General Information 一般资料
The Book of Sirach, or the Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, is a book in the Apocrypha.这本书的西拉奇，或智慧，耶稣的儿子西拉奇，是一本书，在apocrypha 。 It is also known as Ecclesiasticus ("church book") because of its wide use among Greek and Latin Christians in moral instruction.它也被称为ecclesiasticus （ “教会书” ） ，因为它的广泛使用，其中希腊和拉丁美洲的基督徒在道义上的指示。 Classified among the wisdom writings, the book was written in Hebrew at Jerusalem c.分类之间的智慧的著作，这本书是写在希伯来语在耶路撒冷长 180 BC by a learned teacher, Jesus ben Sirach, and was translated into Greek in Egypt with a preface by his grandson not long after 132 BC.公元前180一据悉，教师，耶稣本西拉奇，被翻译成希腊在埃及与前言由他的孙子后不久，公元前132 。
The wisdom teaching of the book is climaxed by a long eulogy of the heroes of Israelite history.智慧教学的这本书是高潮则是漫长的悼词的英雄以色列人的历史。 Using the sayings form typical of the Book of Proverbs, the author achieves a fusion of scribal piety, with its high regard for the Jewish law, and traditional wisdom.使用熟语形式，典型的这本书的谚语，作者实现了融合scribal孝道，其高度重视犹太法，和传统的智慧。
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Sirach or Ecclesiasticus is a book of the Old Testament in those versions of the Bible following the Greek Septuagint (generally Roman Catholic and Orthodox versions).西拉奇或ecclesiasticus是一本书的旧约圣经在这些版本的圣经之后，希腊septuagint （通常是罗马天主教会与东正教版本） 。 It does not appear in the Hebrew Bible, and it is placed with the Apocrypha in Protestant versions of the Bible.它不会出现在希伯来文圣经，并把它放在与apocrypha在新教版本的圣经。 Also known as "The Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach," the book was written some time between 195 and 171 BC by Jesus the son of Sirach (Hebrew Joshua ben Sira).也被称为“智慧的耶稣，儿子西拉奇， ”这本书的书面一段时间之间的195和171年由耶稣的儿子西拉奇（希伯来文约书亚本特希拉） 。 The author is thought to have been a scholar who taught wisdom in an academy in Jerusalem.作者被认为是已被学者教授的智慧，谁在一学院在耶路撒冷。 He is the only author of an apocryphal book to have attached his own name to his work (50:27).他是唯一的作者猜测一书有重视他自己的名字，他的工作（ 50:27 ） 。 About 130 BC, a Greek translation was made from the Hebrew original by a person who claimed in an added preface (ever since part of the book) to be a grandson of the author.约130年，希腊的翻译是由希伯来文原来由一个人谁声称，在一补充说：前言（以来的一部分，这本书）是一个孙子的作者。 Because of the great popularity earned by the book, it was translated subsequently into numerous other languages; the Greek text, however, is the only one to have survived in its entirety.因为伟大的民望所赚取的这本书，这是翻译，后来到了许多其他语言;希腊文字，不过，是唯一一名幸存者在其全部内容。
Sirach mainly consists of a series of loosely related maxims and other sayings of a proverbial nature, much in the manner of the Book of Proverbs.西拉奇主要是了一系列的松散相关的格言和其他熟语一个谚语的性质，远在的方式，这本书的谚语。 Throughout, the author offers instruction on how to conduct oneself wisely in all areas of life.全国各地，作者提供的指示，就如何立身做人的明智地在生活的各个领域。 He identifies wisdom with the divine law (24:23), but his counsels are more concerned with ethics than they are with divine revelation.他确定的智慧与神圣的法律（ 24:23 ） ，但他的律师更关心与以德治国比他们与神的启示。 In addition to its numerous, diverse instructions, Sirach contains several long poems that celebrate wisdom (1:1-20, 24:1-22), praise God and his wonderful works (42:15-43:33), and praise the venerable patriarchs and prophets of Israel (chap. 44-49).除了它的很多，不同的指示，西拉奇包含几个长期诗庆祝智慧（ 1:1-20 ， 24:1-22 ） ，赞美上帝和他的精彩作品（ 42:15-43:33 ） ，并称赞老patriarchs和以色列的先知（第一章44-49 ） 。 Noteworthy is chapter 24, introducing uncreated wisdom speaking as a divine person.值得注意的是，第24章，介绍了uncreated的智慧，作为一个神人。 Early Christian writers considered it an anticipation or foreshadowing of the Logos, or word of God, in the opening chapter of John's Gospel.早期基督教作家认为这是预期或铺垫的标志，或上帝的话，在开幕式第一章约翰的福音。 Sirach is classified with the Wisdom literature of the Old Testament, which includes the Books of Ecclesiastes, Job, and Proverbs.西拉奇归类与智慧文学的旧约，其中包括书籍的传道书，工作，和谚语。 Some scholars regard it as the final outstanding specimen of that form of literature and the first example of the kind of Jewish thought developed subsequently by the Pharisaic and Sadducean schools.一些学者把它作为最后的优秀标本这种形式的文学和第一个例子，该种犹太思想的发展，随后由pharisaic和sadducean学校。
Although highly regarded by early Jewish commentators, who often cited it, Sirach was excluded from the Hebrew canon.虽然高度重视早期犹太评论家，谁经常提到它，西拉奇被排除从希伯来语佳能。 The rabbis who closed the canon felt that the period of divine inspiration had ended soon after the time of the Hebrew priest and reformer Ezra (flourished 5th-4th century BC); thus, Sirach, which clearly was written long after Ezra's time, could not have been divinely inspired.拉比谁关闭了佳能公司认为，期间，神的启示已经结束后不久的时候，希伯来文牧师和改革者以斯拉（第五蓬勃发展-公元前4世纪） ;因此，西拉奇，这清楚地写后不久，以斯拉的时间，不能已神的灵感。 Early Christians, however, accepted it along with several other books regarded as spurious by the Jews.早期的基督徒，不过，接受它，随着其他几个书籍视为杂散由犹太人。 Since then, both the Orthodox church and the Roman Catholic church have decreed it to be canonical, and Protestants, following Martin Luther, consider it apocryphal rather than canonical.自那时以来，无论是东正教教会与罗马天主教会已下令它是典型，和新教徒，经过马丁路德，认为这是猜测，而不是典型。
(Abbrev. Ecclus.; also known as the Book of Sirach.) （ abbrev. ecclus 。 ;也称为书西拉奇） 。
The longest of the deuterocanonical books of the Bible, and the last of the Sapiential writings in the Vulgate of the Old Testament.最长的次经书，圣经，以及最后的sapiential著作，在武加大的旧约。
I. TITLE一，标题
The usual title of the book in Greek manuscripts and Fathers is Sophia Iesou uiou Seirach, "the Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach", or simply Sophia Seirach "the Wisdom of Sirach".一般图书的书名，在希腊的手稿和父亲是索菲亚iesou uiou seirach ， “智慧耶稣，儿子西拉奇” ，或者干脆索菲亚seirach “的智慧，西拉奇” 。 It is manifestly connected with and possibly derived from, the following subscription which appears at the end of recently-discovered Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus: "Wisdom [Hó khmâ ] of Simeon, the son of Yeshua, the son of Eleazar, the son of Sira".这是明显涉嫌与可能产生的，下面的订阅出现在去年底，最近发现的希伯来语片段ecclesiasticus ： “智慧[ hó khmâ ]西蒙，耶稣的儿子，儿子埃莱亚萨，儿子特希拉“ 。 Indeed, its full form would naturally lead one to regard it as a direct rendering of the Hebrew heading: Hokhmath Yeshua ben Sira, were it not that St. Jerome, in his prologue to the Solominic writings, states that the Hebrew title of Ecclesiasticus was "Mishle" (Parabolae) of Jesus of Sirach.事实上，它的充分的形式自然会导致一个把它作为一个直接渲染的希伯来文的标题： hokhmath耶稣本缺陷，如果不是，圣杰罗姆，在他的开场白，向solominic著作，国希伯来文的标题是ecclesiasticus “ mishle ” （ parabolae ）的耶稣西拉奇。 Perhaps in the original Hebrew the book bore different titles at different times: in point of fact, the simple name Hokhma, "Wisdom", is applied to it in the Talmud, while Rabbinic writers commonly quote Ecclesiasticus as Ben Sira.也许在原来的希伯来语图书口径不同的称呼在不同的时期：在点，事实上，简单的名称hokhma ， “智慧” ，是适用于它在犹太法典，而犹太法师作家普遍引述ecclesiasticus作为本缺陷。 Among the other Greek names which are given to Ecclesiasticus in patristic literature, may be mentioned the simple title of Sophia, "Wisdom", and the honorary designation he panaretos sophia, "all-virtuous Wisdom".在其他希腊的名字是考虑到ecclesiasticus在教父的文学，可能会提到简单的标题索菲亚， “智慧” ，并指定他的名誉panaretos索菲亚， “所有善良的智慧” 。
As might well be expected, Latin writers have applied to Ecclesiasticus titles which are derived from its Greek names, such as "Sapientia Sirach" (Rufinus); "Jesu, filii Sirach" (Junilius), "Sapienta Jesu" (Codex Claromontanus); "Liber Sapientiae" (Roman Missal).作为可能是预期，拉丁美洲作家已申请ecclesiasticus职称都源自它的希腊名字，如“ sapientia西拉奇” （ rufinus ） ; “ jesu ， filii西拉奇” （ junilius ） ， “ sapienta jesu ” （食品法典委员会claromontanus ） ; “ liber sapientiae ” （罗马missal ） 。 It can hardly be doubted, however, that the heading "Parabolae Salomonis", which is prefixed at times in the Roman Breviary to sections from Ecclesiasticus, is to be traced back to the Hebrew title spoken of by St. Jerome in his prologue to the Solomonic writings.它难以受到怀疑，不过，标题为“ parabolae salomonis ” ，这是前缀，有时在罗马breviary第从ecclesiasticus ，是能够追溯到希伯来文的标题发言，由圣杰罗姆在他的开场白向solomonic著作。 Be this as it may, the book is most commonly designated in the Latin Church as "Ecclesiasticus", itself a Greek word with a Latin ending.这样，因为它可能会，这本书是最常见的指定，在拉丁美洲教会“ ecclesiasticus ” ，本身就是一个希腊字与拉丁美洲的结局。 This last title -- not to be confounded with "Ecclesiastes" (Eccl.) -- is the one used by the Council of Trent in its solemn decree concerning the books to be regarded as sacred and canonical.这个最后的标题-不被混淆与“传道书” （ e ccl.） -是一所用的理事会特伦特在其庄严的法令，有关的书籍被视为神圣的典型。 It points out the very special esteem in which this didactic work was formerly held for the purpose for general reading and instruction in church meetings: this book alone, of all the deuterocanonical writings, which are also called Ecclesiastical by Rufinus, has preserved by way of pre-eminence the name of Ecclesiasticus (Liber), that is "a church reading book".它指出，非常特殊的自尊在这教学工作的前身是举行为目的的一般阅读和指示，在教会聚会：这本书单，所有次经的著作，这也是所谓的教会由rufinus ，已保存的方式前隆起的名称ecclesiasticus （ liber ） ，即是“一所教堂读的书” 。
II.二。 CONTENTS内容
The Book of Ecclesiasticus is preceded by a prologue which professes to be the work of the Greek translator of the origional Hebrew and the genuineness of which is undoubted.这本书的ecclesiasticus是之前有一个开场白，其中自称是工作的希腊翻译原希伯来语和真实性，这是不容置疑的。 In this preface to his translation, the writer describes, among other things his frame of mind in undertaking the hard task of rendering the Hebrew text into Greek.在这序言中他的翻译，作者介绍，除其他事项外，他的心态，在事业辛勤工作，使希伯来文成希腊。 He was deeply impressed by the wisdom of the sayings contained in the book, and therefore wished, by means of a translation, to place those valuable teachings within the reach of anyone desiring to avail himself of them for living in more perfect accord with the law of God.他留下了深刻的印象的智慧的话，载在这本书中，因此，希望透过一个翻译，把这些宝贵的教诲，内部达成的任何渴望利用自己对他们的生活在更加完善的，符合国际法上帝的。 This was a most worthy object, and there is no doubt that in setting it before himself the translator of Ecclesiasticus had well realized the general character of the contents of that sacred writing.这是一个最值得对象，这是毫无疑问的，在设置前，自己翻译的ecclesiasticus具有良好的实现一般性质的内容，这种神圣的书面答复。 The fundamental thought of the author of Ecclesiasticus is that of wisdom as understood and inculcated in inspired Hebrew literature; for the contents of this book, however varied they may appear in other respects, admit of being naturally grouped under the genral heading of "Wisdom".根本思想的作者ecclesiasticus是智慧的理解和灌输在希伯莱文学的灵感;的内容，这本书，不过不同的，他们可能会出现在其他方面，承认被自然归入genral标题为“智慧” 。 Viewed from this standpoint, which is indeed universally regarded as the author's own standpoint, the contents of Ecclesiasticus may be divided into two great parts: chs.从这个角度来看，这的确普遍被视为作者的自己的立场，内容ecclesiasticus可分为两个大的部分：社区会堂。 i-xlii, 14; and xlii, 15-1, 26.一至四十二， 14日;四十二， 15-1 ， 26 。 The sayings which chiefly make up the first part, tend directly to inculcate the fear of God and the fulfilment of His commands, wherein consists true wisdom.该说法，其中主要是弥补的第一部分，往往直接灌输的恐惧，上帝和履行他的命令，其中，构成真正的智慧。 This they do by pointing out, in a concrete manner, how the truly wise man shall conduct himself in the manifold relationships of practical life.这，他们这样做的指出，在一个具体的方式，如何真正聪明的人应进行自己的多方面的关系，现实生活中。 They afford a most varied fund of thoughtful rules for self-guidance他们负担不起一个最不同的基金，周到的规则，自我指导
in joy and sorrow, in prosperity and adversity, in sickness and health, in struggle and temptation, in social life, in intercourse with friends and enemies, with high and low, rich and poor, with the good and wicked, the wise and the foolish, in trade, business, and one's ordinary calling, above all, in one's own house and family in connection with the training of children, the treatment of men-servants and maid-servants, and the way in which a man ought to behave towards his own wife and women generally (Schü rer).在喜悦和悲伤，在繁荣和逆境，在疾病和健康，在斗争和诱惑，在社会生活中，在交往中与朋友和敌人，与高与低，富国和穷国，与好和坏，明智的和愚蠢的，在贸易，商业，和一个人的普通电话，上述所有，在自己的房子和家庭在他涉嫌与训练的儿童，治疗男性公务员和女佣-公务员，和以何种方式，一名男子应该表现对他自己的妻子和妇女一般（ schü快线RER ） 。
Together with these maxims, which resemble closely both in matter and form the Proverbs of Solomon, the first part of Ecclesiasticus includes several more or less long descriptions of the origin and excellence of wisdom (cf. i; iv, 12-22; vi, 18-37; xiv, 22-xv, 11; xxiv).连同这些格言，它类似于紧密合作，双方在此事，并形成了谚语，所罗门，第一部分ecclesiasticus包括几项更多或更少，只要说明的起源和卓越的智慧（参见;四， 12月22日;六， 18-37 ;十四， 22 -十五，第11条;二十四） 。 The contents of the second part of the book are of a decidely more uniform character, but contribute no less effectively to the setting forth of the general topic of Ecclesiasticus.内容的第二部分，这本书是一个坚决更均匀的性格，但贡献不低于有效地设置提出的一般议题ecclesiasticus 。 They first describe at length the Divine wisdom so wonderfully displayed in the realm of nature (xlii, 15-xliii), and next illustrate the practice of wisdom in the various walks of life, as made known by the history of Israel's worthies, from Enoch down to the high priest Simon, the writer's holy contemporary (xliv-1, 26).他们首先描述了详细的神圣智慧，使完美的显示在境界的性质（四十二， 15 XLIII ）号，并说明明年的实践中的智慧，在各界人士的生活，并取得了众所周知的历史，以色列的worthies ，从尹万良到大祭司西门，作家的神圣当代（四十四- 1 ， 26 ） 。 At the close of the book (1, 27-29), there is first, a short conclusion containing the author's subscription and the express declaration of his general purpose; and next, an appendix (li) in which the writer returns thanks to God for His benefits, and especially for the gift of wisdom and to which are subjoined in the Hebrew text recently discovered, a second subscription and the following pious ejaculation: "Blessed be the name Of Yahweh from this time forth and for evermore."在结束这本书（ 1 ， 27-29 ） ，有第一，短期结论载有作者的订阅和明示声明他的一般用途;明年，附录（黎族） ，其中作者的回报感谢天主他的好处，特别是为礼品的智慧和哪些是subjoined在希伯来文的文字最近发现，第二次认购及以下虔诚的射精： “之名称雅巍从这个时候提出和evermore ” 。
III.三。 ORIGINAL TEXT原文
Until quite recently the original language of the Book of Ecclesiasticus was a matter of considerable doubt among scholars.直到最近原来的语言，这本书的ecclesiasticus的一个问题是相当怀疑的学者。 They, of course, know that the Greek translator's prologue states that the work was originally written in "Hebrew", hebraisti, but they were in doubt as to the precise signification of this term, which might mean either Hebrew proper or Aramaic.他们，当然知道，希腊译者的序幕国家这方面的工作本来是写的“希伯来语” ， hebraisti ，但他们怀疑，至于确切的意义，这个名词，这可能意味着无论是希伯来语适当或阿拉姆语。 They were likewise aware that St. Jerome, in his preface to the Solomonic writings, speaks of a Hebrew original as in existence in his day, but it still might be doubted whether it was truly a Hebrew text, or not rather a Syriac or Aramaic translation in Hebrew characters.他们同样知道，圣杰罗姆，他在序言中向solomonic著作，讲一个希伯来语原本存在的在他的天，但仍可能会怀疑是否是一个真正的希伯来文，或者没有，而叙利亚或阿拉姆语翻译希伯来文字符。 Again, in their eyes, the citation of the book by rabbinical writers, sometimes in Hebrew, sometimes in Aramaic, did not appear decisive, since it was not certain that they came from a Hebrew original.再次，在他们眼中，引用这本书由犹太教作家，有时在希伯来文，有时在阿拉姆语，没有出现决定性的，因为它是不能肯定他们是来自希伯来语原。 And this was their view also with regard to the quotations, this time in classical Hebrew, by the Bagdad gaon Saadia of the tenth century of our era, that is of the period after which all documentary traces of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus practically disappear from the Christian world.这是他们的观点也与考虑到的报价，这个时候在古典希伯来语，由巴格达gaon saadia的10世纪，我们的时代，这是该期间后，所有纪录片的痕迹，一希伯来文ecclesiasticus几乎消失基督教世界。 Still, most critics were of the mind that the primitive language of the book was Hebrew, not Aramaic.还有，最批评者的注意，原始的语言，这本书是希伯来语，而不是阿拉姆语。 Their chief argument for this was that the Greek version contains certain errors: for example, xxiv, 37 (in Gr., verse 27), "light" for "Nile" (xx); xxv, 22 (Gr. verse 15), "head" for "poison" (xx); xlvi.他们的主要理由，这是说，希腊的版本包含了一些错误，例如： 24 ，第37条第（在遗传资源，韵文27日） ， “轻”为“尼罗河” （二十） ;二十五， 22 （ gr.韵文15 ） ， “头”为“毒药” （ XX ）号决议;四十六。 21 (Gr., verse 18), "Tyrians" for "enemies" (xxx); etc.; these are best accounted for by supposing that the translator misunderstood a Hebrew original before him. 21 （ gr. ，韵文18 ） ， “ tyrians ”为“敌人” （ XXX ）号等;这些都是最好的比重由假设译者误解一希伯来语原来在他面前。 And so the matter stood until the year 1896, which marks the beginning of an entirely new period in the history of the original text of Ecclesiasticus.因此，无论站在直到1896年，这标志着一个全新的时期，在历史上的原文ecclesiasticus 。 Since that time, much documentary evidence has come to light, and intends to show that the book was originally written in Hebrew.自那时起，许多书面证据，已到了轻，并打算表明，这本书原本的书面in希伯来语。 The first fragments of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus (xxxix, 15-xl, 6) were brought from the East to Cambridge, England, by Mrs. AS Lewis; they were identified in May 1896, and published in "The Expositor" (July, 1896) by S. Schechter, reader in Talmudic at Cambridge University.第一片段，一个希伯来文ecclesiasticus （第39届， 15 - XL的， 6 ）被带到从东到剑桥，英格兰，由夫人作为刘易斯，他们确定了在1896年5月，并刊登在“ expositor ” （ 7月， 1896 ）第Schechter已，读者在talmudic在剑桥大学。 About the same time, in a box of fragments acquired from the Cairo genizzah through Professor Sayce for the Bodleian Library, Oxford, nine leaves apparently of the same manuscript (now called B) and containing xl, 9-xlix, 11, were found by AE Cowley and Ad.大约同一时间，在一个盒子里的碎片后天从开罗genizzah通过教授，塞斯为包德利图书馆图书馆，牛津大学， 9叶片显然同一手稿（现在称为b ）及载有xl ， 9 - xlix ， 11 ，发现爱考利和广告。 Neubauer, who also soon published them (Oxford, 1897) Next followed the identification by Professor Schechter, first, of seven leaves of the same Codex (B), containing xxx, 11-xxxi, 11; xxxii, 1b-xxxiii 3; xxxv, 11-xxxvi, 21; xxxvii, 30-xxxviii, 28b; xlix, 14c-li, 30; and next, of four leaves of a different manuscript (called A), and presenting iii, 6e-vii, 31a; xi, 36d-xvi, 26.纽鲍尔，谁也尽快公布他们（牛津， 1897 ）明年其次是确定由教授Schechter已，第一，七叶片相同的食品法典委员会（二） ，载有三十， 11 -三十一，第11条;三十二， 1 B款-三十三三;三十五， 11 -三十六， 21个;三十七， 30 -三十八， 28 B款; xlix ，为14 C -李， 30日和明年，四叶片不同的手稿（所谓一） ，并提交三， 6e中七，第31 A条;席， 36D条-十六， 26 。 These eleven leaves had been discovered by Dr..这些11叶片已发现的博士。 Schechtler in the fragments brought by him from the Cairo genizzah; and it is among matter obtained from the same source by the British Museum, that G. Margoliouth found and published., in 1899, four pages of the manuscript B containing xxxi, 12-xxxii, 1a; xxxvi, 21-xxxvii, 29. schechtler在碎片所带来的他从开罗genizzah ;这是其中的问题得到了来自同一来源的，由大英博物馆， g.马戈柳思发现和出版，于1899年，四页的手稿b载有三十一， 12 -三十二，第1 A ;三十六， 21 -三十七， 29 。 Early in 1900, I. Lé vi published two pages from a third manuscript (C), xxxvi, 29a-xxxviii, la, that is, a passage already contained in Codex Bl and two from a fourth manuscript (D), presenting in a defective manner, vi, 18-vii, 27b, that is, a section already found in Codes A. Early in 1900, too, EN Adler published four pages of manuscript A, vix.早在1900年，一lé六，出版了两本页面来自第三方的手稿（ c ）项，第三十六， 29A条-三十八，香格里拉，就是一个通道已载于法典基本法和两个从第四稿（四） ，提出了在一个有缺陷的方式，六， 18 -第七章， 27 B款，即是一段已经找到了在守则答：早在1900年，太，英文阿德勒发表四页的手稿，波动率指数。 vii, 29-xii, 1; and S. Schechter, four pages of manuscript C, consisting of mere excerpts from iv, 28b-v, 15c; xxv, 11b-xxvi, 2a.七， 29 - 12 ， 1 ; Schechter已和美国，四页的手稿， c ，构成单纯的摘录四， 28 B款-五， 15 C ;二十五， 11 B条-第26 ，第2 A 。 Lastly, two pages of manuscript D were discovered by Dr. MS Gaster, and contain a few verses of chaps.最后，两页的手稿D的发现，博士女士胃，并包含一个数的诗章。 xviii, xix, xx, xxvii, some of which already appear in manuscripts B and C. Thus be the middle of the year 1900, more than one-half of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus had been identified and published by scholars.十八，十九，二十，二十七，其中一些已经出现在手稿B和C ，从而在今年年中， 1900年，一半以上的一个希伯来文ecclesiasticus已被确定和公布的学者。 (In the foregoing indications of the newly-discovered fragments of the Hebrew, the chapters and verses given are according to the numbering in the Latin Vulgate). （在前述迹象显示，新发现的片段，希伯来语，章节和诗词鉴于是根据电话号码，在拉丁语武加大） 。
As might naturally be anticipated, and indeed it was desirable that it should so happen, the publication of these various fragments gave rise to a controversy as to the originality of the text therein exhibited.可能是理所当然的预期，而事实上它是可取的，它应使发生，出版这些不同的片段，引起了争议，以原创性的文本，因此展出。 At a very early stage in that publication, scholars easily noticed that although the Hebrew language of the fragments was apparently classical, it nevertheless contained readings which might lead one to suspect its actual dependence on the Greek and Syriac versions of Ecclesiasticus.在非常早的阶段，在出版，学者很容易注意到，虽然希伯来文的碎片显然是古典乐，但它所载的读数可能导致一怀疑其实际依赖于希腊文和叙利亚文版本的ecclesiasticus 。 Whence it manifestly imported to determine whether, and if so, to what extent, the Hebrew fragments reproduced an original text of the book, or on the contrary, simply presented a late retranslation of Ecclesiasticus into Hebrew by means of the versions just named. whence它明显地进口，以决定是否，如果是的话，到什么程度，希伯来文的碎片转载1原文书，或与此相反，简单地介绍了后期复的ecclesiasticus到希伯来语的手段版本刚刚命名。 Both Dr. G. Bickell and Professor DS Margoliouth, that is, the two men who but shortly before the discovery of the Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus had attempted to retranslate small parts of the book into Hebrew, declared themselves openly against the originality of the newly found Hebrew text.双方博士g. bickell和教授局副局长马戈柳思，即是该两名男子谁，但前不久发现的希伯来文的片段ecclesiasticus曾试图retranslate一小部分图书到希伯来文，公开宣布自己对原创新发现希伯来语文本。 It may indeed be admitted that the efforts naturally entailed by their own work of retranslation had especially fitted Margoliouth and Bickell for noticing and appreciating those features which even now appear to many scholars to tell in favour of a certain connection of the Hebrew text with the Greek and Syriac versions.它可能确实承认的努力，自然引起他们自己的工作，尤其是复已装上马戈柳思和bickell为注意到并赞赏这些特点，即使是现在看来，很多学者告诉赞成的某一个方面的希伯来文与希腊和叙利亚的版本。 It remains true, however, that, with the exception of Israel Lé vi and perhaps a few others, the most prominent Biblical and Talmudic scholars of the day are of the mind that the Hebrew fragments present an original text.它仍然不错，不过， ，与除以色列之外lé中六及中，也许其他几个，最突出的圣经和talmudic学者对天是该记住，希伯来文的碎片，目前一原文。 They think that the arguments and inferences most vigorously urged by Professor DS Margoliouth in favour of his view have been disposed of through a comparison of the fragments published in 1899 and 1900 with those that had appeared at an earlier date, and through a close study of nearly all the facts now available.他们认为，论据和推论，最大力敦促教授局副局长马戈柳思在赞成他的看法已弃置通过比较碎片发表在1899年和1900年与那些出现在一个较早的日期，并通过密切的研究几乎所有的事实，现已。 They readily admit in the manuscripts thus far recovered, scribal faults, doublets, Arabisms, apparent traces of dependence on extant versions, etc. But to their minds all such defects do not disprove the originality of the Hebrew text, inasmuch as they can, and indeed in a large number of cases must, be accounted for by the very late characrter of the copies now in our possession.他们容易承认，在手稿因此，到目前为止，收回， scribal故障， doublets ， arabisms ，明显的痕迹，依赖于现存的版本等，但他们的头脑，所有这些缺陷不反证的原创性希伯来文的文字，因为它们可以，而且事实上，在大量的案件，必须加以核算由很晚characrter的副本，现在我们所掌握的。 The Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus belong, at the earliest, to the tenth, or even the eleventh, century of our era, and by that late date all kinds of errors could naturally be expected to have crept into the origional language of the book, because the Jewish copyists of the work did not regard it as canonical.希伯来文的片段ecclesiasticus所属，在最早的，到第十届，或什至第十一，世纪我们的时代，和迟日期的各种错误可能是理所当然的，预计有中出现的原文的这本书，因为犹太copyists的工作，没有把它作为典型。 At the same time these defects do not disfigure altogether the manner of Hebrew in which Ecclesiasticus was primitively written.在同一时间，这些缺点，不disfigure共有的方式，希伯来语，其中ecclesiasticus是primitively书面。 The language of the fragments is manifestly not rabbinic, but classical Hebrew; and this conclusion is decidely borne out by a comparison of their text with that of the quotations from Ecclesiasticus, both in the Talmud and in the Saadia, which have already been referred to.语言的片段，是明显不犹太法师，但古典希伯来语;这个结论是坚决承担，由一个比较它们的案文指出，报价从ecclesiasticus ，不论是在塔木德，以及在saadia ，其中已经提到。 Again, the Hebrew of the newly found fragments, although classical, is yet one of a distinctly late type, and it supplies considerable material for lexicographic research.再次，希伯来文的新发现的碎片，虽然经典，又是其中一个明显的晚类型，它提供了相当大的材料lexicographic研究。 Finally, the comparatively large number of the Hebrew manuscripts recently discovered in only one place (Cairo) points to the fact that the work in its primitive form was often transcribed in ancient times, and thus affords hope that other copies, more or less complete, of the original text may be discovered at some future date.最后，比较大量的希伯来文手稿最近发现只在一个地方（开罗）点的事实，即工作在其原始形式，往往是转录在远古时代，因此，颇希望其他的副本，更多或更少完整，的原文，可能会发现，在一些未来的日期。 To render their study convenient, all the extant fragments have been brought together in a splendid edition.使他们的研究方便，所有现存的片段，已聚集在一个别具特色的版。 "Facsimiles of the Fragments hitherto recovered of the Book of Ecclesiasticus in Hebrew" (Oxford and Cambridge, 1901). “传真机的碎片迄今收回的这本书的ecclesiasticus在希伯来语” （牛津大学和剑桥大学， 1901年） 。 The metrical and strophic structure of parts of the newly discovered text has been particularly investigated by H. Grimme and N. Schlogl, whose success in the matter is, to say the least, indifferent; and by Jos. Knabenbauer, SJ in a less venturesome way, and hence with more satisfactory results.测量和strophic结构的部分新发现的文字一直特别调查__________________________________________________________________________格力莫及12月31日schlogl ，其成功的在这件事是，至少可以说，漠不关心;和jos. knabenbauer ，律政司司长在一个不足venturesome的方式，因此更令人满意的成果。
IV.四。 ANCIENT VERSIONS古代版本
It was, of course, from a Hebrew text incomparably better than the one we now possess that the grandson of the author of Ecclesiasticus rendered, the book into Greek.这是的，当然，从希伯莱文无比优于一，我们认为，现在已经拥有的孙子的作者ecclesiasticus提供的，这本书到希腊。 This translator was a Palestinian Jew, who came to Egypt at a certain time, and desired to make the work accessible in a Greek dress to the Jews of the Dispersion, and no doubt also to all lovers of wisdom.此翻译是一个巴勒斯坦的犹太人，谁来到埃及在某一个时间，和理想，使工作方便，在希腊服饰向犹太人的分散，毫无疑问，也向所有爱好者的智慧。 His name is unknown, although an ancient, but little reliable, tradition ("Synopsis Scripurae Sacrae" in St. Athanasius's works) calls him Jesus, the son of Sirach.他的名字是未知的，虽然一个古老的，但没有可靠的，传统的（ “概要scripurae sacrae ”在圣亚他那修的作品）呼吁他的耶稣，儿子西拉奇。 His literary qualifications for the task he undertook and carried out cannot be fully ascertained at the present day.他的文学资格的任务，他答应并进行了不能完全确定，目前天。 He is commonly regarded, however, from the general character of his work, as a man of good general culture, with a fair command of both Hebrew and Greek.他是普遍认为，不过，从一般性质，他的工作，作为一名男子良好的一般文化，与一个公平的指挥都希伯来语和希腊语。 He was distinctly aware of the great difference which exists between the respective genius of these two languages, and of the consequent difficulty attending the efforts of one who aimed atgving a satisfactory Greek version of a Hebrew writing, and therefore begs expressely, in his prologue to the work, his readers' indulgence for whatever shortcomings they may notice in his translation.他明显意识到了很大的差别，这之间存在着各自的天才这两种语文，以及相应的困难，出席的努力之一，目的是谁atgving一个令人满意的希腊版的希伯来文写作，因此不敢苟同expressely ，在他的序幕的工作，他的读者放纵什么缺点，他们可能会注意到，在他的翻译。 He claims to have spent much time and labour on his version of Ecclesiasticus, and it is only fair to suppose that his work was not only a conscientious, but also, on the whole, a successful, rendering of the original Hebrew.他声称已花了很多时间和劳力对他的版本的ecclesiasticus ，这是唯一公平的假设，他的工作不只是一个有良心的，而且就整体而言，一个成功的，绘制原来的希伯来文。 One can but speak in this guarded manner of the exact value of the Greek translation in its primitive form for the simple reason that a comparison of its extant manuscripts -- all apparently derived from a single Greek exemplar -- shows that the primitive translation has been very often, and in many cases seriously, tampered with.一个可以发言，但在这森严的方式，确切的价值，希腊翻译在其原始形式，理由很简单，比较其现存的手稿-所有显然是来自一个单一的希腊典范-表明，原始翻译已很多时候，在许多情况下，严重的是，篡改。 The great uncial codices, the Vatican, the Sinaitic, the Ephraemitic, and partly the Alexandrian, though comparatively free from glosses, contain an inferior text; the better form of the text seems to be preserved in the Venetus Codex and in certain cursive manuscripts, though these have many glosses.伟大uncial codices ，梵蒂冈，西乃半岛， ephraemitic ，部分亚历山大，虽然比较自由，从美化，包含劣势的文本;越好形式的文字，似乎予以保留，在venetus法典和在某些草书手稿，虽然这些有很多美化。 Undoubtedly, a fair number of these glosses may be referred safely to the translator himself, who, at times added one word, or even a few words to the original before him, to make the meaning clearer or to guard the text against possible misunderstanding.毫无疑问，一个公平的数目，这些美化可转介安全译者自己，谁，有时补充说一个字，甚至是几句话，原来在他面前，使意思更清，或民警卫队的案文对可能发生的误会。 But the great bulk of the glosses resemble the Greek additions in the Book of Proverbs; they are expansions of the thought, or hellenizing interpretations, or additions from current collections of gnomic sayings.但伟大的大部分的美化类似于希腊增补在这本书中的谚语，他们扩建的思想，或hellenizing的解释，或补充，从目前的收藏品gnomic的说法。 The following are the best-ascertained results which flow from a comparison of the Greek version with the text of our Hebrew fragments.以下是最佳的确定结果，其中流量从一个比较，希腊版本与文本，我们希伯来语的碎片。 Oftentimes, the corruptions of the Hebrew may be discovered by means of the Greek; and, conversely, the Greek text is proved to be defective, in the line of additions or omissions, by references to parallel places in the Hebrew.很多时候，腐败行为希伯来文中可能发现的手段，希腊;反过来说，希腊的文字证明是有缺陷的，在该线的增加或遗漏，提述平行的地方在希伯来文。 At times, the Hebrew discloses considerable freedom of rendering on the part of the Greek translator; or enables one to perceive how the author of the version mistook one Hebrew letter for another; or again, affords us a means to make sense out of an unintelligible expressions in the Greek text.有时，希伯来文，披露了相当大的自由，使对部分希腊的翻译;或使一察觉如何作者的版本一希伯来语误信为另一个;或再次，让我们的一种手段，使意识，走出一费解表现在希腊的文字。 Lastly, the Hebrew text confirms the order of the contents in xxx-xxxvi which is presented by the Syriac, Latin, and Armenian versions, over against the unnatural order found in all existing Greek manuscripts.最后，希伯来文的文字证实了该命令的内容在xxx -三十六，这是由叙利亚文，拉丁文，和亚美尼亚的版本，超过对自然的秩序，发现在所有现存的希腊手稿。 Like the Greek, the Syriac version of Ecclesiasticus was made directly from the original Hebrew.像希腊，叙利亚文版本的ecclesiasticus是直接从原来的希伯来文。 This is wellnigh universally admitted; and a comparison of its text with that of the newly found Hebrew fragments should settle the point forever; as just stated, the Syriac version gives the same order as the Hebrew text for the contents of xxx-xxxvi; in particular, it presents mistaken renderings, the origin of which, while inexplicable by supposing a Greek original as its basis, is easily accounted for by reference to the text from which it was made must have been very defective, as is proved by the numerous and important lacunae in the Syriac translation.这是wellnigh普遍承认;比较其文字与该新发现的希伯来语片段应解决一点，永远;正如刚才指出，叙利亚文版本给予相同的顺序为希伯来文文本的内容，根据× × × -三十六人;特别是，它介绍了错误的翻译，原产地，其中，而令人费解的假设，希腊作为其原有的基础上，是很容易占参考文本由它作出，必须已经非常有缺陷的，作为证明了无数重要的空白，在叙利亚的翻译。 It seems, likewise, that the Hebrew has been rendered by the translator himself in a careless, and at times even arbitrary manner.看来，同样地，认为希伯来语已提供的译者自己在一个不小心，有时甚至任意的方式。 The Syriac version has all the less critical value at the present day, because it was considerably revised at an unknown date, by means of the Greek translation.叙利亚语版本的所有不足的临界值目前，天，因为它是相当大的修订，在未知的日期，方式，希腊翻译。
Of the other ancient versions of Ecclesiasticus, the Old Latin is the most important.至于其他的古代版本的ecclesiasticus ，旧的拉丁美洲是最重要的。 It was made before St. Jerome's time, although the precise date of its origin cannot now be ascertained; and the holy doctor apparently revised its text but little, previously to its adoption into the Latin Vulgate.这是之前所作的圣杰罗姆的时间，虽然确切日期它的起源现在无法确定;和罗马教廷的医生显然修改其文本，但很少，以前通过到拉丁语武加大。 The unity of the Old Latin version, which was formerly undoubted, has been of late seriously questioned, and Ph. Thielmann, the most recent investigator of its text in this respect, thinks that chs.团结旧的拉美版本，其中的前身是不容置疑的，已经太晚严重的质疑，并电话thielmann ，最近期的调查，其文字在这方面，认为社区卫生服务。 xliv-1 are due to a translator other than that of the rest of the book, the former part being of European, the latter and chief part of African, origin.四十四- 1 ，是由于一个翻译者以外的其余的书，前部分的福祉，欧洲，后者和行政的一部分，非洲，原产地。 Conversely, the view formerly doubted by Cornelius a Lapide, P. Sabatier, EG Bengel, etc., namely that the Latin version was made directly from the Greek, is now considered as altogether certain.反过来说，鉴于以前的质疑利乌斯一拉辟特的哥尼流，第撒巴帖，例如bengel等，即拉丁美洲的版本是直接从希腊文，现在被视为完全肯定的。 The version has retained many Greek words in a latinized form: eremus (vi, 3); eucharis (vi, 5); basis (vi, 30); acharis (xx, 21), xenia (xx, 31); dioryx (xxiv, 41); poderes (xxvii, 9); etc., etc., together with certain Graecisms of construction; so that the text rendered into Latin was unquestionably Greek, not the original Hebrew.该版本保留了许多希腊字在一个latinized形式： eremus （六， 3 ） ; eucharis （六， 5 ） ;的基础上（六， 30 ） ; acharis （ XX条， 21条） ，花粉直感（ XX条， 31条） ; dioryx （ 24 ， 41 ） ;转（二十七， 9 ） ;等等，再加上某些graecisms建设;使文本提供进入拉美无疑是希腊，而不是原来的希伯来文。 It is indeed true that other features of the Old Latin -- notably its order for xxx-xxxvi, which disagrees with the Greek translation, and agrees with the Hebrew text -- seem to point to the conclusion that the Latin version was based immediately on the original Hebrew.这是确实的其他功能旧拉丁美洲-尤其是其为了三十-三十六，其中不同意与希腊翻译，并同意与希伯来文的文字-似乎指向的结论是，拉美版本是基于立即就原来的希伯来文。 But a very recent and critical examination of all such features in i-xliii has let H. Herkenne to a different conclusion; all things taken into consideration, he is of the mind that: "Nititur Vetus Latina textu vulgari graeco ad textum hebraicum alterius recensionis graece castigato."但最近的一个非常关键的考试所有这些功能的I -第四十三已让每小时herkenne ，以不同的结论;所有的事情考虑到，他是该铭记： “ nititur老latina textu vulgari希腊广告textum hebraicum alterius recensionis graece castigato “ 。 (See also Jos. Knabenbauer, SJ, "In Ecclesiaticum", p. 34 sq.) Together with graecized forms, the Old Latin translation of Ecclesiasticus presents many barbarisms and solecisms (such as defunctio, i, 13; religiositas, i, 17, 18, 26; compartior, i, 24; receptibilis, ii, 5; peries, periet, viii, 18; xxxiii, 7; obductio, ii, 2; v, 1, 10; etc.), which, to the extent in which they can be actually traced back to the original form of ther version, go to show that the translator had but a poor command of the Latin language. （亦见jos. knabenbauer ，律政司司长， “在ecclesiaticum ” ，第34页平方米）连同graecized形式，旧的拉丁语翻译ecclesiasticus提出了许多barbarisms和solecisms （如defunctio ，我， 13人; religiositas ，我17 ， 18 ， 26 ; compartior ，我， 24日; receptibilis ，二，五; peries ， periet ，第八条， 18条;三十三，七; obductio ，二，二;五，一，第10条;等） ，其中，程度他们在其中可以，其实追溯到最初的形式有版本，请转到表明，该翻译了，但一个贫穷的指挥拉丁美洲的语言。 Again, from a fair number of expressions which are certainly due to the translator, it may be inferred that at times, he did not catch the sense of the Greek, and that at other times he was too free in rendering the text before him.再次，从一个公平的表达式的数目，这当然是由于译者，可以推断，有时，他没有赶上意识，希腊，并在其他时间他是太自由，在绘制的文本在他面前。 The Old Latin version abounds in additional lines or even verses foreign not only to the Greek, but also to the Hebrew text.旧拉丁美洲版比比皆是，在额外电话线，甚至外国的诗不仅对希腊，而且也给希伯来语文本。 Such important additions -- which often appear clearly so from the fact that they interfere with the poetical parallelisms of the book -- are either repetitions of preceding statements under a slightly different form, or glosses inserted by the translator or the copyists.这么重要的增加-这往往出现明显因此，从事实，即他们干预与诗并行的这本书-都是重复前面的声明下，略有不同的形式，或美化插入的翻译，或c o pyists。 Owing to the early origin of the Latin version (probably the second century of our era), and to its intimate connection with both the Greek and Hebrew texts, a good edition of its primitive form, as far as this form can be ascertained, is one of the chief things to be desired for the textual criticism of Ecclesiasticus.由于早期的起源拉丁美洲版（可能的第二个世纪我们的时代） ，和它的亲密结合双方希腊和希伯来语文本，一个良好的版，其原始的形式，据本表可确定，是其中一个行政的东西，以理想为考据学的ecclesiasticus 。 Among the other ancient versions of the Book of Ecclesiasticus which are derived from the Greek, the Ethiopic, Arabic, and Coptic are worthy of special mention.在其他古代版本的书ecclesiasticus这是来自希腊，衣索比亚，阿拉伯语，科普特和是特别值得一提的。
V. AUTHOR AND DATE五，作者和日期
The author of the Book of Ecclesiasticus is not King Solomon, to whom, at St. Augustine bears witness, the work was oftentimes ascribed "on account of some resemblance of style" with that of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Canticle of Canticles, but to whom, as the same holy doctor says, "the more learned" (apparently among the church writers of the time) "know full well that it should not be referred" (On the City of God, Bk. XVII, ch xx).本书的作者的ecclesiasticus不是所罗门王，向谁，在圣奥古斯丁的见证，工作，往往归咎于“考虑到一些相似的风格”与谚语，传道书，和canticle的canticles ，但人，作为相同的圣地，医生说， “更多的教训” （显然是其中教会作家的时间） “非常清楚地知道，它不应该提到的” （对城市的神，交通银行。十七，你XX ）号。 At the present day, the authorship of the book is universally and rightly assigned to a certain "Jesus", concerning whose person and character a great deal has indeed been surmised but very little is actually known.目前，天，作者这本书是普遍和正确地分配给某一个“耶稣” ，关于其人性格了大量实际上已推测，但很少，其实是众所周知的。 In the Greek prologue to the work, the author's proper name is given as Iesous, and this information is corroborated by the subscriptions found in the original Hebrew: 1, 27 (Vulgate, 1, 29); li, 30.在希腊的序幕工作，作者的正确名称是给予iesous ，这方面的资料佐证的订阅，发现在原来的希伯来文： 1 ， 27 （武加大， 1月29日） ;李， 30 。 His familiar surname was Ben Sira, as the Hebrew text and the ancient versions agree to attest.熟悉他的姓是本特希拉，希伯来文的文字和古版本，同意证明。 He is described in the Greek and Latin versions as "a man of Jerusalem" (1, 29), and internal evidence (cf. xxiv, 13 sqq.; 1) tends to confirm the statement, although it is not found in the Hebrew.他所描述的是在希腊和拉丁语版本，作为“一名男子在耶路撒冷” （ 1月29日） ，和内部的证据（参见24条， 13 sqq 。 ; 1 ）往往以确认声明，虽然这是没有发现在希伯来文。 His close acquaintance with "the Law, the Prophets, and the other books delivered from the fathers", that is, with the three classes of writings which make up the Hebrew Bible, is distinctly borne witness to by the prologue to the work; and the 367 idioms or phrases, which the study of the Hebrew fragments has shown to be derived from the sacred books of the Jews, are an ample proof that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was thoroughly acquainted with the Biblical text.他的亲密熟人“的规定，先知，和其他的书籍发表了由父亲” ，即是与三类著作，其中弥补希伯来语圣经，是明显的证明，证人由序幕的工作;该367成语或词组，其中研究希伯来文的片段，已证明是来自神圣的书籍的犹太人，是一个充分证明，耶稣，儿子西拉奇，被彻底熟悉圣经的文字。 He was a philisophical observer of life, as can be easily inferred from the nature of his thought, and he himself speaks of the wider knowledge which he acquired by traveling much, and of which he, of course, availed himself in writing his work (xxxiv, 12).他是一位哲学观察员的生活，可以很容易地推断出的性质，他的思想，和他本人谈更广泛的知识，他所获得的旅行很多，其中有他，当然，利用自己在写作他的工作（第三十四， 12 ） 。 The particular period in the author's life to which the composition of the book should be referred cannot be defined, whatever conjectures may have been put forth in that regard by some recent scholars.特别时期，在作者的生活而组成的这本书应交由不能被定义，无论猜测可能已提出了在这方面最近的一些学者。 The data to which others have appealed (xxxi, 22, sqq.; xxxviii, 1-15; etc.) to prove that he was a physician are insufficent evidence; while the similarity of the names (Jason-Jesus) is no excuse for those who have identified Jesus, the son of Sirach, a man of manifestly pious and honourable character with the ungodly and hellenizing high priest Jason (175-172 BC -- concerning Jason's wicked deeds, see 2 Maccabees 4:7-26).数据，以其他人都呼吁（三十一， 22 ， sqq 。 ;三十八， 1月15日;等） ，以证明他是一位医师是证据不足，而相似的名称（杰森-耶稣）是没有任何借口这些谁已确定耶稣，儿子西拉奇，一名男子显然和这位虔诚的性格与ungodly和hellenizing大祭司杰森（公元前175-172 -关于杰森的邪恶事迹，见二玛加比4 :7-26） 。
The time at which Jesus, the author of Ecclesiasticus, lived has been the matter of much discussion in the past.时间，在这耶稣，作者ecclesiasticus ，生活一直此事多番讨论，在过去的。 But at the present day, it admits of being given with tolerable precision.但在目前天，它也承认，正在考虑与容忍的精度。 Two data are particularly helpful for this purpose.两个数据是特别有用，作此用途。 The first is supplied by the Greek prologue, where he came into Egypt en to ogdoo kai triakosto etei epi tou Euergetou Basileos, not long after which he rendered into Greek his grandfather's work.首先是由希腊的序幕，他在那里生效埃及en以ogdoo启triakosto etei表头euergetou basileos ，没多久后，他所提供的成希腊他的祖父的工作。 The "thirty-eighth year" here spoken of by the translator does not mean that of his own age, for such a specification would be manifestly irrelevant. “第三十八年”在这里发言，由翻译并不意味着他自己的年龄，这样的规格将明显无关宏旨。 It naturally denotes the date of his arrival in Egypt with a reference to the years of rule of the then monarch, the Egyptian Ptolemy Euergetes; and in point of fact, the Greek grammatical construction of the passage in the prologue is that usually employed into the Septuagint version to give the year of rule of a prince (cf. Haggai 1:1, 10; Zechariah 1:1, 7; 7:1; 1 Maccabees 12:42; 14:27; etc.).这自然是指的日期，他在抵达埃及与参考，以多年的统治，当时的君主，埃及托勒密euergetes ;和在点事实上，希腊语法建设，通过在序幕的是，通常会雇用到septuagint版本，让今年的法治王子（参见哈1时01分，第10条;撒迦利亚书1时01分， 7条; 7:1 ;一玛加比12时42分; 14时27分;等） 。 There were indeed two Ptolemys of the surname Euergetes (Benefactor): Ptolemy III and Ptolemy VII (Physcon).确有两个ptolemys的姓euergetes （恩人） ：托勒密三和托勒密第七章（ physcon ） 。 But to decide which is the one actually meant by the author of the prologue is an easy matter.但来决定，这是一个实际上的意思，作者的序幕是一件容易的事。 As the first, Ptolemy III, reigned only twenty-five years (247-222 BC) it must be the second, Ptolemy VII, who in intended.作为第一，托勒密三，在位只有二十五年（公元前247-222 ） ，它必须是第二，托勒密第七，谁在打算。 This latter prince shared the throne along with his brother (from 170 BC onwards), and afterwards ruled alone (from 145 BC onwards).这后者王子共享的宝座，随着他的兄弟（从公元前170起） ，及以后的裁定，仅（从公元前145起） 。 But he was wont to reckon the years of his reign from the earlier date.但他wont算多年的他的统治，从较早的日期。 Hence "the thirty-eighth year of Ptolemy Euergetes", in which the grandson of Jesus, the son of Sirach, came to Egypt, is the year 132 BC This being the case, the translator's grandfather, the author of Ecclesiasticus, may be regarded as having lived and written his work between forty and sixty years before (between 190 and 170 BC), for there can be no doubt that in referring to Jesus by means of the term pappos and of the definite phrase ho pappos mou Iesous, the writer of the prologue designated his grandfather, and not a more remote ancestor.因此， “第三十八年的托勒密euergetes ” ，其中的孙子耶稣，儿子西拉奇，来到埃及，是公元前132年在此情况下，译者的祖父，作者ecclesiasticus ，可能被视为作为居住和书面他的工作之间的40和60年前（之间的190和170 BC ）的，有可毫无疑问，在谈到耶稣的手段任期pappos和明确的词组何pappos谅解备忘录iesous ，作家的序幕指定他的祖父，而不是一个较偏远的祖先。 The second datum that is particularly available for determining the time at which the writer of Ecclesiasticus lived is supplied by the book itself.第二个基准，这一点尤其可用于确定时间在哪个作家ecclesiasticus生活所提供的这本书本身。 It has long been felt that since the son of Sirach celebrated with such a genuine glow of enthusiam the deeds of "the high priest Simon, son of Onias", whom he praises as the last in the long line of Jewish worthies, he must himself have been an eyewitnes of the glory which he depicts (cf. 1, 1-16, 22, 23).它长期以来一直认为，既然儿子西拉奇庆祝与这样一个真正的辉光的enthusiam的事迹“高牧师西蒙的儿子， onias ” ，他赞扬作为最后在漫长的路线，犹太worthies ，他必须自己已一eyewitnes的荣耀，他描绘（见一， 1月16日， 22日， 23日） 。 This was, of course, but an inference and so long as it was based only on a more or less subjective appreciation of the passage, one can easily undertand why many scholars questioned, or even rejected, its correctness.这是的，当然，但一推理等，只要它是基于只有在更多或更少的主观赞赏通过，人们可以很容易undertand为什么许多学者提出质疑，或什至拒绝了，它的正确性。 But with the recent discovery of the original Hebrew of the passage, there has come in a new, and distinctly objective, element, whcih places practically beyond doubt the correctness of the inference.但随着最近发现原来希伯来语的通过，有来了一个新的，明显的目标，内容，哪些地方几乎毫无疑问是正确的推论。 In the Hebrew text, immediatley after his eulogism of the high priest Simon, the writer subjoins the following fervent prayer:在希伯来文的文字，之后立即eulogism的高神父，叶锡安，作家subjoins以下热切地祈祷：
May His (ie Yahweh's) mercy be continually with Simon, and may He establish with him the covenant of Phineas, that will endure with him and with his seed, as the says of heaven (I, 24).可能他（即雅巍的）怜悯不断与西蒙，并有可能他与他建立盟约菲尼亚斯，那将承受与他和他的种子，由于说的天堂， （我24 ） 。
Obviously, Simon was yet alive when this prayer was thus formulated; and its actual wording in the Hebrew implies this so manifestly, that when the author's grandson rendered it into Greek, at a date when Simon had been dead for some time, he felt it necessary to modify the text before him, and hence rendered it in the following general manner:显然，西蒙还未活着时，这类型的祷告，因此制定的，而且它的实际措辞在希伯来文暗示，这使显然，当作者的孙子使它成为希腊，在一个日期时，西蒙已死亡一段时间后，他认为必要的修改文本在他面前，因此，使它在以下一般的方式：
May His mercy be continually with us, and may He redeem us in His days.可他的怜悯，不断与我们，而且可能他赎回，我们在他的天。 Besides thus allowing us to realize the fact that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was a contemporary of the high priest Simon, chap.此外从而使我们认识到的事实，耶稣，儿子西拉奇，是一种当代的高级牧师西蒙，第一章。 1 of Ecclesiasticus affords us certain details which enable us to decide which of the two Simons, both high priests and sons of Onias and known in Jewish history, is the one described by the writer of the book. 1 ecclesiasticus让我们的某些细节，这使我们能够决定哪两个西蒙斯，无论是高牧师和儿子onias和已知在犹太人的历史，是一所描述的作家的书。 On the one hand, the only known title of Simon I (who held the pontificate under Ptolemy Soter, about 300 BC) which would furnish a reason for the great ecomium passed upon Simon in Ecclus., l is the surname "the Just" (cf. Josephus, Antiq. of the Jews, Bk.XII, chap. ii, 5), whence it is inferred that he was a renowned high priest worthy of being celebrated among the Jewish heroes praised by the son of Dirach.在一方面，唯一已知的标题西蒙（谁举行教宗根据托勒密苏特，约公元前300年） ，这将提供一个理由的伟大ecomium通过后，西蒙在ecclus ， L是姓“正义” （比照约瑟夫， antiq 。的犹太人， bk.xii ，第二章， 5 ） ， whence ，这是推断，他是一位著名的高神父，值得正在庆祝之间的犹太英雄，称赞儿子dirach 。 On the other hand, such details given in Simon's panegyric, as the facts that he repaired and strengthened the Temple, fortified the city against siege, and protected the city against robbers (cf. Ecclus., 1 1-4), are in close agreement with what is known of the times of Simon II (about 200 BC).在另一方面，这些细节给出了西蒙的panegyric ，因为事实证明，他修理和加强了庙，强化对城市的包围，和保护城市对劫匪（参见ecclus ， 1月1日至4日） ，是在关闭协议，什么是已知的时代西蒙二世（约公元前200 ） 。 While in the days of Simon I, and immediately after, the people were undisturbed by foreign aggression, in those of Simon II the Jews were sorely harrassed by hostile armies, and their territory was invaded by Antiochus, as we are informed by Josephus (Antiq. of the Jews, Bk. XII, chap. iii, 3).而在该天的西蒙，我和后，立即进行，人被干扰的外国侵略，在这些西蒙二犹太人严峻的骚扰敌对军队，并在其领土被侵占安提奥，正如我们被告知，由约瑟夫（ antiq 。的犹太人，交通银行。十二，第三章， 3 ） 。 It was also in the later time of Simon II that Ptolemy Philopator was prevented only by the high priest's prayer to God, from desecrating the Most Holy Place; he then started a fearful persecution of the Jews at home and abroad (cf. III Mach., ii, iii).这也是在后来的时间，西蒙的第二托勒密philopator被阻止，只有由高级牧师的祈祷上帝，从侮辱最神圣的地方;然后，他开始了一项可怕的迫害犹太人，在国内和国外（参见三马赫。第一，二，三） 。 It appears from these facts -- to which others, pointing in the same direction, could easily be added -- that the author of Ecclesiasticus lived about the beginning of the second century BC As a matter of fact, recent Catholic scholars, in increasing number, prefer this position that which identifies the high priest Simon, spoken of in Ecclus., l, with Simon I, and which, in consequence, refers the composition of the book to about a century earlier (about 280 BC)看来，从这些事实-为了别人，并指出在同一方向，可轻易补充说： -作者ec clesiasticus住约开始西元前二世纪作为一个问题，事实上，最近的天主教学者，在越来越多，喜欢这个立场，即确定了高牧师西蒙，谈到在ecclus ，升，与西蒙，我和其中，在后果，是指组成的这本书约一世纪以前（约公元前280 ）
VI.六。 METHOD OF COMPOSITION方法的组成
At the present day, there are two principal views concerning the manner in which the writer of Ecclesiasticus composed his work, and it is difficult to say which is the more probable.目前，天，有两个主要的意见，关于以何种方式在作家ecclesiasticus组成他的工作，这是很难说，这是更可能的。 The first, held by many scholars, maintains that an impartial study of the topics treated and of their actual arrangement leads to the conclusion that the whole book is the work of a single mind.第一，举行了由许多学者坚持认为，一个公正的研究议题，治疗和其实际的安排，导致得出的结论是整本书是工作的一个单一的主意。 Its advocates claim that, throughout the book, one and the same general purpose can be easily made out, to wit: the purpose of teaching the practical value of Hebrew wisdom, and that one and the same method in handling the materials can be readily noticed, the writer always showing wide acquaintance with men and things, and never citing any exterior authority for what he says.其倡导者声称，在整个这本书，同一个一般的目的，可以很容易地取得了出来，即：目的，教学的实用价值希伯来语的智慧，并且是同一个方法，在处理材料可以很容易发现，作者始终显示广泛结识了与男子的东西，从来没有引述任何外部的权力是什么，他说。 They affirm that a careful examination of the contents disclosed a distinct unity of mental attitude on the author's part towards the same leading topics, towards God, life, the Law, wisdom, etc. They do not deny the existence of differences of tone in the book, but think that they are found in various paragraphs relating to minor topics; that the diversities thus noticed do not go beyond the range of one man's experience; that the author very likely wrote at different intervals and under a variety of circumstances, so that it is not to be wondered at if pieces thus composed bear the manifest impress of a somewhat different frame of mind.他们申明，仔细审查的内容透露，一个独特的团结精神的态度，对作者的一部分，实现同样的领导话题，对上帝，生活，法律，智慧，等他们不否认存在分歧的语气，在书，但认为他们发现，在各个段落的有关未成年人的主题;多样性，从而注意到，不超越范围，一个人的经验，就是作者，很可能写在不同的时间间隔和各种情况下，使这是不容质疑，如果在件组成，因此承担的表现留下深刻的印象有些不同的心态。 Some of them actually go so far as to admit that the writer of Ecclesiasticus may at times have collected thoughts and maxims that were already in current and popular use, may even have drawn material from collections of wise sayings no longer extant or from unpublished discourses of sages; but they, each and all, are positive that the author of the book "was not a mere collector or compiler; his characteristic personality stands out too distinctly and prominently for that, and notwithstanding the diversified character of the apophthegms, they are all the outcome of one connected view of life and of the world" (Schürer).他们中的一些实际而言，承认作者ecclesiasticus可在时代已经收集到的思想和格言说，已经在当前和普遍使用，甚至可能得出的材料，从收藏的明智的说法不再是现存的或由未发表的论述圣人，但他们，每个和所有，是积极的表示，本书的作者“不是一个单纯收藏家或编译器;他特有的人格的立场过于鲜明和突出为，尽管多元化性质的apophthegms ，他们都是结果一连接的人生观和世界“ （ schürer ） 。 The second view maintains that the Book of Ecclesiasticus was composed by a process of compilation.第二种看法认为，这本书的ecclesiasticus组成，由一个过程的汇编。 According to the defenders of this position, the compilatory character of the book does not necessarily conflict with a real unity of general purpose pervading and connecting the elements of the work; such a purpose proves, indeed, that one mind has bound those elements together for a common end, but it really leaves untouched the question at issue, viz.根据捍卫这一立场，编纂性质，这本书不一定冲突，一个真正的团结，一般用途的渗透和连接分子的工作;这样一个目的，证明了，事实上，这种万众一心的约束这些要素共同为一个共同的目的，但它真正触及叶片的问题，在问题，即。 whether that one mind must be considered as the original author of the contents of the book, or, rather, as the combiner of pre-existing materials.是否万众一心，必须被视为原始作者的内容，这本书，或相反，作为合并前的现有材料。 Granting, then, the existence of one and the same general purpose in the work of the son of Sirach, and admitting likewise the fact that certain portions of Ecclesiasticus belong to him as the original author, they think that, on the whole, the book is a compilation.给予，那么，存在同一个一般的目的，在工作的儿子西拉奇，和同样承认这一事实的某些部分ecclesiasticus属于他的作为原始作者，他们认为，就整体而言，这本书是一个汇编。 Briefly stated, the following are their grounds for their position.简要说明，以下是他们的理由，他们的立场。 In the first place, from the very nature of his work, the author was like "a gleaner after the grape-gatherers"; and in thus speaking of himself (xxxiii, 16) he gives us to understand that he was a collector or compiler.摆在首位，从本质上他的工作，作者是想“一gleaner后，葡萄采集” ;因此，在谈到自己（三十三， 16 ） ，他让我们明白，他是一位收藏家或编译器。 In the second place, the structure of the work still betrays a compilatory process.在第二位，结构的工作仍然暴露了编纂进程。 The concluding chapter (li) is a real appendix to the book, and was added to it after the completion of the work, as is proved by the colophon in 1, 29 sqq.最后一章（李）是一个真正的附录，这本书，并补充说：给它完成后的工作，证明了由colophon在1月29日， sqq 。 The opening chapter reads like a general introduction to the book, and indeed as one different in tone from the chapters by which its immediately followed, while it resembes some distinct sections which are embodied in furthur chapters of the work.开幕章读起来就像概论这本书，而事实上，作为一个不同的语气，从章节，其紧接着，而它resembes一些独特的条文，都体现在furthur章节的工作。 In the body of the book, ch.在人体内的这本书，您的。 xxxvi, 1-19, is a prayer for the Jews of the Dispersion, altogether unconnected with the sayings in verses 20 sqq.三十六， 1月19日，是一个祈祷的犹太人的分散，共有无关，与诗的说法在20 sqq 。 of the same chapter; ch.对同一章中;的CH 。 xliii, 15-1, 26, is a discourse clearly separate from the prudential maxims by which it is immediatley preceded; chs.四十三， 15-1 ， 26 ，是一个话语明确分开，从审慎监管的格言，由它立即之前;社区会堂。 xvi, 24; xxiv, 1; xxxix, 16, are new starting-points, which, no less than the numerous passages marked by the address my son (ii, 1; iii, 19; iv, 1, 23; vi, 18, 24, 33; etc.).十六， 24日;二十四， 1 ;三十九， 16 ，是新的起点，其中，不得少于众多的通道标志的地址我的儿子（二，一;三， 19日;四，一， 23岁;六， 18 ， 24 ， 33等） 。 and the peculiar addition in 1, 27, 28, tell against the literary unity of the work.和特有的，除了在一， 27 ， 28 ，告诉对文学的团结工作。 Other marks of a compilatory process have also been appealed to.其他马克一个编纂过程中也一直呼吁。 They consist in the significant repetition of several sayings in different places of the book (cf. xx, 32, 33, which is repeated in xli, 17b, 18; etc.); in apparent discrepancies of thought and doctrine (cf. the differences of tone in chs. xvi; xxv; xxix, 21-41; xl, 1-11; etc); in certain topical headings at the beginning of special sections (cf. xxxi, 12; 41:16; 44:1 in the Hebrew); and in an additonal psalm or canticle found in the newly discovered Hebrew text, between li, 12, and li, 13; all of which are best accounted for by the use of several smaller collections containing each the same saying, or differing considerably in their genral tenor, or supplies with their respective titles.他们构成在显着的重复数的说法在不同的地方的这本书（参见第XX ， 32 ， 33 ，这是反复在四十一， 17B条， 18条;等） ;在明显差异的思想和学说（参看分歧语调在社区会堂。十六;二十五;二十九， 21-41 ; xl ， 1月11日;等） ;在某些专题的标题，在年初特别章节（参见三十一， 12岁; 41:16 ; 44:1 ，在希伯来文） ;而在一额外诗篇或canticle发现，在新发现的希伯来文，李之间， 12 ，和李， 13人;所有这一切都是最好的，占所使用的几个较小的集合，每个含有相同的话说，或不同相当在其genral的男高音，或供应与各自的冠军。 Finally, there seems to be an historical trace of the compilatory character of Ecclesiasticus in a second, but unauthentic, prologue to the book, which is found in the "Synopsis Sacrae Scripturae".最后，还有似乎是一种历史的痕迹编纂性质ecclesiasticus在第二，但unauthentic ，序幕这本书，这是发现在“故事大纲sacrae scripturae ” 。 In this document, which is printed in the works of St. Athanasius and also at the beginning of Ecclesiasticus in the Complutensian Polyglot, the actual redaction of the book is ascribed to the Greek translator as a regular process of compilation detached hymns, sayings, prayers, etc., which had been left him by his grandfather, Jesus, the son of Sirach.在这份文件，这是印在工程圣亚他那修和也于年初ecclesiasticus ，在complutensian polyglot ，实际的节录本书是归因于希腊的翻译作为一个经常性的过程中汇编超脱的赞美诗，熟语，祈祷等，已离开他由他的祖父，耶稣，儿子西拉奇。
VII.七。 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL TEACHING教义和伦理教学
Before setting forth in a summary way the principal teachings, doctrinal and ethical, contained in the Book of Ecclesiasticus, it will not be amiss to premise two remarks which, however elementary, should be distinctly borne in mind by anyone who wished to view the doctrines of the son of Sirach in their proper light.前设置提出了在一个简要的方式主要教义，理论和道德，载于书ecclesiasticus ，它不会被不当的前提下，以二的言论，但小学，应该是明显的紧记，任何人谁希望以查看学说对儿子西拉奇在其适当的轻。 First, it would be obviously unfair to require that the contents of this Sapiential book should come full up to the high moral standards of Christian ethics, or should equal in clearness and precision the dogmatic teachings embodied in the sacred writings of the New Testament or in the living tradition of the Church; all that can be reasonabley expected of a book composed some time before the Christian Dispensation, is that it shall set forth subsantially good, not perfect, doctrinal and ethical teaching.首先，它会显然是不公正的，要求的内容，这本书sapiential应充分向高的道德标准，基督教伦理，还是应该在平等的清晰和准确的教条式的教诲，体现在神圣的著作，新约圣经或在生活的传统，教会;所有可reasonabley预期一本书组成，前一段时间，基督教豁免，是因为它应当载明subsantially好，并非十全十美，教义和伦理教学。 In the second place, both good logic and sound common sense demand that the silence of Ecclesiasticus concerning certain points of doctrine be not regarded as a positive denial of them, unless it can be clearly and conclusively shown that such a silence must be so construed.在第二位，无论是良好的逻辑和健全的共同意识，要求保持沉默， ecclesiasticus有关的若干要点学说不视为一个积极拒绝他们，除非它可以清楚地和决定性地表明，这种沉默必须使诠释。 The work is mostly made up of unconnected sayings which bear on all kinds of topics, and on that account, hardly ever, if ever at all, will a sober critic be able to pronounce on the actual motive which prompted the author of the book either to mention or to omit a particular point of doctrine.工作大多是成立无关的说法，其中承担对各类话题，并在此帐户，几乎没有，如果在所有，将清醒的影评人能够宣判就实际的动机，促使本书的作者要么更遑论或省略某一特定点的学说。 Nay more, in presence of a writer manifestly wedded to the national and religious traditions of the Jewish race as the general tone of his book proves the author of Ecclesiasticus to have been, every scholar worthy of the name will readily see that silence on Jesus' part regarding some important doctrine, such for instance as that of the Messias, is no proof whatever that the son of Sirach did not abide by the belief of the Jews concerning that doctrine, and, in reference to the special point just mentioned, did not share the Messianic expectations of his time.在NaY更多，在在场的一位作家明显wedded ，以民族和宗教传统的犹太种族，作为总的调子，证明他的著作的作者ecclesiasticus已，每一个学者名副其实的将随时看到沉默，耶稣部分就一些重要的学说，例如，例如，因为该messias ，是没有证据证明，无论说的儿子西拉奇没有遵守的信念，犹太人关于该学说，并在参考特别点刚才提到的，没有分享弥赛亚的期望，他的时间。 As can readily be seen, the two general remarks just made simply set forth the elementary canons of historical criticism; and they would not have been dwelt on here were it not that they have been very often lost sight of by Protestant scholars, who, biased by their desire to disprove the Catholic doctrine of the inspired character of Ecclesiasticus, have done their utmost to depreciate the doctrinal and ethical teaching of this deuterocanonical book.作为随时可以看到，两个总论刚才所作的简单阐述了初等炮，历史的批评;他们不会已经谈到了这里，如果不是，他们已经非常往往抛诸脑后，由新教的学者，谁偏见他们的愿望，反证了天主教教义的启发的性质ecclesiasticus ，付出了很大的努力贬值的理论和道德的教学，这次经书。
The following are the principal dogmatic doctrines of Jesus, the son of Sirach.以下是主要的教条式的理论耶稣，儿子西拉奇。 According to him, as according to all the other inspired writers of the Old Testament, God is one and there is no God beside Him (xxxvi, 5).据他介绍，因为根据所有其他的灵感作家旧约，上帝是一个不存在的上帝在他身旁（三十六， 5 ） 。 He is a living and eternal God (xviii, 1), and although His greatness and mercy exceed all human comprehension, yet He makes Himself known to man through His wonderful works (xvi, 18, 23 xviii, 4).他是一个生活和永生的上帝（十八， 1 ） ，虽然他的伟大和慈悲超过所有人类理解，但他使自己人类已知的通过他的精彩作品（十六，十八，二十三十八， 4 ） 。 He is the creator of all things (xviii, 1; xxiv, 12), which He produced by His word of command, stamping them all with the marks of greatness and goodness (xlii, 15-xliii ; etc.).他是造物主的一切事物（十八， 1 ;二十四， 12 ） ，这是他所产生的字，他的指挥，冲压他们都与马克的伟大和善良（四十二15 -四十三;等） 。 Man is the choice handiwork of God, who made him for His glory, set him as king over all other creatures (xvii, 1-8), bestowed upon him the power of choosing between good and evil (xv, 14-22), and will hold him accountable for his own personal deeds (xvii, 9-16), for while tolerating, moral evil He reproves it and enables man to avoid it (xv, 11-21).人是选择手工上帝的，是谁对他的荣耀，定他为国王超过所有其他的动物（十七， 1月8日） ，赋予他的权力之间作出选择的善和恶（十五， 14-22 ） ，和将举行他负责他个人的事迹（十七， 9月16日） ，而容忍，道德的邪恶，他谴责它，使男子，以避免它（十五， 11月21日） 。 In dealing with man, God is no less merciful than righteous: "He is mighty to forgive" (xvi, 12), and: "How great is the mercy of the Lord, and His forgiveness to them that turn to Him" (xvii, 28); yet no one should presume on the Divine mercy and hence delay his conversion, "for His wrath shall come on a sudden, and in the time of vengeance He will destroy thee" (v, 6-9).在处理与人，上帝是仁慈的不低于比正义： “他是威武原谅” （十六12 ） ，并说： “如何伟大，是慈悲的上帝，和他的宽恕，他们把他” （十七， 28 ） ;但任何人都不应推定对神的怜悯，因此延误他的转换， “他的愤怒自上突然，而且在时间的报复，他将摧毁你” （五，六月九日） 。 From among the children of men, God selected for Himself a special nation, Israel, in the midst of which He wills that wisdom should reside (xxiv, 13-16), and in behalf of which the son of Sirach offers up a fervent prayer, replete with touching remembrances of God's mercies to the patriarchs and prophets of old, and with ardent wishes for the reunion and exaltation of the chosen people (xxxvi, 1-19).从孩子的男人，上帝为自己选定一个特别的国家，以色列，在中，他的遗嘱智慧应该居住（ 24 ， 13-16 ） ，并在代表，其中的儿子西拉奇提供了一个热切的祈祷，充斥着感人的永远的上帝的怜悯，向patriarchs和先知岁，与殷切的希望，为团聚和提升所选择的人（三十六， 1月19日） 。 It is quite clear that the Jewish patriot who put forth this petition to God for future national quiet and prosperity, and who furthermore confidently expected that Elias's return would contribute to the glorious restoration of all Israel (cf. xlviii, 10), looked forward to the introduction of Messianic times.但很明显，犹太人爱国者谁提出这项请愿书给上帝，为未来的国家宁静和繁荣，以及谁此外，满怀信心，预计埃利亚斯的回报将有助于光荣恢复所有以色列（参见四十八， 10 ） ，期待着引进弥赛亚的时代。 It remains true, however, that in whatever way his silence be accounted for, he does not speak anywhere of a special interposition of God in behalf of the Jewish people, or of the future coming of a personal Messias.它仍然不错，但是，不论以何种方式，他的沉默被占，他不说话的任何地方一个特别的干预上帝在代表犹太人民，或对未来的到来，个人messias 。 He manifestly alludes to the narrative of the Fall, when he says: "From the woman came the beginning of sin, and by her we all die" (xxv, 33), and apparently connects with this original deviation from righteousness the miseries and passions that weigh so heavily on the children of Adam (xl, 1-11).他显然提到了叙事的秋天，当他说： “从该名女子来开始单仲偕，和她的，我们都死了” （ 25 ， 33 ） ，显然与此相连的原偏离正义的苦难和激情重量如此严重的儿童亚当（四十， 1月11日） 。 He says very little concerning the next life.他说，很少关于未来的生活。 Earthly rewards occupy the most prominent, or perhaps even the sole, place, in the author's mind, as a sanction for present good or evil deeds (xiv, 22-xv, 6; xvi, 1-14); but this will not appear strange to anyone who is acquainted with the limitations of Jewish eschatology in the more ancient parts of the Old Testament.尘世奖励占据最突出的，或者也许甚至是唯一地点，在作者的心目中，作为一种制裁，目前的好或坏事（十四， 22 -十五，六;十六， 1月14日） ;不过，这将不会出现奇怪的人谁是认识的局限性，犹太末世，在更古老的部分旧约。 He depicts death in the light of a reward or of a punishment, only in so far as it is either a quiet demise for the just or a final deliverance from earthly ills (xli, 3, 4), or, on the contrary, a terrible end that overtakes the sinner when he least expects it (ix, 16, 17).他描绘的死亡，根据奖励或惩罚，只有在至今，因为它是一个安静的消亡为正义或最后的解脱，从尘世的弊病（四十一， 3 ， 4 ） ，或者是，与此相反， 1可怕的结局超越了罪人时，他至少希望它（九，十六，十七） 。 As regards the underworld or Sheol, it appears to the writer nothing but a mournful place where the dead do not praise God (xvii, 26, 27)至于黑社会或sheol ，这似乎作家只不过是一个哀痛的地方，死亡不赞美上帝（十七， 26 ， 27 ）
The central, dogmatic, and moral idea of the book is that of wisdom.中环，教条化，道德的构思这本书是智慧的。 Ben Sira describes it under several important aspects.本特希拉形容下的几个重要方面。 When he speaks of it in relation to God, he almost invariable invests it with personal attributes.当他谈到了它在有关上帝，他几乎不变的投资，这与个人特质。 It is eternal (i, 1), unsearchaable (i, 6, 7), universal (xxiv, 6 sqq.).它是永恒的（一， 1 ） ， unsearchaable （一，六，七） ，通用（ 24 ， 6 sqq ） 。 It is the formative, creative power of the world (xxiv, 3 sqq.), yet is itself created (i, 9; also in Greek: xxiv, 9), and is nowhere treated as a distinct, subsisting Divine Person, in the Hebrew text.它是形成，创新能力的世界（ 24 ， 3 sqq ） ，但本身就是创造的（一，九;亦在希腊语：二十四，九） ，并没有被视为一个独特的，生存的神人，在希伯来语文本。 In relation to man, wisdom is depicted as a quality which comes form the Almighty and works most excellent effects in those who love Him (i, 10-13).在有关的男子，智慧描绘的是作为一个品质来形成全能和工程最优秀的效果，在那些谁爱他（我， 10月13日） 。 It is identified with the "fear of God" (i, 16), which should of course prevail in a special manner in Israel, and promote among the Hebrews the perfect fulfilment of the Mosaic Law, which the author of Ecclesasticus regards as the living embodiment of God d wisdom (xxiv, 11-20, 32, 33).这是确定与“恐惧上帝” （我16 ） ，其中当然应占上风，在一个特别的方式在以色列，并促进之间的希伯来人的完美实现镶嵌法，作者ecclesasticus视为生活体现了上帝的智慧d （ 24 ， 11月20日， 32 ， 33 ） 。 It is a priceless treasure, to the acquistion of which one must devote all his efforts, and the imparting of which to others one should never grudge (vi, 18-20; xx, 32, 33).这是一个无价的宝藏，以采集，其中就必须致力于他的所有努力，并传授给他人，其中1千万不要grudge （六， 18日至20日; XX条， 32 ， 33 ） 。 It is a disposition of the heart which prompts man to practise the virtues of faith, hope, and love of God (ii, 8-10), of trust and submission, etc. (ii, 18-23; x, 23-27; etc.); which also secures for him happiness and glory in this life (xxxiv, 14-20; xxxiii, 37, 38; etc.).这是一个处置的心脏，提示人执业的美德，信仰，希望，上帝的爱（二， 8月10日） ，信托和提交等（第二组， 18-23 ; X的23日至27日;等） ;这也保证了他的幸福和荣耀在这生活（第三十四， 14日至20日;三十三， 37 ， 38等） 。 It is a frame of mind which prevents the discharge of the ritual law, especially the offering of sacrifices, from becoming a heartless compliance with mere outward observances, and it causes man to place inward righeousness far above the offering of rich gifts to God (xxxv).这是一个框架的心态，防止放电的礼法，尤其是提供牺牲，成为无情的遵守仅仅是向外纪念活动，它的成因男子把外来righeousness远高于提供丰富的礼品给上帝（三十五） 。 As can readily be seen, the author of Ecclesiasticus inculcated in all this a teaching far superior to that of the Pharisees of a somewhat later date, and in no way inferior to that of the prophets and of the commendable, too, are the numerous pithy sayings which the son of Sirach gives for the avoidance of sin, wherein the negative part of practical wisdom may be said to consist.作为随时可以看出，作者ecclesiasticus灌输在这一切的教学远优于指出，法利一个有点稍后日期，并在没有出路劣，即先知和值得称赞的，也有众多的口诀熟语，其中的儿子西拉奇让为免单，其中负面的一部分，实际的智慧，可以说是构成。 His maxims against pride (iii, 30; vi, 2-4; x, 14-30; etc.), covetousness (iv, 36; v, 1; xi, 18-21), envy, (xxx, 22-27; xxxvi, 22), impurity(ix, 1-13; xix, 1-3; etc.).anger (xviii, 1-14; x, 6), intemperance (xxxvii, 30-34).他的格言反对骄傲（三， 30日;六， 2月4日; X的14-30 ;等） ， covetousness （四， 36 ;五，一;席， 18日至21日） ，令人羡慕的， （第XXX号22-27 ;三十六， 22岁） ，杂质（九， 1月13日;十九， 1月3日;等） 。愤怒（十八， 1月14日; X的6人） ， intemperance （三十七， 30-34 ） 。 sloth (vii, 16; xxii, 1, 2), the sins of the tongue(iv, 30; vli, 13, 14; xi, 2, 3; i, 36-40; v, 16, 17; xxviii, 15-27; etc.), evil company, (xi, 31-36; xxii, 14-18; etc.), display a close observation of human nature, stigmatize vice in a forcible manner, and at times point out the remedy against the spiritual distemper.懒惰（第七章， 16条;二十二， 1 ， 2 ） ，捷联惯导系统的舌头（四， 30日; vli ， 13日， 14日;席， 2 ， 3 ，我， 36-40段;五，十六，十七;二十八， 15 -27 ;等） ，邪恶的公司， （十一， 31-36 ;二十二， 14日至18日;等） ，显示密切观察人性，诬蔑副主席在一个强迫的方式，有时甚至指出，对症下药，对精神distemper 。 Indeed, it is probably no less because of the success which Ben Sira attained to in branding vice than because of that which he obtained in directly inculcating virtue, that his work was so willingly used in the early days of Christianity for public reading at church, and bears, down to the present day, the pre-eminent title of "Ecclesiasticus".事实上，这是大概没有少，因为成功的，这本特希拉达到在副品牌比，因为那他得到的直接灌输美德，他的工作是如此心甘情愿地用在早期基督教的供市民阅读的教会，和熊，下降到目前的一天，前著名“称号ecclesiasticus ” 。
Together with these maxims, which nearly all bear on what may be called individual morality, the Book of Ecclesiasticus contains valuable lessons relative to the various classes which make up human society.连同这些格言，几乎所有承担对什么可称为个人的道德，这本书的ecclesiasticus包含了宝贵的经验教训，相对的各种班级弥补人类社会。 The natural basis of society is the family, and the son of Sirach supplies a number of pieces of advice especially appropriate to the domestic circles as it was then constituted.自然社会的基础是家庭，和儿子西拉奇用品若干件的意见，特别是适当向国内各界人士，因为它当时的构成。 He would have the man who wishes to become the head of a family determined in the choice of a wife by her moral worth (xxxvi, 23-26; xl, 19-23).他将有该名男子谁的意愿，成为头一个家庭的决心，在选择妻子，她的道德价值（三十六， 23日至26日; xl ， 19日至23日） 。 He repeatedly describes the precious advantages resulting from the possession of a good wife, and contrasts with them the misery entailed by the choice of an unworthy one (xxvi, 1-24; xxv, 17-36).他反复介绍了宝贵的优势，导致从藏有一个好妻子，并对比与他们的苦难所带来的选择一个不值得一（二十六， 1月24日;二十五， 17-36 ） 。 The man, as the head of the family, he represents indeed as vested with more power than would be granted to him among us, but he does not neglect to point out his numerous responsibilities towards those under him: to his children, especially his daughter, whose welfare he might more particularly be tempted to neglect (vii, 25 sqq.), and his slaves, concerning whom he writes: "Let a wise servant be dear to thee as they own soul" (vii, 23; xxxiii, 31), not meaning thereby, however, to encourage the servant's idleness or other vices (xxxiii, 25-30).该名男子，作为一家之主，他所代表的事实上，正如拥有更多的权力比将授予他在我们中间，但他并不忽视指出，他的许多责任，对那些下，他说：他的孩子，特别是他的女儿，他们的福利，他可能更多，特别是受到诱惑，忽视（第七章， 25 sqq ） ，和他的奴隶，关于他写道： “让一个明智的公务员亲爱的，以你的，因为他们自己的灵魂” （第七章， 23条;三十三， 31 ） ，而不是意义，从而，不过，以鼓励公务员的闲置或其他罪恶（三十三， 25-30 ） 。 The duties of children towards their parents are often and beautifully insisted upon (vii, 29, 30, etc.).的职责，对儿童及其家长往往和精美的坚持（七， 29 ， 30 ，等等） 。 The son of Sirach devoted a variety of sayings to the choice and the worth of a real friend (vi, 6-17; ix, 14, 15; xii, 8, 9), to the care with which such a one should be preserved (xxii, 25-32), and also to the worthlessness and dangers of the unfaithful friend (xxvii, 1-6, 17-24; xxxiii, 6).儿子西拉奇倾注了各种各样的说法，以选择和价值，一个真正的朋友（六， 6月17日;第九，十四，十五;第十二， 8 ， 9 ） ，以照顾与这种一应予以保留（ 22 ， 25-32 ） ，也向毫无价值和危险的不忠诚的朋友（二十七， 1月6日， 17日至24日;三十三， 6 ） 。 The author has no brief against those in power but on the contrary considers it an expression of God's will that some should be in exalted, and others in humble, stations in life (xxxiii, 7-15).作者并没有简单对那些在权力，相反却认为这表达了上帝的意愿，有些应该在崇高的，和其他人谦卑，监测站在生活中（三十三， 7月15日） 。 He conceives of the various classes of society, of the poor and the rich, the learned and the ignorant, as able to become endowed with wisdom (xxxvii, 21-29).他构思的各阶层社会，穷人和富人，教训和无知，才能成为赋予的智慧（三十七， 21-29 ） 。 He would have a prince bear in mind that he is in God's hand, and owes equal justice to all, rich and poor (v, 18; x, 1-13).他将有一个王子紧记，他是在上帝的手，和欠平等公正的所有国，富国和穷国（五， 18岁; X的1月13日） 。 He bids the rich give alms, and visit the poor and the afflicted (iv, 1-11; vii, 38, 39; xii, 1-7; etc.), for almsgiving is a means to obtain forgiveness of sin (iii, 33, 34; vii, 10, 36) whereas hardheartedness is in every way hurtful 9xxxiv, 25-29).他的出价丰富的施舍，并参观穷人和受灾（四， 1月11日;第七， 38 ， 39 ;第十二， 1月7日;等） ，救济是一种手段，以取得宽恕的单仲偕（三， 33 ， 34 ;第七， 10 ， 36 ） ，而hardheartedness是在以各种方式伤害9xxxiv ， 25日至29日） 。 On the other hand, he directs the lower classes, as we might call them, to show themselves submissive to those in higher condition and to bear patiently with those who cannot be safely and directly resisted (viii, 1-13; ix, 18-21; xiii, 1-8).在另一方面，他所领导的低下阶层，因为我们可能要求他们，以示自己顺从那些在更高的条件，并承担耐心地与那些谁不能安全和直接的抵制（八， 1月13日;第九， 18 - 21个;第十三， 1月8日） 。 Nor is the author of Ecclesiasticus anything like a misanthrope that would set himself up resolutely against the legitmate pleasures and the received customs of social life (xxxi, 12-42; xxxii, 1 sqq.); while he directs severe but just rebukes against the parasite (xxix, 28-35; xi, 29-32).也不是作者ecclesiasticus什么像一个misanthrope将设置自己坚决反对legitmate的乐趣和收到海关的社会生活（三十一， 12-42 ;三十二， 1 sqq ） ;的同时，他指示严重，而只是指责反对寄生虫（第29号， 28-35 ;十一， 29-32 ） 。 Finally, he has favourable sayings about the physician (xxviii, 1-15(, and about the dead (vii, 37; xxxviii, 16-24); and strong words of caution against the dangers which one incurs in the pursuit of business (xxvi, 28; xxvii, 1-4; viii, 15, 16).最后，他已有利的说法有关医师（二十八， 1月15日（ ，关于死亡（第七章， 37条;三十八， 16-24 ） ;和强烈的话告诫危险哪一个招致在追求商业（二十六， 28日;二十七， 1月4日;第八， 15 ， 16 ） 。
Publication information Written by Francis E. Gigot.出版的资料，撰写的弗朗西斯e. gigot 。 Transcribed by Beth Ste-Marie.转录由什么科技教育-玛丽。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V. Published 1909.天主教百科全书，货量五出版的1909年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909. nihil obstat ， 1909年5月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.的Remy lafort ，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰米farley ，大主教of New York所
Bibliography参考书目
Catholic authors are marked with an asterik (*) Commentaries: CALMET* (Venice, 1751): FRITZSCHE, (Leipzig, 1859); BISSELL (New York, 1880); LESETRE* (Paris, 1880); EDERSHEIM (London-1888); ZOCKLER, (Munich, 1891); RYSSEL (Tubingen, 1900-1901); KNABENBAUER* (Paris, 1902).天主教作者为标记的一asterik （ * ）的评论： calmet * （威尼斯， 1751年） ： fritzsche ， （莱比锡， 1859 ） ;比斯尔（纽约， 1880 ） ; lesetre * （巴黎， 1880 ） ; edersheim （伦敦- 1888年） ; zockler ， （慕尼黑， 1891 ） ; ryssel （蒂宾根， 1900年至1901年） ; knabenbauer * （巴黎， 1902年） 。 Introductions to the Old Testament: RAULT* (Paris, 1882); VIGOUROUX* (Paris, 1886); CORNELY* (Paris, 1886); TRONCHON-LESETRE* (Paris, 1890); KONIG (Bonn, 1893); CORNILL, (Freiburg, 1899); GIGOT* (New York, 1906) Monographs on Ancient Versions: PETERS* (Freiburg, 1898); HERKENNE* (Leipzig, 1899).介绍旧约： rault * （巴黎， 1882 ） ; vigouroux * （巴黎， 1886 ） ; cornely * （巴黎， 1886 ） ;特龙琼- lesetre * （巴黎， 1890 ） ;柯尼格（波恩， 1893 ） ; cornill ， （弗赖堡， 1899 ） ; gigot * （纽约， 1906年）的专着对古代版本：彼得斯* （弗赖堡， 1898 ） ; herkenne * （莱比锡， 1899年） 。 Literature on Hebrew Fragments: TOUZARD* (Paris, 1901); KNABENBAUER* (Paris, 1902).文学对希伯来语片段：图扎尔* （巴黎， 1901 ） ; knabenbauer * （巴黎， 1902年） 。
ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题：
Names.名称。
Author.作者。
Date.日期。
Contents.内容。
Importance for the History of Thought.重要的思想史。
Possible Traces of Hellenic Influence.可能的痕迹，希腊的影响。
Popularity Among the Jews.人气之间的犹太人。
Popularity Among Christians.人气之间的基督徒。
Discovery of Hebrew Fragments.发现希伯来语的碎片。
Manuscripts.手稿。
Originality of the Hebrew Fragments.原创性的希伯来文的碎片。
The Final Hymn.最后赞美诗。
Critical Value of the Hebrew Text.临界值的希伯来文的文字。
Importance for the History of the Bible.重要的历史圣经。
The Greek Version.希腊的版本。
The Vetus Latina.该老latina 。
Syriac Version.叙利亚文的版本。
Names.名称。
Among the books of the Greek Bible is one entitled Σοφία Ἰησοῦ ϒἱοῦ Σιράχ (Codices Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus) or simply Σοφία Σειρáχ (Codex Vaticanus).其中书籍，希腊圣经是一题为σοφία ἰησοῦ υἱοῦ σιράχ （ codices sinaiticus和alexandrinus ）或干脆σοφία σειρ á χ （食品法典委员会vaticanus ） 。 The Greek Church Fathers called it also "The All-Virtuous Wisdom" (Πανάρετος Σοφία; Eusebius, "Chronicon," ed. Schoene, ii. 122; Ἡ Πανάρετος; Jerome, Commentary on Dan. ix.) or "The Mentor" (Παιδαγωγός; Clement of Alexandria, "Pædagogus," ii. 10, 99, 101, 109); while the Latin Church Fathers, beginning with Cyprian ("Testimonia," ii. 1; iii. 1, 35, 51, 95, et passim), termed it "Ecclesiasticus."希腊教会的父亲，称它也“所有善良的智慧” （ πανάρετος σοφία ;尤西比乌斯， “ chronicon ， ”教育署。 schoene ，二122 ; ἡ πανάρετος ;杰罗姆，评注丹。九。 ）或“导师” （ παιδαγωγός ;克莱门特在亚历山大， “ pædagogus ， ”二。 10 ， 99 ， 101 ， 109 ） ;而拉丁美洲教会的父亲，开始与塞浦路斯（ “ testimonia ， ”二一;三，一， 35 ， 51 ， 95 ，等各处） ，被称为“ ecclesiasticus ” 。 All these names testify to the high esteem in which the book was held in Christian circles.所有这些名称作证，向崇高的敬意，在这本书举行的基督教界。 The Jews, who never admitted its canonicity, called it during the Talmudic period the "Book of Ben Sira" (Ḥag. 13a; Niddah 16b; Ber. 11b; et passim) or the "Books of Ben Sira" (; Yer. Sanh. 28a; Tosef., Yad. ii. 13; possibly a scribal error; comp. the parallel passage of Eccl. R. xii. 11), and a Hebrew copy in the possession of Jerome was entitled "Parabolæ" (= ).犹太人，谁从来没有承认其canonicity ，称它在talmudic期间， “本书的缺陷” （ ḥag. 13 A条; niddah 16B条;误码率。 11 B款;等各处）或“本书籍的缺陷” （ ; yer 。 sanh 。第28A ; tosef ，亚得二。 13 ;可能scribal误差;可比。平行通过传道书。 r.十二11 ） ，和希伯来语的副本，在藏杰罗姆题为“ parabolæ ” （ = ） 。 However, the fact that the verses of this work cited in the Midrash are preceded by the word "Mashal" or "Matla" does not prove that such was the title of the book, but simply that these verses had come to be accepted as proverbs (contrary to the view of Ryssel in Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," p. 232, where he attributes to Lévi the opinion expressed by Blau in "REJ" xxxv. 22).然而，事实，即诗这项工作的引用，在米德拉士之前单词“内政部”或“ matla ” ，并不证明这是图书的书名，只不过是因为这些诗来被接纳为谚语（相反的看法， ryssel在kautzsch ， “ apokryphen ， ”页232 ，他在那里属性lévi所表达的意见，由布劳在“相互执行判决”三十五22段） 。 Nor is it possible to draw any inference from the fact that Saadia calls the book in Arabic "Kitab al-Adab"; for he certainly did not give this appellation (which he had no reason to translate) as the title, but, contrary to the opinion of Harkavy ("Studien und Mittheilungen," v. 200) and Blau (lc), merely as a description of the contents of the book.也不可能得出任何推论，从事实，即saadia呼吁书在阿拉伯语“ kitab基地- adab ” ;他当然没有给这个称谓（即他没有理由翻译）作为标题，但是，相反，意见harkavy （ “ studien und mittheilungen ， ”诉200 ）和布劳（立法会） ，只是作为一个内容的说明这本书。 The Syriac name is "Ḥekmata de-Bar Sira" = "The Wisdom of Bar Sira."叙利亚语名称是“ ḥekmata德-酒吧特希拉” = “的智慧，酒吧缺陷” 。
Author.作者。
The author, who, alone of all Old Testament and Apocryphal writers, signed his work, is called in the Greek text (l. 27) "Jesus the son of Sirach of Jerusalem."作者谁，单是所有旧约和猜测作家，签署了他的工作，是在所谓的希腊文（属27日） “耶稣的儿子西拉奇的耶路撒冷” 。 The oldest manuscripts (Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Venetus) add to Σειρáχ the name Ἐλεáζαρ or ἘλεΆζαροζ, an error for Ἐλεαζáρου, probably the name of his grandfather.最古老的手稿（ vaticanus ， sinaiticus ， alexandrinus ， venetus ）添加到σειρ á χ名称ἐλε á ζαρ或ἐλεάζαροζ ，一错误ἐλεαζ á ρου ，可能的名称，他的祖父。 The copy owned by Saadia (Harkavy, lcp 150) had: = "Simon, son of Jesus, son of Eleazar ben Sira"; and a similar reading occurs in the Hebrew manuscript B, which will be discussed below.复制所拥有的saadia （ harkavy ， LCP的150 ） ： = “西蒙的儿子，耶稣的儿子，埃莱亚萨本缺陷” ;及类似读发生在希伯来文手稿b ，这将在下文讨论。 By interchanging the positions of the names "Simon" and "Jesus," the same reading is obtained as in the other manuscripts.由转乘的立场名称“西蒙”和“耶稣” ，同时阅读是获得了在其他手稿。 The correctness of the name "Simon" is confirmed by the Syriac version, which has = "Jesus, son of Simon, surnamed Bar Asira."的正确性，命名为“西蒙” ，是证实了由叙利亚文版本，已= “耶稣的儿子，西门，姓酒吧asira ” 。 The discrepancy between the two readings "Bar Asira" and "Bar Sira" is a noteworthy one, "Asira" (= "prisoner") being a popular etymology of "Sira."差异两国之间的读物“酒吧asira ”和“ bar缺陷”是一个值得注意的一， “ asira ” （ = “囚犯” ）作为一个流行的名词“缺陷” 。 The evidence seems to show that the author's name was Jesus, son of Simon, son of Eleazar ben Sira.证据似乎表明作者的名字是耶稣的儿子，西蒙的儿子，埃莱亚萨本缺陷。
Every attempt to identify this writer with some member of the high-priestly family has proved a failure, the only basis for the supposition that Ben Sira was a priest being due to a scribal error; for while the Sinaitic manuscript reads ελεαζαροιερευσοσολυμειτης, this is, beyond all question, a scribal error, and should be emended to ελεαςαροιεροσολυμειτης (see每一个尝试找出笔者与一些成员国的高priestly家庭已证明是失败的，唯一的依据，为假定本特希拉是一个牧师正在由于一scribal误差;为，而西乃半岛的手稿，内容ελεαζαροιερευσοσολυμειτης ，这是，以后的所有问题， scribal错误，并应emended ，以ελεαςαροιεροσολυμειτης （见 ). ） 。 According to the Greek version, though not according to the Syriac, the author traveled extensively (xxxiv. 11) and was frequently in danger of death (ib. verse 12).根据希腊的版本，虽然不是根据该叙利亚，作者走过的广泛（ xxxiv. 11 ） ，并经常在危险的死亡（ ib.韵文12 ） 。 In the hymn of ch.在赞美诗的CH 。 li.李。 he speaks of the perils of all sorts from which God had delivered him, although this is probably only a poetic theme in imitation of the Psalms.他说，该危险的种种从哪个上帝交付他，虽然这可能只是诗的主题，在仿制的诗篇。 The calumnies to which he was exposed in the presence of a certain king, supposed to be one of the Lagi, are mentioned only in the Greek version, being ignored both in the Syriac and in the Hebrew text.该诽谤，因为他暴露在在场的某一个国王，是为了一本在一项，只提到在希腊的版本，被忽视，无论是在叙利亚和在希伯来文的文字。 The only fact known with certainty is that Ben Sira was a scholar, and a scribe thoroughly versed in the Law, and especially in the "Books of Wisdom."唯一人所共知的事实与可以确定的是，本特希拉是一个学者，和刀彻底精通，在法律上，特别是在“书籍的智慧” 。 He was not, however, a rabbi, nor was he a physician, as has been conjectured (see especially xxxviii. 24 et seq., xlix. 1-5, and the introduction by his grandson).他不是，不过，一名犹太拉比，也不是他一个医生，一直猜测（见尤其是三十八24条及以下各条， xlix 。 1月5日，并介绍他的孙子） 。
Date.日期。
The approximate date of the redaction of the book and the period of its author's literary activity are somewhat less doubtful.近似的日期节录的这本书和期限，其作者的文学活动稍微不足的疑问。 The Greek translator states in his preface that he was the grandson of the author, and that he came to Egypt in the thirty-eighth year of the reign of Euergetes, an epithet borne by only two of the Lagi, Ptolemy III.希腊的翻译国家在序言中说，他的孙子的作者，他来到埃及，在第三十八年的统治euergetes ，一epithet所承担的，只有两所在一项，托勒密三。 (247-222 BC) and Ptolemy VII. （公元前247-222 ）和托勒密七。 (sometimes reckonedIX.). （有时reckonedix ） 。 The former monarch can not be intended in this passage; for his reign lasted only twenty-five years.前君主不能打算在这方面通过;他的统治只持续二十五年。 The latter ascended the throne in the year 170, together with his brother Philometor; but he soon became sole ruler of Cyrene, and from 146 to 117 held sway over all Egypt, although he dated his reign from the year in which he received the crown (ie, from 170).后者登上宝座，在今年170 ，连同他的兄弟philometor ;但他很快成为唯一的统治者，昔兰尼，以及由146至117左右举行，所有埃及，虽然他月他的统治，从今年他在其中所收到的官方（即由170 ） 。 The translator must, therefore, have gone to Egypt in 132, and if the average length of two generations be reckoned Ben Sira's date must fall in the first third of the second century.译者因此，必须去埃及，在132个，如果平均长度两代算是本缺陷的日期必须在秋季的第一三分之一的第二个世纪。 The result of this reckoning is confirmed by the fact that the author evidently lived before the persecution of Antiochus in 168, since he does not allude to it.结果推算，这也证实了这一事实，作者显然生活之前，迫害安提奥在168 ，因为他并不暗示它。 Another argument is commonly relied on.另一个论点是常见的，靠的。 In ch.在CH 。 l.研究 Ben Sira eulogizes a high priest named Simon, son of Johanan (Onias in G), this laudation being apparently an expression of the admiration aroused by actual sight of the object of his praise.本特希拉eulogizes高神父命名为西蒙的儿子，约哈难（ onias在克） ，这laudation正在显然是表达了钦佩，所引起的实际看不到的目的，他的赞誉。 There were, however, a number of high priests named Simon b.有，不过，一些高神父命名为西蒙乙 Onias, one of whom exercised his functions from 300 to 287, and another from 226 to 199. onias ，其中一人行使其职能由300至287 ，和另一名来自226至199 。 The Simon b.西蒙乙 Johanan mentioned here can only be the second of the name; and as the passage seems to have been written after the high priest's death (l. 1-3), the date of its composition coincides approximately with the period mentioned above (190-170). The work is in reality a collection of maxims written at various times-a fact which also explains its frequent repetitions and contradictions. Attempts have indeed been made to refute these arguments. According to Josephus, Simon I., the Just (300-287), was the only high priest whom Ben Sira could thus have extolled, and the book would accordingly be a century older; as to the number 38, it might refer to the age of the translator when he arrived in Egypt. Indeed, the word πάππο ς does not necessarily mean "grandfather"; it may mean also "remote ancestor." This, it has been held, would account for the translator's frequent miscomprehension of Ben Sira's words, which would be very strange had he actually been the author's grandson. All these quibbles, however, which it would be idle again to refute, have been definitely abandoned.
Ecclesiasticus closely resembles Proverbs, except that, unlike the latter, it is the work of a single author, not an anthology of maxims drawn from various sources. ecclesiasticus相似谚语，除，不像后者，这是工作的一个单一的作者，而不是一个集格言取自各种来源。 Some, it is true, have denied Ben Sira the authorship of the apothegms, and have regarded him as a mere compiler, basing their arguments on his own words: "And I myself, the last, I set myself to watch, like him that gleaneth grapes after the vintage" (xxxiii. 16).有些人来说，这是事实，否认本特希拉作者的apothegms ，并把他仅仅作为编译器，根据他们的论点对他自己的话说： “和我本人，最后，我设置自己观赏，像他说， gleaneth后，葡萄美酒“ （ xxxiii. 16 ） 。 This, however, is probably a simple expression of modesty.不过，这可能是一个简单的表达谦虚。 The frequent repetitions and even contradictions only prove that Ben Sira, like all moralists, did not compose the entire work at one time; moreover, the unity of the book, taken as a whole, is remarkable.频繁重复甚至矛盾，只能证明本特希拉，象所有道德，没有撰写的全部工作在同一时间;此外，团结，这本书，作为一个整体，是显着的。
Contents.内容。
The Book of Ecclesiasticus is a collection of moral counsels and maxims, often utilitarian in character and for the most part secular, although religious apothegms occasionally occur.这本书的ecclesiasticus是一家集道德律师和格言，往往在功利的性质和为最世俗的一部分，虽然宗教apothegms偶尔会出现。 They are applicable to all conditions of life: to parents and children, to husbands and wives, to the young, to masters, to friends, to the rich, and to the poor.他们是适用于所有的生活条件：父母与子女，丈夫和妻子，年轻的，船长，给朋友，以丰富的，给穷人。 Many of them are rules of courtesy and politeness; and a still greater number contain advice and instruction as to the duties of man toward himself and others, especially the poor, as well as toward society and the state, and most of all toward God.他们中的许多规则是礼貌与礼貌;和更大的数目包含的意见和指示，以职责男子对自己和别人，特别是穷人，以及对社会和国家，而且大部分都对上帝。 These precepts are arranged in verses, which are grouped according to their outward form in case their content is not intrinsically coherent.这些戒律是安排在诗，其中一组，根据各自的离港形式的情况下其内容是不是在本质上一致。 The sections are preceded by eulogies of wisdom which serve as introductions and mark the divisions into which the collection falls.节之前eulogies的智慧，作为介绍和马克的分裂成，其中收集跌倒。
Wisdom, in Ben Sira's view, is synonymous with the fear of God, and sometimes is confounded in his mind with the Mosaic law.智慧，在本缺陷的观点，就是害怕神的，有时是混淆了，在他心目中，与镶嵌法。 It is essentially practical, being a routine knowledge; and it would be vain to seek to find in it any hypostasis, since mysticism is utterly opposed to the author's thought.这基本上是实际的，作为一个例行的知识; ，那将是徒劳的，以寻找在它的任何本质，因为神秘主义是完全反对作者的思想。 The maxims are expressed in exact formulas, and are illustrated by striking images.该格言所表达的精确公式，并说明了惊人的图像。 They show a profound knowledge of the human heart, the disillusionment of experience, a fraternal sympathy with the poor and the oppressed, and an unconquerable distrust of women.他们查看了深刻的认识，人类的心，幻灭的经验，一个兄弟的同情与穷人和被压迫者，和一个不可战胜的不信任妇女。 Throughout the work are scattered pure and elevated thoughts; and the whole is dominated by a sincere, enlightened piety-what is now called a liberalism of ideas.整个工作是分散的单纯和高架的思考;和整个为主的真诚，开明的孝道-什么是现在所谓的自由主义思想。 As in Ecclesiastes, two opposing tendencies war in the author: the faith and the morality of olden times, which are stronger than all argument, and an Epicureanism of modern date.作为在传道书，两种对立的倾向战争，在作者：信仰和道德的古时候，这是比所有的论点，和一epicureanism现代日期。 Occasionally Ben Sira digresses to attack theories which he considers dangerous; for example, the doctrines that divine mercy blots out all sin; that man has no freedom of will; and that God is indifferent to the actions of mankind, and does not reward virtue.偶尔本特希拉digresses攻击的理论，他认为危险;举例来说，学说神圣慈悲的杂交所有单;该男子已没有自由意志的;和上帝是无动于衷的行动，人类的，不奖励的美德。 Some of the refutations of these views are developed at considerable length.部分的驳斥这些意见是发达国家在相当长。 Through these moralistic chapters runs the prayer of Israel imploring God to gather together His scattered children, to bring to fulfilment the predictions of the Prophets, and to have mercy upon His Temple and His people.通过这些章节的道德背道而驰的祈祷以色列恳求上帝凝聚起来，他的分散的儿童，把实现的预言先知，并怜悯他的庙和他的人民。 The book concludes with a justification of the Divinity, whose wisdom and greatness are revealed in all His works (hence is inserted a description of the beauties of creation), and also in the history of Israel; this form of sacred history, however, is little more than a panegyric on the priests, terminating in an enthusiastic delineation of the high priest Simon ben Onias.这本书的结论与理由，神，他们的智慧和伟大，揭示了在他的所有工程（因此是插入的描述美丽的创造） ，也是在以色列历史;这种形式的神圣的历史，然而，稍多于一panegyric对祭司，终止在热烈的划分，高牧师西蒙本onias 。 These chapters are completed by the author's signature, and are followed by two hymns, the latter apparently a sort of alphabetical acrostic.这些章节完成，作者的签名，并随后将举行两个赞美诗，后者显然是一种按字母顺序排列的acrostic 。
Importance for the History of Thought.重要的思想史。
The Wisdom of Jesus marks an epoch in the history of Jewish thought, on account both of what it teaches and of what it silently ignores.智慧耶稣，标志着一个划时代的，在历史上犹太人的思想，关于帐户都什么样的教和什么样的，它默默耕耘，忽略了。 While the author advocates the offering of the prescribed sacrifices and the veneration of priests, he condemns all hypocrisy and urges the union of the outward practise of religion with a pure conscience and with the doing of charity.而作者主张提供订明的牺牲和崇拜的神父，他谴责一切虚伪，并敦促欧洲联盟的对外奉行宗教与一个单纯的良心与做善事。 However, he never mentions the dietary laws, which are set forth at great length in Daniel and Tobit, and especially in Judith.不过，他从来没有提到饮食法，其中阐述了很长时间，在丹尼尔和Tobit回归，特别是在朱迪思。 In like manner, while he awaits the return of Elijah to reassemble the tribes of the past and to reconcile the fatherswith the children, and while he prays for the coming of a time which can be called Messianic, though without a Messiah-when Jerusalem and the Temple shall be restored to the divine favor and Israel delivered forever from the dominion of the stranger-he never alludes to a Messiah who will be the son of David; on the contrary, he asserts that the house of David has rendered itself unworthy of the divine favor, since of all the kings of Judah three alone remained faithful to God.在喜欢的方式，虽然他在等待返回利亚，以重新部落的过去和调和fatherswith儿童，而他祈祷，为未来的一段时间，这可被称为弥赛亚，虽然没有一个弥赛亚-当耶路撒冷和庙方应恢复到神的青睐和以色列发表永远摆脱统治陌生人-他从来没有提到了一个弥赛亚谁将儿子大卫;相反，他声称，众议院的国宝，使本身不值得神圣的青睐，因为所有的国王犹大三单仍忠实于上帝。 God indeed made a solemn compact with the race of David; but it was one that differed widely from that into which He entered with Aaron, and which alone was to endure for eternity.上帝的确作出了庄严的紧凑与种族的国宝，但它是一个大不相同，从到这一点，他进入了与亚伦，以及哪些单是要忍受为永恒。 Ben Sira never speaks of the resurrection of the dead nor of the immortality of the soul, but, on the contrary, declares that in Sheol there will be no joy, wherefore man should taste delight in this world in so far as it is compatible with an upright life.本特希拉从来没有谈到复活的死人，也不该不死的灵魂，但是，与此相反，声称在sheol将不会有任何的喜悦， wherefore男子应该味道很高兴在这个世界上，在至今，因为这是兼容一个正派的生活。
Possible Traces of Hellenic Influence.可能的痕迹，希腊的影响。
The view has been expressed that this work, early in date as it is, bears traces of Hellenic influence.检视已表示，这项工作，早在日期，因为这是熊的踪迹，希腊的影响。 The author, in his travels, may possibly have come in contact with Greek civilization, since he speaks of foreign poets and moralists whose fame was spread abroad.作者，在他的旅行，可能曾接触与希腊文明的，因为他说，外国的诗人和道德家，其成名是在国外的传播。 The customs which he describes are taken from Greek rather than from Hebrew society; thus he mentions banquets accompanied by brilliant conversation, at which musical instruments were heard, and over which presided "the masters [of the feasts]"; and the customs of the Sybarites also aroused his interest.海关，其中描述了他所采取的是从希腊，而不是从希伯来语的社会;因此，他提到，饮宴的陪同下辉煌的交谈中，在哪个乐器听到，及以上，主持“的主人， [节] ” ;和海关的sybarites ，也引起他的兴趣。 The fatalistic philosophers whose opinions he contests were doubtless the Stoics; and the philosophical discussions instituted by him were innovations and probably borrowed.该听天由命的哲学家，他们的意见，他竞赛，被毫无疑问， stoics ;和哲学的讨论，由他的创新和可能借来的。 His criticisms of skeptics and would-be thinkers are further evidences of his knowledge of Hellenism; and some of his views find close analogues in Euripides.他的批评，怀疑和将要的思想家，是进一步的证据，据他所知希腊;和他的一些意见，找到密切类似物在欧里庇得斯。 Not only does he share characteristic ideas with the Greek tragedians and moralists, but he even has the same taste for certain common topics, such as false friendship, the uncertainty of happiness, and especially the faults of women.他不仅分享特点的思想与希腊tragedians和道德，但他即使有相同的品味，为某些共同的主题，如虚假的友谊，幸福的不确定性，特别是故障的妇女。 The impression of Greek influence is strengthened by the presence of a polish quite foreign to Hebrew literature.的印象是希腊的影响是加强了在场的一位波兰不少外国以希伯莱文学。 The author composes his aphorisms with care; he makes his transitions with skill; and he inserts the titles of chapters, such as "Concerning Shame," "Proper Deportment at Table," and "The Hymn of the Patriarchs"; and the signing of his own name in full is a usage theretofore absolutely unknown.作者构成他的aphorisms与照顾;他，使他的转变与技能;和他插入的标题章节，如“有关的耻辱” ， “适当的deportment在表中， ”和“赞美诗的patriarchs ” ;并签署他以自己的名义在充分是一个使用theretofore绝对是未知之数。
The exclusion of Ecclesiasticus from the Hebrew canon was due in part to this imitation of the Greeks and these literary affectations.排除ecclesiasticus从希伯来语佳能部分原因是由于这个仿制的希腊人和这些文学affectations 。 According to R. Akiba (Yer. Sanh. 28a), those who have no part in the world to come include the readers of foreign works, such as the books of Ben Sira; while Tosef., Yad.据r.秋叶（ yer. sanh 。第28A ） ，这些谁没有的一部分，在世界上来，包括读者的外国作品，如帐簿，本缺陷;而tosef ，亚得。 ii.二。 13 merely states that the writings of Ben Sira do not defile the hands, or, in other words, that they are uncanonical, so that they are ranked with the works of "minim" (heretics). 13只是国家的著作，本特希拉不defile手中，或在其他换句话说，他们是uncanonical ，使他们的排名与工程“微量” （异端） 。 Eccl.传道书。 R. xii. r.十二。 11, which is based on Yer. 11 ，这是基于对yer 。 Sanh. sanh 。 28a, contains a prohibition against having this work in one's house.第28A ，包含了禁止有这方面的工作在一的房子。 R. Joseph, a Babylonian rabbi of the fourth century, in commenting on the view of R. Akiba, adds, "It is also forbidden to read the works of Ben Sira" (Sanh. 100c), although this prohibition, judging from the remainder of the passage, may have been restricted to reading in public. r.约瑟夫，巴比伦拉比四世纪，在评论该检视钢筋混凝土秋叶，补充说， “这是也不得阅读的作品，本缺陷” （ sanh. 100c ） ，虽然这项禁令，从其余的通过，可能已被限制在公共阅读。 In his questions to R. Joseph (ib.), R. Abaye indicated some of the reasons for the exclusion of Ecclesiasticus from the canon.在他的问题r.约瑟夫（ ib. ） ， r. abaye表示，部分原因排除ecclesiasticus从佳能。
"Why this prohibition?" “为什么这一禁令” ？ he asked.他询问。 "Is it on account of such and such verses?" “是对帐户的这样或那样的诗” ？ With the exception of two verses written in Aramaic and which are not by Ben Sira at all, all of R. Abaye's citations are distinctly frivolous, being those relating to the anxiety caused by a young girl before and after her marriage, the uselessness of repining, and the danger of introducing strangers too freely into one's home.与除二诗写的阿拉姆语和不属于由Ben特希拉在所有，所有钢筋混凝土abaye奇摩引文有明显无聊的，被那些与焦虑所造成的年轻女孩之前和之后，她的婚姻，无用repining ，和危险引进陌生人太自由到自己的家园。 Abaye then condemns the misanthropy, misogyny, and Epicureanism of the author. abaye然后谴责misanthropy ， misogyny ， epicureanism的作者。 To Ben Sira's Epicurean tendency must be attributed his denial of a future life, and, perhaps, also his pre-Sadducean spirit of reverence for the priesthood, with which the panegyric on his brethren is animated.到本特希拉的伊壁鸠鲁的趋势，必须归功于他拒绝未来的生活，也许，也是他的前sadducean精神的崇敬神职人员，与该panegyric对他的兄弟是动画。
Popularity Among the Jews.人气之间的犹太人。
Curiously enough, the book retained its popularity among the Jews despite its exclusion from the canon.奇怪的还不够，这本书保留了其受欢迎程度之间的犹太人，尽管其排除从佳能。 It was cited at a very early period: the Book of Tobit reproduces a number of passages word for word; while the Book of Enoch (Charles, "The Book of the Secrets of Enoch," p. 96; Index, pi), the Psalms of Solomon (Ryle and James, "The Psalms of Solomon," pp. lxiii. et seq.), and even the Talmud, the Midrashim, the Derek Ereẓ, and similar productions show decided traces of its influence.它被认为是在非常早的时期：这本书的Tobit回归抄录了若干段落逐字逐句;而这本书的尹万良（查尔斯， “这本书的机密，尹万良， ”第96页;指数， PI ）的，诗篇所罗门（ ryle和詹姆斯， “诗篇所罗门， ”页。 lxiii 。内皮素及以下各段） ，甚至塔木德，米大示，康士ereẓ ，和类似制作决定的痕迹，显示其影响力。 With the last-named work it has many points in common; and it is frequently quoted in the Talmud; passages from it are introduced by the formula reserved for the Biblical writings (Ḥag. 12a; Niddah 16b; Yer. Ber. 11c); and one verse is even referred to as if it belonged to the Hagiographa (B. Ḳ. 92a).与去年命名的工作有许多共同点;这是经常引述的犹太法典;通道，它是从所提出的公式预留作圣经的著作（ ḥag. 12 ; niddah 16B条; yer 。误码率。碳-11 ） ;和一首诗，甚至被称为如果它属于该hagiographa （乙ḳ 。 92a ） 。 It is cited by name in Sanh.这是所列举的名称在sanh 。 100b (= Yeb. 63c), where also a series of verses from it is given; and single verses appear in the following treatises and other works: Yer. 100 B （ = yeb 。 63c ） ，其中也有一系列的诗，这是从;及单诗出现在下面的论文和其他工程： yer 。 Ber.误码率。 11b; Yer. 11 B款; yer 。 Ḥag. ḥag 。 77c; Yer. 77c ; yer 。 Ta'an. ta'an 。 66d; Ḥag. 66d ; ḥag 。 13a; Niddah 16b; Gen. R. viii., x., lxxiii.; Lev. 13 A条; niddah 16B条;将军r.八，十， lxxiii 。 ;列弗。 R. xxxiii.; Tan., Wayishlaḥ, 8; ib. r.三十三;火炭， wayishlaḥ ， 8 ;兴业。 Miḳḳeẓ, 10; ib. miḳḳeẓ ，第10条;兴业。 Ḥuḳḳat, 1; a midrashic passage preserved in the "Shibbole ha-Leḳeṭ," ed. ḥuḳḳat ， 1 ;一米大示解经通过保存在“ shibbole公顷- leḳeṭ ， ”教育署。 Buber, p.布伯页 23a; "Pirḳe de-Rabbenu ha-Ḳadosh," ed. 23A条“ ; pirḳe德- rabbenu公顷- ḳadosh ， ”教育署。 Schönblum, 14a; Baraita Kallah (ed. Coronel, 7c, and in the Wilna edition of the Talmud). schönblum ， 14 A条; baraita kallah （编coronel ， 7C条，并在维尔纳版的塔木德） 。 It is cited also by R. Nissim ("Sefer Ma'asiyyot ha-Ḥakamim wehu Ḥibbur Yafeh meha-Yeshu ah"), and especially by Saadia in the preface to his "Sefer ha-Galui" (Harkavy, lc).这是引用的R.也nissim （ “ sefer ma'asiyyot公顷- ḥakamim wehu ḥibbur yafeh meha - yeshu啊” ） ，特别是由saadia在序文中他的“ sefer公顷- galui ” （ harkavy ，立法会） 。 In his commentary on the "Sefer Yeẓirah" the latter author quotes verbatim two verses of Ben Sira, although he attributes them to one Eleazar b.在他的评论就“ sefer yeẓirah ” ，后者作者行情逐字二本诗的缺陷，虽然他的属性他们一埃莱亚萨乙 Irai, of whom nothing is known. irai ，其中没有什么是众所周知的。 In another part of this work (p. 178) he cites the same text, again attributing it to that author.在另一这项工作的一部分（ 178页）他列举了相同的文字，再次渲染到该作者。 This is the more remarkable since Saadia speaks of Ben Sira in his introduction, and cites no less than seven of his maxims.这是更为显着，自saadia谈到本特希拉在他的介绍，以及濒危物种贸易公约不得少于7他的格言。 The "Sefer ben Irai" contained also passages (two of them copied by Saadia) not found in Ecclesiasticus, and which were totally dissimilar to it both in form and in content. “ sefer本irai ”也载通道（其中两人抄saadia ）中未发现ecclesiasticus ，哪些是完全不同，它无论在形式和内容。 As Saadia himself says: "The book of Ben Sira is a work on ethics, similar in form to Proverbs, while that of Ben Irai is a book of Wisdom, bearing an external resemblance to Ecclesiastes."作为saadia自己说： “这本书的本特希拉是一个工作伦理，其形式类似谚语，而对本irai是一本书的智慧，轴承外部相似传道书” 。 The "Sefer ben Irai" was probably a collection of maxims and sayings taken from various sources. “ sefer本irai ”可能是一个收集格言和谚语所采取的从各种来源。
Quotations from Ben Sira without mention of his name are found also in the, "Mibḥar ha-Peninim," attributed to Solomon ibn Gabirol (for citations of this type see Zunz, "GV" p. 110; Reifmann, in "Ha-Asif," iii. 271; Schechter, in "JQR" iii. 682; Neubauer and Cowley, in their edition of Ecclesiasticus, pp. xix. et seq. [certain of their comparisons must be discarded]; the commentaries of Schechter and Lévi, especially on the Derek Ereẓ; Lévi, in "REJ" xliv. 291).报价由Ben特希拉没有提及他的名字被发现还表现在， “ mibḥar公顷- peninim ， ”可归因于所罗门伊本盖比鲁勒（引文这种类型的见聪茨， “货车” 110页; reifmann ，在“房委会- asif “三， 271 ; Schechter已，在” jqr “三。 682 ;纽鲍尔和考利，在他们的版ecclesiasticus ，第19条。等法律。 [其某些比较，必须丢弃] ;评论Schechter已和lévi ，特别是对康士ereẓ ; lévi ，在“相互执行判决”四十四。 291 ） 。 The popularity of Ecclesiasticus among the Jews of the Talmudic period is shown by the citation of a number of verses in Aramaic, with an allusion to Ben Sira, which proves that it must have been translated into that dialect, this Aramaic collection being subsequently enriched with numerous additional aphorisms in that language (Sanh. 100b = Yeb. 63b).受欢迎的ecclesiasticus之间的犹太人的talmudic期所表现的引文了一些诗在阿拉姆语，暗指本缺陷，证明它必须已经被翻译成认为，方言，这阿拉姆语收集被随后丰富许多额外的aphorisms在这语言（ sanh. 100 B = yeb 。 63b ） 。 The Baraita Kallah even restricts its citations from Ben Sira to Aramaic verses which are not found in Ecclesiasticus.该baraita kallah ，甚至限制其引用由Ben缺陷，以阿拉姆语诗，这是没有发现在ecclesiasticus 。 Another proof of his popularity is found in the two alphabets ascribed to him (see Ben Sira, Alphabet of), especially the second, in which he is the hero of a series of marvelous events.另一个证明他的民望，是发现在这两个字母，归因于他（见本特希拉，英文字母排列） ，尤其是第二，他在其中是英雄了一系列的精彩活动。
Popularity Among Christians.人气之间的基督徒。
The Book of Ecclesiasticus has been honored still more highly among the Christians, being cited in the Epistle of James (Edersheim, in Wace, "Apocrypha," p. 21), the Didache (iv. 5), and the Epistle of Barnabas (xix. 9), while Clement of Alexandria and Origen quote from it repeatedly, as from a γραφή, or holy book.这本书的ecclesiasticus已荣幸，更是高度之间的基督徒，被引用，在书信詹姆斯（ edersheim ，在wace ， “ apocrypha ， ”第21页） ， didache （ iv. 5 ） ，和书信巴拿巴（十九。九日） ，而克莱门特在亚历山大和奥利引述再三，从一γραφή ，或圣书。 In the Western Church, Cyprian frequently appeals to it in his "Testimonia," as does Ambrose in the greater number of his writings.在西方教会，塞浦路斯经常呼吁在他的“ testimonia ， ”不，刘汉铨，在更大的他的一些著作。 In like manner the Catalogue of Cheltenham, Damasus I., the Councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397), Pope Innocent I., the second Council of Carthage (419), and Augustine all regard it as a canonical book.在喜欢的方式目录切尔滕纳姆，达玛斯一，两个市政局的河马（ 393 ）和迦太基（ 397 ） ，诺森一，第二届理事会迦太基（ 419 ） ，和奥古斯丁的所有方面，它作为一个典型的书。 This is contrary, however, to the opinions of the Council of Laodicea, of Jerome, and of Rufinus of Aquileia, which authorities rank it among the ecclesiastical books.这是相反，不过，到的意见，安理会的老底嘉，杰罗姆，和rufinus的阿奎来，当局的职级，这之间的教会书籍。 It was finally declared canonical by the Council of Trent; and the favor with which the Church has always regarded it has preserved it in its entirety.这是最后宣布的典型，由理事会特伦特;青睐与该教会一直把它保存在它的全部内容。
Discovery of Hebrew Fragments.发现希伯来语的碎片。
Until recent years Ecclesiasticus was known only from the Greek and Syriac versions-the sources of all other translations-and from the Hebrew quotations already mentioned.直到最近几年ecclesiasticus被称为只从希腊文和叙利亚文版本-来源的所有其他翻译和从希伯来语的报价已经提到。 At present the greater part of the original is known.目前，大部份原来是众所周知的。 In 1896 Agnes Smith Lewis and Margaret Dunlop Gibson brought from the East a sheet of parchment covered with comparatively antiquated Hebrew characters. 1896年，张云史密斯刘易斯和吴邓禄普吉布森所带来的从东一张羊皮纸所涵盖的比较陈旧的希伯来文字符。 At Cambridge this was shown to S. Schechter, who recognized in it Ecclus.在剑桥，这是显示美国Schechter已，谁承认在它ecclus 。 (Sirach) xxxix. （西拉奇）第39届。 15-xl. 15 - XL的。 7, and who published the decipherment, which was by no means easy.七，谁发表了decipherment ，这是绝非容易。 Almost simultaneously Sayce presented to the Bodleian Library, Oxford, a collection of fragments of Hebrew and Arabic manuscripts, among which Neubauer and Cowley found nine leaves of the same volume to which the Lewis-Gibson leaf had belonged, and following immediately after it.几乎同时，塞斯提交给包德利图书馆图书馆，牛津大学，收集了片段的希伯来文和阿拉伯文手稿，其中纽鲍尔和考利发现9叶片同一卷，其中刘易斯-吉布森叶属于，并以下后，立即进行。 These various fragments having come from the Genizah at Cairo, Schechter at once went to that city, and obtained the necessary authority to examine the contents of the collection, with the result that he found not only the final portion of the manuscript, but also xxx.这些不同的片段，有来自genizah在开罗， Schechter已在曾到这个城市，并获得了必要的权威研究集合的内容，结果，他发现不只是最后的部分手稿，而且也三十。 11, xxxii. 11 ，三十二。 1b-xxxiii. 1 B款-三十三。 3, xxxv. 3 ，三十五。 9-xxxvi. 9 -三十六。 21, and xxxvii. 21 ，和三十七。 27-xxxviii. 27 -三十八。 27. 27 。 Two additional fragments of the same manuscript, called B by Schechter, and containing xxxi.另外两个片段的同时，手稿，所谓的B的Schechter已，并载有三十一。 12-31 and xxxvi. 12月31日和三十六。 24-xxxvii. 24 -三十七。 26, have been secured by the British Museum. 26日，已担保的大英博物馆。 A second manuscript (A) was found by the same scholar in the collection brought by him from Egypt, containing iii.第二稿（一）被发现由同一学者在收集所带来的，他来自埃及，载有三。 6-xvi. 6 -十六。 26, with a hiatus from vii. 26日，中断从七。 29 to xi. 29日至十一。 34, the missing pages of which subsequently came into the possession of Elkan Adler. 34 ，失踪的页面，其中，随后进入藏有elkan阿德勒。 A fresh discovery was made when the remaining contents of the genizah were offered for sale, and Israel Lévi secured a leaf from a third copy (C), containing xxxvi.新发现的时候，其余的内容，该genizah提供作出售用途，和以色列lévi担保一片树叶从第三副本（三） ，载有三十六。 24-xxxviii. 24 -三十八。 1. 1 。 This fragment is especially valuable, since it serves as a check on the manuscript B, which likewise includes these verses.此片段，尤其是宝贵的，因为它提供了一个检查对手稿b ，其中同样包括这些诗。 The importance of this discovery is shown below.的重要性，这一发现是如下图所示。 Finally, Schechter, Gaster, and Lévi found in consignments from the same genizah the following fragments of an anthology of the Wisdom of Jesus: iv.最后， Schechter已，胃， lévi发现，在托运来自同一genizah以下片段一集的智慧耶稣：四。 23b, 30-31; v. 4-8, 9-13; vi. 23B条， 30-31 ;五， 4月8日， 9月13日;六。 18-19, 28, 35; vii. 18日至19日， 28日，第35条;七。 1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25; xviii. 1 ， 4 ， 6日， 17日， 20日至21日， 23日至25日;十八。 30-31; xix. 30-31 ;十九。 1-2; xx. 1月2日;第XX 。 4-6, 12 (?); xxv. 4月6日， 12 （ ？ ） ;二十五。 7c, 8c, 8a, 12, 16-23; xxvi. 7C条， 8C条， 8 ， 12 ， 16-23 ;二十六。 1-2; xxxvi. 1月2日;三十六。 16; xxxvii.第16条;三十七。 19, 22, 24, 26. 19 ， 22 ， 24 ， 26 。
There are, therefore, now in existence: (a) in one manuscript: iii.有，因此，现在存在的： （ a ）在一稿：三。 6-16, 26; xviii. 6月16日， 26日;十八。 30-31; xix. 30-31 ;十九。 1-2; xx. 1月2日;第XX 。 4-6, 12 (?); xxv. 4月6日， 12 （ ？ ） ;二十五。 7c, 8c, 8a, 12, 16-23; xxvi. 7C条， 8C条， 8 ， 12 ， 16-23 ;二十六。 1-2; xxvii. 1月2日;二十七。 5-6, 16; xxx. 5月6日，第16条;三十。 11-xxxiii. 11 -三十三。 3; xxxv.三;三十五。 9-xxxviii. 9 -三十八。 27; xxxix.第27条;三十九。 15-li. 15 -李。 30; (b) in two manuscripts: iv. 30 ; （ b ）在2手稿：四。 23b, 30-31; v. 4-8, 9-13; vi. 23B条， 30-31 ;五， 4月8日， 9月13日;六。 18-19, 28, 35; vii. 18日至19日， 28日，第35条;七。 1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25; xxxvi. 1 ， 4 ， 6日， 17日， 20日至21日， 23日至25日;三十六。 16, 29-31; xxxvii. 16日， 29日至31日;三十七。 complete; xxxviii.完成;三十八。 1; (c) in three manuscripts: xxxvii.一; （ c ）在3手稿：三十七。 19, 22, 24, 26. 19 ， 22 ， 24 ， 26 。
These manuscripts contain also some passages that are lacking in the translations, including a psalm fifteen lines in length inserted after li.这些手稿也包含一些段落是缺乏，在翻译，其中包括一名诗篇15线的长度后插入李。 12. 12 。
Manuscripts.手稿。
Manuscript A: 18 × 11 cm.; 28 lines per page.手稿一： 18 × 11厘米。 ; 28线每页。 The verses are generally marked by a double point; and certain ones are punctuated and accented, thus confirming certain statements of Saadia.该诗一般为标志的双重点;和某些的是连续性和重音，从而确认的某些陈述的saadia 。 "Matres lectionis" abound. “ matres lectionis ”比比皆是。 The scribe has been guilty of the grossest errors, in addition to abbreviating some verses and omitting others.该刀已经犯了粗暴的错误中，除了abbreviating一些诗和漏报等。
Manuscript C: 16 × 12 cm.手稿c ： 16 × 12厘米。 Certain words and entire verses are vocalized and accented; the script shows cursive tendencies, although of an early type.某些字眼和整个诗是vocalized和口音;脚本显示，草书的倾向，虽然一个早期类型。 In the margin is given a variant verse which represents the original text, corrupted even in the days of Ben Sira's grandson.在保证金是给予的一个变种，诗代表的原文，已损坏的，即使在天的本特希拉的孙子。
Manuscript D: 143 × 100 mm.; 12 lines per page.手稿d ： 143 × 100毫米。 ;一二线每页。 The text is often preferable to that of A, and offers variants agreeing with the Greek version, while the readings of A correspond to the Syriac.文字往往是可取的，即一，并提供变种同意与希腊的版本，而读一对应到叙利亚。
Manuscript B: 19 × 17 cm.; 22 lines per page.手稿乙： 19 × 17厘米。 ; 22线每页。 This is the most curious and interesting of all, as it contains certain peculiarities which are probably unique among all known Hebrew manuscripts.这是最好奇和有趣的一切，因为它包含一定的特殊性，这很可能是独一无二的所有已知的希伯来文手稿。 The lines are written with a stylus, as in the Torah scrolls; and, as in some copies of Proverbs and the Book of Job, a space is left between the hemistichs of each verse, so that the pages are divided into two columns; and the "sof pasuḳ" is placed at the end of the verse.该线的书面与笔，如在诵读经文春联;而且，正如在一些副本，谚语和约伯记，一个空间是留给之间的hemistichs每一首诗，使该页面分为两栏; “特种部队pasuḳ ”是放置在年底诗歌。 This corroborates Saadia's assertion that the book of Ben Sira resembled Proverbs in its division into chapters and verses.这证实了saadia的论断，即本书的缺陷相似，谚语在其划分章节和诗词。 The chapters are sometimes indicated by the initial letter (= ) and sometimes by a blank space.章节，有时表示，由最初的信（ = ） ，有时一个空格。 The most remarkable peculiarity consists in the chapter headings or titles, such as ("Instruction as to Shame"), ("Rules for Proper Deportment at Table"), and ("Hymn of the Patriarchs"), although in the Greek version these rubrics were regarded as scribal interpolations.最显着的特点构成在该章的标题或名称，如（ “指示，以耻辱” ） ， （ “规则适当deportment在表” ） ，和（ “赞美诗的patriarchs ” ） ，虽然在希腊的版本，这些rubrics被视为scribal插值。 Another noteworthy feature of this manuscript is its marginal Masorah, containing variants, some of which represent differences merely in orthography, while others are in synonyms or even words with totally different meanings.另一个值得注意的特征，这手稿是其边际masorah ，其中载有变种，其中一些代表的分歧，只是在拼写法，而另一些同义字或词，甚至完全不同的意义。 These glosses are the work of a Persian Jew, who in several marginal notes in Persian stated that he had used two manuscripts in addition to his principal one.这些美化工作是一个波斯的犹太人，谁在几个旁注在波斯说，他已用了两个手稿除了他的主要一。 Such care is indicative of the esteem in which Ben Sira's text was held.这种服务是指示性的自尊在这本特希拉的案文举行。 The marginal readings present an interesting problem.边际读，目前一个有趣的问题。 As a rule, the body of the text corresponds to the Greek version, and the glosses in the margin to the Syriac; but occasionally the reverse is the case.作为一项规则，正文对应到希腊的版本，和美化，在保证金向叙利亚，但偶尔的反向是如此。
Originality of the Hebrew Fragments.原创性的希伯来文的碎片。
Prof. S. Margoliouth, noticing the decadent character of the language, the number of rabbinisms, and the derivatives from the Arabic and Aramaic, regarded the Hebrew text as a reconstruction of the lost original on the basis of the Greek and Syriac versions, the variants representing different attempts at retranslation.美国教授马戈柳思，看到腐朽性质的语言，人数rabbinisms ，及其衍生物，从阿拉伯语和阿拉姆语，把希伯来语文本作为重建失去原有的基础上，希腊和叙利亚的版本，变种代表不同的尝试复。 The discovery of manuscript C, however, disproved this hypothesis, since this manuscript reproduces with exactness the greater part of the variants of B, even when they are obviously false, while the transcriber of this latter manuscript discharged his task with such scrupulous care that he even recorded variants which were meaningless.发现手稿c ，不过，反驳这一假设，因为这手稿抄录与精确度，大部份变种的B ，甚至当他们显然是虚假的，而transcriber本手稿出院后他的任务与这种一丝不苟的照顾，他甚至录得变种，其中的意义。 If, therefore, the difference between the text and the marginal glosses corresponds to the difference between the two translations, this only shows that there were two recensions of the original.因此，如果之间的差额，文字和边际美化对应到两者之间的差额翻译，这只是表明，有两个recensions的原始。 It is clear, moreover, that these fragments are not the work of some medieval scholar, but are more or less perfect copies of the Hebrew text, as a single example will show.很明显，此外，这些碎片是不是工作的一些中世纪的学者，但更多或更少完善的副本希伯来文的文字，作为一个单一的例子将显示。 In xxxii.在三十二。 22 the Hebrew version has . 22希伯来文版本。 For the latter word the Syriac text substitutes (= "thy way"), which the context shows to be faulty, the reading being due to a confusion of with .对于后者字古叙利亚文字的替代品（ = “你的方式” ） ，其中的背景显示，被错误的，读正由于混淆。 The Greek version reads "thy children," the meaning attributed to in several passages of the Bible.希腊的版本写着“你的孩子” ，意思是由于在几个通道的圣经。 But had the Jewish scribe used the Greek version, he would never have found beneath τῶν τέκνων σου the Hebrew , the correctness of which is attested by the Syriac.但犹太刀用希腊的版本，他决不会发现下方τῶν τέκνων σου希伯来文的正确性，这是核签由叙利亚。 There are numerous examples of a similar nature.有很多的例子，类似性质的。
Although Margoliouth's theory must be rejected as a whole, certain details indicate that both A and B are derived from a copy characterized by interpolations due to a retranslation from Syriac into Hebrew.虽然马戈柳思的理论，必须予以抵制作为一个整体，某些细节表明， A型和B是来自副本的特点是插值，由于一复从叙利亚进入希伯来文。 In a number of passages the same verse is given in two distinct renderings, one of which usually corresponds to the Syriac, even when this text represents merely a faulty or biased translation of the original.在一些通道，同时韵文是由于在两个不同的透视图，其中通常会对应到叙利亚，甚至当这一案文所代表的只是一个错误或有偏见的翻译原。 These verses, moreover, in their conformity to the Syriac, become at times so meaningless that they can be explained only as incorrect translations from that language.这些诗，此外，在其整合到叙利亚，成为时代意义的，所以他们可以解释，只作为不正确翻译从该语言。 Such suspicious passages are characterized by a comparatively modern style and language, by a commonplace phraseology, and by a break in the parallelism which is affected by Ecclesiasticus.这类可疑通道的特点是一个比较现代的风格和语言，由一个普遍用语，并打破在并行，这是受ecclesiasticus 。 It may therefore be safely concluded that these doublets are merely additions made to render the Syriac version more intelligible.因此，它可以安全地得出结论认为，这些doublets只是作出增补，使叙利亚的版本更多的理解。 The same statement holds true of certain textual emendations made by the glossarist.同一份声明中认为，真正的某些词句emendations所提出的glossarist 。 In this, however, there is nothing strange, since it is a well-known fact that the Jews of certain sections were familiar with Syriac, as is shown by the quotations made by Naḥmanides from the Wisdom of Solomon, from Judith, and from Bel and the Dragon, and also by the introduction of the Peshiṭta of Proverbs into the Targum of the Hagiographa.在这方面，不过，有没有什么奇怪，因为它是人所共知的事实，即犹太人的某些路段熟悉叙利亚，正如所表现出的报价所作出的naḥmanides从所罗门的智慧，从尤迪特，和由Bel和龙，也由引进的peshiṭta谚语纳入尔的hagiographa 。
The Final Hymn.最后赞美诗。
But the glossarist did not restrict himself to these slight additions and modifications, for he added to his copy a translation of the final hymn, basing this version also on the Syriac.但glossarist并没有限制自己对这些轻微的补充和修改，他说，他复制的翻译最后赞美诗，根据这个版本，也取决于叙利亚。 This canticle, as Bickell has clearly shown, is an alphabetical acrostic, which may still be traced in the Syriac version, on account of the similarity between that language and Hebrew.这canticle ，作为bickell清楚地表明了，是按字母顺序排列的acrostic ，这可能仍是有迹可寻的，在叙利亚的版本，考虑到之间的相似性，语言和希伯来语。 There are lacunæ, however, in the Syriac text which are supplied in the Greek, even though these passages are lacking in the Hebrew.有lacunæ ，不过，在叙利亚的案文是供应，在希腊，即使这些通道是缺乏在希伯来文。 In the Hebrew some traces of the acrostic remain in cases where the Syriac was translatable only by a Hebrew word beginning with the same letter; but elsewhere all vestiges of it have disappeared.在希伯来文的一些痕迹的acrostic留在的情况下，叙利亚是翻译只能由希伯来语一词开始具有相同的信，但其他地方的所有痕迹，它已经消失。 The Syriac version, moreover, shows evidences of corruptions and innovations, which are reproduced by the Hebrew.叙利亚语的版本，此外，证据显示，贪污和创新，这是转载由希伯来文。 The Syriac occasionally corresponds to the Greek, but tends toward a confusion of sense which eventually alters the meaning, these modifications being also reproduced in the Hebrew text.叙利亚语，偶尔会对应到希腊，但倾向混乱的意识，最终改变的意思，这些修改也被转载在希伯来文的文字。 The hymn, which follows the Syriac version closely throughout, is evidently a retranslation from the latter.该赞美诗，继叙利亚紧密合作，在整个版本，显然是一复从后者。 These opinions have been championed especially by Israel Lévi, and are accepted by Ryssel and other scholars, although they are not universally held.这些意见已被倡导，尤其是由以色列lévi ，并接受ryssel和其他学者，虽然他们并不普遍。
The Hebrew version contains an entire canticle which does not appear in either the Greek or the Syriac text.希伯来文的版本包含了整个canticle ，其中没有出现在，无论是希腊或古叙利亚文字。 This, however, is of doubtful authenticity, although one may cite in its favor the sentence "O give thanks unto Him that chose the sons of Zadok to be priests," alluding to the pre-Maccabean high priests who were descended from Zadok; while another possible argument is furnished by the absence of any reference to ideas essentially Pharisaic, such as the resurrection of the body.不过，这是令人怀疑的真实性，虽然有人可能会举出在其主张一句“休憩用地感谢祂说，选择的儿子扎多克被神父， ”暗指前maccabean高神父谁的后裔分别从扎多克;另一个可能的论点是由其没有任何参考的想法基本上是pharisaic ，如复活的身体。 Against the genuineness of the psalm may be urged: (1) its omission in the versions; (2) the sentence "O give thanks unto Him that maketh the horn of the house of David to bud," which is directly opposed in sentiment to ch.对真实性的诗篇可能敦促： （ 1 ）其遗漏，在版本; （ 2 ）句为“休憩用地感谢祂说， maketh非洲之角的众院大卫芽” ，这是直接在反对情绪的CH 。 xxxvi.三十六。 and to the entire "Hymn of thePatriarchs"; and (3) the remarkable similarity of the hymn to the "Shemoneh 'Esreh" together with the prayers which precede and follow the "Shema'."和整个“赞美诗的thepatriarchs ” ;及（ 3 ）显着相似的赞美诗，以“ shemoneh ' esreh ”一起祈祷，其中先，并按照“射麻' ” 。 The question has not yet been definitely settled.问题尚未得到一定解决。
Critical Value of the Hebrew Text.临界值的希伯来文的文字。
Despite the corrections and interpolations mentioned, however, the originalty of the text in these fragments of Ben Sira can not be denied.尽管更正和插值提及，不过， originalty的文字在这些片段本特希拉不能否认的。 Besides the fact that many scholars deny the existence of any interpolations, there are portions in which it is easy to recognize the author's hand; for he has a characteristic technique, style, vocabulary, and syntax which are evident in all the versions.除了事实上，许多学者否认存在任何插值，有部分在其中是很容易认识到作者的手，因为他有一个特点，技术，风格，词汇，语法，这是很明显的在所有版本。 It may safely be said that in the main the work of Ben Sira has been preserved just as it left his hands, while the chief variant marginal readings recorded in the fragments and confirmed by the translations may be regarded as evidences of the existence of two separate editions written by Ben Sira himself.它可安全地说，在主要的工作，本特希拉一直保存正如它离开他的手，而行政变边缘的读数记录在该片段，并证实是由翻译可能被视为证据存在两个独立的书面版本由Ben特希拉自己。 It is self-evident, moreover, that Ecclesiasticus has undergone some alterations at the hands of scribes, but it would have been strange indeed if this book alone should have wholly escaped the common lot of such writings.这是不言自明的，此外， ecclesiasticus经历了一些改动，在手中的文士，但它已确实奇怪，如果这本书，仅应该有完全逃脱的共同很多这样的著作。 No more conclusive proof could be found, were any necessary, of the fidelity of the Hebrew version than its frequent agreement, in citations from the Bible, with the text on which the Septuagint is based rather than with the Masorah, as in the case of I Sam.没有更多的决定性的证据可以发现，任何必要的，富达的希伯来文的版本较频繁的协议，在引文从圣经，与文字，其中septuagint是基于而非与masorah ，如在案件i山姆。 xii.十二。 3 as compared with Ecclus. 3月相比， ecclus 。 (Sirach) xlvi. （西拉奇）四十六。 19, or Isa. 19日，或ISA 。 xxxviii.三十八。 17 with Ecclus. 17日与ecclus 。 (Sirach) l. （西拉奇）的研究 2. 2 。
Importance for the History of the Bible.重要的历史圣经。
Even before the discovery of these fragments the Book of Ecclesiasticus was regarded as a unique document of priceless value; but the account which it gives of the status of the Bible in its author's dayhas gained additional importance, now that the greater part of the original itself is known.甚至之前发现这些片段，这本书的ecclesiasticus被视为一种独特的文件的无价的价值，但该帐户，它给人的地位，圣经在其作者的dayhas获得额外的重要性，现在大部份的原本身是众所周知的。 The "Hymn of the Patriarchs," which has been preserved in its entirety, shows that the canon of the Law and of the Prophets was closed, as the author's grandson expressly states. “赞美诗的patriarchs ， ”已保存在其整体性，表明佳能的法律和先知被关闭，作为作者的孙子明文国。 The Prophets were arranged in the order generally adopted in the Hebrew Bible, as follows: Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings ("Nebi'im Rishonim"), Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Twelve Minor Prophets ("Nebi'im Aḥaronim"); and the expression "the Twelve Prophets" was sanctioned by usage.先知们被安排在该命令中，普遍采用在希伯来文圣经，内容如下：约书亚，法官，萨穆埃尔，国王（ “ nebi'im rishonim ” ） ，以赛亚书，耶利米，以西结书，和十二小先知（ “ nebi'im aḥaronim “ ） ;和表达” 12先知“受到使用。 The greater portion of the Hagiographa was already considered canonical, including the Psalms attributed nominally to David, Proverbs, Job (the Greek translator has made a gross blunder here), and possibly the Song of Solomon, Nehemiah, and Chronicles.更大的一部分的hagiographa已经考虑的典型，包括诗篇归因于名义上是给David ，谚语，求职（希腊语翻译作出了失误，在这里毛额） ，并可能是所罗门之歌，尼希米记，和方志。 The author's silence regarding some of the other Hagiographa proves nothing; since he intended, as has already been said, to eulogize the priesthood in this section, and all who were not included in his scheme were passed over without notice.作者的沉默，对于其他一些hagiographa证明什么;以来，他打算，因为已经说过，讴歌神职人员在本节中，和所有谁没有被列入他的计划获得通过，超过而不另行通知。 In addition to this statistical information, Ben Sira furnishes other points of interest.此外，这项统计资料，本缺陷提供了其他兴趣点。 The frequency with which he avails himself of Job and Proverbs proves that both these books had been long in circulation, although the divergence between the original and his quotation is very great.频率与他援用自己的就业和谚语的证明，都将这些书籍已久在市面流通，虽然分歧，原来和他的报价是非常大的。 Furthermore, the labored attempt to imitate the literary style previously affected in didactic poetry was a failure, and radical changes had been introduced even as early as the time of the author.此外， labored ，企图模仿的文体以前受影响的说教诗是一个失败，激进的改变已推出，甚至早在时间的作者。 While he still availed himself of parallelism and employed verses symmetrically divided into two hemistichs, he introduced into this work on wisdom concepts thitherto excluded, such as allusions to sacred history and exhortations to fulfil the duty of religious worship.虽然他仍利用自己的并行，并雇用诗对称分为两hemistichs ，他介绍到这方面的工作对智慧的概念thitherto排除在外，如典故，以神圣的历史和嘱托，履行职责，宗教崇拜。 Mention has already been made of literary innovations which characterize the work.提及已经取得了文学创新的特点，其中的工作。 It is no less significant that the diction employed is essentially imitative, being a mixture of Biblical centos and reminiscences, yet marking a stage unattained by any analogous work.这是不低于重要的是，文辞聘用基本上是模仿，作为一个混合圣经centos和回忆，但标志着一个阶段， unattained任何类似的工作。 Still untouched by Hellenisms, the lexicography is characterized by rabbinisms and derivatives from the Aramaic and the Arabic.仍然无动于衷hellenisms ，辞书编纂的特点是rabbinisms和衍生工具从阿拉姆语和阿拉伯语。 The style is decadent, showing a curious mixture of prolixity and conciseness, daring constructions, the repetition of certain figures, imitation, and false elegance, side by side with felicity of phraseology and imagery.作风是腐朽，呈现出好奇的混合物prolixity和简洁，大胆的建设，重复一些数字，仿制，虚假优雅，并排与幸福的用语和图像。 These qualities denote a period when spontaneity and originality were replaced by pedantry, conventionality, and artificiality.这些素质是指一个时期时，自发性和原创性所取代pedantry ，常规，和人工。 Henceforth a thorough knowledge of Ecclesiasticus will be indispensable for any who wish to study the analogous portions of the Bible, although it has thus far been impossible to determine the relation of Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus from a mere comparison of the two books, despite their frequent points of contact.从此彻底的知识ecclesiasticus将是必不可少的任何谁想研究类似的部分圣经，虽然它迄今一直无法确定的关系，传道书和ecclesiasticus从一个单纯的比较研究了两本书，尽管他们的频繁点联系。
It is self-evident that the Hebrew fragments will aid in the reconstruction of the original of those portions for which no basal text has yet been found.它是不言自明的希伯来文的片段，将在援助重建原来的那些部分为没有基底文字至今尚未发现。 These fragments, moreover, reveal the relative value of the Greek and Syriac texts, the two versions based on the Hebrew original.这些片段，此外，揭示的相对价值，希腊和叙利亚的文本，这两个版本的基础上，希伯来语原。
The Greek Version.希腊的版本。
The Greek text, as noted above, is the work of the author's grandson, who went to Egypt in 132.希腊的文字，如上所述，是工作的作者的孙子，谁去埃及，在132个。 A prologue to the "Synopsis" of Athanasius gives his name as Jesus; but this passage is spurious. 1序幕的“概要”亚他那修，让他的名字，正如耶稣，但这段话是虚假的。 Although the translator may have gone to Egypt in 132, it does not necessarily follow that he entered upon his work in that year; indeed he himself says that he spent some time there before beginning his task.虽然翻译可能去了埃及，在132个，这不一定跟随他进入他的工作在这一年;事实上，他自己说，他花了一些时间，有开始之前，他的任务。 The theory has been advanced that he did not begin it until 116, since ἐπί ("in the time of"), which he uses in connection with Ptolemy Euergetes, is employed only after the death of the monarch whose name it precedes (Deissmann, in "Theologische Literaturzeitung," 1904, p. 558); but the incorrectness of this deduction has been demonstrated by Schürer.该理论已被先进的，他并没有开始，直到116 ，因为ἐπί （ “在规定的时间” ） ，这是他利用他涉嫌与托勒密euergetes ，是受雇于只有去世后，君主的名字，它的先导（戴斯曼，在“ theologische literaturzeitung ， ” 1904年，页558 ） ;但不正确的推论，这已被证明是由schürer 。 The translator, in the introduction, requests the indulgence of his readers, a precaution not without justification, since his rendering leaves much to be desired, sometimes straining the meaning of the text, and again containing crass blunders, so that the text must be freed from the numerous errors of the scribes before it can be fairly judged (see Lévi, "L'Ecclésiastique," p. xl.).译者，在引言中，请放纵他的读者，为了预防不无理由，因为他的离开使很多不理想，有时紧张的意义的文本，并再次载crass失误，使案文必须被释放从众多错误的文士，才可以得到公平的判断（见lévi ， “ l' ecclésiastique ， ”体育xl ） 。
The Hebrew version shows that the Greek manuscript which has best preserved the wording of the original is No. 248 of Holmes and Parsons, which was used in the Complutensian Polyglot.希伯来文版本表明，希腊的手稿，其中有最好的保存的措辞，原来是第248号霍姆斯和帕森斯，这是用在该complutensian polyglot 。 Yet even after a rigid purification of the text, Ben Sira contains many blunders, due to overhasty reading (Lévi, lc pp. xliii. et seq.).然而，即使经过严格的纯化的案文，本特希拉包含了很多失误，由于overhasty读（ lévi ，立法会页。四十三。等法律） 。 While the translator generally adhered closely to the original, he sometimes added comments of his own, but seldom abridged, although he occasionally slurred over a passage in which the imagery was too bold or the anthropomorphism too glaring.而译者普遍坚持密切合作，原来，他有时说，评论自己的，但很少删节，虽然他偶尔不清超过一个通道，其中的意象过于大胆的，或拟人太明显。 Moreover, he frequently substituted for the translation of one verse another already given for a passage of similar content.此外，他还经常取代翻译一首诗的另一个已经给予一个通过类似内容。 The version used by him was not always identical with that contained in the Hebrew fragments.该版本所用的，他并不总是一致的，与载有在希伯来文的碎片。 Sometimes he has verses which are missing in the Hebrew; but many of those mentioned by Fritzsche in his notes are found in the fragments.有时，他的诗是失踪在希伯来文，但很多人所提到的fritzsche在他的笔记中发现的碎片。 A revision of the Greek text is attested by the quotations in the "Pædagogus" of Clement of Alexandria.修订的希腊文本是核签报价在“ pædagogus ”克莱门特在亚历山大。
An accident has disarranged the pages of the parent manuscript of all the copies thus far known, two sheets, containing respectively xxx.意外disarranged页手稿的母公司所有的副本，因此到目前为止，已知的，两张，分别载有三十。 25-xxxiii. 25 -三十三。 13a and xxxiii. 13A及三十三。 13b-xxxvi. 13 B条-三十六。 16b, having been interchanged. 16B条，被互换。 The Itala and the Armenian versions, however, avoided the error.该名单和亚美尼亚的版本，不过，避免了错误。 The conjectural restoration of the order of the chapters should be made, according to Ryssel, on the basis of manuscript No. 248, which also avoided this inversion.该臆测恢复秩序的章节应作出，根据ryssel ，在此基础上稿第248号，这也可以避免这个反演。 On the Greek manuscripts and their individual and general value as regards the history of this version, see Ryssel in Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," i.对希腊的手稿和他们个人和一般的价值至于历史的这个版本，看到ryssel在kautzsch ， “ apokryphen ， ”一。 244 et seq. 244条及以下各条。 It may be said that the Greek version offers the most reliable material for the reconstruction of those portions of the original which have not yet been discovered.可以说，希腊的版本，提供了最可靠的材料，用于重建的那部分原来的那些尚未被发现。
The Vetus Latina.该老latina 。
As Jerome himself says, the Latin version contained in the Vulgate is not his work, but was the one generally used in the African churches during the first half of the third century (see Thielmann in "Archiv für Lateinische Lexicographie und Grammatik,"viii.-ix.); and the truth of this statement is proved beyond question by the quotations of Cyprian.作为杰罗姆自己说，拉丁美洲版，载于武加大，是不是他的工作，但一个普遍采用的是在非洲教会上半年期间，三世纪（见thielmann在“ archiv f黵lateinische lexicographie und grammatik ， ”八。 -九。 ） ;和的真相，这项声明是毫无疑问的证明，由报价塞浦路斯。 This text is characterized by a number of interpolations of a biased trend, although it is in general a slavish and sometimes awkward translation from the Greek (comp. Herkenne, "De Veteris Latini Ecclesiastici Capitibus i.-xliii." Leipsic, 1899); but it also contains deviations from the Greek which can be explained only on the hypothesis of a Hebrew original.这一案文的特点是由多个插值一个偏颇的趋势，虽然这是在一般一slavish ，有时尴尬的翻译从希腊（ comp. herkenne ， “德veteris拉迪尼ecclesiastici capitibus一-第四十三” 。 leipsic ， 1899 ） ;但它也包含了偏差，从希腊，这可以解释，不仅对假说的一个希伯来语原。 These divergences are corrections made on the basis of a Hebrew manuscript of the same recension as B and C, which were taken from a text that had already become corrupt.这些分歧是更正的基础上作出的一个希伯来文手稿，同时recension作为B和C ，都是从一个文本已成为腐败现象。 Such changes were made, therefore, prior to the third century.这种变化发了言，因此，之前三世纪。 The corrections peculiar to the Itala are attested by the quotations of Cyprian, and may have been derived from a Greek manuscript taken to Africa.更正特有的名单是核签引文塞浦路斯，并可能已被来自希腊的手稿所采取的非洲。 They may be divided into two groups: cases in which the corresponding passage of the Hebrew is placed beside the ordinary text of the Greek, and passages in which the Hebrew rendering is substituted for the Greek reading (comp. Lévi, lc, introduction to part ii., and Herkenne, lc).他们可分为两个组：案件中，相应的通过，希伯来文是放在旁边的普通文，希腊，和通道，在其中希伯来语渲染是取代为希腊读（ comp. lévi ，立法会，介绍部分二， herkenne ，立法会） 。 After ch.后的CH 。 xliv.四十四。 the Vulgate and the Itala coincide.该武加大和名单不谋而合。 The other versions based upon the Greek are the Syriac Hexaplar, edited by Ceriani ("Codex Syro-Hexaplaris Ambrosianus Photolithographice Editus," Milan, 1874); the Coptic (Sahidic), edited by Lagarde ("Ægyptiaca," Göttingen, 1883; see Peters, "Die Sahidisch-Koptische Uebersetzung des Buchs Ecclesiasticus auf Ihren Wahren Werth für die Textkritik Untersucht," in Bardenhewer, "Biblische Studien," 1898, iii. 3); the Ethiopic, edited by Dillmann ("Biblia Veteris Testamenti Æthiopica," 1894, v.); and the Armenian, sometimes used to verify the reading of the Greek.其他版本的基础上，希腊是叙利亚hexaplar ，编辑塞里亚尼（ “法典syro - hexaplaris ambrosianus photolithographice editus ， ”米兰， 1874 ） ;科普特（ sahidic ） ，主编•拉嘉德（ “ ægyptiaca ， ”哥廷根大学， 1883年;见彼得斯， “模具sahidisch - koptische uebersetzung万buchs ecclesiasticus auf ihren瓦赫伦werth f黵die textkritik untersucht ， ”在巴登黑韦尔， “ biblische studien ， ” 1898年，三，三） ;衣索比亚，编辑dillmann （ “圣经veteris testamenti æthiopica ” 1894年，五） ;和亚美尼亚语，有时被用来验证读的希腊。
Syriac Version.叙利亚文的版本。
While the Syriac version does not possess the importance of the Greek, it is equally useful in the reconstruction of the Hebrew on which it was directly based, as has been clearly shown by the discovery of the fragments.而叙利亚的版本并不具备的重要性，希腊，这是同样有用，在重建希伯来文就它是直接为基础，已清楚地表明，所发现的碎片。 As a rule the translator understood his text; but his blunders are innumerable, even making allowance for scribal errors, which are not infrequent.作为一项规则，译者理解他的文本;但他的失误是无数，甚至免税额scribal错误，这是屡见不鲜。 Unfortunately, his copy was incomplete, so that his version contains numerous lacunæ, one of which (xliii. 1-10) was filled by a passage borrowed from the Syriac Hexaplar.不幸的是，他的复制是不完整的，所以，他的版本包含了许多lacunæ ，其中（ xliii. 1月10日）是由一个通道借来的，从叙利亚hexaplar 。 This entire translation is a puzzle.这整个翻译是一个未解之谜。 In some chapters it follows the original exactly, in others it is little more than a paraphrase, or even a mere epitome.在某些章节，它遵循原来的正是，在别人，这是多段，或什至只是缩影。 In places the translation shows very few errors, in others it betrays total ignorance of the meaning of the text.在地方的翻译显示，很少有错误，在另一些出卖共有的无知的含义的文字。 It is possible that the Syriac version was the work of several translators.它可能是叙利亚的版本是工作的几个翻译。 Some of its repetitions and corrections betray a Christian bias; and it even bears traces of a revision based on the Greek.它的一些重复和惩戒出卖一个基督教偏见;它甚至熊的踪迹，修改的基础上，希腊。 As already noted, it contains many variants which the Hebrew fragments show to represent the original readings.正如已经指出的，它包含了许多变种，其中希伯来语片段显示，代表原来的读数。 Despite its numerous defects, it is a valuable check upon the Greek text, even where it diverges widely, except in passages where it becomes fantastic.尽管它的许多缺陷，它是一个有价值的检查后，希腊文，即使在它diverges广泛，除了在通道，而成为幻想。 It therefore deserves to be carefully studied with the assistance of the commentaries on it and the citations from it by Syriac authors, as has been done for the glosses of Bar Hebræus by Katz in his "Scholien des Gregorius Abulfaragius Bar Hebræus zum Weisheitsbuche des Josua ben Sira" (Halle, 1892).因此，它值得仔细研究与援助的评论，资讯科技及引文从它的叙利亚文的作者，已经做了为美化的酒吧hebræus由卡兹在他的“ scholien万略abulfaragius酒吧hebræus zum weisheitsbuche万josua本特希拉“ （哈莱， 1892 ） 。 The Arabic translation included in the London Polyglot and based upon the Syriac version is likewise a valuable adjunct to the "apparatus criticus."阿拉伯语的翻译，包括在伦敦的polyglot和基于后，叙利亚文版本，同样是一个宝贵的附属物“仪器criticus ” 。
Crawford Howell Toy, Israel Lévi克劳福德霍维尔玩具，以色列lévi
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书， 1901年至1906年之间出版的。
Bibliography:参考书目：
Editions of the Hebrew text, in chronological order: Schechter, Ecclesiasticus xxxix.版本的希伯来语文本中，在时间顺序为： Schechter已， ecclesiasticus第39届。 15-xl. 15 - XL的。 8, in Expository Times, July, 1896, pp. 8 ，在阐述倍， 7月， 1896年，页。 1-15; Cowley and Neubauer, The Original Hebrew of a Portion of Ecclesiasticus (xxxix. 15-xlix. 11), Together with the Early Versions and an English Translation, Followed by the Quotations from Ben Sira in Rabbinical Literature, Oxford, 1897; Halévy, Etude sur la Partie du Texte Hébreu de l'Ecclésiastique Récemment Découverte [xxxix. 1月15日;考利和纽鲍尔，原来希伯来语的部分ecclesiasticus （ xxxix. 15 xlix 。 11 ） ，联同早期版本和英文译本，其次是报价由Ben特希拉在犹太教文学，牛津大学， 1897 ; halévy ，练习曲sur香格里拉部分杜文本hébreu德l' ecclésiastique récemment découverte [第39届。 15-xlix. 15 xlix 。 11], in Rev. Sém. 11 ] ，在牧师sém 。 v. 148, 193, 383; Smend, Das Hebräische Fragment der Weisheit des Jesus Sirach, in Abhandlungen der Göttinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, 1897, ii.五， 148 ， 193 ， 383 ;斯门德，之hebräische片段明镜weisheit万耶稣西拉奇，在abhandlungen明镜göttinger gesellschaft明镜wissenschaften ， 1897年第一，第二。 2 (containing the same text); Collotype Facsimiles of the Oxford Fragment of Ecclesiasticus, Oxford, 1897; Israel Lévi, L'Ecclesiastique ou la Sagesse de Jesus, Fils de Sira, Texte Original Hébreu, Traduit et Commenté, in Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences Réligieuses, x., No. i., Paris, 1897 (part ii., ib. 1901); Schlatter, Das Neugefundene Hebräische Stück des Sirach, Güterslohe, 1897; Kohn, same text, in Ha-Shiloaḥ, iii. 2 （含相同的文字） ;珂罗传真机的牛津大学ecclesiasticus片段，牛津， 1897年，以色列lévi的L' ecclesiastique欧香格里拉sagesse德耶稣，费尔德缺陷，文本hébreu原来， traduit等commenté ，在图书馆德升'的Ecole万高级练习曲，科学réligieuses ，十号一，巴黎， 1897年（第二部分，兴业。 1901 ） ; schlatter ，之neugefundene hebräische stück万西拉奇， güterslohe ， 1897年;科恩，相同的文字，在房委会- shiloaḥ ，三。 42-48, 133-140, 321-325, 517-520; Schechter, Genizah Specimens: Ecclesiasticus [xlix. 42-48 ， 133-140 ， 321-325 ， 517-520 ; Schechter已， genizah标本： ecclesiasticus [ xlix 。 12-1. 12月1日。 22], in JQR x. 22 ] ，在jqr十。 197; Schechter and Taylor, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, Cambridge, 1899; Halévy, Le Nouveau Fragment Hébreu de l'Ecclésiastique [xlix. 197 ; Schechter已和泰勒，智慧，本特希拉，剑桥， 1899年; halévy ，乐风格的片段hébreu德l' ecclésiastique [ xlix 。 12-1. 12月1日。 22], in Rev. Sém. 22 ] ，在牧师sém 。 vii.七。 214-220; Margoliouth, The Original Hebrew of Ecclesiasticus xxxi. 214-220 ;马戈柳思，原来希伯来语的ecclesiasticus三十一。 12-31 and xxxvi. 12月31日和三十六。 22-xxxvii. 22 -三十七。 26, in JQR xii. 26日，在jqr十二。 1-33; Schechter, A Further Fragment of Ben Sira [iv. 1-33 ; Schechter已，进一步片段本特希拉[四。 23-v. 23 - V上。 13, xxv.十三，二十五。 8-xxvi. 8 - 26 。 2], ib. 2 ] ，兴业。 pp.页。 456-465; Adler, Some Missing Fragments of Ben Sira [vii. 456-465 ;阿德勒，一些失踪的片段本特希拉[七。 29-xii. 29 -十二。 1]. 1 ] 。 ib.兴业。 pp.页。 466-480; Lévi, Fragments de-Deux Nouveaux Manuscrits Hébreux de l'Ecclésiastique [xxxvi. 466-480 ; lévi ，碎片德-两种nouveaux manuscrits hébreux德l' ecclésiastique [三十六。 24-xxxviii. 24 -三十八。 1; vi.一;六。 18-19; xxviii. 18日至19日;二十八。 35; vii. 35条;七。 1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25], in REJ xl. 1 ， 4 ， 6日， 17日， 20日至21日， 23日至25日] ，在相互执行判决xl 。 1-30; Gaster, A New Fragment of Ben Sira [xviii. 1月30日;胃，一个新的片段本特希拉[十八。 31-33; xix. 31-33 ;十九。 1-2; xx. 1月2日;第XX 。 5-7; xxvii. 5月7日;二十七。 19. 19 。 22, 24, 26; xx. 22 ， 24 ， 26 ;第XX 。 13], in JQR xii. 13 ] ，在jqr十二。 688-702; Ecclesiasticus: The Fragments Hitherto Recovered of the Hebrew Text in Facsimile, Cambridge and Oxford, 1901; Schlögel, Ecclesiasticus xxxix. 688-702 ; ecclesiasticus ：碎片迄今收回的希伯来文的文字传真，剑桥和牛津大学， 1901年; schlögel ， ecclesiasticus第39届。 12-xlix. 12 xlix 。 16, Ope Artis Criticœ et Metricœ in Formam Originalem Redactus, 1901; Knabenbauer, Commentariusin Ecclesiasticum cum Appendice: Textus Ecclesiastici Hebrœus Descriptus Secundum Fragmenta Nuper Reperta cum Notis et Versione Litterali Latina, Paris, 1902; Peters, Der Jüngst Wiederaufgefundene Hebräische Text des Buches Ecclesiasticus, etc., Freiburg, 1902; Strack, Die Sprüche Jesus', des Sohnes Sirach, der Jüngst Wiedergefundene Hebräische Text mit Anmerkungen und Wörterbuch, Leipsic, 1903; Lévi, The Hebrew Text of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, Edited with Brief Notes and a Selected Glossary, Leyden, 1904, in Semitic Study Series, ed. 16 ， ope艺术家criticœ等metricœ在formam originalem redactus ， 1901年; knabenbauer ， commentariusin ecclesiasticum暨appendice ： Web网站ecclesiastici hebrœus descriptus secundum fragmenta最近谈论reperta暨notis等versione litterali latina ，巴黎， 1902年;彼得斯，明镜jüngst wiederaufgefundene hebräische文本万buches ecclesiasticus等，弗赖堡， 1902年; strack ，模具sprüche耶稣' ，万sohnes西拉奇，明镜jüngst wiedergefundene hebräische文本麻省理工学院anmerkungen und wörterbuch ， leipsic ， 1903年; lévi ，希伯来文的案文书ecclesiasticus ，编辑与简短的说明和一选定的词汇，莱登， 1904年，在犹太人的研究丛书，教育署。 Gottheil and Jastrow, iii.; La Sainte Bible Polyglotte, ed.戈特海尔和jastrow ，三;拉圣圣经polyglotte ，教育署。 Viguroux, vol. viguroux ，第一卷。 v., Paris, 1904; Peters, Liber Iesu Filii Sirach sive Ecclesiasticus Hebraice Secundum Codices Nuper Repertos, Vocalibus Adornatus Addita Versione Latina cum Glossario Hebraico-Latino, Freiburg, 1905.五，巴黎， 1904年;彼得斯， liber耶苏filii西拉奇sive ecclesiasticus hebraice secundum codices最近谈论repertos ， vocalibus adornatus addita versione latina暨glossario hebraico -拉丁裔，弗赖堡， 1905 。
On the question of the originality of the book: Margoliouth, The Origin of the "Original Hebrew" of Ecclesiasticus, London, 1899; Bacher, in JQR xii.关于这个问题的创意，这本书：马戈柳思，原产地的“原希伯来语” ecclesiasticus ，伦敦， 1899年; bacher ，在jqr十二。 97-108; idem, in Expository Times, xi. 97-108 ;同上，在阐述时代，十一。 563; Bickell, in WZKM xiii. 563 ; bickell ，在wzkm十三。 251-256; Halévy, in Rev. Sém. 251-256 ; halévy ，在牧师sém 。 viii.八。 78-88; König, in Expository Times, x. 78-88 ;柯尼希，在阐述时代，十。 512, 564; xi. 512 ， 564 ;十一。 31, 69, 139-140, 170-176, 234-235; idem, Die Originalität des Neulich Entdeckten Hebräischen Sirachtextes, Tübingen, 1900; idem, in Neue Kirchliche Zeitung, xi. 31 ， 69 ， 139-140 ， 170-176 ， 234-235 ;同上，模具originalität万诺伊利希entdeckten hebräischen sirachtextes ，蒂宾根大学， 1900年;同上，在neue kirchliche报，十一。 60, 67; idem, in Theologische Rundschau, iii. 60 ， 67 ;同上，在theologische rundschau ，三。 19; idem, in Evangelische Kirchen-Zeitung, lxxiv.第19条;同上，在evangelische kirchen -报， lxxiv 。 289-292; Lévi, in REJ xxxix. 289-292 ; lévi ，在相互执行判决三十九。 1-15, xl. 1月15日， xl 。 1-30; Margoliouth, in Expository Times, xi. 1月30日;马戈柳思，在阐述时代，十一。 90-92, 191, 427-429, 521; xii. 90-92 ， 191 ， 427-429 ， 521 ;十二。 45, 95, et passim; Ryssel, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, lxxv. 45 ， 95 ，等各处; ryssel ，在theologische studien und kritiken ， lxxv 。 406-420; Schechter, in Expository Times, xi. 406-420 ; Schechter已，在阐述时代，十一。 140-142, 382, 522; Selbie, ib. 140-142 ， 382 ， 522 ;与塞尔比，兴业。 127, 363, 378, 446, 494, 550; Tyler, in JQR xii. 127 ， 363 ， 378 ， 446 ， 494 ， 550 ;泰勒，在jqr十二。 555-562. 555-562 。
Studies on the Hebrew text, exclusive of the editions and commentaries mentioned above: Bacher, in JQR ix.研究对希伯来文的案文，独家的版本和评论上述： bacher ，在jqr九。 543-562, xii. 543-562 ，第十二章。 272-290; idem, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xx. 272-290 ;同上，在比赛的zeitschrift ，第XX 。 308; idem, in REJ xl. 308 ;同上，在相互执行判决xl 。 253; Blau, ib. 253 ;布劳，兴业。 xxxv.三十五。 25-29; Büchler, ib. 25日至29日; büchler ，兴业。 xxxviii.三十八。 137-140; Chajes, ib. 137-140 ;沙热，兴业。 xl. xl 。 31-36; Cheyne, in JQR x. 31-36 ;进益，在jqr十。 13, xii. 13 ，第十二章。 554; Cowley, ib. 554 ;考利，兴业。 xii.十二。 109-111; Cowley and Neubauer, ib. 109-111 ;考利和纽鲍尔，兴业。 ix.九。 563-567; Frankel, in Monatsschrift, xiii. 563-567 ;弗兰克尔，在monatsschrift ，十三。 380-384, xliii. 380-384 ，四十三。 481-484; Ginsburger, in REJ xlii. 481-484 ;金斯布格尔，在相互执行判决四十二。 267; Grimme, in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, ii. 267 ;格力莫，在东方学文献，二。 213, 316; idem. 213 ， 316 ;同上。 in La Revue Biblique, ix.在La杂志biblique ，第九章。 400-413; x. 400-413 ;十。 55-65, 260-267, 423-435; 55-65 ， 260-267 ， 423-435 ;
Gray, in JQR ix.灰色的，在jqr九。 567-572; Halévy, in Journal Asiatique, 1897, x. 567-572 ; halévy ，在杂志亚， 1897年，十。 501; Herz, in JQR x. 501人;赫兹，在jqr十。 719-724; Hogg, in Expositor, 1897, pp. 719-724 ;霍格，在expositor ， 1897年，页。 262-266; idem, in American Journal of Theology, i. 262-266 ;同上，在美国杂志神学，一。 777-786; Houtsma; in Theologisch Tijdschrift, xxxiv. 777-786 ; houtsma ;在theologisch tijdschrift ，三十四。 329-354; Jouon, in Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie, xxvii. 329-354 ;茹翁，在zeitschrift f黵katholische theologie ，二十七。 583 et seq.; Kaufmann, in JQR xi. 583条及以下各条。 ;考夫曼，在jqr十一。 159-162; idem, in Monatsschrift, xi. 159-162 ;同上，在monatsschrift ，十一。 337-340; Kautzsch, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken. 337-340 ; kautzsch ，在theologische studien und kritiken 。 lxxi. lxxi 。 185-199; Krauss, in JQR xi. 185-199 ;克劳斯，在jqr十一。 156-158; Landauer, in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xii. 156-158 ;兰，在zeitschrift f黵assyriologie ，第十二章。 393-395; Lévi, in REJxxxiv. 393-395 ; lévi ，在rejxxxiv 。 1-50, 294-296; xxxv. 1-50 ， 294-296 ;三十五。 29-47; xxxvii. 29-47 ;三十七。 210-217; xxxix. 210-217 ;三十九。 1-15, 177-190; xl. 1月15日， 177-190 ; xl 。 253-257; xlii. 253-257 ;四十二。 269; xliv. 269 ;四十四。 291-294; xlvii. 291-294 ;四十七。 l-2; idem, in JQR xiii.升- 2 ;同上，在jqr十三。 1-17, 331; Margolis, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxi. 1月17日， 331 ;马戈利斯，在比赛的zeitschrift ，二十一世纪。 271; Margoliouth, in Athenœum, July, 1897, p. 271 ;马戈柳思，在athenœum ， 7月， 1897年，第 162; Méchineau, in Etudes. 162 ; méchineau ，在练习曲。 lxxviii. lxxviii 。 451-477, lxxxi. 451-477 ， lxxxi 。 831-834, lxxxv. 831-834 ， lxxxv 。 693-698; Müller, in WZKM xi. 693-698 ;米勒，在wzkm十一。 103-105; Nöldeke, in Expositor, 1897, pp. 103-105 ; nöldeke ，在expositor ， 1897年，页。 347-364; Peters, in Theologische Quartalschrift, lxxx. 347-364 ;彼得斯，在theologische quartalschrift ， lxxx 。 94-98, lxxxii. 94-98 ， lxxxii 。 180-193; idem, in Biblische Zeitschrift, i. 180-193 ;同上，在biblische zeitschrift ，一。 47, 129; Rosenthal, in Monatsschrift, 1902, pp. 47 ， 129 ;罗森塔尔，在monatsschrift ， 1902年，页。 49-52; Ryssel, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1900, pp. 49-52 ; ryssel ，在theologische studien und kritiken ， 1900年，页。 363-403, 505-541; 1901, pp. 363-403 ， 505-541 ; 1901年，页。 75-109, 270-294, 547-592; 1902, pp. 75-109 ， 270-294 ， 547-592 ; 1902年，页。 205-261, 347-420; Schechter, in JQR xii. 205-261 ， 347-420 ; Schechter已，在jqr十二。 266-274; Schlögel, in ZDMG liii. 266-274 ; schlögel ，在zdmg liii 。 669-682; Smend, in Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1897, pp. 669-682 ;斯门德，在theologische literaturzeitung ， 1897年，页。 161, 265; Steiniger, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxi. 161 ， 265 ; steiniger ，在比赛的zeitschrift ，二十一世纪。 143; Strauss, in Schweizerische Theologische Zeitung, xvii. 143 ;施特劳斯，在： Schweizerische theologische报，十七。 65-80; Taylor, in JQR x. 65-80 ;泰勒，在jqr十。 470-488; xv. 470-488 ;十五。 440-474, 604-626; xvii. 440-474 ， 604-626 ;十七。 238-239; idem, in Journal of Theological Studies, i. 238-239 ;同上，在杂志的神学研究，一。 571-583; Touzard, in Revue Biblique, vi. 571-583 ;图扎尔，在杂志biblique ，六。 271-282, 547-573; vii. 271-282 ， 547-573 ;七。 33 58; ix. 33 58 ;九。 45-67, 525-563. 45-67 ， 525-563 。 Principal editions of the Greek text: Fritzsche, Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testamenti Grœce, Leipsic, 1871; Holmes and Parsons, Vetus Testamentum Grœcum cum Variis Lectionibus, iv., Oxford, 1827; Swete, The Old Testament in Greek, ii., Cambridge, 1891.主要版本的希腊文字： fritzsche ，图书apocryphi veteris testamenti grœce ， leipsic ， 1871年;霍姆斯和帕森斯，老testamentum grœcum暨variis lectionibus ，四，牛津， 1827年; swete ，旧约在希腊语，二，剑桥， 1891 。 Of the Syriac text: Lagarde, Libri Veteris Testamenti Apocryphi Syriace, Leipsic, 1861; Ceriani, Codex Syro-Hexaplaris Ambrosianus Photolithographice Editus, Milan, 1874.有关叙利亚的文字： •拉嘉德，图书veteris testamenti apocryphi syriace ， leipsic ， 1861年;塞里亚尼，食品法典委员会syro - hexaplaris ambrosianus photolithographice editus ，米兰， 1874 。 On the other translations derived from the Greek: Peters, Der Jüngst Wiederaufgefundene Hebräische Text des Buches Ecclesiasticus, pp.对其他翻译来自希腊：彼得斯，明镜jüngst wiederaufgefundene hebräische文本万buches ecclesiasticus ，聚丙烯。 35 et seq.; Herkenne, De Veteris Latini Ecclesiastici Capitibus i.-xliii., Leipsic, 1899; Ryssel, in Kautzsch, Apokryphen, i. 35条及以下各条。 ; herkenne ，德veteris拉迪尼ecclesiastici capitibus一-四十三， leipsic ， 1899年; ryssel ，在kautzsch ， apokryphen ，一。 Chief general commentaries: Fritzsche, Die Weisheit Jesus Sirach's Erklärt und Uebersetzt (Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen), Leipsic, 1859; Edersheim, in Wace, Apocrypha, ii., London, 1888; Ryssel, in Kautzsch, Apokryphen, i.总务科科长评论： fritzsche ，模具weisheit耶稣西拉奇的erklärt und uebersetzt （ exegetisches handbuch祖书斋apokryphen ） ， leipsic ， 1859年; edersheim ，在wace ， apocrypha ，二，伦敦， 1888年; ryssel ，在kautzsch ， apokryphen ，一。 Special studies (following Schürer's list): Gfrörer, Philo, ii.专项研究的报告（以下schürer的清单） ： gfrörer ，斐洛，二。 18-52, Stuttgart, 1831; Dähne, Geschichtliche Darstellung der Jüdisch-Alexandrinischen Religionsphilosophie, ii. 18-52 ，斯图加特， 1831年; dähne ， geschichtliche darstellung明镜jüdisch - alexandrinischen religionsphilosophie ，二。 126-150, Halle, 1834; Winer, De Utriusque Siracidœ Ætate, Erlangen, 1832; Zunz, GV pp. 126-150 ，哈勒， 1834 ;温，取消了两个siracidœ ætate ，埃尔兰根， 1832年;聪茨，货车页。 100-105 (2d ed., pp. 106-111); Ewald, Ueber das Griechische Spruchbuch Jesus' Sohnes Sirach's, in Jahrbücher der Biblischen Wissenschaft, iii. 100-105 （第2版，页106-111 ） ;埃瓦尔德， ueber之griechische spruchbuch耶稣sohnes西拉奇的，在jahrbücher明镜biblischen wissenschaft ，三。 125-140; Bruch, Weisheitslehre der Hebräer, pp. 125-140 ;玻璃， weisheitslehre明镜hebräer ，聚丙烯。 266-319, Strasburg, 1851; Horowitz, Das Buch Jesus Sirach, Breslau, 1865; Montet, Etude du Livre de Jésus, Fils de Sirach, au Point de Vue Critique, Dogmatique et Moral, Montauban, 1870; Grätz, in Monatsschrift, 1872, pp. 266-319 ， strasburg ， 1851年;霍洛维茨，耶稣之buch西拉奇，布雷斯劳， 1865年; montet ，练习曲杜livre德jésus ，费尔德西拉奇，凹点，德vue批判， dogmatique等道德，曼托邦， 1870年; grätz ，在monatsschrift ， 1872年，页。 49, 97; Merguet, Die Glaubens- und Sittenlehre des Buches Jesus Sirach, Königsberg, 1874; Sellgmann, Das Buch der Weisheit des Jesus Sirach in Seinem Verhältniss zu den Salomon. 49 ， 97 ; merguet ，模具glaubens - und sittenlehre万buches耶稣西拉奇， königsberg ， 1874年; sellgmann ，之buch明镜weisheit万耶稣西拉奇在seinem verhältniss祖书斋所罗门。 Sprüchen und Seiner Historischen Bedeutung, Breslau, 1883; Bickell, Ein Alphabetisches Lied Jesus Sirach's, in Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie, 1882, pp. sprüchen und seiner historischen bedeutung ，布雷斯劳， 1883年; bickell ，艾因alphabetisches说谎，耶稣西拉奇的，在zeitschrift f黵katholische theologie ， 1882年，页。 319-333; Drummond, Philo Judœus, 1888, i. 319-333 ;德拉蒙德，斐洛judœus ， 1888年，一 144-155; Margoliouth, An Essay on the Place of Ecclesiasticus in Semitic Literature, Oxford, 1890; idem, The Language and Metre of Ecclesiasticus, in Expositor, 1890, pp. 144-155 ;马戈柳思，一篇文章就地方ecclesiasticus在犹太人的文学，牛津大学， 1890年;同上，语言和米ecclesiasticus ，在expositor ， 1890年，页。 295-320, 381-391; Bois, Essai sur les Origines de la Philosophie Judéo-Alexandrine, pp. 295-320 ， 381-391 ;木材日志， essai sur本港就业辅导组origines德香格里拉哲学judéo - alexandrine ，聚丙烯。 160-210, 313-372, Paris, 1890; Perles, Notes Critiques sur le Texte de l' Ecclésiastique, in REJ xxxv. 160-210 ， 313-372 ，巴黎， 1890年; perles指出，批评sur乐德文本升' ecclésiastique ，在相互执行判决三十五。 48-64; Krauss, Notes on Sirach, in JQR xi. 48-64 ;克劳斯指出，对西拉奇，在jqr十一。 150; Müller, Strophenbau und Responsion, Vienna, 1898; Gasser, Die Bedeutung der Sprüche Jesu ben Sira für die Datierung des Althebräischnen Spruchbuches, Güterslohe, 1904; comp. 150 ;米勒， strophenbau und responsion ，维也纳， 1898年; gasser ，模具bedeutung明镜sprüche jesu本特希拉f黵die datierung万althebräischnen spruchbuches ， güterslohe ， 1904年;可比。 also Schürer, Gesch.也schürer ， gesch 。 iii.三。 157-166; André, Les Apocryphes de l' Ancien Testament, pp. 157-166 ;安德烈，本港就业辅导组apocryphes德升' ancien证明，聚丙烯。 271-310, Florence, 1903; Toy, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc. 271-310 ，佛罗伦斯， 1903年;玩具，在进益及黑色， encyc 。 Bibl. bibl 。 sv Ecclesiasticus and Sirach; Nestle, Sirach, in Hastings, Dict. sv ecclesiasticus和西拉奇;雀巢，西拉奇，在黑斯廷斯，翻译字典。 Bible.TIL bible.til
This subject presentation in the original English language这个课题介绍，在原有的英语语言
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The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html主要相信网页（和索引科目） ，是在http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html