Book of Tobit, Tobias托比特 书

A book in the Old Testament Apocrypha旧约伪经中的

General Information一般资料

Tobit, or Tobias, is a book in the Old Testament Apocrypha, written (c.200 - 170 BC) in Hebrew or Aramaic and constructed as a didactic romance. Tobit回归,托比亚斯,是在旧约伪经书,书面(c.200 - 170年)在希伯来文或阿拉姆语作为一种说教式的浪漫构造。It became popular among Hellenistic Jews and Christians in its Greek translation.它成为深受希腊化的犹太人和基督徒在希腊翻译。The book relates how Tobit, a devout Jew in exile in Assyria, and his son Tobias were rewarded for their piety and good deeds.书中涉及如何Tobit回归,一个虔诚的犹太人,流亡在亚述和他的儿子托比亚斯是他们的虔诚和善行回报。Tobit buried the bodies of executed Jews in Nineveh.托比特执行犹太人的尸体埋在尼尼微。Despite this and other good works, he was blinded.尽管这和其他优秀作品,他被蒙蔽了。As he prayed for God to end his life, Sarah, a widow whose seven husbands have each been killed by the demon Asmodeus on their wedding night, also entreats God to end her misery.他祈祷上帝结束他的生命,莎拉,一个寡妇的七个丈夫被杀害他们的新婚之夜的妖Asmodeus,也恳求上帝结束她的痛苦。

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In answer to these prayers, God sends the angel Raphael to Earth to help them.在回答这些祈祷,上帝派天使拉斐尔地球,以帮助他们。 Tobias marries Sarah and, with Raphael's help, overcomes the demon and restores his father's sight.托比亚斯结婚莎拉和拉斐尔的帮助下,克服了恶魔,恢复他的父亲的视线。The demonology, magic, and folklore motifs in the story show affinities with ancient Near Eastern stories from 500 BC on.恶魔,魔术,民间文学艺术的图案,并在靠近东方的故事从公元前500年的古老的故事,展现亲和力。

Norman K Gottwald诺曼K哥特瓦尔德

Bibliography 参考书目
LH Brockington, A Critical Introduction to the Apocrypha (1961); S Zeitlin, ed., Jewish Apocryphal Literature (1958).LH Brockington,一个关键的伪经(1961),S蔡特林,编辑,犹太猜测文学(1​​958)。


Book of Tobit, Tobias预订Tobit回归,托比亚斯

General Information一般资料

Tobit is a book of the Old Testament in those versions of the Bible following the Greek Septuagint (generally Roman Catholic and Orthodox versions). Tobit回归是一个在“圣经”的希腊译本(一般为罗马天主教和东正教的版本)的版本的旧约书。It does not appear in the Hebrew Bible and is placed with the Apocrypha in Protestant versions of the Bible.它不会出现在希伯来文圣经,是摆在新教的圣经版本的伪经。

The narrative is set in the ancient Assyrian capital of Nineveh sometime between the latter part of the 8th century BC, after the defeat of the kingdom of Israel by Assyria, and the destruction of Nineveh in 612BC.叙事是设置在古代亚述首都尼尼微之间的某个时候在公元前8世纪的后半部分,以色列的亚述王国战败后,和尼尼微在612BC的破坏。 Modern scholars generally agree, however, that Tobit reflects little that can be considered genuine history, except perhaps the names of some of the characters.现代学者普遍认同,但是,这托比特反映小,可以被认为是真正的历史,除非是一些人物的名字。A type of wisdom literature, the book was probably written as late as the 2nd or even the 1st century BC in Palestine.智慧文学的类型,这本书可能是写第二或连公元前一世纪在巴勒斯坦已故。The author is unknown.作者不详。The language of the original was either Aramaic or Hebrew; the oldest surviving complete text is, however, in Greek.原始语言阿拉姆语或希伯来语,现存最古老的完整的文本,但在希腊,。In 1955 fragments of the book in Aramaic and in Hebrew were recovered at Qumrân (see Dead Sea Scrolls).在1955年在阿拉姆语和希伯来文的书碎片恢复在昆兰(见死海古卷)。

The narrative begins with Tobit, a pious Israelite of the tribe of Naphtali, who has become blind in Nineveh despite his good works and uprightness.叙事开始与Tobit回归,尽管他的优秀作品和浩然正气,一个虔诚的以色列人的部落拿弗他利,已成为盲人在尼尼微。 Sorely afflicted, he asks God to let him die (see 1:1-3:6).严峻的折磨,他问上帝让他死(见1:1-3:6)。On the very day of Tobit's prayer, Sarah, a young relative of Tobit living in the Median capital, Ecbatana, also prays for death. Tobit回归的祈祷,莎拉,相对中位数资本,埃克巴塔那年轻的Tobit回归生活,也祈求死亡的那一天。She has been married seven times, and every one of her husbands has been killed on their wedding night by the jealous demon Asmodeus.她曾结婚七次,和每一个她的丈夫已在他们的新婚之夜杀害嫉妒恶魔Asmodeus。The prayers of both are heard, and the archangel Raphael is sent to help them (see 3:7-17).听取了双方的祈祷,和大天使拉斐尔发送,以帮助他们(见3:7-17)。At this point, Tobit decides to send his son Tobias to the Median city of Rages (now Shahr-e Rey, near Tehrân, Iran) to recover money left there in trust with a friend.在这一点上,Tobit回归决定派他的儿子托比亚斯,中位数的拉格斯市(现在的赫尔- E雷伊,在德黑兰附近,伊朗),收回的钱留在信任与朋友。Raphael (disguised as Azarias, another of Tobit's relatives) appears, to accompany and guide Tobias.拉斐尔(伪装成阿扎里亚斯鲁,另一Tobit回归的亲属)的出现,陪伴和引导托比亚斯。En route, Tobias catches a large fish in the Tigris River and is advised by his heavenly guide to keep its heart, liver, and gall because of their magical healing properties (see 6:1-8).途中,托比亚斯渔获量在底格里斯河的大型鱼类,被告知他在天上的指导,以保持其心,肝,胆,因为其神奇的愈合性能(见6:1-8)。 When they reach Ecbatana, the archangel persuades Tobias to marry Sarah.当他们到达埃克巴塔那,大天使说服托比亚斯结婚莎拉。On the wedding night, Tobias, using the heart and liver of the fish as instructed by the archangel, routs Asmodeus (see 6:9-8:21).在新婚之夜,托比亚斯,使用鱼的心脏和肝脏的天使,专用道Asmodeus(见6:9-8:21)的指示。The next four chapters relate Raphael's journey to Rages, to recover the money held in trust.接下来的四个章节涉及拉斐尔的旅程肆虐,收回信托资金。Tobias, Sarah, and Raphael return to Nineveh, where Tobias uses the gall of the fish to restore his father's sight.托比亚斯,莎拉和拉斐尔返回尼尼微,托比亚斯使用胆的鱼,以恢复他的父亲的视线。Raphael then reveals his identity and departs.拉斐尔然后揭示了他的身份和出发。Immediately afterward, inspired by the archangel's final exhortation, Tobit composes and recites a hymn of praise to God (chap. 13).紧接着,由天使的最后的呼喊,启发,托比特组成和背诵赞美诗赞美神(第13章)。In chapter 14, the last, Tobit lives 100 years more in great happiness and, before dying, predicts the destruction of Nineveh.在第14章,最后,Tobit回归生活100年,在巨大的幸福,临终前,预言尼尼微的毁灭。Tobias departs with Sarah for Ecbatana, where they eventually hear of and rejoice over the fall of Nineveh before Tobias dies at the age of 127.托比亚斯离开埃克巴塔那,在那里他们最终听到的和飘柔尼尼微托比亚斯在127岁之前死亡的下降与萨拉。


Tobias托比亚斯

Catholic Information天主教信息

We shall first enumerate the various Biblical persons and then treat the book of this name.我们应首先列举各种圣经的人,然后把这个名字的书。

I. PERSONS一人

A. Tobias (2 Chronicles 17:8).A.托比亚斯(2历代志下17时08分)。

Hebrew tobyyahu "Yahweh is good"; Septuagint Tobias - one of the Levites whom Josaphat sent to teach in the cities of Juda.希伯来语tobyyahu“耶和华是好的”;七十托比亚斯 - 的利,其中约萨法特送教犹大城市之一。The name is omitted in the Vatican and Alexandrian codices, but given in the other important Greek manuscripts and the Vulgate.这个名字是在梵蒂冈和亚历山大抄本省略,但在其他重要的希腊文手抄本和武加大。

B. Tobias (Zechariah 6:10).B.托比亚斯(撒迦利亚书6:10)。

Hebrew tobyyahu, qeri tobyyah which is the reading also of verse 14; Septuagint chresimon (verse 10), tois chresimois autes (verse 14), which infers the reading tobeha; Vulgate Tobia - one of the party of Jews who came from Babylon to Jerusalem, in the time of Zorobabel, with silver and gold wherewith to make a crown for the head of Jesus, son of Josedec.qeri tobyyah希伯来语tobyyahu,这是阅读,也有14节;七十chresimon(10节),tois chresimois autes(14节),从而推断阅读tobeha;武加大托比亚 - 党的犹太人从巴比伦来到耶路撒冷之一Zorobabel时间,银和金wherewith Josedec儿子耶稣,头一顶王冠。

C. Tobia (Ezra 2:60).C.托比亚(以斯拉2:60)。

Hebrew tobyyah, "Jah is my good"; Septuagint Tobeia (Vatican), Tobias (Alexandrian), the same name occurring in Nehemiah 7:62, as Tobia and in the apocryphal III Esdras 5:37 as baenan (Vatican) or ban (Alexandrian) - one of the families that, on their return from exile, could show no written proof of their genealogy.希伯来语tobyyah,“JAH是我的好”;七十Tobeia(梵蒂冈),托比亚斯(亚历山大),相同的名称发生在尼希米7:62,托比亚和猜测三埃斯德拉斯5时37分(梵蒂冈)作为baenan或禁止(亚历山大) - 一个家庭,他们从流放地返回,可以显示他们的家谱没有书面证明。

D. Tobias (Nehemiah 2:10).D.托比亚斯(尼希米记2:10)。

An Ammonite who together with Sanaballat the Horonite opposed the fortification of Jerusalem by Nehemias (Nehemiah 2:19; 4:3; 6:17; 13:4, 8).菊连同Sanaballat Horonite反对内赫米亚斯(尼希米记2点19; 4:3; 6时17; 13时04分,8)耶路撒冷设防。He is called "the servant"; we can only conjecture what that means.他被称为“仆人”,我们只能猜想是什么意思。Cheyne (Encyclopedia Biblica, sv) thinks that haebed, servant, is a mistake for ha arbi, the Arab.进益(百科全书Biblica,SV)认为haebed,仆人,是房委会的阿尔比,阿拉伯的一个错误。

E. Tobias (2 Maccabees 3:11).E.托比亚斯(2马加比3:11)。

The father of Hircanus.Hircanus父亲。

F. Tobias (Tobit 1:29, and passim).F.托拜厄斯(Tobit回归1时29分,并各处)。

The son of the following.以下的儿子。

G. Tobias the elder.G.托比亚斯老。

The chief character in the book that bears his name.在书中,他的名字命名的行政性质。

II.二。BOOK OF TOBIAS的托比亚斯预定

A canonical book of the Old Testament.一个规范书旧约。

A. Name A.姓名

In Codex Alexandrinus, biblos logon Tobit; in Vaticanus, Tobeit; in Sinaiticus, Tobeith; in Latin manuscripts Liber Tobiae, Liber Tobit et Tobiae, Liber utriusque Tobiae.在食品法典委员会Alexandrinus,biblos登录Tobit回归; Vaticanus,Tobeit;在西奈抄本,Tobeith; LIBER Tobiae,LIBER Tobit回归等Tobiae,LIBER utriusque Tobiae拉丁手稿。In the Vulgate and Hebrew Fagii both father and son have the same name, Tobias, tobyyah.在武加大和希伯来语Fagii的父亲和儿子都具有相同的名称,托比亚斯,tobyyah。In other texts and versions, the name of the father varies: tobi, "my good" is Jahweh; in Hebrew Munster; Tobit or Tobeit in the Septuagint; Tobis, or Tobit, standing for tobith "goodness" of Jahweh, in the Old Latin.在其他的文本和版本,父亲的名字各不相同:TOBI,“我的好”亚威;在希伯来语明斯特; tobith的亚威的“善”在旧的Tobit回归或在七十Tobeit Tobis,或Tobit回归,站在中,拉丁美洲。

B. Text and VersionsB.文本和版本

The original text, supposed to have been Hebrew, is lost; the reasons assigned for an Aramaic original warrant only a probable opinion that an Aramaic translation influenced our present Greek versions.丢失原始文本,假定已希伯来语,阿拉姆原始认股权证只有一个可能认为阿拉姆语翻译的影响我们目前希腊的版本分配的原因。

(1) Vulgate Versions(1)武加大版本

St. Jerome had not yet learned Aramaic, when, with the aid of a rabbi who knew both Aramaic and Hebrew, he made the Vulgate version.圣杰罗姆尚未据悉阿拉姆语的时候,一位拉比谁知道阿拉姆语和希伯来语的援助,他的武加大版本。The rabbi expressed in Hebrew the thought of the Aramaic manuscripts and St. Jerome straightway put the same into Latin.成拉丁语,希伯来语,阿拉姆语的手稿和圣杰罗姆畅通无阻的思想表达拉比相同。It was the work of only a day (cf. Praef. in Tobiam).它是只有一天(参见Praef。Tobiam)的工作。The Old Latin certainly influenced this hurried version.旧拉丁美洲一定影响,这匆匆的版本。The Vulgate recension of the Aramaic version tells the story in the third person throughout, as do the Aramaic of Neubauer and the two Hebrew texts of Gaster (HL and HG), whereas all the other texts make Tobias speak in the first person up to 3:15.阿拉姆语版本的武加大校订告诉整个故事中的第三人,因为这样做纽鲍尔的阿拉姆语和法莫替丁(HL与HG)的两个希伯来文本,而所有其他文本托比亚斯发言的第一人,最多3个:15。 The following passages occur in the Vulgate alone: the wagging of the dog's tail (11:9); the comparison of the coating on Tobias's eye to the membrane of an egg (11:14); the wit of half an hour while the gall of the fish effected its cure (11:14); Tobias closing of the eyes of Raguel and Edna in death; also 2:12, 2:18, 3:19, 3:24, 6:16-18, 6:20-21, 8:4-5, 9:12b.以下段落单独发生在武加大:摇摆狗的尾巴(11:9);托比亚斯的眼睛,一个鸡蛋(11:14)膜涂层的比较;一个半小时的机智而胆鱼的影响其治愈率(11:14);托比亚斯拉贵尔和埃德娜在死亡的眼睛关闭; 2点12分,2时18,3点19,3:24,6:16-18,6:20 -21,8:4-5,9:12 B.Some parts of the Vulgate, such as the continence of Tobias (6:18; 7:4), were looked upon at times as Christian interpolations of Jerome until they were found in one of Gaster's Hebrew texts (HL).一些部位,如可控的托比亚斯(6时18分; 7:4)的武加大,看着杰罗姆基督教插值倍后,直到他们在法莫替丁的希伯来文(HL)的发现。Lastly, the Vulgate and HL omit all mention of Ahikhar; Achior of Vulgate 11:20, is probably an addition to the text.最后,武加大和HL省略所有提及Ahikhar; Achior 11点20分,武加大,可能是除了文本。

(2) Aramaic Versions(2)阿拉姆语版本

Besides the Aramaic version used by Jerome and now lost, there is the extant Aramaic text recently found in an Aramaic commentary on Genesis, "Midrash Bereshit Rabba".除了使用杰罗姆,现在失去的阿拉姆语版本,是现存的阿拉姆文字最近发现在阿拉姆语的评论成因,“米德拉士Bereshit Rabba”。The writing of this midrash is fifteenth-century work; it contains the Book of Tobias as a haggada on the promise Jacob makes to give tithes to God (Genesis 28:22).撰写本米德拉士是十五世纪的工作,它包含的托比亚斯作为承诺雅各什一奉献给神(创世记28:22)haggada书。 Neubauer edited the text, "The Book of Tobit, a Chaldee Text from a unique manuscript in the Bodleian Library" (Oxford, 1878).纽鲍尔编辑文本,(牛津,1878年)“的Tobit回归,从一个独特的Bodleian图书馆手稿的沙尔文书”。He thinks that it is a briefer form of Jerome's Aramaic text.他认为它是一个简短的杰罗姆的阿拉姆文本形式。This is not likely.这是不太可能的。The language is at times a transliteration of Greek and gives evidence of being a transliteration of one or other of the Greek texts.语言是次音译希腊,并给出了一个或其他的希腊文的音译证据。It agrees with the Vulgate in that from the outset the tale of Tobias is told in the third person; otherwise it is closer to Codex Vaticanus and closer still to Codex Sinaiticus.它同意在武加大,从一开始的托比亚斯的故事中的第三人告诉,否则是接近到食品法典委员会Vaticanus和食品法典西奈抄本接近仍然。

(3) Greek versions(3)希腊版本

There are three Greek recensions of Tobias.有三个希腊的recensions的托比亚斯。We shall refer to them by the numbers given to the Vatican and Sinaitic codices in Vigouroux, "La sainte bible polyglote", III (Paris, 1902).我们将把在Vigouroux梵蒂冈和西乃半岛codices的电话号码给他们,“香格里拉圣圣经polyglote”,三(巴黎,1902年)。

(a) AB, the text of the Alexandrian (fifth century) and Vatican (fourth century) codices. (一)AB,文亚历山大(第五世纪)和梵蒂冈抄本(第四世纪)。This recension is found in many other codices of the Greek text, has been used for centuries by the Greek Church, is incorporated into the Sixtine edition of the Septuagint, and has been translated into Armenian as the authentic text of that rite.这校订发现许多其他的希腊文抄本,已用于世纪的希腊教会,是纳入Sixtine版的septuagint,并已被翻译成亚美尼亚仪式的权威文本。 AB is preferred to the Sinaitic recension by Nöldeke, Grumm, and others, and yet rated by Nestle, Ewald, and Haris as a compendium rather than as a version of the entire original text. AB是首选的Sinaitic校订Nöldeke,Grumm,和其他,但雀巢,埃瓦尔德,和Haris额定为简,而不是整个原始文字的版本。It condenses Edna's Prayer (x, 13), omits the blessing of Gabael (9:6), and has three or four unique readings (3:16; 14:8-10; 11:8).它凝结埃德娜的祷文(X,13),省略Gabael(9:6)的祝福,并有三个或四个独特的读数(3:16; 14:8-10; 11:8)。

(b) Aleph, the text of the Sinaitic (fourth-century) Codex. (二)阿莱夫的Sinaitic(第四世纪)法典的文本。Its style is very much more diffuse than that of AB, which seems to have omitted of set purpose many stichoi of Aleph -- cf.其风格是非常多的AB,这似乎已设置的目的,许多stichoi的阿莱夫省略弥漫 - 比照。2:12, "on the seventh of Dustros she cut the web"; 5:3, the incident of the bond divided into two parts, one for Tobias and the other for Raguel; 5:5, the long conversation between Raphael and young Tobias; 6:8; 10:10; 12:8, etc. Aleph omits 4:7-19, and 13:6b-9, of AB.2:12,“对Dustros第七她削减网络”; 5时03分,分为两部分,一是托比亚斯和其他为拉贵尔债券事件; 5:5,拉斐尔和青年之间的长期对话托比亚斯; 6时08分; 10:10; 12时08分,等阿莱夫忽略4:7-19,13时06分AB的B - 9。

(c) The text of Codices 44, 106, 107 for 6:9-13:8.-The first portion (1:1-6:8) and the last (13:9 to end) are identical with AB; the remainder seems to be an attempt at a better version of the original text.(三)6:9-13:8 .-第一部分(1:1-6:8)的文本,抄本44,106,107和去年(13时09分结束)与AB是相同的;其余似乎是一个更好的原始文本版本的尝试。 Independent work is shown by 6:9 to 7:17; 8:1 to 12:6, is very close to the Syriac and nearer to Aleph than to AB; 12:7-13:8 resembles each text in various small details.独立的工作是由6时09分至7时十七8:1至12时06分,非常接近叙利亚和接近,而不是向AB阿莱夫; 12:7-13:8类似于每个文本在各个小细节。Distinctive readings of these cursives are Edna's Gnostic prayer, "Let all the Æons praise thee" (8:15); and the fact that Anna saw the dog running before Tobias (11:5).鲜明的读数这些cursives是埃德娜的诺斯底祈祷,“让所有的永久赞美你”(8:15);其实,安娜看到狗运行前托比亚斯(11:5)。 (d) What seems to be a third recension of the second chapter is presented in Grenfell and Hunt, "Oxyrhyneus Papyri" (Oxford, 1911), part viii. (d)什么似乎是一个格伦费尔和亨特,“Oxyrhyneus纸莎草纸”(牛津,1911年),第八部分第二章第三校订。The text differs from both AB and Aleph and consequently the Greek cursives.文本不同于AB和阿莱夫,因此希腊cursives。

(4) Old Latin Versions(4)旧拉丁美洲版本

Previous to the Latin Vulgate translation of the Aramaic recension (see above) there existed at least three Old Latin versions of a Greek text which was substantially Aleph; (a) the recension of Codex Regius Parisiensis 3654 and Codex 4 of the Library of St-Germain; (b) the recension of Cod.在此之前阿拉姆的recension拉丁语武加大译本(见上文)存在至少有三个旧大幅阿莱夫一个希腊文的拉丁版本;(一)图书馆的食品丽君Parisiensis 3654和食品法典委员会4校订圣圣日耳曼;(b)在鳕鱼的recension。Vat.增值税。7, containing 1-6:12; (c) the recension of the "Speculum" of St. Augustine.7,含有1-6:12;(三)圣奥古斯丁的“窥”的校订。

(5) Syriac Version(5)叙利亚版本

Down to 7:9, it is a translation of AB; thereafter, it agrees with the Greek cursive text, save that 13:9-18, is omitted.下降到7点09分,这是一个翻译的AB,此后,它同意与希腊草书文字,储存13:9-18,是省略。This second part is clearly a second recension; its proper names are not spelled as in the first part.这第二个部分,显然是第二次校订,其正确的名称是不是在第一部分中的拼写。Ahikhar (14:10) is Achior (2:10); 'Edna (7:14) is 'Edna (7:2) 'Arag (9:2) is Raga (4:1, 4:20). Ahikhar(14:10)Achior“埃德娜(7:14)(2:10);”埃德娜(7:2)“ARAG(9:2)是Raga的(4:1,4:20)。

(6) Hebrew Versions(6)希伯来语版本

There are four Hebrew versions of this deuterocanonical story:本次经的故事有四个希伯来语版本:

(a) HL, Hebrew Londinii, a thirteenth-century manuscript, found by Gaster in the British Museum, and translated by him in the "Proceedings of the Soc. of the Bibl. Archaeology" (xvii and xx). (一)HL,希伯来语Londinii,一个13世纪的手稿,发现在大英博物馆由法莫替丁,并在由他翻译(第十七和xx)“的SOC Bibl。考古学”。 Besides a cento of Scriptural exhortations, this manuscript contains the narrative portion of Tobias, translated, Gaster thinks, from a text that stood in closest relation to the Aramaic used by St. Jerome.除了圣经的嘱托,集句,这个手稿包含托比亚斯,翻译的叙事部分,法莫替丁认为,从文本中站在最亲密的关系圣杰罗姆使用阿拉姆。 It is just possible, though not in the least probable, that the thirteenth-century Jewish author of HL made use of the Vulgate.这只是有可能,虽然不是在至少可能,13世纪HL犹太作者使用的武加大。

(b) HG, Hebrew Gasteri, a text copied by Gaster from a midrash on the Pentateuch and published in the "Proc. of the Soc. of Bib. Arch." (二)汞,希伯来语Gasteri,法莫替丁从米德拉士就pentateuch复制和出版的文本“PROC。SoC的背带裤。拱桥。”(xix).(十九)。This manuscript, now lost, agreed with the Aramaic of Neubauer and was in a compact style like that of the Vulgate recension.这个手稿,现在失去了,同意与纽鲍尔的阿拉姆在武加大校订一样简洁的风格。

(c) HF, Hebrew Fagii, a very free translation of AB, done in the twelfth century by a Jewish scholar: it is found in Walton's "Polyglot". (C)高频,希伯来语Fagii,一个非常自由的AB翻译,在12世纪做一个犹太学者:它是发现在沃尔顿的“polyglot”。

(d) HM, Hebrew Munsteri, published by Munster in Basle AD 1542, found in Walton's "Polyglot".(四)航模,希伯来语Munsteri,明斯特发表在巴塞尔公元1542,发现在沃尔顿的“polyglot”。 This text agrees as a rule with Neubauer's Aramaic, even when the latter is at variance with AB.这个文本同意纽鲍尔的阿拉姆语的规则,甚至当后者在与AB的方差。It is, according to Ginsburg, of fifth-century origin.它是根据金斯伯格,第五世纪起源。The Hebrew versions together with the Aramaic omit reference to the dog, which plays a prominent part in the other versions.连同阿拉姆语的希伯来文版本省略参考狗,在其他版本的一个突出的部分。The foregoing review of the various and diverse recensions of the Book of Tobias shows how hard it would be to reconstruct the original text and how easily textual errors may have crept into our Vulgate or the Aramaic on which it depends.托比亚斯图书的各种多样的recensions上述审查表明重建原始的文本,以及如何轻松文字错误,可能已经悄悄进入我们的武加大或它所依赖的阿拉姆将有多难。

C. ContentsC.内容

Unless otherwise stated, these references are to the Vulgate recension, whereof the Douay is a translation.除非另有说明,这些引用的武加大校订,其中的Douay翻译。The story naturally divides itself into two parts:故事自然分为两部分:

(1) The fidelity of Tobias the elder and of Sara to the Lord (1:1-3:25) (1)的保真度托比亚斯老和萨拉向耶和华(1:1-3:25)

The fidelity of Tobias (1:1-3:6) shown by his acts of mercy to fellow captives (1:11-17) and especially to the dead (1:18-25), acts that resulted in his blindness (2:1-18), the taunts of his wife (2:19-23), and the recourse of Tobias to God in prayer (3:1-6).高保真的托比亚斯(1:1-3:6)所示的怜悯他的行为研究员俘虏(1:11-17),特别是到死(1:18-25),行为,结果在他的盲目性(2 :1 - 18),他的妻子(2:19-23),和托比亚斯的追索权,在向上帝祈祷(3:1-6)的嘲弄。

The fidelity of Sara, daughter of Raguel and Edna (3:7-23).萨拉的保真度,拉贵尔和埃德娜(3:7-23)的女儿。The very day that Tobias in Ninive was taunted by his wife and turned to God, Sara in Ecbatana was taunted by her maid as the murderess of seven husbands (3:7-10), and turned to God in prayer (3:11-23). Ninive托比亚斯是嘲笑他的妻子和转向上帝的那一天,萨拉在埃克巴塔那嘲弄她的女仆七个丈夫的凶手(3:7-10),转向上帝祈祷(3:11 - 23)。The prayers of both were heard (3:24-25).听取了双方的祈祷(3:24-25)。

(2) The fidelity of the Lord to Tobias and to Sara through the ministrations of the angel Raphael (4:1-12:22).(2)主的高保真通过ministrations的天使拉斐尔(4:1-12:22)托比亚斯和萨拉。

Raphael cares for the young Tobias on his journey to Gabael in Rages of Media to obtain the ten talents of silver left in bond by his father (4:1-9:12).拉斐尔关心他的旅途上,在媒体激烈Gabael获得银债券10,由他的父亲(4:1-9:12)人才,为年轻的托比亚斯。 The young man set out, after long instruction by his father (4:1-23); Raphael joins him as guide (5:1-28); Tobias while bathing in the Tigris is attacked by a large fish, catches it, and, at the advice of Raphael, keeps its heart, liver, and gall (6:1-22); they pass through Ecbatana, stop at Raguel's; Tobias asks Sara for wife and receives her (7:1-20); by continence and exorcism and the odor of the burning liver of the fish and the aid of Raphael, he conquers the devil who had slain the seven previous husbands of Sara (8:1-24); Raphael gets the money of Gabael in Rages, and brings him to Ecbatana to the marriage celebration of young Tobias (9:1-23).年轻人,长指令后由他的父亲(4:1-23);拉斐尔加入他作为指南(5:1-28);托比亚斯,而沐浴在底格里斯河是由一个大的鱼攻击,捕获它,并在拉斐尔的意见,保持其心,肝,胆(6:1-22),他们通过埃克巴塔那,停止在拉贵尔;托比亚斯要求妻子萨拉和接收她(7:1-20);由节欲和驱魔和鱼肝燃烧的气味和援助拉斐尔,他征服魔鬼曾杀害萨拉(8:1-24)的七个以前的丈夫;拉斐尔得到Gabael在拉格斯的钱,并带来了他埃克巴塔那婚礼的青年托比亚斯(9:1-23)。

Raphael cures the blindness of the elder Tobias, on the return of his son, and manifests the truth that he is an angel (10:2-12:31).拉斐尔治愈失明的老托比亚斯,他的儿子的回报,并体现了真理,他是一个天使(10:2-12:31)。 Conclusion: the hymn of thanksgiving of Tobias the elder, and the subsequent history of both father and son (13:1-14:7).结论:赞美诗感恩的托比亚斯老,父亲和儿子(13:1-14:7)后来的历史。

D. Purpose D.目的

To show that God is faithful to those that are faithful to Him is evidently the chief purpose of the book, Neubauer (op. cit., p. xvi) makes out the burial of the dead to be the chief lesson; but the lesson of almsgiving is more prominent.为了表明神是信实的那些忠实于他的显然是书的主要目的,纽鲍尔(前引书,第XVI)使埋葬死者被行政教训,但课施舍是更加突出。 Ewald, "Gesch. des Volkes Israel", IV, 233, sets fidelity to the Mosaic code as the main drift of the author, who writes for Jews of the Dispersion; but the book is meant for all Jews, and clearly inculcates for them many secondary lessons and one that is fundamental to the rest -- God is true to those who are true to Him.埃瓦尔德,“Gesch DES Volkes以色列”,四,233套高保真作为主漂移的作者,谁写的分散的犹太人马赛克代码,但本书是为所有的犹太人,并明确对他们灌输许多次要的教训,就是其余的根本 - 神是真的那些是真正的他。

E. CanonicityE.正规

(1) In Judaism(1)在犹太教

The Book of Tobias is deuterocanonical, ie contained not in the Canon of Palestine but in that of Alexandria.图书的托比亚斯是次经,即不包含在巴勒斯坦佳能,但在亚​​历山大。That the Jews of the Dispersion accepted the book as canonical Scripture is clear from its place in the Septuagint.分散的犹太人接受书,作为典型的经文是明确的,从它在七十。That the Palestinian Jews reverenced Tobias as a sacred book may be argued from the existence of the Aramaic translation used by St. Jerome and that published by Neubauer, as also from the four extant Hebrew translators. reverenced托比亚斯作为一个神圣的书在巴勒斯坦的犹太人可能会辩称圣杰罗姆使用阿拉姆语翻译存在和出版纽鲍尔,从四个现存的希伯来文翻译也。 Then, most of these Semitic version were found as Midrashim, or hagganda, of the Pentateuch.然后,这些犹太人的版本被发现米大示,或hagganda的pentateuch。

(2) Among Christians(2)在基督徒

Despite the rejection of Tobias from the Protestant Canon, its place in the Christian Canon of Holy Writ is undoubted.尽管拒绝的托比亚斯从新教佳能,在基督教圣地令状佳能是勿庸置疑的。The Catholic Church has ever esteemed it as inspired.天主教会曾经尊敬它的启发。

St. Polycarp (AD 117), "Ad Philippenses", x, urges almsgiving, and cites Tobit 4:10, and 12:9, as authority for his urging.圣polycarp(公元117年),“广告Philippenses”,X,要求施舍,并列举了Tobit回归4时10分,12时09分,他促请当局。 Deutero-Clement (AD 150), "Ad Corinthios", xvi, has praises of almsgiving that are an echo of Tobit 12:8-9.第二克莱门特(公元150年),“广告Corinthios”,十六,救济是一个回声Tobit回归12:8-9称赞。

St. Clement of Alexandria (AD 190-210), in "Stromata", vi, 12 (PG, IX, 324), cites as the words of Holy Writ "Fasting is good with prayer" (Tobit 12:9); and in "Stromata", i, 21, ii, 23 (PG, VIII, 853, 1089), "What thou hatest, do not unto another" (Tobit 4:16).圣克莱门特的亚历山德里亚(公元190-210年),濒危物种贸易公约“Stromata”,六,12(PG,IX,324),作为神圣的话令状“禁食祈祷”(Tobit回归12时09分);在“Stromata”,我21,II,23(PG,第八条,第853,1089),“什么你hatest,你们另一个”(Tobit回归4:16)。

Origen (about AD 230) cites as Scripture Tobit 3:24 and 12:12-15, in "De oratione", II; Tobit 2:1, in sec.奥利(约公元230年)援引圣经托比特3时24分和12:12-15,在“德oratione”,二;托比特2时01分,秒。 14; Tobit 12:12, in sec. 14;托比特12:12秒。31 (cf. PG, XI, 448, 461, 553); and writing to Africanus (PG, XI, 80) he explains that, although the Hebrews do not use Tobias, yet the Church does. 31(参见PG,第十一,448,461,553);书面Africanus(PG,十​​一,80),他解释说,虽然希伯来人不使用托比亚斯,但教会。

St. Athanasius (AD 350) uses Tobit 12:7 and 4:19, with the distinctive phrase "as it is written", cf.圣亚他那修(公元350年)使用Tobit回归12时07分和4:19与鲜明的短语“,因为它是书面”,比照。 "Apol. contra arianos", II, and "Apol. ad Imper. Constantium" (PG, XXV, 268, 616). “APOL。ari​​anos禁忌”,第二,和“APOL广告Imper。Constantium”公司(PG,十​​五,268,616)。

In the Western Church, St. Cyprian (about AD 248) very often refers to Tobias as of Divine authority just as he refers to other books of Holy Writ; cf.在西方教会,圣塞浦路斯(约公元248年),往往是指托比亚斯作为神圣的权力,正如他指其他书籍的神圣令状;比照。"De mortalitate", x; "De opere et eleemosynis", v, xx; "De patientia", xviii (PG, IV, 588, 606, 634); "Ad Quirinum", i, 20 for Tobit 12; iii, 1 for Tobit 2:2; and iv, 5-11; ii, 62 for Tobit 4:12 (PG, IV, 689, 728, 729, 767). “德mortalitate”,X;“德opere等eleemosynis”,V,XX“patientia”,XVIII(PG,四,588,606,634);“Quirinum广告”,我,20 Tobit回归12;三, 1 Tobit回归2:2;四,5-11;二,Tobit回归4时12(PG,四,689,728,729,767)62。

St. Ambrose (about AD 370) wrote a book entitled "De Tobia" against usury (PL, XIV, 759), and introduced it by referring to the Biblical work of that name as "a prophetic book", "Scripture".圣刘汉铨(约公元370年)写了一篇题为“反对高利贷(特等,第十四条,759)”德托比亚“一书,并介绍了它指的是”圣经“,名称为”先知书“,”圣经“的工作。

In the entire Western Church, however, the canonicity of Tobias is clearest from its presence in the Old Latin Version, the authentic text of Scripture for the Latin Church from about AD 150 until St. Jerome's Vulgate replaced it.然而,在整个西方教会,正规的托比亚斯是从旧拉丁美洲版本,从大约公元150拉丁教会圣经的真确文本的存在的最明显,直到圣杰罗姆的武加大取代它。

The canonical use of Tobias in that part of the Byzantine Church whose language was Syriac is seen in the writings of St. Ephraem (about AD 362) and of St. Archelaus (about AD 278).托比亚斯规范使用,拜占庭式教堂,其语言是叙利亚文圣Ephraem(约公元362年)的著作和圣阿基劳斯(约公元278年)的一部分。

The earliest canonical lists all contain the Book of Tobias; they are those of the Council of Hippo (AD 393), the Councils of Carthage (AD 397 and 419), St. Innocent I (AD 405), St. Augustine (AD 397).最早规范列出了所有包含的托比亚斯书,它们是安理会的河马(公元393年),迦太基议会(公元397和419),圣无辜的我(公元405年),圣奥古斯丁(公元397 )。

Moreover, the great fourth- and fifth- century manuscripts of the Septuagint are proof that not only the Jews but the Christians used Tobias as canonical.此外,第四和第五世纪的伟大的译本手稿,不仅是犹太人,但基督徒使用托比亚斯作为典型的证明。For the Catholic the question of the canonicity of Tobias was infallibly settled by the decisions of the Councils of Trent, Session IV (8 April, 1546) and of the Vatican, Session III, ch.对于天主教的正规的托比亚斯问题是绝对无误的遄达议会第四次会议(4月8日,1546)和梵蒂冈,第三次会议,CH的决定定居。 2 (24 April, 1870). 2(4月24日,1870年)。

Against the canonicity of Tobias are urged several rather trivial objections which would at first sight seem to impugn the inspiration of the narrative.对正规的托比亚斯敦促几个比较琐碎的反对,这乍一看似乎非难的叙事的灵感。

(a) Raphael told an untruth when he said he was "Azarias the son of the great Ananias" (5:18).(一)拉斐尔说一个谎言时,他说他是“阿扎里亚斯鲁伟大亚拿尼亚的儿子”(5:18)。There is no untruth in this.有没有在这不真实。The angel was in appearance just what he said he was.天使是什么,他说他只是在外观上。Besides, he may have meant by azaryah, "the healer of Jah"; and by ananyah, "the goodness of Jah".此外,他可能意味着azaryah,“JAH治疗师”; ananyah,“JAH善”。In this event he only told the young Tobias that he was God's helper and the offspring of the great goodness of God; in this there would be no falsehood.在这种情况下,他只告诉年轻的托比亚斯,他是上帝的助手和后代的伟大善良的上帝,在这不会有谬误。

(b) A second objection is that the angelology of Tobias is taken over from that of the Avesta either directly by Iranian influence or indirectly by the inroad of Syriac or Grecian folk-lore.(二)第二个反对托比亚斯天使阿维斯塔伊朗的影响直接或间接的侵入叙利亚文或希腊的民间传说。 For Raphael says: "I am the angel Raphael, one of the seven who stand before the Lord" (12:15).对于拉斐尔说:“我的天使拉斐尔,站在耶和华面前的七个一”(12:15)。These seven are the Amesha Spentas of Zoroastrianism: cf.这七个六圣神的拜火教:比照。Fritzsche, "Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apocr.", II (Leipzig, 1853), 61.弗里切,“Exegetisches手册下载族巢穴Apocr。”II(莱比锡,1853年),61。The answer is that the reading seven is doubtful; it is in Aleph, AB, Old Latin, and Vulgate; it is wanting in the Greek cursive text, Syriac, and HM.答案是,阅读七是值得怀疑的,它是在阿莱夫,AB公司,旧拉丁美洲和武加大,它是希望在希腊的草书文字,叙利亚,和HM。Still, admitting the reading of the Vulgate, the Amesha Spentas have infiltrated into Avestic religion from the seven Angels of Hebraistic Revelation and not vice versa.不过,承认读的武加大,六圣神已经渗透到Avestic宗教Hebraistic启示七天使,而不是相反。Moreover, there are not seven Amesha Spentas in the angelology of the Avesta, but only six.此外,还有七Amesha在圣神的阿维斯塔天使,但只有6。They are subordinated to Ahura Mazda, the first principle of good.他们服从阿胡拉马自达,良好的第一原则。True, he is, at times, grouped with the six lower spirits as seven Amesha Spentas; but in this grouping we have not by any means seven angels standing before the Deity.的确,他是,有时,与6个低七个六圣神的精神分组,但这一分组中,我们没有以任何方式七位天使站在神前。

F. Historical WorthF.历史价值

(1) To Protestants(1)为新教徒

The destructive criticism which, among Protestants, has striven to do away with the canonical books of the Old Testament have quite naturally had no respect for those books the critics call apocryphal.破坏性的批评,新教徒,一直努力做旧约典型的书籍有很多,自然有不尊重那些书的评论家称之为杜撰。The Book of Tobias is to them no more than are the Testament of Job, the Book of Jubilees, and the story of Ahikhar.托比亚斯图书是他们没有更多的比约的作业,书Jubilees,Ahikhar故事。From the standpoint of historical criticism it is to be grouped with these three apocryphal (JT Marshall, Principal of the Baptist College, Manchester, in Hasting's "Dict. of the Bible", sv).从历史批评的角度来看,它是这三个猜测(JT马歇尔,浸会学院,曼彻斯特,在黑廷斯的校长“快译通”圣经“,SV)分组。 Simrock in "Der gute Gerhard und die dankbaren Todten" (Bonn, 1858) reduces the story to the folk-lore theme of the gratitude of the departed spirit; the yarn is spun out of this slim thread of fancy that the souls of the dead, whose remains Tobias buried, did not forget his benevolence.在“德固特格哈德与dankbaren Todten”(波恩,1858)Simrock减少故事,民间传说为主题的离去的精神表示感谢;这种超薄螺纹花式纱线纺,死者的灵魂,其仍然托比亚斯埋葬,没有忘记他的仁。 Erbt (Encycl. Biblica, sv) finds traces of Iranian legend in the name of the demon Asmodeus (Tobit 3:8) which is the Persian Aeshma daeva; as also in the dog -- "with the Persians a certain power over evil spirits was assigned to the dog."Erbt(Encycl. Biblica,SV)发现伊朗传说的痕迹,在妖Asmodeus(托比特3:8)这是波斯Aeshma daeva的名字;在狗 - “波斯人一定战胜邪恶的精神力量被分配到的狗。“And again: "the Jewish nation takes up a foreign legend, goes on repeating it until it has got it into fixed oral form, in order next to pass it on to some story-writer who is able to shape it into an edifying household tale, capable of ministering comfort to many succeeding generations."再次:“犹太民族占用外国的传说,就重复它,直到它有口头形式分为固定,为了未来,把它传递到一些故事的作家是谁能够塑造成一个有启发性的家庭故事服事舒适许多后代的能力。“ Moulton, "The Iranian background of Tobit" (Expository Time, 1900, p. 257), considers the book to be Median folk-lore, in which the Semitic and Iranian elements meet.莫尔顿,“Tobit回归伊朗背景”(说明时间,1900年,第257页),认为本书是中位数的民间传说,其中的反犹和伊朗的要素满足。

On the Ahikhar story, cf.Ahikhar故事,比照。"The Story of Ahikhar from the Syriac, Arabic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Greek, and Slavonic versions" by Conybeare, Harris, and Mrs. Smith, a work which will be brought back to 407 BC in a new edition soon to appear (Expositor, March 1912, p. 212).科尼比尔,哈里斯,和史密斯夫人,这将在一个新的版本很快被带回公元前407年的工作“的Ahikhar从叙利亚语,阿拉伯语,亚美尼亚语,衣索比亚,希腊,斯拉夫语版本的故事”(解释者1912年3月,第212页)。

(2) To Catholics(2)天主教徒

Until recently there never was question among Catholics in regard to the historicity of Tobias.直到最近有没有天主教徒之间的问题方面历史性的托比亚斯。It was among the historical books of the Old Testament, the Fathers had always referred to both elder and younger Tobias and to the other personages of the narratives as to facts and not to fancies.旧约的历史书籍中,父亲一直被长辈和年轻的托比亚斯和其他人士的事实说明,不是望梅止渴。The stories of almsgiving, burial of the dead, angelophany, exorcism, marriage of Sara with Tobias the younger, cure of the elder Tobias -- all these incidents were taken for granted as fact-narrative; nor was there ever any question of likening them to the tales of "The Arabian Nights" and the "Fables of Æsop".故事的施舍,埋葬死了,angelophany,驱魔,婚姻的萨拉与托比亚斯年轻,治愈老年托比亚斯 - 所有这些事件采取授予作为事实的叙述;也不是有过任何比拟他们的问题“一千零一夜”和“伊索寓言”的故事。Jahn, "Introductio in libros sacros", 2nd ed.雅恩,“Introductio libros sacros”,第二版。(Vienna, 1814), 452, gives the stock objections to the historicity of Tobias, and suggests that either the entire composition is a parable to teach that the prayers of the upright are heard or at most only the main outline is fact-narrative. (维也纳,1814),452,给人的股票反对历史性的托比亚斯,并建议,整个构图是一则寓言,教,正直的祈祷能听到或顶多只有主大纲是事实的叙述。 His book was put on the Index (26 Aug., 1822).他的书放在指数(,1822年8月26日)。Anton Scholz, "Die heilige Schrift", II, iii, p.安东尔茨,“死heilige Schrift”,第二,第三,第12, and Movers in "Kirchenlexicon" (first ed., I, p. 481) hold that Tobias is a poetic fiction. 12日,漫步者“Kirchenlexicon”(第一,我,第481页)认为,托比亚斯是一个充满诗意的小说。Cosquin, in "Revue biblique" (1899, pp. 50-82), tries to show that the sacred writer of Tobias had before his eyes a form of the Ahikhar story and worked it over rather freely as a vehicle to carry the inspired thought of the moral he wished to convey to his readers. Cosquin,在“歌剧biblique”(1899年,第50-82位),试图表明的托比亚斯神圣的作家,在他眼前的Ahikhar故事的一种形式和工作,而作为车辆自由进行启发思想道德的,他希望传达给他的读者。 Barry, "The Tradition of Scripture" (New York, 1906), p.巴里,“圣经的传统”(纽约,1906年),第128, says: "Its relation to other stories, such as The Grateful Dead and the tale of Ahichar, has been used in illustration of the romantic nature ascribed to it by modern readers; so, too, the symbolical names of its personages, and the borrowings, as they say, from Persian mythology of Asmodeus, etc."128,说:“其他故事,如Grateful Dead乐队和Ahichar故事,它关系到已经在现代读者所赋予的浪漫性质的插图使用,又何尝不是如此,其人物的象征性的名称,借款,正如他们所说的从波斯神话Asmodeus,等等。“ Gigot, "Special introduction to the study of the Old Testament", I (New York, 1901), 343-7, gives at length the arguments in favour of the non-historical character of the book and attempts no refutation of the same. Gigot,“特别介绍旧约研究”,我(纽约,1901年),343-7,提供详细的论据,赞成的非历史人物的书,并试图驳斥不相同。

With these and a few other exceptions, Catholic exegetes are unanimous in clearly defending the historicity of Tobias.与这些和其他一些例外,天主教exegetes是一致的,清楚地捍卫历史性的托比亚斯。 Cf.比照Welte in "Kirchenlexikon" (first ed., sv Tobias); Reusch, "Das Buch Tobias", p. Welte在“Kirchenlexikon”(第一主编,SV托比亚斯); Reusch,“资本布赫托比亚斯”,第vi; Vigouroux, "Manuel biblique", II (Paris, 1883), 134; Cornely, "Introd. in utriusque testamenti libros sacros", II (Paris, 1887), i, 378; Danko, "Hist. revelationis vt", 369; Haneburg, "Gesch. der bibl. Offenbarung" (3rd ed., Ratisbon, 1863), 489; Kaulen, "Einleitung in die heilige Schrift" (Freiburg, 1890), 215; Zschokke, "Hist. sacra AT", 245; Seisenberger, "Practical Handbook for the Study of the Bible" (New York, 1911), 343.六; Vigouroux,“曼努埃尔biblique”,二(巴黎,1883年),134; utriusque testamenti libros sacros Cornely,“Introd。”II(巴黎,1887年),我,378;丹科“。组织胺revelationis VT” 369; Haneburg“。Gesch之bibl Offenbarung”(第三版,拉蒂斯邦,1863年),489;考伦,“导论死亡heilige Schrift”(弗赖堡,1890年),215; Zschokke,“。组织胺萨克拉AT”的, 245; Seisenberger,“实用手册”圣经“研究”(纽约,1911年),343。This almost unanimity among Catholic exegetes is quite in keeping with the decision of the Biblical Commission (23 June, 1905).这当中几乎一致天主教exegetes相当符合圣经委员会的决定“(1905年6月23日,)。By this Decree Catholics are forbidden to hold that a book of the Holy Writ, which has generally been looked upon as historical, is either entirely or in part not history properly so called, unless it be proven by solid arguments that the sacred writer did not wish to write history; and the solidity of the arguments against the historicity of an historical book of the Bible we are not to admit either readily or rashly.通过这项法令的天主教徒禁止举行,是一个神圣的书令状,这已普遍被视为历史后,全部或部分不是历史所谓正确,除非它是神圣的作家,没有坚实的论据证明希望写历史;和坚固的论据反对的“圣经”的历史书,我们不承认轻易或草率的历史性。 Now the arguments against the historical worth of Tobias are not at all solid; they are mere conjectures, which it would be most rash to admit.现在对托比亚斯的历史价值的论据并不全固态,他们仅仅是猜测,这将是最草率承认。We shall examine some of these conjectures.我们将研究一些这些猜测。

(a) The Ahikhar story is not in the Vulgate at all.(一)Ahikhar故事是在武加大。As it is in AB, Aleph, and the Old Latin, St. Jerome undoubtedly knew it.由于它是在AB,阿莱夫,和旧拉丁美洲,圣杰罗姆无疑知道。 Why did he follow the Aramaic text to the exclusion of this episode?他为什么要按照阿拉姆文本排除这个情节呢?He may have looked upon it as an interpolation, which was not written by the inspired author.他有可能作为插值,这是不启发作者的书面看低。Even though it were not an interpolation, the Ahikhar episode of Tobias has not been proven to be a legend drawn from a non-canonical source.尽管它不是一个插值,托比亚斯Ahikhar情节没有被证明是来自非正规来源的一个传说。

(b) The angelic apparition and all incidents connected therewith are no more difficult to explain than the angelophanies of Genesis 18:19 and Acts 12:6. (二)天使般的幻影和与此有关的所有事件都没有更多的困难比创世记18时19 angelophanies解释和徒12:6。(c) The demonology is not unlike to that of the New Testament.(三)恶魔是没有什么不同新约。The name "Asmodeus" need not be of Iranian origin; but may just as readily be explained as Semitic.命名为“Asmodeus”不必是伊朗血统,但可能只是很容易地作为犹太人的解释。The Aramaic word ashmeday is cognate with the Hebrew hashmed, "destruction".阿拉姆字ashmeday是同源,与希伯来hashmed,“毁灭”。And even though it be a mutilated form of some Iranian ancestor of the Persian Aeshma daeva, what more natural than a Median name for a demon whose obsession was accomplished upon Median soil?即使它是一个残缺不全的形式,一些伊朗的波斯语Aeshma daeva祖先,比中位数为一个恶魔的痴迷名称自然是完成后,中位数的土壤?The slaying of the seven husbands was allowed by God in punishment of their lust (Vulgate, v. 16); it is the youth Tobias, not the sacred writer, that suggests (according to AB, Aleph, and Old Latin) the demon's lust as the motive of his killing all rivals.杀害七个丈夫被允许由上帝在惩罚他们的欲望(武加大,16节),它是青年托比亚斯,而不是神圣的作家,表明(根据AB,阿莱夫,和旧拉丁美洲)恶魔的欲望他杀死所有对手的动机。 The binding of the devil in the desert of Upper Egypt, the farthest end of the then known world (8:3), has the same figurative meaning as the binding of Satan for a thousand years (Revelation 20:2).的魔鬼在沙漠上埃及,最远年底,当时已知世界(8:3)的约束力,具有约束力的撒旦一千年(启示录20:2)相同的喻义。

(d) The unlikelihood of the many coincidences in the Book of Tobias is mere conjecture (cf. Gigot, op. cit., 345). (四)不大可能托​​比亚斯图书的许多巧合,仅仅是猜想(参见Gigot,同上,345)。Divine Providence may have brought about these siimilarities of incident, with a view to the use of them in an inspired book.神圣的普罗维登斯可能带来的这些事件siimilarities,使用他们的启发书。

(e) Certain historical difficulties are due to the very imperfect condition in whch the text has reached us.(五)在一定的历史困难是由于在whch文本已经达到了我们非常不完善的条件。

It was Theglathphalasar III who led Nephthali (2 Kings 15:29) into captivity (734 BC), and not, as Tobias says (1:2), Salmanasar. Theglathphalasar三是谁领导Nephthali(2国王15:29)到圈养(公元前734),并没有为托比亚斯(1:2),Salmanasar说。 Yet this reading of the Vulgate, Old Latin, and Aramaic is to be corrected by the name Enemesar of AB and Aleph.然而,这种阅读的武加大,旧拉丁美洲和阿拉姆是要由AB和阿莱夫名称Enemesar纠正。The latter reading would be equivalent to the Hebrew transliteration of the Assyrian kenum sar.后者的读数将相当于希伯来语音译亚述kenum特区。As the appellative sar "king", may precede or follow a personal name, kenum sar is sar kenum, that is Gargon (sarru-kenu II, BC 722).作为特区的通称“王”,可能之前或之后个人的名义,kenum特区特区kenum,即Gargon(sarru - kenu II,公元前722年)。It can readily be that, twelve years after Theglath-phalasar III began the deportation of Israel out of Samaria, Sardon's scouts completed the work and routed some of the tribe of Nephthali from their fastnesses.它可以很容易地Theglath - phalasar III,12年后开始驱逐以色列撒马利亚,Sardon的球探所完成的工作和路由的一些部落Nephthali从他们的牢度。

A like solution is to be given to the difficulty that Sennacherib is said to have been the son of Salmanasar (1:18), whereas he was the son of the usurper Sargon.一个类似的解决方案是给予困难森纳赫里布是说已经Salmanasar(1:18)的儿子,而他的儿子篡权萨尔贡。 The Vulgate reading here, as in 1:2, should be that of AB and Aleph, to wit, Enemesar; and this stands for Sargon.武加大读这里,在1:2,应AB和阿莱夫,机智,Enemesar;萨尔贡这一立场。

In B, 14:15, Ninive is said to have been captured by Ahasuerus (Asoueros) and Nabuchodonosor.在B,14时15分,Ninive说,亚哈随鲁(Asoueros)和Nabuchodonosor已被抓获。 This is a mistake of the scribe.这是一个错误的文士。Aleph reads that Achiacharos took Ninive and adds that "he praised God for all He had done against the children of Ninive and Assyria".阿莱夫读取Achiacharos了Ninive,并补充说,“他称赞上帝为所有他对Ninive和亚述儿童”。 The word for Assyria is Athoureias, Hebrew asshur, Aramaic ahur: This Greek word mislead the scribe to write Lsyeros for the name of the king, Achiacharos, ie the Median King Cyaxares.亚述字Athoureias,亚述希伯来语,亚拉姆语ahur:这个希腊字误导文士写的国王,Achiacharos,即中位数国王Cyaxares名称Lsyeros。 According to Berossus, Cyaxares was, in his campaign against Ninive, allied to the Babylonian King Nabopalassar, the father of Nabuchodonosor; the scribe of V has written the name for the son for that of the father, as Nabopalassar was unknown to him.据Berossus,Cyaxares,在他Ninive,对结盟的巴比伦国王Nabopalassar,Nabu​​chodonosor父亲的运动;隶的V写父亲的儿子的名字,Nabopalassar是未知他。

Rages is a Seleucid town and hence an anachronism.拉格斯是一个塞琉古城镇,因此一个时代错误。Not at all; it is an ancient Median town, which the Seleucids restored.不,它是一个古老的镇,中位数,塞留西士恢复。

G. Origin G.原产地

It is likely that the elder Tobias wrote at least that part of the original work in which he uses the first person singular, cf.这可能是老托拜厄斯写道至少是原来的工作的一部分,他利用第一人称单数,比照。1:1-3:6, in all texts except the Vulgate and Aramaic.1:1-3:6,在武加大和阿拉姆之外的所有文本。As the entire narrative is historical, this part is probably autobiographical.作为整个叙事是历史的,这部分可能是自传体。After revealing his angelic nature, Raphael bade both father and son to tell all the wonders that God had done them (Vulgate, 12:20) and to write in a book all the incidents of his stay with them (cf. same verse in AB, Aleph, Old Latin, HF, and HM).拉斐尔八德暴露了他天使般的性质后,父亲和儿子,告诉所有,上帝做了他们的奇迹(武加大,12:20),并与他们(参见AB相同的诗句写在一本书他的逗留期间的所有事件阿莱夫,旧拉丁美洲,HF和HM)。 If we accept the story as fact-narrative, we naturally conclude that it was written originally during the Babylonian Exile, in the early portion of the seventh century BC; and that all save the last chapter was the work of the elder and younger Tobias.如果我们接受事实的叙述的故事,我们自然会得出结论:这是书面最初在巴比伦流亡,在公元前七世纪的早期部分;所有保存的最后一章是长者与年轻的托比亚斯工作。 Almost all Protestant scholars consider the book post-Exilic.新教的学者认为,几乎所有的书后exilic。Ewald assigns it to 350 BC; Hgen, the bulk to 280 BC; Gratz, to AD 130; Kohut, to AD 226.埃瓦尔德分配到公元前350年,公元前280年的散装Hgen;格拉茨,到公元130;胡特,到公元226。

Publication information Written by Walter Drum.出版信息写沃尔特鼓。Transcribed by Michael T. Barrett.转录由迈克尔巴雷特。Dedicated to Sr. Anne Marie The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.专用高级阿内玛丽天主教百科全书,卷第十四。Published 1912.发布1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年7月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

The introductions of CORNELY, KAULEN, DANKO, GIGOT, SEISENBERGER. CORNELY,考伦,丹科,GIGOT,SEISENBERGER介绍。Although the Fathers use Tobias, only BEDE (PL, XCI, 923-38) and WALAFRID STRABO (PL, CXIII, 725) have left us commentaries thereon.虽然父亲使用的托比亚斯,只有BEDE(PL,XCI,923-38)和WALAFRID斯特拉波(PL,CXIII,725)评论就此离开了我们。 During the Middle Ages, HUGH OF ST.在中世纪,圣休。VICTOR, Allegoriarum in Vetus Testamentum, IX (PL, CLXXV, 725), and NICHOLAS OF LYRA, DENIS THE CARTHUSIAN, HUGH DE S. CARO, in their commentaries on all Scripture, interpreted the Book of Tobias.胜利者,Allegoriarum Vetus Testamentum,IX(PL,CLXXV,725),和尼古拉天琴座,丹尼斯的CARTHUSIAN,休De S.卡罗,在他们的评论,所有的经文,解释的托比亚斯书。Later Commentators are SERRARI (Monza, 1599); SANCTIUS (Lyons, 1628); MAUSCHBERGER (Olmutz, 1758); JUSTINIANI (Rome, 1620); DE CELADA (Lyons, 1644); DREXEL (Antwerp, 1652); NEUVILLE (Paris, 1723); GUTBERLET (Munster, 1854); REUSCH (Freiburg, 1857); GILLET DE MOOR, Tobie et Akhiahar (Louvain, 1902); VETTER, Das Buch Tobias und die Achikar-Sage in Theol.后来的评论家SERRARI(蒙扎),1599; SANCTIUS(里昂,1628); MAU​​SCHBERGER(Olmutz 1758年); JUSTINIANI(罗马,1620年); CELADA(里昂,1644年);德雷克塞尔(安特卫普,1652年),诺伊维尔(巴黎, 1723); GUTBERLET(明斯特,1854年); REUSCH(弗赖堡,1857年); GILLET DE MOOR,Tobie等Akhiahar(鲁汶,1902年); VETTER,DAS布赫托比亚斯和死在Theol Achikar圣人。Quartalschrift (Tubingen, 1904). Quartalschrift(蒂宾根大学,1904年)。The principal Protestant authorities have been cited in the body of the article.主要的新教当局已引用在文章的主体。


Book of Tobit预订的Tobit回归

Jewish Perspective Information犹太透视信息

ARTICLE HEADINGS:文章标题:

Outline of the Story.故事的大纲。

Text and Original Language.文字和原始语言。

Time and Place.时间和地点。

A late Jewish work, never received into the Jewish canon, and included in the Apocrypha by Protestants, although it was pronounced canonical by the Council of Carthage (397) and the Council of Trent (1546).后期犹太人的工作,从来没有接收到的犹太佳能,包括在新教徒的伪经,虽然它是明显的由理事会的迦太基(397)和安理会的遄达(1546)的规范。 It takes its name from the central figure, called Τωβείτ (Τωβείτ, Τωβείθ) in Greek, and Ṭobi () in a late Hebrew manuscript.它从它的名字的中心人物,呼吁Τωβείτ(Τωβείτ,Τωβείθ)在希腊和TOBI()在后期的希伯来手稿。

Outline of the Story.故事的大纲。

The story of the book is as follows: Tobit, a pious man of the tribe of Naphtali, who remained faithful to Jerusalem when his tribe fell away to Jeroboam's cult of the bull, was carried captive to Nineveh in the time of Enemessar (Shalmaneser), King of Assyria.书中的故事是如下:Tobit回归,一个部落拿弗他利,谁仍然忠实到耶路撒冷时,他的部落下跌离开耶罗波安的牛市邪教虔诚的人,是进行的,Enemessar时间(撒缦以色)圈养尼尼微亚述王。 There, together with his wife, Anna, and his son Tobias, he gave alms to the needy, and buried the outcast bodies of the slain, keeping himself pure, moreover, from the food of the Gentiles.在那里,连同他的妻子安娜和他的儿子托比亚斯,他给了施舍给有需要的,并且埋葬被杀害的弃儿机构,保持自己纯洁,而且从食物的外邦人,。 He was in favor with the king, however, and so prosperous that he was able to deposit ten talents of silver in trust with a friend in Media.他是在与国王的青睐,然而,如此繁荣,他能够存款10银子在信任与一个朋友在媒体。 With the accession of Sennacherib (the successor of Enemessar) the situation changed.随着加入西拿基立(Enem​​essar继任)情况发生了变化。Accused of burying the dead slain by the king, he had to flee, and his property was confiscated; but when Sarchedonus (Esarhaddon) came to the throne Tobit was allowed to return to Nineveh at the intercession of his nephew Achiacharus (Aḥiḳar), the king's chancellor.被告埋葬国王被杀的死,他不得不逃离,和他的财产被没收,但时Sarchedonus(撒哈顿)来到宝座Tobit回归被允许返回尼尼微在他的侄子Achiacharus(Aḥiḳar),祈求国王的大臣。 Here he continued his works of mercy; but, accidentally losing his eyesight, he fell into great poverty, so that in his dire distress he prayed that he might die.在这里,他继续怜悯他的作品,但是,不小心失去他的视力,他陷入极度贫困,使他可怕的苦恼,他祈祷,他可能会死。On that same day a similar prayer was offered by Sarah, the daughter of Raguel of Ecbatana (in Media), in despair because she had been married to seven husbands who had each been slain by a demon on the wedding night.在同一天类似的祈祷是莎拉,埃克巴塔那拉贵尔(媒体)的女儿,在绝望,因为她已经结婚七人各被一个恶魔杀害新婚之夜的丈夫。 The same day Tobit, remembering his deposit of money in Media, determined to send his son for it.同一天Tobit回归,记住他的存款的钱,在媒体,决定派他的儿子。A companion and guide (who turns out to be the angel Raphael) being found for him, the two proceeded on their journey.同伴和引导(原来是天使拉斐尔)被他发现,在他们的旅途中进行。At the river Tigris, Tobit caught a fish and was instructed by his companion to preserve its heart, liver, and gall.在河底格里斯河,Tobit回归抓到一条鱼,是由他的同伴的指示,以维护其心脏,肝脏,胆囊。Conducted to Raguel's house, he asked Sarah's hand in marriage, drove away the demon by burning the heart and liver of the fish in the bridal chamber, sent Raphael (whose assumed name was Azarias) for the money, and returned, with him and Sarah, to Nineveh, where Tobit's eyesight was restored by smearing his eyes with the fish's gall.进行拉贵尔的房子,他问莎拉的婚姻中的手,开车离开燃烧的心和鱼在洞房肝妖,发送的钱拉斐尔的假设名称是阿扎里亚斯鲁,并返回他和莎拉,尼尼微,Tobit回归的涂抹鱼的胆,他的眼睛恢复视力。 Father, mother, and son reached a good old age (Tobias living to rejoice over the destruction of Nineveh), and died in peace.父亲,母亲,儿子达到了一个良好的晚年(托比亚斯生活飘柔毁灭尼尼微),并在和平中死亡。This brief outline does not do justice to the artistic construction of the story, or to the fine touches in its descriptions of family life, social customs, and individual experiences.这简述不正义的艺术建设的故事,或在家庭生活,社会习俗和个人的经验,其描述的罚款触及。It may be reckoned among the most delightful of short stories.它可能不可忽视的短篇小说中最愉快的。

Text and Original Language.文字和原始语言。

The text exists in Greek, Latin, Syriac, and Judæo-Aramaic, besides two late Hebrew translations.在希腊语,拉丁语,叙利亚,犹太 - 阿拉姆,除了两个后期的希伯来文翻译文本存在。Of the Greek there are three versions: one given in the Vatican and Alexandrian manuscripts of the Septuagint; one in the Sinaitic; and one in Codices 44, 106, 107 of Holmes and Parsons.希腊有三个版本:在梵蒂冈和亚历山大手稿的septuagint的Sinaitic之一;和一个抄本44,106,107霍姆斯和帕森斯。 Of the Latin there are two recensions: the Old Latin, which agrees substantially with the Sinaitic Septuagint; and the Vulgate, made by Jerome from an Aramaic text, which often agrees with it, although it presents many divergencies.拉丁美洲的recensions有两种:旧拉丁美洲,同意大幅度的Sinaitic七十;和武加大,由Jerome从阿拉姆语的文字,这往往与它同意,虽然提出了不少的分歧。 The Syriac follows the Vatican in general, although it is by no means lit-eral, while Codices 44, 106, 107 agree sometimes with this text, sometimes with that of the Sinaitic.叙利亚如下梵蒂冈一般,但它绝不是点燃一般,而抄本44,106,107有时同意这个文本,有时用的Sinaitic。 The Aramaic text (published by Neubauer) also represents the Sinaitic recension in a general way, but is late, and can scarcely be considered the descendant of Jerome's original.阿拉姆文本(纽鲍尔出版),也代表了一种通用的方式在西乃半岛的recension,但已经晚了,几乎可以被认为杰罗姆的原始的后裔。 The Hebrew copies are late and of no authority.希伯来文的副本迟到和没有权力。The two chief Greek recensions are the earliest sources for the text of Tobit, though suggestions may be gained from the Latin and the Syriac.希腊两个主要的recensions Tobit回归文本最早的来源,虽然可能是来自拉丁美洲和叙利亚获得建议。Of the Greek forms the Vatican is the shortest (except in ch. iv.); its style is rough and often incorrect, and it has many errors, frequently clerical in nature.希腊形式的梵蒂冈是最短的(CH IV。除外。),其风格是粗糙,往往不正确的,它有许多错误,经常性质的文书。The Sinaitic text is diffuse, but frequently gives the better readings.的Sinaitic文本是弥漫性的,但经常给人更好的读数。 Both of them may depend on an earlier form which has been corrupted in the Vatican and expanded in the Sinaitic, although the question is a difficult one.他们都可能依赖于一个已损坏的早期形式,在梵蒂冈和扩大的Sinaitic的,但问题是一个困难。Equally problematical is the determination of the original language of the book.同样问题的是,在原书的语言的决心。The forms of the proper names, and such an expression as χάριν καὶ μορφήν (i. 13), which suggests (Esth. ii. 17), may be held to point to Hebrew, as may also the type of piety portrayed, although it must be noted that there is no mention in early times of a Hebrew text, which Jerome would doubtless have used had he known of its existence.形式适当的名称,而这种表达χάρινκαὶμορφήν(一13),这表明(Esth.二17),可点希伯来语,也可能类型的虔诚的描绘,虽然它必须指出的是,没有提到一个希伯来文在早期的时代,这杰罗姆无疑会使用他已知其存在。 The Sinaitic forms "Ather" for "Asur" (xiv. 4) and "Athoureias" for "Asureias" (xiv. 15), on the other hand, are Aramaic.的Sinaitic形式的“粥”“ASUR”(xiv. 4)和“Athoureias”“Asureias”(xiv. 15)另一方面,是阿拉姆语。The excellent Greek style of the Sinaitic may suggest a Greek original.希腊风格的优秀的Sinaitic可能表明了希腊原始。In view of the conflicting character of the data, it is best to reserve opinion as to the original language; the text appears to have suffered a number of revisions and misreadings.鉴于冲突的字符数据,最好是保留原始语言的意见;文本似乎遭遇了一些修改和误读。

Time and Place.时间和地点。

The picture of religious life given in Tobit (especially the devotion to ritual details) indicates a post-Ezran date for the book. Tobit回归(尤其是虔诚的仪式细节)在给定的宗教生活的图片显示了书后Ezran的日期。The special significance attached to almsgiving (iv. 10; xii. 8, 9) is identical with the idea in Ecclus.施舍(iv. 10;第十二8,9)的特殊意义是Ecclus想法相同的。(Sirach) iii.(西拉奇)III。 30 (comp. also Prov. x. 2), and the injunction in iv.30(comp.也省十2),并在第四的禁令。17, "Pour out thy bread on the burial of the just, but give nothing to the wicked," is repeated in import in Ecclus.17日,“倒刚刚埋葬你的面包,但没有恶人”,是在Ecclus进口重复。(Sirach) xii.(西拉奇)第十二。 4-5.4-5。The prediction in xiv.第十四预测。5 implies a period after the building of the Second Temple, and, apparently, before the commencement of Herod's Temple.5意味着一个时期,建设第二圣殿后,很显然,希律王圣殿开始之前。The prominence given to the duty of burying the outcast slain (the survival of a very ancient conception) seems to point to a time when the Jews were slaughtered by foreign enemies, as, for example, by Antiochus or by Hadrian.突出埋葬被杀害的流浪者(一个非常古老的概念的生存)的责任,似乎指向一个时间,当犹太人被屠杀的,例如,安提阿哥伊或由哈德良,外敌。 The necessity of marrying within the kin was recognized during a long period and does not define the date precisely.被确认在长期内的近亲结婚的必要性并没有准​​确定义的日期。Polycarp's saying ("Ad Phil." x.), "Almsgiving delivers from death," does not prove that he was acquainted with Tobit, since Prov.波利卡普的(“广告菲尔。”X)说,“施舍提供从死亡”,并不证明他是熟悉与Tobit回归,因为省。 x.X.2 may have been so understood by him.5月2日已如此理解他。There is no Messianic hope expressed in the book.没有救​​世主的希望在书中表示。The more probable view is that it was composed between 200 and 50 BC If the original language was Hebrew, the place was Palestine; if Greek, it was Egypt; but this point, too, must be left undecided.更可能的观点是,它是200和公元前50年之间的组成,如果原文是希伯来文,地点是巴勒斯坦,如果希腊,这是埃及,但太多,这一点,必须仍未确定。

The reference in xiv.第十四参考。10 to Achiacharus introduces new perplexities into the question of the origin of the book (see Aḥiḳar). 10至Achiacharus书的起源问题(见Aḥiḳar)引入新的困惑。Here it need only be remarked that the reference is merely an illustration, showing acquaintance with an Aḥiḳar story; the allusion is scarcely organically connected with the story of Tobit.这里只需要被表示的参考仅仅是一个例子,显示熟人Aḥiḳar故事,典故几乎Tobit回归的故事有机地连接。

The original form of the book may have told simply how a pious man, doing his duty, came safe out of trouble.原书的形式可能会告诉如何做自己的职责,来到一个虔诚的人,安全出麻烦。The episode of Sarah and Asmodeus appears to be a separate story, here skilfully combined with the other.萨拉和Asmodeus的情节,似乎是一个单独的故事,在这里巧妙地结合与其他的。The advisory discourses in iv.第四咨询话语。(much shortened in the Sinaitic text) and xii.(缩短的Sinaitic文本)和第十二。look like the insertions of an editor.看起来像一个编辑器插入。For the ethical tone see especially iv.对于道德的语气,特别是第四。15, 16, and for the religious ideas, xii.15,16,宗教思想,第十二。8.8。The book is to be compared with Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus (Sirach), Daniel, and Ecclesiastes.这本书是箴言相比,Ecclesiasticus(西拉奇),丹尼尔,传道书。

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Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.1901至1906年之间出版的犹太百科全书。

Bibliography: Swete, The Old Testament in Greek (texts of the Vatican, Alexandrian, and Sinaitic codices); Fritzsche, in Handbuch zu den Apokryphen; Neubauer, The Book of Tobit (Old Latin, Aramaic, and modern Hebrew texts); Schürer, in Herzog-Hauck, Real-Encyc.参考书目:Swete,在希腊的旧约(梵蒂冈,亚历山大和西乃半岛codices的文本);弗里切,在手册下载组书斋Apokryphen;纽鲍尔,Tobit回归(旧拉丁语,阿拉姆,和现代希伯来文)书; Schürer,豪克在赫尔佐格,实时百科全书。i.; Robertson Smith, in Encyc.一,罗伯逊史密斯,在百科全书。Brit.; Erbt, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc.英国人; Erbt,在进益及黑色,百科全书。Bibl.; Marshall, in Hastings, Dict.Bibl;马歇尔,在黑斯廷斯,快译通。Bible; Schenkel, Bibel-Lexikon; Schürer, Gesch.圣经;申克尔,Bibel - Lexikon; Schürer,Gesch。3d ed., iii.; Andrée, Les Apocryphes de l'Ancien Testament; Nöldeke, in Monatsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1879; Kohut, in Geiger's Jüd.3D版,第三。Andrée,莱斯Apocryphes DE L' Ancien旧约; Nöldeke,Monatsberichte DER柏林AKADEMIE DER学问,1879年,胡特,在盖格的达瓦慈善会。Zeit.; Grätz, Gesch.时代周报;格拉茨,Gesch。iv.; Plath, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1901; Israel Lévi, in REJ 1902; Abrahams, in JQR i.; Bissell, The Apocrypha of the Old Testament (Lange series); Fuller, in Wace, Apocrypha.T.第四;。普拉斯,Theologische(研究)和Kritiken,1901年,以色列列维,1902年在REJ;亚伯拉罕,在JQR一;比斯尔,伪经的旧约(兰格系列); Apocrypha.T WACE,富勒在。



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