Epistle to the Romans书信向罗马人

General Information一般资料

The Epistle to the Romans is the longest of Saint Paul's letters and is therefore placed first among the letters in the New Testament of the Bible.罗马人的书信,是圣保禄的书信中最长的,因此,放置在新约圣经中的字母中的第一。It is the only Pauline letter written to a community not founded by the apostle and is more of an essay presenting some of Paul's ideas on salvation than a response to particular problems.它是唯一的波利娜信写入不成立使徒,更不是一个特别的问题的回应,保罗对救恩的想法的文章一个社区。 It was probably written about AD 57 - 58 before Paul departed from Corinth for Jerusalem to deliver the collection he had taken for the church there.这可能是书面约公元57 - 58年之前,保罗启程前往耶路撒冷,从科林斯,以提供他教会集合。

Chapters 1 - 4 develop in greater detail the theme of justification by faith, which appears in polemical form in Galatians.第1 - 4章制定更详细的主题所信仰的理由 ,在论战的形式在加拉太出现。Chapters 5 - 8 show the effect of salvation on humans.5 - 8章显示的拯救对人类的影响。In chapters 9 - 11, Paul tries to fathom God's plan for the Jews, his chosen people, who have not followed Jesus. The implications for Christian life of Jesus, faith, and salvation are drawn out in chapters 12 - 15. Chapter 16 is a letter of introduction for the deaconess Phoebe and is thought by many to have been originally a separate letter.章节9 - 11,保罗试图以捉摸的犹太人,他 ​​选择的人,谁已经没有跟随耶稣神的计划耶稣,信仰,和救恩的基督徒生活的意义是绘制在章节12, - 。。15第16章许多本来是一个单独的信已被认为是一个信执事Phoebe和引进。

The exact nature and purpose of Romans is controversial, and it is difficult to determine whether it is a theological letter - essay, a last testament, an introduction of Paul to the Roman Christians, or a response to particular problems in Rome that Paul had heard about.罗马人的确切性质和目的是有争议的,很难确定它是否是一个神学的信 - 作文,最后的遗嘱,引进保罗在罗马基督徒,或在罗马的一个特别的问题,保罗曾听到的问题。Romans is a particularly rich and complex epistle; its teachings on justification, the Jews, and attitudes toward civil government have been debated from the Reformation to the present.罗马人是一个特别丰富而复杂的的书信,其教义上的理由,犹太人,和对文官政府的态度已经从改革辩论到现在。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息来源
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects

我们2300 宗教科目名单
E-mail电子邮件
Anthony J Saldarini安东尼J Saldarini

Bibliography 参考书目
CK Barrett, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans (1957); K Barth, The Epistle to the Romans (1933); PS Milner, The Obedience of Faith (1971).长江巴雷特,罗马人的书信(1957)述评,K巴斯,罗马人的书信(1933)PS米尔纳,服从的信仰(1971年)。


Epistle to the Romans书信向罗马人

Brief Outline简述

  1. Introduction (1:1-15)引言(1:1-15)
  2. Sinfulness of man, including both Gentiles and Jews (1:16-3:20)罪恶的人,包括外邦人和犹太人(1:16-3:20)
  3. Justification by Faith (3:21-5:21)因信称义(3:21-5:21)
  4. Sanctification (6-8)成圣(6-8)
  5. Israel and world Salvation (9-11)以色列和拯救世界(9-11)
  6. Details of Christian conduct (12-15:13)基督徒行为的详细信息(12-15:13)
  7. Concluding remarks, greetings (15:14-16:27)结束语,问候(15:14-16:27)


Epistle to the Romans书信向罗马人

Advanced Information先进的信息

This epistle was probably written at Corinth.这封信很可能是写在科林斯。Phoebe (Rom. 16:1) of Cenchrea conveyed it to Rome, and Gaius of Corinth entertained the apostle at the time of his writing it (16:23; 1 Cor. 1:14), and Erastus was chamberlain of the city, ie, of Corinth (2 Tim. 4:20).菲比Cenchrea(罗马书16:1)传达到罗马,和科林斯盖尤斯在他的写作时间(16时23;林前1:14)使徒受理,并伊拉斯塔斯城市张伯伦,科林斯,即(2添。4:20)。 The precise time at which it was written is not mentioned in the epistle, but it was obviously written when the apostle was about to "go unto Jerusalem to minister unto the saints", ie, at the close of his second visit to Greece, during the winter preceding his last visit to that city (Rom. 15:25; comp. Acts 19:21; 20:2, 3, 16; 1 Cor. 16:1-4), early in AD 58.它是书面的确切时间是在书信中没有提到,但它显然是书面当使徒“你们耶路撒冷的部长,你们的圣人”,即在他第二次访问希腊结束,期间冬天,他最后一次访问到那个城市(罗马书15时25;补偿行为19时21分,20时02分,3,16;林前16:1-4),早在公元58年,前。 It is highly probable that Christianity was planted in Rome by some of those who had been at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:10).这是极有可能,基督教在罗马种植那些在耶路撒冷五旬节(徒2:10)。

At this time the Jews were very numerous in Rome, and their synagogues were probably resorted to by Romans also, who in this way became acquainted with the great facts regarding Jesus as these were reported among the Jews.此时的犹太人在罗马非常多,而且很可能是他们的犹太教堂使出由罗马人也,谁在这样结识成为伟大的事实,关于耶稣,因为这些报告之间的犹太人。 Thus a church composed of both Jews and Gentiles was formed at Rome.因此形成于罗马的犹太人和外邦人组成的教会。Many of the brethren went out to meet Paul on his approach to Rome.许多弟兄们出去迎接他的做法罗马保罗。There are evidences that Christians were then in Rome in considerable numbers, and had probably more than one place of meeting (Rom. 16:14, 15).有证据基督徒在罗马,然后在相当数量,并可能不止一个会议地点(罗马书16时14分,15岁)。The object of the apostle in writing to this church was to explain to them the great doctrines of the gospel.以书面形式向本教会的使徒的对象,向他们解释福音的伟大学说。His epistle was a "word in season."他的书信是一个“在赛季的字。”Himself deeply impressed with a sense of the value of the doctrines of salvation, he opens up in a clear and connected form the whole system of the gospel in its relation both to Jew and Gentile.自己深深救恩的教义的价值感印象深刻,他开辟了一个明确的和连接形成整个系统的关系既犹太人和外邦人的福音。This epistle is peculiar in this, that it is a systematic exposition of the gospel of universal application.这封信是在这个特殊的,它是一个系统地阐述了普遍应用的福音。

The subject is here treated argumentatively, and is a plea for Gentiles addressed to Jews.这个题目是在这里处理argumentatively的,是对犹太人的外邦人认罪。In the Epistle to the Galatians, the same subject is discussed, but there the apostle pleads his own authority, because the church in Galatia had been founded by him.在书信向加拉太,同一主题的讨论,但有使徒恳求他自己的权威,因为在加拉太教会一直由他创立的的。After the introduction (1:1-15), the apostle presents in it divers aspects and relations the doctrine of justification by faith (1:16-11:36) on the ground of the imputed righteousness of Christ.(1:1-15)出台后,使徒在潜水员的方面和关系的因信称义(1:16-11:36)对基督的估算义地面教义。 He shows that salvation is all of grace, and only of grace.他表明,救赎之恩,唯一的宽限期。This main section of his letter is followed by various practical exhortations (12:1-15:13), which are followed by a conclusion containing personal explanations and salutations, which contain the names of twenty-four Christians at Rome, a benediction, and a doxology (Rom. 15:14-ch. 16).这他的信的主要部分,其次是各种实用的嘱托(12:1-15:13),其中包含个人的解释和打招呼,其中包含二十四个基督徒的名字,在罗马,一个祝福的结论,并一个doxology(罗马书15时14分- CH 16)。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Rome罗马

Advanced Information先进的信息

Rome, the most celebrated city in the world at the time of Christ.罗马的时候,基督在世界上最著名的城市。It is said to have been founded BC 753.它说,已经成立公元前753。When the New Testament was written, Rome was enriched and adorned with the spoils of the world, and contained a population estimated at 1,200,000, of which the half were slaves, and including representatives of nearly every nation then known.当新约是书面的,罗马是丰富和装饰着世界的战利品,并载有一个人口估计为120万,其中一半是奴隶,包括几乎每个国家则称为的代表。 It was distinguished for its wealth and luxury and profligacy.这是区分它的财富和奢侈和挥霍。The empire of which it was the capital had then reached its greatest prosperity.当时的帝国,它是资本达到其最大的繁荣。On the day of Pentecost there were in Jerusalem "strangers from Rome," who doubtless carried with them back to Rome tidings of that great day, and were instrumental in founding the church there.在五旬节当天在耶路撒冷“从罗马的陌生人,”毫无疑问,谁与他们进行回罗马音信的那一天,并在成立的教会有。Paul was brought to this city a prisoner, where he remained for two years (Acts 28:30, 31) "in his own hired house."保罗被带到这个城市的一个囚犯,在那里,他仍然为两年(徒28:30,31)“在他自己聘请的房子。”While here, Paul wrote his epistles to the Philippians, to the Ephesians, to the Colossians, to Philemon, and probably also to the Hebrews.虽然在这里,保罗写道:他的书信的腓利,以弗所,歌罗西书,腓利门书,并也可能的希伯来人。

He had during these years for companions Luke and Aristarchus (Acts 27:2), Timothy (Phil. 1:1; Col. 1:1), Tychicus (Eph. 6: 21), Epaphroditus (Phil. 4:18), and John Mark (Col. 4:10).他在这些年来的同伴卢克和阿里斯塔克斯(徒27:2),霍震霆(腓1:1;上校1时01分),Tychicus(以弗所书6:21),以巴弗提(腓4:18),约翰马(西4:10)。 (See PAUL.) Beneath this city are extensive galleries, called "catacombs," which were used from about the time of the apostles (one of the inscriptions found in them bears the date AD 71) for some three hundred years as places of refuge in the time of persecution, and also of worship and burial. (保罗)下面这个城市广泛画廊,被称为“陵寝”,其中有三个一百多年的使徒的时间(在他们身上的铭文之一熊日期公元71)作为避难场所在迫害,也崇拜和埋葬的时间。 About four thousand inscriptions have been found in the catacombs.约400万铭文已发现的墓穴。These give an interesting insight into the history of the church at Rome down to the time of Constantine.这些给到一个有趣的见解下降到时间的君士坦丁在罗马的教会的历史。


Epistle to the Romans书信向罗马人

Catholic Information天主教信息

This subject will be treated under the following heads: I. The Roman Church and St. Paul; II.这一主题将被视为根据以下元首:一,罗马天主教会和圣保禄;第二。Character, Contents, and Arrangement of the Epistle; III.书信的性质,内容和安排;第三。Authenticity; IV.真实性;四。 Integrity; V. Date and Circumstances of Composition; VI.完整性;五,日期和情况下构成;第六。Historical Importance; VII.历史的重要性;第七。Theological Contents: Faith and Works (Paul and James).神学内容:信仰与工程(保罗和詹姆斯)。

I. THE ROMAN CHURCH AND ST.I.罗马教会和ST。PAUL郑明

Among the Epistles of the New Testament which bear the name of the Apostle Paul, that written to the Roman Church occupies the first place in the manuscripts which have come down to us, although in very early times the order was probably otherwise.承担,即写信给罗马教会的使徒保罗的名字在新约的书信中占据​​首位在已回落到我们的手稿,虽然在非常早期的顺序可能,否则。 The Epistle is intended to serve as an introduction to a community with which the author, though he has not founded it, desires to form connexions (i, 10- 15; xv, 22-24, 28-29).书信是打算作为社区与作者,尽管他还没有成立,意欲形成接驳(I,10 - 15;十五,22日至24日,28日至29日)的介绍。For years his thoughts have been directed towards Rome (xv, 23).多年来,他的思想已针对罗马(十五,23)。The Church there had not been recently established; but its faith had already become known everywhere (i, 8) and it is represented as a firmly established and comparatively old institution, which Paul regards with reverence, almost with awe.教会有没有被最近成立的,但它的信仰已经成为众所周知的无处不在(I,8),这是代表作为牢固确立和比较老的机构,其中保罗与崇敬方面几乎与敬畏,。 Concerning its foundation, unfortunately, the Epistle to the Romans gives us no information.关于它的基础,遗憾的是,罗马人的书信为我们提供任何信息。To interpret this silence as decisive against its foundation by Peter is inadmissible.为了解释这种沉默对基础具有决定性的彼得是不可接受的。It cannot indeed be ascertained with complete certainty when Peter first came to Rome; there may have been Christians in the capital before any Apostle set foot there, but it is simply inconceivable that this Church should have attained to such firm faith and such a high standard of religious life without one of the prominent authorities of nascent Christianity having laid its foundation and directed its growth.它无法确实完整的确定性时,彼得第一次来到罗马的确定;有可能已被基督徒在任何使徒设置足有前首都,但这简直是不可想象的这个教会应该达到这样的坚定信念,如此高的标准宗教生活没有一个新生的基督教的突出当局奠定基础,并指示其生长。 This Church did not owe its Faith solely to some unknown members of the primitive Christian community who chanced to come to Rome.本教会不欠它的信仰纯粹偶然前来罗马的原始基督教社区的一些不知名的成员。Its Christianity was, as the Epistle tells us, free from the Law; this conviction Paul certainly shared with the majority of the community, and his wish is simply to deepen this conviction.它的基督教,书信告诉我们,从法律上,这种信念,保罗肯定与社会上大多数人共享,和他的愿望仅仅是加深了这个信念。 This condition is entirely incomprehensible if the Roman Church traced its origin only to some Jewish Christian of the community in Jerusalem, for we know how far the fight for freedom was from being ended about AD 50.这种情况是完全不可理解的,如果罗马教会追溯它的起源只有一些社区在耶路撒冷的犹太基督教,因为我们知道多远为自由而战,大约在公元50结束。 Nor can the foundation of the Roman Church be traced to the Gentile Christian Churches, who named Paul their Apostle; their own establishment was too recent, and Paul would have worded his Epistle otherwise, if the community addressed were even mediately indebted to his apostolate.罗马教会的基础也可以追溯到詹蒂莱基督教,谁命名他们的使徒保罗自己建立过近,保罗他的书信措辞,否则,如果社会上解决甚至mediately感激他的使徒。 The complete silence as to St. Peter is most easily explained by supposing that he was then absent from Rome; Paul may well have been aware of this fact, for the community was not entirely foreign to him.圣彼得完全沉默是最容易解释的假设,他当时从罗马缺席,保罗很可能已经知道这个事实,为社会,他并不完全陌生的。An epistle like the present would hardly have been sent while the Prince of the Apostles was in Rome and the reference to the ruler (xii, 8) would then be difficult to explain.像目前的书信,就很难被发送,而在罗马王子的使徒的参考标尺(十二,8),然后将难以解释。Paul probably supposes that during the months between the composition and the arrival of the Epistle, the community would be more or less thrown on its own resources.保罗很可能设在几个月之间的组成和书信的到来,社会将或多或少地抛出自己的资源。This does not however indicate a want of organization in the Roman community; such organization existed in every Church founded by Paul, and its existence in Rome can be demonstrated from this very Epistle.但是这并不表明希望在罗马社会的组织,这种组织存在于每一个教会由保罗创办,在罗马的存在,可以证明从这个书信。

The inquiry into the condition of the community is important for the understanding of the Epistle.进入社会状况的调查是非常重要的书信的理解。Complete unanimity concerning the elements forming the community has not yet been attained.尚未达到完全一致,有关元素,形成社会。Baur and others (especially, at the present day, Theodore Zahn) regard the Roman community as chiefly Jewish Christian, pointing to vi, 15-17; vii, 1-6; viii, 15.鲍尔和其他人(尤其是在目前的一天,西奥多赞恩)方面,主要是犹太基督教的罗马社会,指向六,15-17; 1-6;第七,第八,15。But the great majority of exegetes incline to the opposite view, basing their contention, not only on individual texts, but also on the general character of the Epistle.但绝大多数的注释者倾斜相反的观点,他们的论点基础,不仅对个别的文本,但也一般性质的书信。At the very beginning Paul introduces himself as the Apostle of the Gentiles.开始的时候,保罗介绍自己作为外邦人的使徒。Assuredly, i, 5, cannot be applied to all mankind, for Paul certainly wished to express something more than that the Romans belonged to the human race; in corroboration of this view we may point to i, 13, where the writer declares that he had long meditated coming to Rome that he might have some fruit there as among the other "Gentiles".稳妥,我,5,可以不被应用到全人类,为保罗肯定希望表达更多的比,罗马人属于人类​​的东西;佐证这一观点,我们可能会点到I,13,这里的作家宣称,他早就预谋来罗马,他有可能有一些在其他的“外邦人”的水果。 He then continues: "To the Greeks and to the barbarians, to the wise and to the unwise, I am a debtor; so (as much as is in me) I am ready to preach the gospel to you also that are at Rome" (I, 14 sq.); he names himself the Apostle of the Gentiles (xi, 13), and cites his call to the apostolate of the Gentiles as the justification for his Epistle and his language (xv, 16-18).然后,他继续说:“希腊人和野蛮人,明智的和不明智的,我的债务人,所以(高达我是)我准备到传福音给你在罗马” (我,14平方米);他的名字自己的外邦人的使徒(十一13),并列举了他的电话的理由为他的书信和他的语言(XV,16日至18日)外邦人的使徒。 These considerations eliminate all doubt as to the extraction of the Roman Christians.这些考虑消除提取的罗马基督徒的所有疑问。The address and application in xi, 13 sqq., likewise presuppose a great majority of Gentile Christians, while vi, 1 sqq., shows an effort to familiarize the Gentile Christians with the dealings of God towards the Jews.在西安的地址和应用,13 SQQ,同样绝大多数的外邦基督徒为前提,而六,1 SQQ,努力熟悉外邦基督徒对犹太人的神的交易。The whole character of the composition forces one to the conclusion that the Apostle supposes a Gentile majority in the Christian community, and that in Rome as elsewhere the statement about the fewness of the elect (from among the Jews) finds application (xi, 5-7; cf. xv, 4).整个字符组成力量之一,使徒设在基督教社会泰尔多数的结论,和其他地方的选举fewness之间的犹太人在罗马的语句查找应用程序(十一,5 - 7。比照第十五,4)。

However, the Roman community was not without a Jewish Christian element, probably an important section.然而,罗马社会是不是没有一个犹太基督教元素,可能是一个重要的部分。Such passages as iv, 1 (Abraham, our father according to the flesh; viii, i (I speak to them that know the law); vii, 4; viii, 2, 15, etc., can scarcely be explained otherwise than by supposing the existence of a Jewish Christian section of the community. On the other hand, it must be remembered that Paul was out and out a Jew, and that his whole training accustomed him to adopt the standpoint of the Law–the more so as the revelation of the Old Testament is in the last instance the basis of the New Testament, and Paul regards Christianity as the heir of God's promises, as the true "Israel of God" (Galatians 6:16). St. Paul often adopts this same standpoint in the Epistle to the Galatians–an Epistle undoubtedly addressed to Christians who are on the point of submitting to circumcision. Even if the Epistle to the Romans repeatedly addresses (eg, ii, 17 sqq.) Jews, we may deduce nothing from this fact concerning the composition of the community, since Paul is dealing, not with the Jewish Christians, but with the Jews still subject to the Law and not yet freed by the grace of Christ. The Apostle wishes to show the rôle and efficacy of the Law–what it cannot and should not–and what it was meant to effect.第八,我(我想他们知道法律);七,八,2,15,等等,几乎无法加以解释以外的其他四,1(我们的父亲亚伯拉罕,根据肉的有关段落假设存在着一个犹太社区的基督教节,另一方面,它必须记住,保罗是不折不扣的一个犹太人,和他的整个训练,习惯了他采取的立场“,更是这样的旧约的启示是,在最后一个实例的新约圣经的基础上,和保罗视为基督教作为真正的“以色列的上帝”(加拉太书6:16),上帝的应许的继承人。圣保罗经常采用此相同在加拉太,书信,书信的立场无疑是给提交到割礼的基督徒,即使罗马人的书信反复地址(例如,二,17 SQQ。)犹太人,我们可以从这个推断没有事实问题,因为保罗社会的组成,是处理,而不是与犹太基督徒,但使徒的犹太人仍然受到法律和尚未基督的恩典中解脱出来。希望,以显示法律的作用和功效,什么不能,不应该和它是为了效果。

II.二。CHARACTER, CONTENTS, AND ARRANGMENT OF THE EPISTLE性质,内容和安排的书信

A. Character答:字符

The chief portion of this Epistle to the Romans (i-xi) is evidently a theological discussion.这种书信的主要部分的罗马(I - 11),显然是一个神学的讨论。It would however be inaccurate to regard it not as a real letter, but as a literary epistle.然而,这是不准确的把它作为一个真正的信,但作为一种文学书信。It must be considered as a personal communication to a special community, and, like that sent to the Corinthians or the cognate Epistle to the Galatians, must be judged according to the concrete position and the concrete conditions of that community.它必须被视为一个特殊的社会个人通信,这样发送到科林蒂安或同源书信向加拉太,必须根据具体位置和该社区的具体情况来判断。 What the Apostle says, he says with a view to his readers in the Roman community and his own relations to them.使徒说什么,他说,在罗马社会和他们自己的关系,他的读者。

Language and style reveal the writer of the Epistle to the Corinthians and the Galatians.语言和风格,揭示了作家的书信,以哥林多前书和加拉太。Its emphatic agreement with the latter in subject-matter is also unmistakable.它强调后者在标的物协议也是明白无误的。The difference in the parties addressed and between the circumstances, however, impresses on either Epistle its distinctive stamp.各方的不同处理之间的情况下,然而,无论是书信的印象以其鲜明的邮票。The Epistle to the Galatians is a polemical work, and is composed in a polemical spirit with the object of averting an imminent evil; the Epistle to the Romans is written in a time of quiet peace, and directed to a Church with which the author desires to enter into closer relations.书信向加拉太是论战的工作,避免迫在眉睫的邪恶的对象是在论战的精神组成的罗马人的书信,是写在一个宁静和平的时间,并定向到一个教会与作者的欲望进入更密切的关系。 We thus miss in the latter those details and references to earlier experiences and occurrences, with which the former Epistle is so instinct.后者因此,我们怀念那些细节,并引用到以前的经验和出现的,与前书信是如此本能。Not that Romans is a purely abstract theological treatise; even here Paul, with his whole fiery and vigorous personality, throws himself into his subject, sets before himself his opponent, and argues with him.不是说罗马人是一个纯粹抽象的神学著作,即使在这里保罗,他的整个的火热和活力的个性,抛出自己到他的主题,以前的自己设置他的对手,并与他争辩。 This characteristic of the Apostle is clearly seen.这使徒的特点是清晰可见。Hence arise unevenness and harshness in language and expression noticeable in the other Epistles.因此,出现在其他书信的语言和表达明显的不平衡性和平顺性。This does not prevent the Epistle as a whole from revealing an elaborately thought out plan, which often extends to the smallest details in magnificent arrangement and expression.这并不妨碍书信作为一个整体,从露出精心周详的计划,这往往延伸到最小的细节在宏伟的安排和表达。We might recall the exordium, to which, in thought and to some extent in language, the great concluding doxology corresponds, while the two sections of the first part deal quite appropriately with the impressive words on the certainty of salvation and on God's exercise of providence and wisdom (viii, 31-39; xi, 33-36).我们可能还记得在绪论到,在思想和一定程度的语言,的伟大结论doxology对应,而的第一部分处理部分两段路面很恰当地与救恩的确定性的令人印象深刻的话和神的行使静宜(八31-39;十一,33-36)和智慧。

The immediate external occasion for the composition of the Epistle is given by the author himself; he wishes to announce his arrival to the community and to prepare them for the event.立即书信组成的外部际,由作者本人,他希望社会宣布他的到来,并准备事件。The real object of this comprehensive work, and the necessity for a theological Epistle are not thought out.这个综合性的工作,和一个神学书信的必要性的真正对象不是想出来的。The supposition that St. Paul desired to give the Romans a proof of his intellectual gifts (i, 11; xv, 29) is excluded by its pettiness.圣保罗希望给罗马人证明了他的知识产权的礼物(I,11;十五,29)的假设是排除其鸡毛蒜皮的小事。 We must therefore conclude that the reason for the Epistle is to be sought in the conditions of the Roman community.因此,我们必须得出结论,书信的原因是,在罗马社会的条件下寻求。The earliest interpreters (Ambrosiaster, Augustine, Theodoret) and a great number of later exegetes see the occasion for the Epistle in the conflict concerning Judaistic ideas, some supposing an antagonism between the Gentile and Jewish Christians (Hug, Delitzsch) and others the existence of some typically Jewish errors or at least of an outspoken anti-Paulinism This view does not accord with the character of the Epistle: of errors and division in the Church the author makes no mention, nor was there any difference of opinion concerning the fundamental conception of Christianity between Paul and the Roman Church.最早的口译(Ambrosiaster,奥古斯丁,Theodoret)和后来的注释者大量看到在冲突中的有关书信Judaistic的想法,一些假设外邦和犹太基督徒之间的对立(拥抱,Delitzsch)和他人的存在之际一些典型的犹太人的错误,或至少一个直言不讳的反Pau​​linism这种观点不符合书信的性格:在教会中的错误和分工作者只字不提,也没有任何不同的意见,有关的基本概念基督教之间的保罗和罗马教会。 The polemics in the Epistle are directed, not against the Jewish Christians, but against unbelieving Judaism.在书信的论战的指示,而不是对犹太人的基督徒,而是针对不信犹太教。It is true that there are certain contrasts in the community: we hear of the strong and the weak; of those who have acquired the complete understanding and use of Christian freedom, and who emphasize and exercise it perhaps regardlessly; we hear of others who have not yet attained to the full possession of freedom.这是事实,在社会上有一定的反差:我们听到的强与弱;具备完整的理解和使用基督教的自由,并强调,行使它也许regardlessly;我们听到别人的人尚未达到完全拥有自由。 These contrasts are as little based on the standpoint of the Law and a false dogmatic outlook as the "weak" of I Corinthians.这些对比是基于法律的立场和虚假的“弱”哥林多前书的教条式的前景不大。Paul would otherwise not have treated them with the mild consideration which he employs and demands of the strong (xiv, 5-10; xiv, 15-xv, 7).保罗,否则不会有治疗轻度考虑他员工的强烈要求(第十四,5-10;十四,15 - XV,7)。In judging there was always a danger, and mistakes had occurred (xiv, 13: "Let us not therefore judge one another any more").在判断总是有危险,错误已经发生(13,十四:“让我们不要因此判断更多的互相”)。According to the nature of the mistake divisions might easily gain a footing; from what direction these were to be expected, is not declared by the Apostle, but the cases of Corinth and Galatia indicate it sufficiently.根据性质的错误师,可能很容易地获得一个立足点,从什么方向,这些都是可以预料的,不是由使徒宣布,但科林斯和加拉太的案件表明,它充分。 And even though Paul had no reason to anticipate the gross Jewish errors, it sufficed for him that divisions destroyed the unanimity of the community, rendered his labours more difficult, made co-operation with Rome impossible, and seriously impaired the community itself.即使保罗没有理由预计总值的犹太错误,它足以为他的分裂破坏了社会的一致,使他的劳动力更加困难,罗马不可能与合作,并严重损害社会本身。 He therefore desires to send beforehand this earnest exhortation (xvi, 17 sq.), and does all he can to dispel the misconception that he despised and fought against Israel and the Law.因此,他渴望事先发送这个认真的劝戒(十六,17平方米),他可以打消了,他鄙视和反对以色列和法打的误解。That there was good ground for these fears, he learned from experience in Jerusalem during his last visit (Acts 21:20-1).这些担心,有良好的接地,他学会了在耶路撒冷的经验,在他最后一次访问(行为21:20-1)。From this twofold consideration the object of Romans may be determined.从这种双重考虑的对象可确定的罗马。The exhortations to charity and unity (xii sqq.) have the same purpose as those addressed to the weak and the strong.给慈善机构和统一的嘱托(第十二SQQ。)有相同的目的,给弱者与强者的。In both cases there is the vigorous reference to the single foundation of the faith, the unmerited call to grace, with which man can correspond only by humble and steadfast faith working in charity, and also the most express, though not obtrusive exhortation to complete unity in charity and faith.在这两种情况下是单一的信仰基础,有力的参考调用的不配得的恩典,与男人可以对应谦虚和坚定的信念,在慈善工作,也最表示,虽然没有突兀的告诫完全统一在慈善和信心。 For Paul these considerations are the best means of securing the confidence of the whole community and its assistance in his future activities.对于保罗来说,这些因素是确保整个社会的援助,并在今后的活动信心的​​最佳手段。 The thoughts which he here expresses are those which ever guide him, and we can easily understand how they must have forced themselves upon his attention when he resolved to seek a new, great field of activity in the West.的想法,他在这里表示,任何引导他,我们可以很容易地了解如何迫使他们必须在他的关注时,他决心寻求一种新的,在西方的活动领域。 They correspond to his desire to secure the co-operation of the Roman community, and especially with the state and needs of the Church.它们对应于他的愿望,以确保罗马社会的合作,特别是与国家和教会的需要。They were the best intellectual gifty that the Apostle could offer; thereby he set the Church on the right path, created internal solidity, and shed light on the darkness of the doubts which certainly must have overcast the souls of the contemplative Christians in face of the attitude of incredulity which characterized the Chosen People.他们是使徒可以提供最好的智力gifty,从而他的教会在正确的道路,创造了内部坚固,而流下的疑虑,一定要有阴的脸沉思的基督徒的灵魂的黑暗特点所选择的人怀疑的态度。

B. Contents and ArrangementB.内容和安排

Introduction and Reason for writing the Epistle arising from the obligations of his calling and plans (i, 1-15): (1) The Theoretic Part (i, 16-xi, 36).介绍和写的书信,从他的呼吁,并计划(1-15)的义务所产生的原因:(1)理论部分(I,16席,36)。Main Proposition: The Gospel, in whose service Paul stands, is the power of God and works justification in every man who believes (i, 16-17).主要命题:福音,保罗代表在其服务,是上帝的力量和作品中的每个人都相信谁(I,16-17)的理由。This proposition is discussed and proved (i, 18-viii, 39), and then defended in the light of the history of the Chosen People (ix, 1-xi, 36).这个命题是讨论和证明(I,18八,39),然后在所选择的人的历史辩护(IX,1席,36)。

(a) The justice of God is acquired only through faith in Christ (i, 18-viii, 39). (一)神的义是在基督收购(I,18八,39岁),只有通过信仰。(i) The proof of the necessity of justifying grace through faith (i, 18-iv, 25): without faith there is no justice, proved from the case of the pagans (i, 18-32) and the Jews (ii, 1-iii, 20); (b) justice is acquired through faith in and redemption by Christ (the Gospel, iii, 21-31).(一)证明的理由宽限期通过信仰的必要性(I - IV 18日,25):没有信仰就没有正义,从异教徒(I,18-32)和犹太人的情况下证明(第二, 1 - III,20);(二)司法收购基督福音,通过信仰和赎回(三21-31)。Holy Writ supplies the proof: Abraham's faith (iv, 1-25).圣经提供证明:亚伯拉罕的信仰(四1-25)。(ii) The greatness and blessing of justification through faith (v, 1-viii, 39), reconciliation with God through Christ, and certain hope of eternal salvation (v, 1-11). (二)的伟大和祝福通过信仰的理由(1 - V,VIII,39),借着基督与神和解,一定希望永远得救(V,1月11日)。This is illustrated by contrasting the sin of Adam and its consequences for all mankind, which were not removed by the Law, with the superabundant fruits of redemption merited by Christ (v, 12-21).亚当及其后果的罪恶,为全人类的基督(V,12-21),这是不会删除“赎回有余水果,值得对比说明了这一点。Conclusion: Redemption by Christ (communicated to the individual through baptism) requires death to sin and life with Christ (vi, 1-23).结论:由基督(通过洗礼个人)的赎回需要死亡罪和生活与基督(六1-23)。To accomplish this the Law is ineffectual, for by the death of Christ it has lost its binding power (vii, 1-6), and, although holy and good in itself, it possesses only educative and not sanctifying power, and is thus impotent in man's dire combat against sinful nature (vii, 7-25).而要做到这一点的法律是无效的,基督的死,它已经失去了其约束力的功率(七,1-6),和,虽然圣洁,本身是好的,它具有教育性和不圣洁电源,因此无能在人的反对罪恶的本性的可怕的打击(七7-25)。 In contrast to this impotence, communion with Christ imparts freedom from sin and from death (viii, 1-11), establishes the Divine kinship, and raises mankind above all earthly trouble to the certain hope of an indescribable happiness (viii, 12-39).在这个阳痿相比,与基督的共融赋予从罪和死的自由(八,1月11日),建立神圣的血缘关系,并提出了上述一切尘世烦恼的人类一种说不出的幸福一定希望(第八,12-39 )。

(b) Defence of the first part from the history of the people of Israel (ix, 1-xi, 36). (二)从以色列人民的历史(IX,1席,36)第一部分的国防。The consoling certainty of salvation may appear threatened by the rejection or obduracy of Israel.以色列拒绝或顽固救恩的安慰确定性可能出现的威胁。How could God forget His promises and reject the people so favoured?神怎能忘记他的承诺,并拒绝人如此青睐呢?The Apostle must thus explain the providence of God.因此,使徒必须解释上帝的普罗维登斯。He begins with a touching survey of God's deeds of love and power towards the Chosen People (ikx, 1-5), proceeding then to prove that God's promise has not failed.他开始与神的爱和对所选择的人权力(1-5 ikx,)的事迹感人调查,然后出发来证明上帝的承诺并没有失败。For (i) God acts within His right when He grants grace according to His free pleasure, since God's promises did not apply to Israel according to the flesh, as early history shows (Isaac and Ismael, Jacob and Esau) (ix, 1-13); God's word to Moses and His conduct towards Pharao call into requisition this right (ix, 14-17)); God's position (as Creator and Lord) is the basis of this right (ix, 19-24); God's express prophecy announced through the Prophets, the exercise of this right towards Jews and pagans (ix, 24-29); (ii) God's attitude was in a certain sense demanded by the foolish reliance of Israel on its origin and justification in the Law (ix, 30-x,4) and by its refusal of and disobedience to the message of faith announced everywhere among the Jews (x, 5-21); (iii) In this is revealed the wisdom and goodness of God, for: Israel's rejection is not complete; a chosen number have attained to the faith (xi, 1-10); (iv) Israel's unbelief is the salvation of the pagan world, and likewise a solemn exhortation to fidelity in the faith (xi, 11- 22); (v) Israel's rejection is not irrevocable.为(i)神在他的权利的行为时,他授予的宽限期根据他的自由快感,因为上帝的承诺不适用于向以色列按肉体早期历史显示(艾萨克和伊斯梅尔,雅各和以扫)(九,1, - 13),神的话语摩西和他的行为对征用PHARAO调用这一权利(IX 14-17日,));神的地位的创造者和主,是这一权利的基础(IX,19-24);上帝的表达通过先知预言宣布,这一权利的行使对犹太人和异教徒(IX 24-29);(二)神的态度在一定意义上是由以色列的愚蠢依赖它的起源和理由在法律上要求(九30 - X,​​4)的拒绝和不服从信仰的消息宣布无处不在的犹太人(X,5-21);(iii)在此透露的智慧和善良的上帝,为:以色列拒绝是不完整的;选定的号码已达到信仰(十一1-10),(四)以色列的不信是异教世界的救恩,同样是在信仰的庄严告诫富达(第十一,11 - 22) (V)以色列的拒绝,是不是不可撤销。The people will find mercy and salvation (xi, 23-32).人们会发现怜悯和拯救(十一23-32)。Thence the praise of the wisdom and the inscrutable providence of God (xi, 33-36).那里的赞誉的智慧和高深莫测的神普罗维登斯(十一33-36)。(2) The Practical Part (xii, 1-xv, 13).–(a) The general exhortation to the faithful service of God and the avoidance of the spirit of the world (xii, 1-2). (2)实践部分(第十二,十五,13).-(一)一般告诫上帝的忠实的服务和避免世界精神(十二1-2)。(b) Admonition to unity and charity (modest, active charity), peacefulness, and love of enemies (xii, 3-21). (二)告诫团结的慈善机构(谦虚,积极慈善),歌舞升平,和敌人的爱(第十二,3-21)。(c) Obligations towards superiors: fundamental establishment and practical proof (xiii, 1-7). (三)对上级的责任:基本建立和实践证明(十三1-7)。Conclusion: A second inculcation of the commandment of love (xiii, 8-10) and an incitement to zeal in view of the proximity of salvation (xiii, 11-14).结论:爱的诫命(十三8-10)和救赎(十三11-14)接近的热情煽动第二灌输。(d) Toleration and forbearance between the strong and the weak (treated with special application to the Roman community) on account of the importance and practical significance of the question; it falls under (b): (i) fundamental criticism of the standpoint of both classes (xiv, 1-12); (ii) practical inferences for both (xiv, 13- xv, 6); (iii) establishment through the example of Christ and the intentions of God (xv, 7-13). (D)之间的强与弱(罗马社会有特殊的应用程序处理)帐户问题的重要性和现实意义,它属于(b)项:(一)的观点来看的基本批评的宽容和忍耐两个类(十四1-12);(二)实际推论两者(XIV,13 - 15,6);(iii)通过建立基督的榜样,神的意图“(XV 7-13)。Conclusion: Defence of the Epistle: (1) in view of Paul's calling; (2) in view of his intended relations with the community (xv, 22-23); (3) recommendations, greetings (warning), doxology (xvi, 1-27).结论:国防部书信:(1)在保罗的调用;(2)在他打算关系与社会(XV,22日至23日);(3)建议,问候(警告),doxology(XVI, 1-27)。

III.三。AUTHENTICITY真实性

Is the Epistle to the Romans a work of the great Apostle of the Gentiles, St. Paul?书信向罗马人的伟大的使徒的外邦人,圣保罗工作?Undoubtedly it has the same authorship as the Epistles to the Corinthians and the Epistle to the Galatians; consequently, if the authenticity of these be proved, that of Romans is likewise established.毫无疑问,作为同一作者的哥林多人的书信和书信向加拉太;因此,如果这些的真实性予以证明,罗马人,是同样成立。 We shall however treat the question quite independently.然而,我们应处理的问题相当独立。The external evidence of the authorship of Romans is uncommonly strong.作者罗马书的外部证据是不寻常的强大。Even though no direct testimony as to the authorship is forthcoming before Marcion and Irenæus, still the oldest writings betray an acquaintance with the Epistle.即使没有直接证词的作者是即将举行的前马吉安和爱任纽,仍是最古老的著作背叛与书信的一个熟人。One might with some degree of probability include the First Epistle of St. Peter in the series of testimonies: concerning the relation between Romans and the Epistle of St. James we shall speak below.一个可能包括某种程度的概率在一系列的证词第一使徒圣彼得:关于罗马和我们下面发言的书信的圣雅各福群之间的关系。 Precise information is furnished by Clement of Rome, Ignatius of Antioch, Polycarp, and Justin: Marcion admitted Romans into his canon, and the earliest Gnostics were acquainted with it.准确的信息提供,克莱门特的罗马,安提阿,波利卡普伊格和Justin:马吉安承认罗马人到他的佳能,最早的诺斯替教派的人熟悉它。

The internal evidence is equally convincing.内部证据是同样令人信服。Modern critics (van Manen and others) have indeed asserted that no attempt was ever made to prove its authenticity; they have even gone further, and declared the Epistle an invention of the second century.的确,现代的批评(范梅南和其他人)有断言,没有尝试过,以证明其真实性;他们甚至走得更远,并宣布书信的第二个世纪的发明。 Evanson (1792) first attempted to maintain this view; he was followed by Br. Evanson(1792)第一次试图保持这种观点,他是由BR。Bauer (1852, 1877), and later by Loman, Steck, van Manen (1891, 1903), and others.鲍尔(1852年,1877年),后来由Steck,范梅南(1891年,1903年),罗曼,和其他人。A less negative standpoint was adopted by Pierson-Naber, Michelsen, Völter, etc., who regarded Romans as the result of repeated revisions of genuine Pauline fragments, eg, that one genuine Epistle, interpolated five times and combined finally with an Epistle to the Ephesians, gave rise to Romans (Völter).少负的角度皮尔森 - 南北,米科尔森,Völter等,视为真正宝莲片段,如反复修改的结果的罗马人,​​一个真正的书信,插五倍,并结合书信终于通过了以弗所书,引起了罗马人(Völter)。 These critics find their ground for denying the authenticity of the Epistle in the following considerations:这些批评者找到自己的立场,否认在以下因素的书信的真实性:

Romans is a theological treatise rather than an epistle; the beginning and conclusion do not correspond; the addresses cannot be determined with certainty; despite a certain unity of thought and style, there are perceptible traces of compilation and discordance, difficult transitions, periods, connexions of ideas, which reveal the work of the reviser; the second part (ix-xii) abandons the subject of the first (justification by faith), and introduces an entirely foreign idea; there is much that cannot be the composition of St. Paul (the texts dealing with the rejection of Israel lead one to the period after the destruction of Jerusalem; the Christians of Rome appear as Pauline Christians; the conception of freedom from the law, of sin and justification, of life in Christ, etc., are signs of a later development); finally there are, according to Van Manen, traces of second-century Gnosticism in the Epistle.罗马人是一个,而不是书信的神学论述的开头和结论做不对应;的地址可以不被肯定地确定;尽管一个思想和作风一定的团结,有被编译和不一致的感知痕迹,很难转换时期,接驳的想法,这揭示了审校工作;第二部分(IX - 12)放弃第一(因信称义)的主题,并引入了一个完全陌生的概念有很多,不能组成圣保罗(文本处理了以色列的拒绝,导致耶路撒冷的毁灭后期间;罗马基督徒出现宝莲的基督徒,从法律自由观,罪和理由的,生活在基督里,等,是以后发展的迹象);终于有,根据范梅南,第二个世纪的书信诺斯替主义的痕迹。

We have here a classical example of the arbitrariness of this type of critics.我们这里有一个经典的例子,这种类型的批评的随意性。They first declare all the writings of the first and of the early second century forgeries, and, having thus destroyed all the sources, construct a purely subjective picture of the period, and revise the sources accordingly.他们首先宣布的第二个世纪初伪造的第一,和,从而摧毁了所有的来源的所有著作,构建一个纯粹的主观期间的图片,并相应地修改源代码。 That the Epistle to the Romans was written at least before the last decades of the first century is established; even by external evidence taken alone; consequently all theories advocating a later origin are thereby exploded.至少建立的第一个世纪的最后十年前写的书信向罗马,甚至采取单独的外部证据,因而所有的理论主张后来的原产地,从而发生爆炸。 The treatment of a scientific (theological) problem in an epistle can constitute a difficulty only for such as are unacquainted with the literature of the age.一个科学的问题(神学)在书信的治疗,可以构成一个困难,仅适用于如不了解文学的年龄。Doubts as to the unity of the Epistle vanish of themselves on a closer examination.书信统一的疑虑消失自己的仔细观察。 The introduction is most closely connected with the theme (i, 4, 5, 8, 12, etc.); the same is true of the conclusion.引进有最密切联系的主题(I,4,5,8,12,等);同样是真实的结论。An analysis of the Epistle reveals incontestably the coherence of the first and second parts; from chapter ix an answer is given to a question which has obtruded itself in the earlier portion.书信的分析揭示了无可争议的第一和第二部分的连贯性;第九章的答案是考虑到本身的问题已经在前面的部分obtruded。 In this fact Chr.在这个事实CHR。Baur sees the important point of the whole Epistle.鲍尔认为重要的一点,整个书信。Besides, the interrelation between the parts finds express mention (ix, 30-32; x, 3-6; xi, 6; xi, 20-23; etc.).此外,各部分之间的相互关系,发现表达提(30-32; IX,X,3-6;十一,6; 20日至23日,第十一等)。 The author's attitude towards Israel will be treated below (VI).作者对以色列的态度将被视为如下(六)。The rejection of the Chosen People could have become abundantly clear to the author after the uniform experiences of a wide missionary activity extending over more than ten years.所选择的人的拒绝,有可能成为昭然若揭作者后延续十余年的一个广泛的传教活动的统一的经验。The unevennesses and difficulty of the language show at most that the text has not been perfectly preserved. unevennesses和语言的难度显示在大多数文本尚未保存完好。Much becomes clear when we remember the personality of St. Paul and his custom of dictating his Epistles.大部分变得清晰时,我们记得圣保罗的个性和他的使唤他的书信习俗。

Were the Epistle a forgery, the expressions concerning the person and views of the author would be inexplicable and completely enigmatic.被伪造的书信,表达的关于人与作者的意见,将莫名的和完全高深莫测。Who in the second century would have made St. Paul declare that he had not founded the Roman community, that previously he had had no connexion with it, since at a very early date the same Apostle becomes with St. Peter its co-founder?在第二个世纪,谁会圣保罗宣布,他还没有成立的罗马社会,以前他曾经有过没有与它联接,因为在一个非常早期的日期相同的使徒圣彼得的联合创始人成为? How could a man of the second century have conceived the idea of attributing to St. Paul the intention of paying merely a passing visit to Rome, when (as would have been palpable to every reader of Acts 28:30-31) the Apostle had worked there for two successive years?的第二个世纪的人怎么可能设想归咎于圣保罗的打算,只是路过的访问罗马的想法,当(本来扪到每一个读者徒28:30-31)使徒在那里工作连续两年? The Acts could not have supplied the suggestion, since it merely says: "I must see Rome also" (xix, 21).行为可能没有提供的建议,因为它只是说:“我也必须看到罗马”(19,21)。Of Paul's plan of proceeding thence to Spain, the author of Acts says nothing; in recording the nocturnal apparition of the Lord to St. Paul, mention is made only of his giving testimony at Rome (Acts 23:11).保罗的计划从那里出发到西班牙,作者的行为,说什么,在圣保罗记录主的夜间幽灵,只一提的是,他给在罗马的见证(徒23:11)。 The arrival at Rome is recorded with the words: "And so we went to [the wished for] Rome" (Acts 28:14).在罗马的到来,记录的话:“所以我们去到罗马[希望]”(徒28:14)。Acts closes with a reference to Paul's residence and activity in Rome, without even hinting at anything further.使徒关闭与保罗在罗马的住所和活动的参考,而即使在任何暗示进一步。Again, it would have occurred to a forger to mention Peter also in a forged Epistle to the Romans, even though it were only in a greeting or a reference to the foundation of the Church.再次,它会出现一个伪造的彼得也提一本伪造的书信向罗马的,即使它只有在打了招呼,或参考教会的基础。Other arguments could be drawn from the concluding chapters.其他参数可以得出的结论性的章节。Whoever studies Romans closely will be convinced that here the true Paul speaks, and will acknowledge that "the authenticity of the Epistle to the Romans can be contested only by those who venture to banish the personality of Paul from the pages of history" (Jülicher).谁研究罗马书密切合作将确信,这里真正的保罗说,和会承认,“罗马人的书信的真实性,只能由那些合资企业,从历史页面中驱逐出去的保罗个性有争议”(Jülicher) 。

IV.四。INTEGRITY诚信

Apart from individual uncertain texts, which occur also in the other Epistles and call for the attention of the textual investigator, the last two chapters have given rise to some doubts among critics.除了从个人的不确定的文本,也发生在其他书信和呼吁的文字研究者的关注,最后两章已引起批评者之间的一些疑虑。Not only did Marcion omit xvi, 25-27, but, as Origen-Rufinus express it, "cuncta dissecuit" from xiv, 23.不仅马吉安省略十六,25日至27日,但是,奥利 - Rufinus表达出来,“cuncta dissecuit”从十四,23。 Concerning the interpretation of these words there is indeed no agreement, for while the majority of exegetes see in them the complete rejection of the two concluding chapters, others translate "dissecuit" as "disintegrated", which is more in accordance with the Latin expression.至于这些词的解释确实是有没有协议,而大多数的注释者,他们看到的完全排斥的两个结论章节,别人翻译“dissecuit”为“解体”,这是按照拉丁表达。 Under Chr.根据CHR。Baur's leadership, the Tübingen School has rejected both chapters; others have inclined to the theory of the disintegration work of Marcion.鲍尔的领导下,蒂宾根学校拒绝了这两章,有的倾向于理论的解体工作的马吉安。

Against chapter xv no reasonable doubt can be maintained.对第十五章没有合理怀疑的,可以予以保留。 Verses 1-13 follow as a natural conclusion from ch.诗篇1-13遵循自然的结论从CH。xiv.十四。The general extent of the consideration recommended in ch.在CH建议考虑一般的程度。xiv is in the highest degree Pauline.XIV是在最高程度宝莲。Furthermore xv, 7-13 are so clearly connected with the theme of the Epistle that they are on this ground also quite beyond suspicion.此外第十五7-13是如此清楚与书信的主题,他们以这个理由也相当超越怀疑。Though Christ is called the "minister of the circumcision" in xv, 8, this is in entire agreement with all that the Gospels say of Him and His mission, and with what St. Paul himself always declares elsewhere.虽然基督是所谓的“割礼部长”在第十五,8,这是在整个所有的福音说,他和他的使命,并与圣保禄本人一直宣称在别处协议。 Thus also, according to the Epistle, salvation is offered first to Israel conformably to Divine Providence (i, 16); and the writer of ix, 3-5, could also write xv, 8.也因此,根据书信,救恩是第一个向以色列提供整合神圣的普罗维登斯(I,16);和IX,3-5,作家也可以写第十五8。

The personal remarks and information (xv, 14-33) are in entire agreement with the opening of the Epistle, both in thought and tone.个人的言论和信息(XV,14-33)在与开放的书信整个协议,无论是在思想和色调。His travelling plans and his personal uneasiness concerning his reception in Jerusalem are, as already indicated, sure proofs of the genuineness of the verses.如前所述,他的旅行计划和他个人的不安,关于他在耶路撒冷的接待,确保证明的诗句的真实性。The objection to ch. CH反对。xv has thus found little acceptance; of it "not a sentence may be referred to a forger" (Jülicher).第十五也因此发现,很少有接受它“不是一个句子可称为一个伪造”(Jülicher)。

Stronger objections are urged against ch.更强的反对敦促对CH。xvi.十六。In the first place the concluding doxology is not universally recognized as genuine.首先总结doxology没有普遍公认的为正版。The manuscripts indeed afford some grounds for doubt, although only a negligibly small number of witnesses have with Marcion ignored the whole doxology.手稿确实负担一些怀疑的理由,虽然只是一个证人忽略的少数有马吉安忽视了整个doxology。The old manuscripts, in other respects regarded as authoritative, insert it at the end of xiv; some have it after both xiv and xvi.在其他方面的权威认为,旧的手稿,插入在第十四结束;一些后,第十四和第十六。In view of this uncertainty and of some expressions not found elsewhere in the writings of St. Paul (eg the only wise God, the scriptures of the prophets), the doxology has been declared a later addition (HJ Holtzmann, Jülicher, and others), a very unlikely view in the face of the almost unexceptional testimony, especially since the thought is most closely connected with the opening of Romans, without however bvetraying any dependence in its language.鉴于这种不确定性和圣保罗(例如,唯一明智的上帝,先知的经文)的著作中没有发现其他一些表达式,doxology已被宣布以后除(HJ HOLTZMANN,Jülicher,和其他人)不太可能,尤其是自认为是最密切联系,但没有bvetraying任何依赖于它的语言与罗马人的开幕,在面对几乎非例外的证词。 The fullness of the expression corresponds completely with the solemnity of the whole Epistle.丰满的表达完全对应整个书信的严肃性。The high-spirited temperament of the author powerfully shows itself on repeated occasions.作者昂扬向上的气质,有力地显示了反复的场合。The object with which the Apostle writes the Epistle, and the circumstances under which it is written, offer a perfect explanation of both attitude and tone.对象与使徒写的书信,以及在何种情况下它是书面的情况下,提供一个完美的解释态度和语气。The addresses, the impending journey to Jerusalem, with its problematic outcome (St. Paul speaks later of his anxiety in connexion therewith - Acts 20:22), the acceptance of his propaganda at Rome, on which, according to his own admission, his Apostolic future so much depended–all these were factors which must have combined once more at the conclusion of such an Epistle to issue in these impressively solemn thoughts.的地址,即将到耶路撒冷的旅程,其问题的结果(圣保罗稍后他的焦虑在Connexion相关 - 使徒行传20:22),在罗马接受他的宣传上,根据他自己也承认,他使徒的未来在很大程度上取决于所有这些都必须有一次在这样的书信,在这些令人印象深刻的庄严的想法问题的结论相结合的因素。 In view of this consideration, the removal of the doxology would resemble the extraction of the most precious stone in a jewel-case.鉴于这种考虑,清除doxology类似的最珍贵的石头的宝石的情况下提取。

The critical references to xvi, 1- 24, of today are concerned less with their Pauline origin than with the inclusion in Romans.的关键引用到十六,1 - 24,今天是与他们的宝莲起源少于列入在罗马。The doubt entertained regarding them is of a twofold character.受理对于他们无疑是一个双重性格。In the first place it has been considered difficult to explain how the Apostle had so many personal friends in Rome (which he had not yet visited), as is indicated by the series of greetings in this chapter; one must suppose a real tide of emigration from the Eastern Pauline communities to Rome, and that within the few years which the Apostle had devoted to his missions to the Gentiles.摆在首位,它已被认为是难以解释的使徒在罗马(他还没有访问)个人这么多朋友,是由一系列在本章的问候表示,必须假设一个真正的移民浪潮致力于他的任务向外邦人使徒的几年内,从东部宝莲社区到罗马,和。 Certain names occasion especial doubt: Epenetus, the "first fruits of Asia", one would not expect to see in Rome; Aquila and Prisca, who according to I Corinthians have assembled about them a household community in Ephesus, are represented as having a little later a similar community in Rome.某些名称的场合尤其是疑问:Epenetus,“亚洲的第一个成果”,一个也不会希望看到在罗马;阿奎拉和普里斯卡马,根据哥林多前书组装他们在以弗所一个家庭社区,有一个小代表后来在罗马的一个类似的社区。 Further, it is surprising that the Apostle in an Epistle to Rome, should emphasize the services of these friends.此外,它令人惊讶的是在书信向罗马的使者,应该强调这些朋友的服务。But the chief objection is that this last chapter gives the Epistle a new character; it must have been written, not as an introduction, but as a warning to the community.但主要的反对意见是,这最后一章给出了一个新的字符的书信;它必须被写入,而不是作为一个引进,但作为一个社会的警告。 One does not write in so stern and authoritative a tone as that displayed in xvi, 17-20, to an unknown community; and the words "I would" (xvi, 19) are not in keeping with the restraint evinced by St. Paul elsewhere in the Epistle.一个没有写在如此严厉和权威的语调17日至20日,在第十六显示,一个未知的社会,和“我会”(十六,19)在圣保罗明证克制其他地方的书信。 In consequence of these considerations numerous critics have, with David Schulz (1829), separated all or the greater portion of chapter xvi from the Epistle to the Romans (without however denying the Pauline authorship), and declared it an Epistle to the Ephesians–whether a complete epistle or only a portion of such is not determined.许多批评,在这些因素的后果,分离全部或部分第十六章从书信向罗马人(但没有否认宝莲作者),与大卫舒尔茨(1829),并宣布该书信的以弗所,无论没有确定一个完整的书信或只有部分等。 Verses 17-20 are not ascribed by some critics to the Epistle to the Ephesians; other critics are more liberal, and refer ch.诗篇17-20是不是指一些评论家书信的以弗所;其他批评者都比较宽松,是指CH。ix-xi or xii-xiv to the imaginary Epistle.第九至十一或第十二至十四虚书信。

We agree with the result of criticism in holding as certain that xvi belongs to St. Paul.我们同意与担任一定十六世属于圣保罗的批评。Not only the language, but also the names render its Pauline origin certain.不仅语言,而且名称渲染其宝莲的某些起源。For the greater part the names are not of those who played any role in the history of primitive Christianity or in legend, so that there was no reason for bringing them into connexion with St. Paul.对于大部份的名称是不是那些在原始基督教的历史或传说中发挥任何作用,因此,没有理由把他们与圣保罗联接。Certainly the idea could not have occurred to anyone in the second century, not merely to name the unknown Andronicus and Junias as Apostles, but to assign them a prominent position among the Apostles, and to place them on an eminence above St. Paul as having been in Christ before him.当然这个想法没有发生在第二个世纪的人,而不仅仅是名称未知的安多尼古和使徒Junias的,但将其分配给在使徒中的一个突出的位置,和他们放在上面圣保罗的卓越在基督里被他的面前。 These considerations are supplemented by external evidence.这些考虑辅以外部证据。Finally, the situation exhibited by historical research is precisely that of the Epistle to the Romans, as is almost unanimously admitted.最后,历史研究中展出的情况恰恰是罗马人的书信,几乎是一致承认。

The "division hypothesis" encounters a great difficulty in the manuscripts Deissmann endeavoured to explain the fusion of the two Epistles (Roman and Ephesian) on the supposition of collections of epistles existing among the ancients (duplicate-books of the sender and collections of originals of the receivers).的“分化假说”在手稿中遇到很大的困难戴斯曼努力解释推测古人之间现有的书信集(重复的图书原件的发件人和集合的两个书信的融合(罗马和以弗所)接收器)。 Even if a possible explanation be thus obtained, its application to the present case is hedged in with improbabilities; the assumption of an Epistle consisting merely of greetings is open to grave suspicion, and, if one supposes this chapter to be the remnant of a lost epistle, this hypothesis merely creates fresh problems.即使从而获得一种可能的解释,其适用于本案是对冲与不可能性的假设只是书信组成的问候严重怀疑是开放的,而且,如果一个设本章是一个失去的残余书信,这一假设仅仅创建了新的问题。

While St. Paul's wide circle of friends in Rome at first awakens surprise, it raises no insuperable difficulty.虽然圣保罗在罗马的朋友,在第一圈唤醒惊讶的是,它会引发没有不可克服的困难。We should not attempt to base our decision on the names alone; the Roman names prove nothing in favor of Rome, and the Greek still less against Rome.我们不应该试图单独的名称的基础上决定;罗马名称证明任何赞成在罗马,希腊仍然反对罗马。Names like Narcissus, Junias, Rufus, especially Aristobulus and Herodian remind one of Rome rather than Asia Minor, although some persons with these names may have settled in the latter place.名字象水仙,Junias,鲁弗斯,尤其是阿里斯托布鲁斯和希律一世的罗马,而不是小亚细亚提醒,虽然这些名字有些人可能在后者落户。 But what of the "emigration to Rome"?但“移民大路通罗马”呢?The very critics who find therein a difficulty must be well aware of the great stream of Orientals which flowed to the capital even under Emperor Augustus (Jülicher).发现其中一个难度非常批评,必须有充分的了解东方人的伟大皇帝奥古斯都(Jülicher),即使在资本流入的流。 Why should not the Christians have followed this movement?基督徒为什么不应该遵循这个运动呢?For the second century the historical fact is certain; how many Eastern names do we not find in Rome (Polycarp, Justin, Marcion, Tatian, Irenæus, Clement of Alexandria, and others)?对于第二个世纪的历史事实是肯定的;多少东部的名字,我们没有发现在罗马(波利卡普,贾斯汀,马吉安塔蒂安,爱任纽,克莱门特亚历山大,和其他人)? Again for years Paul had turned his mind towards Rome (xv, 23; i, 13).多年来,保罗再次转向罗马(XV,23 13);我,他的头脑。 Would not his friends have known of this and would he not have discussed it with Aquila and Prisca who were from Rome?不会,他的朋友都知道这和他没有讨论与阿奎拉和普里斯卡马从罗马?Besides, it is highly probable that the emigration was not entirely the result of chance, but took place in accordance with the views and perhaps to some extent at the suggestion of the Apostle; for nothing is more likely than that his friends hurried before him to prepare the way.此外,它极有可能移民并非完全偶然的结果,但根据的意见,或许一定程度上在使徒的建​​议,没有比这更可能他的朋友在他面前匆匆准备的方式。 Three years later indeed he is met by "the brethren" on his arrival in Rome (Acts 28:15).三年后,他的确是满足了他在抵达罗马的“兄弟”(徒28:15)。The long delay was not the fault of St. Paul and had not, by any means, been foreseen by him.迟迟没有圣保罗的过错,并没有以任何方式,被他所预见。The emphasizing of the services of his friends is easy to understand in an Epistle to the Romans; if only a portion of the restless charity and self-sacrificing zeal of the Apostle for the Gentiles becomes known in Rome, his active helpers may feel assured of a kind reception in the great community of Gentile Christians.他的朋友们服务强调的是容易理解,在罗马人的书信,如果只有一个外邦人的部分不安的慈善机构和自我牺牲的使徒的热情变得在罗马,他的积极佣工可以放心的在外邦基督徒的伟大社会接待。 The exhortation in xvi, 17-20, is indeed delivered in a solemn and almost severe tone, but in the case of St. Paul we are accustomed to sudden and sharp transitions of this kind.十六世,17日至20日,告诫确实是传递一个庄严而几乎严重的语气,但在圣保罗的情况下,我们习惯于这种突然急剧转变。 One feels that the writer has become suddenly affected with a deep anxiety, which in a moment gets the upper hand.一种认为,作家已经成为一个深深的忧虑,在这一刻得到了上风,突然影响。And why should not St. Paul remember the well-known submissiveness of the Roman Church?为什么不应该圣保罗记得罗马教会的著名的顺从?Still less open to objection is the "I would" (xvi, 19), since the Greek often means in the writings of St. Paul merely "I wish".反对开放,更是“我会”(十六,19),因为希腊在圣保罗的著作往往意味着的仅仅是“我想”。The position of verse 4 between the greetings is unusual, but would not be more intelligible in an Epistle to the Ephesians than in the Epistle to the Romans.第4节的问候之间的位置是不寻常的的,但不会在书信的以弗所更容易理解,比在罗马人的书信。

V. DATE AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF COMPOSITION五,日期和组成情况

The contents of the Epistle show that the author has acquired a ripe experience in the apostolate.书信显示的内容,作者已经获得了在使徒的成熟经验。Paul believes his task in the East to be practically finished; he has preached the Faith as far as Illyricum, probably to the boundaries of the province (xv, 18- 24); he is about to bring back to Palestine the alms contributed in Galatia, Achaia, and Macedonia (15:25-28; cf. 1 Corinthians 16:1-4; 2 Corinthians 8:1-9, 15; Acts 20:3-4; 24:17).保罗认为,在东要切实完成他的任务;他宣扬的信心,尽量伊利里库姆,大概省(XV,18 - 24)的界限;他带回巴勒斯坦施舍在加拉太贡献亚该亚,马其顿(15:25-28;比照1哥林多前书16:1-4;哥林多后书8:1-9,15;徒20:3-4; 24:17)。The time of composition is thus exactly determined; the Epistle was written at the end of the third missionary journey, which brought the Apostle back from Ephesus finally to Corinth.因此,组成的时间是完全确定;写在第三次传教之旅的结束,带来使徒从以弗所终于回到哥林多书信。 The mention of the Christian Phebe of Cenchræ (xvi, 1) and the greeting on the part of his host Caius (xvi, 23) very likely the one whom Paul had baptized (1 Corinthians 1:14)–conduct us to Corinth, where the Epistle was written shortly before Paul's departure for Macedonia. Cenchræ基督教Phebe(XVI,1)提和他的主机凯斯(十六,23),很可能对部分的问候一个人保罗曾受洗(1哥林多前书1:14)进行我们科林斯,其中不久保罗的马其顿出发前写的书信。 Its composition at the port of Cenchræ would be possible only on the supposition that the Apostle had made a long stay there; the Epistle is too elaborate and evinces too much intellectual labour for one to suppose that it was written at an intermediate station.其组成Cenchræ端口将有可能只对使徒了长期呆在那里的假设,书信是过于复杂和evinces太多的智力劳动,假设它是一个中间站的书面。

The year of composition can only be decided approximately.只能决定约一年的组成。According to Acts, xxiv, 27, St. Paul's imprisonment in Cæsarea lasted two full years until the removal of the procurator Felix.根据法令,24,27,圣保罗在该撒利亚的监禁持续了整整两年,直到拆除检察菲利克斯。The year of this change lies between 58 and 61.这一变化的一年,是58和61之间。At the earliest 58, because Felix was already many years in office at the beginning of Paul's imprisonment (Acts 24:10); Felix scarcely came to Judea before 52, and less than four or five years cannot well be called "many".在最早的58,因为菲利克斯已经开始(徒24:10)保罗的监禁多年在办公室;菲利克斯几乎来到犹太前52,不到四年或五年不能很好地被称为“多”。 At the latest 61, although this date is very improbable, as Festus, the successor of Felix, died in 62 after an eventful administration.在最新的61,虽然这个日期是非常不可能的,费斯图斯,菲利克斯的继任者,62后死在忙碌的管理。 Accordingly the arrival of St. Paul in Jerusalem and the composition of the Epistle to the Romans, which occurred in the preceding few months, must be referred to the years 56-59, or better 57-58.因此,在耶路撒冷和圣保禄书信组成的罗马人,​​在前面的几个月发生的到来,必须提到的56-59年,或更好的57-58。 The chronology of St. Paul's missionary activity does not exclude the suggestion of the years 56-57, since the Apostle began his third missionary journey perhaps as early as 52-53 (Gallio, proconsul of Achaia - Acts 18:12-17 - was, according to an inscription in Delphi, probably in office about 52).圣保禄的传教活动年表不排除多年来的建议56-57,因为使徒开始了他的第三个的传教之旅,也许早在52-53(加利奥,亚该亚方伯 - 徒18:12-17 - 根据碑文可能在约52个办事处,在Delphi)。

VI.六。HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE历史的重要性

The Epistle gives us important information concerning the Roman Church and St. Paul's early relations with it.书信为我们提供了有关罗马天主教会和圣保罗的早期关系的重要信息。We may recall the dangers and strained relations and the various groupings of the community referred to in xvi, 5, 14, 15, and perhaps in xvi, 10, 11.我们可能召回的危险和紧张关系和社会十六,5,14,15中提到的各种集团,也许在十六,10,11。That Paul's gaze was turned towards Rome for years, and that Rome was to be merely a stopping place on his way to Spain, we learn only from this Epistle.年,保罗的目光转向罗马,罗马仅仅是一个西班牙途中经停地点的,我们只有从这个书信学习。Did he ever reach Spain?难道他曾经到达西班牙?All tradition affords only one useful piece of information on this point: "he went to the extremest west" (Clement of Rome, vi, 7); the Muratorian Fragment, 38 sq., is not sufficiently clear.所有传统给予的信息,在这一点上只有一个有用:“他去extremest西”(克莱门特的罗马,六,七);穆拉多利片段,38平方米,不够明确。

An interesting conception of the apostolate is contained in the words: "But now having no more place in these countries" (xv, 23).载一个有趣的使徒概念的话:“但现在在这些国家中没有更多的地方”(十五,23)。Paul thus limited his task to laying the foundation of the Gospel in large centres, leaving to others the development of the communities.保罗从而限制了他的任务奠定了大型中心的福音基础,给别人留下的社区的发展。The meaning of the words "unto Illyricum" (xv, 19) will always remain uncertain. “你们伊利里​​库姆”字的含义(XV,19)将始终保持不确定。Probably the Apostle had at this period not yet crossed the borders of the province.在尚未越过边界全省此期间可能使徒。 Whether the remark in Titus, iii, 12, concerning a proposed rersidence during the winter in Nicopolis (the Illyrian town is meant), is to be connected with a missionary journey, must remain unsettled.提图斯,三,12日,有关建议在冬季Nicopolis(伊利里亚镇是)rersidence,此言是否是被一个传教士的旅程连接,必须继续动荡。

The Epistle is instructive for its revelation of the personal feelings of the Apostle of the Gentiles towards his fellow-Jews.书信是对他的同胞犹太人的外邦人的使徒的个人感情的启示启发。 Some have tried to represent these feelings as hard to explain and contradictory.有些人试图代表这些感受很难解释和矛盾。 But a true conception of the great Apostle renders every word intelligible.但一个真正伟大的使徒观念,使每一个字的理解。 On the one hand he maintains in this Epistle the position of faith and grace as distinct from the Law, and, addressing a people who appealed to their natural lineage and their observance of the Law to establish a supposed right (to salvation), he insists unswervingly on the Divine election to grace.一方面,他认为在此书信的信念和立场鲜明的“宽限期,并解决一个人世卫组织呼吁其自然的血统和他们遵守法律,以建立一个所谓的权利(救恩),他坚持坚定不移地神圣的选举恩典。 But Paul emphasizes not less firmly that, according to God's word, Israel is first called to salvation (i, 16; ii, 10), explicitly proclaiming the preference shown to it (ii, 1-2; ix, 4-5–the Divine promises, Divine sonship, the Covenant and the Law, and, greatest privilege of all, the origin of the Messias, the true God, in Israel according to the flesh–xv, 8).但保罗强调坚决不能少,根据神的话,以色列首先是所谓的救赎(I,16;二,10),明确宣布它(II 1-2所示的偏好;九,4 - 5 -神圣的承诺,神圣sonship,“公约”和法律,所有的特权最大的messias的起源,真正的上帝,以色列根据肉十五,8)。Paul willingly recognizes the zeal of the people for the things of God, although their zeal is misdirected (ix, 31 sq.; x, 2).保罗心甘情愿地认识到神的事人民的热情,虽然他们的热情是误导(IX,3​​1平方米; X,2)。Such being his feelings towards the Chosen People, it is not surprising that Paul's heart is filled with bitter grief at the blindness of the Jews, that he besieges God with prayer, that he is guided throughout his life of self-sacrificing apostolic labours by the hope that thereby his brethren may be won for the Faith (ix, 1-2; x, 1; xi, 13-14), that he would be prepared–were it possible–to forego in his own case the happiness of union with Christ, if by such a renunciation he could secure for his brethren a place in the heart of the Saviour.这种被他的感情对所选择的人,不,保罗的心是苦的悲伤充满了犹太人的盲目性,认为他围攻祈祷上帝,认为他是整个他的生活自我牺牲的使徒劳动力引导由希望从而赢得他的弟兄们可能会为信仰(1-2 IX,X,1;第十一13日至14日,),说,他将准备好的人可能的,在他自己的情况下放弃幸福联盟基督,如果放弃,他不能确保他的弟兄们在救主的心脏的地方。

These utterances can offer a stumbling-block only to those who do not understand St. Paul, who cannot fathom the depths of his apostolic charity.这些言论可以提供一个绊脚石,只有那些不明白圣保禄,谁也无法捉摸他的使徒慈善深处。If we study closely the character of the Apostle, realize the fervour of his feelings, the warmth of his love and devotion to Christ's work and Person, we shall recognize how spontaneously these feelings flow from such a heart, how natural they are to such a noble, unselfish nature.如果我们的研究密切使徒的性质,认识到他的感受的热情,他的爱和献身基督的工作和人的温暖,我们应承认如何自发这些从这样的心的感情流,他们是如何自然这样一个高尚的,无私的性质。 The mere recognition and confidence Paul won fromn the Gentiles in the course of his apostolate, the more bitter must have been the thought that Israel refused to understand its God, stood aloof peevish and hostile, and in its hatred and blindness even persecuted the Messias in His Church and opposed as far as possible the work of His Apostles.仅仅承认和信心,当然他的使徒保罗赢得fromn外邦人,更苦必须一直认为以色列拒绝,以了解其神,站在超然的乖戾和敌意,并在它的仇恨和盲目性,甚至迫害的messias祂的教会,反对尽可能他的使徒工作。 These were the hardest things for love to bear, they explain the abrupt, determined break with and the ruthless warfare against the destructive spirit of unbelief, when Paul sees that he can protect the Church of Christ in no other way.这些都是为爱承担的最困难的事情,他们解释突然决定打破,反对破坏性的精神,不信,当保罗看到他可以在没有其他办法保护基督的教会的残酷战争。 Hence he has no toleration for insistence on the practice of the Law within the Christian fold, since such insistence is in the last analysis the spirit of Judaism, which is incompatible with the spirit of Christ and the Divine election to grace, for such assistance would by practice of the law supplement or set a seal on Faith.因此,他没有坚持宽容法“的做法在基督教倍,因为这样的坚持在最后的分析是犹太教的精神,这是与基督的精神和神圣的选举,以宽限期的这种援助,不相容​​会通过法律的实践中,补充或设置一个密封的信仰。 But from the same apostolic love springs also the truly practical spirit of consideration which Paul preaches and exercises (1 Corinthians 9:20-22), and which he demands from others everywhere, so long as the Gospel is not thereby jeopardized.但是,从相同的使徒爱林斯也考虑真正的务实的精神,其中保罗鼓吹和演习(1哥林多前书9:20-22),他要求别人的无处不在,只要福音是不能因此而受到损害。 One can easily understand how such a man can at one moment become inflamed with bitter resentment and holy anger, showing no indulgence when his life's work is threatened, and can later in a peaceful hour forget all, recognizing in the offender only a misguided brother, whose fault arises, not from malice, but from ignorance.一个可以很容易明白这样一个人如何能在某一时刻成为苦涩的怨恨和神圣愤怒发炎,不放纵,当他一生的工作受到威胁时,可以在一个和平小时忘记一切,在罪犯承认只有一个被误导的兄弟,出现的故障,而不是从恶意,而是从无知。 In a soul which loves deeply and keenly one might expect the co-existence of such contrasts; they spring from a single root, a powerful, zealous, all-compelling charity–that certainty of St. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles.在深刻和敏锐的灵魂,爱,人们可能会期望这种反差并存;他们从一个根,一个强大的,热心,所有引人注目的慈善确定性,外邦人的使徒圣保罗的春天。

VII.七。THEOLOGICAL CONTENTS: FAITH AND WORKS神学内容:信仰和工务局

The theological importance of the Epistle to the Romans has in its treatment of the great fundamental problem of justification; other important questions (eg, original sin–v, 12-21) are treated in connextion with and from the standpoint of justification.书信的神学罗马人的重要性,在其伟大的理由根本问题的治疗;在connextion治疗的理由的立场和其他重要的问题(如原罪- V,12-21)。In the Epistle to the Galatians Paul had already defended his teaching against the attacks of the extreme Jewish Christians; in contrast with the Epistle to the Galatians, this to the Romans was not evoked by the excitement of a polemical warfare.在加拉太保罗的书信已经捍卫他对教学的极端犹太基督徒的攻击;与书信向加拉太相反,罗马人,这不是一个论战战的兴奋诱发。 The discussion of the question in it is deeper and wider.在问题的讨论是更深层次,更广。The fundamental doctrine which Paul proclaims to all desirous of salvation is as follows: In the case of all men the call to the Messianic salvation is absolutely dependent on the free election of God; no merit or ability of the individual, neither inclusion among the descendants of Abraham nor the practice of the Law, gives a title to this grace.保罗宣布向所有渴望救赎的基本教义如下:在所有的人的情况下调用弥赛亚救赎是绝对的上帝的自由选举;,没有任何好处或个人的能力,既没有列入的后裔之间亚伯拉罕也没有法“的做法,给出了一个标题此宽限期。 God zealously watches over the recognition of this truth; hence the emphasizing of faith (i, 16 sq.; ii, 32, 24-30; iv, 2 sqq., 13-25; v, 1, etc.); hence the stress laid upon the redemptory act of Christ, which benefits us, the enemies of God (ii, 24 sq.; iv, 24 sq.; v, 6-10, 15-21; vii, 25; viii, 29 sqq.); we owe our whole salvation and the inalienable certainty of salvation to the propitiatory and sanctifying power of the Blood of Christ (viii, 35-39).神手表在承认这个真理的热忱,因此强调信仰(I,16平方米; II,32,24-30,13-25 SQQ,四,2; V,1等);因此,基督买回的行为,有利于我们,神的敌人时所奠定的压力(24平方米,四,五,6-10,15-21;七,25;二,24平方米。八,29 SQQ)我们欠我们的整个救赎和拯救基督的血(八35-39)和解的和圣洁的力量不可分割的确定性。

From this standpoint the second part (ix-xi) describes the action of Divine providence, which is more than once revealed under the Old Dispensation, and which alone corresponds with the grandeur and sovereign authority of God.从这个角度来看,第二部分(第九至十一)介绍了神圣的普罗维登斯,这是不止一次地透露,根据旧的豁免,并单独与神的伟大和主权权力的对应行动。 Hence the irresponsive attitude of Israel becomes intelligible; the Jews blocked their own path by considereing themselves entitled to claim the Messianic Kingdom on the grounds of their personal justice.因此,以色列irresponsive的态度变得易懂;犹太人自己的道路封锁considereing自己有权要求其个人正义的理由的弥赛亚王国。 In view of this repugnant spirit, God was compelled to leave Israel to its own resources, until it should stretch out its hand after the merciful love of its Creator; then would the hour of salvation also strike for the People of the Covenant (ix, 30 sqq.; x, 3-21; xi, 32).鉴于这种令人厌恶的精神,上帝是被迫离开以色列自身的资源,直到它应该伸出手后​​,其创建者的仁慈的爱,然后将救恩小时还为“公约”的人罢工(IX, 30 SQQ; 3-21; X,XI,32)。Securing of Salvation.–To the question how man obtains salvation, St. Paul has but one answer: not by natural powers, not by works of the Law, but by faith and indeed by faith without the works of the Law (iii, 28).安全的Salvation.要怎样的人获得救恩,圣保罗,但一个答案的问题:不自然的权力,而不是由法“的作品,但信仰和确实没有法”的作品有信心(III,28 )。At the very beginning of the Epistle Paul refers to the complete failure of natural powers (i, 18-32), and repeatedly returns to this idea but he lays the greatest emphasis on the inadequacy of the Law.在书信保罗一开始是指自然权力的彻底失败(18-32),并多次返回这个想法,但他奠定了法的不足之处的最大重点。From the Jews this statement met with serious opposition.从犹太人声明会见了严重对立。What does the Apostle mean then when he preaches the necessity of faith?什么是使徒的意思,那么当他鼓吹的信仰的必要性?Faith is for St. Paul often nothing else than the Gospel, ie, the whole economy of salvation in Christ (Galatians 1:23; 3:23, 25, etc.); often it is the teaching of faith, the proclamation of the faith, and the life of faith (Romans 1:5; 12:6; 16:26; Galatians 3:2; Acts 6:7; Romans 1:8; 2 Corinthians 1:23; 11:15; 13:5; Acts 13:8; 14:21; 16:5).信仰往往是圣保禄无非福音,也就是说,在基督里的救恩(加拉太书1:23; 3时23分,25等);其他整体经济往往是教学的信念,宣布了信念,信仰的生命(罗马书1:5; 12时06分,16时26;加拉太书3:2;行为6时07分;罗马书1时08分;哥林多后书1点23分,11时15分,13时05分;使徒13时08分; 14:21; 16时05分)。That according to all these conceptions salvation comes only by faith without the works of the Law, needs no demonstration.根据所有这些概念救赎只有通过信仰,没有法“的作品,需要没有示范。But to what faith was Abraham indebted for his justification?但是,为了什么信仰亚伯拉罕对他的理由债?(4:3, 9, 13-22; Galatians 3:6). (4:3,9,13日至22日;加拉太3时06分)。Abraham had to believe the word of God, that is hold it for certain.亚伯拉罕相信上帝的话,就是保持一定。In the case of the Christian the same faith is demanded: "to believe that we shall live also together with Christ: knowing that Christ rising again from the dead, dieth now no more" (vi, 8-9); "If thou confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and believe in thy heart that God hath raised him up from the dead, thou shalt be saved" (x, 9).在基督教信仰相同的情况下要求是:“相信我们与基督一起生活:知道,基督不断上升,再从死,怎样死现在没有更多的的”(六,8-9);“如果你承认主耶稣与你的嘴,并相信在你的心,上帝从死,你要提出他得救“(X,9)。 This faith is undeniably belief on the authority of God (dogmatic faith).无可否认,这种信念是信仰的神(教义信仰)的权威。The same conception of faith underlies all the exhortations to submit ourselves in faith to God; submission presupposes the conviction of faith (i, 5; vi, 16-19; x, 16; xv, 18).相同的信仰基础的概念所有的嘱托,提交自己对上帝的信仰;提交信仰的信念(我,5人;六,16日至19日,X,16;十五,18)为先决条件。

The faith described in the Epistle to the Romans, as elsewhere in St. Paul's writings and in the New Testament in general, is furthermore a trusting faith, eg, in the case of Abraham, whose trust is specially extolled (iv, 17- 21; cf. iii, 3, unbelief and the fidelity of God).信仰的书信中描述的罗马,其他地方一样,在圣保罗的著作,并在新约中,是另外一种信任的信念,例如,在亚伯拉罕的信任是特别赞美(四,17 - 21比照三,3,不信神高保真)。So far is this confidence in God's fidelity from excluding dogmatic faith that it is based undeniably on it alone and unconditionally requires it.到目前为止,这是在上帝的忠诚排除教条式的信仰,它是基于无可否认,就可以单独和无条件地要求它的信心。Without the unswerving acceptance of certain truths (eg, the Messiahship, the Divinity of Christ, the redemptory character of Christ's death, the Resurrection, etc.), there is for St. Paul, as he never fails to make clear in his Epistles, no Christianity.没有坚定不移地接受某些真理(例如,弥赛亚,基督的神性,基督的死买回的字符,复活等),圣保罗,因为他从来没有在他的书信中作出明确,没有基督教。 Therefore, justifying faith comprises dogmatic faith as well as hope.因此,证明信仰包括教条式的信仰,以及希望。Again, it would never have occurred to St. Paul to conceive baptism as other than necessary for salvation: Romans itself offers the surest guarantee that baptism and faith, viewed of course from different standpoints, are alike necessary for justification (6:3 sqq.; Galatians 3:26 sq.).再次,它永远不会发生圣保罗救恩的洗礼,比其他必要的设想为:罗马人本身提供了最可靠的保证洗礼和信心,当然从不同的角度看,都是一样的理由(6时03 SQQ必要。加拉太书3点26平方米)。The turning away from sin is also necessary for justification.从罪的转折点,也是必要为理由。Paul cannot proclaim sufficiently the incompatibility of sin and the Divine sonship.保罗不能宣布足够的罪和神圣sonship不兼容。If the Christian must avoid sin, those who seek salvation must also turn aside from it.如果基督徒必须避免罪,那些寻求救赎也必须转一边从它。While St. Paul never speaks in his Epistle of penance and contrition, these constitute so self-evident a condition that they do not call for any special mention.虽然圣保罗从来没有谈到在他的忏悔和悔恨的书信,这些构成所以不言自明的一个条件,他们不要求任何特别提及。Besides, chapters i-iii are only a grand exposition of the truth that sin separates us from God.此外,I - III章只是一个盛大的真理论述罪从上帝分开我们。For the nature of justification it is immaterial whether Paul is displaying before the eyes of the Christian the consequences of sin, or is making sentiments of contrition and a change to a Christian mode of life a necessary preliminary condition for the obtaining of grace.对于性质的理由是无关紧要的保罗是否显示前基督教罪的后果眼中,或者是忏悔和改变的情操,以基督徒的生活模式取得的宽限期的必要先决条件。 What sentiments he requires, he describes in the words: "For in Jesus Christ, neither circumcision availeth any thing nor uncircumcision; but faith, which worketh by charity" (Galatians 5:6).他需要什么情绪,他描述的话:“在基督耶稣里,既不割礼availeth任何事情也不是未受割礼的,但信仰,慈善worketh”(加拉太书5:6)。 It is merely a repetition of the sentence when the Apostle, after proclaiming freedom in Christ, seeks to remove the misconception that the condition of Christian freedom might endure anything and become synonymous with liberty to sin (Galatians 5:13-21; cf. Romans 12:1 sq.; 13:12 sqq.; 8:12 sqq.; 11:20 sqq.).当使徒后宣布在基督里的自由,旨在消除误解,基督教自由的条件可能会忍受任何事情,成为与自由罪(加拉太书5:13-21的代名词,它仅仅是重复的句子;比照罗马人。 SQQ 12:1平方米; 13时12分; 8:12 SQQ; 11:20 SQQ)。

We thus see what Paul would have us understand by justifying faith.因此,我们看到保罗希望我们了解辩护的信念。If he does not always describe it from every standpoint as in the present instance, but designates it as dogmatic or trusting faith, the reason is easily understood.如果他不总是从每一个角度来看描述在目前情况下,但指定它作为教条式的或信任的信念,其原因是很容易理解。 He has no intention of describing all the stages along the road to justification; he is so far from desiring to give a strict definition of its nature, that he wishes merely to indicate the fundamental condition on the part of man.他无意描述的所有阶段,沿道路理由;他希望给一个严格的定义其性质是迄今为止,他希​​望,仅仅是为了表明部分人的基本条件。 This condition is, from the standpoint of the supernatural character of justification, not so much the feeling of contrition or the performance of penitential works as the trusting acceptance of the promise of God.这种情况是从超自然的理由字符来看,与其说是忏悔,或作为上帝的承诺的信任接受悔罪工程表现的感觉。 When a person has once taken this first step, all the rest, if he be consistent, follows of itself.当一个人曾经采取了这第一步,所有的休息,如果他是一致的,如下本身。To regard justifying faith as the work or outcome of natural man and to attribute grace to this work, is to misunderstand the Apostle.视工作或自然的人的结果证明信仰和属性对这项工作的宽限期,是误解的使者。 The free submission which lies in faith prepares the soul for the reception of grace.免费提交信仰在于准备接待的宽限期的灵魂。 Provided that the teaching of St. Paul be studied in the context in which it is found in the Epistles to the Romans and the Galatians, it cannot be misunderstood.圣保罗的教学研究在它是在罗马人的书信和加拉太的背景下,它不能被误解。If, however, Paul in both Epistles forestalls an unjustified practical consequence that might be drawn therefrom, this is a proof of his deep knowledge of mankind, but in no way a limitation of his doctrine.如果不过,保罗在这两个书信抢先可能由此得出一个不公正的实际后果,这是证明他对人类的深刻的认识,但在没有办法限制他的学说。 The faith which justifies without the works of the Law and the Christian freedom from the Law continue unimpaired.法“的作品,从”基督徒的自由没有证明的信仰继续受到损害。The possibility of error would be afforded if one were to withdraw the words of the Apostle from their context; even shibboleths for libertinism might be extracted in that case from his teaching.会给予错误的可能性,如果一个人退出使徒的话,它们的上下文;为放荡,甚至shibboleths可能会在这种情况下从他的教学中提取。 This leads us to the well-known sentence in the Epistle of St. James concerning faith without works (ii, 20, 24).这使我们在圣雅各福群会有关信仰的书信无工程(II,20,24)著名的一句。Was this written in premeditated opposition to St. Paul?写在这有预谋的反对圣保罗?

Paul and James保罗和詹姆斯

Two questions must be distinguished in our inquiry: (1) Is there an historical connexion between the statements in the Epistles?在我们的调查中有两个问题必须加以区分:(1)是否有历史联接之间的书信中的语句吗?(2) How are the antitheses to be explained?(2)如何来加以解释的对立呢?Are they premeditated or not?他们有预谋的或不?

(1) The possibility of a direct reference in the Epistle of St. James to St. Paul (this hypothesis alone is tenable) depends on the question of the priority of the Epistle.(1)在圣保罗(仅这一假说是站不住脚的)书信的圣雅各福群会直接引用的可能性取决于书信的优先问题。For scholars (eg, Neander, Beyschlag, Th. Zahn, Belser, Canerlynck, etc.) who hold that the Epistle of St. James was written before AD 50, the question is settled.持书信的圣雅各福群是公元50日前书面学者(例如,尼安德,Beyschlag,TH。赞恩,贝尔瑟,Canerlynck等),问题解决。 But the grounds for the assigning of this date to the Epistle are not entirely convincing, since the Epistle fits in better with the conditions of the succeeding decades.但日期书信分配的理由是不能完全令人信服,因为书信随后几十年的条件更适合。An extreme attitude is adopted by many modern critics (eg, Chr. Baur, Hilgenfeld, HJ Hultzmann, von Soden, Jülicher), who assign the Epistle to the second century–a scarcely intelligible position in view of the historical conditions.一个极端的态度是通过许多现代的批评(例如,CHR。鲍尔,Hilgenfeld,黄建忠Hultzmann,冯索登,Jülicher),分配的书信的第二个世纪的历史条件下,很难理解的立场。 If the Epistle of St. James were composed shortly after the year 60, it might, in view of the lively intercourse among the Christians, have been influenced by the misunderstood views of the teachings of St. Paul, and James may have combated the misused formula of St. Paul.如果书信的圣雅各福群会后不久,60年组成,它可能在基督徒之间的生动性交,已经由圣保罗的教诲和詹姆斯的误解意见的影响可能有打击滥用圣保罗的公式。 The almost verbal connexion in the passages might thus be accounted for.在几乎是口头上的联接通道,因而有可能被占。(2) Does there exist any real opposition between Paul and James?(2)不存在任何真正的反对保罗和詹姆斯之间的呢?This question is answered in the affirmative in many quarters today.这个问题是今天在许多方面的回答是肯定的。Paul, it is asserted, taught justification through faith without works, while James simply denied St. Paul's teaching (Romans 3:28), and seeks a different explanation for the chief passage quoted by St. Paul (Genesis 15:6) concerning the faith of Abraham (Jülicher and others).保罗,这是断言,教无工程通过信仰的理由,而詹姆斯只是否认圣保罗教学(罗马书3:28),并力求为圣保罗引述行政通过不同的解释(创15:6)亚伯拉罕的信仰(Jülicher和其他)。 But does James really treat of justification in the same sense as St. Paul?但是,詹姆斯真的在圣保罗的同一意义上的理由对待呢?Their formulation of the question is different from the outset.他们的问题的提法是从一开始就不同。James speaks of true justice before God, which, he declares, consists not alone in a firm faith, but in a faith supported and enlivened by works (especially of charity).詹姆斯谈到真正的正义在神面前,他宣称,不包括在单独一个坚定的信念,但在信仰的支持和工程跃动(特别是慈善机构)。 Without works faith is useless and dead (ii, 17, 20).信心没有行为是无用的,死亡(II,17,20)。James addresses himself to readers who are already within the fold, but who may not lead a moral life and may appeal in justification of their conduct to the word of faith.詹姆斯地址自己已经内折,但可能不会导致一种道德的生活和信仰的话可能会在他们的行为的理由提出上诉,以飨读者。To those who adopt this attitude, James can only answer: "But he that hath looked into the perfect law of liberty, and hath continued therein, not becoming a forgetful hearer, but a doer of the work, this man shall be blessed in his deed" (i, 25).那些采取这种态度,詹姆斯只能回答:“但他说,祂所自由的完美法律研究,并已经持续内,而不是成为一个健忘的听话,但工作的实干家,这名男子应在他的福地契约“(I,25)。 Throughout his Epistle James aims at attaining the translation of faith to life and works; in speaking of a faith that worketh by charity (Galatians 5:6), Paul really teaches exactly the same as James.纵观他的书信詹姆斯旨在实现信仰的生平和作品的翻译,在一种信仰,worketh发言由慈善机构(加拉太书5:6),保罗才真正教完全如詹姆斯一样。 But what of the argument of James and his appeal to Abraham?但詹姆斯的说法,他呼吁亚伯拉罕是什么?"Was not Abraham our father justified by works, offering up Isaac his son upon the altar? Seest thou, that faith did co-operate with his works; and by works faith was made perfect? And the scripture was fulfilled, saying: Abraham believed God, and it was reputed to him to justice, and he was called the friend of God" (ii, 21-23). “不是亚伯拉罕我们的父亲因行为称义,提供了在坛上他的儿子以撒你看见,信仰,合作与他的作品;工程的信仰是完美的实现经文,说:亚伯拉罕信吗?神,这是驰名他绳之以法,他被称为神的朋友“(二21-23)。 Paul, like James, appealed to the same Abraham–both rightly from their individual standpoints.像詹姆斯,保罗,呼吁同亚伯拉罕,都正确地从他们的个人立场。With entire right could Paul declare that Abraham owed his justice, not to circumcision, but to his faith; with complete right could James appeal to Abraham's act of obedience and assert that faith accompanied it and by it faith was completed.随着整个右保罗宣布亚伯拉罕欠他的正义,而不是割礼,但他的信仰;完整的权利,可以詹姆斯亚伯拉罕的服从行为提出上诉,并断言的信念伴随着它,它的信仰是完成。 And if James applies to this act the phrase: "It was reputed to him to justice", he is quite entitled to do so, since Abraham's obedience is rewarded with a new and glorious promise of God (Genesis 22:16 sqq.).如果詹姆斯适用本法的一句话:“这是被誉为他绳之以法”,他是相当有权这样做,因为亚伯拉罕的顺从,是一个新的辉煌神的承诺“(创22时16 SQQ)。奖励。

It is clear from the whole passage that James does not use the word "justify", in the sense in which Paul speaks of the first justification, but in the sense of an increasing justification (cf. Romans 2:13; Revelation 22:11), as corresponds to the object or the Epistle.这是从整个段落清楚,詹姆斯不使用这个词的“理由”,在意识中,保罗讲的第一个理由,但在增加理由的意义(参罗马书2:13;启示录22时11分),作为对应的对象或书信。 Of any contradiction between the Epistle to the Romans and that of St. James, therefore, there can be no question.罗马人的书信和圣雅各福群之间的任何矛盾,因此,可以毫无疑问。

Finally, there is a difference in the use of the term faith.最后,还有一个在使用的长期信仰的差异。 In the passage in question, James uses the term in a narrow sense.在有关的推移,詹姆斯在狭义上使用的术语。As shown by the reference to the faith of the demons (ii, 19), nothing more is here meant by faith than a firm conviction and undoubting acceptance, which is shared even by the damned, and has therefore in itself no moral value.恶魔的信仰(II,19),这里比信仰坚定的信念和undoubting接受,这是该死的共享意味着,因此,在本身没有道德价值。 Such a faith would never have been termed by St. Paul a justifying faith.这样一个信念永远也不会被称为由圣保罗的一个理由信仰。 That throughout the whole course of the Epistle of St. James St. Paul's doctrine of justification is never called into question, and that St. Paul on his side shows nowhere the least opposition to St. James, calls for no further proof.贯穿整个圣雅各福群会圣保禄书信学说的理由当然是从来没有所谓的质疑,圣保罗在他的身边,显示无处反对圣雅各福群至少,没有进一步的证据。 The fundamental conceptions and the whole treatment in the two Epistles exclude all views to the contrary.在两个书信的基本概念和整个治疗排除所有与此相反的意见。

Publication information Written by A. Merk.答:默克编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by WGKofron.转录WGKofron。With thanks to Fr.随着神父的感谢。John Hilkert, Akron, Ohio The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.约翰Hilkert,美国俄亥俄州阿克伦城天主教百科全书,卷十三。Published 1912.发布1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年2月1日。Remy Lafort, DD, Censor.人头马lafort,副署长,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

Consult the Introduction by JACQUIER, CORNELY, BELSER, KAULEN, TH.咨询JACQUIER,CORNELY,贝尔瑟,考伦,TH的介绍。ZAHN, HOLTZMANN, JÜLICHER, LIGHTFOOT, The Structure and Destination of the Epistle to the Romans in Jour.赞恩,HOLTZMANN,JÜLICHER,娜莱,罗马人在怨妇书信的结构和目标。of Philolog., II (1869), reprinted in Biblical Essays (London, 1893-4), 285-374. Philolog。II(1869年),重印圣经论丛“(伦敦,1893-4),285-374。

Commentaries: ORIGEN -RUFINUS; EPHRAEM; CHRYSOSTUM; AMBROSIASTER; PELAGIUS; AUGUSTINE; THEOPHYLACTUS; ŒCUMENIUS; THOMAS AQUINAS; ERASMUS; CAJETAN; TOLET; ESTIUS; A LAPIDE; CALMET; REITHMAYR; ADALB.评:奥利 - RUFINUS; EPHRAEM; CHRYSOSTUM; AMBROSIASTER;伯拉纠;奥古斯丁; THEOPHYLACTUS; ŒCUMENIUS;托马斯阿奎那;伊拉斯莫; CAJETAN; TOLET; ESTIUS; LAPIDE;卡尔梅特; REITHMAYR; ADALB。MAIER (1847); BISPING (2nd ed., Münster, 1860); MAC EVILLY (3rd ed., Dublin, 1875); SCHAEFER (Münster, 1891); CORNELY (Paris, 1896).迈尔(1847年);比斯平(第二版,明斯特,1860年);邪恶的MAC(第3版,都柏林,1875年。); SCHAEFER(明斯特,1891年); CORNELY(巴黎,1896年)。

Protestant Commentaries: LUTHER, Vorlesungen über den Römerbrief 1515-1516, ed.新教评:路德,Vorlesungen黚巢穴Römerbrief 1515年至1516年,主编。by Ficker (Leipzig, 1908); MELANCHTHON; BEZA; CALVIN; ZWINGLI; GROTIUS; BENGEL; WETTSTEIN; THOLUCK (5th ed., 1856); OLSHAUSEN (2ND ED., 1840); FRITSCHE (3 vols., 1836-43); MEYLERWEISS (9th ed., Göttingen, 1899, tr. Edinburgh, 187304); LIPSIUS, Holtzmann, Handkommentar (2nd ed., Freiburg, 1892); JÜLICHER (J. WEISS), Die Schriften des NT, II (2nd ed., Göttingen, 1908); LEITZMANN, Handbuch zum NT, III (Tübingen, 1906); ZAHN (Leipzig, 1901); GODET (2nd ed., 1883-90, tr. Edinburgh, 1881); GIFFORD, Speaker's Commentary (1881), separate (1886); SANDAY-HEADLAM, The International Crit.Ficker(莱比锡,1908年);梅兰希; BEZA;卡尔文;茨温利,格劳秀斯; BENGEL;维特斯坦; THOLUCK(第5版,1856); OLSHAUSEN(第二版,1840年); FRITSCHE(3卷,1836年至1843年。) MEYLERWEISS(第九版,哥廷根,1899年,TR爱丁堡,187304); LIPSIUS,HOLTZMANN,Handkommentar(第二版,弗赖堡,1892年); JÜLICHER(J. WEISS),模具Schriften NT,II(第二版。哥廷根,1908年); LEITZMANN,手册下载ZUM新台币,三(蒂宾根大学,1906年); ZAHN(莱比锡,1901年); GODET(第二版,1883年至1890年,TR爱丁堡,1881年);。吉福德,议长的评论(1881) ,独立(1886年);桑迪HEADLAM,国际暴击。Commentary (5th ed., Edinburgh, 1905).评注(第5版,爱丁堡,1905年)。For further literature see CORNELY; SANDAY; WEISS.如需进一步文学CORNELY;桑迪;粘膜撕裂。

Theological Questions.–SIMAR, Die Theol.神Questions. SIMAR,模具Theol。des hl.DES HL。Paulus (2nd ed., Freiburg, 1883); PRAT, La théol.保卢斯(第二版,弗赖堡,1883年); PRAT,香格里拉t​​héol。de s.- 第P., I (Paris, 1908); HOLTZMANN, Lehrbuch d.P.,我(巴黎,1908年); HOLTZMANN,Lehrbuch D.neutest.neutest。Theol., II (Freiburg, 1908); new ed.。Theol,II(弗赖堡,1908年);新的ED。being published); WEISS, Lehrbuch d.正在出版);魏斯,Lehrbuch D.bibl.bibl。Theol.Theol。d.D.NT (7th ed., Stuttgart, 1903); FEINE, Theol.NT(第7版,斯图加特,1903年); FEINE,Theol。des NT (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1911); BARTMANN, St. P. u.DES新台币(第二版,莱比锡,1911年); BARTMANN,美国圣体育St. J. über die Rechtfertigung in Bibl.圣研究黚死在Bibl Rechtfertigung。Studien, XI (Freiburg, 1904), i. (研究),第十一章(弗赖堡,1904年),一


This subject presentation in the original English language这在原来的主题演讲, 英语



Send an e-mail question or comment to us:发送电子邮件的问题或意见给我们:E-mail电子邮件

The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at:的, 主要相信网页(和索引科目),是在:
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源
http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html