Epistles to the Thessalonians书信给帖撒罗尼迦

General Information一般资料

The two Epistles to the Thessalonians, books of the New Testament of the Bible, are the first of Saint Paul's letters, written about AD 50 from Corinth to his recently founded community of Christians at Thessalonika.这两个帖撒罗尼迦书信,新约圣经,书籍是圣保罗的第一个字母,大约在公元50编写从科林斯,他最近成立的社会基督徒在塞萨洛尼基。 Paul reviews his stay with them, expresses concern for their welfare, and encourages them in suffering.保罗评论他的逗留期间,与他们表示关切他们的福利,并鼓励他们在痛苦。Paul also instructs them on the Second Coming of Jesus, which he expected imminently at this early stage in his career, and reassures them that those already dead will rise and that certain signs will precede the end.保罗还指示他们对耶稣,他预计这在他的职业生涯的早期阶段,即将发生的第二次来,保证他们已经死了的人会上升,某些标志将在年底之前。 Some scholars hold that 2 Thessalonians is by a later disciple of Paul.有些学者认为,帖撒罗尼迦后书是由保罗后来弟子。

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Bibliography 参考书目
E Best, A Commentary on the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians (1972); GH Giblin, The Threat to Faith (1967).帖撒罗尼迦前书(1972)第一次和第二次书信述评E,最好的;生长激素吉布兰,信仰的威胁(1967年)。


Epistles to the Thessalonians帖撒罗尼迦书信

Brief Outline简述

First Epistle第一书信

  1. Conversion of the Thessalonians (1:1-10)帖撒罗尼迦的转换(1:1-10)
  2. The Ministry of Paul at Thessalonica (2)帖撒罗尼迦保部(2)
  3. Paul's concern and prayer for the Church (3)保罗的关注,并为教会的祷告(3)
  4. Problems of the Church, moral instruction, the Lord's coming, ethical duties (4:1-5:22)主的教会,道德教育的问题,今后,(4:1-5:22)道德义务
  5. Conclusion (5:23-28)结论(5:23-28)

Second Epistle第二书信

  1. Comfort in persecution (1)在迫害舒适(1)
  2. Signs of the Day of Christ; apostasy, revelation of the man of sin, preservation of God's people (2)基督的日子标志;叛教罪的人的启示,保护上帝的子民(2)
  3. Spiritual counsel (3)精神律师(3)


Epistles to the Thessalonians帖撒罗尼迦书信

Advanced Information先进的信息

The first epistle to the Thessalonians was the first of all Paul's epistles.第一帖撒罗尼迦书信是保罗的书信。It was in all probability written from Corinth, where he abode a "long time" (Acts 18:11, 18), early in the period of his residence there, about the end of AD 52.它是在科林斯,在那里他一个“长时段”(使徒18时11,18)居留权,早在他的住处有时期约公元52年底,写所有的概率。 The occasion of its being written was the return of Timotheus from Macedonia, bearing tidings from Thessalonica regarding the state of the church there (Acts 18:1-5; 1 Thess. 3:6).其被写入之际提摩太从马其顿返回,轴承有关国家的教会(徒18:1-5;帖前3点06分)从萨洛尼卡的福音。While, on the whole, the report of Timothy was encouraging, it also showed that divers errors and misunderstandings regarding the tenor of Paul's teaching had crept in amongst them.然而,就整体而言,霍震霆报告令人鼓舞,它也表明,潜水员错误和误解男高音保罗的教学,其中包括蹑手蹑脚。He addresses them in this letter with the view of correcting these errors, and especially for the purpose of exhorting them to purity of life, reminding them that their sanctification was the great end desired by God regarding them.他在此纠正这些错误的观点的信中,特别是告诫他们纯洁的生活,提醒他们,他们成圣是伟大的神所期望的结束,对于他们的目的地址。

The subscription erroneously states that this epistle was written from Athens.订阅误国,这封信是从雅典的书面。The second epistle to the Thessalonians was probably also written from Corinth, and not many months after the first.第二帖撒罗尼迦书信大概也写从科林斯,没有多少个月后的第一个。The occasion of the writing of this epistle was the arrival of tidings that the tenor of the first epistle had been misunderstood, especially with reference to the second advent of Christ.这书信写作之际男高音第一书信被人误解了福音的到来,特别是与基督第二次来临。The Thessalonians had embraced the idea that Paul had taught that "the day of Christ was at hand", that Christ's coming was just about to happen.帖撒罗尼迦拥抱,保罗曾教导说:“基督的日子是在手”的想法,即基督的未来正要发生。 This error is corrected (2:1-12), and the apostle prophetically announces what first must take place.这个错误纠正(2:1-12),使徒预言宣布,首先必须采取的地方。"The apostasy" was first to arise.“背叛”是首次出现。Various explanations of this expression have been given, but that which is most satisfactory refers it to the Church of Rome.这个表达式的各种解释,但是,这是最满意的是指它的罗马教会。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Thessalonica萨洛尼卡

Advanced Information先进的信息

Thessalonica was a large and populous city on the Thermaic bay.萨洛尼卡Thermaic湾是一个人口众多的大的城市。It was the capital of one of the four Roman districts of Macedonia, and was ruled by a praetor.这是首都罗马的马其顿四个区之一,是由执政官统治。It was named after Thessalonica, the wife of Cassander, who built the city.它被命名后,萨洛尼卡,妻子Cassander,谁建的城市。She was so called by her father, Philip, because he first heard of her birth on the day of his gaining a victory over the Thessalians.她是由她的父亲菲利普,所谓的,因为他第一次听到她出生一天他获得了胜利在Thessalians。On his second missionary journey, Paul preached in the synagogue here, the chief synagogue of the Jews in that part of Macedonia, and laid the foundations of a church (Acts 17: 1-4; 1 Thes. 1:9).在他的第二次传教之旅,保罗在犹太教堂讲道这里,在这部分的马其顿犹太人的首席犹太教堂,并奠定一个教会(使徒行传17:1-4;帖前1时09分)的基础。 The violence of the Jews drove him from the city, when he fled to Berea (Acts 17:5-10).犹太人的暴力事件驱车从他的城市,当他逃到伯里亚(徒17:5-10)。The "rulers of the city" before whom the Jews "drew Jason," with whom Paul and Silas lodged, are in the original called politarchai, an unusual word, which was found, however, inscribed on an arch in Thessalonica.然而,题写的“统治者城市”犹太人“之前,其中提请贾森,”保罗和西拉提出,在原有politarchai,一个不寻常的字,发现在萨洛尼卡的弓。

This discovery confirms the accuracy of the historian.这一发现证实了历史学家的准确性。Paul visited the church here on a subsequent occasion (20:1-3).保罗在这里参观的教堂在随后的场合(20:1-3)。This city long retained its importance.这个城市长期保留其重要性。It is the most important town of European Turkey, under the name of Saloniki, with a mixed population of about 85,000.,它是欧洲土耳其最重要的城市,在塞萨洛尼基名称,一个混合的人口约8.5万。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Epistles to the Thessalonians帖撒罗尼迦书信

Catholic Information天主教信息

Two of the canonical Epistles of St. Paul.两个规范书信圣保罗。This article will treat the Church of Thessalonica, the authenticity, canonicity, time and place of writing, occasion, and contents of the two Epistles to that Church.本文将把该教会帖撒罗尼迦教会的真实性,正规,时间和写作地点,场合,和两个书信的内容。

I. THE CHURCH OF THESSALONICA一帖撒罗尼迦教会

After Paul and Silas had, during the Apostle's second missionary journey, left Philippi, they proceeded to Thessalonica (Thessalonike, the modern Saloniki), perhaps because there was in the city a synagogue of the Jews (Acts 17:2).后,保罗和西拉,在使徒的第二次传教之旅,左立,他们前往萨洛尼卡(Thessalonike,现代塞萨洛尼基),也许是因为在城市是一个犹太人的会堂(徒17:2)。 Thessalonica was the capital of the Roman Province of Macedonia; it was a free city, ruled by a popular assembly (cf. Acts 17:5, eis ton demon) and magistrates (cf. verse 6, epi tous politarchas).萨洛尼卡马其顿的罗马省的首府,它是一个自由的城市,由人民议会(参徒17时05分,EIS吨恶魔)和裁判(参见第6节,EPI TOUS politarchas)统治。St. Paul at once began to preach the Gospel to the Jews and proselytes.圣保罗一次开始向犹太人和proselytes传福音。For three successive sabbaths he explained the Scriptures in the synagogue, opening up the way and gradually leading his hearers to the tremendous truth that there was need the Christ should die and rise again from the dead, and that Jesus whom Paul preached was in very truth this Christ.连续三个安息日,他解释圣经在犹太教堂的,开放的方式,并逐渐导致他的听众以巨大的真理,有需要基督的死,并再次从死里复活,耶稣其中保罗讲道非常真相这个基督。 Some of the Jews believed and took sides with Paul and Silas.一些犹太人相信,带着保罗和西拉双方。It would seem that Paul stayed in the city some time thereafter, for, according to the reading of Codex Bezæ (fifth century), and the Vulgate and Coptic Versions (Acts 17:4), he converted a large number not only of proselytes (ton te sebomenon) but of Gentile Greeks (kai Hellenon).这似乎保罗住在城市,此后一段时间,根据食品法典委员会Bezæ阅读(第五世纪),和武加大和科普特版本(徒17:4),他转换了一个不仅proselytes大量(吨特sebomenon)外邦的希腊人,但(启Hellenon)。 In the first place, it is unlikely that a large number of these latter were won over to the Faith during the three weeks devoted to the synagogues; for Paul did manual labour night and day, so as not to be burdensome to his converts (1 Thessalonians 2:9).首先,它是不太可能,这些后者赢得了一大批致力于犹太教堂的三个星期期间信仰;为保罗做体力劳动的白天和黑夜,所以不负担他的转换(1帖撒罗尼迦前书2:9)。 Secondly, these converts from idolatry (1 Thessalonians 1:9) would scarcely have become, after so brief an apostolate, a "pattern to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia" (1 Thessalonians 1:7).其次,这些转换从偶像崇拜(帖撒罗尼迦前书1:9),将几乎已经成为一个使徒后如此短暂,一个“模式,相信在马其顿和亚该亚在”(帖撒罗尼迦前书1:7)。 Thirdly, the Church of Philippi sent alms twice to Paul at Thessalonica (Phil., iv, 16), a fact which seems to indicate that his sojourn there was longer than three weeks.第三,腓立比教会派出施舍两次保罗在帖撒罗尼迦(腓四16),其实这似乎表明,他的逗留超过三个星期。

Be this as it may, the signal success of Paul's apostolate among Jews, proselytes, and Hellenes together with the conversion of "not a few noble ladies" (Acts 17:4), aroused the Jews to a fury of envy; they gathered together a mob of idlers from the agora and set the whole city in tumult; they beset the home of Jason, found the Apostle away, dragged his host to the tribunal of the politarchs and charged him with harbouring traitors, men who set Jesus up as king in place of Cæsar.是这样,因为它可能,保罗的犹太人,proselytes,和希腊与“不高尚的淑女”(徒17:4)引起犹太人羡慕的愤怒,的转换之间的使徒的信号成功,他们聚集在一起一个闲人从集市暴民和设置在全市风波;他们困扰贾森回家,发现使徒走,拖着他的主人的politarchs法庭,指控他窝藏叛徒的人,耶稣为王在凯撒的地方。 That night the brethren made good the escape of their teacher to Berea.那天晚上,弟兄们取得好他们的老师到伯里亚逃生。There the Gospel of Paul met with a much more enthusiastic reception than that accorded to it by the synagogue of Thessalonica.保罗的福音会见比萨洛尼卡的犹太教堂,更热情的接待。The Jews of that city drove Paul to Berea and there, too, stirred up the mob against him.该城的犹太人驱车保罗伯里亚有,也激起了对他的暴徒。He left Silas and Timothy to complete his work and went to Athens (Acts 17:1-15).他离开西拉和提摩太,以完成他的工作和前往雅典(徒17:1-15)。

II.二。FIRST EPISTLE第一书信

A. Authenticity答:真品

(1) External Evidence(1)外部证据

(a) II Thessalonians.(一)帖撒罗尼迦后书。The strongest external evidence in favour of the authenticity of I Thessalonians is II Thessalonians which, whatsoever be its date of composition, is the very earliest document that clearly presupposes I Thessalonians to have been written by Paul.赞成帖撒罗尼迦前书的真实性最强的外部证据是帖撒罗尼迦后书“,任何将其组成之日起,是最早的文件,明确的前提帖撒罗尼迦前书已经由保罗书面。

(b) Manuscripts.(二)手稿。The evidence of manuscripts alone is such as to set the authenticity of this letter beyond all doubt; it is in the Greek text of the Codex Sinaiticus (fourth century), Codex Vaticanus (fourth century), and Codex Alexandrinus (fifth century); it is in the Old Latin and Syriac Versions, which trace its authenticity down to the middle of the second century.手稿单独的证据,如设置这个毫无疑问的信件的真实性;它在希腊文法典西奈抄本(第四世纪),食品Vaticanus(第四世纪),和食品法典委员会Alexandrinus(第五世纪);拉丁美洲和叙利亚在旧版本,跟踪其真实性的第二个世纪中叶。

(c) The Apostolic Fathers give evidence of very early use of the Epistle as Sacred Scripture.(三)使徒们给予非常早期的书信作为圣经的证据。St. Ignatius of Antioch (d. AD 110-17, according to the chronology of Harnack which we shall follow in this article), in "Eph.", X, i, probably uses the adialeiptos proseuchesthai, "pray without ceasing", of I Thess., v, 17; and undoubtedly had in mind I Thess., ii, 4, when writing to the Romans (II, i) the distinctly Pauline thought of ou thelo hymas anthropareskein alla theo, "I will that ye please not man but God".安提阿的圣依纳爵(卒于公元110-17,根据哈纳克年表,我们应按照本文),在“弗”,X中,我可能使用adialeiptos proseuchesthai,“不停止”祈祷,帖前,V,17;。无疑记住我的帖后,二,四,写作时入乡随俗(二一)明显波利娜OU thelo hymas anthropareskein ALLA西奥想,“我将你们请。不是人,而是神“。Because St. Ignatius, as the other Apostolic Fathers, cites from memory, without the exactness of later Fathers and without ever mentioning the name of the sacred writer quoted, Dr. Inge, the Lady Margaret professor of divinity in the University of Cambridge, says: "The evidence that Ignatius knew I Thessalonians is almost nil" (cf. "The New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers", Oxford, 1905, p. 74).由于圣依纳爵,其他使徒教父,从内存中,如果没有后来父亲的正确性,并没有提过神圣引述作家的名字濒危物种贸易公约,英格,博士的夫人玛格丽特在英国剑桥大学教授神威, “伊格知道帖撒罗尼迦的证据几乎为零”(参见“新约使徒教父”,牛津大学,1905年,第74页)。Against such scepticism, the clear use of St. Paul by the Apostolic Fathers is of no avail.在这样的怀疑态度,明确使用圣保禄的使徒教父是无济于事的。Harnack, who cannot be accused of overmuch credulity, thinks that St. Ignatius of Antioch possessed a collection of the Pauline Epistles; and that by the year 117, St. Polycarp of Smyrna had a complete collection (eine ganze Sammlung) thereof before him and veritably lived therein (cf. Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur, I, 249, note 2).哈纳克,不能过多轻信的指责,认为圣依纳爵的安提阿拥有的宝莲书信的集合,由去年的117,圣士麦那波利卡普了一个完整的集合(eine甘孜Sammlung)在他之前并veritably生活当中(参见Chronologie DER altchristlichen Litteratur,我249,注2)。In the "Pastor" of Hermas (AD 140), we find the phrase of I Thess., v, 13, "Be at peace among yourselves" (eireneuete en heautois) several times, used almost as it occurs in the Alexandrian and Vatican Codices (cf. Hermas, "Simil.", VIII, vii, 2; "Vis.", III, vi, 3; III, ix, 2, 10; III, xii, 3).我们发现在“牧师”黑马(公元140年),帖前的短语,V,13日,“和平之间自己”(eireneuete EN heautois)几次,几乎使用,因为它发生在亚历山大和梵蒂冈抄本(参见黑马“Simil。”2,第七,第八,“可见。”,三,六,3;第三,第九,2,10;三,十二,3)。

The Apologetic Fathers are clear and to the point.致歉的父亲是明确,重点突出。St Irenæus (AD 181-9) cites I Thess., v, 23, expressly attributing the words to the Apostle's First Epistle to the Thessalonians ("Contra hæreses", V, vi, 1 in PG, VIII, 1138), and I Thess., v, 3, as the saying of the Apostle (ibid., V, xxx, 2 in PG, VII, 1205).圣爱任纽(公元181-9)引用帖前,V,23,明确归因的话,使徒的第一书信帖撒罗尼迦前书(“魂斗罗hæreses”,第五,第六,在PG,第八条,1138),和我帖前,V,3,使徒说(同上,V,XXX,2在PG,第七,1205)。 Tertullian quotes at length passages from each of the five chapters of I Thess.德尔图良的长通道报价从每帖前五章。to prove his thesis of the resurrection of the body ("Liber de resurrectione carnis", xxiv, in PL, II, 874) and uses the Epistle against Marcion ("Adv. Marcionem", V, xv in PL, II, 541).以证明他的复活的身体(“LIBER resurrectione carnis”,XXIV PL,二,874,)的论文,并使用反马吉安书信(“ADV。Marcionem”V,在PL第十五,第二,541) 。St Clement of Alexandria (AD 190-210) very often cites this brief letter -- cf.圣克莱门特的亚历山德里亚(公元190-210年),非常经常引用这个简短的信 - 比照。"Pædagogus", I, v, 19 (Stählin's ed., I, 101) and "Stromata", I, i, 6 (Stählin's ed., II, 5) for I Thess., ii, 5-7; "Stromata", II, xi, 4, IV, xii (Stählin's ed., II, 138 and 286), for an allusion to I Thess., iv, 3, and an accurate citation of six verses (3-8) of the same chapter; "Pædagogus", II, ix, III, xii, IV, xxii (Stählin's ed., I, 206 and 288, and PG, VIII, 1352) for the appeal to almost every verse of I Thess., v, ie verses 5, 8, 13, 15, 19, 22; "Stromata", I, xi (Stählin's ed., II, 34) for a quotation from the same chapter. “Pædagogus”,I,V,19(Stählin的对外债务,我,101。)和“Stromata”,我,我,6(Stählin的对外债务,二,5)帖前二5-7;。“Stromata “十一,二,四,四,第十二章(Stählin的,二,138和286),暗指帖前,四,三,六诗句准确引用相同的(3-8)章;“Pædagogus”二,九,三,十二,四,二十二呼吁几乎每帖前诗句(Stählin的编,我,206和288,和PG,第八,1352。),v,即。诗句5,8,13,15,19,22;“Stromata”,我第十一章(Stählin的对外债务,二,34。)从同一章的报价。 So strong is the external evidence in favour of the authenticity of I Thess.如此强烈的外部证据是赞成帖前的真实性。as to convince all scholars save only those who, on account of internal evidence, deny to Paul the authenticity of all his Epistles.要说服所有学者保存只有那些人,对帐户的内部证据,否认保罗在他的书信的真伪。

(2) Internal Evidence(2)内部证据

In I Thessalonians all the main Pauline doctrines are taught -- the Death and Resurrection of Jesus Christ (i, 10; iv, 14; v, 10); His Divinity and Sonship of the living God (i, 9, 10); the resurrection of our bodies (iv, 15-18), the mediatorship of Christ (v, 10); the call of the nations to the Kingdom of Christ, which is the Church (ii, 12), sanctification by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit (iv, 8).在帖撒罗尼迦前书教所有主要的宝莲学说 - 耶稣基督(I,10;四,14 V,10);死亡和复活他活着的上帝的神性和Sonship(I,9,10);我们的身体复活(四15-18),基督mediatorship(V,10);呼吁各国基督的王国,这是教会(二12),留置圣灵成圣精神(四8)。 The plain and direct style, the writer's affectionate concern for his spiritual children, his impatience of Judaizers, the preponderance of personal over doctrinal statements, the frank and honest self-revelation of the writer -- all these distinctly Pauline characteristics argue strongly for the authenticity of this letter.平原和直接的风格,作家的深情关注他的精神的孩子,他不耐烦Judaizers,个人对教义报表的优势,坦率和诚实的作家的自我启示 - 所有这些明显波利娜特点据理力争的真实性此信。

Baur, the prime mover of neo-Tübingen ideas, was the first to wave aside recklessly all external evidence and seriously to attack the authenticity of I Thess.鲍尔,新蒂宾根大学的思想原动力,是第一个硬拼波抛开所有的外部证据和严重攻击帖前的真实性。from internal evidence (cf. "Der Apostel Paulus", ed. 2, II, 94).从内部证据(参见“明镜Apostel保卢斯”,主编2,二,94)。 He was followed by Nowack, "Der Ursprung des Christentums" (Leipzig, 1857), II, 313; Volkmar, "Mose, Prophezie und Himmelfahrt" (Leipzig, 1867), 114; and Van der Vries, "De beiden brieven aan de Thessalonicensen" (Leyden, 1865).他Nowack其次,“明镜Ursprung DES Christentums”(莱比锡,1857年),第二,313;福尔克马尔,“摩西,Prophezie和升天节”(莱比锡,1867年),114;和Van der德弗里斯,“德beiden brieven AAN DE Thessalonicensen“(莱顿,1865年)。The reasons which impel Baur and his followers are trivial.究其原因促使鲍尔和他的追随者是微不足道的。

The lack of doctrine makes the letter unworthy of Paul.主义的缺乏,使得愧对保罗的信。We have noted that the main heads of Paul's teaching are included in this short letter.我们注意到,包括保罗的教学主要领导都在这短短的一封信。Moreover, the letter is a most touching revelation of the great heart of St. Paul and as such alone is befitting the outspoken Apostle.此外,信是一个伟大的心圣保罗的最感人的启示等单独适合直言不讳的使徒。

The Epistle is a clumsy forgery.书信是拙劣的伪造。The author has worked up his story from Acts.笔者曾从使徒行传他的故事。Paul could not have written ii, 14-16.保罗可能没有写入14日至16日,第二。It is far-fetched to compare the woes inflicted by the Jews upon the Church of Thessalonica with the ills they wrought upon the Church of Judea.这是牵强附会的比较后,帖撒罗尼迦教会的弊病后,造成教会的犹太犹太人造成的困境。 It is un-Pauline to set Jewish Christians up as an example to Gentile converts (Baur, op. cit., 482).它是联合国宝莲例如詹蒂莱转换(鲍尔,同上,482)设置为犹太基督徒。These purely subjective objections are worthless.这些纯粹是主观的反对意见是毫无价值的。The Apostle was too broadminded to be tied down to the narrow ideas of Baur.使徒过于心胸被束缚鲍尔的狭隘思想。True, in his later letters -- to the Romans end Corinthians and Galatians, for instance -- we might not look for the juxtaposition of Jewish with Gentile Christians; but the Judaizers were not so troublesome to Paul when he wrote to the Thessalonians as when he wrote to the Romans.诚然,罗马人最终科林蒂安和加拉太例如,在他后来的信 - - 我们可能无法寻找与外邦基督徒犹太人并列;但Judaizers保罗没有这么麻烦时,他写道作为当帖撒罗尼迦他写信给罗马。

The expression ephthase de ep autous he orge eis telos, "the wrath hath come upon them unto the end" (ii, 16), naturally refers to the destruction of Jerusalem (AD 70) as an accomplished punishment of the Jews for killing the Lord Jesus.表达ephthase DE EP autous他orge EIS终极目的“的忿怒已经临到结束”(二16),自然是指耶路撒冷的毁灭(公元70年)作为一个犹太人的完成惩罚杀害主耶稣。This is an unwarranted assumption.这是一个不必要的假设。The phrase eis telos is indefinite; it has no definite article nor any defining qualificative; it modifies ephthase and refers to no definite end either accomplished or to be accomplished.短语EIS终极目的是无限期的,它有没有明确的文章,也没有任何定义qualificative;它修改ephthase,是指没有明确的结束,完成或完成。 St. Paul indefinitely but surely sees the oncoming end, reads the easily legible writing on the wall, and interprets that writing: "The wrath [of God] hath come upon them even unto making an end of them".圣保禄无限期,但肯定看到迎面而来的结束,读易读的书写在墙壁上,并解释他们写道:“[神]的愤怒祂所甚至所不欲,使他们结束”。 (iv) Baur (op. cit., 485) finds the eschatology of the Epistle un-Pauline.鲍尔(同上,485)(四)发现末世的书信联合国宝莲。 In the Epistles to the Corinthians, Romans, and Galatians, for instance, there is no diving into the future, nothing said of the Parousia, or second coming of Jesus.在科林蒂安,罗马和加拉太书信,例如,有没有在未来的跳水,没有什么说的Parousia,或第二个耶稣的来临。But the reason is clear -- those to whom Paul wrote his great and later Epistles had not the eschatological difficulties of the Thessalonians to meet.但其原因是明确的 - 没有人保罗写道:他的伟大和后来的书信帖撒罗尼迦的末世论,以满足困难。He adapted his letters to the wants of those to whom he wrote.他调整了他的信,希望他写的。The very fact that the apprehension of an immediate Parousia us not mentioned in the later letters would have prevented a forger from palming off as Pauline such an unusual topic.张女士,立即Parousia我们不是在后来的信件中提到的忧虑,将有一个伪造​​阻止palming作为宝莲这样一个不寻常的的话题。

B. CanonicityB.正规

The two Epistles to the Thessalonians are included among the canonical books accepted by the Councils of the Vatican, of Trent, and of Florence, and are among the homologoumena of all early lists of canonical New-Testament Scriptures; for instance, to mention only such early lists as accord with the received canon of Trent, these two Epistles are listed in the Muratorian Fragment (AD 195-205), in the canons of St. Athanasius of Alexandria (AD 373), of the Third Council of Carthage (AD 397), in which Saint Augustine took part, of St. Epiphanius (AD 403), of Innocent I (AD 405), and of Gelasius (AD 492).给帖撒罗尼迦的两个书信,包括在议会,梵蒂冈的遄达,和佛罗伦萨接受了典型的书籍,以及之间的所有早期的名单规范新旧约圣经homologoumena的,例如,更何况只有这样早期名单符合收到佳能的遄达,这两个书信中列出穆拉多利片段(公元195-205年),在圣亚他那修亚历山大(公元373年)的大炮,第三届理事会的迦太基(公元397 ),圣奥古斯丁,其中参加圣埃皮法尼乌斯(公元403),无辜的我(公元405年),和格拉西(公元492年)。In fact there can be no reason whatsoever to doubt the canonicity of either letter.其实可以有没有任何理由怀疑正规任信。

C. Time and PlaceC.时间和地点

The textus receptus, at the end of the two Epistles, gives a subscription stating that they were written from Athens (egraphe apo Athenon); and this same subscription is contained in the great uncial codices A, B2, K2, L2 -- that is, Alexandrinus (fourth century), Vaticanus (fifth century corrector), Mosquensis, and Angelicus (both of the ninth century); it is likewise translated in important Latin, Syriac and Coptic manuscripts.textus receptus,在两个书信年底,给人说,他们从雅典(APO Athenon egraphe)的书面订阅;与此相同的套餐包含A,B2,K2,L2 - 这是在伟大的安色尔字体抄本Alexandrinus(第四世纪),Vaticanus(第五世纪校正),Mosquensis,Angelicus(第九世纪),它是同样重要的拉丁文,叙利亚和科普特人手稿翻译。 None the less, there can be no doubt but that the letters were written during Paul's first stay in Corinth.尽管如此,毫无疑问,但在保罗的第一次留在科林斯的书面字母。Timothy had been sent to Thessalonica by Paul from Athens (1 Thessalonians 3:2).提摩太已发送保罗从雅典到萨洛尼卡(帖撒罗尼迦前书3:2)。Hence some Fathers inferred that, on this mission, Timothy brought along I Thess.因此,有些父亲霍震霆推断,这一使命,沿着我帖后带来。The inference is wrong.推理是错误的。As Rendel Harris says in "The Expositor" (1898), 174, Paul may have sent another letter from Athens by Timothy to the Thessalonians. rendel哈里斯说,“解释者”(1898年),174,保罗可能会派出由Timothy另一个从雅典到帖撒罗尼迦的信。He cannot have sent I Thessalonians from there by him.他不能从那里发送他的帖撒罗尼迦。Paul clearly states that Timothy had returned from Thessalonica before the writing of I Thessalonians.保罗清楚地指出,写帖撒罗尼迦前书提摩太从帖撒罗尼迦前返回。(cf. iii, 6).(参见第三,6)。 Whither did he return?何去何从,他的回报呢?I Thessalonians does not state.帖撒罗尼迦前书没有说明。Acts, xviii, 5, supplies answer.行为,十八,5,供应的答案。When Timothy returned from Macedonia with Silas to Paul, the Apostle was at Corinth.当提摩太从马其顿返回与西拉保罗,使徒在哥林多。The news brought him by Timothy was the occasion of I Thessalonians.由Timothy带来他的消息是帖撒罗尼迦前书之际。Moreover, in the greeting with which each letter begins, the names of Paul, Silvanus (ie Silas), and Timothy are grouped together; and we know that the three were together at Corinth (Acts 18:5) during Paul's first visit to that city (cf. also 2 Corinthians 1:19).此外,在与每个字母开头的问候语,保罗,西拉(即西拉斯)和提摩太的名字组合在一起;我们知道这三个在科林斯(使徒18时05分),保罗的第一次访问期间,城市(参见哥林多后书1时19分)。 We have no proof that they were ever elsewhere together.我们没有证据,他们曾经在别处一起。I Thess., then, was written during the eighteen months Paul stayed.我帖的话,写在18个月保留。at Corinth, ie in the year 48 or 49, according to the chronology of Harnack, "Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur" (Leipzig, 1897), I, 717; in the year 53 or 54 according to the commonly received scheme of Pauline chronology.科林斯,即在今年48或49,根据哈纳克,“Chronologie DER altchristlichen Litteratur”(莱比锡,1897年),我,717年表;在今年53或54根据常用收到计划波利娜年表。Both letters are generally considered to be the earliest extant writings of St. Paul.这两个字母是通常被认为是现存最早的著作圣保罗。Some few now deem it proved that Paul wrote to the South Galatians even before he wrote to the Thessalonians, cf.有些少数现在认为证明,保罗写信给南方加拉太书之前,他写信给帖撒罗尼迦,比照。Zahn, "Einleitung in das Neue Testament" Leipzig, 1897), I, 138.赞恩,“导论DAS”新旧约“莱比锡,1897年),我,138。

D. Occasion四场合

Having arrived at Athens, Paul at once set himself to convert the Jews, proselytes and Gentiles of that city.抵达雅典后,保罗在一次给自己定下转换的犹太人,这个城市的proselytes和外邦人。Among the latter he met with unusually small success.其中后者,他会见了不同寻常的小的成功。The Epicureans and Stoics for the most part rated him as a talkative lounger in the agora and either berated him with ridicule upon the Hill of Ares or waved him aside (Acts 17:16-32).大部分伊壁鸠鲁和斯多葛额定他作为一个在集市健谈躺椅,要么斥责他嘲笑后,“战神山或挥挥手让他抛开(徒17:16-32)。 Meanwhile he trembled for the Church of Thessalonica.与此同时,他颤抖的帖撒罗尼迦教会。So long as he had been there, only the Jews strove to set his work at naught; now in his absence, the Gentiles joined the Jews (1 Thessalonians 2:14), and made a vigorous onslaught upon the faith of his children.只要,因为他一直有,只有犹太人努力在他的工作前功尽弃,现在在他缺席的情况下,外邦人加入犹太人(帖撒罗尼迦前书2:14),一场轰轰烈烈的冲击后,他的孩子的信仰。 Paul yearned mightily to see their face once more.保罗强烈地渴望再次看到自己的脸。In his intense affection and concern, he breaks away from his wonted first plural: "We willed to have come to you, even I, Paul, and that once and again; but Satan hindered us" (ii, 18).在他的强烈的感情和关心,他打破了由他的惯例的第一个复数:“我们意志坚定,有来找你,连我自己,保罗,那一次又一次,但撒旦阻碍了我们”(二18)。 The hindrance wrought by Satan was probably a security against his return given by Jason and some friends (Acts 17:9).由撒旦所造成的障碍,这可能是一个对他的回报由Jason和一些朋友(徒17:9)的安全。Being unable to follow the yearnings of his heart, Paul sent Timothy to save the flock from the ravening wolves (1 Thessalonians 2:2).无法按照他​​内心的渴望,保罗派提摩太保存的羊群从餮狼(帖撒罗尼迦前书2:2)。The Acts make no mention of this legation of Timothy from Athens to Thessalonica.此法案没​​有提及这霍震霆使馆从雅典到萨洛尼卡。Not long after, Paul left for Corinth (Acts 18:1).不久之后,保罗离开科林斯(使徒行传18:1)。Thither Timothy, who returned from Thessalonica, brought back an eyewitness's testimony as to the conditions of the faithful of that city.霍震霆上去,从帖撒罗尼迦回来,带回一名目击者的证词,以忠实的那个城市的条件。Rendel Harris, in "The Expositor" (1898), 167, thinks that the Thessalonians sent Paul a letter by Timothy and, to make good his theory, appeals to I Thess., i, 2, 5; ii, 1, 5, 9-13; iii, 3-6. rendel哈里斯,在“解释者”(1898),167,认为帖撒罗尼迦派出由Timothy保罗的信,并做好他的理论,呼吁帖前,我,2,5,二,1,5, 9-13;第三,3-6。There may be some ground for such conjecture in "We also" (kai hemeis) of I, ii, 13; "Also I" (kago) of I, iii, 5, and in "you have a good remembrance of us always" (echete mneian hemon agaphen) of I, iii, 6.这种猜想可能会有一些地面“我们也”(启hemeis)I,II,13,“我”的我(kago),三,五,在“你有一个好怀念我们始终” (echete mneian hemon agaphen)Ⅰ,Ⅲ,6。Be this as it may, whether by letter or by word of mouth, Timothy fully informed Paul of the needs of the Christian community at Thessalonica; and these needs were the occasion of the first Epistle to that community.是这样,因为它可能会是否通过信函或通过口耳相传,霍震霆完全知情的保罗在萨洛尼卡的基督教社区的需求;这些需求的第一次书信,社区之际。

E. ContentsE.内容

No other letter of Paul to a Church is so free and easy and epistolary as is this letter; it defies strict doctrinal analysis, and is far more personal than doctrinal.保罗没有其他到教会的信是如此自由和轻松和书信,这封信是的,它违背了严格的理论上的分析,并远远超过了较浓的个人。 Merely for the sake of some division, we may consider chapters i and iii as personal, chapters iv and v as doctrinal.只是为了一些部门,我们可以考虑章节的第一和第三个人,第四和第五章为教义。

Personal part -- a missionary's free outpouring of a noble heart's yearnings.个人的一部分 - 一个传教士的高贵的心渴望自由流露。He is filled with joy at hearing how they stand fast by the faith which he preached to them (i, 2, 8); fondly talks about his labours and about his stay with them (I, 9-ii, 12); thanks God for the way they received from him the word of God (ii, 13 - 16); delicately hints at his apprehensions for them, by telling how at Athens he yearned to see them, how he sent Timothy in his stead, how relieved he now is as Timothy's message has brought him peace of mind (ii, 17-iii, 10).洋溢着喜悦,他是在听他们的立场如何快速由他鼓吹他们(一,二,八)信仰,亲切地对他的劳动力和他与他们的住宿(9 - II,12)的会谈,感谢上帝他们神的话语(二,13 - 16);微妙暗示他的忧虑,他们收到他的方式,通过讲述如何在雅典奥运会上,他渴望看到他们,他如何发送霍震霆在他而起,如何解除他现在霍震霆的消​​息已给他带来了平和的心态(17 - III,II,10)。Then follows a brief and beautiful prayer which sums up the yearnings of the great soul of the Apostle (iii, 11-13).接着一个短暂而美丽的祈祷,概括了伟大的灵魂的使徒(三11-13)的憧憬。

Doctrinal part.教义的一部分。With this prayer ends what is meant to be free and epistolary.这个祷告结束,指的是什么自由和书信。Now follows as little phrase of transition -- "For the rest, therefore, brethren" -- and a thoroughly Pauline and direct exhortation upon how they "ought to walk and to please God" by purity (iv, 1-8), brotherly love (iv, 9-10), and peaceful toil (verse 11).现在遵循尽可能少的过渡语 - “,因此,对于剩下的弟兄们” - 一个彻底宝莲和直接规劝后,他们“应该如何走路,请神”由纯度(四1-8),兄弟爱(四9-10),和和平的辛劳(11节)。The peace of everyday toil had been disturbed by a fanatical lethargy due to the supposed oncoming Parousia.每天劳碌的和平已经由于所谓的迎面而来的Parousia一个狂热的嗜睡不安。Hence the eschatological passage that follows.因此,末世论通道如下。The brethren who have died will have part in the Second Coming just as they that are now alive (verses 12-17); the time of the Parousia is uncertain, so that watch-fullness and not lethargy are needed (v, 1-11).那些死去的弟兄们将在第二部分中,就像他们现在还活着(12-17节); Parousia的时间是不确定的,手表,使丰满而不是嗜睡需要(V,1-11 )。The letter ends with a series of pithy and pointed exhortations to respect for their religious teachers, and to the other virtues that make up the glory of Christian life (v, 12-22); the Apostolic benediction and salutation, a request for prayers and the charge that the letter be read in public (verses 23-28).信中结束了一系列短小精悍,并指出嘱托,尊重他们的宗教教师,使其他的美德的基督徒生命的荣耀(V,12-22);使徒的祝福和问候语,一个祈祷的要求,负责公共读信(23-28节)。

III.三。SECOND EPISTLE第二书信

A. Authenticity答:真品

(1) External Evidence(1)外部证据

Manuscript evidence is the same for II Thessalonians as for I Thessalonians; so, too, the evidence of the ancient versions.手稿的证据是帖撒罗尼迦后书帖撒罗尼迦相同;又何尝不是如此,古老的版本的证据。The Apostolic and Apologetic Fathers are more clearly in favour of II Thess.使徒和护教的父亲是赞成第二帖前更清楚。than of I Thess.比我帖前。 St. Ignatius, in Rom., x, 3, cites a phrase of II Thess., iii, 5, eis ten hypomonen tou Christou, "in the patience of Christ".圣依纳爵,罗,X,3,列举了二帖后语,三,五,EIS十hypomonen头克里斯托,“在基督的忍耐”。St. Polycarp (XI, 3) refers the letter expressly to Paul, although, by a slip of the memory, he takes it that the Apostle glories (2 Thessalonians 1:4) in another Macedonian Church, that of the Philippians; elsewhere (XI, 1) Polycarp uses II Thess., iii, 15.圣polycarp(十一,3)是指在信中明确表示,虽然内存支路,保罗,他把它在另一马其顿教会,使徒的辉煌(2帖撒罗尼迦后书1:4),腓;其他地方(十一,1)波利卡普使用二帖后,三,15。 St. Justin (about AD 150), in "Dialog.", xxxii (PG, VI, 544), seems to have in mind the eschatological language of this letter.圣贾斯汀(约公元150年),在“对话”。XXXII(PG,VI,544),似乎在心中有此信的末世论语言。Besides it is set down as Pauline in the Canon of Marcion (about AD 140).除了它被设置为波利娜在佳能的马吉安(约​​公元140年)。

(2) Internal Evidence(2)内部证据

The literary dependence of II Thessalonians on I Thessalonians cannot be gainsaid.帖撒罗尼迦前书帖撒罗尼迦后书文学的依赖不能gainsaid。The writer of the former must have written the latter, and that too not very long thereafter.前的作家必须有书面后者,太不很不久。II Thess., ii, 15, and iii, 6, are to be explained by I Thess., iv, 1-8 and 11.帖前二帖后,II,15,和三,六,要解释,四,1-8和11。The style of the two letters is admittedly identical; the prayers (I, iii 11, v, 23; II, ii, 16, iii, 16), greetings (I, i, 1; II, i, 1, 2) thanks (I, i, 2; II, i, 3), and transitions (I, iv, 1; II, iii, 1) are remarkably alike in form.两个字母的风格固然相同的祈祷(Ⅰ,Ⅲ11,V,23,Ⅱ,Ⅱ,16,III,16),问候(我,我,1;第二,我,1,2)感谢(我,我,2,二,一,3),转换(一,四,1,二,三,1)是显着的都在形式上。 Two-thirds of II Thess.三分之二的第二帖前。is like to I Thess.是喜欢我帖前。in vocabulary and style.在词汇和风格。Moreover, the structure of the Epistle, its subject-matter, and its affectionate outbursts of prayer for the recipients and of exhortation are all decidedly Pauline characteristics.此外,书信,其标的物,其深情祈祷爆发的收件人和结构的规劝都断然宝莲特点。The argument from internal evidence is so strong as to have won over such critics as Harnack (Chronologie, I, 238) and Jülicher (Einleitung, 40).哈尔纳克(Chronologie,我,238)和Jülicher(导论,40)等的批评,赢得了从内部证据的论据是如此的强烈。 Schmiedel, Holtzmann, Weizacker, and others deny the force of this argument from internal evidence. Schmiedel,HOLTZMANN,Weizacker,和其他人否认这一论点的力量从内部证据。Its very similarity to I Thess.它非常相似,我帖前。in vocabulary and style is made to militate against the authenticity of II Thess.; the letter is too Pauline; the author was a clever forger, who, some sixty years later, took up I Thess.在词汇和风格作出不利于第二帖撒罗尼迦前书的真实性;信是太宝莲的作者是一个聪明的伪造,人,有60多年以来后,拿起帖前。 and worked it over.工作结束了。 There has been no motive assigned for such a forgery; no proof given that any post-Apostolic writer was so cunning as to palm off thus letter as a Pauline imitation.一直存在这样一个伪造的分配没有任何动机,没有证据证明任何后使徒作家是如此狡猾,手掌由此作为宝莲模仿信。

Eschatology of Paul.末世论保罗。The chief objection is that the eschatology of II Thess.主要的反对意见是,第二末世帖前。contradicts that of I Thess.: the letter is in this un-Pauline.矛盾帖前:这个联合国的信中宝莲。In I Thess., iv, 14-v, 3, the writer says the Parousia is imminent; in II Thess., ii, 2-12, iii, 11, the writer sets the Parousia a long time off.在我帖后,四,14 V,3,作者说Parousia是迫在眉睫;。二帖前,二,2-12,III,11,作家设置Parousia很长一段时间。Non-Catholics who hold the Pauline authorship of the two letters generally admit that Paul predicted the second coming would be within his own lifetime and deem that the signs narrated in II Thess., ii, as preludes to that coming do not imply a long interval nor that Paul expected to die before these signs occurred.非天主教徒持两个字母的宝莲作者普遍承认,保罗预测,未来将在他自己的一生,认为在第二帖撒罗尼迦后书叙述的迹象,第二前奏曲,未来并不意味着很长一段间隔时间也不是说保罗预计到死之前,这些迹象发生。 Catholics insist that Paul cannot have said the Parousia would be during his lifetime.天主教徒坚持保罗不能说的Parousia将在他的一生。Had he said so he would have erred; the inspired word of God would err; the error would be that of the Holy Spirit more than of Paul.他说这样他就出现了偏差;上帝启示的话语会犯错,错误将圣灵比保罗多。True, the Douay Version seems to imply that the Parousia is at hand: "Then we who are alive, who are left, shall be taken up together with them in the clouds to meet Christ, into the air, and so shall we always be with the Lord" (1 Thessalonians 4:16).诚然,Douay版本似乎暗示,Parousia在手:“然后,我们人是活的,谁是左,应采取共同与他们在云,以满足到空气中的基督,所以,我们应始终与主同在“(帖撒罗尼迦前书4:16)。 The Vulgate is no clearer: "Nos, qui vivimus, qui residui sumus" etc. (iv, 15-17).武加大是没有清晰的:“NOS,归仁vivimus,归仁residui sumus”等(四,15日至17日)。 The original text solves the difficulty: hemeis oi zontes oi paraleipomenoi, ama syn autois arpagesometha.原始文本,解决了困难:hemeis爱zontes爱paraleipomenoi,AMA SYN autois arpagesometha。Here the Hellenistic syntax parallels the Attic.这里的古希腊语法相似之处阁楼。The sentence is conditional.这一判决是有条件的。The two participles present stand for two futures preceded by ei; the participles have the place of a protasis.这两个participles目前两个期货之前,被EI的立场; participles有一个protasis的地方。 The translation is: "We, if we be alive -- if we be left -- [on earth], shall be taken up" etc. A similar construction is used by Paul in I Cor., xi, 29 (cf. Moulton "Grammar of New Testament Greek", Edinburgh, 1906, I, 230).翻译:“我们,如果我们还活着 - 如果我们留 - [地球上,应采取”等类似的建筑是用来由保罗在林前十一,29(参见莫尔顿。 “新约希腊文文法”,爱丁堡,1906年,我,230)。St. Paul is here no more definite about the time of the Parousia than he was in I Thess., v, 2, when he wrote "that the day of the Lord shall so come, as a thief in the night."圣保罗在这里没有更多的时间比他在帖前的Parousia明确,V,2,当他写道:“主的日子这样一来在夜间的贼,。” There is in St. Paul's eschatology the very same indefiniteness about the lime of the Parousia that there is in the eschatological sayings of Jesus as related in the Synoptics (Matthew 24:5-45; Mark 13:7-37; Luke 21:20-36).有非常相同的不确定性有关Parousia,在福音有关耶稣的末世论熟语(马太24:5-45石灰在圣保罗的末世论;马克13:7-37,路加福音21时20 -36)。"Of that day or hour no man knoweth, neither the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the Father" (Mark 13:32).“的那一天或一小时内没有的人knoweth,无论是天上的使者,也没有儿子,但父亲”(马克13点32分)。 In the deposit of faith given by the Father to the Son, to be given by the Son to the Church, the time of the Parousia was not contained.Parousia的时间,由父亲给儿子,儿子给教会,在信仰的存款是不包含。 We readily admit that St. Paul did not know the time of the Parousia; we cannot admit that he knew it wrong and wrote it wrong as the inspired Word of God and a part of the deposit of faith.我们欣然承认,圣保禄不知道Parousia的时间;我们不能承认,他知道错了,并写了它作为上帝启示的话语和存款信仰的一部分的错误。

As for the further objection that the apocalyptic character of ii, 2-12, is post-Pauline and dependent upon so late a composition as the Apocalypse of John (AD 93-96) or, worse still upon the Nero redivivus story (Tacitus "Hist.", II, viii), we answer that this assertion is entirely gratuitous.至于进一步的反对,二,2-12,世界末日字符后宝莲和依赖组成这么晚了约翰的启示(公元93-96年),更糟的是后NERO redivivus故事(塔西后“史“,二,八),我们的答案,这种说法完全是无偿的。St. Paul got his apocalyptic ideas from the very same source as John, that is either from revelation to himself or from the Old Testament or from tradition.圣保罗得到了非常相同的是,无论是从对自己的启示,或从旧约或从传统的约翰他的世界末日的想法。Most of the details of his apocalyptic description of the Parousia are given in other apocalypses (1 John 2:18; Matthew 24:24; Luke 21:8; Mark 13:22; Deuteronomy 13:1-5; Ezekiel 38 and 39; Daniel 7, 8, 9, 11, 12 etc.).他世界末日的Parousia描述的细节,大部分是在其他启示(约翰一书2:18;马太福音24:24;路加福音21:8;马克13时22分;申命记13:1-5;以西结书38和39;丹尼尔7,8,9,11,12等)。 The man of sin, Antichrist, Belial, the well-nigh complete triumph of evil just before the end of time, the almost general apostasy, the portents, and other items are features familiar to Old-Testament and New-Testament apocalyptic writings.罪的人,敌基督,恶魔,邪恶的胜利也几乎刚刚结束的时间之前完成,几乎是一般的叛教的征兆,和其他物品的功能熟悉的旧旧约和新约圣经的世界末日的著作。

B. CanonicityB.正规

The canonicity of 2 Thessalonians has been treated together with that of 1 Thessalonians.正规帖撒罗尼迦后书帖撒罗尼迦前书,连同已处理。

C. Time and PlaceC.时间和地点

II Thessalonians was written at Corinth not long after I Thessalonians, for both Timothy and Silas are still with Paul (i, 1), and the silence of the Acts shows that, once Paul left Corinth, Silas was not again his companion in the ministry.科林斯写在帖撒罗尼迦后书帖撒罗尼迦后没多久,霍震霆和西拉斯仍与保罗(I,1),沉默的行为表明,一旦保罗离开科林斯,塞拉斯是不会再在他的同伴部。 There seem to be allusions in iii, 2, to the troublous stay of a year and a half at Corinth (Acts 18); in ii, 14, to the letter quite recently written to the Thessalonians; and in iii, 7-9, to the ministry of Paul among them as not long passed.似乎有三典故,2,焦急逗留了一年半在科林斯(使徒18); 14日,在二,相当最近写信给帖撒罗尼迦的信; III 7-9其中保罗部不长的传递。

D. Occasion四场合

The eschatology of I Thessalonians had been misunderstood by the Thessalonians; they took it, the day of the Lord was at hand (ii, 2); they were overwrought by the exaggerations of some meddlers and perhaps by a forged letter which purported to have come from Paul (ii, 2; iii, 17).帖撒罗尼迦末世被误解了帖撒罗尼迦,他们接过来,主的日子是在手(二,2);他们一些meddlers言过其实,并声称有一本伪造的信也许雕饰保罗(2,二,三,17)。 Moreover the disorderly conduct of some (iii, 6, 11) gave the Apostle no little concern; this concern he showed by the letter.此外,一些行为不检(三,六,11)给使徒不小的关注,这种关注他的信中表明的。

E. ContentsE.内容

The three chapters into which the letter is now divided, aptly analyze the thought.成信是现在分为三个章节,充分分析的思想。In the first chapter are a greeting, thanksgiving for the faith and love of the Thessalonians, and an assurance of Divine recompense to them and to their persecutors.在第一章中的一句问候,帖撒罗尼迦的信仰和爱的感恩节,一个神圣的补偿保证他们和他们的迫害。In the second chapter is the main thought of the letter -- the eschatology.在第二章是信的主要思想 - 的末世论。Certain signs are detailed which must precede the Parousia.某些标志是详细的,必须先在Parousia。Until these signs appear, there is no reason for terror or taking leave of their senses.直到出现这些迹象,没有恐怖或者幡然醒悟离开的原因。The third chapter is the usual Pauline request for prayers, a charge to avoid the disorderly, a truly Pauline allusion to the example he set them, and the final identification of the letter by a greeting written with his own hand.第三章是通常波利娜请求祈祷,收取费用,以避免无序,一个真正的宝莲暗指他为他们的例子,并最终确定由他自己的手的书面一个问候信。

Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息写沃尔特鼓。Transcribed by Vernon Bremberg.转录由弗农Bremberg。Dedicated to the Cloistered Dominican Nuns of the Monastery of the Infant Jesus, Lufkin, Texas The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.致力于与世隔绝多米尼加修女修道院的婴儿耶稣,勒夫,得克萨斯州的天主教百科全书,卷第十四。Published 1912.发布1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年7月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

Of the Greek Fathers whose commentaries on I and II Thess.希腊教父的评论我和二帖前。have come down to us, ST.都来给我们上,ST。JOHN CHRYSOSTOM is by far the most scholarly; THEODORET is pithy and to the point.约翰金口是迄今为止最学术; THEODORET是短小精悍点。THEODORE OF MOPSUESTLA (about AD 415) forces the Apostle to his ideas.西奥多(约公元415年)的MOPSUESTLA力量使徒他的想法。 EUTHALIUS THE DEACON depends on THEODORE; ST.EUTHALIUS执事取决于西奥多; ST。JOHN DAMASCENE on ST.约翰大马士革对ST。JOHN CHRYSOSTOM.约翰金口。 Among the Latin Fathers AMBROSIASTER (about 730) at times errs in matters of faith; PRIMASIUS (about 556) collated the expositions of AMBROSIASTER, PELAGIUS, ST.在拉丁教父AMBROSIASTER(约730)在次ERRS在信仰方面; PRIMASIUS(约556)整理AMBROSIASTER,伯拉纠,ST的论述。AUGUSTINE, and ST.奥古斯丁和ST。JEROME.杰罗姆。The great Catholic commentators of more recent time are: JUSTINIANI (Lyons, 1612), A LAPIDE (Antwerp, 1614), CAJETAN (Rome, 1529), SALMERÓN (Madrid, 1602), KISTEMAKER (Münster, 1822), McEVILLY (Dublin, 1875), BISPING (Münster, 1873), MAUNOURY (Paris, 1878), ROEHM (Passau, 1885), JOHANNES (Dillingen, 1898), PANEK (Ratisbon, 1886), PRAT, La théologie de Saint Paul (Paris, 1908), PICONIO (Pans, 1837), PERONNE (Paris, 1881), TOUSSAINT (Paris, 1910).伟大的天主教评论家更近的时间是:JUSTINIANI(里昂,1612),一个LAPIDE(安特卫普,1614年),CAJETAN(罗马,1529年),SALMERÓN(马德里,1602年),KISTEMAKER(明斯特,1822年),McEVILLY(都柏林, 1875年),比斯平(明斯特,1873年),MAUNOURY(巴黎,1878年),ROE​​HM(帕绍,1885年),约翰内斯(迪林根,1898),PANEK(拉蒂斯邦,1886年),宝勒巷,拉神学 - 圣保罗(巴黎,1908年) PICONIO(PANS,1837年),PERONNE(巴黎,1881年),图森(巴黎,1910年)。The chief Protestant commentaries are those of LIGHTFOOT (Notes, 1895), DRUMMOND (1899), FINDLAY (1904), MILLIGAN (1908), SCHMIEDEL (1892), B. WEISS (1896).行政新教评论娜莱(注,1895年),德拉蒙德(1899年),芬德利(1904年),米利(1908年),SCHMIEDEL(1892年),B. WEISS(1896年)。



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