) as making offerings for the dead because "he took thought of the resurrection."犹大是代表(二MACC十二,43等SEQ)为死者的产品,因为“他把思想的复活。”The reference to such offerings is, however, without parallel in Jewish literature, and nothing is otherwise known of such offerings being made at the Temple in Jerusalem (see Israel Lévi, "La Commemoration des Ames dans le Judaïsime," in "REJ" xxix. 48).等产品的参考,但是,没有在犹太文学的同时,并没有什么,否则等产品在耶路撒冷圣殿(见以色列列维,“纪念宫艾姆斯DANS LE Judaïsime”,在“相互执行判决”XXIX 48段)。

The book is usually held to belong to the latter part of the first century BC; Jason (of whose work it purports to be an epitome) wrote at least a century earlier.书通常是举行属于公元前一世纪的后半部分,贾森(他们的工作看来是一个缩影)写了至少一个世纪以前。Niese places II Maccabees at the date 125-124 BC, thus regarding it as older than, as well as superior to, I Maccabees.Niese地方第二马加125-124公元前的日期,因此年纪比,以及卓越的,我马加。In this preference of the second to the first book, Niese stands practically alone, but he has done great service in vindicating the importance and value of the former (comp. also Sluys, "De Maccabæorum Libris I et II Quæstiones," Amsterdam, 1904).在这第一本书的第二优先,Niese身高几乎单独,但在表白前的重要性和价值,他做了伟大的服务(comp.也Sluys,“德Maccabæorum Libris的我等二Quæstiones,”阿姆斯特丹,1904年)。It remains to add that the authenticity of the letters prefixed to II Maccabees has been fiercely assailed.它仍然添​​加前缀二马加字母的真实性一直激烈抨击。Yet it is coming to be recognized that the letters have a clear bearing on the design of the book, as explained above, and it is quite conceivable, though very improbable, that they were part of the original work of Jason.然而,这是未来必须承认,字母书的设计上有明确的影响,正如上文所述,这是完全可以想象的,虽然很不可能,他们是贾森原工作的一部分。 On these letters see, besides earlier literature, Herkenne, "Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabäerbuchs," Freiburg, 1904.在这些信件中看到,除了早期的文学,Herkenne,“模具Briefe组Beginn DES Zweiten Makkabäerbuchs”,弗赖堡,1904年。One point remains.有一点仍然存在。The martyrdoms described in II Maccabees, especially of the mother and her seven sons, have given the book undying value as an inspiration and encouragement to the faithful of all ages and creeds.作为灵感和鼓励所有年龄和信仰的信徒们,特别是母亲和她的七个儿子,二马加martyrdoms,书不朽的价值。 As will be seen below (in connection with IV Maccabees), this feature of the Maccabean heroism made a special appeal to the Christianity of the first four centuries.我们将会看到以下(在连接四马加),马加比英雄主义的这一特点提出了特殊的吸引力,前四世纪的基督教。"The figure of the martyr, as the Church knows it, dates from the persecution of Antiochus; all subsequent martyrologies derive from the Jewish books which recorded the sufferings of those who in that day were strong and did exploits" (E. Bevan, "House of Seleucus," 1902, ii. 175). “烈士的数字,教会知道,日期从迫害安提阿哥伊所有后续martyrologies来自犹太人的书籍,记录那些人在这一天被强烈的痛苦,并没有战功”(E.贝文,“塞琉古府,“1902年,二175)。

III Maccabees.第三马加。

III Maccabees purports to record a persecution of the Jews in Alexandria during the reign of Ptolemy (IV.) Philopator (222-204 BC).第三马加宣称托勒密(IV.)Philopator(222-204年)在位期间记录在亚历山大的犹太人的迫害。The Jews are assembled in the hippodrome, and 500 infuriated elephants are to be let loose upon them.犹太人聚集在竞技场,和500激怒大象让松对他们。In the event the elephants turned against the persecutors, and the Jews not only escaped, but were treated with muchhonor by the king.事件大象转身反对迫害,犹太人不仅逃脱,但与muchhonor治疗由国王。That there is much of the fabulous in this story is obvious, and it may well be that the similar story told in Josephus ("Contra Ap." ii. 5) concerning Ptolemy (VII.) Physcon is, as most assume, the original of III Maccabees.有许多美妙的这个故事是显而易见的,它很可能是类似的故事告诉约瑟夫(“魂斗罗鸭”。II 5)关于托勒密(VII.)Physcon是,由于大部分承担,原第三马加。The book would thus belong at the latest to the first century CE; at the earliest to the last century BC Recently important new light has been thrown on the book by the discovery of early Jewish settlements in the Fayum.该书因此属于最晚到公元一世纪,最早在公元前到上个世纪,最近重要的新的灯一直在书扔在法尤姆发现早期的犹太人定居点。 On independent gounds, the present writer ("JQR" ix. 39) and Prof. A. Büchler ("Tobiaden und Oniaden," pp. 172 et seq., Vienna, 1899) have put forward the theory that the book refers to a persecution in the Fayum.在独立gounds,现在的作家(“jqr”九39)和A. Büchler(“Tobiaden和Oniaden”,第172页起,维也纳,1899年)教授提出的理论书是指迫害的法尤姆。Certainly, the rapid transference of Jewish allegiance from Egyptian to Syrian hegemony about 200 BC finds its explanation if the Jews of Egypt were then undergoing persecution.当然,如果埃及的犹太人当时发生的迫害犹太人效忠从埃及到公元前约200年叙利亚霸权的迅速转移,发现其解释。 That the author was an Alexandrian is unquestionable.作者是一个亚历山大是毋庸置疑的。On the other hand, Willrich ("Hermes," 1904, xxxix. 244) disputes the Fayum theory and supports the view that the book is best explained as referring to Caligula.另一方面,Willrich(“爱马仕”,1904年,XXXIX 244)纠纷的法尤姆理论和支持,书是最好的解释是指到卡里古拉。

IV Maccabees.第四马加。

The beautiful work known as IV Maccabees is a homily, not a history.被称为第四马加美丽的工作是一个讲道,不是历史。As Freudenthal was the first to show, it is a sermon addressed to a Greekspeaking audience, and delivered probably on Ḥanukkah ("Die Flavius Josephus Beigelegte Schrift über die Herrschaft der Vernunft [IV Makkabäerbuch]," Breslau, 1869), the thesis being that, reason (religion) can control the passions; the author illustrates this from many examples, especially from the story of the Maccabean martyrdoms as related in II Macc.正如弗赖登塔尔首次表明,它是给观众一个Greekspeaking说教,光明节(“模具弗拉菲乌斯约瑟夫Beigelegte Schrift黚模具Herrschaft DER Vernunft [IV Makkabäerbuch],”布雷斯劳,1869年),论文可能并交付,(宗教)的原因可以控制的激情,作者说明的例子很多,特别是从第二MACC相关的马加比martyrdoms的故事,。 vi., vii.六,七。A very noble level of eloquence is reached by the writer, and the book is in many ways one of the best products of the syncretism of Hebraic and Greek thought.一个口才非常崇高的水平达到了作家,在许多方面的书是希伯来和希腊思想的合一的最好的产品之一。The authorship of IV Maccabees was at one time ascribed (as by Eusebius, Jerome, and other authorities) to Josephus, but this is clearly wrong.第四马加作者是在一次冲高尤西比乌斯,杰罗姆和其他当局约瑟夫,但是这显然是错误的的。Nothing can with definiteness be asserted as to the date of the book; it belongs probably to the period shortly before the fall of Jerusalem.没有任何东西可以与定性断言书之日起,它可能属于前不久耶路撒冷的秋天期间。 In its present form it contains possibly some Christian interpolations (eg, vii. 19, xiii. 17, xvi. 25), but they are certainly very few and insignificant.在其目前的形式,它包含可能一些基督教插值(例如,七19,十三17,十六25),但他们肯定很少,微不足道的。 Later on, Christian homilists used the same topic, the martyrdoms, as the theme for sermons; the Church maintained a Maccabean feast (though not on the same date as the Jews) for at least four centuries.后来,基督教homilists用作讲道主题相同的主题,martyrdoms,教会保持一个至少有四百年的​​马加比盛宴(尽管不是在相同的日期作为犹太人)。 Homilies by Gregory Nazienzen and Chrysostom for the festival of Aug. 1 (the "Birthday of the Maccabees") are extant on this subject.格雷戈里Nazienzen和金口的颂歌节8月1日(“马加的生日”)是现存的关于这一问题的。On the "Maccabees as Christian Saints" see Maas in "Monatsschrift," xliv.作为基督教的圣徒的“马加”见“月刊,”XLIV马斯。145 et seq.145及以下。

V Maccabees.V马加。

V Maccabees, so called by Cotton ("Five Books of Maccabees," 1832), is known also as the Arabic II Maccabees.V马加比,所以称为棉花(“五,马加丛书”,1832年),也被称为阿拉伯语第二马加。It is included in the Paris and London Polyglots.它是在巴黎和伦敦Polyglots。It has clear relations to II Maccabees, the Arabic "Yosippus," and the Hebrew "Yosippon."它有二马加,阿拉伯语“Yosippus,”和希伯来文的关系明确“Yosippon。”Late in origin and without historical value, the book is, however, of considerable importance from other points of view.JIA晚起源和历史价值没有,书,然而,从view.JIA其他点相当重要

Crawford Howell Toy, George A. Barton, Joseph Jacobs, Israel Abrahams克劳福德豪威尔玩具,乔治巴顿,约瑟夫雅各布,以色列亚伯拉罕

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版之间1901-1906。


Maccabees马加

Jewish Perspective Information犹太透视信息

Name given to the Hasmonean family.给哈斯蒙尼家族的名称。Originally the designation "Maccabeus" (Jerome, "Machabæus") was applied solely to Judas, the third son of Mattathias the Hasmonean (I Macc. ii. 4, iii. 1, et passim), Mattathias' other sons having different surnames; but as Judas became the leader of the party after his father's death, and as he was also the most heroic warrior, his surname was applied not only to all the descendants of Mattathias, but even to others who took part in the revolutionary movement under the leadership of the Hasmoneans.本来指定“Maccabeus”(杰罗姆,“Machabæus”)仅适用于犹大,玛他提亚的哈斯蒙尼(我MACC 4二,三1,等各处。。)的第三个儿子,玛他提亚的不同姓氏的儿子;但作为犹大成为党的领袖,他的父亲去世后,并为他是还的最英勇的战士,他的姓是应用,不仅所有的,玛他提亚的后裔,但即使别人谁参加了革命运动的下一部分领导的哈斯摩年王朝。 Hence the title "Books of the Maccabees."因此,标题“书籍的马加比。”

The etymology of the name, in spite of the efforts of the scholars, who have advanced various theories on the subject, remains undetermined.的名称的词源,尽管学者的努力,谁拥有先进的关于这一主题的各种理论,仍然未定。According to Jerome ("Prologus Galeatus"), the First Book of the Maccabees was originally written in Hebrew.据杰罗姆(“Prologus Galeatus”),最初是希伯来文写的第一本书的马加。Origen (in Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." book vi., last chapter) even gives the Hebrew title, ; thus the Greek and Latin forms of the name must have been transliterations from the Hebrew.奥利(优西比乌,“组织胺传道书。”六书,最后一章。)甚至希伯来文的标题,从而希腊文和拉丁文形式的名称必须已经从希伯来文译音。

But the original Hebrew text is lost; and there is no mention of the name either in the Talmud or in the Midrash, where the family is always referred to as "the Hasmoneans."但原来的希伯来文丢失;没有提及在犹太法典或在米德拉士的姓名,家庭始终是被称为“的哈斯摩年王朝。”In later Hebrew writings the name occurs in two forms, , transliterated from the Latin, and , according to the Greek spelling.在以后的希伯来文著作的名字出现在两种形式,从拉丁文音译,并根据希腊文的拼写。The latter form is generally explained as meaning "the hammer," a surname given to Judas on account of his heroism.后者的形式一般是解释的意思是“锤子,”考虑到他的英雄主义犹大姓。Iken ("Symbolæ Litterariæ," i. 184, Bremen, 1744) derives it from the Arabic "manḳab" (= "general"), while, according to others, the name originated in the fact that Modin, where Mattathias dwelt, was in the territory of Gad (Reland, "Palästina," p. 901), the banner of which tribe bore the inscription , the final letters of the names Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.Iken(“Symbolæ Litterariæ,”一184,不来梅,1744)来自阿拉伯语“manḳab”(=“一般”),而它,根据其​​他人的名称,起源于Modin,玛他提亚住的地方,是事实在迦领土(雷兰,“Palästina”,第901页),其中部落的旗帜孔的题词,亚伯拉罕,以撒,雅各的名字最后的字母。 is, however, the preferred form; it occurs in "Yosippon" (ch. xx.), and is explained by Gorionides as meaning "the hero," though it is not known in what way.然而,首选形式,它发生在“Yosippon”(章XX。)和Gorionides解释,意思是“英雄”,虽然它不以何种方式。 Others explain it as composed of the initials of (Ex. xv. 11), written on the banner of the Hasmoneans, or as the initials of .其他解释(出十五,11)的哈斯摩年王朝的旗帜上写的,或作为缩写的首字母组成的。But the statement that it was the surname of Judas only is against these interpretations.但声明,这是犹大姓不仅是对这些解释。Curtiss ("The Name Machabee," Leipsic, 1876) derives it from = "to extinguish"; thus would mean "the extinguisher," which agrees with the interpretation of Gorionides.柯蒂斯(“名称Machabee,”Leipsic,1876年)来自=“灭火”,从而将意味着“灭火器”,这与解释Gorionides同意。 Finally, the following two opinions may be added: (1) that the Hebrew read = "he who hides himself," referring to the fact that the Hasmoneans hid themselves in the mountains (I Macc. ii. 28); (2) that of Filosseno Luzzatto that it is a Greek word, an anagram of Βιαομάχος = "violent warrior."最后,以下两种意见可能:(1),希伯来文读=“那隐藏自己”,指的是事实,哈斯摩年王朝藏在深山( 我MACC二28);(2) Filosseno卢扎托,这是一个希腊字,Βιαομάχος=字谜“暴力战士。”For the history of the Maccabees see Hasmoneans; Judas Maccabeus; Mattathias Maccabeus.马加的历史,看到哈斯摩年王朝,犹大Maccabeus,玛他提亚Maccabeus。

Joseph Jacobs, M. Seligsohn约瑟夫雅各布斯,M. Seligsohn

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版之间1901-1906。

Bibliography:参考书目:

A. Levi, in Mossé, ii.A.利维,在Mossé,II。6; E. Levi, in Univers Israélite, xlvi.6 E.列维,UNIVERS以色列人,XLVI。330; D. Oppenheim, in Ha-Maggid, xvii., Nos. 5, 6; P. Perreau, in Vessillo Israelitico, xxviii.330; D.奥本海姆,在哈Maggid,十七,第5,第6;。P. Perreau,Vessillo Israelitico,XXVIII。76, 113; Wetstein, in Ha-Maggid, xxiii., No. 19; Zipser, in Ben Chananja, iii.76,113; Wetstein,Maggid下,二十三,第19号; Zipser,在本Chananja,III。497 et seq.; Winer, BR i. 497及以下;温纳,BR一631, sv Judas.JM Sel.631,SV Judas.JM SEL。



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