Epistles to Timothy书信给提摩太

General Information一般资料

The two Epistles to Timothy, in the New Testament of the Bible, are classified with the Epistle to Titus as the Pastoral Epistles.在新约圣经,提摩太的书信,被列为与书信提图斯教牧书信。 They are addressed by Saint Paul to his companion, Timothy, leader of the church at Ephesus (1 Tim. 1:3), who is known from Acts and other epistles.他们解决了他的同伴,提摩太,以弗所(提前1:3),他是从行为和其他书信已知的教会领导人在圣保罗。The letters are pastoral in that they urge Timothy to combat false teaching and guide his people in preserving the truth; they also give detailed instructions concerning the duties of bishops, deacons, widows, and other Christians.字母是牧区,他们敦促提摩太打击虚假的教学和指导他的人,在维护真理,他们也给予详细的说明,关于主教,执事,寡妇,和其他基督徒的职责。 Many scholars think that these letters were written about AD 100 in Paul's name, rather than by Paul himself, because the language differs from that of the other epistles.许多学者认为,这些信件写在保罗的名字大约在公元100,而不是保罗自己,因为不同的语言,从其他书信。They carry a heavy emphasis on tradition being handed on, and church structures seem more developed than in Paul's day.他们进行传统交给了沉重的重视,并教会结构似乎比在保罗的日子更发达。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息来源
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects

我们2300 宗教科目名单
Anthony J Saldarini安东尼J Saldarini

Bibliography 参考书目
M Dibelius and H Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles (1972); PN Harrison, The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles (1921).中号迪贝柳斯和H Conzelmann,教牧书信(1972);通知书哈里森,教牧书信的问题(1921年)。

Epistles to Timothy提摩太的书信

Brief Outline简述

First Epistle第一书信

  1. Personal testimony (1:1-20)个人见证(1:1-20)
  2. Official regulations (2:1-4:5)官方规定(2:1-4:5)
  3. Administrative counsel (4:6-6:21)行政律师(4:6-6:21)

Second Epistle第二书信

  1. Memories of the past (1:1-18)对过去的回忆(1:1-18)
  2. Mandate for the future (2:1-26)未来的任务(2:1-26)
  3. Menace of Apostasy (3:1-17)叛教的威胁(3:1-17)
  4. Memoranda for action (4:1-22)采取行动的备忘录(4:1-22)


Advanced Information先进的信息

Timothy, honouring God, a young disciple who was Paul's companion in many of his journeyings.霍震霆,尊敬神,一个年轻的弟子,谁是保罗的同伴在他的许多journeyings。His mother, Eunice, and his grandmother, Lois, are mentioned as eminent for their piety (2 Tim. 1:5).提到他的母亲,尤妮斯,和他的祖母,洛伊丝,作为他们的虔诚(提后1:5)的杰出。We know nothing of his father but that he was a Greek (Acts 16:1).我们知道他的父亲,但他是一个希腊(徒16:1)。He is first brought into notice at the time of Paul's second visit to Lystra (16:2), where he probably resided, and where it seems he was converted during Paul's first visit to that place (1 Tim. 1:2; 2 Tim. 3:11).他是第一次带进通知保罗的第二次访问路司得(16:2),在那里他可能居住的时间,看来,他是保罗的第一次访问期间转换到那个地方(提前1:2; 2添3:11)。The apostle having formed a high opinion of his "own son in the faith," arranged that he should become his companion (Acts 16:3), and took and circumcised him, so that he might conciliate the Jews.使徒,形成了他很高的评价“自己的儿子在信仰,”安排,他应该成为他的同伴(使徒16时03分),并采取包皮环切术的他,让他可能调解的犹太人。 He was designated to the office of an evangelist (1 Tim. 4:14), and went with Paul in his journey through Phrygia, Galatia, and Mysia; also to Troas and Philippi and Berea (Acts 17:14).他被指定到一个传道者的办公室(提前4:14)。,与保罗通过弗吕家,加拉太,Mysia在了他的旅程;也特罗亚,腓和贝雷(徒17:14)。

Thence he followed Paul to Athens, and was sent by him with Silas on a mission to Thessalonica (17:15; 1 Thess. 3:2).那里他跟随保罗到雅典,被送往与西拉他在帖撒罗尼迦(17:15;帖前3:2)的使命。We next find him at Corinth (1 Thess. 1:1; 2 Thess. 1:1) with Paul.接下来,我们发现他与保罗科林斯(帖前1:1;帖撒罗尼迦后书1:1。)。 He passes now out of sight for a few years, and is again noticed as with the apostle at Ephesus (Acts 19:22), whence he is sent on a mission into Macedonia.现在他通过几年的视线,并再次与使徒在以弗所(使徒19时22分)注意到,自何处他发送到马其顿的使命。He accompanied Paul afterwards into Asia (20:4), where he was with him for some time.他陪同保罗到亚洲(20:4),在那里他与他曾有一段时间,之后。When the apostle was a prisoner at Rome, Timothy joined him (Phil. 1:1), where it appears he also suffered imprisonment (Heb. 13: 23).当使徒在罗马被囚时,提摩太加入了他(腓1:1),在那里出现,他也遭受了监禁(希伯来书13:23)。During the apostle's second imprisonment he wrote to Timothy, asking him to rejoin him as soon as possible, and to bring with him certain things which he had left at Troas, his cloak and parchments (2 Tim. 4:13).使徒的第二次入狱期间,他写信给提摩太,要求他尽快归队他,并与他把他留在特罗亚的某些事情,他的斗篷和羊皮纸(2添。4:13)。 According to tradition, after the apostle's death he settled in Ephesus as his sphere of labour, and there found a martyr's grave.按照传统,使徒的死亡后,他定居在他的劳动范围以弗所,并发现一名烈士的坟墓。

First Epistle to Timothy第一书信给提摩太

Advanced Information先进的信息

Paul in this epistle speaks of himself as having left Ephesus for Macedonia (1:3), and hence not Laodicea, as mentioned in the subscription; but probably Philippi, or some other city in that region, was the place where this epistle was written.保罗在这书信中谈到自己左以弗所,马其顿(1:3),因此不老底嘉,订阅提到,但可能是立,或在该地区的一些其他城市,这封信写的地方。 During the interval between his first and second imprisonments he probably visited the scenes of his former labours in Greece and Asia, and then found his way into Macedonia, whence he wrote this letter to Timothy, whom he had left behind in Ephesus.他可能在他的第一和第二监禁之间的时间间隔访问他的前在希腊和亚洲劳动力的场景,然后到马其顿发现他的方式,从那里他写了这封信给提摩太,他不得不留在以弗所。 It was probably written about AD 66 or 67.这可能是书面大约在公元66或67。The epistle consists mainly, (1) of counsels to Timothy regarding the worship and organization of the Church, and the responsibilities resting on its several members; and (2) of exhortation to faithfulness in maintaining the truth amid surrounding errors.书信主要包括,(1)律师向霍震霆就崇拜和教会组织,并休息几个成员的责任;保持际周围错误的真相(2)告诫忠诚。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

Second Epistle to Timothy第二书信给提摩太

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Second Epistle to Timothy was probably written a year or so after the first, and from Rome, where Paul was for a second time a prisoner, and was sent to Timothy by the hands of Tychicus.第二书信给提摩太后的第一个可能是书面一年左右,从罗马,在那里保罗第二次是一个囚犯,被送往Tychicus手中蒂莫西。 In it he entreats Timothy to come to him before winter, and to bring Mark with him (comp. Phil. 2:22).他恳求提摩太冬前来找他,并带他(comp.菲尔2:22)马克。He was anticipating that "the time of his departure was at hand" (2 Tim. 4:6), and he exhorts his "son Timothy" to all diligence and steadfastness, and to patience under persecution (1:6-15), and to a faithful discharge of all the duties of his office (4:1-5), with all the solemnity of one who was about to appear before the Judge of quick and dead.他期待,“他离境时在手”(2添。4时06分),他劝告他的“儿子提摩太”所有的尽职调查和坚定性,并在迫害耐心(1:6-15),和忠诚履行了他的办公室(4:1-5)所有出庭法官的严肃性,所有的职责,快速和死亡。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

Epistles to Timothy and Titus提摩太和提多书信

Catholic Information天主教信息


Saints Timothy and Titus were two of the most beloved and trusted disciples of St. Paul, whom they accompanied in many of his journeys.圣徒提摩太和提多是圣保罗,他们在许多他的行程陪同的两个最心爱的和值得信赖的的弟子。

Timothy is mentioned in霍震霆是提到

Acts, xvi, 1; xvii, 14, 15, 1; xviii, 5; xix, 22; xx, 4; Rom., xvi, 21; I Cor., iv, 17; II Cor., i, 1, 19; Phil., i, 1; ii, 19; Col., i, 1; I Thess., i, 1; iii, 2, 6; II Thess., i, 1; I Tim., i, 2, 18; vi, 20; II Tim., i, 2; Philem., i, 1; Heb., xiii, 23;行为,十六,第十七条,14,15,1;十八,5;十九,22,XX,4;罗,十六,21;我肺心病,四,17;二,肺心病,我,1,19。菲尔,我,1;二,19;上校,我,1;帖前,我,1;三,2,6,二帖后,我,1;我添,我,2,18。六,20;二添,我2; Philem,我,1。HEB,十三,23。

and Titus in和提图斯在

II Cor., ii, 13; vii, 6, 13, 14; viii, 6, 16, 23; xii, 18; Gal., ii, 1, 3; II Tim., iv, 10; Tit., i, 4.二,肺心病,Ⅱ,13;七,6,13,14;第八,6,16,23,第十二章,18条; GAL,二,1,3;添第二,四,10;山雀,我,。 4。

St. Timothy has been regarded by some as the "angel of the church of Ephesus", Apoc., ii, 1-17.圣提摩已被一些人认为,载脂蛋白C,二,1-17“以弗所教会的使者”。According to the ancient Roman martyrology he died Bishop of Ephesus.据古罗马martyrology,他死了以弗所的主教。 The Bollandists (24 Jan.) give two lives of St. Timothy, one ascribed to Polycrates (an early Bishop of Ephesus, and a contemporary of St. Irenæus) and the other by Metaphrastes, which is merely an expansion of the former. Bollandists(1月24)给两个人的生命,归因于Polycrates圣提摩(以弗所早期主教,和当代的圣irenæus)和其他由Metaphrastes,这是仅仅是前者的扩张。 The first states that during the Neronian persecution St. John arrived at Ephesus, where he lived with St. Timothy until he was exiled to Patmos under Domitian.圣约翰在Neronian迫害来到以弗所,在那里他住圣提摩,直到他被放逐到帕特莫斯下多米提安的第一个国家。 Timothy, who was unmarried, continued Bishop of Ephesus until, when he was over eighty years of age, he was mortally beaten by the pagans.霍震霆,谁是未婚,继续以弗所的主教,直到超过八十岁,当他,他临死的异教徒殴打。According to early tradition Titus continued after St. Paul's death as Archbishop of Crete, and died there when he was over ninety.据早期传统提图斯圣保罗去世后继续克里特大主教,并死在那里,当他九十以上。


I. Internal Evidence一,内部证据

The remainder of this article will be devoted to the important question of authenticity, which would really require a volume for discussion.本文的其余部分将用于真伪的重要问题,这将真正需要讨论的体积。Catholics know from the universal tradition and infallible teaching of the Church that these Epistles are inspired, and from this follows their Pauline authorship as they all claim to have been written by the Apostle.天主教徒知道从普遍的传统和犯错的教会,这些书信的启发教学,并从这个如下宝莲作者,因为他们都声称已书面使徒。 There was no real doubt on this question until the beginning of the nineteenth century; but since that time they have been most bitterly attacked by German and other writers.在这个问题上没有真正的疑问,直到十九世纪初,但自那时以来,他们一直最痛心疾首由德国和其他作家攻击。Their objections are principally based on internal evidence and the alleged difficulty of finding a place for them in the lifetime of St. Paul.他们的反对主要是基于内部证据和涉嫌困难找到一个为他们在圣保罗的生存期。

A. Objection from the absence of Pauline vocabularyA.从没有宝莲词汇异议

Moffatt, a representative writer of this school, writes (Ency. Bib., IV): "Favourite Pauline phrases and words are totally wanting. . . . The extent and significance of this change in vocabulary cannot adequately be explained even when one assigns the fullest possible weight to such factors as change of amanuensis, situation or topic, lapse of time, literary fertility, or senile weakness."莫法特,这所学校的代表作家,写(Ency.背带裤,四):“收藏宝莲短语和单词完全想这个词汇的变化的程度和意义,不能充分地解释,即使之一分配。。。尽可能重量amanuensis,情况或主题,失效时间,文学生育率,或老年无力改变等因素。“ Let us examine this writer's list of favourite Pauline words of the absence of which so very much is made:让我们来看看这个作家的最喜爱的宝莲的话,其中很是缺席的情况下列表:

Adikos (unjust).Adikos(不公正)。- This is found in Rom., iii, 5; I Cor., vi, 1, 9, but not in any of the other Pauline epistles, admitted to be genuine by this writer.- 这是在ROM中,三,五,我肺心病,六,1,9,但没有任何其他保罗书信,承认是这个作家的真正的。If its absence be fatal to the Pastorals, why not also to I and II Thess., II Cor., Gal., Philip., Col., and Philem.?如果它的缺席是致命的Pastorals,为什么不能也给我和二帖后,二肺心病,GAL,菲利普,上校,并Philem? Moreover, the noun adikia is found in the Pastorals, II Tim., ii, 19.此外,名词adikia Pastorals发现,二添,二,19。

Akatharsia (uncleanness) does not occur in First Corinthians, Philippians, Second Thessalonians and Philemon. Akatharsia(污秽)不会发生在哥林多前书,腓,二帖撒罗尼迦前书和腓利门书。If that does not tell against these Epistles why is it quoted against the Pastorals?如果不针对这些书信告诉它为什么对Pastorals引述?

Ouiothesia (adoption).Ouiothesia(收养)。- This word is three times in Romans, once in Galatians, but it does not occur at all in First and Second Corinthians, First and Second Thessalonians, Philippians, Colossians and Philemon.- 这个词是在罗马的3倍,一旦在加拉太书,但它不会出现在第一和第二科林蒂安,第一届和第二届撒罗尼迦前书,腓立比,歌罗西书和腓利门。Why its omission should be used against the Pastorals is not easy to understand.为什么它的遗漏,应使用对Pastorals是不容易理解。

Patre hemon (Our Father).帕特雷hemon(我们的父亲)。- Two expressions, God "our Father" and God "the Father" are found in St. Paul's Epistles.- 两个表达式,神“我们的父亲”与神“父亲”被发现在圣保禄的书信。The former is frequent in his earlier Epistles, viz., seven times in Thess., while the latter expression is not used.前者是经常在他早期的书信,即,帖前7次,而后者则表达式不使用。But in Romans "God our Father" appears but once, and "the Father" once.但在罗马书“神我们的父”,但一旦出现,并“父亲”一旦。In I Cor.在我肺心病。we read God "our Father" once, and "the Father" twice; and the same has to be said of II Cor.我们读神“我们的父亲”一次,和“父亲”的两倍;和相同的二肺心病。In Gal.在GAL。we have "our Father" once and "the Father" three times.我们有一次“我们的父亲”和“父亲”的三倍。In Phil.在菲尔。the former occurs twice and the latter once; in Col. the former only once, and the latter three times.前出现了两次,后者曾经在上校前者只有一次,而后者的三倍。"The Father" occurs once in each of the Pastoral Epistles, and from the above it is evident that it is just as characteristic of St. Paul as "our Father", which is found but once in each of the Epistles to the Romans, I and II Cor., Gal., and Col., and it would be absurd to conclude from this that all the remaining chapters were spurious. “父亲”一旦发生在每个教牧书信,并从上面这是显而易见的,这是“我们的父亲”,这是发现,但一旦在每个书信向罗马的特点正如圣保禄的,我和二,肺心病,半乳糖,和上校,它会从这个荒谬的结束,所有其余的章节杂散。 Diatheke (covenant) occurs twice in Rom., once in I Cor., twice in II Cor., thrice in Gal., and not at all in I and II Thess., Phil., Col., and Philem., admitted to be genuine by Moffatt. Diatheke(公约)在ROM出现了两次,一次在我肺心病,二肺心病两次,三次在GAL,而不是在所有的我和二帖后,菲尔。上校,并Philem,承认莫法特正版。

Apokalyptein (reveal), a word not found in 2 Corinthians, 1 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Philemon, and only once in Philippians. Apokalyptein(揭示),在哥林多后书,帖撒罗尼迦前书,歌罗西书,和腓利门书,只有一次在腓没有一个字。

Eleutheros (free), is not in I and II Thess., II Cor., Phil., and Philem., so it is no test of Pauline authorship. Eleutheros(免费),是不是在我和帖撒罗尼迦后书二,二,肺心病,菲尔,并Philem,所以它是没有宝莲作者的测试。Its compounds are not met in I and II Thess., Phil., Col., or Philem., and, with the exception of Gal., in the others sparingly.及其化合物是不符合在我和二帖后,菲尔。上校,或Philem,并与半乳糖外,在别人谨慎。

Energein (to be operative) is seen but once in each of Rom., Phil., Col., I and II Thess.; and no one would conclude from its absence from the remaining portions of these Epistles, which are longer than the Pastorals, that they were not written by St. Paul. Energein但一旦在每个ROM的(手术),菲尔,上校,第一和第二帖撒罗尼迦前书;。没有人会从这些书信的其余部分,这是比Pastorals不再从它的缺席结束他们不是由圣保罗的书面。

Katergazesthai (perform), though several times in Rom. Katergazesthai(执行),但在ROM几次。and II Cor., and once in I Cor.二,肺心病,一旦我肺心病。and in Phil.在菲尔。is wanting in I and II Thess., Gal., Col., and Philem., which are genuine without it.是想在我和二帖后,半乳糖,上校,并Philem,这是真正没有它。

Kauchasthai (boast), only once in Philippians and in 2 Thessalonians, and not at all in 1 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Philemon. Kauchasthai(夸),只有一次在腓立帖撒罗尼迦后书,而不是在所有在帖撒罗尼迦前书,歌罗西书,腓利门。

Moria (folly) is five times in 1 Corinthians, and nowhere else in St. Paul's Epistles.莫里亚(愚蠢)的五倍,在哥林多前书,和无处在圣保禄的书信。

But we need not weary the reader by going through the entire list.但我们不必感到厌倦的读者通过整个列表。We have carefully examined every word with the like results.我们已仔细检查每一个字类似的结果。With perhaps a single exception, every word is absent from several of St. Paul's genuine Epistles, and the exceptional word occurs but once in some of them.也许是唯一的例外,每一个字是来自圣保罗的几个真正的书信缺席,和特殊字出现,但一旦他们中的一些。The examination shows that this list does not afford the slightest argument against the Pastorals, and that St. Paul wrote a great deal without using such words.检查显示,这份名单并不不起丝毫反对Pastorals的论点,和圣保禄写了大量不使用这样的字眼。The compilation of such lists is likely to leave an erroneous impression on the mind of the unguarded reader.此种清单的编制可能在无人防守的读者心中留下的错误印象。By a similar process, with the aid of a concordance, it could be proved that every Epistle of St. Paul has an appearance of spuriousness.一个类似的过程,一个和谐的援助,它可以证明,每圣保禄的书信spuriousness外观。It could be shown that Galatians, for instance, does not contain many words that are found in some of the other Epistles.它可以显示,加拉太书,例如,不包含在其他的一些书信中发现了许多话。A method of reasoning which leads to such erroneous conclusions should be discredited; and when writers make very positive statements on the strength of such misleading lists in order to get rid of whole books of Scripture, their other assertions should not be readily taken for granted.导致这种错误的结论的推理方法应抹黑;当作家的这种误导性的名单的实力非常积极的报表,以获得摆脱整个圣经的书籍,其他断言不应该很容易想当然的。

B. Objection from the use of particlesB.反对使用的颗粒

Certain particles and prepositions are wanting.某些粒子和介词希望。Jülicher in his "Introd. to the New Test.", p.Jülicher在他的“Introd新的考验。”第181, writes: "The fact that brings conviction [against the Pastorals] is that many words which were indispensable to Paul are absent from the Pastoral Epistles, eg ara, dio, dioti." 181写道:“事实上,带来了对Pastorals定罪[]是,这是必不可少的保罗是从教牧书信,如ARA,DIO,dioti缺席的许多话。” But, as Jacquier points out, nothing can be concluded from the absence of particles, because St. Paul's employment of them is not uniform, and several of them are not found in his unquestioned Epistles.但是,正如Jacquier指出,没有什么可以从粒子的情况下结束,圣保罗因为他们的就业是不统一的,其中有几个是没有发现在他的不容置疑的书信。 Dr. Headlam, an Anglican writer, pointed out in a paper read at the Church Congress, in 1904, that ara occurs twenty-six times in the four Epistles of the second group, only three times in all the others, but not at all in Col., Phil., or Philem.英国国教的作家,博士Headlam,指出在教会代表大会于1904年,读一文,ARA发生在第二组的四个书信中,只有3次在所有其他的二十六倍,但不是在所有上校,菲尔,或Philem。 Dio occurs eighteen times in Rom., Gal.迪欧发生在ROM中的18倍,GAL。and Cor., but not at all in Col. or II Thess.和肺心病,但不是在所有上校或二帖前。The word disti does not occur in II Thess., II Cor., Eph., Col., or Philem.字分销商不发生在帖前二,二,肺心病,弗上校,或Philem。We find that epeita does not appear at all in Rom., II Cor., Phil., Col., II Thess., and Philem., nor eti in I Thess., Col., and Philem.我们发现,epeita不会出现在所有的ROM,二,肺心病,菲尔。上校,二帖前,Philem,也不ETI在我帖后,上校,Philem。 It is unnecessary to go through the entire catalogue usually given by opponents, for the same phenomenon is discovered throughout.这是不必要的,要经过通常被对手整个目录,发现了同样的现象是整个。Particles were required in the argumentative portions of St. Paul's Epistles, but they are used very sparingly in the practical parts, which resemble the Pastorals.颗粒必须在圣保禄的书信的议论部分,但它们用在实际的部分,它类似于Pastorals非常谨慎。Their employment, too, depended greatly on the character of the amanuensis.他们的就业,也很大程度上依赖于amanuensis性质。

C. Objection from Hapax LegomenaC.反对Hapax Legomena

The great objection to the Pastorals is the admittedly large number of hapax legomena found in them.伟大的反对的Pastorals是他们发现hapax legomena公认的大量。Workman (Expository Times, VII, 418) taking the term "hapax legomenon" to mean any word used in a particular Epistle and not again occurring in the New Testament, found from Grimm-Thayer's "Lexicon" the following numbers of hapax legomena: Rom.工人(说明性时报“,第七,418)采取的长期”hapax legomenon“,以平均一个特别的书信中使用任何字和不再次在新约圣经的格林 - 塞耶的”词典“hapax legomena的下列数字中发现,发生:罗。113, I Cor.113,我肺心病。 110, II Cor.110,二肺心病。 99, Gal.99,GAL。34, Eph.34,弗。43 Phil.43菲尔。41, Col. 38, I Thess. 41岁,上校38,帖前。23, II Thess.23,帖前二。11, Philem.11,Philem。 5, i Tim.5,我添。82, II Tim.82,二添。53, Titus 33.53,泰特斯33。 The numbers have to he somewhat reduced as they contain words from variant readings.这些数字都对他有所减少,因为它们包含变读的字。These figures would suggest to most people, as they did to Dean Farrar, that the number of peculiar words in the Pastorals does not call for any special explanation.这些数字表明大多数人,因为他们没有院长法拉,奇特的话,在Pastorals不要求任何特殊的解释。Mr. Workman, however, thinks that for scientific purposes the proportionate length of the Epistles should he taken into account.然而,工人,先生认为,用于科研目的的书信相称的长度,他应该考虑到。He calculated the average number of hapax legomena occurring on a page of Westcott and Hort's text with the following results: II Thessalonians 3-6, Philemon 4, Galatians 4.1, I Thessalonians 4.2, Romans 4.3, I Corinthians 4.6, Ephesians 4.9, II Corinthians 6.10, Colossians 6-3, Philippians 6-8, II Timothy 11, Titus and I Timothy 13.他计算hapax legomena的平均人数,发生在韦斯科特和园艺的文本页面,结果如下:帖撒罗尼迦后书3-6,腓利门书4,加拉太书4.1,帖撒罗尼迦4.2,罗马4.3,我科林蒂安4.6 4.9以弗所,哥林多后书6.10,歌罗西书6-3,腓利6-8,提摩太11,提图斯和提摩太前书13。The proportion of hapax legomena in the Pastorals is large, but when compared with Phil., it is not larger than that between II Cor, and II Thess.hapax legomena Pastorals的比例很大,但与菲尔。相比,它不是大于二,肺心病,和第二帖前之间。It has to be noted that these increase in the order of time.必须指出,这些增加的时间顺序。Workman gives a two-fold explanation.工人给出了两方面的解释。First, a writer as he advances in life uses more strange words and involved constructions, as is seen on comparing Carlyle's "Latter-Day Pamphlets" and his "Heroes and Hero-Worship".首先,在生活中,他作为一个作家的使用更奇怪的话,涉及建设,是比较凯雷的“末世的小册子”和他的“英雄和英雄崇拜”。 Secondly, the number of unusual words in any author is a variable quantity.其次,作者在任何不寻常的话,是一个变量的数量。He has found the average number of hapax legomena per page of Irving's one-volume edition of Shakespeare's plays to be as follows: "Love's Labour Lost" 7.6, "Comedy of Errors" 4.5, "Two Gentlemen of Verona" 3.4, "Romeo and Juliet" 5.7, "Henry VI, pt. 3" 3.5, "Taming of the Shrew" 5.1, "Midsummer Night's Dream" 6.8, "Richard II" 4.6, "Richard III" 4.4, "King John" 5.4, "Merchant of Venice" 5.6, "Henry IV, pt. I" 9.3, "pt. II" 8, "Henry V" 8.3, "Merry Wives of Windsor" 6.9, "Much Ado About Nothing" 4.7, "As You Like It" 6.4, "Twelfth Night" 7.5, "All's Well" 6.9, "Julius Cæsar" 3.4, "Measure for Measure" 7, "Troilus and Cressida" 10.1, "Macbeth" 9.7, "Othello" 7.3, "Anthony and Cleopatra" 7.4, "Coriolanus" 6.8, "King Lear" 9.7, "Timon" 6.2, "Cymbeline" 6.7, "The Tempest" 9.3, "Titus Andronicus" 4.9, "Winter's Tale" 8, "Hamlet" 10.4, "Henry VIII" 4.3, "Pericles" 5.2.他has发现平均每页欧文的单卷莎士比亚的戏剧版如下hapax legomena数:“爱的劳工失去了”7.6,4.5“错误喜剧”,“两个维罗纳君子”3.4“罗密欧和茱丽叶“5.7,”亨利六世,PT“3.5,”泼妇驯悍记“5.1,”仲夏夜之梦“6.8,”理查二世“4.6,”理查德三世“4.4”王约翰“5.4”商船的威尼斯“5.6”第二亨利四世,PT。“9.3,”PT“,”亨利五世“8.3,”温莎的风流娘儿们“6.9,”无事生非“4.7,”随你“6.4 ,“第十二夜”7.5,“所有的好”6.9,“朱利叶斯恺撒”3.4“测量用于测量”7,“特洛伊罗斯与克瑞西达”10.1,“麦克白”9.7,“奥赛罗”7.3,“安东尼和克娄巴特拉”7.4 “科利奥兰纳斯”6.8“国王李尔王”9.7,“泰门”6.2,“辛白林”6.7,“暴风雨”9.3,“泰特斯安多尼古”4.9,“冬天的故事”8,“哈姆雷特”10.4,“亨利八”4.3 “伯里克利”5.2。For a similar argument on Dante see Butler's "Paradise", XI.对于类似的观点对但丁看到巴特勒的“天堂”,第十一章。The totals of hapax legomena for some of the plays are: "Julius Cæsar" 93, "Comedy of Errors" 88, "Macbeth" 245, "Othello" 264, "King Lear" 358, "Cymbeline" 252, "Hamlet" 426, "The Merchant of Venice" 148.hapax legomena一些次总计:“凯撒大帝”93,“错误的喜剧”88,“麦克白”245,“奥赛罗”264,“李尔王”358,“辛白林”252,“哈姆雷特”426 “威尼斯商人”148。This scrutiny of the words peculiar to each play throws light on another difficulty in the Pastorals, viz, the recurrence of such expressions as "a faithful saying", "sound words", etc. "Moon-calf" occurs five times in "The Tempest", and nowhere else; "pulpit" six times in one scene of "Julius Cæsar" and never elsewhere; "hovel" five times in "King Lear"; "mountaineer" four times in "Cymbeline", etc. Compare, "God forbid", me genoito of Gal., Rom., once in I Cor.审议各自发挥特有的话抛出光中Pastorals的另一个困难,即,这样的表达式为“忠实说”,“声字”,“月亮小牛”发生在“五倍的复发暴风雨“,无处”讲坛“六次在一个场景”凯撒大帝“,从来没有在其他地方,”李尔王小屋“五个时代”,“”登山辛白林“四个时代”,“等比较,”上帝保佑“,我genoito半乳糖,ROM,曾经在我肺心病。 - not in the other Epistles of St. Paul.- 没有在圣保罗的其他书信。"Sound words" was used by Philo before St. Paul, in whom it may be due to intercourse with St. Luke. “声字”是由斐洛使用之前,圣保罗,在其中它可能是由于与圣卢克性交。(See Plumptre's list of words common to St. Luke and St. Paul, quoted in Farrar's "St. Paul", I, 481.) Mr. Workman has overlooked one point in his very useful article. (见Plumptre的圣卢克和圣保罗,转引自法勒的“圣保罗”,我,481字的共同清单。)先生工人忽视了一点,在他的非常有用的文章。The hapax legomena are not evenly distributed over the Epistles; they occur in groups.hapax legomena并非均匀地分布在书信,他们在群体中发生。Thus, more than half of those in Col. are found in the second chapter, where a new subject is dealt with (see Abbott, "Crit. . . . Comment. on Ep. to the Ephes. and to the Coloss." in "Internat. Crit. Comment.").因此,超过一半的上校被发现在第二章中,其中一个新的课题处理(见雅培,“暴击。。评论。EP的Ephes。Coloss。” “INTERNAT。暴评论。”)。This is as high a proportion as in any chapter of the Pastorals.这是如此高的比例中的Pastorals任何一章。Something similar is observable in II Cor., Thess., etc. Over sixty out of the seventy-five hapax legomena in I Tim.观察到类似二,肺心病,帖前,等我添七十五个hapax legomena过六旬。occur in forty-four verses, where the words, for the most part, naturally arise out of the new subjects treated of.发生在四十四个诗句,在大多数情况下,哪里的话​​,自然会出现治疗的新学科。The remaining two-thirds of the Epistle have as few hapax legomena as any other portion of St. Paul's writings.其余的书信中有三分之二为圣保罗的著作的任何其他部分的几个hapax legomena。Compounds of phil-, oiko-, didask-, often objected to, are also found in his other Epistles.化合物的菲尔,oiko,didask,往往反对,也发现在他的其他书信。

The "Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles" was discussed in "The Church Quarterly" in October, 1906, and January, 1907. “教会季刊”在10月,1906年,和一月,1907年的“教牧书信的作者”进行了讨论。In the first the writer pointed out that the anti-Pauline hypothesis presented more difficulties than the Pauline; and in the second he made a detailed examination of the hapax legomena.在第一作家指出,反宝莲假说提出了更多的困难比宝莲;在第二,他做了详细的检查hapax legomena。 Seventy-three of these are found in the Septuagint, of which St. Paul was a diligent student, and any of them might just as well have been used by him as by an imitator.七十三这些被发现的译本,其中圣保罗是一个勤奋的学生,以及任何他们可能只是以及已经使用由他一个模仿。Ten of the remainder are suggested by Septuagint words, eg anexikakos II Tim., ii, 24, anexikakia Wisd., ii, 9; antithesis I Tim., vi, 20, antithetos Job, xxxii, 3; authentein I Tim., ii, 12, authentes Wisd., xii, 6; genealogia I Tim., i, 4, Tit., iii, 9; geneealogein I Par., v, 1; paroinos I Tim., iii, 3, Tit., i, 7, paroinein Is., xli, 12, etc. Twenty-eight of the words now left are found in the classics, and thirteen more in Aristotle and Polybius.其余十所建议的译本的话,添如anexikakos II,II,24,anexikakia Wisd,二,9;。对仗我添,六,20,antithetos作业,三十二,3; authentein我添第二。 12,第十二,6; authentes Wisd。genealogia我添,我,4,山雀,三,9;。geneealogein我齐名,V,1;。paroinos我添,三,三,山雀,我, 7,paroinein。XLI,12等的话现在只剩二十八个经典发现,13个亚里士多德和波里比阿更多。Strabo, born in 66 BC, enables us to eliminate graodes.斯特拉波,公元前66年出生的,使我们能够消除graodes。All these words formed part of the Greek language current up to St. Paul's time and as well known to him as to anybody at the end of the first century.所有这些词形成电流至圣保罗的时间,以及被称为任何人的第一个世纪的结束他的希腊语言的一部分。Any word used by an author contemporary with St. Paul may reasonably be supposed to have been as well known to himself as to a subsequent imitator.由作者与圣保罗当代使用的任何词可以合理地假定,已被众所周知,随后模仿自己。

In this way we may deduct eight of the remaining words, which are common to the Pastorals and Philo, an elder contemporary of St. Paul.这样,我们可以扣除,其余的话,这是常见的Pastorals和斐洛,老圣保罗当代八个。In dealing with the fifty remaining words we must recall the obvious fact that a new subject requires a new vocabulary.在处理第五十余下的字,我们必须记得一个明显的事实,一个新的课题,需要一个新的词汇。If this be neglected, it would be easy to prove that Plato did not write the Timæus.如果被忽视,这将是容易证明,柏拉图没有写蒂迈欧篇。Organization and the conduct of practical life, etc., cannot be dealt with in the same words in which points of doctrine are discussed.现实生活中,等组织和行为,不能处理的同样的话,在这点的学说讨论。This fairly accounts for eight words, such as xenodochein, oikodespotein, teknogonein, philandros, heterodidaskalein, etc., used by the author.这相当八个字xenodochein,oikodespotein,teknogonein,philandros,heterodidaskalein等,如作者所使用的帐户。 His detestation of the errorists doubtless called forth kenophonia, logomachein, logomachia, metaiologia, metaiologos, several of which were probably coined for the occasion.他厌恶的errorists无疑kenophonia,logomachein,logomachia,metaiologia,metaiologos,其中几个人可能是杜撰的场合要求提出。 The element of pure chance in language accounts for "parchments", "cloak", and "stomach": he had no occasion to speak about such things previously, nor of a pagan "prophet".在“羊皮纸”,“外衣”,和“胃”的语言帐户的机会纯元素:他没有机会发言以前这些事情,也不是一个异教徒的“先知”。 Seven of the remaining words are dealt with on the modest principle that words formed from composition or derivation from admittedly Pauline words may more reasonably be supposed to come from St. Paul himself than from a purely hypothetical imitator, eg airetikos, adj., Tit., iii, 10; airesis, I Cor., xi, 19; Gal., v, 20; dioktes, I Tim., i, 13; diokein, Rom., xii, 14, etc.; episoreuein, II Tim., iv, 3; soreuein epi Rom., xii, 20; LXX, etc. Five other words are derived from Biblical words and would as easily have occurred to St. Paul as to a later writer.七剩余字数处理适度的原则,诚然宝莲话的成分或推导形成的话,可能更合理应该从圣保罗自己比来自纯属虚构的模仿者,例如airetikos,调整,山雀。三,10; airesis,我肺心病,西安,19; GAL,V,20; dioktes,我添,我13; diokein,ROM,12,14等;。episoreuein,二添,四,三soreuein EPI ROM,十二,20; LXX,等五换句话说是来自圣经的话,将很容易地发生圣保罗,为以后的作家。The remaining words, about twenty, are disposed of separately.其余的话,约二十个,另行处置。

Epiphaneia instead of parousia, for the second coming of Christ, is not against the Pastorals, because St. Paul's usage in this matter is not uniform. Epiphaneia而不是parousia基督第二次来的,是不反对的Pastorals,因为圣保罗的使用在这个问题上并不统一。We have he memera kyriou in I Thess., v, 2, 1 Cor., i, 8, v, 5; he apokalypsis in II Thess., i, 17; and he epiphaneia tes parousias autou in II Thess., ii, 8.我们在他memera kyriou帖前,V,2,1肺心病,我,8,V,5;。他在帖前二apokalypsis,我17;和他epiphaneia工商业污水附加费parousias autou二帖后,II。 8。Lilley ("Pastoral Epistles", Edinburgh, 1901, p. 48) states that out of the 897 words contained in the Pastorals 726 are common to them and the other books of the New Testament, and two-thirds of the entire vocabulary are found in the other Epistles of St. Paul; and this is the proportion of common words found in Galatians and Romans.李洁明(“教牧书信”,爱丁堡,1901年,第48页)Pastorals 726中的897字,是常见的,他们和其他书籍的新约,并发现整个词汇三分之二这是在圣保罗的其他书信;在加拉太和罗马人发现的常用词的比例。The same writer, in his complete list of 171 hapax legomena in the Pastorals, points out that 113 of these are classical words, that is, belonging to the vocabulary of one well acquainted with Greek; and it is not surprising that so many are found in these Epistles which were addressed to two disciples well educated in the Greek language.同一作家,在他的171 hapax在Pastorals legomena的完整列表,指出,113这些经典的话,那就是属于一个熟悉与希腊的词汇;,这并不奇怪,这么多被发现在这些书信给两个弟子,以及在希腊的语言教育。 Another point much insisted upon by objectors is a certain limited literary or verbal affinity connecting the Pastorals with Luke and Acts and therefore, it is asserted, pointing to a late date.另一点,坚持反对者一定的有限的文学或口头的亲和力连接卢克和行为的Pastorals,因此,它是断言,指着一晚的日期。 But in reality this connexion is in their favour, as there is a strong tendency of modern criticism to acknowledge the Lucan authorship of these two books, and Harnack has written two volumes to prove it (see LUKE, GOSPEL OF SAINT).但在现实中联接有利于自己的,现代的批评是有强烈的倾向,承认这两部书的卢坎作者,哈纳克写了两卷来证明这一点(见路加福音,福音圣)。 He has now added a third to show that they were written by St. Luke before AD 64.他现在已经增加了第三,以显示他们之前写公元64圣卢克。When the Pastorals were written, St. Luke was the constant companion of St. Paul, and may have acted as his amanuensis.当Pastorals写,圣路加是圣保罗的不断同伴,并可能有作为他amanuensis担任。This intercourse would doubtless have influenced St. Paul's vocabulary, and would account for such expressions as agathoergein of 1 Timothy 6:18, agathopoein of Luke 6:9, agathourgein, contracted from agathoergein, Acts 14:17.无疑会影响这性交圣保罗的词汇量,将占1 agathoergein提摩太前书6:18,路加福音6:9,agathourgein agathoergein承包,agathopoein这样的表达式,使徒14时17分。St. Paul has ergazomeno to agathon (Romans 2:10).圣保罗ergazomeno阿加(罗马书2:10)。- From all that has been said, it is not surprising that Thayer, in his translation of Grimm's "Lexicon", wrote: "The monumental misjudgments committed by some who have made questions of authorship turn on vocabulary alone, will deter students, it is to be hoped, from misusing the lists exhibiting the peculiarities of the several books."- 从,已被说的,它是不令人惊讶,他翻译的格林“词典”中,塞耶写道:“一些谁已经作出的词汇单独作者之交的问题犯下的巨大的误判,将阻止学生,它是希望,从滥用的名单,参展的几本书的特殊性,。“

D. Objection from styleD.反对风格

"The comparative absence of rugged fervour, the smoother flow, the heaping up of words, all point to another sign-manual than that of Paul" (Ency. Bib.) - Precisely the same thing could be urged against some of St. Paul's other Epistles, and against large sections of the remainder. “崎岖的热情比较的情况下,顺畅的流动,堆积的话,所有比保罗指向另一个迹象手册”(Ency.背带裤。) - 恰恰是同样的事情可能对一些圣保罗敦促其他书信,以及对其余的大部份。All critics admit that large portions of the Pastorals are so much like St. Paul's writings that they actually maintain that they are taken from fragments of genuine letters of the Apostle (now lost).所有的批评者也承认,大部分的Pastorals圣保罗的著作一样多,他们认为他们是真正的使徒(现已丢失)字母的片段。 Various discordant attempts have been made to separate these portions from the rest, but with so little success that Jülicher confesses that the thing is impossible.各种不和谐的尝试已经分开,其余的这些部分,但有这么收效甚微,Jülicher交代的事情是不可能的。On the other hand, it is the general opinion of the best scholars that all three Epistles are from the pen of one and the same writer.另一方面,它是所有三从一枝笔和同一作家的书信是最好的学者普遍的看法。That being the case, and it being impossible to deny that portions indistinguishable from the rest are by St. Paul, it follows that the early and universal tradition ascribing the whole of them to the Apostle is correct.在这种情况下,无法否认,其余部分没有区别,由圣保罗,早期和普遍的传统,把他们整个使徒是正确的。

As we pass from one to another of the four groups of St. Paul's Epistles;正如我们从一个传递到另一个圣保禄的书信四组;

(1) Thessalonians;(1)帖撒罗尼迦前书;

(2) Galatians, Corinthians, Romans;(2)加拉太,科林蒂安,罗马;

(3) Captivity Epistles;(3)笼养书信;

(4) Pastorals(4)Pastorals

We observe considerable differences of style side by side with very marked and characteristic resemblances, and that is precisely what we find in the case of the Pastorals.我们观察到的副作用相当大的风格方的差异非常明显的特点相似之处,而这正是我们的Pastorals找到。 There are some striking points of connexion between them and Phil., the Epistle probably nearest to them in date; but there are many resemblances in vocabulary, style, and ideas connecting them with portions of all the other Epistles, especially with the practical parts.有一些联接和菲尔之间的引人注目的点,最近的日期可能书信;但在词汇,风格和理念,连接他们与所有其他书信的部分,特别是与实际的部分,有许多相似之处。 There are, for instance, forty-two passages connecting I Tim.例如,有四十二个通道,连接我添。with the earlier Epistles.与先前的书信。The terms are nearly identical, but display an amount of liberty denoting the working of the same independent mind, not a conscious imitation.这两个术语几乎是相同的,但显示一个自由的数额表示了相同的独立思考工作,不是一个自觉的模仿。The Pastorals show throughout the same marks of originality as are found in all the writings of the Apostle. Pastorals显示整个相同的商标的独创性,在所有的使徒的著作的。There are similar anacolutha, incomplete sentences, play on words, long drawn periods, like comparisons, etc. The Pastorals are altogether practical, and therefore do not show the rugged fervour of style confined, for the most part, to the controversial and argumentative portions of his large epistles.有类似的anacolutha,不完整的句子,玩的话,旷日持久的时期,喜欢攀比等Pastorals是完全实用,因此不局限于风格的坚固的热情显示,大部分的争议和议论的部分他的大量书信。 (See the very valuable book by James, "Genuineness and Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles", London, 1906; also Jacquier, and Lilley.) It may be well to note, in this connexion, that Van Steenkiste, professor at the Catholic Seminary of Bruges, asserted, as long ago as 1876, that the inspiration of the Pastorals and their Pauline authorship would be sufficiently safeguarded if we accepted the view that they were written in the name and with the authority of the Apostle by one of his companions, say St. Luke, to whom he distinctly explained what had to be written, or to whom he gave a written summary of the points to be developed, and that when the letters were finished, St. Paul read them through, approved them, and signed them. (见詹姆斯非常有价值的书,“真实性和作者的教牧书信”,伦敦,1906年;也Jacquier,和李洁明),它可以很好地注意到,在这个联接,范Steenkiste,天主教神哲学院教授布鲁日,断言,只要前,1876年,Pastorals及其宝莲作者的灵感,将充分保障,如果我们接受了他的同伴之一,他们的名称和使徒的权威书面,说圣卢克,他清楚地解释了什么被写入,或者他给了一个​​点要开发的书面摘要,并圣保罗读字母完成时,他们通过,批准,并签署了他们。 This, he thinks, was the way in which "Hebrews" also, was written (S. Pauli Epistolæ, II, 283).他认为,这是“希伯来书”中,也被写入(S.圣保利Epistolæ,二,283)的方式。

E. Objection from the advanced state of church organizationE.从先进国家的教会组织反对

This objection is adequately answered in the articles HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH, BISHOP, etc. See also "The Establishment of the Episcopate" in Bishop Gore's "Orders and Unity" (London, 1909), 115.这种反对意见是充分回答说,在早期教会,主教的文章层次结构等又见主教戈尔的“订单和统一”(伦敦,1909年),115“设立的主教”。 The seven, St. Stephen, Philip, etc., were set aside for their ministry by the Apostles by prayer and the laying on of hands.七,圣士提反,菲利普等,分别设置预留其部由使徒祷告和铺设的手。Immediately after this we read that they were filled with the Holy Ghost, and preached with great success (Acts 6:7).立即在此之后,我们读到,他们充满了圣灵,并取得了巨大成功(徒6:7)鼓吹。From St. Luke's usual method we may conclude that a similar ceremony was employed by the Apostles on other occasions when men were set aside to be deacons, presbyters, or bishops.从圣卢克通常的方法,我们可以得出结论,类似的由使徒们在其他场合受聘仪式,当男子被搁置,执事,长老或主教。We read of presbyters with the Apostles at an early date in Jerusalem (Acts 15:2) and according to the earliest tradition, St. James the Less was appointed bishop there on the dispersion of the Apostles, and succeeded by his cousin Simeon in AD 62.我们读到使徒长老早日在耶路撒冷(徒15:2),并根据最早的传统,圣雅各福群被任命主教有分散的使徒,和由他的表兄弟西麦成功AD 62。Sts. STS。Paul and Barnabas ordained priests in every church at Derbe, Lystra, Antioch of Pisidia, etc. (Acts 14:22).保罗和巴拿巴受戒Derbe,路司得,皮西迪亚安提阿等(徒14:22)在每一个教堂的牧师。Bishops and priests, or presbyters, are mentioned in St. Paul's speech at Miletus (Acts 20:28).主教和神父,或长老,都提到在圣保罗的讲话在米利都(徒20:28)。In his first Epistle (1 Thessalonians 5:12) St. Paul speaks of rulers who were over them in the Lord, - see also Romans 12:8; "governments" are referred to in 1 Corinthians 12:28, and "Pastors" in Ephesians 4:11.在他的第一书信(帖撒罗尼迦前书5:12)圣保禄说话的主,对他们的统治者 - 见罗马书12时08分,被称为“政府”在哥林多前书12点28分,“牧师”,在以弗所书4时11分。St. Paul wrote "to all the saints in Christ Jesus, who are at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons" (Philippians 1:1).圣保罗写道:“所有的圣徒,在基督耶稣里,在腓立比,与主教和执事”(腓1:1)。

In Romans 12:6-8, 1 Corinthians 12:28 and Ephesians 4:11, St. Paul is not giving a list of offices in the Church, but of charismatic gifts (for the meaning of which see HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH).在罗马书12:6-8,哥林多前书12时28分和以弗所书4点11分,圣保罗是不给在教会的办事处名单,但魅力的礼物(其中看到早期教会层次的含义) 。Those who were endowed with supernatural and transitory charismata were subject to the Apostles and presumably to their delegates.那些被赋予超自然的和暂时的charismata使徒,大概是为了他们的代表。Side by side with the possessors of such gifts we read of "rulers", "governors", "pastors", and in other places of "bishops", "priests", and "deacons".拥有这样的礼物并肩,我们读到的“统治者”,“省长”,“牧师”,和其他地方的“主教”,“祭司”,和“执事”。 These, we may lawfully assume, were appointed under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost by the Apostles, by prayer and laying on of hands.,我们可以合法地,这些被任命由使徒的圣灵的灵感下,祈祷和手礼。Amongst these so appointed before AD 64 there were certainly ordained deacons, priests, and possibly bishops also.在这些任命之前,公元64有肯定受戒的执事,祭司,和可能的主教也。If so they had bishop's orders, but the limits of their jurisdiction were not as yet, perhaps, very clearly defined, and depended altogether on the will of the Apostles.如果是这样,他们主教的命令,但其管辖范围内还没有,也许是非常明确的,使徒将完全取决于。it is assuredly in the highest degree likely that the Apostles, towards the end of their lives and as the Church extended more and more, ordained and delegated others to appoint such priests and deacons as they had been in the habit of appointing themselves.是稳妥程度最高的可能,对他们的生活和教会的使徒,越来越多的扩展,受戒,委派他人委任的司铎和执事,因为他们在被任命自己的习惯。 The earliest tradition shows that such a thing took place in Rome by AD 67; and there is nothing more advanced than this in the Pastorals.最早的传统表明,这样的事情发生在罗马公元67;没有什么比这更先进的Pastorals。 Timothy and Titus were consecrated delegates to rule with Apostolic authority and appoint deacons, priests, and bishops (probably synonymous in these Epistles).提摩太和提多书是神圣的代表与使徒权威统治,并任命执事,司铎和主教(可能在这些书信的代名词)。

But a further objection is raised as follows: "The distinctive element, however, ie the prominence assigned to Timothy and Titus is intelligible only on the supposition that the author had specially in view the ulterior end of vindicating the evangelic succession of contemporary episcopi and other office bearers where this was liable for various reasons to be challenged. . . . The craving (visible in Clem. Rom.) for continuity of succession as a guarantee of authority in doctrine (and therefore in discipline) underlies the efforts of this Paulinist to show that Timothy and Titus were genuine heirs of Paul" (Ency. Bib., IV).但提出一个进一步反对如下:“与众不同的元素,然而,即分配给提摩太和提多的突出是可理解的假设上,笔者曾专门查看平反福音当代episcopi的继承和其他的不可告人的结束干事,这是承担各种原因受到挑战。。Paulinist努力渴望继承的连续性作为一个权威的教义的基础保障(因此在纪律)(克莱姆可见。ROM。)显示,提摩太和提多是保罗的真正继承人“(Ency.背带裤。四)。 - If this craving is visible in St. Clement of Rome, who was a disciple of the Apostles there and wrote less than thirty years after their death, it is surely more likely that he was maintaining an organization established by them than that he was defending one of which they were ignorant.- 如果这种渴求是在圣克莱门特的罗马,谁是使徒的门徒那里,不到30年后,他们的死亡写道可见,这肯定是更容易,他是维护他们成立了一个组织比,他是卫冕其中,他们都毫不知情。 If these Epistles were written against people who challenged the authority of bishops and priests about AD 100, why is it that these opponents did not cry out against forgeries written to confute themselves?如果这些书信冲减约公元100年,它为什么这些对手没有哭反对写入驳斥自己伪造的主教和神父的权威挑战的人? But of all this there is not the slightest shred of evidence.但是这一切没有丝毫一丝一毫的证据。

F. Objection楼异议

No room for them in the life-time of St. Paul.在圣保罗的生命时间没有为他们的房间。- The writer in the "Ency. Bib." - 作家在“Ency背带裤。”is never tired of accusing the defenders of the Epistles of making gratuitous assumptions, though he allows himself considerable liberty in that respect throughout his article.乐此不疲的指责作出无偿假设书信的维护者,虽然他自己在这方面相当自由允许在他的文章。It is a gratuitous assertion, for example, to state that St. Paul was put to death at the end of the first Roman captivity, AD 63 or 64.举例来说,它是一种无端的断言状态,圣保罗,并于第一的罗马圈养,公元63或64月底死亡。 Christianity was not yet declared a reliqio illicita, and according to Roman law there was nothing deserving of death against him.基督教尚未宣布reliqio illicita,并根据罗马法没有什么值得对他的死亡。He was arrested to save him from the Jewish mob in Jerusalem.他被逮捕保存他在耶路撒冷的犹太暴徒。The Jews did not appear against him during the two years he was kept in prison.犹太人并未对他在两年,他被关在监狱。 Agrippa said he could have been delivered had he not appealed to Cæsar, so there was no real charge against him when he was brought before the emperor's or his representative's tribunal.阿格里帕说,他可能已交付他没有上诉凯撒,所以没有对他的指控时,他带来了始皇帝或他的代表的法庭。The Epistles written during this Roman captivity show that he expected to be soon released (Philem., 22; Phil., ii, 24).这个罗马囚禁期间所写的书信显示,他预计将很快公布(Philem.,22;菲尔,II,24)。Lightfoot, Harnack, and others, from the wards of Clem.莱特富特,哈尔纳克等人,从克莱姆的病房。Rom.罗。and the Muratorian Fragment, think that he was not only released, but that he actually carried out his design of visiting Spain.穆拉多利片段,认为他不仅释放,但他实际上进行了他访问西班牙的设计。During the years from 63-67 there was ample time to visit Crete and other places and write I Tim.从63-67年期间有充裕的时间前往克里特岛和其他地方写我添。and Titus.提图斯。II Tim.二添。was written from his second Roman prison soon before his death.从他的第二个罗马监狱的书面不久之前他的死亡。

G. Objection from the errors condemnedG.谴责错误的反对。

It is said that the errors referred to in the Pastorals did not exist in St. Paul's time, though the most advanced critics (Ency. Bib.) have now abandoned the theory (maintained with great confidence in the nineteenth century) that the Epistles were written against Marcion and other Gnostics about the middle of the second century.有人说,在圣保罗的时间不存在的Pastorals提到的错误,但最先进的批评(Ency.背带裤。)现在已经废弃的理论(维持很大的信心,在19世纪),书信书面反对马吉安和其他诺斯替教派的第二个世纪中叶。 It is now conceded that they were known to Sts.现在是承认,他们被称为STS。Ignatius and Polycarp, and therefore written not later than the end of the first century or early part of the second.依纳爵和波利卡普,因此写不得迟于年底的第一个世纪或早在第二部分。It requires a keen critical sense to detect at that time the existence of errors at the time of Ignatius, the seeds of which did not exist thirty or forty years earlier or of which St. Paul could not have foreseen the development.检测当时的伊格内修的时间上存在误区,它需要敏锐的批判意识的种子,其中不存在提前或三十或四十年的圣保罗无法预见的发展。 "The environment is marked by incipient phases of what afterwards blossomed out into the Gnosticism of the second century" (Ency. Bib.): - but the incipient phases of Gnosticism are now placed by competent scholars at a much earlier date than that indicated by this writer.“环境标志什么后来发展成为诺斯替主义的第二个世纪的初期阶段”(Ency.背带裤。): - 但诺斯替主义的早期阶段,现正由主管学者放置在更早的日期比指示笔者。No known system of Gnosticism corresponds with the errors mentioned in the Pastorals; in reply to this, however, it is said that the "errors are not given in detail to avoid undue anachronisms" (ibid.).没有已知的诺斯替主义系统对应的Pastorals提到的错误;答复,然而,它是说,“错误是没有详细考虑,以避免不必要的时代错误”(同上)。 Sometimes opponents of the authenticity unfairly attack the actual contents, but here the Epistles are condemned for "contents" which they do not contain.有时不公平的真实性对手攻击的实际内容,但这里的书信“内容”,它们不包含谴责。An amusing instance of the precariousness of the subjective method is seen in this same article (Ency. Bib.).看到一个有趣的主观方法的不稳定实例是,在这同一篇文章中(Ency.背带裤。)。The writer arguing against the Epistles on the subject of greetings says that "Philemon is the one private note of Paul extant".对主题问候书信争论的作家说:“腓利门书是保罗现存的一个私人注”。We are suddenly brought up, however, by a note (editorial?) within square brackets: "compare, however, Philemon."我们突然长大的,然而,由方括号内的说明(编辑):“比较,不过,腓利门书。”On turning to Philemon we find van Manen asserting, with equal confidence, that the Apostle had nothing whatsoever to do with that Epistle, and he supports his statement by the same kind of subjective arguments and assertions that we find running through the article on Timothy and Titus.我们转向腓利门书发现范梅南主张,平等信任的,使徒没有任何关系,书信,他支持他的发言由同一种主观论点和断言,我们发现通过对提摩太的文章运行和提图斯。 He even throws out the absurd suggestion that Philemon was based on the letter of Pliny, which is given in full by Lightfoot in his edition of Philemon.他甚至抛出荒谬的建议,腓利门书是根据普林尼信,这是由娜​​莱在他的​​腓利门书版本在全。

Hort in his "Judaistic Christianity" (London, 1898), 130-48, does not believe that the errors of the Pastorals had any connexion with Gnosticism, and he gives a very full reply to the objection with which we are dealing.在他的“Judaistic基督教”(伦敦,1898年),130-48,园艺不相信Pastorals错误有任何与诺斯替主义的联接,并且他给出了一个非常全面的答复,我们正在处理的反对。 With Weiss he clears the ground by making some important distinctions:魏斯他清除地面,使一些重要的区别:

(1) We must distinguish prophecies about future false teachers which imply that germs, to say the least, of the future evils are already perceptible (1 Timothy 4:1-3; 2 Timothy 3:1-5, 4:3) from warnings about the present; (1)我们必须区分这意味着,细菌对未来假教师的预言,至少可以说,未来的罪恶已经感知(提摩太前书4:1-3; 2提摩太后书3:1-5,4:3)目前的警告;

(2) The perversities of individuals like Alexander, Hymenæus, and Philetus must not be taken as direct evidence of a general stream of false teaching; (2)像亚历山大,许米乃,和Philetus个人perversities,不得作为一个虚假的教学一般流直接证据;

(3) Non-Christian teachers, the corrupters of Christian belief, must not be confounded with misguided Christians.(3)非基督教的教师,基督教信仰的腐败,绝不能混淆与误导的基督徒。

The errors which St. Paul easily foresaw would arise amongst false Christians and pagans cannot be urged against the Epistles as if they had already arisen.其中圣保禄很容易预见到会出现假基督徒和异教徒之间的误差不能呼吁对书信,仿佛他们已经出现。Hort makes out a good case that there is not the smallest trace of Gnosticism in the existing errors amongst the Ephesian and Cretan Christians, which are treated more as trivialities than serious errors.园艺使得一个很好的案例,也没有在以弗所和克里特岛的基督徒,被视为较严重的错误琐事之间存在的错误跟踪最小的诺斯替主义。 "The duty laid on Timothy and Titus is not that of refuting deadly errors, but of keeping themselves clear, and warning others to keep clear of mischievous trivialities usurping the office of religion." “提摩太和提多所奠定的职责是不驳斥致命的错误,而是保持自己清晰,并警示他人,以保持盗用宗教的办公室恶作剧的琐事。”He shows that all these errors have evident marks of Judaistic origin.他表示,所有这些错误Judaistic原产地的明显标志。 The fact that St. Irenæus, Hegesippus, and others used the words of the Pastorals against the Gnostics of the second century is no proof that Gnosticism was in the mind of their author.事实上,圣irenæus,Hegesippus和其他反对的第二个世纪的诺斯替教派Pastorals的话是没有证据证明诺斯替主义在其作者的脑海中。 Words of Scripture have been employed to confute heretics in every age.圣经的话已经驳斥在每一个时代的异端。This, he says, is true of the expressions pseudonymos gnosis, aphthartos, aion, epiphaneia, which have to be taken in their ordinary sense.他说,这是表达式pseudonymos灵知,aphthartos,AION,epiphaneia,必须在其一般意义上的真实。 "There is not the faintest sign that such words have any reference to what we call Gnostic terms." “没有最微弱的迹象,这样的话,就是我们所说的诺斯底条款的任何引用。”

Hort takes genealogiai in much the same sense in which it was employed by Polybius, IX, ii, 1, and Diodorus Siculus, IV, i, to mean stories, legends, myths of the founders of states.羽毛球是​​在同样的意义,它意味着故事,传说,神话的缔造者国家波里比阿,九,二,1,狄奥多罗斯S​​iculus,四,我genealogiai。 "Several of these early historians, or 'logographers' are known to have written books of this kind entitled Genealogiai, Genealogika (eg Hecatæus, Acusilanus, Simonides the Younger, who bore the title ho Genealogos, as did also Pherecydes)" (p. 136). Genealogika(例如Hecatæus,Acusilanus,“这些早期的历史学家几个,或”logographers“已知有写了题为Genealogiai这种书籍,西蒙尼德雅戈尔,谁承担的标题议员Genealogos,也没有Pherecydes)”(第136页)。 Philo included under to genealogikon all primitive human history in the Pentateuch.斐洛列入genealogikon所有原始人类历史中的摩西五。A fortiori this term could be applied by St. Paul to the rank growth of legend respecting the Patriarchs, etc., such as we find in the "Book of Jubilees" and in the "Haggada".更何况这个词可以适用于由圣保罗尊重的始祖传说,等职级的增长,比如我们的“书Jubilees”和“Haggada”中找到。 This was condemned by him as trashy and unwholesome.这是谴责他是没用的和不健康的。The other contemporary errors are of a like Jewish character.其他当代的错误是这样的犹太特色。Hort takes antithesis tes pseudonymou gnoseos to refer to the casuistry of the scribes such as we find in the "Halacha", just as the mythoi, and genealogiai designate frivolities such as are contained in the Haggada.园艺对立面工商业污水附加费pseudonymou gnoseos指文士,如我们发现在“哈拉哈”的诡辩,正如mythoi genealogiai候,如无聊Haggada中。

But is it not possible that these (antitheseis tes pseudonymou gnoseos) refer to the system of interpretation developed later in the Kabbala, of which a convenient description is given in Gigot's "General Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scripture", p.但是是不可能的,这些(antitheseis工商业污水附加费pseudonymou gnoseos)指的同声传译系统,发展到后来在卡巴拉,Gigot的其中一个方便的描述是“圣经研究概论”,第411?411?(see also "Kabbala" in "Jewish Encyclopedia" and Vigoroux, "Dict. de la Bible"). (见“犹太百科全书”,Vigoroux“卡巴拉”,“快译通。DE LA圣经”)。He who followed only the literal meaning of the text of the Hebrew Bible had no real knowledge, or gnosis, of the deep mysteries contained in the letters and words of Scripture.他只有遵循的希伯来文圣经文本的字面意思有没有真正的知识,或灵知,字母和字的经文中的深层奥秘。By notarikon words were constructed from the initials of several, or sentences formed by using the letters of a word as initials of words.notarikon话建几个,或通过使用一个单词的缩写字字母组成的句子的缩写。By ghematria the numerical values of letters were used, and words of equal numerical value were substituted for each other and new combinations formed.通过ghematria使用字母的数值,数值相等的话,对方和新形成的组合取代。By themura the alphabet was divided into two equal parts, and the letters of one half on being substituted for the corresponding letters of the other half, in the text, brought out the hidden sense of the Scripture.通过themura字母分为两等份,一半的字母,另一半相应的字母取代,在文本中,带出了圣经隐藏的意义。These systems date back to time immemorial.这些系统可以追溯到远古时代。They were borrowed from the Jews by the Gnostics of the second century, and were known to some of the early Fathers, and were probably in use before Apostolic times.他们借用犹太人的第二个世纪的诺斯替教,和已知的一些早期教父,和使徒时代前使用的可能。Now antithesis may mean not only opposition or contrast, but also the change or transposition of letters.现在的对立面,可能意味着不仅反对或对比,但也改变或字母换位。In this way antithesis tes pseudonymou gnoseos would mean the falsely-called knowledge which consists in the interchange of letters just referred to.在这样的对立面,工商业污水附加费pseudonymou gnoseos将意味着虚假的所谓的知识,包括刚才提到的信件交换。

Again, we read: "The mischievous feature about them was their presence within the churches and their combination of plausible errors with apparent, even ostentatious, fidelity to principles of the faith - a trouble elsewhere reflected Acts XX. 29f, in connexion with the Ephesian church towards the end of the first century" (Ency. Bib.).同样,我们读到:“他们顽皮的特点是他们的存在,在教会和似是而非的错误组合明显,即使是财大气粗,高保真的信仰原则 - 麻烦其他地方反映的行为XX 29F,在以弗所的联接。教会建立的第一个世纪的结束“(Ency.背带裤。)。We do not admit that Acts, xx, was written towards the end of the first century.我们不承认的行为,XX,是对的第一个世纪的结束书面。The best scholars hold it was written by St. Luke long before; and so the critics of the Epistles, having without proof dated the composition of a genuine early New-Testament book at the end of the first century, on the strength of that performance endeavour to discredit three whole books of Scripture.最好的学者认为,它是由圣卢克书面很久以前;等书信批评,有没有实力,业绩证明的第一个世纪的结束给一个真正的早期新旧约书的组成,努力抹黑整个圣经的书籍。

H. Miscellaneous objectionsH.杂项反对

We bring together under this heading a number of objections that are found scattered in the text, foot-notes, sub-foot-notes, of the article in the "Ency. Bib."我们汇集本标题下一个被发现散落在文本的反对,脚笔记,分尺注意到在文章中,“Ency的。背带裤。”

(1) "The concern to keep the widow class under the bishop's control is thoroughly sub-apostolic (cp. Ign. ad Polycarp. iv. 5) ".(1)“关注主教的控制下保持寡妇类是彻底分使徒(cp. IGN广告波利卡普四5)”。- That would not prove that it was not Apostolic as well.- 这并不证明它是不是使徒以及。On reading the only passage referring to widows (1 Timothy 5) we get a totally different impression from the one conveyed here.(1提摩太5)在读的唯一通道,指寡妇,我们从这里传达一个完全不同的印象。The great aim of the writer of the Epistle appears to be to prevent widows from becoming a burden on the Church, and to point out the duty of their relatives to support them.伟大作家的书信的目的似乎是防止寡妇,成为教会的负担,并指出其亲属的责任,以支持他们。Thirty years before the death of St. Paul the Seven were appointed to look after the poor widows of Jerusalem; and it is absurd to suppose that during all that time no regulations were made as to who should receive support, and who not.七圣保罗去世前30年被任命照顾耶路撒冷的贫困寡妇;它是荒谬的假设,在所有的时间没有规定谁应该得到支持,谁不。Some few of those who were "widows indeed" probably held offices like deaconesses, of whom we read in Romans 16:1, and who were doubtless under the direction of the Apostles and other ecclesiastical authorities.一些谁是“寡妇确实”可能举行的办事处,如执事,其中,我们读罗马书16时01分,使徒和其他教会当局的方向,无疑是少数。 The supposition that nothing was "done in order", but that everything was allowed to go at random, has no support in St. Paul's earlier Epistles.没有什么是“做是为了”,但一切都被允许随意的假设,有没有在圣保罗的早期书信支持。

(2) "The curious antipathy of the writer to second marriages on the part of the presbyters, episcopi, diaconi, and widows (cherai) is quite un-Pauline, but corresponds to the more general feeling prevalent in the second century throughout the churches." episcopi,diaconi,和寡妇(cherai)(2)“好奇反感的作家长老的第二次婚姻,是相当联合国宝莲,但对应整个教会更一般的感觉,在第二个世纪流行“。 - That state of feeling throughout the churches in the second century should make an objector pause.- 该国各地在第二个世纪的教堂的感觉应该反对者暂停。Its Apostolic origin is its best explanation, and there is nothing whatsoever to show that it was un-Pauline.其使徒的起源是其最好的解释,有没有任何显示,这是联合国宝莲。It was St. Paul who wrote as follows at a much earlier date (1 Corinthians 7): "I would that all men were even as myself: . . . But I say to the unmarried, and to the widows: It is good for them if they so continue, even as I . . . But I would have you to be without solicitude. He that is without a wife, is solicitous for the things of the Lord, how he may please God. But he that is with a wife, is solicitous for the things of the world, how he may please his wife: and he is divided . . . He that giveth his virgin in marriage, doth well; and he that giveth her not, doth better."这是圣保罗是谁写在更早的日期(1哥林多前书7)如下:“我想所有的人,即使像我。的,但我未婚,和寡妇说:这是好的如果他们继续,甚至我 ,但我希望你没有慰问,他没有妻子,是主的事殷勤,他怎么可能请神,但他与妻子,是世界上的事殷勤,他可能会请他的妻子:他除以他,赐他的处女在婚姻中,doth;他所赐她不要,doth更好“。 It would be rash to suppose that St. Paul, who wrote thus to the Corinthians, in general, could not shortly before his death require that those who were to take the place of the Apostles and hold the highest offices in the Church should not have been married more than once.这将是轻率的假设,圣保罗因此,谁写的科林蒂安,在一般情况下,不能要求他去世前不久,那些采取的使徒的地方,最高的办事处,并在教堂举行,不应该有结婚多过一次。

(3) "The distinctive element, however, ie the prominence assigned to Timothy and Titus, is intelligible only on the supposition that the author had specially in view the ulterior end of vindicating the legitimate evangelic succession of contemporary episcopi and other office-bearers in provinces where this was liable for various reasons to be challenged" (in the beginning of the second century). (3)“与众不同的元素,然而,即分配给提摩太和提多的突出,是可理解的假设上,笔者在查看特别平反福音当代episcopi和其他干事的合法继承别有用心结束省份,这是要挑战“的第二个世纪初的各种原因承担责任。 - Thousands have read these Epistles, from their very first appearance until now, without such a conclusion suggesting itself to them.- 有数以千计的读这些书信中,从他们第一次出现到现在为止,没有这样的结论,建议他们。If this objection means anything it means that the Apostles could not assign prominent positions to any of their disciples or delegates; which runs counter to what we read of Timothy and Titus in the earlier Epistles of St. Paul.如果这一反对意味着什么,它意味着使徒无法分配的显着位置,他们的弟子或代表;我们在圣保罗的早期书信提摩太和提多读背道而驰。

(4) "The prominence given to 'teaching' qualities shows that one danger of the contemporary churches lay largely in the vagaries of unauthorized teachers (Did., xvi). The author's cure is simple: Better let the episcopus himself teach! Better let those in authority be responsible for the instruction of the ordinary members! Evidently teaching was not originally or usually (1 Timothy 5:17) a function of presbyters, but abuses had led by this time, as the Didache proves, to a need of combining teaching with organised church authority." (4)“给”教“的素质突出表明,当代教会的危险,主要是在未经授权的教师变幻莫测(Did.十六)笔者的解决办法很简单:更好地让episcopus自己教更好地让!当权者负责的普通成员的指示!由此可见教学原本没有或通常(1提摩太后书5:17)的长老的功能,但暴力事件已导致这个时候,十二使徒遗训证明,需要相结合的与有组织的教会权威的教学。“ - What a lot of meaning is read into half a dozen words of these Epistles!- 那是很多的意思是读入半打这些书信的话!In the very first Epistle that St. Paul wrote we read: "And we beseech you, brethren, to know them who labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonish you: That you esteem them more abundantly in charity, for their work's sake" (1 Thessalonians 5:12-13).在第一次书信,圣保禄写道,我们读到:“我们恳求你,弟兄们,知道他们之间你劳动的人,你的主,并告诫你:你自尊,他们更丰盛于慈善事业,他们的工作的缘故“(帖撒罗尼迦前书5:12-13)。 The capacity for teaching was a gift, probably a natural one working through God's grace for the good of the Church (see HIERARCHY OF THE EARLY CHURCH), and there was no reason why the Apostle, who attached so much importance to teaching when speaking of his own work, should not require that those who were selected to rule the Churches and carry on his work should be endowed with the aptitude for teaching.进行教学的能力的礼物,可能是一个天然之一通过上帝的教会好宽限期(见早期教会的等级)工作,并没有理由为什么在使徒,谁重视如此重视教学时讲的自己的工作,不应该要求那些被选定的统治教会,进行他的工作应具有教学资质。 In Ephesians 4:11, we find that the same persons were "pastors and doctors".在以弗所书4时11分,我们发现,同样的人“的牧师和医生”。The writer who makes this objection does not admit that real bishops and priests existed in Apostolic times; so this is what his assertion implies: When the Apostles died there were no bishops and priests.使得这一反对的作家不承认,真正的主教和司铎在使徒时代存在,所以这是他的说法意味着什么:当使徒死亡有没有主教和司铎。 After some time they originated somewhere and somehow, and spread all over the Church.一段时间后,他们起源的地方,并以某种方式,和各地教会的蔓延。During a considerable time they did not teach.在相当长的时间,他们没有教。Then they began to monopolize teaching, and the practice spread everywhere, and finally the Pastorals were written to confirm this state of affairs, which had no sanction from the Apostles, though these bishops thought otherwise.接着就开始垄断教学,实践到处传播,最后的Pastorals书面确认这种状​​况,它并没有从使徒的制裁,虽然这些主教不以为然。 And all this happened before St. Ignatius wrote, in a short period of thirty or forty years, a length of time spanned say from 1870 or 1880 till 1912 - a rapid state of development indeed, which has no documentary evidence to support it, and which must have taken place, for the most part, under the very eyes of the Apostles St. John and St. Philip, and of Timothy, Titus, Clement, Ignatius, Polycarp, and other disciples of the Apostles.而所有这一切发生之前,圣依纳爵写在三十或四十年的短时间内,跨越的时间长度说,从1870或1880年至1912 - 一个快速发展的状态,确实没有书面证据,以支持它,并其中必须有发生,大部分,根据使徒圣约翰和菲利普的眼皮底下,和提摩太,提多,克莱门特,伊格,波利卡普,和其他使徒的门徒。 The early Christians had more respect for Apostolic traditions than that.早期的基督徒有更多的尊重比使徒传统。

(5) "Baptism is almost a sacrament of salvation (Titus 3:5)." (5)“洗礼几乎是一个圣救恩(提多书3:5)。”- It is quite a sacrament of salvation, not only here, but in the teaching of Christ, in the Acts, and in St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans, First Corinthians, Galatians, and Colossians, and in 1 Peter 3:21.- 这是一个相当救恩的圣事,不仅于此,但在基督的教学,在行为,并在圣保罗的书信,以罗马,哥林多前书,加拉太书,和歌罗西书,并在3时21分1彼得。

(6) "Faith is tending to become more than ever fides quœ creditur."(6)“信仰趋于比以往惹人quœ creditur。”- But it appears as fides qua creditur in 1 Timothy 1:2, 4, 5, 14; 2:7, 15; 3:9, 13; 4:6, 12; 6:11; 2 Timothy 1:5, 13; 2:18, 22; 3:10, 15; Titus 2:2, etc., while it is used in the earlier Epistles not only subjectively but also objectively.- 但它出现在提摩太前书1:2,4,5,14惹人条件creditur; 2:7,15; 3:9,13; 4:6,12; 6时11;提摩太后书1:5,13 2:18,22; 3:10,15;提多书2:2,等等,虽然它是用在早期的书信不仅主观也客观。See pistis in Preuschen, "Handwörterbuch zum griech. N. Testament."见普罗伊申pistis,“Handwörterbuch ZUM griech。北路约。”Faith is fides quœ creditur only nine times out of thirty-three passages where pistis occurs in the Pastorals.信仰是惹人quœ creditur只出三十三个段落9次,其中pistis发生在Pastorals。

(7) "The church to this unmystical author is no longer the bride or the body of Christ but God's building or rather familia dei, quite in the neo-Catholic style." (7)“这个unmystical作者的教会不再是新娘或基督的身体,但上帝的建设,而福美来DEI,不少在天主教新风格。”There are several genuine Epistles of St. Paul in which the Church is neither called the body nor the bride of Christ, and in calling it a building he was only following his Master who said: "On this rock I will build my Church."有几个真正的书信圣保罗教会既不是所谓的身体也不是基督的新娘,在调用它的建设,他只是按照他的法师们说:“在这磐石上我要建立我的教会” The idea of a spiritual building is quite Pauline.精神文明建设的一个想法是相当宝莲。"For we know, if our earthly house of this habitation be dissolved, that we have a building of God, a house not made with hands, eternal in heaven" (2 Corinthians 5:1); "And I have so preached this gospel, not where Christ was named, lest I should build upon another man's foundation" (Romans 15:20); "For if I build up again the things which I have destroyed, I make myself a prevaricator" (Galatians 2:18); "Let us work good to all men, but especially to those who are of the household of the faith" (Galatians 6:10); "You are fellow citizens with the saints, and the domestics of God, built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone: in whom all the building, being framed together, groweth up into a holy temple in the Lord. In whom you also are built together into an habitation of God in the Spirit" (Ephesians 2:19-22); "You are God's building. According to the grace of God that is given to me as a wise architect, I have laid the foundation. . . . Know you not, that you are the temple of God, and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you?" “因为我们知道,如果我们居住的这个尘世的房子被解散,我们有一个上帝的建设的房子没有双手,在天上永存”(哥林多后书5:1);“我有这么鼓吹这个福音,而不是在基督被命名,以免我应该建立在另一个人的基础“(罗马书15:20);”如果我建立了我所破坏的东西,我让自己一个prevaricator“(加拉太书2:18); “让我们工作的好所有的人,但特别是对那些家庭的信念”(加拉太书6:10);“你是与圣徒的同胞,和神的国货,建成后的基础使徒和先知,耶稣基督被行政的基石:在其中所有的建筑,被诬陷在一起,groweth在主的圣殿,在其中你还共同建立成一个神居住在圣灵“(。以弗所书2:19-22)。“你是上帝的建设,根据上帝的恩典,是我作为一个明智的建筑师,我已经奠定了基础,不知道你,你是神的殿。。。 ,并在你的灵神永远的吗?“(1 Corinthians 3:9-17; compare 1 Peter 2:5; "Be you also as living stones built up, a spiritual house"; and 1 Peter 4:17: "For the time is, that judgment should begin at the house of God. And if first at us, what shall be the end of them that believe not the gospel of God?") There is a development in St. Paul's use of the comparisons body and bride, which is exactly paralleled by his use of the words building and temple. (哥林多前书3:9-17;比较1彼得2时05分,“你也建立了活石,灵宫”;和4时17分1彼得:“时间,判断应该在开始神的殿,我们如果在第一,什么是他们不信神的福音吗?“)是在圣保罗的使用比较身体和新娘,这正是他使用并联发展建筑和寺庙的话。 They are applied first to individuals, then to communities and finally to the whole Church (see Gayford in Hast., "Dict. of the Bibl." sv Church).他们首先应用到个人,然后到社区,最后到整个教会(HAST盖福德看到。“快译通Bibl。”SV教会)。

(8) "Items of the creed, now rapidly crystallizing in Rome and Asia Minor, are conveyed partly in hymnal fragments which like those in the Apocalypse of John, sprang from the cultus of the churches." (8)“的信条,正迅速在罗马和小亚细亚的结晶,项目,转让部分在赞美诗的片段,像那些在约翰的启示,从教堂的礼拜扑去。”There are fragments of the Creed in First Corinthians (see EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIANS, The First Epistle - Its teaching), and there were hymns in use several years before St. Paul's death.有在哥林多前书的信条(见书信向科林蒂安,第一书信 - 其教学)的片段,并有在圣保罗去世前几年使用的赞美诗。He wrote to the Colossians (3:16): "Let the word of Christ dwell in you abundantly, in all wisdom: teaching and admonishing one another in psalms, hymns, and spiritual canticles" (cf. Ephesians 5:19).他写信给歌罗西书(3:16):“让基督的话住在你大量存在于一切智慧,教学和诫勉诗篇,赞美诗和精神canticle的一个又一个”(参弗5:19)。 The objections from the "Faithful Sayings" are fully answered in James, "The Genuineness of the Pastorals" (London, 1906), 132-6.从“忠实熟语”的反对意见是完全回答詹姆斯“的Pastorals的真实性”(伦敦,1906年),132-6。

(9) "No possible circumstances could make Paul oblivious (through three separate letters) of God's fatherhood, of the believing man's union with Jesus, of the power and witness of the Spirit, or of reconciliation." (9)“任何可能的情况下可以使保罗漠视(通过三个独立的字母)神的父亲,相信人的联盟与耶稣的力量和精神的见证,或和解。”These doctrines are not quite forgotten: 1 Timothy 1:15; 2:6; 2 Timothy 1:2, 9; 2:13; Titus 1:4; 3:4, 5, 7.这些理论并非完全忘记:提摩太前书1:15; 2:6;提摩太后书1:2,9; 2:13;提多书1:4; 3:4,5,7。 There was no necessity to dwell upon them as he was writing to disciples well acquainted with his teaching, and the purpose of the Epistles was to meet new problems.有没有必要向他们纠缠,他写信给他的教学以及熟悉的弟子,和书信的目的是为了满足新的问题。Besides, this objection could be brought against large portions of the genuine Epistles.此外,这种异议可以提起大部份真正的书信。

There are several other objections but they are so flimsy that they cannot present any difficulty.还有其他一些反对意见,但他们是如此脆弱,他们可以不存在任何困难。What Sanday wrote in 1896 in his "Inspiration" (London) is still true: "It may be asserted without fear of contradiction that nothing really un-Pauline has been proved in any of the disputed epistles."桑迪在他的“灵感”(伦敦)在1896年写的仍然是正确的:“这可能是没有矛盾的恐惧,没有什么真正的联合国宝莲已在任何有争议的书信证明的情况下断言。”

II.二。External Evidence外部证据

The Pauline authorship of the Pastorals was never doubted by Catholics in early times.宝莲作者的Pastorals从来没有怀疑过早期的天主教徒。Eusebius, with his complete knowledge of early Christian literature, states that they were among the books universally recognized in the Church ta para pasin homologoumena ("Hist. eccl.", II, xxii, III, iii; "Præp. evang.", II, xiv, 7; xvi, 3).尤西比乌斯,与他的早期基督教文学,国家,他们在教会TA第pasin homologoumena(“组织胺传道书。”二,二十二,三,三公认书籍的完整的知识;“。Præp ​​evang”二,十四,十六,3)。 They are found in the early Latin and Syriac Versions.他们发现,在早期的拉美和叙利亚版本。St. Clement of Alexandria speaks of them (Strom., II, III), and Tertullian expresses his astonishment that they were rejected by Marcion (Adv. Marcion, V, xxi), and says they were written by St. Paul to Timothy and Titus; evidently their rejection was a thing hitherto unheard of.圣克莱门特的亚历山德里亚说他们(Strom.,Ⅱ,Ⅲ),德尔图良表示他的惊讶,他们拒绝马吉安(Adv.马吉安V,XXI),并说他们写的圣保禄提摩太和提图斯;显然他们的拒绝是迄今闻所未闻的事情。 They are ascribed to St. Paul in the Muratorian Fragment, and Theophilus of Antioch (about 181) quotes from them and calls them the "Divine word" (theios logos).他们是属于圣保罗穆拉多利片段,西奥菲勒斯安提阿(约181)从他们的报价,并呼吁他们“圣言”(theios标志)。 The Martyrs of Vienne and Lyons (about 180) were acquainted with them; and their bishop, Pothinus, who was born about AD 87 and martyred in 177 at the age of ninety, takes us back to a very early date.维埃纳省和里昂(约180)烈士的人熟悉与他们和他们的主教,Pothinus,谁是出生约公元87和177烈属,在九十岁,把我们带回到一个非常早期的日期。 His successor, St. Irenæus, who was born in Asia Minor and had heard St. Polycarp preach, makes frequent use of the Epistles and quotes them as St. Paul's.他的继任者,圣irenæus,谁是出生于小亚细亚和听说过圣polycarp宣讲,使得圣保罗的书信和引号的频繁使用。 He was arguing against heretics, so there could be no doubt on either side.他认为,对异端,因此有可能对任何一方毫无疑问。 The Epistles were also admitted by Heracleon (about 165), Hegesippus (about 170), St. Justin Martyr, and the writer of the "Second Epistle of Clement" (about 140).书信也承认Heracleon(约165),Hegesippus(约170),圣贾斯汀烈士,和作家的“第二次书信的克莱门特”(约140)。 In the short letter which St. Polycarp wrote (about 117) he shows that he was thoroughly acquainted with them.圣polycarp写道(约117)在一封短信,他表明,他是彻底熟悉它们。Polycarp was born only a few years after the death of Saints Peter and Paul, and as Timothy and Titus, according to the most ancient traditions, lived to be very old, he was their contemporary for many years.波利卡普诞生仅仅几年后死亡圣徒彼得和保罗,提摩太和提多书,根据最古老的传统,活到很老,他是当代多年。 He was Bishop of Smyrna.他是士每拿主教。only forty miles from Ephesus, where Timothy resided.从以弗所,霍震霆居住的地方只有四十公里。St. Ignatius, the second successor of St. Peter at Antioch, was acquainted with Apostles and disciples of the Apostles, and shows his knowledge of the Epistles in the letters which he wrote about AD 110.圣依纳爵,圣彼得在安提阿的第二继承人,熟悉使徒和使徒的门徒,并显示他在信件的书信,他大约在公元110写知识。Critics now admit that Ignatius and Polycarp knew the Pastorals (von Soden in Holtzmann's "Hand-Kommentar", III, 155; "Ency. Bib.", IV); and there is a very strong probability that they were known also to Clement of Rome, when he wrote to the Corinthians about AD 96.批评者现在承认,依纳爵和波利卡普知道的Pastorals(冯HOLTZMANN的“手 - 的评论”,第三,155索登;“Ency背带裤。”,四);和有一个非常强的概率,他们被称为还克莱门特的罗马,大约在公元96到科林蒂安时,他写道。

In judging of the early evidence it should be borne in mind that all three Epistles claim to be by St. Paul.在早期的证据来看,它应该被铭记的是,所有这三个书信,自称是由圣保罗。So when an early writer shows his familiarity with them, quotes them as authoritative and as evidently well known to his readers, it may be taken as a proof not only of the existence and widespread knowledge of the Epistles, but that the writer took them for what they claim to be, genuine Epistles of St. Paul; and if the writer lived in the time of Apostles, of Apostolic men, of disciples of Apostles, and of Timothy and Titus (as did Ignatius, Polycarp, and Clement) we may be sure that he was correct in doing so.因此,当早期的作家,他与他们的熟悉,报价作为权威,显然熟知他的读者,它可能会采取的作为不仅存在广泛的知识和书信的证明,但笔者注意到他们他们声称是真正的书信,圣保禄,如果作家住在使徒,使徒男子,使徒的门徒,提摩太和提多(一样伊格,波利卡普,克莱门特),我们可能可以肯定的,他这样做是正确的。 The evidence of these writers is, however, very unceremoniously brushed aside.这些作家的证据,然而,毫不客气地置之不理。 The heretic Marcion, about AD 150, is held to be of much more weight than all of them put together.邪教马吉安(约​​公元150年,),重量更比他们都放在一起举行。"Marcion's omission of the pastorals from his canon tells heavily against their origin as preserved in tradition. Philemon was accepted by him, though far more of a private note than any of the pastorals; and the presence of elements antagonistic to his own views need not have made him exclude them, since he could have easily excised these passages in this as in other cases" (Ency. Bib., IV). “马吉安的的pastorals遗漏从他的佳能告诉沉重打击其原籍为在传统保留腓利门书是接受他,虽然远远一个比任何的pastorals私人注;。和该元素存在了自己的看法对立需要不他它们排除在外,因为他本来可以轻松地切除在其他情况下这些经文“”(Ency.背带裤。四)。 Marcion rejected the whole of the Old Testament, all the Gospels except St. Luke's, which he grossly mutilated, and all the rest of the New Testament, except ten Epistles of St. Paul, texts of which he changed to suit his purposes.马吉安拒绝整个旧约,除了圣卢克的福音,这是他严重肢解,和所有其余的新约,除10书信的圣保罗,文本,他改变,以适应他的目的。 Philemon escaped on account of its brevity and contents.腓利门书逃脱其简洁性和内容的帐户。If he crossed out all that was objectionable to him in the Pastorals there would be little left worth preserving.如果他划掉所有在Pastorals反感他有一点是值得保留的左。Again, the testimony of all these early writers is regarded as of no more value than the opinion of Aristotle on the authorship of the Homeric poems (ibid.).同样,所有这些早期作家的证词被视为没有更多的价值比亚里士多德,荷马史诗的作者(同上)的意见。But in the one case we have the chain of evidence going back to the times of the writer, of his disciples, and of the persons addressed; while Aristotle lived several hundred years after the time of Homer.但在一种情况下,我们有链的证据可以追溯到时代的作家,他的弟子,和处理的人,而亚里士多德生活后几百年的荷马时间。 "The early Christian attitude towards 'Hebrews' is abundant evidence of how loose that judgment [on authorship] could be" (ibid.).“早期基督教的态度对”希伯来书“是对作者如何宽松,[]判断大量的证据可以”(同上)。The extreme care and hesitancy, in some quarters, about admitting the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews when contrasted with the universal and undoubting acceptance of the Pastorals tells strongly in favour of the latter.格外小心,犹豫不决,在某些方面承认宝莲书信的作者的希伯来人的普及和undoubting接受的Pastorals,告诉强烈赞成后者。

Publication information Written by Cornelius Aherne.科尼利厄斯Aherne编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.转录由道格拉斯J.波特。Dedicated to the Immaculate Heart of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.献给圣母玛利亚的无玷圣心天主教百科全书,卷第十四。Published 1912.发布1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年7月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


JAMES, Genuineness and Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles (London, 1906); JACQUIER, Hist.詹姆斯,真实性和作者的教牧书信(伦敦,1906年); JACQUIER,历史。du Nouveau Test., I (Paris, 1906; tr. DUGGAN, London); Introductions to N. Test, by CORNELY, SALMON, and other Scriptural scholars; HEADLAM in Church Congress Reports (London, 1904); The Church Quart.杜风格测试,我(巴黎,1906;。TR杜根,伦敦);。北路测试介绍,由CORNELY,鲑鱼和其他圣经的学者; HEADLAM在教会代表大会报告(伦敦,1904年);教会夸脱。Rev, (October, 1906; January, 1907); BISPING, Erklärung der drei Past.冯(,1906年10月,1907年1月);比斯平,Erklärung DER DREI过去。(Münster, 1866); WEISS, Tim.(明斯特,1866年);魏斯,蒂姆。und Tit.和铁。(Göttingen, 1902); BERNARD, The Pastoral Epistles (Cambridge, 1899); LILLEY, The Pastoral Epistles (Edinburgh, 1901); GORE, Orders and Unity (London, 1909); WORKMAN, The hapax Legomena of St. Paul in Expository Times, VII (1896), 418 HORT, Judaistic Christianity (London, 1898); BELSER. (哥廷根,1902年),陈智思,教牧书信(剑桥,1899年);李洁明,教牧书信(爱丁堡,1901年);戈尔,订单和统一(伦敦,1909年);工人,说明性的圣保禄hapax Legomena Judaistic时报“,”七(1896),418园艺,基督教(伦敦,1898年);贝尔瑟。Die Briefe des Apostels Paulus an Timoth.模具Briefe DES Apostels保卢斯一个Timoth。u.美国Titus (Freiburg); KNOWLING has a good defence of the Pastorals in The Testimony of St. Paul to Christ; see also his article in the Critical Review (July, 1896); RAMSEY.提图斯(弗赖堡); KNOWLING有一个良好的圣保禄见证基督Pastorals辩护;也看到他的文章在严格审查(7月,1896年); RAMSEY。Expositor (1910).解释者(1910年)。

This subject presentation in the original English language这在原来的主题演讲, 英语

Send an e-mail question or comment to us:发送电子邮件的问题或意见给我们:E-mail电子邮件

The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at:的, 主要相信网页(和索引科目),是在:
BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源