Book of Sirach西拉奇 书

or Ecclesiasticus或Ecclesiasticus

A book in the Old Testament Apocrypha旧约伪经中的

General Information一般资料

The Book of Sirach, or the Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, is a book in the Apocrypha.西拉奇书,或耶稣的儿子西拉奇智慧,是一个伪经书。It is also known as Ecclesiasticus ("church book") because of its wide use among Greek and Latin Christians in moral instruction.它也被称为Ecclesiasticus(“教会书”),因为它的广泛使用希腊语和拉丁语的基督徒在道德教育中。 Classified among the wisdom writings, the book was written in Hebrew at Jerusalem c.智慧的著作之间的划分,在耶路撒冷C.希伯来文写的书180 BC by a learned teacher, Jesus ben Sirach, and was translated into Greek in Egypt with a preface by his grandson not long after 132 BC.180 BC和一个博学多才的老师,耶稣本西拉奇,被翻译成希腊由他的孙子在埃及公元前后132年不长的序言。

The wisdom teaching of the book is climaxed by a long eulogy of the heroes of Israelite history.智慧的书教学推向了高潮由以色列人历史的英雄的悼词。Using the sayings form typical of the Book of Proverbs, the author achieves a fusion of scribal piety, with its high regard for the Jewish law, and traditional wisdom.笔者使用的熟语形式的箴言“的典型,达到了抄写虔诚的融合,其犹太法律的高度重视,和传统的智慧。

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Book of Sirach预订的西拉奇

or Ecclesiasticus或Ecclesiasticus

General Information一般资料

Sirach or Ecclesiasticus is a book of the Old Testament in those versions of the Bible following the Greek Septuagint (generally Roman Catholic and Orthodox versions).西拉奇或Ecclesiasticus是一书在旧约“圣经”的希腊译本(一般为罗马天主教和东正教的版本)的版本。 It does not appear in the Hebrew Bible, and it is placed with the Apocrypha in Protestant versions of the Bible.它不会出现在希伯来文圣经,它是放置在新教的圣经版本的伪经。Also known as "The Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach," the book was written some time between 195 and 171 BC by Jesus the son of Sirach (Hebrew Joshua ben Sira).也被称为“智慧耶稣的儿子西拉奇”,“书是写耶稣的儿子西拉奇(希伯来文约书亚本西拉)公元前195和171之间的一段时间。 The author is thought to have been a scholar who taught wisdom in an academy in Jerusalem.笔者认为,已经有学者谁教学院在耶路撒冷的智慧。He is the only author of an apocryphal book to have attached his own name to his work (50:27).他是一个未经证实的书,重视自己的名字,他的工作(50:27)的唯一作者。About 130 BC, a Greek translation was made from the Hebrew original by a person who claimed in an added preface (ever since part of the book) to be a grandson of the author.约公元前130年,希腊的翻译是从原始的希伯来文一个人在序言中声称(自从书的一部分),是作者的孙子。Because of the great popularity earned by the book, it was translated subsequently into numerous other languages; the Greek text, however, is the only one to have survived in its entirety.由于大受欢迎,赢得了书,这是后来翻译成其他许多语言,希腊文,然而,是唯一全部存活。

Sirach mainly consists of a series of loosely related maxims and other sayings of a proverbial nature, much in the manner of the Book of Proverbs.西拉奇一系列松散相关的格言和其他熟语的一个众所周知的性质,在箴言书的方式,主要包括。Throughout, the author offers instruction on how to conduct oneself wisely in all areas of life.自始至终,作者提供了如何在生活的各个领域进行自己明智的指令。He identifies wisdom with the divine law (24:23), but his counsels are more concerned with ethics than they are with divine revelation.他识别智慧与神法(24:23),但他的律师更关注比他们与神的启示的道德。In addition to its numerous, diverse instructions, Sirach contains several long poems that celebrate wisdom (1:1-20, 24:1-22), praise God and his wonderful works (42:15-43:33), and praise the venerable patriarchs and prophets of Israel (chap. 44-49).除了其众多的,多样化的指令,西拉奇包含几个庆祝智慧(1:1-20,24:1-22),赞美上帝和他的精彩作品(42:15-43:33)的长诗,并赞扬古老的始祖和以色列的先知(44-49章)。 Noteworthy is chapter 24, introducing uncreated wisdom speaking as a divine person.值得一提的是第24章,介绍自存的智慧,作为一个神圣的人的发言。Early Christian writers considered it an anticipation or foreshadowing of the Logos, or word of God, in the opening chapter of John's Gospel.早期的基督教作家认为它预期的标识或铺垫,或上帝的话,在约翰福音的开篇。Sirach is classified with the Wisdom literature of the Old Testament, which includes the Books of Ecclesiastes, Job, and Proverbs.西拉奇归类与智慧文学的旧约,其中包括传道书的书籍,作业,和箴言。Some scholars regard it as the final outstanding specimen of that form of literature and the first example of the kind of Jewish thought developed subsequently by the Pharisaic and Sadducean schools.有些学者认为它作为最终优秀的标本,文学的形式和犹太后来Pharisaic和Sadducean学校思想的第一个例子。

Although highly regarded by early Jewish commentators, who often cited it, Sirach was excluded from the Hebrew canon.尽管早期犹太评论家,他经常引用它高度,西拉奇被排除在希伯来语佳能。The rabbis who closed the canon felt that the period of divine inspiration had ended soon after the time of the Hebrew priest and reformer Ezra (flourished 5th-4th century BC); thus, Sirach, which clearly was written long after Ezra's time, could not have been divinely inspired. “拉比谁封闭佳能觉得,神圣的灵感期间有时间的希伯来文牧师和改革者以斯拉(兴盛第五,第四世纪公元前)后不久结束;因此,西拉奇,这显然是书面后以斯拉的时间长,可能不已神圣的。 Early Christians, however, accepted it along with several other books regarded as spurious by the Jews.然而,早期的基督徒,接受了一起杂散​​视为犹太人的几个其他书籍。Since then, both the Orthodox church and the Roman Catholic church have decreed it to be canonical, and Protestants, following Martin Luther, consider it apocryphal rather than canonical.从那时起,无论是东正教和罗马天主教会已下令它是规范和新教徒,马丁路德,认为这是杜撰的,而不是规范。


Ecclesiasticus Ecclesiasticus

Catholic Information天主教信息

(Abbrev. Ecclus.; also known as the Book of Sirach.)(Abbrev. Ecclus;又称西拉奇图书。)

The longest of the deuterocanonical books of the Bible, and the last of the Sapiential writings in the Vulgate of the Old Testament.最长的圣经次经的书籍,和去年在拉丁文圣​​经旧约的智斗著作。

I. TITLE一,标题

The usual title of the book in Greek manuscripts and Fathers is Sophia Iesou uiou Seirach, "the Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach", or simply Sophia Seirach "the Wisdom of Sirach".通常在希腊手稿和父亲书的标题是索菲亚Iesou uiou Seirach,“耶稣的智慧,西拉奇儿子”,或者干脆索菲亚Seirach“西拉奇的智慧”。It is manifestly connected with and possibly derived from, the following subscription which appears at the end of recently-discovered Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus: "Wisdom [Hó khmâ ] of Simeon, the son of Yeshua, the son of Eleazar, the son of Sira".这显然​​是与可能出现在最近发现的希伯来片段Ecclesiasticus结束,以下认购得出:“智慧[何khmâ]西拉西麦,耶稣的儿子,以利亚撒的儿子,儿子“。 Indeed, its full form would naturally lead one to regard it as a direct rendering of the Hebrew heading: Hokhmath Yeshua ben Sira, were it not that St. Jerome, in his prologue to the Solominic writings, states that the Hebrew title of Ecclesiasticus was "Mishle" (Parabolae) of Jesus of Sirach.事实上,它的完整形式,自然会导致人们把它作为一个直接的希伯来文的标题渲染:Hokhmath耶稣本西拉,它不是圣杰罗姆,在他的开场白Solominic著作,国家Ecclesiasticus希伯来文的标题是“Mishle”耶稣西拉奇(抛物线)。 Perhaps in the original Hebrew the book bore different titles at different times: in point of fact, the simple name Hokhma, "Wisdom", is applied to it in the Talmud, while Rabbinic writers commonly quote Ecclesiasticus as Ben Sira.也许在原来的希伯来书孔在不同时期的不同标题:事实上,简单的名称Hokhma,“智慧”,是适用于它在犹太法典,而拉比作家普遍报价Ecclesiasticus作为本西拉。 Among the other Greek names which are given to Ecclesiasticus in patristic literature, may be mentioned the simple title of Sophia, "Wisdom", and the honorary designation he panaretos sophia, "all-virtuous Wisdom".在Ecclesiasticus教父文学的希腊名字,可能是简单的标题提到索菲亚,“智慧”,和他的荣誉称号panaretos索菲亚,“良性的智慧”。

As might well be expected, Latin writers have applied to Ecclesiasticus titles which are derived from its Greek names, such as "Sapientia Sirach" (Rufinus); "Jesu, filii Sirach" (Junilius), "Sapienta Jesu" (Codex Claromontanus); "Liber Sapientiae" (Roman Missal).正如人们预计,拉丁美洲作家已申请Ecclesiasticus冠军,这是从希腊的名称,如“Sapientia西拉奇”(Rufinus),派生的;“Jesu,filii西拉奇”(Junilius),“Sapienta Jesu”(食品Claromontanus); “LIBER Sapientiae”(罗马Missal)。It can hardly be doubted, however, that the heading "Parabolae Salomonis", which is prefixed at times in the Roman Breviary to sections from Ecclesiasticus, is to be traced back to the Hebrew title spoken of by St. Jerome in his prologue to the Solomonic writings.然而,它几乎可以被怀疑,标题为“抛物线Salomonis”,这是有时在罗马祈祷书Ecclesiasticus部分前缀,是要追溯到希伯来文的标题由圣杰罗姆在他的开场白发言所罗门的著作。 Be this as it may, the book is most commonly designated in the Latin Church as "Ecclesiasticus", itself a Greek word with a Latin ending.是这样,因为它可能,这本书是最常见的指定在拉丁美洲教会“Ecclesiasticus”,本身就是一个希腊词与拉丁美洲的结局。 This last title -- not to be confounded with "Ecclesiastes" (Eccl.) -- is the one used by the Council of Trent in its solemn decree concerning the books to be regarded as sacred and canonical.这最后的标题 - “传道书”(传道书)不被混淆 - 是一个由安理会的遄达在其庄严的法令有关书籍被视为神圣和规范使用。It points out the very special esteem in which this didactic work was formerly held for the purpose for general reading and instruction in church meetings: this book alone, of all the deuterocanonical writings, which are also called Ecclesiastical by Rufinus, has preserved by way of pre-eminence the name of Ecclesiasticus (Liber), that is "a church reading book".它指出,在这种说教式的工作以前一般阅读指令,并在教会聚会的目的举行的非常特殊的自尊:所有的次经著作,也称为Rufinus教会单靠这本书,保存方式Ecclesiasticus(LIBER)一统天下的名称,即“教会读的书”。

II.二。CONTENTS目录

The Book of Ecclesiasticus is preceded by a prologue which professes to be the work of the Greek translator of the origional Hebrew and the genuineness of which is undoubted.Ecclesiasticus图书之前,一个自称是希腊希伯来原文的真实性,这是勿庸置疑的翻译工作的序幕。 In this preface to his translation, the writer describes, among other things his frame of mind in undertaking the hard task of rendering the Hebrew text into Greek.在他的翻译的序言中,作者介绍,其他的事情他的心态进行渲染成希腊文的希伯来文的硬任务中。He was deeply impressed by the wisdom of the sayings contained in the book, and therefore wished, by means of a translation, to place those valuable teachings within the reach of anyone desiring to avail himself of them for living in more perfect accord with the law of God.书所载的格言的智慧,他留下了深刻的印象,因此希望,通过翻译手段,放置在希望他们利用自己生活在更完善符合法律的人达到这些宝贵的教诲神。 This was a most worthy object, and there is no doubt that in setting it before himself the translator of Ecclesiasticus had well realized the general character of the contents of that sacred writing.这是一个最值得的对象,并没有疑问,在以前的自己设置Ecclesiasticus翻译很好地实现了这一神圣的写作内容一般性质。 The fundamental thought of the author of Ecclesiasticus is that of wisdom as understood and inculcated in inspired Hebrew literature; for the contents of this book, however varied they may appear in other respects, admit of being naturally grouped under the genral heading of "Wisdom". Ecclesiasticus作者的根本思想是智慧的启发希伯来文学的理解和灌输;这本书的内容,然而不同,他们可能会出现在其他方面,承认被自然下的“智慧”genral标题分组。 Viewed from this standpoint, which is indeed universally regarded as the author's own standpoint, the contents of Ecclesiasticus may be divided into two great parts: chs.从这个角度来看,这的确是普遍作为作者的自己的立场来看,Ecclesiasticus的内容可分为两个大的部分:CHS。 i-xlii, 14; and xlii, 15-1, 26. I - XLII,14; XLII,15-1,26。The sayings which chiefly make up the first part, tend directly to inculcate the fear of God and the fulfilment of His commands, wherein consists true wisdom.的说法,主要是弥补第一部分,往往直接灌输的敬畏上帝,并履行他的命令,其中包括真正的智慧。This they do by pointing out, in a concrete manner, how the truly wise man shall conduct himself in the manifold relationships of practical life.他们指出,在具体的方式,真正聪明的人应如何进行自己在现实生活中的多方面的关系,。They afford a most varied fund of thoughtful rules for self-guidance他们买得起一个最不同的基金,周到的自我指导规则

in joy and sorrow, in prosperity and adversity, in sickness and health, in struggle and temptation, in social life, in intercourse with friends and enemies, with high and low, rich and poor, with the good and wicked, the wise and the foolish, in trade, business, and one's ordinary calling, above all, in one's own house and family in connection with the training of children, the treatment of men-servants and maid-servants, and the way in which a man ought to behave towards his own wife and women generally (Schü rer).在喜悦和悲伤,在繁荣和逆境,在疾病和健康,在斗争和诱惑,在社会生活中,在与朋友和敌人,良好的和邪恶的,明智的和有高有低,富国和穷国,性交愚蠢的,在贸易,商业,和一个人的普通呼吁在一个人的自己的房子和培训儿童的家庭,首先,治疗男性公务员和佣人,仆人,方式,其中一个男人应该的行为一般对自己的妻子和妇女(Schü RER)。

Together with these maxims, which resemble closely both in matter and form the Proverbs of Solomon, the first part of Ecclesiasticus includes several more or less long descriptions of the origin and excellence of wisdom (cf. i; iv, 12-22; vi, 18-37; xiv, 22-xv, 11; xxiv).连同这些格言,类似于密切双方在物质和形式所罗门的箴言,第一部分的Ecclesiasticus包括几个或长或短的起源和卓越智慧的说明(参见我;四,12-22;第六, 18-37;十四,22 - XV,11; XXIV)。The contents of the second part of the book are of a decidely more uniform character, but contribute no less effectively to the setting forth of the general topic of Ecclesiasticus.本书的第二部分的内容是一个决定性的更均匀的字符,但不低于有效地作出贡献Ecclesiasticus一般主题的设置规定。 They first describe at length the Divine wisdom so wonderfully displayed in the realm of nature (xlii, 15-xliii), and next illustrate the practice of wisdom in the various walks of life, as made known by the history of Israel's worthies, from Enoch down to the high priest Simon, the writer's holy contemporary (xliv-1, 26).他们首先描述长度的神圣智慧,如此奇妙的大自然的境界(XLII,15 - XLIII)显示,和旁边说明在生活的各种作为作出称为以色列的前贤​​的历史散步,智慧的做法从诺,大祭司西蒙,作家的神圣当代(XLIV - 1,26)。At the close of the book (1, 27-29), there is first, a short conclusion containing the author's subscription and the express declaration of his general purpose; and next, an appendix (li) in which the writer returns thanks to God for His benefits, and especially for the gift of wisdom and to which are subjoined in the Hebrew text recently discovered, a second subscription and the following pious ejaculation: "Blessed be the name Of Yahweh from this time forth and for evermore."书(1月27-29日)结束,第一,包含作者的认购和表达他的通用声明的一个简短的结论;和明年,在其中一个附录(李)作家返回感谢上帝他的好处,尤其是对智慧的礼物,是最近发现的希伯来文,第二次认购及以下虔诚射精subjoined:“从这个时候提出,为永耶和华的名是应当称颂的。”

III.三。ORIGINAL TEXT原文

Until quite recently the original language of the Book of Ecclesiasticus was a matter of considerable doubt among scholars.直到最近Ecclesiasticus图书的原始语言是一个很大疑问的学者之间的问题。They, of course, know that the Greek translator's prologue states that the work was originally written in "Hebrew", hebraisti, but they were in doubt as to the precise signification of this term, which might mean either Hebrew proper or Aramaic. ,当然,他们知道希腊翻译的序幕国家的工作原本是写在“希伯来文”,hebraisti,但他们怀疑这个词的确切意义,这可能意味着要么希伯来语适当或阿拉姆语。 They were likewise aware that St. Jerome, in his preface to the Solomonic writings, speaks of a Hebrew original as in existence in his day, but it still might be doubted whether it was truly a Hebrew text, or not rather a Syriac or Aramaic translation in Hebrew characters.他们同样知道,圣杰罗姆,所罗门著作的序言中,谈到一个希伯来文,原来在他的天存在,但它仍然可能会怀疑它是否是一个真正的希伯来文,或没有,而叙利亚文或阿拉姆在希伯来文字符的翻译。 Again, in their eyes, the citation of the book by rabbinical writers, sometimes in Hebrew, sometimes in Aramaic, did not appear decisive, since it was not certain that they came from a Hebrew original.同样,在他们眼里,拉比作家有时在希伯来文,书的引文有时在阿拉姆语,没有出现决定性的,因为它不是一定的,他们从希伯来文原。 And this was their view also with regard to the quotations, this time in classical Hebrew, by the Bagdad gaon Saadia of the tenth century of our era, that is of the period after which all documentary traces of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus practically disappear from the Christian world.这是他们的看法也与我们这个时代,期间十世纪巴格达gaon萨蒂娅方面的报价,这在古典希伯来语时间后,所有的希伯来文Ecclesiasticus纪录片痕迹几乎消失基督教世界。 Still, most critics were of the mind that the primitive language of the book was Hebrew, not Aramaic.尽管如此,大多数评论家们的心灵,书的原始语言是希伯来语,亚拉姆语。Their chief argument for this was that the Greek version contains certain errors: for example, xxiv, 37 (in Gr., verse 27), "light" for "Nile" (xx); xxv, 22 (Gr. verse 15), "head" for "poison" (xx); xlvi.为此,他们的主要论点是,希腊的版本包含某些错误,例如:XXIV,37(GR,27节),“光”“尼罗河”(XX); XXV,22(希腊语15节), “头”,“毒”(XX); XLVI。21 (Gr., verse 18), "Tyrians" for "enemies" (xxx); etc.; these are best accounted for by supposing that the translator misunderstood a Hebrew original before him. 21(希腊语,18节),“Tyrians”为“敌人”(XXX);等,这些都是最好的占假定翻译误解希伯来文原来在他之前。And so the matter stood until the year 1896, which marks the beginning of an entirely new period in the history of the original text of Ecclesiasticus.等问题的主张,直到公元1896年,这标志着一个全新的时期Ecclesiasticus原始文字的历史的开始。 Since that time, much documentary evidence has come to light, and intends to show that the book was originally written in Hebrew.自那时以来,大量的书面证据已经显露出来,并打算显示,这本书最初是在希伯来文写的的。The first fragments of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus (xxxix, 15-xl, 6) were brought from the East to Cambridge, England, by Mrs. AS Lewis; they were identified in May 1896, and published in "The Expositor" (July, 1896) by S. Schechter, reader in Talmudic at Cambridge University.从东到英国剑桥,被带到了一个希伯来文Ecclesiasticus(XXXIX 15 - XL,6)的第一个片段由夫人刘易斯,他们确定了1896年5月,发表在“解释者”(七月1896年由S.谢克特,读者在talmudic在剑桥大学)。 About the same time, in a box of fragments acquired from the Cairo genizzah through Professor Sayce for the Bodleian Library, Oxford, nine leaves apparently of the same manuscript (now called B) and containing xl, 9-xlix, 11, were found by AE Cowley and Ad.大约在同一时间,发现一箱通过收购教授塞斯大学图书馆,牛津大学,显然是相同的手稿(现称为B)和含有XL,9 XLIX,11 9叶,碎片从开罗genizzah AE考利和广告。Neubauer, who also soon published them (Oxford, 1897) Next followed the identification by Professor Schechter, first, of seven leaves of the same Codex (B), containing xxx, 11-xxxi, 11; xxxii, 1b-xxxiii 3; xxxv, 11-xxxvi, 21; xxxvii, 30-xxxviii, 28b; xlix, 14c-li, 30; and next, of four leaves of a different manuscript (called A), and presenting iii, 6e-vii, 31a; xi, 36d-xvi, 26.纽鲍尔,谁也很快公布他们(牛津,1897年)下跟着教授谢克特,第一,七叶片同一法典(二)鉴定,含有XXX,11第31,11,三十二,1B - XXXIII 3; XXXV ,11 XXXVI,21 30三十七,三十八,28B; XLIX,14C里,30;下,四个不同的手稿叶(称为A),并提交第三,6E - VII,31A;第十一, 36D -十六,26。These eleven leaves had been discovered by Dr.这11个叶子已经发现博士。Schechtler in the fragments brought by him from the Cairo genizzah; and it is among matter obtained from the same source by the British Museum, that G. Margoliouth found and published., in 1899, four pages of the manuscript B containing xxxi, 12-xxxii, 1a; xxxvi, 21-xxxvii, 29. Schechtler碎片带来他从开罗genizzah,这是包括来自同一来源获得大英博物馆,G.马戈柳思发现和公布,在1899年,四页的手稿包含三十一,12乙, - 。三十二,1A; 21三十六,三十七,29。Early in 1900, I. Lé vi published two pages from a third manuscript (C), xxxvi, 29a-xxxviii, la, that is, a passage already contained in Codex Bl and two from a fourth manuscript (D), presenting in a defective manner, vi, 18-vii, 27b, that is, a section already found in Codes A. Early in 1900, too, EN Adler published four pages of manuscript A, vix.早在1900年,一乐六出版了两页,从第三手稿(C)三十六,29A - XXXVIII,LA,也就是说,已经从第四稿(四)食品法典委员会“基本法”和两个中的一个通过提交有缺陷的方式,六,18七,27B,也就是说,已经在代码答:早在1900年发现的一个部分,也EN阿德勒出版了四页的手稿,VIX。 vii, 29-xii, 1; and S. Schechter, four pages of manuscript C, consisting of mere excerpts from iv, 28b-v, 15c; xxv, 11b-xxvi, 2a.29七,十二,1;和S.谢克特,4页的手稿彗星仅仅摘录四,28B - V,15C组成,二十五,11B - 26,2A。Lastly, two pages of manuscript D were discovered by Dr. MS Gaster, and contain a few verses of chaps.最后,两页手稿ð被发现博士质谱法莫替丁,并包含一个章几节。xviii, xix, xx, xxvii, some of which already appear in manuscripts B and C. Thus be the middle of the year 1900, more than one-half of a Hebrew text of Ecclesiasticus had been identified and published by scholars.第十八,十九,二十,二十七,其中一些已经出现在B和C,因此1900年中,超过一半的希伯来文Ecclesiasticus已确定和学者发表的手稿。 (In the foregoing indications of the newly-discovered fragments of the Hebrew, the chapters and verses given are according to the numbering in the Latin Vulgate). (在上述迹象表明新发现的碎片的希伯来文,章节和诗句是根据编号在拉丁语武加大)。

As might naturally be anticipated, and indeed it was desirable that it should so happen, the publication of these various fragments gave rise to a controversy as to the originality of the text therein exhibited.出版这些不同的片段可能自然可以预期,而事实上,这是可取的,它应使发生,引起了争论,其中展出文本的独创性。 At a very early stage in that publication, scholars easily noticed that although the Hebrew language of the fragments was apparently classical, it nevertheless contained readings which might lead one to suspect its actual dependence on the Greek and Syriac versions of Ecclesiasticus.该出版物在非常早期的阶段,学者们很容易注意到,虽然希伯来语的片段显然是经典,但它包含的读数,这可能会导致怀疑其对希腊和叙利亚版本Ecclesiasticus的实际依赖。 Whence it manifestly imported to determine whether, and if so, to what extent, the Hebrew fragments reproduced an original text of the book, or on the contrary, simply presented a late retranslation of Ecclesiasticus into Hebrew by means of the versions just named.何处明显的进口,以确定若有,是否和在何种程度上,希伯来片段复制原书的文字,或相反,只要成希伯来文刚刚命名的版本,后期的Ecclesiasticus重译。 Both Dr. G. Bickell and Professor DS Margoliouth, that is, the two men who but shortly before the discovery of the Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus had attempted to retranslate small parts of the book into Hebrew, declared themselves openly against the originality of the newly found Hebrew text.博士G. Bickell和教授的DS马戈柳思,这是谁,但不久之前发现的希伯来片段Ecclesiasticus曾试图重新翻译成希伯来文的书的一小部分的两个男子,宣称自己对新的独创性公开发现的希伯来文。 It may indeed be admitted that the efforts naturally entailed by their own work of retranslation had especially fitted Margoliouth and Bickell for noticing and appreciating those features which even now appear to many scholars to tell in favour of a certain connection of the Hebrew text with the Greek and Syriac versions.它可能确实承认,自然由他们自己的重译工作需要努力,尤其是安装注意到并赞赏这些功能即使现在出现许多学者赞成的希伯来文与希腊的某些连接告诉马戈柳思和Bickell和叙利亚的版本。 It remains true, however, that, with the exception of Israel Lé vi and perhaps a few others, the most prominent Biblical and Talmudic scholars of the day are of the mind that the Hebrew fragments present an original text.然而,这仍是如此,说,以色列乐VI和其他几个人也许例外,最突出的圣经和塔木德学者一天的头脑,希伯来文的片段原始文本。 They think that the arguments and inferences most vigorously urged by Professor DS Margoliouth in favour of his view have been disposed of through a comparison of the fragments published in 1899 and 1900 with those that had appeared at an earlier date, and through a close study of nearly all the facts now available.他们认为最大力敦促教授DS马戈柳思赞成他的观点的论据和处理完毕早日出现在1899年和1900年出版的片段,通过比较,并通过密切的研究推论几乎所有的事实,现在可用。 They readily admit in the manuscripts thus far recovered, scribal faults, doublets, Arabisms, apparent traces of dependence on extant versions, etc. But to their minds all such defects do not disprove the originality of the Hebrew text, inasmuch as they can, and indeed in a large number of cases must, be accounted for by the very late characrter of the copies now in our possession.他们毫不迟疑地承认迄今收回的手稿,抄写的错误,双峰,Arabisms,对现存的版本,等的依赖明显的痕迹,但他们的头脑,所有这些缺陷,不否定的希伯来文的独创性,因为他们可以,和确实在大量案件必须被占的副本,现在我们拥有很晚characrter。 The Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasticus belong, at the earliest, to the tenth, or even the eleventh, century of our era, and by that late date all kinds of errors could naturally be expected to have crept into the origional language of the book, because the Jewish copyists of the work did not regard it as canonical. Ecclesiasticus希伯来片段属于最早,第十次,甚至第十一届,我们这个时代的世纪,和各种错误,起步较晚,自然可以预期,蹑手蹑脚到了原书的语言,因为犹太抄写工作并没有把它作为规范。 At the same time these defects do not disfigure altogether the manner of Hebrew in which Ecclesiasticus was primitively written.与此同时,这些缺陷并不完全变丑的希伯来文的方式在Ecclesiasticus是原始的书面。 The language of the fragments is manifestly not rabbinic, but classical Hebrew; and this conclusion is decidely borne out by a comparison of their text with that of the quotations from Ecclesiasticus, both in the Talmud and in the Saadia, which have already been referred to.语言的片段显然是不拉比,但古典希伯来语;这个结论是决然承担了自己的文字与Ecclesiasticus,无论是在犹太法典中萨蒂娅,已经提到的报价进行比较。 Again, the Hebrew of the newly found fragments, although classical, is yet one of a distinctly late type, and it supplies considerable material for lexicographic research.再次,新发现的碎片的希伯来文,虽然是古典的,又是一个明显的后期的类型之一,它提供相当字典研究材料。Finally, the comparatively large number of the Hebrew manuscripts recently discovered in only one place (Cairo) points to the fact that the work in its primitive form was often transcribed in ancient times, and thus affords hope that other copies, more or less complete, of the original text may be discovered at some future date.最后,相对大量的希伯来文手稿最近发现只有一个地方(开罗)点,在其原始形式的工作往往是在古代转录,从而给予希望,其他副本,或多或少完整,原始文本可能会发现,在未来某个日期。 To render their study convenient, all the extant fragments have been brought together in a splendid edition.为了使他们的研究方便,所有现存的片段已聚集了一个辉煌版。"Facsimiles of the Fragments hitherto recovered of the Book of Ecclesiasticus in Hebrew" (Oxford and Cambridge, 1901).“传真机碎片迄今收回Ecclesiasticus在希伯来书”(牛津大学和剑桥大学,1901年)。The metrical and strophic structure of parts of the newly discovered text has been particularly investigated by H. Grimme and N. Schlogl, whose success in the matter is, to say the least, indifferent; and by Jos. Knabenbauer, SJ in a less venturesome way, and hence with more satisfactory results.新发现的文字部分的格律和strophic结构,特别是已调查H.机Grimme和N. Schlogl,在这个问题上的成功是,至少可以说,淡泊;圣何塞Knabenbauer,律政司司长在少冒险方式,因而更令人满意的结果。

IV.四。ANCIENT VERSIONS古老的版本

It was, of course, from a Hebrew text incomparably better than the one we now possess that the grandson of the author of Ecclesiasticus rendered, the book into Greek.当然,这是从希伯来文比我们现在拥有Ecclesiasticus作者的孙子渲染,成希腊文的书更好无比。This translator was a Palestinian Jew, who came to Egypt at a certain time, and desired to make the work accessible in a Greek dress to the Jews of the Dispersion, and no doubt also to all lovers of wisdom.这个翻译是一个巴勒斯坦的犹太人,谁来到埃及,在一定的时间和所需的工作在希腊礼服的访问分散的犹太人,并没有怀疑,也给所有的智慧爱好者。 His name is unknown, although an ancient, but little reliable, tradition ("Synopsis Scripurae Sacrae" in St. Athanasius's works) calls him Jesus, the son of Sirach.他的名字是未知的,虽然古老,但不大可靠,传统(“梗概Scripurae Sacrae”圣亚他那修的作品),称他为耶稣的儿子西拉奇。His literary qualifications for the task he undertook and carried out cannot be fully ascertained at the present day.他的文学的任务,他承诺,并进行了资格不能完全确定在目前的一天。He is commonly regarded, however, from the general character of his work, as a man of good general culture, with a fair command of both Hebrew and Greek.然而,他通常认为,从他的工作一般性质,作为一个人良好的文化,用希伯来文和希腊公平命令。He was distinctly aware of the great difference which exists between the respective genius of these two languages, and of the consequent difficulty attending the efforts of one who aimed atgving a satisfactory Greek version of a Hebrew writing, and therefore begs expressely, in his prologue to the work, his readers' indulgence for whatever shortcomings they may notice in his translation.他知道,这两种语言各自的的天才之间存在很大的差别显着,以及随之而来的困难,参加一个旨在atgving一个满意的希伯来文写的希腊版本的努力,并因此引出expressely在他的开场白,的工作,他的读者的放纵任何缺点,他们可能会注意到在他的翻译。 He claims to have spent much time and labour on his version of Ecclesiasticus, and it is only fair to suppose that his work was not only a conscientious, but also, on the whole, a successful, rendering of the original Hebrew.他声称花了大量的时间和劳力,他Ecclesiasticus版本和假设,他的工作不仅是一个有良心的,这是唯一公平的,而且,就整体而言,一个成功的,原来的希伯来渲染。 One can but speak in this guarded manner of the exact value of the Greek translation in its primitive form for the simple reason that a comparison of its extant manuscripts -- all apparently derived from a single Greek exemplar -- shows that the primitive translation has been very often, and in many cases seriously, tampered with.人们可以,但在此把守,希腊语翻译,原因很简单,在其原始形式其现存的手稿比较精确值的方式 - 显然是从一个单一的希腊典范派生所有 - 显示原始的翻译已经发言很多时候,在许多情况下,认真,篡改。The great uncial codices, the Vatican, the Sinaitic, the Ephraemitic, and partly the Alexandrian, though comparatively free from glosses, contain an inferior text; the better form of the text seems to be preserved in the Venetus Codex and in certain cursive manuscripts, though these have many glosses.伟大的安色尔字体抄本,梵蒂冈的Sinaitic,Ephraemitic,部分原因是亚历山大,虽然比较从敷衍了事,包含一个劣质的文字文本的形式似乎是在Venetus食品法典委员会,并在一定的草书手稿保存,虽然有很多粉饰。 Undoubtedly, a fair number of these glosses may be referred safely to the translator himself, who, at times added one word, or even a few words to the original before him, to make the meaning clearer or to guard the text against possible misunderstanding.毫无疑问,这些掩盖相当数量可能被称为安全译者本人,人,有时一个字,甚至原来在他面前的几句话,使意义更清晰或后卫对可能的误解的文字。 But the great bulk of the glosses resemble the Greek additions in the Book of Proverbs; they are expansions of the thought, or hellenizing interpretations, or additions from current collections of gnomic sayings.但大批量的粉饰类似于希腊箴言增加,他们的思想的扩张,或hellenizing解释,或者增加从目前格言谚语集合。 The following are the best-ascertained results which flow from a comparison of the Greek version with the text of our Hebrew fragments.以下是最好的确定结果来自希腊与我们的希伯来片段的文字版本比较。Oftentimes, the corruptions of the Hebrew may be discovered by means of the Greek; and, conversely, the Greek text is proved to be defective, in the line of additions or omissions, by references to parallel places in the Hebrew.通常情况下,可能会发现的希伯来文的损坏,希腊的手段;,相反,希腊文是被证明有缺陷,平行地在希伯来文的引用,在增加或遗漏。 At times, the Hebrew discloses considerable freedom of rendering on the part of the Greek translator; or enables one to perceive how the author of the version mistook one Hebrew letter for another; or again, affords us a means to make sense out of an unintelligible expressions in the Greek text.有时,希伯来文披露希腊翻译的一部分呈现相当大的自由度,或者使一个感知版本的作者弄错了一个又一个希伯来字母或再次为我们提供了一种手段,使一个难以理解的意义在希腊文的表达式。 Lastly, the Hebrew text confirms the order of the contents in xxx-xxxvi which is presented by the Syriac, Latin, and Armenian versions, over against the unnatural order found in all existing Greek manuscripts.最后,希伯来文,确认这是由叙利亚文,拉丁文,和亚美尼亚的版本对所有现有的希腊文手抄本中发现的非正常秩序,在XXX XXXVI内容的顺序。Like the Greek, the Syriac version of Ecclesiasticus was made directly from the original Hebrew.像希腊,叙利亚版本的Ecclesiasticus是直接从原来的希伯来文。This is wellnigh universally admitted; and a comparison of its text with that of the newly found Hebrew fragments should settle the point forever; as just stated, the Syriac version gives the same order as the Hebrew text for the contents of xxx-xxxvi; in particular, it presents mistaken renderings, the origin of which, while inexplicable by supposing a Greek original as its basis, is easily accounted for by reference to the text from which it was made must have been very defective, as is proved by the numerous and important lacunae in the Syriac translation.这wellnigh是普遍承认一个比较,其文字与新发现的希伯来文片段的应该解决点永远像刚才说,叙利亚版本为XXX - XXXVI内容的希伯来文以相同的顺序;特别是,它误效果图,其中的起源,而作为其依据的假设希腊原始莫名的,是很容易占参考从它是必须有非常有缺陷的文本,是由无数事实证明和在叙利亚文译本的一个重要的空白。 It seems, likewise, that the Hebrew has been rendered by the translator himself in a careless, and at times even arbitrary manner.看来,同样,希伯来文已经呈现一个不小心自己的翻译​​,有时甚至任意地。The Syriac version has all the less critical value at the present day, because it was considerably revised at an unknown date, by means of the Greek translation.叙利亚版本所有在现今的临界值,在一个未知的日期,因为它是相当修订的希腊翻译的手段,。

Of the other ancient versions of Ecclesiasticus, the Old Latin is the most important. Ecclesiasticus其他古老的版本,旧拉丁美洲是最重要的。It was made before St. Jerome's time, although the precise date of its origin cannot now be ascertained; and the holy doctor apparently revised its text but little, previously to its adoption into the Latin Vulgate.这是前圣杰罗姆的时间,虽然现在不能确定其来源的确切日期;和神圣的医生显然修订的文本,但很少,以前采用的拉丁语武加大。 The unity of the Old Latin version, which was formerly undoubted, has been of late seriously questioned, and Ph. Thielmann, the most recent investigator of its text in this respect, thinks that chs.旧拉丁美洲版本,这是以前勿庸置疑的,统一已晚严重质疑,博士Thielmann,其文字最近在这方面的调查,认为CHS。 xliv-1 are due to a translator other than that of the rest of the book, the former part being of European, the latter and chief part of African, origin.XLIV - 1是由于一个翻译的书,欧洲,非洲,产地后者和行政部分的前半部分的其余部分以外。Conversely, the view formerly doubted by Cornelius a Lapide, P. Sabatier, EG Bengel, etc., namely that the Latin version was made directly from the Greek, is now considered as altogether certain.相反,以前怀疑科尼利厄斯一个Lapide,P.萨巴蒂尔,如Bengel,等,即拉丁美洲版本是直接从希腊,现在被认为是完全确定。 The version has retained many Greek words in a latinized form: eremus (vi, 3); eucharis (vi, 5); basis (vi, 30); acharis (xx, 21), xenia (xx, 31); dioryx (xxiv, 41); poderes (xxvii, 9); etc., etc., together with certain Graecisms of construction; so that the text rendered into Latin was unquestionably Greek, not the original Hebrew.该版本保留了一个拉丁化的形式在许多希腊词:eremus(六,3); eucharis(六,5);基础(六,30); acharis(21,XX),森雅(XX,31); dioryx(XXIV ,41); poderes(XXVII,9);等,等,一起建设一定Graecisms,使成拉丁语中呈现的文本无疑是希腊,而不是原来的希伯来文。It is indeed true that other features of the Old Latin -- notably its order for xxx-xxxvi, which disagrees with the Greek translation, and agrees with the Hebrew text -- seem to point to the conclusion that the Latin version was based immediately on the original Hebrew.它的确是真实的,旧拉丁美洲的其他功能 - 尤其是其XXX三十六,不同意希腊翻译,并同意与希伯来文的顺序 - 似乎指向的结论,拉丁美洲版本是基于立即希伯来文原文。But a very recent and critical examination of all such features in i-xliii has let H. Herkenne to a different conclusion; all things taken into consideration, he is of the mind that: "Nititur Vetus Latina textu vulgari graeco ad textum hebraicum alterius recensionis graece castigato."但最近和严格审查所有这些功能在I - XLIII让阁下Herkenne不同的结论;考虑所有的事情,他的心态是:“Nititur Vetus拉丁textu vulgari希腊广告textum hebraicum alterius recensionis graece castigato。“(See also Jos. Knabenbauer, SJ, "In Ecclesiaticum", p. 34 sq.) Together with graecized forms, the Old Latin translation of Ecclesiasticus presents many barbarisms and solecisms (such as defunctio, i, 13; religiositas, i, 17, 18, 26; compartior, i, 24; receptibilis, ii, 5; peries, periet, viii, 18; xxxiii, 7; obductio, ii, 2; v, 1, 10; etc.), which, to the extent in which they can be actually traced back to the original form of ther version, go to show that the translator had but a poor command of the Latin language. (又见圣何塞Knabenbauer,律政司司长,“在Ecclesiaticum”,第34页平方米)连同graecized形式,Ecclesiasticus旧拉丁语翻译提出了许多barbarisms solecisms(如defunctio,我13; religiositas,我,17 ,18,26; compartior,我,24 receptibilis,II,5; peries,periet,八,18;三十三,7; obductio,II,2 V,1,10等),其中,在某种程度上,使他们能够真正追溯到有版本的原始形式,去展示,翻译了,但一个很差的拉丁语言。Again, from a fair number of expressions which are certainly due to the translator, it may be inferred that at times, he did not catch the sense of the Greek, and that at other times he was too free in rendering the text before him.再次,从公平的表达,这当然是由于译者的数量,它可能推断出,有时,他没有赶上希腊的感觉,并在其他时间,他太自由文本呈现在他面前。 The Old Latin version abounds in additional lines or even verses foreign not only to the Greek, but also to the Hebrew text.旧拉丁美洲版本盛产额外电话线,甚至不仅希腊的外国诗句,也希伯来文。Such important additions -- which often appear clearly so from the fact that they interfere with the poetical parallelisms of the book -- are either repetitions of preceding statements under a slightly different form, or glosses inserted by the translator or the copyists.这种重要的补充 - 经常出现清楚的事实,他们与书的诗意并行干扰 - 要么重复前面下一个稍微不同的的形式的陈述,或敷衍了事,插入由翻译或抄写。Owing to the early origin of the Latin version (probably the second century of our era), and to its intimate connection with both the Greek and Hebrew texts, a good edition of its primitive form, as far as this form can be ascertained, is one of the chief things to be desired for the textual criticism of Ecclesiasticus.由于早期起源拉丁美洲版本(可能是我们这个时代的的的第二个世纪),希腊语和希伯来语文本,其原始形式的一个很好的版本,至于这种形式能够确定的密切联系,是考据学的Ecclesiasticus所需的行政事物。 Among the other ancient versions of the Book of Ecclesiasticus which are derived from the Greek, the Ethiopic, Arabic, and Coptic are worthy of special mention.在其他古老的版本,这是从希腊派生Ecclesiasticus书,埃塞俄比亚语,阿拉伯语,科普特特别值得一提。

V. AUTHOR AND DATE五,作者和日期

The author of the Book of Ecclesiasticus is not King Solomon, to whom, at St. Augustine bears witness, the work was oftentimes ascribed "on account of some resemblance of style" with that of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Canticle of Canticles, but to whom, as the same holy doctor says, "the more learned" (apparently among the church writers of the time) "know full well that it should not be referred" (On the City of God, Bk. XVII, ch xx). Ecclesiasticus书的作者是所罗门王,其中,在圣奥古斯丁的见证,工作常常被归咎于“上一些风格相似的帐户”的箴言,传道书,canticle的canticles,但给谁,作为神圣的医生说,“越多的教训”(显然是当时的教会作家)的“完全知道清楚,它不应该被称为”(对上帝的城市,BK。第十七CH XX) 。At the present day, the authorship of the book is universally and rightly assigned to a certain "Jesus", concerning whose person and character a great deal has indeed been surmised but very little is actually known.在目前的一天,书的作者是普遍正确的分配给一定的“耶稣”,关于一个伟大的交易确实已经猜测,但实际上是很少的人,性格。 In the Greek prologue to the work, the author's proper name is given as Iesous, and this information is corroborated by the subscriptions found in the original Hebrew: 1, 27 (Vulgate, 1, 29); li, 30.在希腊工作的序幕,作者的正确的名称是因为Iesous,此信息是在希伯来原文中找到订阅证实:1,27(武加大,1,29),李,30。 His familiar surname was Ben Sira, as the Hebrew text and the ancient versions agree to attest.他所熟悉的姓氏是本西拉,希伯来文和古版本的同意证明。He is described in the Greek and Latin versions as "a man of Jerusalem" (1, 29), and internal evidence (cf. xxiv, 13 sqq.; 1) tends to confirm the statement, although it is not found in the Hebrew.他是在希腊和拉丁版本的描述“一个人的耶路撒冷”(1 29),和内部证据(参见24,13 SQQ; 1)往往以确认该语句,虽然它不是在希伯来文。

His close acquaintance with "the Law, the Prophets, and the other books delivered from the fathers", that is, with the three classes of writings which make up the Hebrew Bible, is distinctly borne witness to by the prologue to the work; and the 367 idioms or phrases, which the study of the Hebrew fragments has shown to be derived from the sacred books of the Jews, are an ample proof that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was thoroughly acquainted with the Biblical text.他用“法,先知,并从父亲交付的其他书籍”,也就是说,从而弥补了希伯来文圣经的著作三类,熟人是明显的见证工作的序幕; 367成语或词组,它的希伯来文的片段研究已证明是从犹太人神圣的书籍的,都充分证明,耶稣的儿子西拉奇,彻底熟悉圣经的文字。He was a philisophical observer of life, as can be easily inferred from the nature of his thought, and he himself speaks of the wider knowledge which he acquired by traveling much, and of which he, of course, availed himself in writing his work (xxxiv, 12).他的生活哲学观察员,可以很容易地推断出他的思想的本质,而他本人更广泛的知识,他旅行多收购说话,而他,当然,利用自己在写他的工作(三十四,12)。 The particular period in the author's life to which the composition of the book should be referred cannot be defined, whatever conjectures may have been put forth in that regard by some recent scholars.作者的生活,书的组成应交由特定时期不能被定义,任何猜测可能已在这方面,最近一些学者提出。The data to which others have appealed (xxxi, 22, sqq.; xxxviii, 1-15; etc.) to prove that he was a physician are insufficent evidence; while the similarity of the names (Jason-Jesus) is no excuse for those who have identified Jesus, the son of Sirach, a man of manifestly pious and honourable character with the ungodly and hellenizing high priest Jason (175-172 BC -- concerning Jason's wicked deeds, see 2 Maccabees 4:7-26).别人呼吁(XXXVIII,1-15;三十一,22日,SQQ等)的数据,以证明他是一名医生,证据不足的;(贾森耶稣)的名称相似,而没有借口那些已经确定耶稣的儿子西拉奇,一个明显的虔诚和光荣的性格与敬虔和hellenizing大祭司贾森男子(175-172 BC - 关于贾森的邪恶事迹,见2马加比4:7-26)。

The time at which Jesus, the author of Ecclesiasticus, lived has been the matter of much discussion in the past.耶稣,作者Ecclesiasticus,生活的时刻已经过去许多讨论的问题。But at the present day, it admits of being given with tolerable precision.但在目前的一天,它承认正在与容忍的精度。Two data are particularly helpful for this purpose.两项数据均为此特别有用。The first is supplied by the Greek prologue, where he came into Egypt en to ogdoo kai triakosto etei epi tou Euergetou Basileos, not long after which he rendered into Greek his grandfather's work.首先是提供由希腊的序幕,他进入埃及EN来到ogdoo启triakosto etei EPI头Euergetou Basileos,后没多久,他到希腊的祖父的工作呈现。The "thirty-eighth year" here spoken of by the translator does not mean that of his own age, for such a specification would be manifestly irrelevant. “第三十八年”,这里所讲的翻译并不意味着自己的年龄,对于这样的规范将显然无关紧要。It naturally denotes the date of his arrival in Egypt with a reference to the years of rule of the then monarch, the Egyptian Ptolemy Euergetes; and in point of fact, the Greek grammatical construction of the passage in the prologue is that usually employed into the Septuagint version to give the year of rule of a prince (cf. Haggai 1:1, 10; Zechariah 1:1, 7; 7:1; 1 Maccabees 12:42; 14:27; etc.).这自然是指他在抵达埃及,与当时的君主,埃及托勒密Euergetes规则多年来的参考日期;事实上,希腊语法建设的序幕通过的是,通常受聘到septuagint版本给统治的一年王子(参见哈1:1,10;撒迦利亚书1:1,7; 7时01分; 1马加12点42分,14时27分;等)。There were indeed two Ptolemys of the surname Euergetes (Benefactor): Ptolemy III and Ptolemy VII (Physcon).的确有两个Ptolemys姓Euergetes(恩人):托勒密三世和托勒密七(Physcon)。But to decide which is the one actually meant by the author of the prologue is an easy matter.但决定,这是作者的序幕实际上意味着之一,是一件容易的事。As the first, Ptolemy III, reigned only twenty-five years (247-222 BC) it must be the second, Ptolemy VII, who in intended.为先,托勒密三世,在位二十五年(公元前247-222),它必须是托勒密第七,第二,人意。This latter prince shared the throne along with his brother (from 170 BC onwards), and afterwards ruled alone (from 145 BC onwards).后者王子共享王位,与他的兄弟(从公元前170年起),事后排除单独(从公元前145年起)。But he was wont to reckon the years of his reign from the earlier date.但他习惯,估计他从较早的日期统治多年。Hence "the thirty-eighth year of Ptolemy Euergetes", in which the grandson of Jesus, the son of Sirach, came to Egypt, is the year 132 BC This being the case, the translator's grandfather, the author of Ecclesiasticus, may be regarded as having lived and written his work between forty and sixty years before (between 190 and 170 BC), for there can be no doubt that in referring to Jesus by means of the term pappos and of the definite phrase ho pappos mou Iesous, the writer of the prologue designated his grandfather, and not a more remote ancestor.因此,中,耶稣,西拉奇的儿子,孙子来到到埃及“的托勒密Euergetes第三十八年”是132公元前此情况下,译者的祖父,Ecclesiasticus的作者,可能会被视为年度居住和书面四十之间60多年以来他的工作之前(公元前190至170),可以有毫无疑问,在耶稣通过长期pappos和明确的短语,何pappos谅解备忘录Iesous,作家的序幕指定他的祖父,并没有一个较偏远的祖先。 The second datum that is particularly available for determining the time at which the writer of Ecclesiasticus lived is supplied by the book itself.第二个基准,特别决定,在作家的生活Ecclesiasticus书本身提供的时间。It has long been felt that since the son of Sirach celebrated with such a genuine glow of enthusiam the deeds of "the high priest Simon, son of Onias", whom he praises as the last in the long line of Jewish worthies, he must himself have been an eyewitnes of the glory which he depicts (cf. 1, 1-16, 22, 23).长期以来,人们一直认为,自从儿子西拉奇庆祝这样一个enthusiam真正焕发出“高牧师西蒙Onias的儿子”,他在犹太前贤长行的最后称赞的事迹,他必须自己他描绘的荣耀“(参1,1-16,22,23)eyewitnes。 This was, of course, but an inference and so long as it was based only on a more or less subjective appreciation of the passage, one can easily undertand why many scholars questioned, or even rejected, its correctness.这是当然,但推理和这么久,因为它是只在通过或较少主观升值的基础上,人们可以很容易undertand为什么许多学者提出质疑,甚至被拒绝,其正确性。 But with the recent discovery of the original Hebrew of the passage, there has come in a new, and distinctly objective, element, whcih places practically beyond doubt the correctness of the inference.但最近发现的希伯来原文的通行,已经在一个新的和显着的目标,的元素,这几乎毫无疑问的推论的正确性地方。In the Hebrew text, immediatley after his eulogism of the high priest Simon, the writer subjoins the following fervent prayer:在希伯来文中,后,他立即诔的大祭司西蒙,作家subjoins以下热切的祈祷:

May His (ie Yahweh's) mercy be continually with Simon, and may He establish with him the covenant of Phineas, that will endure with him and with his seed, as the says of heaven (I, 24).也许他(即耶和华)的怜悯与西蒙不断,可能他与他建立的菲尼亚斯公约,将忍受与他和他的后裔,作为天堂(24)说。

Obviously, Simon was yet alive when this prayer was thus formulated; and its actual wording in the Hebrew implies this so manifestly, that when the author's grandson rendered it into Greek, at a date when Simon had been dead for some time, he felt it necessary to modify the text before him, and hence rendered it in the following general manner:显然,西蒙还活着时,这个祷告是从而制定;和其在希伯来文的实际措辞意味着这个如此明显,,当作者的孙子渲染成希腊文,日期时,西蒙已经被一段时间死了,,他觉得这他面前的修改文本,并因此呈现以下的一般方式:

May His mercy be continually with us, and may He redeem us in His days.他的怜悯与我们不断,而且,他可能在他的天赎回。Besides thus allowing us to realize the fact that Jesus, the son of Sirach, was a contemporary of the high priest Simon, chap.此外,从而使我们认识到的事实,耶稣的儿子西拉奇,是当代的大祭司西蒙,第一章。1 of Ecclesiasticus affords us certain details which enable us to decide which of the two Simons, both high priests and sons of Onias and known in Jewish history, is the one described by the writer of the book.Ecclesiasticus 1为我们提供了某些细节,从而使我们能够决定的两个西门子,大祭司和儿子Onias称为犹太人的历史,这是由作家的书描述的。On the one hand, the only known title of Simon I (who held the pontificate under Ptolemy Soter, about 300 BC) which would furnish a reason for the great ecomium passed upon Simon in Ecclus., l is the surname "the Just" (cf. Josephus, Antiq. of the Jews, Bk.XII, chap. ii, 5), whence it is inferred that he was a renowned high priest worthy of being celebrated among the Jewish heroes praised by the son of Dirach.一方面,西蒙我(他举行的教皇托勒密SOTER下,约在公元前300年),这将提供一个原因,在Ecclus。通过后,西蒙的伟大ecomium的唯一已知的标题,L是“正义”的姓氏(比照约瑟夫,Antiq。犹太人,Bk.XII,二,五)章,何处是推测,他是一个值得庆祝犹太英雄之间的著名的大祭司称赞Dirach儿子。 On the other hand, such details given in Simon's panegyric, as the facts that he repaired and strengthened the Temple, fortified the city against siege, and protected the city against robbers (cf. Ecclus., 1 1-4), are in close agreement with what is known of the times of Simon II (about 200 BC).另一方面,由于这些细节在西蒙的颂词,他修理的事实,并加强了庙,强化对围困的城市,并保护城市对劫匪(参见Ecclus,1 1-4),密切什么是西蒙二世(约公元前200年)时代的协议。While in the days of Simon I, and immediately after, the people were undisturbed by foreign aggression, in those of Simon II the Jews were sorely harrassed by hostile armies, and their territory was invaded by Antiochus, as we are informed by Josephus (Antiq. of the Jews, Bk. XII, chap. iii, 3).虽然在西蒙我的天,并立即后,人不受干扰的外国侵略,在严峻的犹太人骚扰敌对军队,安提阿哥伊入侵其领土,因为我们是由约瑟夫通​​知(Antiq西蒙二的犹太人,浅滩第十二章第三节,3)。 It was also in the later time of Simon II that Ptolemy Philopator was prevented only by the high priest's prayer to God, from desecrating the Most Holy Place; he then started a fearful persecution of the Jews at home and abroad (cf. III Mach., ii, iii).也正是在托勒密Philopator只有大祭司的祷告上帝,亵渎至圣的地方,防止西蒙II稍后时间,然后,他开始在国内和国外的可怕的迫害的犹太人(参见三马赫。 ,二,三)。It appears from these facts -- to which others, pointing in the same direction, could easily be added -- that the author of Ecclesiasticus lived about the beginning of the second century BC As a matter of fact, recent Catholic scholars, in increasing number, prefer this position that which identifies the high priest Simon, spoken of in Ecclus., l, with Simon I, and which, in consequence, refers the composition of the book to about a century earlier (about 280 BC)从这些事实看来 - 别人在指向同一方向,可以很容易地被添加 - Ecclesiasticus作者大约生活在公元前二世纪开始,作为事实上最近的天主教学者越来越多,我喜欢用西蒙,其中确定的大祭司西蒙这一立场,在Ecclus发言,L,,和,因此,是指书的组成,大约一个世纪早期(约公元前280年)

VI.六。METHOD OF COMPOSITION构成方法

At the present day, there are two principal views concerning the manner in which the writer of Ecclesiasticus composed his work, and it is difficult to say which is the more probable.在目前的一天,有两个关于Ecclesiasticus作家的方式,组成了他的工作的主要意见,这是很难说这是更可能的。 The first, held by many scholars, maintains that an impartial study of the topics treated and of their actual arrangement leads to the conclusion that the whole book is the work of a single mind.首先,许多学者举行,坚持公正,经处理后的主题和各自的实际安排的研究引出的结论是,整本书是一个单一的心灵的工作。Its advocates claim that, throughout the book, one and the same general purpose can be easily made out, to wit: the purpose of teaching the practical value of Hebrew wisdom, and that one and the same method in handling the materials can be readily noticed, the writer always showing wide acquaintance with men and things, and never citing any exterior authority for what he says.它的倡导者声称,贯穿全书,同一个通用可以很容易地做出来,即:教学的实用价值的希伯来智慧的目的,并和同样的方法处理材料可以很容易地注意到作家总是显示广交与男子的事情,以及从来没有引用任何外部的权威,他说什么。 They affirm that a careful examination of the contents disclosed a distinct unity of mental attitude on the author's part towards the same leading topics, towards God, life, the Law, wisdom, etc. They do not deny the existence of differences of tone in the book, but think that they are found in various paragraphs relating to minor topics; that the diversities thus noticed do not go beyond the range of one man's experience; that the author very likely wrote at different intervals and under a variety of circumstances, so that it is not to be wondered at if pieces thus composed bear the manifest impress of a somewhat different frame of mind.他们申明的内容仔细检查所披露的心理态度不同作者的一部分统一对领先的主题,对神,生活,法律,智慧等,他们并不否认存在差异,在音书,但认为,他们是在轻微主题有关的各段发现;,从而注意到的多样性做不走一个人的经验范围之外;,作者很可能在不同的时间间隔,并根据各种情况下,写,使它不是怀疑,从而组成件承担清单打动的心态有所不同帧。 Some of them actually go so far as to admit that the writer of Ecclesiasticus may at times have collected thoughts and maxims that were already in current and popular use, may even have drawn material from collections of wise sayings no longer extant or from unpublished discourses of sages; but they, each and all, are positive that the author of the book "was not a mere collector or compiler; his characteristic personality stands out too distinctly and prominently for that, and notwithstanding the diversified character of the apophthegms, they are all the outcome of one connected view of life and of the world" (Schürer).其中一些实际上到目前为止承认,有时作家Ecclesiasticus可能已经收集到的想法和格言,在目前流行的使用已经,甚至可能有来自明智的说法不再现存的或者未发表的话语集合材料先贤;,但他们和所有,是积极的,书的作者“不是一个单纯的收藏家或编译器;他特有的个性脱颖而出太明显和突出,尽管apophthegms的多元化特征,他们都一个连接人生观和世界“(Schürer)的结果。 The second view maintains that the Book of Ecclesiasticus was composed by a process of compilation.第二种观点认为,Ecclesiasticus书的编译过程组成。According to the defenders of this position, the compilatory character of the book does not necessarily conflict with a real unity of general purpose pervading and connecting the elements of the work; such a purpose proves, indeed, that one mind has bound those elements together for a common end, but it really leaves untouched the question at issue, viz.根据这一立场的捍卫者,书的编纂的性格并不一定要与真正统一的一般用途,渗透和连接的工作元素的冲突;证明,事实上,这样的目的,万众一心,必将这些元素组合在一起一个共同的目的,但它确实叶触及问题的,即。 whether that one mind must be considered as the original author of the contents of the book, or, rather, as the combiner of pre-existing materials.原作者书的内容,或作为预先存在的材料的合成,而必须考虑是否万众一心。Granting, then, the existence of one and the same general purpose in the work of the son of Sirach, and admitting likewise the fact that certain portions of Ecclesiasticus belong to him as the original author, they think that, on the whole, the book is a compilation.授予,那么,存在着一个相同的通用工作的儿子西拉奇,和同样是承认事实的某些部分Ecclesiasticus属于原作者他,他们认为,就整体而言,书是编译。 Briefly stated, the following are their grounds for their position.简单地说,以下是他们的理由为自己的立场。In the first place, from the very nature of his work, the author was like "a gleaner after the grape-gatherers"; and in thus speaking of himself (xxxiii, 16) he gives us to understand that he was a collector or compiler.首先,从他的工作非常性质,笔者的“集锦后葡萄采集”;,从而对自己(三十三,16)说,他使我们明白,他是一个收藏家或编译器。 In the second place, the structure of the work still betrays a compilatory process.在第二位,结构的工作仍然暴露了编纂的过程。 The concluding chapter (li) is a real appendix to the book, and was added to it after the completion of the work, as is proved by the colophon in 1, 29 sqq.最后一章(李)是一个真正的书的附录,被添加到它的工作完成后,1,29 SQQ由版权页证明。The opening chapter reads like a general introduction to the book, and indeed as one different in tone from the chapters by which its immediately followed, while it resembes some distinct sections which are embodied in furthur chapters of the work.开篇读起来就像书的一般介绍,事实上,正如不同的音,从通过其紧接着的,而它resembes的一些工作在furthur章节中所体现的不同的部分章节。 In the body of the book, ch.在身体的书,CH。xxxvi, 1-19, is a prayer for the Jews of the Dispersion, altogether unconnected with the sayings in verses 20 sqq.三十六,1-19,是一个祈祷的犹太人分散,完全用诗句20 SQQ熟语无关。of the same chapter; ch.同一章; CH。xliii, 15-1, 26, is a discourse clearly separate from the prudential maxims by which it is immediatley preceded; chs.XLIII,15-1,26岁,是一个清楚的话语从它立即之前审慎格言分开; CHS。xvi, 24; xxiv, 1; xxxix, 16, are new starting-points, which, no less than the numerous passages marked by the address my son (ii, 1; iii, 19; iv, 1, 23; vi, 18, 24, 33; etc.).十六,24; XXIV,1人; XXXIX,16日,是新的出发点,其中,不超过的地址标记的许多段落,我的儿子(二,1,19三,四,1,23;六,18 ,24,33,等等)。 and the peculiar addition in 1, 27, 28, tell against the literary unity of the work. 1,27,28的奇特此外,告诉对文学工作的统一。Other marks of a compilatory process have also been appealed to.一个编纂的过程中的其他标志也已呼吁。They consist in the significant repetition of several sayings in different places of the book (cf. xx, 32, 33, which is repeated in xli, 17b, 18; etc.); in apparent discrepancies of thought and doctrine (cf. the differences of tone in chs. xvi; xxv; xxix, 21-41; xl, 1-11; etc); in certain topical headings at the beginning of special sections (cf. xxxi, 12; 41:16; 44:1 in the Hebrew); and in an additonal psalm or canticle found in the newly discovered Hebrew text, between li, 12, and li, 13; all of which are best accounted for by the use of several smaller collections containing each the same saying, or differing considerably in their genral tenor, or supplies with their respective titles.它们包括在书(参XX,32,33,这是在XLI,17B,18重复等);几个不同的地方的说法重大重复的思想和学说的明显差异(参见的差异CHS音十六;。XXV; XXIX,21-41; XL,1-11;等);在某些局部特殊路段开始(见第31,12的标题; 41:16; 44:1在希伯来文); additonal诗篇或颂歌里,12,13,李之间,在新发现的希伯来文的;所有这一切都是最好占使用由几个较小的集合包含每个相同的说法,或不同大大在他们genral的男高音,或供应与各自的冠军。 Finally, there seems to be an historical trace of the compilatory character of Ecclesiasticus in a second, but unauthentic, prologue to the book, which is found in the "Synopsis Sacrae Scripturae".最后,似乎是一个历史痕迹,在第二个Ecclesiasticus编纂的字符,但不真实,拉开序幕的书,这是在“概要Sacrae Scripturae”发现。In this document, which is printed in the works of St. Athanasius and also at the beginning of Ecclesiasticus in the Complutensian Polyglot, the actual redaction of the book is ascribed to the Greek translator as a regular process of compilation detached hymns, sayings, prayers, etc., which had been left him by his grandfather, Jesus, the son of Sirach.在这份文件中,这是印在圣athanasius的作品,也开始Ecclesiasticus Complutensian多语种,书的实际节录定期的编译过程是由于希腊翻译分离的赞美诗,熟语,祈祷等等,这已经离开他由他的祖父,耶稣的儿子西拉奇。

VII.七。DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL TEACHING较浓和伦理教学

Before setting forth in a summary way the principal teachings, doctrinal and ethical, contained in the Book of Ecclesiasticus, it will not be amiss to premise two remarks which, however elementary, should be distinctly borne in mind by anyone who wished to view the doctrines of the son of Sirach in their proper light.在Ecclesiasticus书所载的主要教义,教义和伦理,循简易程序提出之前,它不会是不妥的前提下,两个,小学,但应明显铭记任何人想查看的教义的言论西拉奇在其应有的光的儿子。 First, it would be obviously unfair to require that the contents of this Sapiential book should come full up to the high moral standards of Christian ethics, or should equal in clearness and precision the dogmatic teachings embodied in the sacred writings of the New Testament or in the living tradition of the Church; all that can be reasonabley expected of a book composed some time before the Christian Dispensation, is that it shall set forth subsantially good, not perfect, doctrinal and ethical teaching.首先,它显然是不公平,要求基督教道德高尚的道德标准,这智斗书的内容应该充分,或在清晰度和精确度应等于在新约中的神圣的著作或中所体现的教条式的教导教会的生活传统,所有可以reasonabley预计组成一段时间之前,基督教的豁免书,它应当载明subsantially好,不健全,教义和伦理教学。 In the second place, both good logic and sound common sense demand that the silence of Ecclesiasticus concerning certain points of doctrine be not regarded as a positive denial of them, unless it can be clearly and conclusively shown that such a silence must be so construed.在第二位,良好的逻辑和健全的常识的需求,有关学说的某些点的Ecclesiasticus沉默不视为拒绝了他们的积极的,除非它可以清楚地和决定性地表明,这样的沉默必须如此解释。 The work is mostly made up of unconnected sayings which bear on all kinds of topics, and on that account, hardly ever, if ever at all, will a sober critic be able to pronounce on the actual motive which prompted the author of the book either to mention or to omit a particular point of doctrine.的工作主要是承担各种主题无关的说法,并在该帐户上,未落,如果在所有清醒的评论家能发音提示书的作者要么实际的动机提及或省略学说的一个特定的点。 Nay more, in presence of a writer manifestly wedded to the national and religious traditions of the Jewish race as the general tone of his book proves the author of Ecclesiasticus to have been, every scholar worthy of the name will readily see that silence on Jesus' part regarding some important doctrine, such for instance as that of the Messias, is no proof whatever that the son of Sirach did not abide by the belief of the Jews concerning that doctrine, and, in reference to the special point just mentioned, did not share the Messianic expectations of his time.不仅如此多,存在明显拘泥于犹太种族,民族和宗教传统,为他的书的总的基调Ecclesiasticus来已经证明了作者的作家,值得每一个学者的名字将很容易看到,在耶稣的沉默部分有关的messias的实例,如一些重要的学说,是没有证据证明任何的儿子西拉奇没有遵守犹太人的关于这一原则的信念,在刚才提到的特殊点,不分享他那个时代的救世主的期望。 As can readily be seen, the two general remarks just made simply set forth the elementary canons of historical criticism; and they would not have been dwelt on here were it not that they have been very often lost sight of by Protestant scholars, who, biased by their desire to disprove the Catholic doctrine of the inspired character of Ecclesiasticus, have done their utmost to depreciate the doctrinal and ethical teaching of this deuterocanonical book.可以很容易地看到,两个一般性发言只是简单地阐明历史的批评小学大炮;他们不会一直住在这里,如果不是他们往往已失去了新教的学者,谁,带有偏见的视线通过他们的愿望反驳Ecclesiasticus启发性的天主教教义,尽心尽责贬值,本次经书教义和伦理教学。

The following are the principal dogmatic doctrines of Jesus, the son of Sirach.以下是主要的教条式的教义,耶稣的儿子西拉奇。According to him, as according to all the other inspired writers of the Old Testament, God is one and there is no God beside Him (xxxvi, 5).据他介绍,根据旧约中的所有其他启发作家,上帝是一个没有上帝在他身旁(XXXVI,5)。 He is a living and eternal God (xviii, 1), and although His greatness and mercy exceed all human comprehension, yet He makes Himself known to man through His wonderful works (xvi, 18, 23 xviii, 4).他是一个活生生的和永恒的上帝(XVIII,1),虽然他的伟大和仁慈超过所有人权的理解,但他使自己通过他的精彩作品,男子(十六,18,23十八,4)。 He is the creator of all things (xviii, 1; xxiv, 12), which He produced by His word of command, stamping them all with the marks of greatness and goodness (xlii, 15-xliii ; etc.).他是万物的创造者(XVIII,1; XXIV,12),他制作了他的命令字,他们所有的伟大和善良的痕迹(XLII,15 XLIII;等)冲压。Man is the choice handiwork of God, who made him for His glory, set him as king over all other creatures (xvii, 1-8), bestowed upon him the power of choosing between good and evil (xv, 14-22), and will hold him accountable for his own personal deeds (xvii, 9-16), for while tolerating, moral evil He reproves it and enables man to avoid it (xv, 11-21).人是选择上帝的杰作,使他为他的荣耀,他对所有其他生物的王(17 1-8),赋予他的善良与邪恶之间进行选择的权力“(XV 14-22)和将举行他自己的个人事迹(17,9-16)承担责任,而容忍,道德上的邪恶,他谴责这使男子,以避免它(XV,11-21)。In dealing with man, God is no less merciful than righteous: "He is mighty to forgive" (xvi, 12), and: "How great is the mercy of the Lord, and His forgiveness to them that turn to Him" (xvii, 28); yet no one should presume on the Divine mercy and hence delay his conversion, "for His wrath shall come on a sudden, and in the time of vengeance He will destroy thee" (v, 6-9).在处理与人,神是不低于仁慈正义:“他是强大的宽恕”(十六12),以及:“是多么伟大的主的怜悯,他宽恕他们,他”(第十七28);还没有任何人都不应推定神的怜悯,并因此延迟,他的转换,“自上突然对他的愤怒,并在复仇的时候,他会破坏你”(V,6-9)。 From among the children of men, God selected for Himself a special nation, Israel, in the midst of which He wills that wisdom should reside (xxiv, 13-16), and in behalf of which the son of Sirach offers up a fervent prayer, replete with touching remembrances of God's mercies to the patriarchs and prophets of old, and with ardent wishes for the reunion and exaltation of the chosen people (xxxvi, 1-19).从孩子的男人之间的,上帝为自己选择了一个特殊的国家,以色列,在他的意志,智慧应该驻留(24,13-16),并在代表中,其中的儿子西拉奇提供了一个热切的祈祷充满老族长和先知,与动人的回忆上帝的怜悯与所选择的人团聚的提高(XXXVI 1-19)的殷切愿望。It is quite clear that the Jewish patriot who put forth this petition to God for future national quiet and prosperity, and who furthermore confidently expected that Elias's return would contribute to the glorious restoration of all Israel (cf. xlviii, 10), looked forward to the introduction of Messianic times.这是很清楚,提出了这份请愿书以神为未来国家的宁静和繁荣,以及谁的犹太爱国者此外自信地预计,埃利亚斯的回归将有助于恢复所有以色列“(参见XLVIII 10)的光荣,期待引进弥赛亚时代。It remains true, however, that in whatever way his silence be accounted for, he does not speak anywhere of a special interposition of God in behalf of the Jewish people, or of the future coming of a personal Messias.然而,它仍是如此,任何方式占他的沉默,他不发言代表犹太人民,或个人弭赛亚的未来,特别是神的干预的任何地方。 He manifestly alludes to the narrative of the Fall, when he says: "From the woman came the beginning of sin, and by her we all die" (xxv, 33), and apparently connects with this original deviation from righteousness the miseries and passions that weigh so heavily on the children of Adam (xl, 1-11).他显然暗指秋季叙事,时,他说:“从女人来到罪的开始,我们都死了”(二十五,33),显然她的连接从义的苦难和激情,用这种原始的偏差重量亚当的孩子如此严重(XL,1月11日)。 He says very little concerning the next life.他说,很少涉及未来的生活。Earthly rewards occupy the most prominent, or perhaps even the sole, place, in the author's mind, as a sanction for present good or evil deeds (xiv, 22-xv, 6; xvi, 1-14); but this will not appear strange to anyone who is acquainted with the limitations of Jewish eschatology in the more ancient parts of the Old Testament.地支奖励占据最突出的,或者甚至是唯一的,的地方,在作者的心中,为目前的善或恶的行为的制裁(XIV - XV 22日,6;十六,1-14);但这不会出现奇怪,任何人熟悉犹太末世论的局限性,在更古老的旧约部分。He depicts death in the light of a reward or of a punishment, only in so far as it is either a quiet demise for the just or a final deliverance from earthly ills (xli, 3, 4), or, on the contrary, a terrible end that overtakes the sinner when he least expects it (ix, 16, 17).他描绘了奖励或处罚死亡,只有这样,因为它是一个刚刚或最终解脱尘世弊病(XLI,3,4),或相反,一个安静的消亡可怕的结束,赶超的罪人时,他至少希望它(IX,16,17)。 As regards the underworld or Sheol, it appears to the writer nothing but a mournful place where the dead do not praise God (xvii, 26, 27)至于黑道或阴间,似乎作家只不过是一个悲哀的地方,那里死人不赞美上帝(17,26,27)

The central, dogmatic, and moral idea of the book is that of wisdom.书的中央,教条化,道德的思想是智慧的。Ben Sira describes it under several important aspects.本西拉介绍下几个重要方面。When he speaks of it in relation to God, he almost invariable invests it with personal attributes.当他谈到上帝,他几乎不变的投资与个人特质。It is eternal (i, 1), unsearchaable (i, 6, 7), universal (xxiv, 6 sqq.).它是永恒的(I,1),unsearchaable(I,6,7),通用(24,6 SQQ)。It is the formative, creative power of the world (xxiv, 3 sqq.), yet is itself created (i, 9; also in Greek: xxiv, 9), and is nowhere treated as a distinct, subsisting Divine Person, in the Hebrew text.它是世界的形成,创造性的力量(24,3 SQQ)。,但本身创建(I,9;也希腊:XXIV,9),和无处作为一个独特的,存续的神人的处理,在希伯来文。In relation to man, wisdom is depicted as a quality which comes form the Almighty and works most excellent effects in those who love Him (i, 10-13).在有关的人,智慧被描绘成一个来自全能的和最优秀的作品在那些爱他的(I,10-13)影响质量。It is identified with the "fear of God" (i, 16), which should of course prevail in a special manner in Israel, and promote among the Hebrews the perfect fulfilment of the Mosaic Law, which the author of Ecclesasticus regards as the living embodiment of God d wisdom (xxiv, 11-20, 32, 33).这是“上帝的恐惧”(I,16),当然应该在一个特殊的方式在以色列为准,并促进希伯来人实现完美的镶嵌法,Ecclesasticus作者的生活方面确定ð智慧神的化身(24,11-20,32,33)。 It is a priceless treasure, to the acquistion of which one must devote all his efforts, and the imparting of which to others one should never grudge (vi, 18-20; xx, 32, 33).这是一个无价之宝,acquistion,其中一个必须付出他的所有努力,并传授给他人,千万不要斗气(六,18日至20日,XX,32,33)。 It is a disposition of the heart which prompts man to practise the virtues of faith, hope, and love of God (ii, 8-10), of trust and submission, etc. (ii, 18-23; x, 23-27; etc.); which also secures for him happiness and glory in this life (xxxiv, 14-20; xxxiii, 37, 38; etc.).处置信任和提交等,是一个提示男人心,实践美德的信念,希望,和对上帝的爱(二,8月10日)(18-23,II,X 23日至27日, ;等); XXXIII,37,38;;等),这也为他在此生活的幸福和荣耀(三十四,14-20保护。It is a frame of mind which prevents the discharge of the ritual law, especially the offering of sacrifices, from becoming a heartless compliance with mere outward observances, and it causes man to place inward righeousness far above the offering of rich gifts to God (xxxv).它是一种心态,以防止放电的礼法,尤其是提供的牺牲,只是向外纪念活动成为一个无情的合规性,并导致人的地方,远远超过了提供丰富的礼物神(XXXV向内righeousness )。As can readily be seen, the author of Ecclesiasticus inculcated in all this a teaching far superior to that of the Pharisees of a somewhat later date, and in no way inferior to that of the prophets and of the commendable, too, are the numerous pithy sayings which the son of Sirach gives for the avoidance of sin, wherein the negative part of practical wisdom may be said to consist.可以很容易地看出,作者在这一切都远远优于有点日后的法利赛人,丝毫不逊色先知和值得称道的,也有许多精辟的教学灌输Ecclesiasticus熟语的儿子西拉奇给出了避免罪,其中的实践智慧的负面部分,可以说组成。 His maxims against pride (iii, 30; vi, 2-4; x, 14-30; etc.), covetousness (iv, 36; v, 1; xi, 18-21), envy, (xxx, 22-27; xxxvi, 22), impurity(ix, 1-13; xix, 1-3; etc.).anger (xviii, 1-14; x, 6), intemperance (xxxvii, 30-34).他的格言反对骄傲(30;三,六2-4; X,14-30等)(四,36 V,1席,18-21),贪婪,嫉妒,(XXX 22-27三十六,22),杂质(九1-13;第十九1-3。等)愤怒(1-14;十八,X,6),酗酒(XXXVII,30-34)。sloth (vii, 16; xxii, 1, 2), the sins of the tongue(iv, 30; vli, 13, 14; xi, 2, 3; i, 36-40; v, 16, 17; xxviii, 15-27; etc.), evil company, (xi, 31-36; xxii, 14-18; etc.), display a close observation of human nature, stigmatize vice in a forcible manner, and at times point out the remedy against the spiritual distemper.懒惰(七,16,22,1,2),舌的罪(四,30; VLI,13,14;十一,2,3,我,36-40; V,16,17;二十八,15 -27等),邪恶的公司,(十一,31-36,22,14-18;等),显示对人性的密切观察,强行地诬蔑副,反对超时补救点精神犬瘟热。Indeed, it is probably no less because of the success which Ben Sira attained to in branding vice than because of that which he obtained in directly inculcating virtue, that his work was so willingly used in the early days of Christianity for public reading at church, and bears, down to the present day, the pre-eminent title of "Ecclesiasticus".事实上,它可能是因为本西拉品牌副取得的成功没有不到,因为这是他在获得直接灌输的美德,他的工作是非常愿意在基督教的初期用于公众阅读在教堂,熊,下降到目前的一天,“Ecclesiasticus”卓越的标题。

Together with these maxims, which nearly all bear on what may be called individual morality, the Book of Ecclesiasticus contains valuable lessons relative to the various classes which make up human society.连同这些格言,几乎所有可被称为个体道德承担,Ecclesiasticus书包含从而弥补了人类社会的各阶层相对宝贵的经验教训。 The natural basis of society is the family, and the son of Sirach supplies a number of pieces of advice especially appropriate to the domestic circles as it was then constituted.社会的自然基础是家庭,儿子西拉奇提供国内各界的意见,特别是适当的,因为它是那么构成。He would have the man who wishes to become the head of a family determined in the choice of a wife by her moral worth (xxxvi, 23-26; xl, 19-23).他的人希望成​​为头一个家庭在选择由她的道德价值妻子决定(XXXVI月23-26日,XL,19日至23日)。 He repeatedly describes the precious advantages resulting from the possession of a good wife, and contrasts with them the misery entailed by the choice of an unworthy one (xxvi, 1-24; xxv, 17-36).他反复说明了宝贵的优势,拥有一个好妻子,并与他们不配(XXVI,1-24; XXV,17-36)的选择所带来的痛苦的对比。The man, as the head of the family, he represents indeed as vested with more power than would be granted to him among us, but he does not neglect to point out his numerous responsibilities towards those under him: to his children, especially his daughter, whose welfare he might more particularly be tempted to neglect (vii, 25 sqq.), and his slaves, concerning whom he writes: "Let a wise servant be dear to thee as they own soul" (vii, 23; xxxiii, 31), not meaning thereby, however, to encourage the servant's idleness or other vices (xxxiii, 25-30).该名男子,作为一家之主,他代表确实与我们之间他将被授予更多的权力赋予,但他并没有忽视对他下的人指出他的许多责任:他的孩子,尤其是他的女儿他可能会更特别受到诱惑而忽视(七,25 SQQ。),和他的奴隶,关于他们,他写道:“让一个明智的仆人,亲爱的你作为他们自己的灵魂”(七,23;三十三,31福利),而不是含义从而然而,鼓励仆人的闲置或其他恶习(三十三25-30)。 The duties of children towards their parents are often and beautifully insisted upon (vii, 29, 30, etc.).他们的父母对子女的职责往往是和美丽的坚持后(七,29,30等)。The son of Sirach devoted a variety of sayings to the choice and the worth of a real friend (vi, 6-17; ix, 14, 15; xii, 8, 9), to the care with which such a one should be preserved (xxii, 25-32), and also to the worthlessness and dangers of the unfaithful friend (xxvii, 1-6, 17-24; xxxiii, 6).西拉奇儿子倾注了各种熟语的选择和价值(VI 6日至17日,一个真正的朋友;九,14,15;第十二,8,9),这应该保留这样一个的护理(二十二25-32),也无能和危险的不忠朋友(XXVII,1-6,17-24; XXXIII,6)。The author has no brief against those in power but on the contrary considers it an expression of God's will that some should be in exalted, and others in humble, stations in life (xxxiii, 7-15).作者没有对当权者的简短,但相反认为它是神的意志的表达,一些应该谦卑,在生活中站崇高的,和其他(三十三,7-15)。 He conceives of the various classes of society, of the poor and the rich, the learned and the ignorant, as able to become endowed with wisdom (xxxvii, 21-29).他设想的社会各阶级,穷人和富人,教训和无知的,能够成为赋与智慧(三十七,21-29)。He would have a prince bear in mind that he is in God's hand, and owes equal justice to all, rich and poor (v, 18; x, 1-13).他心目中的王子熊,他是上帝的手,和欠平等公正,富国和穷国(V,18,X,1-13)。He bids the rich give alms, and visit the poor and the afflicted (iv, 1-11; vii, 38, 39; xii, 1-7; etc.), for almsgiving is a means to obtain forgiveness of sin (iii, 33, 34; vii, 10, 36) whereas hardheartedness is in every way hurtful 9xxxiv, 25-29).他的出价丰富的施舍,并参观贫困和受灾(四,1月11日;七,38,39;十二,1-7;等),施舍是一种手段,以获得赦罪(三, 33,34;七,10,36)以各种方式伤害9xxxiv,25日至29日),而hardheartedness。On the other hand, he directs the lower classes, as we might call them, to show themselves submissive to those in higher condition and to bear patiently with those who cannot be safely and directly resisted (viii, 1-13; ix, 18-21; xiii, 1-8).另一方面,他指挥的低下阶层,我们可能打电话给他们,来展示自己柔顺较高的条件,并承担与那些谁也无法安全和直接抵制(八1-13耐心;九,18 - 21;十三1-8)。Nor is the author of Ecclesiasticus anything like a misanthrope that would set himself up resolutely against the legitmate pleasures and the received customs of social life (xxxi, 12-42; xxxii, 1 sqq.); while he directs severe but just rebukes against the parasite (xxix, 28-35; xi, 29-32).也不是作者Ecclesiasticus像任何一个厌世者,会为自己定下坚决反对的legitmate社会生活的乐趣和收到海关(第31,12-42; XXXII,1 SQQ);同时,他指示对严重,但只是责骂寄生虫(XXIX,28-35;十一,29-32)。Finally, he has favourable sayings about the physician (xxviii, 1-15(, and about the dead (vii, 37; xxxviii, 16-24); and strong words of caution against the dangers which one incurs in the pursuit of business (xxvi, 28; xxvii, 1-4; viii, 15, 16).最后,他(和有关的死亡(七,37对医生有利的熟语(XXVIII,1-15; XXXVIII 16-24);和谨慎的言辞激烈地反对的危险,在追求业务即被( 26,28;十七,1-4;八,15,16)。

Publication information Written by Francis E. Gigot.弗朗西斯大肠杆菌Gigot编写的出版物信息。 Transcribed by Beth Ste-Marie.转录贝丝STE玛丽。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V. Published 1909.天主教百科全书,卷,五出版1909。New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909.Nihil Obstat,1909年5月1。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

Catholic authors are marked with an asterik (*) Commentaries: CALMET* (Venice, 1751): FRITZSCHE, (Leipzig, 1859); BISSELL (New York, 1880); LESETRE* (Paris, 1880); EDERSHEIM (London-1888); ZOCKLER, (Munich, 1891); RYSSEL (Tubingen, 1900-1901); KNABENBAUER* (Paris, 1902).天主教作者都标有一个asterik(*)评:卡尔梅特*(威尼斯,1751年):弗里切(莱比锡,1859年);比斯尔(纽约,1880年); LESETRE *(巴黎,1880年);爱德生(伦敦- 1888) ZOCKLER,(慕尼黑,1891年); RYSSEL(蒂宾根大学,一九○○年至1901年); KNABENBAUER *(巴黎,1902年)。Introductions to the Old Testament: RAULT* (Paris, 1882); VIGOUROUX* (Paris, 1886); CORNELY* (Paris, 1886); TRONCHON-LESETRE* (Paris, 1890); KONIG (Bonn, 1893); CORNILL, (Freiburg, 1899); GIGOT* (New York, 1906) Monographs on Ancient Versions: PETERS* (Freiburg, 1898); HERKENNE* (Leipzig, 1899).旧约介绍:RAULT *(巴黎,1882年); VIGOUROUX *(巴黎,1886年); CORNELY *(巴黎,1886年); TRONCHON - LESETRE *(巴黎,1890年);柯尼希(波恩,1893年); CORNILL(弗赖堡,1899年); GIGOT *(纽约,1906年)专着古代版本:PETERS *(弗赖堡,1898年); HERKENNE *(莱比锡,1899年)。Literature on Hebrew Fragments: TOUZARD* (Paris, 1901); KNABENBAUER* (Paris, 1902).文学在希伯来语片段:TOUZARD *(巴黎,1901年); KNABENBAUER *(巴黎,1902年)。


Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach智慧耶稣的儿子西拉奇

Jewish Perspective Information犹太透视信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题:

Names.名称。

Author.作者。

Date.日期。

Contents.内容。

Importance for the History of Thought.在思想史上的重要性。

Possible Traces of Hellenic Influence.可能的痕迹希腊的影响。

Popularity Among the Jews.在犹太人人气。

Popularity Among Christians.人气基督徒之间。

Discovery of Hebrew Fragments.发现希伯来语片段。

Manuscripts.手稿。

Originality of the Hebrew Fragments.独具匠心的希伯来文片段。

The Final Hymn.最后的赞歌。

Critical Value of the Hebrew Text.临界值的希伯来文。

Importance for the History of the Bible.“圣经”的历史重要性。

The Greek Version.希腊的版本。

The Vetus Latina.Vetus拉丁。

Syriac Version.叙利亚版本。

Names.名称。

Among the books of the Greek Bible is one entitled Σοφία Ἰησοῦ ϒἱοῦ Σιράχ (Codices Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus) or simply Σοφία Σειρáχ (Codex Vaticanus).在希腊圣经的书籍是一次题为ΣοφίαἸησοῦΥἱοῦΣιράχ(抄本西奈抄本和Alexandrinus)或者干脆ΣοφίαΣειρáχ(食品法典委员会Vaticanus)。 The Greek Church Fathers called it also "The All-Virtuous Wisdom" (Πανάρετος Σοφία; Eusebius, "Chronicon," ed. Schoene, ii. 122; Ἡ Πανάρετος; Jerome, Commentary on Dan. ix.) or "The Mentor" (Παιδαγωγός; Clement of Alexandria, "Pædagogus," ii. 10, 99, 101, 109); while the Latin Church Fathers, beginning with Cyprian ("Testimonia," ii. 1; iii. 1, 35, 51, 95, et passim), termed it "Ecclesiasticus."希腊教父也把它称为“全良性智慧”(ΠανάρετοςΣοφία;尤西比乌斯“,Chronicon,”ED Schoene,二122;。ἩΠανάρετος;。杰罗姆,评上丹九)或“导师”(而拉丁教父,开始与塞浦路斯(“Testimonia,”二1;三,1,35,51,95,等Παιδαγωγός;克莱门特的亚历山德里亚,“Pædagogus,99,”二10,101,109);各处),被称为“Ecclesiasticus”。 All these names testify to the high esteem in which the book was held in Christian circles.所有这些名字证明书在基督教界举行的崇高敬意。The Jews, who never admitted its canonicity, called it during the Talmudic period the "Book of Ben Sira" (Ḥag. 13a; Niddah 16b; Ber. 11b; et passim) or the "Books of Ben Sira" (; Yer. Sanh. 28a; Tosef., Yad. ii. 13; possibly a scribal error; comp. the parallel passage of Eccl. R. xii. 11), and a Hebrew copy in the possession of Jerome was entitled "Parabolæ" (= ).犹太人,他从来没有承认其正规,在塔木德时期的“本西拉书”(Ḥag.13A,Niddah 16B,误码率11B;等各处)或“本西拉书”(也门里亚尔Sanh 。28A。Tosef,以色列二13;可能是抄写错误;。比赛的平行通道传道书R. XII 11),并在拥有杰罗姆希伯来复制题为“抛物线”(=)。However, the fact that the verses of this work cited in the Midrash are preceded by the word "Mashal" or "Matla" does not prove that such was the title of the book, but simply that these verses had come to be accepted as proverbs (contrary to the view of Ryssel in Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," p. 232, where he attributes to Lévi the opinion expressed by Blau in "REJ" xxxv. 22).但是,事实上,这项工作的诗句,在米德拉士引字“马沙尔”或“马特拉”并不能证明这是书的标题之前,但简单地认为这些经文来作为谚语接受(相反的观点,“Apokryphen”,第232页,他的属性列维由布劳在“REJ”XXXV表示意见。22 Kautzsch Ryssel在)。Nor is it possible to draw any inference from the fact that Saadia calls the book in Arabic "Kitab al-Adab"; for he certainly did not give this appellation (which he had no reason to translate) as the title, but, contrary to the opinion of Harkavy ("Studien und Mittheilungen," v. 200) and Blau (lc), merely as a description of the contents of the book.也不可能借鉴萨蒂娅呼吁在阿拉伯“Kitab AL - Adab”的书的事实推断,他肯定没有给这个为题的称谓(他没有理由翻译),但是,相反Harkavy(“(研究)和Mittheilungen,”诉200)和布劳(立法会)的意见,只是书的内容的描述。 The Syriac name is "Ḥekmata de-Bar Sira" = "The Wisdom of Bar Sira."叙利亚文的名称是“Ḥekmata去酒吧西拉”=“酒吧西拉的智慧。”

Author.作者。

The author, who, alone of all Old Testament and Apocryphal writers, signed his work, is called in the Greek text (l. 27) "Jesus the son of Sirach of Jerusalem."笔者,所有旧约和杜撰的作家,签上了自己的工作,被称为希腊文(L. 27)“耶稣的儿子西拉奇耶路撒冷。” The oldest manuscripts (Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Venetus) add to Σειρáχ the name Ἐλεáζαρ or ἘλεΆζαροζ, an error for Ἐλεαζáρου, probably the name of his grandfather.最古老的手稿(Vaticanus,西奈抄本,Alexandrinus,Venetus)添加到Σειρáχ的名称Ἐλεáζαρ或ἘλεΆζαροζ,Ἐλεαζáρου的错误,可能是他的祖父的名字。 The copy owned by Saadia (Harkavy, lcp 150) had: = "Simon, son of Jesus, son of Eleazar ben Sira"; and a similar reading occurs in the Hebrew manuscript B, which will be discussed below.萨蒂娅(Harkavy LCP 150)所拥有的副本:“西蒙,耶稣的儿子,以利亚撒本西拉的儿子”和一个类似的阅读发生在希伯来手稿B,这将在下文讨论。By interchanging the positions of the names "Simon" and "Jesus," the same reading is obtained as in the other manuscripts.交换职位名“人妖”和“耶稣”,同样的阅读是获得在其他手稿。The correctness of the name "Simon" is confirmed by the Syriac version, which has = "Jesus, son of Simon, surnamed Bar Asira."命名为“西蒙”的正确性,也证实了叙利亚版本,其中有“耶稣,西蒙的儿子,姓酒吧Asira。”The discrepancy between the two readings "Bar Asira" and "Bar Sira" is a noteworthy one, "Asira" (= "prisoner") being a popular etymology of "Sira."两个读数的“酒吧Asira”和“酒吧西拉”之间的差异是一个值得一提的,“Asira”(=“囚徒”)的流行词源的“西拉”。 The evidence seems to show that the author's name was Jesus, son of Simon, son of Eleazar ben Sira.证据似乎表明,作者的名字是耶稣,西蒙的儿子,以利亚撒本西拉的儿子。

Every attempt to identify this writer with some member of the high-priestly family has proved a failure, the only basis for the supposition that Ben Sira was a priest being due to a scribal error; for while the Sinaitic manuscript reads ελεαζαροιερευσοσολυμειτης, this is, beyond all question, a scribal error, and should be emended to ελεαςαροιεροσολυμειτης (see的Sinaitic手稿读取ελεαζαροιερευσοσολυμειτης,这是每笔者试图找出一些高司铎的家庭成员已被证明是失败,只有本西拉是一个牧师,由于一个抄写错误的假设基础上;一个抄写错误,并超越了所有问题,应emendedελεαςαροιεροσολυμειτης(见 ). )。According to the Greek version, though not according to the Syriac, the author traveled extensively (xxxiv. 11) and was frequently in danger of death (ib. verse 12).据希腊的版本,虽然没有根据的叙利亚,作者广泛地旅行(xxxiv. 11),并经常在死亡的危险(同上第12节)。In the hymn of ch.CH赞歌。 li.李。he speaks of the perils of all sorts from which God had delivered him, although this is probably only a poetic theme in imitation of the Psalms.他说上帝已交付他的所有的各种各样的危险,虽然这可能是只有一个模仿的诗篇中的诗意主题。The calumnies to which he was exposed in the presence of a certain king, supposed to be one of the Lagi, are mentioned only in the Greek version, being ignored both in the Syriac and in the Hebrew text.他是存在一定的国王暴露的诽谤,应该是一个LAGI,只提到在希腊的版本,无论是在叙利亚和希伯来文中被忽略。The only fact known with certainty is that Ben Sira was a scholar, and a scribe thoroughly versed in the Law, and especially in the "Books of Wisdom."唯一确知的事实是,本西拉是一个学者,精通在法律上,特别是在彻底的抄写员“智慧的书籍。”He was not, however, a rabbi, nor was he a physician, as has been conjectured (see especially xxxviii. 24 et seq., xlix. 1-5, and the introduction by his grandson).然而,他不是一个拉比,他也不是一个医生,有人猜测,特别是XXXVIII 24等以下,XLIX。1-5,并引入由他的孙子。

Date.日期。

The approximate date of the redaction of the book and the period of its author's literary activity are somewhat less doubtful.节录书中的大致日期和其作者的文学活动期间,少了几分令人怀疑。 The Greek translator states in his preface that he was the grandson of the author, and that he came to Egypt in the thirty-eighth year of the reign of Euergetes, an epithet borne by only two of the Lagi, Ptolemy III.在序言中的希腊文翻译,他是作者的孙子,而他来到埃及Euergetes统治,一个词只有两个LAGI,托勒密三世承担第三十八年。 (247-222 BC) and Ptolemy VII. (公元前247-222)和托勒密第七。(sometimes reckonedIX.). (有时reckonedIX。)。The former monarch can not be intended in this passage; for his reign lasted only twenty-five years.前国王不能打算在这段话,他的王朝只持续了二十五年。The latter ascended the throne in the year 170, together with his brother Philometor; but he soon became sole ruler of Cyrene, and from 146 to 117 held sway over all Egypt, although he dated his reign from the year in which he received the crown (ie, from 170).后者在今年170登高王位,与他的兄弟Philometor一起,但他很快就成为唯一的统治者,昔兰尼,从146到117的所有埃及举行的影响下,虽然他月他在这一年中,他获得了冠的统治(即,来自170个,)。 The translator must, therefore, have gone to Egypt in 132, and if the average length of two generations be reckoned Ben Sira's date must fall in the first third of the second century. ,因此,译者必须去埃及,在132个,如果两代人的平均长度不可忽视本西拉的日期必须下降的第二个世纪的前三分之一。The result of this reckoning is confirmed by the fact that the author evidently lived before the persecution of Antiochus in 168, since he does not allude to it.这个推算的结果也证实了这一事实,作者显然住168安提阿哥伊在迫害前,因为他不暗示。Another argument is commonly relied on.另一种说法是通常依赖。In ch.在CH。l.L.Ben Sira eulogizes a high priest named Simon, son of Johanan (Onias in G), this laudation being apparently an expression of the admiration aroused by actual sight of the object of his praise.本西拉eulogizes大祭司名为西蒙的儿子约哈难(在G Onias),这显然是表达对他赞美的对象的实际视线引起的钦佩的赞美。There were, however, a number of high priests named Simon b.然而,有大祭司名为西蒙B.Onias, one of whom exercised his functions from 300 to 287, and another from 226 to 199. Onias,其中一人行使其职能,从300到287,从226到199。The Simon b.西蒙B.Johanan mentioned here can only be the second of the name; and as the passage seems to have been written after the high priest's death (l. 1-3), the date of its composition coincides approximately with the period mentioned above (190-170).约哈难提到这里只能是第二的名称;通过似乎已书面大祭司的死亡后(负于1-3),其组成的日期正好与上述时期(190-170约)。 The work is in reality a collection of maxims written at various times-a fact which also explains its frequent repetitions and contradictions.在现实中,这项工作是一个收集格言写在不同的时间,这也解释了频繁的重复和矛盾的事实。Attempts have indeed been made to refute these arguments.企图确实作了反驳这些论点。According to Josephus, Simon I., the Just (300-287), was the only high priest whom Ben Sira could thus have extolled, and the book would accordingly be a century older; as to the number 38, it might refer to the age of the translator when he arrived in Egypt.据约瑟夫,西蒙一,刚刚(300-287),是唯一的大祭司本西拉,因此有赞美,和书将因此一个世纪老年人的人数为38,它可能是指翻译的年龄,当他抵达埃及。 Indeed, the word πάππο ς does not necessarily mean "grandfather"; it may mean also "remote ancestor."事实上,这个词πάππος并不一定意味着“爷爷”,“远程祖先”,它也可能意味着This, it has been held, would account for the translator's frequent miscomprehension of Ben Sira's words, which would be very strange had he actually been the author's grandson. ,它已经举行,这将占到译者的频繁miscomprehension本西拉的话,这将是很奇怪,他居然被作者的孙子。All these quibbles, however, which it would be idle again to refute, have been definitely abandoned.所有这些狡辩,但是,它会再次空闲反驳,已肯定放弃。

Ecclesiasticus closely resembles Proverbs, except that, unlike the latter, it is the work of a single author, not an anthology of maxims drawn from various sources. Ecclesiasticus密切类似的谚语,但不同的是后者,它是一个单一的作者,而不是来自各种来源的格言选集的工作。Some, it is true, have denied Ben Sira the authorship of the apothegms, and have regarded him as a mere compiler, basing their arguments on his own words: "And I myself, the last, I set myself to watch, like him that gleaneth grapes after the vintage" (xxxiii. 16). ,这是事实,否认本西拉作者的题辞,并把他作为一个单纯的编译器,他们的观点立足于他自己的话说:“和我自己,最后,我给自己定下看,像他一样,后gleaneth葡萄葡萄酒“(xxxiii. 16)。This, however, is probably a simple expression of modesty.然而,这可能是一个简单的谦虚表达。The frequent repetitions and even contradictions only prove that Ben Sira, like all moralists, did not compose the entire work at one time; moreover, the unity of the book, taken as a whole, is remarkable.频繁重复,甚至互相矛盾只能证明本西拉,像所有的道德,没有一次组成的整个工作;此外,书,作为一个整体的,统一是显着的的。

Contents.内容。

The Book of Ecclesiasticus is a collection of moral counsels and maxims, often utilitarian in character and for the most part secular, although religious apothegms occasionally occur. Ecclesiasticus图书是​​一种道德的律师和格言,往往在性格和大部分世俗功利的收集,虽然偶尔会出现宗教题辞。They are applicable to all conditions of life: to parents and children, to husbands and wives, to the young, to masters, to friends, to the rich, and to the poor.他们生活的所有条件:家长和孩子,丈夫和妻子,年轻的主人,朋友,要想富,穷人都适用。Many of them are rules of courtesy and politeness; and a still greater number contain advice and instruction as to the duties of man toward himself and others, especially the poor, as well as toward society and the state, and most of all toward God.其中许多是礼貌和礼貌的规则和更大的包含人的职责,对自己和他人,特别是穷人,以及走向社会和国家,和所有对神的最重要的咨询和指​​导。 These precepts are arranged in verses, which are grouped according to their outward form in case their content is not intrinsically coherent.被安排在分组根据其外部形式的情况下,其内容在本质上并不连贯的诗句,这些戒律。 The sections are preceded by eulogies of wisdom which serve as introductions and mark the divisions into which the collection falls.部分之前,颂词的智慧,作为引进和马克到集合的部门。

Wisdom, in Ben Sira's view, is synonymous with the fear of God, and sometimes is confounded in his mind with the Mosaic law.智慧,在本西拉的看法,是对上帝的敬畏的代名词,有时是在他的脑海混淆镶嵌法。 It is essentially practical, being a routine knowledge; and it would be vain to seek to find in it any hypostasis, since mysticism is utterly opposed to the author's thought.它本质上是实践,作为一个常规的知识,并寻求找到任何原质,因为神秘主义是完全反对作者的思想,这将是徒劳的。The maxims are expressed in exact formulas, and are illustrated by striking images.格言是精确的公式表示,和惊人的图像说明。They show a profound knowledge of the human heart, the disillusionment of experience, a fraternal sympathy with the poor and the oppressed, and an unconquerable distrust of women.他们显示一个人的心脏的渊博的知识,经验的幻灭,兄弟般的同情与穷人和被压迫者,和不可战胜的不信任的妇女。Throughout the work are scattered pure and elevated thoughts; and the whole is dominated by a sincere, enlightened piety-what is now called a liberalism of ideas.整个工作分散纯和高架的想法和整个主要是由真诚,开明的虔诚,什么是现在所谓的自由主义思想。As in Ecclesiastes, two opposing tendencies war in the author: the faith and the morality of olden times, which are stronger than all argument, and an Epicureanism of modern date.正如传道书,两个反对倾向战争作者:从古至今,这是比所有参数更强的信心和道德,和享乐主义的现代日期。Occasionally Ben Sira digresses to attack theories which he considers dangerous; for example, the doctrines that divine mercy blots out all sin; that man has no freedom of will; and that God is indifferent to the actions of mankind, and does not reward virtue.有时本西拉偏离攻击的理论,他认为危险的,例如,学说神恩杂交出的一切罪恶;人没有自由意志;和上帝是人类的行动无动于衷,不奖励美德。 Some of the refutations of these views are developed at considerable length.这些意见的反驳,有些是在相当长的发展。Through these moralistic chapters runs the prayer of Israel imploring God to gather together His scattered children, to bring to fulfilment the predictions of the Prophets, and to have mercy upon His Temple and His people.通过这些道德章节运行以色列祷告,乞求上帝聚集他的散居儿童,提请履行先知的预言,及后,他的寺庙和他的人民的怜悯。 The book concludes with a justification of the Divinity, whose wisdom and greatness are revealed in all His works (hence is inserted a description of the beauties of creation), and also in the history of Israel; this form of sacred history, however, is little more than a panegyric on the priests, terminating in an enthusiastic delineation of the high priest Simon ben Onias.书的结论,在他的所有作品显示他的智慧和伟大的神(因此被插入了一个创造美的描述)的理由,并在以色列的历史;这种神圣的历史形式,然而,多一点对祭司在热烈划定大祭司西蒙本Onias终止,颂。 These chapters are completed by the author's signature, and are followed by two hymns, the latter apparently a sort of alphabetical acrostic.完成这些章节是由作者的签名,是由两个赞美诗,后者显然是一种按字母顺序排列的acrostic。

Importance for the History of Thought.在思想史上的重要性。

The Wisdom of Jesus marks an epoch in the history of Jewish thought, on account both of what it teaches and of what it silently ignores. “耶稣的智慧,标志着一个划时代的历史,在犹太人的思想,都什么教导和默默忽略的帐户。While the author advocates the offering of the prescribed sacrifices and the veneration of priests, he condemns all hypocrisy and urges the union of the outward practise of religion with a pure conscience and with the doing of charity.虽然笔者主张提供规定的牺牲和崇拜的祭司,他谴责一切虚伪和要求与一个纯粹的良知与做慈善的宗教向外实践的结合。 However, he never mentions the dietary laws, which are set forth at great length in Daniel and Tobit, and especially in Judith.不过,他从来没有提到的饮食规律,载丹尼尔和Tobit回归的大篇幅,尤其是在朱迪思。In like manner, while he awaits the return of Elijah to reassemble the tribes of the past and to reconcile the fatherswith the children, and while he prays for the coming of a time which can be called Messianic, though without a Messiah-when Jerusalem and the Temple shall be restored to the divine favor and Israel delivered forever from the dominion of the stranger-he never alludes to a Messiah who will be the son of David; on the contrary, he asserts that the house of David has rendered itself unworthy of the divine favor, since of all the kings of Judah three alone remained faithful to God.在喜欢的方式,而他期待着以利亚的回报,以重组过去的部落和调和fatherswith孩子,而他祈祷一个可以称为弥赛亚的到来,虽然没有一个弥赛亚耶路撒冷寺应恢复到神恩和以色列发表的统治永远的陌生人,他从来没有提到一个弥赛亚将是谁的儿子大卫,相反,他声称,大卫的房子已经呈现自己愧对神圣的,因为所有的犹大国王三个单独的青睐,仍然忠于上帝。 God indeed made a solemn compact with the race of David; but it was one that differed widely from that into which He entered with Aaron, and which alone was to endure for eternity.上帝确实取得了一个庄严的紧凑与大卫的比赛,但它是一个不同于到他与亚伦进入广泛,并单独忍受永恒。Ben Sira never speaks of the resurrection of the dead nor of the immortality of the soul, but, on the contrary, declares that in Sheol there will be no joy, wherefore man should taste delight in this world in so far as it is compatible with an upright life.本西拉从来没有讲,死人复活,也不是不朽的灵魂,但是,相反,声明,在阴间会有没有欢乐,何故男人就应该在这个世界上品尝喜悦到目前为止,因为它是兼容一个堂堂正正的生活。

Possible Traces of Hellenic Influence.可能的痕迹希腊的影响。

The view has been expressed that this work, early in date as it is, bears traces of Hellenic influence.视图已表示,这项工作,早在日期,因为它是熊希腊影响的痕迹。The author, in his travels, may possibly have come in contact with Greek civilization, since he speaks of foreign poets and moralists whose fame was spread abroad.作者,在他的游记中,可能有与希腊文明的接触,因为他谈到外国诗人和道德的成名被传到了国外。The customs which he describes are taken from Greek rather than from Hebrew society; thus he mentions banquets accompanied by brilliant conversation, at which musical instruments were heard, and over which presided "the masters [of the feasts]"; and the customs of the Sybarites also aroused his interest.他介绍,海关是取自希腊,而不是从希伯来文的社会,因此,他提到伴随着灿烂的交谈,听到乐器的宴会,并超过主持“的节日[]大师”;海关Sybarites也引起他的兴趣。 The fatalistic philosophers whose opinions he contests were doubtless the Stoics; and the philosophical discussions instituted by him were innovations and probably borrowed.宿命论哲学家的他比赛,毫无疑问,斯多葛派的意见;及由他所建立的哲学讨论创新和可能是借来的。His criticisms of skeptics and would-be thinkers are further evidences of his knowledge of Hellenism; and some of his views find close analogues in Euripides.他的批评,怀疑和思想家他的希腊文化知识的进一步证据;和他的一些意见,找到密切类似物在欧里庇得斯。Not only does he share characteristic ideas with the Greek tragedians and moralists, but he even has the same taste for certain common topics, such as false friendship, the uncertainty of happiness, and especially the faults of women.他不仅分享与希腊tragedians和道德特征的想法,但他甚至有某些共同的话题,如虚假的友谊,幸福的不确定性,特别是妇女的故障,同样的味道。 The impression of Greek influence is strengthened by the presence of a polish quite foreign to Hebrew literature.希腊影响的印象是相当陌生的希伯莱文学的一个波兰的存在加强。The author composes his aphorisms with care; he makes his transitions with skill; and he inserts the titles of chapters, such as "Concerning Shame," "Proper Deportment at Table," and "The Hymn of the Patriarchs"; and the signing of his own name in full is a usage theretofore absolutely unknown.作者撰写小心他的警句;他让他的转变与技能;和他插入章节的标题,如“关于殇”,“正确的仪态在表”和“赞美诗”的始祖,并签署他在自己的名字全是使用theretofore绝对未知。

The exclusion of Ecclesiasticus from the Hebrew canon was due in part to this imitation of the Greeks and these literary affectations.排除Ecclesiasticus从希伯来语佳能,部分是由于这种模仿希腊人和这些文学装腔作势。According to R. Akiba (Yer. Sanh. 28a), those who have no part in the world to come include the readers of foreign works, such as the books of Ben Sira; while Tosef., Yad.据河秋叶(Yer. Sanh 28A),那些在世界上的任何部分来的外国作品,如本西拉书籍,包括读者;而Tosef,以色列。ii.II。13 merely states that the writings of Ben Sira do not defile the hands, or, in other words, that they are uncanonical, so that they are ranked with the works of "minim" (heretics). 13仅仅是本西拉的著作不玷污手中,或者,换句话说,他们是uncanonical,使它们与“微量”(异教徒)的作品排名。Eccl.传道书。R. xii.R.第十二。11, which is based on Yer. 11,这是基于对也门里亚尔。Sanh. Sanh。28a, contains a prohibition against having this work in one's house.第28A条,禁止包含了对这项工作,在一个人的房子。R. Joseph, a Babylonian rabbi of the fourth century, in commenting on the view of R. Akiba, adds, "It is also forbidden to read the works of Ben Sira" (Sanh. 100c), although this prohibition, judging from the remainder of the passage, may have been restricted to reading in public. R.约瑟夫的第四个世纪的巴比伦拉比,评论传译秋叶认为,补充说,“这也是禁止阅读本西拉的作品”(Sanh. 100C),尽管这一禁令,从判断通过的其余部分,也可能被限制在公共阅读。In his questions to R. Joseph (ib.), R. Abaye indicated some of the reasons for the exclusion of Ecclesiasticus from the canon.在他提出的问题R.约瑟夫(同上),R. Abaye表示排除Ecclesiasticus从佳能的一些原因。

"Why this prohibition?"“为什么这一禁令?”he asked.他问。"Is it on account of such and such verses?"“这样或那样的诗句占的吗?”With the exception of two verses written in Aramaic and which are not by Ben Sira at all, all of R. Abaye's citations are distinctly frivolous, being those relating to the anxiety caused by a young girl before and after her marriage, the uselessness of repining, and the danger of introducing strangers too freely into one's home.除了书面亚拉姆语和这是由本西拉没有在所有两个诗句,R. Abaye的引文是明显轻浮,一个她的婚姻前后的年轻女孩,的的repining无用造成的焦虑有关,并引入自己的家的陌生人过于自由的危险。Abaye then condemns the misanthropy, misogyny, and Epicureanism of the author.Abaye然后谴责厌世,厌女症,享乐主义和作者。 To Ben Sira's Epicurean tendency must be attributed his denial of a future life, and, perhaps, also his pre-Sadducean spirit of reverence for the priesthood, with which the panegyric on his brethren is animated.本西拉的伊壁鸠鲁倾向必须归功于他拒绝对未来的生活,而且,或许,也是他的前Sadducean精神的崇敬神职人员,与他的弟兄们的颂词是动画。

Popularity Among the Jews.在犹太人人气。

Curiously enough, the book retained its popularity among the Jews despite its exclusion from the canon.奇怪的是,书中保留,尽管其排除从佳能之间的犹太人的普及。It was cited at a very early period: the Book of Tobit reproduces a number of passages word for word; while the Book of Enoch (Charles, "The Book of the Secrets of Enoch," p. 96; Index, pi), the Psalms of Solomon (Ryle and James, "The Psalms of Solomon," pp. lxiii. et seq.), and even the Talmud, the Midrashim, the Derek Ereẓ, and similar productions show decided traces of its influence.这是引处于非常初期:Tobit回归图书再现一个段落一个字一个字的数量;而以诺书(查尔斯,“书伊诺克的秘密”,第96页;指数,PI),诗篇所罗门(赖尔和詹姆斯,“所罗门的诗篇,”第LXIII等SEQ),甚至犹太法典,米大示,德里克埃雷兹和类似制作显示其影响力决定的痕迹。 With the last-named work it has many points in common; and it is frequently quoted in the Talmud; passages from it are introduced by the formula reserved for the Biblical writings (Ḥag. 12a; Niddah 16b; Yer. Ber. 11c); and one verse is even referred to as if it belonged to the Hagiographa (B. Ḳ. 92a).随着最后命名的工作有很多共同点,并经常引用的犹太法典,从它的段落为圣经的著作(Niddah 16B。也门里亚尔BER 11CḤag.12A)保留的公式介绍;一首诗甚至提到,如果它属于Hagiographa(二Ḳ。92A)。It is cited by name in Sanh.它是引Sanh名称。100b (= Yeb. 63c), where also a series of verses from it is given; and single verses appear in the following treatises and other works: Yer.100B(= YEB 63C),其中也有一系列从它的经文;和单一的诗句出现在下面的论文和其他作品:也门里亚尔。Ber.误码率。11b; Yer.11B;也门里亚尔。 Ḥag.HAG。77c; Yer.77C;也门里亚尔。 Ta'an.Ta'an。66d; Ḥag.66D; HAG。13a; Niddah 16b; Gen. R. viii., x., lxxiii.; Lev.13A; Niddah 16B;将军河八,十,lxxiii;。列弗。R. xxxiii.; Tan., Wayishlaḥ, 8; ib.R. XXXIII;谭,Wayishlaḥ,8; IB。Miḳḳeẓ, 10; ib.Miḳḳeẓ,10; IB。Ḥuḳḳat, 1; a midrashic passage preserved in the "Shibbole ha-Leḳeṭ," ed. Ḥuḳḳat,1个;一个米大示解经的通道,在“Shibbole公顷Leḳeṭ,”埃德保存。Buber, p.布伯,山口23a; "Pirḳe de-Rabbenu ha-Ḳadosh," ed.第23A条;“PirḳeDE - Rabbenu HA -卡多什,”埃德。Schönblum, 14a; Baraita Kallah (ed. Coronel, 7c, and in the Wilna edition of the Talmud).Schönblum,14A; Baraita Kallah(主编科罗内尔,7C,在维尔纳版的犹太法典)。It is cited also by R. Nissim ("Sefer Ma'asiyyot ha-Ḥakamim wehu Ḥibbur Yafeh meha-Yeshu ah"), and especially by Saadia in the preface to his "Sefer ha-Galui" (Harkavy, lc).它是引也由R.瓦克宁(“之书Ma'asiyyot HA -ḤakamimwehuḤibburYafeh梅阿椰树啊”),特别是萨蒂娅在他的“之书公顷Galui”前言(Harkavy LC)。In his commentary on the "Sefer Yeẓirah" the latter author quotes verbatim two verses of Ben Sira, although he attributes them to one Eleazar b.在他的评注“之书Yeẓirah”,后者的作者引用逐字两个诗句本西拉,虽然他的属性他们一个埃莱亚萨B.Irai, of whom nothing is known. Irai,其中什么是已知的。In another part of this work (p. 178) he cites the same text, again attributing it to that author.在另一这项工作的一部分(第178页)他引用了相同的文字,再次归于该作者。This is the more remarkable since Saadia speaks of Ben Sira in his introduction, and cites no less than seven of his maxims.这是更为显着,因为萨蒂娅本西拉说在他的介绍,并援引他的格言不少于七个。The "Sefer ben Irai" contained also passages (two of them copied by Saadia) not found in Ecclesiasticus, and which were totally dissimilar to it both in form and in content. “本Irai之书”中还载有未发现Ecclesiasticus通道(其中两个萨蒂娅复制),并完全不同无论在形式和内容。As Saadia himself says: "The book of Ben Sira is a work on ethics, similar in form to Proverbs, while that of Ben Irai is a book of Wisdom, bearing an external resemblance to Ecclesiastes."正如萨蒂娅他自己说:“本西拉书是一个关于伦理问题的工作,在形式上箴言相似,而本Irai是一种智慧的书,传道书轴承外部的相似。” The "Sefer ben Irai" was probably a collection of maxims and sayings taken from various sources. “之​​书本Irai”这可能是一个收集来自各种来源的格言和谚语。

Quotations from Ben Sira without mention of his name are found also in the, "Mibḥar ha-Peninim," attributed to Solomon ibn Gabirol (for citations of this type see Zunz, "GV" p. 110; Reifmann, in "Ha-Asif," iii. 271; Schechter, in "JQR" iii. 682; Neubauer and Cowley, in their edition of Ecclesiasticus, pp. xix. et seq. [certain of their comparisons must be discarded]; the commentaries of Schechter and Lévi, especially on the Derek Ereẓ; Lévi, in "REJ" xliv. 291). ,“本西拉的报价没有提及他的名字也被发现在Mibḥar公顷Peninim,”所罗门伊盖比鲁勒(这种类型的引文见聪茨,“货车”第110页; Reifmann,在“哈,阿西夫,“三271;。谢克特,在”jqr“三682;。纽鲍尔和考利,在他们的版,第XIX Ecclesiasticus等SEQ [某些比较必须丢弃];。谢克特和Levi评论,尤其是德里克埃雷兹;列维,在“相互执行判决”XLIV 291)。。The popularity of Ecclesiasticus among the Jews of the Talmudic period is shown by the citation of a number of verses in Aramaic, with an allusion to Ben Sira, which proves that it must have been translated into that dialect, this Aramaic collection being subsequently enriched with numerous additional aphorisms in that language (Sanh. 100b = Yeb. 63b).塔木德时期的犹太人之间的Ecclesiasticus普及引用的诗句在阿拉姆本西拉的典故,这足以证明,它必须被翻译成说方言,这阿拉姆收集被随后丰富在该语言的许多额外的警句(Sanh. 100B = YEB。63B)。The Baraita Kallah even restricts its citations from Ben Sira to Aramaic verses which are not found in Ecclesiasticus.Baraita Kallah甚至限制了它的参考文献,从本西拉不Ecclesiasticus发现的阿拉姆诗句。Another proof of his popularity is found in the two alphabets ascribed to him (see Ben Sira, Alphabet of), especially the second, in which he is the hero of a series of marvelous events.发现再次证明他的知名度,在归功于他(见本西拉,字母的),特别是第二,他在一系列奇妙的事件中的英雄的两个字母。

Popularity Among Christians.人气基督徒之间。

The Book of Ecclesiasticus has been honored still more highly among the Christians, being cited in the Epistle of James (Edersheim, in Wace, "Apocrypha," p. 21), the Didache (iv. 5), and the Epistle of Barnabas (xix. 9), while Clement of Alexandria and Origen quote from it repeatedly, as from a γραφή, or holy book. Ecclesiasticus图书已经荣幸在詹姆斯的书信被引用的基督徒,仍然高度(爱德生,在WACE,“伪经”,第21),十二使徒遗训(iv. 5),书信巴拿巴(第十九9),而亚历山大和奥利引述多次从γραφή,或圣书,克莱门特。In the Western Church, Cyprian frequently appeals to it in his "Testimonia," as does Ambrose in the greater number of his writings.在西方教会,塞浦路斯经常呼吁在他的“Testimonia,”刘汉铨在他的著作的数量更大。In like manner the Catalogue of Cheltenham, Damasus I., the Councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397), Pope Innocent I., the second Council of Carthage (419), and Augustine all regard it as a canonical book.在喜欢的方式切尔滕纳姆,达玛斯一,安理会的河马(393)和迦太基(397),诺森一,迦太基(419)第二届理事会,和奥古斯丁目录都把它作为一个规范的书。 This is contrary, however, to the opinions of the Council of Laodicea, of Jerome, and of Rufinus of Aquileia, which authorities rank it among the ecclesiastical books.然而,这是违背安理会的老底嘉,杰罗姆的意见,并Rufinus Aquileia,当局跻身教会书籍。It was finally declared canonical by the Council of Trent; and the favor with which the Church has always regarded it has preserved it in its entirety.终于宣布安理会的遄达规范;和有利于与该教会一直把它保存在其全部。

Discovery of Hebrew Fragments.发现希伯来语片段。

Until recent years Ecclesiasticus was known only from the Greek and Syriac versions-the sources of all other translations-and from the Hebrew quotations already mentioned.直到最近几年Ecclesiasticus,只能从希腊和叙利亚的版本,所有其他来源的翻译和希伯来文已经提到的报价。 At present the greater part of the original is known.目前原来的更大的一部分是已知的。In 1896 Agnes Smith Lewis and Margaret Dunlop Gibson brought from the East a sheet of parchment covered with comparatively antiquated Hebrew characters.阿格尼丝史密斯刘易斯和玛格丽特邓洛普吉布森在1896年从东带来一张相​​对陈旧的希伯来文字符覆盖羊皮纸。 At Cambridge this was shown to S. Schechter, who recognized in it Ecclus.这是在剑桥显示S.谢克特,确认它Ecclus。 (Sirach) xxxix. (西拉奇)XXXIX。15-xl.15 - XL。7, and who published the decipherment, which was by no means easy. 7,谁公布的解密,这绝不是容易的。Almost simultaneously Sayce presented to the Bodleian Library, Oxford, a collection of fragments of Hebrew and Arabic manuscripts, among which Neubauer and Cowley found nine leaves of the same volume to which the Lewis-Gibson leaf had belonged, and following immediately after it.几乎就在同时,塞斯提交给大学图书馆,牛津大学,希伯来文和阿拉伯文手稿碎片的集合,其中纽鲍尔和考利发现九叶刘易斯吉布森叶属于同一个卷,后立即以下。 These various fragments having come from the Genizah at Cairo, Schechter at once went to that city, and obtained the necessary authority to examine the contents of the collection, with the result that he found not only the final portion of the manuscript, but also xxx.这些不同片段的Genizah来自Schechter已在开罗,有一次去到那个城市,并获得必要的权力,检查收集的内容与结果,他发现不仅是手稿的最后部分,,但也XXX 。11, xxxii. 11,三十二。1b-xxxiii. 1B - XXXIII。3, xxxv. 3,三十五。9-xxxvi.9 XXXVI。21, and xxxvii.21,三十七。27-xxxviii.27 XXXVIII。 27.27。Two additional fragments of the same manuscript, called B by Schechter, and containing xxxi.两个额外的片段相同的手稿,所谓由谢克特乙,并含有XXXI。12-31 and xxxvi. 12-31和三十六。24-xxxvii. 24十七。26, have been secured by the British Museum.26日,已获得大英博物馆。A second manuscript (A) was found by the same scholar in the collection brought by him from Egypt, containing iii.第二个手稿(一)被发现在他从埃及带来的收集相同学者,包含三。6-xvi.6 - XVI。26, with a hiatus from vii. 26日,中断从七。29 to xi. 29至第十一。34, the missing pages of which subsequently came into the possession of Elkan Adler. 34,其中缺页,后来到藏Elkan阿德勒。A fresh discovery was made when the remaining contents of the genizah were offered for sale, and Israel Lévi secured a leaf from a third copy (C), containing xxxvi.一个新鲜的发现是genizah其余内容出售时,和以色列列维获得了从第三个副本(三)叶,含有三十六。24-xxxviii.24 XXXVIII。 1.1。This fragment is especially valuable, since it serves as a check on the manuscript B, which likewise includes these verses.这片段是特别有价值,因为它作为一个检查手稿B,这同样也包括这些经文。The importance of this discovery is shown below.下面是这一发现的重要性。Finally, Schechter, Gaster, and Lévi found in consignments from the same genizah the following fragments of an anthology of the Wisdom of Jesus: iv.最后,谢克特,法莫替丁,和Levi发现来自同一genizah托运耶稣的智慧选集以下代码片段:四。23b, 30-31; v. 4-8, 9-13; vi. 23B诉4-8,9-13,30-31;; VI。18-19, 28, 35; vii. 18-19,28,35;七。1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25; xviii.1,4,6,17,20-21,23-25​​;十八。30-31; xix.30-31;第十九。 1-2; xx.1-2; XX。4-6, 12 (?); xxv.4-6,12(?); XXV。7c, 8c, 8a, 12, 16-23; xxvi.7C,8C,8A,12,16-23; XXVI。1-2; xxxvi.1-2; XXXVI。 16; xxxvii.16; XXXVII。 19, 22, 24, 26. 19,22,24,26。

There are, therefore, now in existence: (a) in one manuscript: iii.因此,现在存在有:(a)在手稿:III。6-16, 26; xviii. 6-16,26;十八。30-31; xix.30-31;第十九。1-2; xx.1-2; XX。4-6, 12 (?); xxv.4-6,12(?); XXV。7c, 8c, 8a, 12, 16-23; xxvi.7C,8C,8A,12,16-23; XXVI。1-2; xxvii.1-2; XXVII。 5-6, 16; xxx.5-6,16,XXX。 11-xxxiii.11三十三。3; xxxv.3; XXXV。9-xxxviii.9 XXXVIII。 27; xxxix.27; XXXIX。 15-li.15 - 李。30; (b) in two manuscripts: iv. 30(b)在两个手稿:四。23b, 30-31; v. 4-8, 9-13; vi.23B诉4-8,9-13,30-31;; VI。18-19, 28, 35; vii. 18-19,28,35;七。1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25; xxxvi.1,4,6,17,20-21,23-25​​; XXXVI。16, 29-31; xxxvii.16日,29日至31日; XXXVII。complete; xxxviii.完成; XXXVIII。1; (c) in three manuscripts: xxxvii.1,(c)在三个手稿:三十七。19, 22, 24, 26. 19,22,24,26。

These manuscripts contain also some passages that are lacking in the translations, including a psalm fifteen lines in length inserted after li.这些手稿包含也缺乏翻译,包括一个诗篇长度在15线插入后,李的一些段落。12.12。

Manuscripts.手稿。

Manuscript A: 18 × 11 cm.; 28 lines per page.手稿答:18 × 11厘米,每页28行。The verses are generally marked by a double point; and certain ones are punctuated and accented, thus confirming certain statements of Saadia.的诗句一般都标双点;一定的标点和重音,从而确认萨蒂娅某些陈述。"Matres lectionis" abound. “Matres lectionis”比比皆是。The scribe has been guilty of the grossest errors, in addition to abbreviating some verses and omitting others.文士已犯了严重错误,除了省略了一些诗句,并忽略其他。

Manuscript C: 16 × 12 cm.稿件:16 × 12厘米。Certain words and entire verses are vocalized and accented; the script shows cursive tendencies, although of an early type.vocalized和重音的某些字词和整个诗句脚本显示草书倾向,虽然早期类型。In the margin is given a variant verse which represents the original text, corrupted even in the days of Ben Sira's grandson.保证金是一个变种诗句代表原始文字,即使在本​​西拉的孙子天损坏。

Manuscript D: 143 × 100 mm.; 12 lines per page.手稿D:143 × 100毫米;每页12行。The text is often preferable to that of A, and offers variants agreeing with the Greek version, while the readings of A correspond to the Syriac.的文字往往是最好的一个,并提供变种同意希腊的版本,而A的读数对应的叙利亚。

Manuscript B: 19 × 17 cm.; 22 lines per page.手稿乙:19 × 17厘米,每页22行。This is the most curious and interesting of all, as it contains certain peculiarities which are probably unique among all known Hebrew manuscripts.这是最好奇和有趣,因为它包含了一定的特殊性,这可能是所有已知的希伯来文手稿是唯一的。The lines are written with a stylus, as in the Torah scrolls; and, as in some copies of Proverbs and the Book of Job, a space is left between the hemistichs of each verse, so that the pages are divided into two columns; and the "sof pasuḳ" is placed at the end of the verse.线手写笔写,因为,在诵读经文卷轴,并在一些谚语和约伯记副本,每个诗句hemistichs之间留有一个空间,使页面划分成两列;放置在“特种部队pasuḳ”的诗句结束。 This corroborates Saadia's assertion that the book of Ben Sira resembled Proverbs in its division into chapters and verses.这证实了萨蒂娅的断言,本西拉书相似,其划分成章节和诗句的箴言。The chapters are sometimes indicated by the initial letter (= ) and sometimes by a blank space.有时表示的章节的首字母(=),有时一个空格。The most remarkable peculiarity consists in the chapter headings or titles, such as ("Instruction as to Shame"), ("Rules for Proper Deportment at Table"), and ("Hymn of the Patriarchs"), although in the Greek version these rubrics were regarded as scribal interpolations.最显着的特点包括的章节标题或标题,如(“感到羞耻指令”),(“正确的仪态在表的规则”),和(“赞美诗”的始祖),虽然在希腊的版本这些被视为抄写插值评鉴指标。 Another noteworthy feature of this manuscript is its marginal Masorah, containing variants, some of which represent differences merely in orthography, while others are in synonyms or even words with totally different meanings.这个手稿的另一个值得注意的特点是它的边际Masorah,含变种,其中一些代表只是在正字法的差异,而另一些完全不同的含义的同义词或什字。 These glosses are the work of a Persian Jew, who in several marginal notes in Persian stated that he had used two manuscripts in addition to his principal one.这些粉饰工作的波斯犹太人,在波斯湾的几个旁注说,他曾用两个手稿,除了他的主体之一。Such care is indicative of the esteem in which Ben Sira's text was held.这种服务是在本西拉的文本举行自尊。The marginal readings present an interesting problem.边际读数目前一个有趣的问题。As a rule, the body of the text corresponds to the Greek version, and the glosses in the margin to the Syriac; but occasionally the reverse is the case.作为一项规则,正文中对应于希腊的版本,并在叙利亚边缘的掩盖,但偶尔的反向的情况下。

Originality of the Hebrew Fragments.独具匠心的希伯来文片段。

Prof. S. Margoliouth, noticing the decadent character of the language, the number of rabbinisms, and the derivatives from the Arabic and Aramaic, regarded the Hebrew text as a reconstruction of the lost original on the basis of the Greek and Syriac versions, the variants representing different attempts at retranslation.教授S.马戈柳思,注意语言的腐朽性,rabbinisms数量,并从阿拉伯语和阿拉姆的衍生物,被视为希腊和叙利亚版本的基础上重建一个失去了原来的希伯来文,变种代表不同的尝试重译。 The discovery of manuscript C, however, disproved this hypothesis, since this manuscript reproduces with exactness the greater part of the variants of B, even when they are obviously false, while the transcriber of this latter manuscript discharged his task with such scrupulous care that he even recorded variants which were meaningless.然而,手稿彗星的发现,推翻了这一假说,因为这与正确性B的变种,大部份手稿再现,即使他们显然是虚假的,而后者的手稿手写排出这种一丝不苟地照顾他的任务,他甚至录得的变种这是毫无意义的的。 If, therefore, the difference between the text and the marginal glosses corresponds to the difference between the two translations, this only shows that there were two recensions of the original.因此,如果文本之间的差异和边际粉饰对应的两个译本之间的差异,这只能说明有两个原来的recensions。 It is clear, moreover, that these fragments are not the work of some medieval scholar, but are more or less perfect copies of the Hebrew text, as a single example will show.它是明确的,此外,这些碎片是不是中世纪一些学者的工作,但或多或​​少完美的希伯来文的副本,作为一个单独的例子将显示。 In xxxii.在三十二。22 the Hebrew version has . 22希伯来文版本。For the latter word the Syriac text substitutes (= "thy way"), which the context shows to be faulty, the reading being due to a confusion of with .对于后者字叙利亚文文本的替代品(=“你的方式”),它的背景显示出现故障,由于与混乱的阅读。The Greek version reads "thy children," the meaning attributed to in several passages of the Bible.希腊的版本写着“你的儿女”的意义归结为“圣经”中的几个段落。But had the Jewish scribe used the Greek version, he would never have found beneath τῶν τέκνων σου the Hebrew , the correctness of which is attested by the Syriac.但是,犹太文士使用希腊的版本,他也从来没有发现下面τῶντέκνωνσου希伯来文,这是由叙利亚证明的正确性。 There are numerous examples of a similar nature.有性质类似的例子不胜枚举。

Although Margoliouth's theory must be rejected as a whole, certain details indicate that both A and B are derived from a copy characterized by interpolations due to a retranslation from Syriac into Hebrew.虽然马戈柳思的理论必须被拒绝,作为一个整体,某些细节表明,A和B都从插值由于从叙利亚文换算成希伯来文的特点是副本衍生。 In a number of passages the same verse is given in two distinct renderings, one of which usually corresponds to the Syriac, even when this text represents merely a faulty or biased translation of the original.在一些段落相同的诗句是在两个不同的渲染,通常对应的叙利亚,甚至当这个文本只是一个代表原故障或有偏见的翻译。 These verses, moreover, in their conformity to the Syriac, become at times so meaningless that they can be explained only as incorrect translations from that language.这些经文,此外,他们在叙利亚的符合,成为次毫无意义,他们只能从该语言的不正确翻译解释的。Such suspicious passages are characterized by a comparatively modern style and language, by a commonplace phraseology, and by a break in the parallelism which is affected by Ecclesiasticus.这类可疑通道是一个比较现代的风格和语言特点,一个老生常谈的用语,并打破Ecclesiasticus影响的并行。 It may therefore be safely concluded that these doublets are merely additions made to render the Syriac version more intelligible.因此,它可以被安全地得出结论,这些双峰只是呈现叙利亚版本更容易理解的增加。The same statement holds true of certain textual emendations made by the glossarist.相同的语句,拥有真正的辞典编纂者取得了一定的文本emendations。In this, however, there is nothing strange, since it is a well-known fact that the Jews of certain sections were familiar with Syriac, as is shown by the quotations made by Naḥmanides from the Wisdom of Solomon, from Judith, and from Bel and the Dragon, and also by the introduction of the Peshiṭta of Proverbs into the Targum of the Hagiographa.然而,在这方面,有什么奇怪的,因为它是一个众所周知的事实的某些部分犹太人熟悉与叙利亚文,显示从朱迪思,由所罗门的智慧Naḥmanides的报价,从贝尔和龙,也可以通过引进Targum的Hagiographa箴言培熹托。

The Final Hymn.最后的赞歌。

But the glossarist did not restrict himself to these slight additions and modifications, for he added to his copy a translation of the final hymn, basing this version also on the Syriac.但该辞典编纂者没有限制自己对这些轻微的补充和修改,他补充说他的副本最后的赞美诗的翻译,也立足于这个版本的叙利亚。 This canticle, as Bickell has clearly shown, is an alphabetical acrostic, which may still be traced in the Syriac version, on account of the similarity between that language and Hebrew.这颂歌,为Bickell已经清楚地表明,是一个按字母顺序排列的离合,可能仍然可以追溯到在叙利亚版本,语言和希伯来语之间的相似性帐户。 There are lacunæ, however, in the Syriac text which are supplied in the Greek, even though these passages are lacking in the Hebrew.有缺陷,但是,在叙利亚文的文字,这是在希腊,尽管这些段落缺乏在希伯来文中提供。 In the Hebrew some traces of the acrostic remain in cases where the Syriac was translatable only by a Hebrew word beginning with the same letter; but elsewhere all vestiges of it have disappeared.在希伯来文的离合一些痕迹留在叙利亚文翻译是仅由一个希伯来字的开头字母相同的情况下,但其他地方所有的遗迹已经消失。 The Syriac version, moreover, shows evidences of corruptions and innovations, which are reproduced by the Hebrew.叙利亚文版本,此外,证据显示损坏和创新,这是由希伯来文转载。The Syriac occasionally corresponds to the Greek, but tends toward a confusion of sense which eventually alters the meaning, these modifications being also reproduced in the Hebrew text.叙利亚文偶尔会对应到希腊,但往往会走向混乱感,最终改变的意义,这些修改也转载在希伯来文。The hymn, which follows the Syriac version closely throughout, is evidently a retranslation from the latter.赞美诗,它遵循叙利亚版本的紧密合作,显然是从后者的重译。These opinions have been championed especially by Israel Lévi, and are accepted by Ryssel and other scholars, although they are not universally held.这些意见已被倡导,尤其是以色列列维和Ryssel和其他学者所接受,尽管他们没有得到普遍举行。

The Hebrew version contains an entire canticle which does not appear in either the Greek or the Syriac text.希伯来文版本包含一个完整的颂歌,它不会出现在希腊或叙利亚文文本。This, however, is of doubtful authenticity, although one may cite in its favor the sentence "O give thanks unto Him that chose the sons of Zadok to be priests," alluding to the pre-Maccabean high priests who were descended from Zadok; while another possible argument is furnished by the absence of any reference to ideas essentially Pharisaic, such as the resurrection of the body.然而,这是真假难分,但可援引对其有利的句子的“O选择撒督的儿子祭司”,暗指从撒督的后裔,马加比前大祭司对他的感谢;另一种可能的说法是没有任何参考思路基本上Pharisaic,如复活的身体,的情况下提供的。 Against the genuineness of the psalm may be urged: (1) its omission in the versions; (2) the sentence "O give thanks unto Him that maketh the horn of the house of David to bud," which is directly opposed in sentiment to ch.对真实性的诗篇可敦促:(1)遗漏的版本;(2)句的“O给祂maketh大卫家的喇叭芽,感谢”,这是直接反对情绪CH。 xxxvi.三十六。and to the entire "Hymn of thePatriarchs"; and (3) the remarkable similarity of the hymn to the "Shemoneh 'Esreh" together with the prayers which precede and follow the "Shema'."和整个“歌的thePatriarchs”;“。(3)惊人的相似的赞歌”Shemoneh斯玛“Esreh”之前和之后的祈祷“ The question has not yet been definitely settled.这个问题还没有得到肯定落户。

Critical Value of the Hebrew Text.临界值的希伯来文。

Despite the corrections and interpolations mentioned, however, the originalty of the text in these fragments of Ben Sira can not be denied.然而,尽管提到的更正和插值,在本西拉这些碎片的文字originalty不能否认。Besides the fact that many scholars deny the existence of any interpolations, there are portions in which it is easy to recognize the author's hand; for he has a characteristic technique, style, vocabulary, and syntax which are evident in all the versions.此外,许多学者否认存在任何插值的事实,也有部分在其中很容易认识到作者的手,因为他有一个特点的技术,风格,词汇和语法这是在所有的版本明显。 It may safely be said that in the main the work of Ben Sira has been preserved just as it left his hands, while the chief variant marginal readings recorded in the fragments and confirmed by the translations may be regarded as evidences of the existence of two separate editions written by Ben Sira himself.它可以安全地说,在本西拉的主要工作一直被保存下来,只是因为它留下了他的手中,而边际读数录得的片段,并通过翻译确认行政变种可能存在着两个独立的证据本西拉本人的书面版本。 It is self-evident, moreover, that Ecclesiasticus has undergone some alterations at the hands of scribes, but it would have been strange indeed if this book alone should have wholly escaped the common lot of such writings.此外,不言而喻,这Ecclesiasticus已经发生了一些改动,文士手中,但它会一直奇怪,如果单靠这本书应该有完全逃脱等著作很多共同点。 No more conclusive proof could be found, were any necessary, of the fidelity of the Hebrew version than its frequent agreement, in citations from the Bible, with the text on which the Septuagint is based rather than with the Masorah, as in the case of I Sam.没有更多的确凿证据,可以发现,任何必要的,希伯来文版本的保真度比频繁的协议,从“圣经”的引用,与文字的译本,而不是与Masorah,如案例我心。 xii.XII。3 as compared with Ecclus. 3相比Ecclus。(Sirach) xlvi.(西拉奇)XLVI。19, or Isa.19日,或ISA。 xxxviii.三十八。17 with Ecclus.17 Ecclus。(Sirach) l.(西拉奇)L。2.2。

Importance for the History of the Bible.“圣经”的历史重要性。

Even before the discovery of these fragments the Book of Ecclesiasticus was regarded as a unique document of priceless value; but the account which it gives of the status of the Bible in its author's dayhas gained additional importance, now that the greater part of the original itself is known.即使在发现这些碎片Ecclesiasticus书认为作为一个无价的价值的独特的文件;但是这是“圣经”的地位在其作者的dayhas给人的帐户获得了额外的重要性,现在大部份的原本身是已知的。 The "Hymn of the Patriarchs," which has been preserved in its entirety, shows that the canon of the Law and of the Prophets was closed, as the author's grandson expressly states. “歌的始祖”,已在其全部保存,显示,被关闭的法律和先知的佳能,作为作者的孙子明确规定。The Prophets were arranged in the order generally adopted in the Hebrew Bible, as follows: Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings ("Nebi'im Rishonim"), Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Twelve Minor Prophets ("Nebi'im Aḥaronim"); and the expression "the Twelve Prophets" was sanctioned by usage.先知在希伯来圣经中普遍采用的顺序排列,如下:约书亚,法官,萨穆埃尔,国王(“Nebi'im Rishonim”),以赛亚,耶利米,以西结书,十二小先知(“Nebi'imAḥaronim “);和表达”十二先知“的批准用途。The greater portion of the Hagiographa was already considered canonical, including the Psalms attributed nominally to David, Proverbs, Job (the Greek translator has made a gross blunder here), and possibly the Song of Solomon, Nehemiah, and Chronicles.较大部分的Hagiographa已经审议规范,包括诗篇归咎于名义上大卫,谚语,作业(希腊文翻译取得了总失误这里),和可能,尼希米所罗门之歌,和编年史。 The author's silence regarding some of the other Hagiographa proves nothing; since he intended, as has already been said, to eulogize the priesthood in this section, and all who were not included in his scheme were passed over without notice.作者的沉默,有关的一些其他Hagiographa证明什么,因为他打算,因为前面已经说过,讴歌在本节中的祭司,和所有谁不包括在他的计划获得通过,恕不另行通知。 In addition to this statistical information, Ben Sira furnishes other points of interest.除了这个统计资料,本西拉furnishes其他感兴趣的点。The frequency with which he avails himself of Job and Proverbs proves that both these books had been long in circulation, although the divergence between the original and his quotation is very great.证明这两种书长已在流通的频率,他利用自己的职位和谚语,虽然原和他的报价之间的分歧是非常大的。Furthermore, the labored attempt to imitate the literary style previously affected in didactic poetry was a failure, and radical changes had been introduced even as early as the time of the author.此外,吃力试图模仿说教诗以前受影响的文学样式是失败的,已经彻底改变甚至早作者介绍。While he still availed himself of parallelism and employed verses symmetrically divided into two hemistichs, he introduced into this work on wisdom concepts thitherto excluded, such as allusions to sacred history and exhortations to fulfil the duty of religious worship.虽然他仍然利用自己对称地划分成两个hemistichs并行和就业的诗句,他介绍了智慧概念thitherto排除在外,如神圣的历史和规劝典故,履行宗教崇拜的责任,为这项工作。 Mention has already been made of literary innovations which characterize the work.已经提到文学创新的工作特点。 It is no less significant that the diction employed is essentially imitative, being a mixture of Biblical centos and reminiscences, yet marking a stage unattained by any analogous work.这是毫不逊色,文辞雇用实质上是模仿,圣经的CentOS和回忆的混合物,但标志着任何类似的工作未达到一个阶段。Still untouched by Hellenisms, the lexicography is characterized by rabbinisms and derivatives from the Aramaic and the Arabic.仍然由Hellenisms不变,辞书的特点是从阿拉姆语和阿拉伯语的rabbinisms和衍生物。The style is decadent, showing a curious mixture of prolixity and conciseness, daring constructions, the repetition of certain figures, imitation, and false elegance, side by side with felicity of phraseology and imagery.作风是腐朽的,罗唆和简洁,敢于建设,重复一些数字,模仿,虚假优雅,幸福的用语和图像并排呈现出奇怪的混合物。 These qualities denote a period when spontaneity and originality were replaced by pedantry, conventionality, and artificiality.这些素质表示学究气,套子,和矫揉造作取代时,自发性和原创性的时期。Henceforth a thorough knowledge of Ecclesiasticus will be indispensable for any who wish to study the analogous portions of the Bible, although it has thus far been impossible to determine the relation of Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus from a mere comparison of the two books, despite their frequent points of contact.今后一个透彻的认识Ecclesiasticus将是不可或缺的,任何人想研究“圣经”的类似部分,虽然迄今无法确定传道书和Ecclesiasticus从单纯比较两书的关系,尽管他们的频繁点接触。

It is self-evident that the Hebrew fragments will aid in the reconstruction of the original of those portions for which no basal text has yet been found.希伯来文的片段,将在原来没有基底文字尚未发现的部分重建援助,这是不言自明。These fragments, moreover, reveal the relative value of the Greek and Syriac texts, the two versions based on the Hebrew original.此外,这些片段,揭示了希腊和叙利亚文本的相对值,基于原来的希伯来文的两个版本。

The Greek Version.希腊的版本。

The Greek text, as noted above, is the work of the author's grandson, who went to Egypt in 132.如上所述,希腊文,是作者的孙子的工作,在132到埃及。A prologue to the "Synopsis" of Athanasius gives his name as Jesus; but this passage is spurious.一个亚他那修的“金匮”的序幕,给耶稣他的名字,但这段话是虚假的。Although the translator may have gone to Egypt in 132, it does not necessarily follow that he entered upon his work in that year; indeed he himself says that he spent some time there before beginning his task.虽然翻译可能已经在132至埃及,它并不一定跟随他后,他在这一年的工作进入,确实是他自己说,开始他的任务之前,他花了一段时间。 The theory has been advanced that he did not begin it until 116, since ἐπί ("in the time of"), which he uses in connection with Ptolemy Euergetes, is employed only after the death of the monarch whose name it precedes (Deissmann, in "Theologische Literaturzeitung," 1904, p. 558); but the incorrectness of this deduction has been demonstrated by Schürer.该理论已被先进的,他没有开始,直到116,自ἐπί(“时间”),这是他在与托勒密Euergetes连接使用,只有后死亡的君主,他的名字它前面(戴斯曼“Theologische Literaturzeitung,”1904年,页558),但这一推论不正确已Schürer证明。The translator, in the introduction, requests the indulgence of his readers, a precaution not without justification, since his rendering leaves much to be desired, sometimes straining the meaning of the text, and again containing crass blunders, so that the text must be freed from the numerous errors of the scribes before it can be fairly judged (see Lévi, "L'Ecclésiastique," p. xl.).在引进,翻译,请求他的读者的放纵,不是没有道理的预防措施,可谓非常不理想,因为他的渲染,有时紧张的文本的意义,并再次包含粗鲁的失误,使文本必须释放从文士许多错误之前,可以得到公平判断(见列维,“欧莱雅Ecclésiastique,”XL页。)

The Hebrew version shows that the Greek manuscript which has best preserved the wording of the original is No. 248 of Holmes and Parsons, which was used in the Complutensian Polyglot.希伯来文版的希腊手稿,保存最完好的原始的措辞是霍姆斯和帕森斯,这是在Complutensian多语种使用248号。 Yet even after a rigid purification of the text, Ben Sira contains many blunders, due to overhasty reading (Lévi, lc pp. xliii. et seq.).然而,即使是刚性净化后的文本,本西拉包含许多失误,由于overhasty阅读(列维,LC - XLIII。起。)While the translator generally adhered closely to the original, he sometimes added comments of his own, but seldom abridged, although he occasionally slurred over a passage in which the imagery was too bold or the anthropomorphism too glaring.虽然翻译一般严格遵循原来,他有时会添加自己的,但很少删节的意见,虽然他偶尔的图像过于大胆,或拟人太刺眼的一段话含糊。 Moreover, he frequently substituted for the translation of one verse another already given for a passage of similar content.此外,他还经常取代翻译一首诗另一个已经通过了类似的内容。The version used by him was not always identical with that contained in the Hebrew fragments.他所使用的版本并非总是在希伯来文片段中的相同。Sometimes he has verses which are missing in the Hebrew; but many of those mentioned by Fritzsche in his notes are found in the fragments.有时他这是在希伯来文中缺少的诗句,但弗里切在他的笔记提到的许多片段。A revision of the Greek text is attested by the quotations in the "Pædagogus" of Clement of Alexandria.希腊文的修订是证明了在“Pædagogus”克莱门特的亚历山德里亚的报价。

An accident has disarranged the pages of the parent manuscript of all the copies thus far known, two sheets, containing respectively xxx.事故紊乱所有迄今已知的副本,两片的父手稿的网页,载有分别XXX。25-xxxiii.25三十三。13a and xxxiii.第13A条和三十三。 13b-xxxvi.13B - XXXVI。 16b, having been interchanged. 16B,被互换。The Itala and the Armenian versions, however, avoided the error.伊泰莱和亚美尼亚的版本,但避免了错误。 The conjectural restoration of the order of the chapters should be made, according to Ryssel, on the basis of manuscript No. 248, which also avoided this inversion.推测恢复的章节顺序应根据Ryssel手稿第248号,这也避免这一反转的基础上。On the Greek manuscripts and their individual and general value as regards the history of this version, see Ryssel in Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," i.在希腊手稿和他们个别与一般的价值,至于这个版本的历史,看到Kautzsch Ryssel,“Apokryphen,”一244 et seq.244及以下。It may be said that the Greek version offers the most reliable material for the reconstruction of those portions of the original which have not yet been discovered.可以说,希腊的版本,提供了最可靠的材料为那些尚未被发现的原始部分的重建。

The Vetus Latina.Vetus拉丁。

As Jerome himself says, the Latin version contained in the Vulgate is not his work, but was the one generally used in the African churches during the first half of the third century (see Thielmann in "Archiv für Lateinische Lexicographie und Grammatik,"viii.-ix.); and the truth of this statement is proved beyond question by the quotations of Cyprian.杰罗姆自己说,拉丁美洲的版本,在武加大中是不是他的工作,但被普遍使用在上半年的第三个世纪,在非洲教会(见“论坛存档毛皮Lateinische Lexicographie和Grammatik,”八Thielmann一个。毫无疑问,塞浦路斯的报价- IX);和本声明的真相证明。This text is characterized by a number of interpolations of a biased trend, although it is in general a slavish and sometimes awkward translation from the Greek (comp. Herkenne, "De Veteris Latini Ecclesiastici Capitibus i.-xliii." Leipsic, 1899); but it also contains deviations from the Greek which can be explained only on the hypothesis of a Hebrew original.该文本的特点是有偏颇的趋势插值,尽管它一般是一个奴性,有时尴尬的翻译从希腊(comp. Herkenne,“德Veteris拉蒂尼Ecclesiastici Capitibus一XLIII。”Leipsic,1899年);但它也包含了从希腊可只上了一个希伯来文原的假说来解释的偏差。These divergences are corrections made on the basis of a Hebrew manuscript of the same recension as B and C, which were taken from a text that had already become corrupt.这些分歧是B和C相同的recension,这是从一个已经成为腐败的文本采取了希伯来手稿的基础上作出的更正。 Such changes were made, therefore, prior to the third century.这种变化,因此,前第三世纪。The corrections peculiar to the Itala are attested by the quotations of Cyprian, and may have been derived from a Greek manuscript taken to Africa.更正特有的伊泰莱证明塞浦路斯的报价,并可能已经从一个希腊手稿带到非洲派生。They may be divided into two groups: cases in which the corresponding passage of the Hebrew is placed beside the ordinary text of the Greek, and passages in which the Hebrew rendering is substituted for the Greek reading (comp. Lévi, lc, introduction to part ii., and Herkenne, lc).他们可分为两类:一类相应的希伯来文通过放在旁边的希腊普通文本的情况下,和希伯来渲染取代希腊阅读(comp.列维,立法会,引进部分段落二,Herkenne,LC)。 After ch.经过CH。xliv.XLIV。the Vulgate and the Itala coincide.武加大和伊泰莱的不谋而合。The other versions based upon the Greek are the Syriac Hexaplar, edited by Ceriani ("Codex Syro-Hexaplaris Ambrosianus Photolithographice Editus," Milan, 1874); the Coptic (Sahidic), edited by Lagarde ("Ægyptiaca," Göttingen, 1883; see Peters, "Die Sahidisch-Koptische Uebersetzung des Buchs Ecclesiasticus auf Ihren Wahren Werth für die Textkritik Untersucht," in Bardenhewer, "Biblische Studien," 1898, iii. 3); the Ethiopic, edited by Dillmann ("Biblia Veteris Testamenti Æthiopica," 1894, v.); and the Armenian, sometimes used to verify the reading of the Greek.根据希腊的其他版本的叙利亚文Hexaplar,编辑Ceriani(“食品法典委员会Syro Hexaplaris Ambrosianus Photolithographice Editus,”米兰,1874年);科普特人(Sahidic),拉加德(“Ægyptiaca,”哥廷根,1883年编辑;彼得斯,“模具Sahidisch Koptische Uebersetzung DES布克斯Ecclesiasticus AUF Ihren Wahren Werth献给死Textkritik Untersucht,”在巴登黑韦尔,“Biblische(研究)”,1898年,三3);衣索比亚,Dillmann(“Biblia Veteris Testamenti Æthiopica,”编辑1894年,五);和亚美尼亚,有时被用来验证希腊阅读。

Syriac Version.叙利亚版本。

While the Syriac version does not possess the importance of the Greek, it is equally useful in the reconstruction of the Hebrew on which it was directly based, as has been clearly shown by the discovery of the fragments.虽然叙利亚版本不具备对希腊的重要性,它同样在重建它是直接基于希伯来有用的,因为已经清楚地表明发现的片段。 As a rule the translator understood his text; but his blunders are innumerable, even making allowance for scribal errors, which are not infrequent.作为一个规则的翻译理解他的文字,但他的失误是数不胜数,甚至抄写的错误,这是并不少见的津贴。Unfortunately, his copy was incomplete, so that his version contains numerous lacunæ, one of which (xliii. 1-10) was filled by a passage borrowed from the Syriac Hexaplar.不幸的是,他的复制是不完整的,使他的版本中包含有许多缺陷,其中之一(xliii. 1-10)是从叙利亚Hexaplar借来的一段话充满。This entire translation is a puzzle.这整个翻译是一个谜。In some chapters it follows the original exactly, in others it is little more than a paraphrase, or even a mere epitome.在某些章节如下原来完全相同,有些是比意译,甚至仅仅是一个缩影。In places the translation shows very few errors, in others it betrays total ignorance of the meaning of the text.在一些地方的翻译显示错误很少,在别人背叛了文本的意义完全不了解。It is possible that the Syriac version was the work of several translators.叙利亚版本很可能是几个翻译工作。Some of its repetitions and corrections betray a Christian bias; and it even bears traces of a revision based on the Greek.一些重复和更正背叛一个基督徒的偏见,它甚至带有一个版本的痕迹是以希腊。As already noted, it contains many variants which the Hebrew fragments show to represent the original readings.正如已经指出的,它包含了许多变种,希伯来片段显示代表原始读数。Despite its numerous defects, it is a valuable check upon the Greek text, even where it diverges widely, except in passages where it becomes fantastic.尽管它的许多缺陷,它是一个有价值的检查,希腊文时,即使它发散广泛,除了在通道就变成梦幻般的地方,。It therefore deserves to be carefully studied with the assistance of the commentaries on it and the citations from it by Syriac authors, as has been done for the glosses of Bar Hebræus by Katz in his "Scholien des Gregorius Abulfaragius Bar Hebræus zum Weisheitsbuche des Josua ben Sira" (Halle, 1892).因此,值得仔细研究与援助上的评论和叙利亚文作者从引文,​​已完成卡茨在他的“DES Scholien Gregorius Abulfaragius酒吧Hebræus ZUM Weisheitsbuche Josua奔酒吧Hebræus敷衍了事西拉“(哈雷,1892年)。The Arabic translation included in the London Polyglot and based upon the Syriac version is likewise a valuable adjunct to the "apparatus criticus."同样是一个有价值的辅助“装置criticus包括在伦敦多语种翻译成阿拉伯文和叙利亚版本为基础。”

Crawford Howell Toy, Israel Lévi克劳福德豪威尔玩具,以色列列维

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.1901至1906年之间出版的犹太百科全书。

Bibliography:参考书目:

Editions of the Hebrew text, in chronological order: Schechter, Ecclesiasticus xxxix.希伯来文的版本,按时间顺序:谢克特,Ecclesiasticus XXXIX。15-xl.15 - XL。8, in Expository Times, July, 1896, pp. 1-15; Cowley and Neubauer, The Original Hebrew of a Portion of Ecclesiasticus (xxxix. 15-xlix. 11), Together with the Early Versions and an English Translation, Followed by the Quotations from Ben Sira in Rabbinical Literature, Oxford, 1897; Halévy, Etude sur la Partie du Texte Hébreu de l'Ecclésiastique Récemment Découverte [xxxix. 8,在说明性时报“,7月,1896年,页1-15;考利和纽鲍尔,部分的Ecclesiasticus希伯来原文(xxxix. 15 XLIX 11),加上早期版本和英文翻译,其次是从本西拉在犹太教文学,牛津大学,1897年的语录; Halévy,ETUDE SUR LA Partie杜Texte Hébreu DE L' Ecclésiastique Récemment Découverte [XXXIX。15-xlix.15 XLIX。11], in Rev. Sém. 11],在牧师经管学院。v. 148, 193, 383; Smend, Das Hebräische Fragment der Weisheit des Jesus Sirach, in Abhandlungen der Göttinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, 1897, ii.五,148,193,383; Smend,达斯Hebräische片段DER Weisheit DES耶稣西拉奇,Abhandlungen DER Göttinger GESELLSCHAFT DER学问,1897年,第二。2 (containing the same text); Collotype Facsimiles of the Oxford Fragment of Ecclesiasticus, Oxford, 1897; Israel Lévi, L'Ecclesiastique ou la Sagesse de Jesus, Fils de Sira, Texte Original Hébreu, Traduit et Commenté, in Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences Réligieuses, x., No. i., Paris, 1897 (part ii., ib. 1901); Schlatter, Das Neugefundene Hebräische Stück des Sirach, Güterslohe, 1897; Kohn, same text, in Ha-Shiloaḥ, iii.2(含相同的文字);珂罗传真机牛津片段Ecclesiasticus,牛津大学,1897年,以色列列维,L' Ecclesiastique OU SAGESSE DE JESUS​​,酒坊西拉,Texte原件Hébreu,Traduit等Commenté,在国家图书馆的升高等DES高等研究,科学Réligieuses,十号一,巴黎,1897年(第二部分,兴业银行1901年);施拉特,达斯Neugefundene Hebräische卡住DES西拉奇,Güterslohe,1897年,科恩,相同的文字,在医管局Shiloaḥ,第三。42-48, 133-140, 321-325, 517-520; Schechter, Genizah Specimens: Ecclesiasticus [xlix. 42-48,133-140,321-325,517-520;谢克特,Genizah标本:Ecclesiasticus [XLIX。12-1.12-1。22], in JQR x.22],在JQR X.197; Schechter and Taylor, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, Cambridge, 1899; Halévy, Le Nouveau Fragment Hébreu de l'Ecclésiastique [xlix.197;谢克特和泰勒,本西拉,剑桥,1899年的智慧; Halévy,乐风格片段Hébreu DE L' Ecclésiastique [XLIX。12-1.12-1。22], in Rev. Sém. 22],在牧师经管学院。vii.七。214-220; Margoliouth, The Original Hebrew of Ecclesiasticus xxxi.214-220;马戈柳思,原来的希伯来Ecclesiasticus XXXI。12-31 and xxxvi.12-31和三十六。22-xxxvii.22十七。26, in JQR xii. 26日,在JQR第十二。1-33; Schechter, A Further Fragment of Ben Sira [iv.1-33;谢克特,一本西拉[IV进一步片段。23-v.23 - V。13, xxv.13,二十五。8-xxvi.8 - 26。2], ib.2],IB。pp. 456-465; Adler, Some Missing Fragments of Ben Sira [vii.第456-465;阿德勒,本西拉[七缺少一些片段。29-xii.29 - XII。1].1]。ib.IB。pp. 466-480; Lévi, Fragments de-Deux Nouveaux Manuscrits Hébreux de l'Ecclésiastique [xxxvi.第466-480;列维,碎片的德塞夫勒新贵Manuscrits Hébreux DE L' Ecclésiastique [XXXVI。24-xxxviii.24 XXXVIII。 1; vi.1; VI。18-19; xxviii.18-19; XXVIII。35; vii. 35;第七。1, 4, 6, 17, 20-21, 23-25], in REJ xl.1,4,6,17,20-21,23-25​​],在相互执行判决XL。1-30; Gaster, A New Fragment of Ben Sira [xviii.1-30;法莫替丁,本西拉[十八的一个新片段。31-33; xix.31-33; XIX。 1-2; xx.1-2; XX。5-7; xxvii.5-7; XXVII。 19.19。22, 24, 26; xx. 22,24,26,XX。13], in JQR xii.13],在JQR第十二。688-702; Ecclesiasticus: The Fragments Hitherto Recovered of the Hebrew Text in Facsimile, Cambridge and Oxford, 1901; Schlögel, Ecclesiasticus xxxix.688-702; Ecclesiasticus:碎片到目前为止传真,剑桥和牛津,1901年在希伯来文中恢复; Schlögel,Ecclesiasticus XXXIX。12-xlix. 12 XLIX。16, Ope Artis Criticœ et Metricœ in Formam Originalem Redactus, 1901; Knabenbauer, Commentariusin Ecclesiasticum cum Appendice: Textus Ecclesiastici Hebrœus Descriptus Secundum Fragmenta Nuper Reperta cum Notis et Versione Litterali Latina, Paris, 1902; Peters, Der Jüngst Wiederaufgefundene Hebräische Text des Buches Ecclesiasticus, etc., Freiburg, 1902; Strack, Die Sprüche Jesus', des Sohnes Sirach, der Jüngst Wiedergefundene Hebräische Text mit Anmerkungen und Wörterbuch, Leipsic, 1903; Lévi, The Hebrew Text of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, Edited with Brief Notes and a Selected Glossary, Leyden, 1904, in Semitic Study Series, ed.16,OPE阿蒂斯Criticœ等Metricœ Formam Originalem Redactus,1901年Knabenbauer,Commentariusin Ecclesiasticum暨Appendice:Textus Ecclesiastici Hebrœus Descriptus孔型Fragmenta Nuper Reperta暨NOTIS等Versione Litterali拉丁,巴黎,1902年,彼得斯,DER Jüngst Wiederaufgefundene Hebräische文本DES Buches Ecclesiasticus等等,弗赖堡,1902年;施特拉克,模具Sprüche耶稣“,德Sohnes西拉奇,DER Jüngst Wiedergefundene Hebräische文字麻省理工学院Anmerkungen和服务条款,Leipsic,1903年,列维,希伯来文Ecclesiasticus图书,编辑,简要说明和词汇,莱顿,1904年,选定在犹太人的研究系列,编辑。 Gottheil and Jastrow, iii.; La Sainte Bible Polyglotte, ed.Gottheil贾斯特罗,III;洛杉矶圣圣经Polyglotte,主编。Viguroux, vol. Viguroux,第一卷。v., Paris, 1904; Peters, Liber Iesu Filii Sirach sive Ecclesiasticus Hebraice Secundum Codices Nuper Repertos, Vocalibus Adornatus Addita Versione Latina cum Glossario Hebraico-Latino, Freiburg, 1905.五,巴黎,1904年,彼得斯,LIBER Iesu Filii西拉奇sive Ecclesiasticus Hebraice孔型抄本Nuper Repertos,Vocalibus Adornatus Addita Versione拉丁暨Glossario Hebraico,拉丁美洲,弗赖堡,1905年。

On the question of the originality of the book: Margoliouth, The Origin of the "Original Hebrew" of Ecclesiasticus, London, 1899; Bacher, in JQR xii.在书的原创性的问题:马戈柳思,Ecclesiasticus,伦敦,1899年的“原始的希伯来文”的原产地;巴切尔,在JQR第十二。 97-108; idem, in Expository Times, xi.97-108;同上,在说明性时报,第十一。563; Bickell, in WZKM xiii.563; Bickell,在WZKM第十三。251-256; Halévy, in Rev. Sém. 251-256; Halévy在牧师经管学院,。viii.VIII。78-88; König, in Expository Times, x.78-88;柯尼格,在说明性时报,X.512, 564; xi.512,564;席。 31, 69, 139-140, 170-176, 234-235; idem, Die Originalität des Neulich Entdeckten Hebräischen Sirachtextes, Tübingen, 1900; idem, in Neue Kirchliche Zeitung, xi. 31,69,139-140,170-176,234-235;同上,模具Originalität DES Neulich Entdeckten Hebräischen Sirachtextes,蒂宾根大学,1900年,同上,在“新Kirchliche报”,第十一。60, 67; idem, in Theologische Rundschau, iii.60,67;同上,Theologische评论报,第三。19; idem, in Evangelische Kirchen-Zeitung, lxxiv.19,同上,在Evangelische Kirchen报“,LXXIV。289-292; Lévi, in REJ xxxix. 289-292;列维在相互执行判决XXXIX,。1-15, xl.1-15,XL。1-30; Margoliouth, in Expository Times, xi.1-30;马戈柳思,在说明性时报,第十一。90-92, 191, 427-429, 521; xii. 90-92,191,427-429,521;第十二。45, 95, et passim; Ryssel, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, lxxv.45,95,等各处; Ryssel,Theologische(研究)和Kritiken,lxxv。406-420; Schechter, in Expository Times, xi.406-420; Schechter已在说明性时报,第十一。140-142, 382, 522; Selbie, ib. 140-142,382,522; Selbie,IB。127, 363, 378, 446, 494, 550; Tyler, in JQR xii.127,363,378,446,494,550;泰勒,在JQR第十二。555-562.555-562。

Studies on the Hebrew text, exclusive of the editions and commentaries mentioned above: Bacher, in JQR ix.希伯来文的研究,独家的版本和评论上述巴切尔,在JQR IX。543-562, xii. 543-562,第十二章。272-290; idem, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xx.272-290;同上,在体育场的(杂志),XX,。308; idem, in REJ xl. 308,同上,在相互执行判决XL,。253; Blau, ib.253;布劳,IB。 xxxv.三十五。25-29; Büchler, ib.25-29; Büchler,IB。xxxviii.三十八。137-140; Chajes, ib.137-140; Chajes,IB。xl. XL。31-36; Cheyne, in JQR x.31-36;进益,在JQR X.13, xii.13,第十二章。554; Cowley, ib. 554;考利,IB。xii. XII。109-111; Cowley and Neubauer, ib.109-111;考利和纽鲍尔,IB。ix.IX。563-567; Frankel, in Monatsschrift, xiii.563-567;弗兰克尔月刊,第十三,。380-384, xliii. 380-384,XLIII。481-484; Ginsburger, in REJ xlii.481-484;金斯布格尔在相互执行判决XLII,。267; Grimme, in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, ii.267;机Grimme Orientalistische Literaturzeitung,二,。213, 316; idem. 213,316;同上。in La Revue Biblique, ix.在香格里拉杂志Biblique,IX。400-413; x.400-413; X. 55-65, 260-267, 423-435; 55-65,260-267,423-435;

Gray, in JQR ix.灰色,在JQR IX。567-572; Halévy, in Journal Asiatique, 1897, x.567-572; Halévy,杂志亚义赛,1897年,X.501; Herz, in JQR x.501赫兹,在JQR X.719-724; Hogg, in Expositor, 1897, pp. 262-266; idem, in American Journal of Theology, i. 719-724;霍格,在解释者,1897年,第262-266;同上,在美国杂志神学,岛777-786; Houtsma; in Theologisch Tijdschrift, xxxiv.777-786; Houtsma; Theologisch Tijdschrift,XXXIV。329-354; Jouon, in Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie, xxvii.329-354; Jouon(杂志)献给Katholische神学,二十七,。583 et seq.; Kaufmann, in JQR xi.583及以下。考夫曼,在JQR十一。159-162; idem, in Monatsschrift, xi.159-162;同上月刊,第十一,。337-340; Kautzsch, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken.337-340; Kautzsch,Theologische(研究)和Kritiken。 lxxi.lxxi。185-199; Krauss, in JQR xi. 185-199;克劳斯JQR十一,。156-158; Landauer, in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xii.156-158;兰道尔(杂志)毛皮Assyriologie,第十二,。393-395; Lévi, in REJxxxiv. 393-395;列维REJxxxiv,。1-50, 294-296; xxxv. 1-50,294-296; XXXV。29-47; xxxvii.29-47; XXXVII。210-217; xxxix.210-217; XXXIX。1-15, 177-190; xl.1-15,177-190; XL。253-257; xlii.253-257; XLII。269; xliv.269​​; XLIV。 291-294; xlvii.291-294; XLVII。l-2; idem, in JQR xiii.L - 2,同上,在JQR十三。1-17, 331; Margolis, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxi.1-17,331;马戈利斯(杂志),在体育场的XXI,。271; Margoliouth, in Athenœum, July, 1897, p.271;马戈柳思,Athenœum,七月,1897年,第162; Méchineau, in Etudes.162; Méchineau练习曲“,。lxxviii. LXXVIII。451-477, lxxxi.451-477,捌拾。831-834, lxxxv. 831-834,捌拾伍。693-698; Müller, in WZKM xi.693-698;米勒WZKM第十一,。103-105; Nöldeke, in Expositor, 1897, pp. 347-364; Peters, in Theologische Quartalschrift, lxxx.103-105; Nöldeke,在解释者,1897年,第347-364;彼得斯,Theologische Quartalschrift,LXXX。94-98, lxxxii.94-98,捌拾。 180-193; idem, in Biblische Zeitschrift, i.180-193;同上,Biblische(杂志),一47, 129; Rosenthal, in Monatsschrift, 1902, pp. 49-52; Ryssel, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1900, pp. 363-403, 505-541; 1901, pp. 75-109, 270-294, 547-592; 1902, pp. 205-261, 347-420; Schechter, in JQR xii.47,129;罗森塔尔,月刊,1902年,页49-52; Ryssel,Theologische(研究)和Kritiken,1900年,第363-403页,505-541; 1901年,第75-109,270-294,547 -592; 1902年,第205-261,347-420;谢克特JQR第十二。266-274; Schlögel, in ZDMG liii. 266-274; Schlögel ZDMG LIII,。669-682; Smend, in Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1897, pp. 161, 265; Steiniger, in Stade's Zeitschrift, xxi.669-682; Smend Theologische Literaturzeitung,1897年,第161,265; Steiniger,在体育场的(杂志),XXI。143; Strauss, in Schweizerische Theologische Zeitung, xvii.143;施特劳斯Schweizerische Theologische报“,第十七,。65-80; Taylor, in JQR x.泰勒在JQR X. 65-80;470-488; xv.470-488; XV。440-474, 604-626; xvii. 440-474,604-626;十七。238-239; idem, in Journal of Theological Studies, i.238-239;同上,在神学研究杂志“岛571-583; Touzard, in Revue Biblique, vi.571-583; Touzard歌剧Biblique,VI,。271-282, 547-573; vii. 271-282,547-573;第七。33 58; ix.33 58; IX。 45-67, 525-563. 45-67,525-563。Principal editions of the Greek text: Fritzsche, Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testamenti Grœce, Leipsic, 1871; Holmes and Parsons, Vetus Testamentum Grœcum cum Variis Lectionibus, iv., Oxford, 1827; Swete, The Old Testament in Greek, ii., Cambridge, 1891.主要的希腊文版本:弗里切,Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testamenti Grœce,Leipsic,1871年,霍姆斯和帕森斯,Vetus Testamentum Grœcum暨Variis Lectionibus,四,牛津大学,1827; Swete,旧约在希腊,第二,剑桥,。 1891年。Of the Syriac text: Lagarde, Libri Veteris Testamenti Apocryphi Syriace, Leipsic, 1861; Ceriani, Codex Syro-Hexaplaris Ambrosianus Photolithographice Editus, Milan, 1874.叙利亚文的文字:拉加德,Libri Veteris Testamenti Apocryphi Syriace,Leipsic,1861; Ceriani,食品法典委员会Syro Hexaplaris Ambrosianus Photolithographice Editus,米兰,1874年。On the other translations derived from the Greek: Peters, Der Jüngst Wiederaufgefundene Hebräische Text des Buches Ecclesiasticus, pp. 35 et seq.; Herkenne, De Veteris Latini Ecclesiastici Capitibus i.-xliii., Leipsic, 1899; Ryssel, in Kautzsch, Apokryphen, i.在源于希腊的其他翻译:彼得斯,DER Jüngst Wiederaufgefundene Hebräische文本DES Buches Ecclesiasticus,第35页起; Herkenne,德Veteris拉蒂尼Ecclesiastici Capitibus一XLIII,Leipsic,1899年Ryssel,Kautzsch Apokryphen。岛Chief general commentaries: Fritzsche, Die Weisheit Jesus Sirach's Erklärt und Uebersetzt (Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen), Leipsic, 1859; Edersheim, in Wace, Apocrypha, ii., London, 1888; Ryssel, in Kautzsch, Apokryphen, i.总参谋长评论:弗里切,模具Weisheit耶稣西拉奇的Erklärt和Uebersetzt(Exegetisches手册下载组书斋Apokryphen),Leipsic,1859年,爱德生,WACE,伪经,二,伦敦,1888年; Ryssel,Kautzsch Apokryphen岛。Special studies (following Schürer's list): Gfrörer, Philo, ii.特别研究(以下Schürer的名单):Gfrörer,斐洛,II。18-52, Stuttgart, 1831; Dähne, Geschichtliche Darstellung der Jüdisch-Alexandrinischen Religionsphilosophie, ii.18-52,斯图加特,1831; Dähne,Geschichtliche Darstellung DER Jüdisch Alexandrinischen Religionsphilosophie,II。126-150, Halle, 1834; Winer, De Utriusque Siracidœ Ætate, Erlangen, 1832; Zunz, GV pp. 100-105 (2d ed., pp. 106-111); Ewald, Ueber das Griechische Spruchbuch Jesus' Sohnes Sirach's, in Jahrbücher der Biblischen Wissenschaft, iii. 126-150,哈雷,1834年,温纳,德Utriusque Siracidœ Ætate,埃尔兰根,1832年,货车页100-105(2版,第106-111页。)聪茨;埃瓦尔德,Ueber DAS Griechische Spruchbuch耶稣Sohnes西拉奇Jahrbücher DER Biblischen Wissenschaft,三。125-140; Bruch, Weisheitslehre der Hebräer, pp. 266-319, Strasburg, 1851; Horowitz, Das Buch Jesus Sirach, Breslau, 1865; Montet, Etude du Livre de Jésus, Fils de Sirach, au Point de Vue Critique, Dogmatique et Moral, Montauban, 1870; Grätz, in Monatsschrift, 1872, pp. 49, 97; Merguet, Die Glaubens- und Sittenlehre des Buches Jesus Sirach, Königsberg, 1874; Sellgmann, Das Buch der Weisheit des Jesus Sirach in Seinem Verhältniss zu den Salomon.125-140;布鲁赫,Weisheitslehre DER Hebräer,第266-319页,斯特拉斯堡,1851年,霍洛维茨,达斯布赫耶稣西拉奇,布雷斯劳,1865年; Montet,练习曲杜Livre DE JESUS​​,酒坊去西拉奇,凹点Vue公司的批判,Dogmatique等道德,蒙托邦,1870年;格拉茨,在月刊,1872年,第49,97; Merguet,模具Glaubens和Sittenlehre DES Buches耶稣西拉奇,柯尼斯堡,1874年; Sellgmann,布赫DER Weisheit达斯DES耶稣西拉奇在Seinem Verhältniss组书斋所罗门。Sprüchen und Seiner Historischen Bedeutung, Breslau, 1883; Bickell, Ein Alphabetisches Lied Jesus Sirach's, in Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie, 1882, pp. 319-333; Drummond, Philo Judœus, 1888, i.Sprüchen和围网渔船Historischen Bedeutung,布雷斯劳,1883年; Bickell,EIN Alphabetisches谎称耶稣西拉奇,献给Katholische神学(杂志),1882,页319-333;德拉蒙德,斐洛Judœus,1888年,一 144-155; Margoliouth, An Essay on the Place of Ecclesiasticus in Semitic Literature, Oxford, 1890; idem, The Language and Metre of Ecclesiasticus, in Expositor, 1890, pp. 295-320, 381-391; Bois, Essai sur les Origines de la Philosophie Judéo-Alexandrine, pp. 160-210, 313-372, Paris, 1890; Perles, Notes Critiques sur le Texte de l' Ecclésiastique, in REJ xxxv. 144-155;,对Ecclesiasticus在犹太人的文学,牛津大学,1890年文章马戈柳思;同上,语言公尺的Ecclesiasticus,解释者,1890年,第295-320页,381-391; BOIS,Essai SUR LES Origines DE LA哲学犹太 - 亚历山大,第160-210,313-372,巴黎,1890年;珍珠,债券CRITIQUES SUR LE Texte DE L'Ecclésiastique REJ XXXV。48-64; Krauss, Notes on Sirach, in JQR xi.48-64;克劳斯西拉奇注意到,在JQR十一。150; Müller, Strophenbau und Responsion, Vienna, 1898; Gasser, Die Bedeutung der Sprüche Jesu ben Sira für die Datierung des Althebräischnen Spruchbuches, Güterslohe, 1904; comp. 150; Strophenbau和Responsion,维也纳,1898年米勒;加塞,模具Bedeutung DER Sprüche Jesu本西拉献给死Datierung DES Althebräischnen Spruchbuches,Güterslohe,1904年;比赛。 also Schürer, Gesch.也Schürer,Gesch。iii.III。157-166; André, Les Apocryphes de l' Ancien Testament, pp. 271-310, Florence, 1903; Toy, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc.157-166;安德烈,LES Apocryphes DE L'Ancien约,第271-310页,佛罗伦萨,1903年;玩具,在进益及黑色,百科全书。Bibl.Bibl。sv Ecclesiasticus and Sirach; Nestle, Sirach, in Hastings, Dict.SV Ecclesiasticus和西拉奇;雀巢,西拉奇,在黑斯廷斯,快译通。 Bible.TILBible.TIL



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