Canon, in Christian usage, is a rule or standard.佳能，在基督教的用法，是一个规则或标准。 By the middle of the 3rd century the word had come to refer to those doctrines recognized as orthodox by the Christian church.由中间的3世纪一词来指那些教条承认为正统所基督教堂。 It was later also used to designate collectively the list of books accepted as Scripture (see Bible).它后来又被指定集体名单的书籍接纳为经文 （见圣经） 。
The term canon is also used to denote the catalog or register of saints.任期佳能也被用来指目录或登记的圣人。 The use of the plural form to denote church precepts originated about the year 300; this form began to be applied specifically to the decrees of the church councils about the middle of the 4th century (see Canon Law).使用复数形式，以象征教会的信条起源于大约一年300个;这种形式开始被指定适用的法令，教会议会中的4世纪（见佳能法） 。 The term is also applied to the part of the Roman Catholic Mass that opens with the Preface, or prayer of thanksgiving, and closes just before the recitation of the Lord's Prayer.该术语也适用于部分的罗马天主教弥撒打开与序文，或祈祷感恩，并关闭前背诵主祷文。 In some Christian churches, canon is also an ecclesiastical title given to the clergy attached to a cathedral church or to certain types of priests living under a semimonastic rule, such as the Augustinians.在一些基督教教会，佳能亦是一个教会称号给予神职人员附加到大教堂教堂或某些类型的祭司下生活semimonastic规则，如奥古斯丁会士。
| BELIEVE 相信 Religious 宗教 Information 资讯 Source 源 web-site 网址： |
| Our List of 1,000 Religious Subjects 我们所列出的1000名宗教科目 |
| E-mail 电子邮箱 |
The term "canon" in Christianity refers to a group of books acknowledged by the early church as the rule of faith and practice.而言， "佳能" ，在基督教中是指一组书籍承认早期教会作为法治的信念和实践。 Deriving from the Greek kanon, which designated a carpenter's rule (possibly borrowed from a Hebrew term, qaneh, referring to a measuring reed six cubits long), the word has been used to identify those books considered to be spiritually superlative, by which all others were measured and found to be of secondary value in general church use.来自希腊的kanon ，其中指定一名木匠的规则（可能是借来的，从希伯莱来说， qaneh ，指的是一项衡量芦苇六肘长） ，这个词已被用来找出那些书已被视为精神上的文字，其中所有其他测量发现属次要价值在一般教会使用。
Both Jews and Christians have canons of scripture.犹太人和基督徒有大炮的经文。 The Jewish canon consists of thirty-nine books; the Christian consists of sixty-six for Protestants and eighty for Catholics (whose canon includes the Apocrypha, regarded by most as of deuterocanonical status).犹太佳能组成39书籍;基督徒组成， 66为新教徒和80天主教徒（其佳能包括apocrypha ，把大多数的次经地位） 。 Sacred books are found in all literate religions.神圣的书籍发现，在所有识字的宗教。 The book is generally secondary to the faith, the book or books being a deposit of the faith.这本书是一般中学，以信仰，这本书不唯书，作为存款的信心。 The use of a canon varies in world religions, for liturgy, renewal of faith, evangelism, or authority in faith and practice.使用一种不同，佳能在世界宗教，礼仪中，重建的信仰，传福音，或权威的信仰与实践结合起来。
The process by which these books came to be generally regarded as exclusively authoritative is not known for either the Hebrew or Christian canon.过程中，其中这两本书后来被普遍视为独家权威性，是不知道无论是希伯莱或基督教佳能。 That it transpired under the influence of the Spirit of God is commonly accepted among Christian people.这一个时期，它的影响下，上帝的精神是被普遍接受的基督教之间的人。 Inspiried literature formed only a part of the total religious literature of God's people at any time in their history, and only a portion of the inspired literature finally emerged as canonical in all parts of the ancient world. inspiried文学的形成只是一个部份总宗教文献上帝的人在任何时候，在其历史上，只有一部份的灵感文学终于出炉了，作为典型在全国各地的古代世界。 All inspired literature was authoritative, but it was not all equally beneficial to local groups and thus did not achieve universal or empire-wide acceptance.所有的灵感文学权威，但它并非全部，同样有利于当地群体，因此也没有实现普及或帝国的广泛认可。 That is to say, local lists of books were not necessarily identical with the general list, the canon, which eventually consisted of the books common to all the local lists.这就是说，当地的书籍列表不一定相同，与一般清单后，佳能公司，并最终构成了书籍的共同所有本地名单。
Subsequent to the composition of the Pentateuch, it is recorded that Joshua wrote in the book of the law of God (Josh. 24:26).随后，以组成部分pentateuch ，它记载了约书亚写在书中的法神（ josh. 24:26 ） 。 The law was always considered to be from God (Deut. 31:24; Josh. 1:8).该法在一向被认为是来自上帝（申命记31:24 ;乔什。 1:8 ） 。 The other two divisions of the Hebrew canon, the prophets and writings, were eventually selected out of a larger literature, some of which is mentioned in the OT itself ("book of the Wars of the Lord," Num. 21:14; "book of Jasher," Josh. 10:13; "book of the Acts of Solomon," 1 Kings 11:41; "book of Samuel the seer, book of Nathan the prophet, book of Gad the seer," 1 Chr. 29:29, etc.; fifteen or more such books are named in the OT).其他两个师在希伯来佳能，先知和著述，最终筛选出一个更大的文学，其中有些是提到，在城市旅游局本身（ "书的战争的主， "序号。 21时14分" ;本书的jasher ， "乔什。 10:13 ， "书的行为所罗门， " 1国王11时41分， "周易塞缪尔的季节能效比，帐簿弥敦道的先知，帐簿总装的预言者， " 1人权委员会29 ： 29 ，等等;十五年或更多这类书籍是名单中，城市旅游局） 。
The oldest surviving list of the cannonical scriptures of the OT comes from about AD 170, the product of a Christian scholar named Melito of Sardis, who made a trip to Palestine to determine both the order and number of books in the Hebrew Bible.现存最古老的名单中的典型经文的城市旅游局，来自约170个专案，产品的一个基督教学者命名melito的sardis ，他们作出了前往巴勒斯坦，以确定双方的秩序和一些书籍，在希伯来语圣经。 Neither his order nor his contents agree exactly with our modern English Bibles.既不是他的命令，也没有他的同意，内容正好与我们的现代英语圣经。 There is no agreement in order or content in the existing manuscripts of Hebrew, Greek, or Latin Bibles.有没有协议，在命令或内容，在现有的手稿的希伯来文，希腊文，或拉丁语圣经。 The modern English Protestant Bible follows the order of the Latin Vulgate and the content of the Hebrew Bible.现代英语新教圣经如下命令的拉美vulgate和内容的希伯来语圣经。 It is important to remember that the OT was more than a thousand years in writing, the oldest parts being written by Moses and the latest after the Babylonian exile.它是重要的是要记住职能治疗多于1000年，在写作，最古老的部分，写的摩西和最新之后，巴比伦放逐。 During the entire period of biblical history, therefore, the Jews lived their faith without a closed canon of Scriptures, such a canon therefore not being essential to the practice of the Jewish religion during that time.在整个时期内的圣经历史，因此，犹太人住自己的信念，没有一个封闭佳能的经文，例如佳能，因此不会被必不可少的实践犹太宗教在这段时间。 Why then were the books finally collected into a canon?为什么当时的书籍，终于搜集到佳能？ They were brought together evidently as an act of God's providence, historically prompted by the emergence of apocryphal and pseudepigraphical literature in the intertestamental period and the increasing need to know what the limits of divine revelation were.他们聚集在一起，显然是一个上帝的旨意的普罗维登斯，从历史上看，促使所出现的猜测和pseudepigraphical文学中的intertestamental期和越来越有必要知道哪些界限神启示人。 By the time of Jesus the OT, called Tanaach by modern Judaism, consisted of the law, prophets, and writings (the first book of which was the Psalms, Luke 24:44).经过一段时期的耶稣职能治疗，所谓tanaach现代犹太教，包括法律，先知，和著作（第一本书的是诗篇，路加福音24:44 ） 。 Opinions about the full extent of the cannon seem not to have been finalized until sometime after the first century AD意见，最大限度的火炮似乎并没有已经定稿，直到一段时间后，公元一世纪
The fact that other books formed a larger deposit out of which the twenty-seven eventually emerged is seen in the reference to a prior letter to the Corinthians in 1 Cor.事实上，其他书籍，形成了较大的存列，其中07年，最终出现了被认为是在参考了前一封信给哥林多前书1肺心病。 5:9, a letter to the Laodiceans in Col. 4:16, and the inclusion of 1 and II Clement in the fifth century manuscript of the Greek NT, Codex Alexandrinus, as well as Barnabas and Hermas in the fourth century Codex Sinaiticus. 5时09分，写信给laodiceans在上校4时16分，并列入一和二克莱门特在五世纪的手稿，希腊新台币，食品法典委员会alexandrinus ，以及巴纳巴斯和hermas在第四世纪法典sinaiticus 。 Eusebius cited a letter from the second century Bishop of Corinth, Dionysius, stating that Clement's letter was read in the church there "from time to time for our admonition" (Ecclesiastical History IV.23.11).尤西比乌斯列举了一封信，从公元二世纪的主教科林斯，狄奥尼修斯，说明克莱门特的信宣读了在教会中有" ，不时为我们谏" （教会历史iv.23.11 ） 。
The formation of the NT canon was not a conciliar decision.形成新台币佳能不是conciliar决定。 The earliest ecumenical council, Nicaea in 325, did not discuss the canon.最早的基督教会，的尼西亚在325 ，没有讨论佳能。 The first undisputed decision of a council on the canon seems to be from Carthage in 397, which decreed that nothing should be read in the church under the name of the divine Scriptures except the canonical writings.第一个不争的决定，一会就佳能似乎是从迦太基在397名，其中颁布的，不应作出任何看过在教会的名义下，神圣的经文，除典型著作。 Then the twentyseven books of the NT are listed as the canonical writings.那么， 27帐簿新台币被列为全国典型著作。 The council could list only those books that were generally regarded by the consensus of use as properly a canon.安理会可以只列出这些书籍被普遍认为是由共识的用途妥善佳能。 The formation of the NT canon must, therefore, be regarded as a process rather than an event, and a historical rather than a biblical matter.形成了佳能新台币，因此，必须被视为一个过程，而不是一个事件，一个历史的，而不是一个圣经事。 The coming of the Word of God in print is only slightly more capable of explication than the coming of the Word of God incarnate.未来的上帝的话，在打印只是略高于更有能力的解说比的到来，天主的圣言成肉身。
JR
McRay两人mcray
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)
（ Elwell宣布了福音字典）
Bibliography
参考书目
BF Westcott, A
General Survey of the History of the Canon of the NT; CR Gregory, The Canon and
Text of the NT; A. Souter, The Text and Canon of the NT; EJ Goodspeed, The
Formation of the NT; RM Grant, The Formation of the NT; PR Ackroyd and CF Evans,
eds., The Cambridge History of the Bible, I; H. von Campenhausen, The Formation
of the Christian Bible; RL Harris, Inspiration and Canonicity of the Bible; WR
Farmer, Jesus and the Gospel; W. Brueggemann, The Creative Word; JA Sanders,
Torah and Canon and "Text and Canon: Concepts and Methods," JBL 98:5-29; AC
Sundberg, Jr., "Canon Muratori: A Fourth Century List," HTR 66:1-41; SZ Leiman,
The Canon and Massorah of the Hebrew Bible; HE Ryle, The Canon of the
OT.高炉westcott ，一般的调查研究的历史，以及佳能的新台币;铬格雷戈里，佳能和文本新台币;甲Souter ） ，对文本和佳能的新台币;
goodspeed对EJ
，形成新台币;马币补助金，可以形成新台币;公关ackroyd和CF埃文斯合编，剑桥历史上的圣经，我;每小时冯坎彭豪森，形成基督教圣经;研究部主管哈里斯，灵感和正规的圣经;西铁农，耶稣福音小brueggemann
，创意词; JA部桑德斯，律法和佳能公司和"文本和佳能：概念和方法， " jbl 98:5-29 ;交流电sundberg前些日子， "佳能muratori
：四世纪清单中， "高温气冷堆66:1-41 ;深圳leiman ，佳能和massorah的希伯来语圣经，他ryle ，佳能的职能治疗。
This word is derived from a Hebrew and Greek word denoting a reed or cane.这个字是来自希伯来语和希腊语词指芦苇或拐杖。 Hence it means something straight, or something to keep straight; and hence also a rule, or something ruled or measured.因此，这意味着一些直线，还是保持直线;因而也是一项规则，或排除或衡量。 It came to be applied to the Scriptures, to denote that they contained the authoritative rule of faith and practice, the standard of doctrine and duty.它后来被应用到经文，是指他们载有权威的法治信仰与实践，标准的学说和义务。 A book is said to be of canonical authority when it has a right to take a place with the other books which contain a revelation of the Divine will.一本书，据说是典型的权力时，它有权采取地方与其他书籍，其中包含一个启示的神的意志。 Such a right does not arise from any ecclesiastical authority, but from the evidence of the inspired authorship of the book.这种权利并不存在，从任何教会权威，但是从证据的启发，作者这本书。
The canonical (ie, the inspired) books of the Old and New Testaments, are a complete rule, and the only rule, of faith and practice.典型（即激发）的书籍旧约及新约，是一个完整的规则，只有规则，信仰和实践。 They contain the whole supernatural revelation of God to men.它们包含整个超自然的启示上帝给男人。 The New Testament Canon was formed gradually under divine guidance.新约圣经佳能是逐渐形成下神圣的指导。 The different books as they were written came into the possession of the Christian associations which began to be formed soon after the day of Pentecost; and thus slowly the canon increased till all the books were gathered together into one collection containing the whole of the twenty-seven New Testament inspired books.不同的书籍，因为他们写来将藏有基督教团体开始形成后不久五旬节;从而慢慢佳能增加，直至所有的书籍则纠合在一起，成为一个收集含有整个第二十五7个新约圣经的启发书籍。
Historical evidence shows that from about the middle of the second century this New Testament collection was substantially such as we now possess.历史证据表明，从约中的第二个世纪这个新约全书收集大幅例如，我们现在已经拥有。 Each book contained in it is proved to have, on its own ground, a right to its place; and thus the whole is of divine authority.每一本书所载的，而且事实证明，对自己的地面，有权取而代之;所以整个是神圣的权威。 The Old Testament Canon is witnessed to by the New Testament writers.旧约佳能见证，由新约圣经的作家。 Their evidence is conclusive.他们的证据是决定性的结论。 The quotations in the New from the Old are very numerous, and the references are much more numerous.引文在新的从旧的都非常多不胜数，并参照明显的多。 These quotations and references by our Lord and the apostles most clearly imply the existence at that time of a well-known and publicly acknowledged collection of Hebrew writings under the designation of "The Scriptures;" "The Law and the Prophets and the Psalms;" "Moses and the Prophets," etc.这些报价，并参考我们的主与门徒最清楚意味着存在，在这个时候，一个众所周知的，并公开承认收集希伯来语著作根据指定的"经文" ， "法律与先知和诗篇" ; "摩西和先知"等。
The appeals to these books, moreover, show that they were regarded as of divine authority, finally deciding all questions of which they treat; and that the whole collection so recognized consisted only of the thirty-nine books which we now posses.上诉到这些书，而且，显示出他们的被视为神圣的权力，最后决定所有问题，其中他们对待，并认为整个收集，以便确认才产生了39书籍，我们现在拥有的。 Thus they endorse as genuine and authentic the canon of the Jewish Scriptures.因此，他们赞同把真正和正宗佳能的犹太圣经。 The Septuagint Version (qv) also contained every book we now have in the Old Testament Scriptures.该septuagint版本（请参阅） ，也包含每本书我们现在有在旧约圣经。 As to the time at which the Old Testament canon was closed, there are many considerations which point to that of Ezra and Nehemiah, immediately after the return from Babylonian exile.至于时间，在这旧约佳能公司被关闭，有很多的考虑因素，其中一点就是以斯拉和尼希米记，之后立即返回，从巴比伦放逐。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) （伊斯顿说明字典）
Canon Law (Greek kanon,"rule" or "measure"), usually, the body of legislation of various Christian churches dealing with matters of constitution or discipline.佳能法（希腊语kanon ， "法治"或"措施" ） ，在通常情况下，身体的立法各基督教会处理的事项宪法或纪律。 Although all religions have regulations, the term applies mainly to the formal systems of the Roman Catholic, Orthodox, and Anglican communions.虽然所有的宗教都规定，有关条款适用，主要是向正规系统的罗马天主教，东正教，圣公会communions 。 It is distinguished from civil or secular law, but conflict can arise in areas of mutual concern (for example, marriage and divorce).这是区别于民事或世俗法，但冲突可以出现在共同关心的领域（例如，结婚和离婚） 。
The full range of canon law in contemporary times may be seen in the Roman Catholic church, which promulgated a revised code for its Latin, or Western, members in 1983 and has projected a first-ever code for its Eastern communicants.全套佳能法在当代倍，可视为在罗马天主教会，颁布了修订后的工作守则供其拉丁语，还是西方，议员在1983年，预计第一次代号为在其东部者。 The planned Lex Fundamentalis setting forth the constitutive or organizational principles common to both proved to be inopportune.计划法fundamentalis设置提出构或组织的共同原则都被证明是不合时宜。 The 1983 (Latin) Code of Canon Law promulgated by the authority of Pope John Paul II consists of seven books for a total of 1752 canons. 1983年（拉丁语）代码教会法颁布的权威教宗若望保禄二世共分七书籍共1752名门炮。 Each book is divided into titles, but in the larger books the titles are grouped in parts and even in sections.每一本书共分为头衔，但在较大的书籍名称，一组在部分，甚至在部分。
Laws of the church as well as those of the state bind their subjects in conscience.法律的教会人士，以及该国的约束力加强学科建设，在良心。 The obligation in conscience does not arise immediately from the laws themselves but from the divine plan, in which people are envisioned as living in both a civil and an ecclesiastical society.责任在良心并不存在，立即从法律本身，而是来自神的计划，在人们所设想的作为生活在既是一个公民和一个教会的社会。 Church and state are the judges of what is necessary to realize the common good.教会与国家是法官最需要的是什么，以实现共同富裕。 Their laws carry a legal obligation of greater or lesser weight, depending on the importance of specific statutes in achieving that end.其法律履行法定义务或大或小的重量，视重要性具体章程，在实现这一目的。
The Code of Canon Law itself lays down certain principles of interpretation.该守则的教会法本身规定了某些原则的解释。 Laws that impose a penalty, for example, or restrict the free exercise of rights, or contain an exception from the law are to be strictly interpreted.法律施加刑罚，例如，或限制自由权利的行使，或载有一个例外，从法律，以严格解释。 In canon law, unlike common law, an interpretation given by a court in a judicial sentence does not set a precedent; it has no force of law and binds only those persons affected.在教会法，不同于常见的法律，解释，由法院在司法判决并不开创了一个先例，它已不具有法律效力的约束，只有那些受影响的人士。 For an authentic interpretation of the code, a special Roman commission was established in 1917.对于一个真实的解释，该守则的，一个特殊的罗马委员会成立于1917年。
The oldest Greek canonical collection preserved in the original text is the Synagoge Canonum (550?) in 50 titles by Johannes Scholasticus.最古老的希腊正收集保存在原文是synagoge canonum （ 550 ？ ） ，在50个题目，由约翰内斯scholasticus 。 Instead of a chronological arrangement, the canons are grouped systematically according to subject matter.而不是顺序的安排，门炮一组，有系统地按照此事。 Another innovation was the accordance of canonical authority to rulings of church fathers, especially St. Basil.另一项创新是按照典型的权力裁决教堂的父亲，尤其是圣罗勒。 The Council of Trullo (692), in giving formal approval to the preceding conciliar legislation and patristic writings, established the basic code for the Eastern churches that is still normative for the Orthodox.安理会的trullo （ 692 ） ，在正式批准前conciliar立法和教父的著作，确立了基本准则，为东部地区的教堂，这仍然是规范为东正教。
In the West, the most important canonical collection of the early centuries was made in the 6th century by Dionysius Exiguus.在西方，最重要的典型收集早期几百年了在50-59世纪狄奥尼修斯exiguus 。 He translated into Latin the canons of the Eastern councils and added 39 papal decretals.他翻译成拉丁语该炮的东区议会和补充， 39个教皇decretals 。 The rulings of the popes were thus put on a level with conciliar law.裁决的教宗，因此放到了一个层面conciliar法。 After the disintegration of the Roman Empire, canon law developed independently in the different kingdoms.解体后的罗马帝国，佳能依法自主开发的，在不同的王国。 National collections were made in which local legislation, intermingled with elements of Germanic law, were added to the ancient code.国家馆藏发了言，在地方立法，交织要素日耳曼法，又增加了古代代码。 Because conciliar activity was particularly intense in Spain, the collection known as the Hispana (later called the Isidoriana after St. Isidore of Seville) proved to be outstanding.因为conciliar活动尤为激烈，在西班牙，收集称之为hispana （后来被称为isidoriana后，圣伊西多尔的塞维利亚） ，被证明是优秀的。 Of great significance for the future was the institution of the practice of private penance by the Irish monks.具有十分重要的意义，为今后的是该机构的做法，私人忏悔了由爱尔兰僧侣。
Collections made at the time of Charlemagne (800?) and the Gregorian reform (1050?) reflect the attempt to restore traditional discipline.收藏在当时的查理曼（ 800 ？ ）和格列高利改革（ 1050 ？ ）反映，企图恢复传统的纪律。 Great confusion persisted, however, insofar as certain practices accepted in the Germanic law and the penitentials (for example, remarriage after adultery) were in conflict with the program of the reformers.极大的混乱持续下去，不过，对于某些做法，在接受了日耳曼法和penitentials （例如，再婚之后通奸） ，在冲突与程序的改革者。 Ivo of Chartres prepared (1095?) a set of rules and principles for interpreting and harmonizing texts.伊沃的chartres准备（ 1095 ？ ）一套规则和原则，用以诠释和统一的文本。 The actual work of harmonization was done (1140?) by Gratian, who is called the father of the science of canon law.实际工作中的协调工作（ 1140 ？ ） gratian ，他们被称为父亲的，科学的教会法。 Shortly after the revival of Roman law studies at the University of Bologna, Gratian collected all the canon law from the earliest popes and councils up to the Second Lateran Council (1139) in his Decretum, or Concordance of Discordant Canons.不久后复活的罗马法研究，在博洛尼亚大学， gratian收集所有教会法，从最早的教皇和议会落实第二次lateran会（ 1139 ）在他的decretum ，或语词的不和谐的大炮。 With its appearance the period of the ius antiquum came to a close.其外观时期的学生联合会antiquum来到了帷幕。
The scientific study of law stimulated by the Decretum encouraged the papacy to resolve disputed points and supply needed legislation, thus inaugurating the ius novum. Over the next century thousands of papal decretals were issued and gradually collected in five compilationes.科学学法刺激所decretum鼓励教宗以解决争议点，并提供所需的法例，从而开创了学生联合会novum超过下个世纪的数以千计的教皇decretals发行，并逐步搜集五个compilationes 。 Compilatio Tertia, consisting of decretals from the first 12 years of his reign, was ordered by Innocent III in 1210 to be used in courts and law schools, thus becoming the first collection in the West to be officially promulgated. compilatio tertia ，构成decretals从第12年，他在位的，是由无辜的第三第1210将用于在法院和法律学校，从而成为首个集，在西方被正式颁布。 Gregory IX commissioned Raymond of Peñafort to organize the five compilationes in one collection, which was promulgated in 1234 and became known as the Extravagantes. Two other official collections were made later: the Liber Sextus (1298) of Boniface VIII and the Constitutiones Clementinae (1317).格雷戈里第九委托雷蒙德peñafort举办五compilationes在一个收集，其中颁布的1234年，并成为众所周知的，因为extravagantes两名其他官方收藏后作： liber sextus （第1298 ）的博尼法斯八和constitutiones clementinae （ 1317 ） 。 The Extravagantes of John XXII and the Extravagantes Communes were privately compiled.该extravagantes约翰二十二和extravagantes公社私下汇编。 In 1503 the legist Jean Chappuis printed and published in Paris, under the title Corpus Juris Canonici, the Decretum of Gratian and the three official and two private collections of decretals.在1503年该legist让chappuis印刷和出版，在巴黎，标题下的法典canonici ， decretum的gratian和3名官方和两个私人收藏的decretals 。 The Corpus, along with the decrees of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), remained the fundamental law of the Roman Catholic church until the Codex Iuris Canonici appeared in 1917.语料库，随着法令安理会的遄达（ 1545至1563年） ，仍然是根本大法的罗马天主教教堂，直到法典iuris canonici出现在1917年。 The Corpus continues to have some validity for the Church of England, which issued a Code of Canons in 1603.胼仍然有一些有效期为英国教会，发表了反码的门炮，在1603年。 The medieval law is presupposed except where it has been affected by contrary statute or custom in England.中世纪法是假定除非它受到影响，相反规约或习惯，在英格兰。 The Convocations of Canterbury and York in 1964 and 1969 promulgated a revised code with the same understanding.该convocations的坎特伯雷和约克在1964年和1969年颁布了修订后的工作守则与上年理解。
After the theological updating of the Second Vatican Council, it became necessary for the Roman Catholic church to thoroughly revise the 1917 code.后神学更新梵蒂冈第二届大公会议，它已成为必要为罗马天主教会彻底修改1917年守则。 A special commission was established in 1963, which in 1980 presented the draft of a completely new code.一个特别委员会成立于1963年，其中在1980年提交的草案中的一个完全新的代码。 Pope John Paul II, after making a number of revisions, promulgated it on January 25, 1983; it took effect on November 27, 1983.教宗若望保禄二世，在做了一些修改意见，颁布于1983年1月25日，它开始生效， 1983年11月27日。
Plans have been under way since a presynodal meeting at Chambésy, Switzerland, in November 1976 for the first Great Synod of Eastern Orthodoxy to be held since the 8th century.计划一直在进行之中，因为presynodal会议Chambésy的，瑞士，在1976年11月为第一大主教的正统东部将举行自8世纪。 Among the topics for further study is the codification of the Holy Canons.主题之一，为进一步研究是编纂的圣门炮。
John Edward Lynch约翰爱德华林奇
The word "canon" derives from the Greek kanon meaning "measuring rod," "rule," "list."两个字： "佳能"来自希腊语kanon意思是"测量棒" ， "治" ， "清单" 。 Hence canon law may be simply defined as the rules of the church for purposes of order, ministry, and discipline.因此，教会法，可简单地定义为规则的教会为宗旨的命令，部，和纪律。 At first these consisted of ad hoc pronouncements by leaders or councils in a local setting.起初，这些组成专案言论领导人或议会在当地设置。 Particularly important were those which came from the greater centers, and especially the canons adopted at Nicaea (AD 325).尤其重要的是那些来自大中心，特别是大炮所通过的尼西亚（公元325 ） 。 Indeed, it was not long before canons were put out under the name of the apostles or great figures of the first centuries, and a necessary process of collection and codification continued through the Dark Ages, with much standardization in the West under Charlemagne.的确，这是前不久门炮分别推出的名义下，使徒们或伟大人物的第一世纪，也是一个必要的过程，搜集和编纂工作一直持续到黑暗的中世纪，许多标准化的，在西方，根据查理曼。 Gratian was the man who brought this process to a virtual culmination in the Roman communion with his famous Decretum (AD 1140), which underlies the developed study of canon law in the Middle Ages and is the basis of the modern Corpus iuris canonici. gratian被人带来这个过程中，以一个虚拟的高潮在罗马共融与他的著名decretum （公元1140 ） ，其中强调了发达国家的研究教会法在中世纪，是根据现代语料库iuris canonici 。 The Protestant churches have naturally disowned this whole body of legislation and generally avoid the terms "canon" or "canon law," but insofar as any church must make rules for the ordering of its life and work, various forms of canon law are naturally found in all churches.新教教会有自然六亲不认这全身的立法和一般避免而言， "佳能" ， "佳能"的规定，但是对于任何教会必须制定规则，为订购的，其生活和工作中，各种形式的教会法，自然发现在所有教堂。
GW
Bromiley毛重罗米立
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)
（ Elwell宣布了福音字典）
This subject will be treated under the following heads:这一主题将被按照下列组长：
I. General Notion and Divisions一，总的概念，并告
II.二。 Canon Law as a Science佳能法律作为一门科学
III.三。 Sources of Canon Law来源教会法
IV.四。 Historical Development of Texts and Collections历史发展的文本和收藏品
V. Codification五，编纂
VI.六。 Ecclesiastical Law教会法
VII.七。 The Principal Canonists主要canonists
I. GENERAL NOTIONS AND DIVISIONS一，总的概念，并告
Canon law is the body of laws and regulations made by or adopted by ecclesiastical authority, for the government of the Christian organization and its members.教会法是身体的法律和法规所作出的，或通过教会权威，为政府的基督教组织和它的成员。 The word adopted is here used to point out the fact that there are certain elements in canon law borrowed by the Church from civil law or from the writings of private individuals, who as such had no authority in ecclesiastical society.这个词是通过这里用来指出的事实是存在着某些元素的教会法借由教会从民法或从著作的个人，他们这样没有权力在教会的社会。 Canon is derived from the Greek kanon, ie a rule or practical direction (not to speak of the other meanings of the word, such as list or catalogue), a term which soon acquired an exclusively ecclesiastical signification.佳能是来自希腊kanon ，即一个新的规则或实际方向（不要说其他含义的字，如清单或目录） ，这个词很快获得完全以宗教意义。 In the fourth century it was applied to the ordinances of the councils, and thus contrasted with the Greek word nomoi, the ordinances of the civil authorities; the compound word "Nomocanon" was given to those collections of regulations in which the laws formulated by the two authorities on ecclesiastical matters were to be found side by side.在第四世纪，它被应用到条例的议会，因此，对比同希腊字nomoi ，该条例的有关民事当局;复合词" nomocanon " ，是考虑到这些藏品的法规，其中制定的法律所两个当局对教会的事宜被发现并排。 At an early period we meet with expressions referring to the body of ecclesiastical legislation then in process of formation: canones, ordo canonicus, sanctio canonica; but the expression "canon law" (jus canonicum) becomes current only about the beginning of the twelfth century, being used in contrast with the "civil law" (jus civile), and later we have the "Corpus juris canonici", as we have the "Corpus juris Civilis".在较早的时期，我们见面的表达是指身体的宗教立法，然后在形成过程： canones ，集体诉讼典型，在sanctio卡诺尼卡，但表达的"教会法" （强制canonicum ）成为目前大约只有一开始的12世纪，用这种反差，与"民法" （强制民事厅） ，后来，我们已经有了"法典canonici " ，因为我们已经有了"法典民法" 。 Canon law is also called "ecclesiastical law" (jus ecclesiasticum); however, strictly speaking, there is a slight difference of meaning between the two expressions: canon law denotes in particular the law of the "Corpus Juris", including the regulations borrowed from Roman law; whereas ecclesiastical law refers to all laws made by the ecclesiastical authorities as such, including those made after the compiling of the "Corpus Juris".教会法也被称为"教会法" （强制ecclesiasticum ） ，但严格来说，有一种略有不同的意义，两国间的表情：教会法是指在特定法律的"法典" ，包括法规借来罗马法，而教会法是指所有的法律是由教会当局的作为，例如，包括那些经过编撰的"法典" 。 Contrasted with the imperial or Caesarian law (jus caesareum), canon law is sometimes styled pontifical law (jus pontificium), often also it is termed sacred law (jus sacrum), and sometimes even Divine law (jus divinum: c. 2, De privil.), as it concerns holy things, and has for its object the wellbeing of souls in the society divinely established by Jesus Christ.对比同帝国或剖腹生产法（强制caesareum ） ，佳能法有时风格的宗座法（强制pontificium ） ，也常常是被称为神圣法（强制骶骨） ，有时甚至是神圣法则（强制divinum ：长2 ，德privil ） ，因为它涉及神圣的东西，并已为对象的福祉，心灵在社会上神设立的耶稣基督。
Canon law may be divided into various branches, according to the points of view from which it is considered:教会法，可分为不同的分支，根据我的这点看法，从它被认为是：
If we consider its sources, it comprises Divine law, including natural law, based on the nature of things and on the constitution given by Jesus Christ to His Church; and human or positive law, formulated by the legislator, in conformity with the Divine law.如果我们考虑到它的来源，它包括神圣的法律，包括自然法的基础上，事情的性质和对宪法赋予的耶稣基督，以他的教会和人类或积极法，由立委，在符合神圣法则。 We shall return to this later, when treating of the sources of canon law.我们将回到此之后，当治疗的来源，教会法。
If we consider the form in which it is found, we have the written law (jus scriptum) comprising the laws promulgated by the competent authorities, and the unwritten law (jus non scripture), or even customary law, resulting from practice and custom; the latter however became less important as the written law developed.如果我们考虑以何种形式，它是发现了，我们有书面的法律（强制scriptum ） ，其中包括颁布的法律，由主管机关和不成文的规定（强制非经文） ，或什至习惯法，因而，从实践和习俗;后者不过成了次要的，因为书面普通法的发展。
If we consider the subject matter of the law, we have the public law (jus publicum) and private law (jus privatum).如果我们考虑到此事的法律，我们有公法（强制publicum ）和私法（强制privatum ） 。 This division is explained in two different ways by the different schools of writers: for most of the adherents of the Roman school, eg Cavagnis (Instit. jur. publ. eccl., Rome, 1906, I, 8), public law is the law of the Church as a perfect society, and even as a perfect society such as it has been established by its Divine founder: private law would therefore embrace all the regulations of the ecclesiastical authorities concerning the internal organization of that society, the functions of its ministers, the rights and duties of its members.这个师解释，以两种不同的方式，由不同流派的作家：对于大部分的遗民罗马学校，如卡瓦尼斯（ instit.法学。 publ 。 eccl ，罗马， 1906年，我和8 ） ，公法是法教会作为一个完美的社会，甚至是一个完美的社会，如已确定其神圣的创始人：私法，因此，拥抱各项规章制度，对教会当局关于内部组织结构的社会，其职能，其部长们，权利和义务，它的成员。 Thus understood, the public ecclesiastical law would be derived almost exclusively from Divine and natural law.因此，相互理解，公众的教会法，将所得的，几乎完全由神和自然法则。 On the other hand, most of the adherents of the German school, following the idea of the Roman law (Inst., I, i, 4; "Publicum jus est quad ad statuary rei Romanae spectat: privatum quad ad privatorum utilitatem"), define public law as the body of laws determining the rights and duties of those invested with ecclesiastical authority, whereas for them private law is that which sets forth the rights and duties of individuals as such.在另一方面，大多数的遗民德国学校，以下的想法罗马法（ inst. ，我，我， 4 " ; publicum强制预计参加四方专案雕像瑞romanae spectat ： privatum四方专案privatorum utilitatem " ） ，界定公共法作为法体中确定的权利和义务，这些投资与教会权威，而为他们私法的是，其中阐明了权利和义务的个人，这种看法。 Public law would, therefore, directly intend the welfare of society as such, and indirectly that of its members; while private law would look primarily to the wellbeing of the individual and secondarily to that of the community.公法会，因此，直接打算社会福利等，并间接表示，其成员的，而私法学会研究，主要的福祉，个人为辅，以表示，在该社区。
Public law is divided into external law (jus externum) and internal law (jus internum).公法分为外部法律（强制externum ）与国内法（强制internum ） 。 External law determines the relations of ecclesiastical society with other societies.外部法律确定了关系，教会与社会的其他社团。 either secular bodies (the relations therefore of the Church and the State) or religious bodies, that is, interconfessional relations.无论是世俗机构（关系，因此，教会和国家）或宗教团体，即是interconfessional关系。 Internal law is concerned with the constitution of the Church and the relations subsisting between the lawfully constituted authorities and their subjects.国内法与宪法的教会和关系之间的合法地组成部门及其科目。
Considered from the point of view of its expression, canon law may be divided into several branches, so closely allied, that the terms used to designate them are often employed almost indifferently: common law and special law; universal law and particular law; general law and singular law (jus commune et speciale; jus universale et particulare; jus generale et singulare).考虑的角度来看，它的表达，教会法，可分为几个分支，如此紧密的同盟，即所使用的术语，指定他们往往雇用几乎漠然：普通法与特别法;普遍规律和特殊法，一般法与奇异法（强制公社等speciale ;强制universale等particulare ;强制generale等singulare ） 。 It is easy to point out the difference between them: the idea is that of a wider or a more limited scope; to be more precise, common law refers to things, universal law to territories, general law to persons; so regulations affecting only certain things, certain territories, certain classes of persons, being a restriction or an addition, constitute special, particular, or singular law, and even local or individual law.这是很容易指出差距：思想是一个更广泛的还是比较有限的范围内;更确切一点说，普通法是指事物的普遍规律，以土，一般法的人;规章，使受影响的只是某些事情，某些地区，某些类别的人，作为一个限制或增加，构成了特殊的，尤其是，还是奇异法律，而即使是本地的或个别的法律。 This exceptional law is often referred to as a privilege (privilegium, lex privata), though the expression is applied more usually to concessions made to an individual.这一特殊的法律往往被称为一种特权（ privilegium ，法privata ） ，虽然表达的是应用更通常以作出让步，以一个单独的。 The common law, therefore, is that which is to be observed with regard to a certain matter, unless the legislator has foreseen or granted exceptions; for instance, the laws regulating benefices contain special provisions for benefices subject to the right of patronage.共同法，因此，这是这是为了遵守关于某事，除非立法者预见或给予例外;举例说，法律规范benefices含有特殊规定benefices主题，以正确的使用量。 Universal law is that which is promulgated for the whole Church; but different countries and different dioceses may have local laws limiting the application of the former and even derogating from it.普遍规律是，这是颁布，为整个教会，但不同国家和不同教区可能有当地的法律规定，限制了应用前，甚至背离。 Finally, different classes of persons, the clergy, religious orders, etc., have their own laws which are superadded to the general law.最后，不同类别的人，宗教教职人员的命令等，有自己的法律，这是superadded向一般规律。
We have to distinguish between the law of the Western or Latin Church, and the law of the Eastern Churches, and of each of them.我们要区分法律的西部或拉丁美洲教会和法律的东部教会，以及他们每个人。 Likewise, between the law of the Catholic Church and those of the non-Catholic Christian Churches or confessions, the Anglican Church and the various Eastern Orthodox Churches.同样，法律之间的天主教会人士及非天主教的基督教教堂或供述中，圣公会和各种东正教教堂。 Finally, if we look to the history or chronological evolution of canon law, we find three epochs: from the beginning to the "Decretum" of Gratian exclusively; from Gratian to the Council of Trent; from the Council of Trent to our day.最后，如果我们看一看，以历史时间顺序或演变教会法，我们发现三个时代：从一开始就以" decretum " gratian专门从gratian向安理会提交的遄;从安理会的遄达至理想的一天。 The law of these three periods is referred to respectively as the ancient, the new, and the recent law (jus antiquum, novum, novissimum), though some writers prefer to speak of the ancient law, the law of the Middle Ages, and the modern law (Laurentius, "Instit.", n.4).法律的这三个时期是指分别为：古，新，以及最近法（强制antiquum ， novum ， novissimum ） ，尽管有些作者喜欢讲古的法律，法律的中世纪，和现代法（劳伦丘斯， " instit " ， n.4 ） 。
II.二。 CANON LAW AS A SCIENCE佳能法律作为一门科学
As we shall see in treating of the gradual development of the material of canon law (see below, IV), though a legislative power has always existed in the Church, and though it has always been exercised, a long period had necessarily to elapse before the laws were reduced to a harmonious systematic body, serving as a basis for methodical study and giving rise to general theories.我们将看到，在治疗的逐步发展，物质的教会法（见下文，四卷） ，虽然立法权一直存在于教会，尽管它一直行使的，长时间有一定相距法律沦为一个和谐系统的机构，服务，以此为基础有条不紊地学习和引起一般理论。 In the first place, the legislative authority makes laws only when circumstances require them and in accordance with a definite plan.摆在首位，立法机构制订法律，只有当情况需要时，他们并按照一个明确的计划。 For centuries, nothing more was done than to collect successively the canons of councils, ancient and recent, the letters of popes, and episcopal statutes; guidance was sought for in these, when analogous cases occurred, but no one thought of extracting general principles from them or of systematizing all the laws then in force.数百年来，没有更多的是做的比搜集先后大炮的议会，古代，近代，信件的教皇，主教和章程;指南，是寻求在这些时，类似的案件发生，但没有人想到提取的一般原则，由他们或系统化，所有的法律，然后生效。 In the eleventh century certain collections group under the same headings the canons that treat of the same matters; however, it is only in the middle of the twelfth century that we meet in the "Decretum" of Gratian the first really scientific treatise on canon law.在11世纪的某收藏组根据同一标题炮，即对待的同一事项的，但它只是在中间的12世纪，我们相会于" decretum " gratian第一次真正科学伤寒论教会法。 The School of Bologna had just revived the study of Roman law; Gratian sought to inaugurate a similar study of canon law.学校的博洛尼亚刚刚恢复的研究罗马法; gratian设法启动了一项类似的研究教会法。 But, while compilations of texts and official collections were available for Roman law, or "Corpus juris civilis", Gratian had no such assistance.但是，尽管汇编文本，并正式收藏可供罗马法，或"法典民法" ， gratian没有这种援助。 He therefore adopted the plan of inserting the texts in the body of his general treatise; from the disordered mass of canons collected from the earliest days, he selected not only the law actually in force (eliminating the regulations which had fallen into desuetude, or which were revoked, or not of general application) but also the principles; he elaborated a system of law which, however incomplete, was nevertheless methodical.因此，他通过了该计划的插入文本在身体其普通伤寒，从无序大规模的大炮收集到的最早的天，他选择了不只有法律才真正生效（消除规管，已陷入desuetude ，或被吊销或不普遍适用） ，而且还原则，他制定了一项法律制度，但是这不完整，尽管如此，有条不紊。 The science of canon law, ie the methodical and coordinated knowledge of ecclesiastical law, was at length established.科学教会法，即在有条不紊和协调知识的教会法，是在长成立。 Gratian's "Decretum" was a wonderful work; welcomed, taught and glossed by the decretists at Bologna and later in the other schools and universities, it was for a long time the textbook of canon law. gratian的" decretum "是一个美好的工作;欢迎，但教和掩饰，由decretists在博洛尼亚和后来在其他学校和大学，它是在相当长的时间，教科书的教会法。 However his plan was defective and confusing, and, after the day of the glosses and the strictly literal commentaries, it was abandoned in favour of the method adopted by Bernard of Pavia in his "Breviarium" and by St. Raymund of Pennafort in the official collection of the "Decretals" of Gregory IX, promulgated in 1234 (see CORPUS JURIS CANONICI).但是他的计划是有缺陷的和迷惑性，并经过一天的美化和严格的字面评论，它是被遗弃的人赞成采用的方法，伯纳德的帕维亚在他的" breviarium "和圣raymund的彭纳福特在官方收集的" decretals "的格雷戈里九大颁布的1234 （见法典canonici ） 。 These collections, which did not include the texts used by Gratian, grouped the materials into five books, each divided into "titles", and under each title the decretals or fragments of decretals were grouped in chronological order.这些藏品，其中并不包括文本使用的gratian ，分组材料到五本书，每区分为"职称" ，并根据每个标题decretals或片段decretals被归类顺序排列。 The five books, the subject matter of which is recalled by the well-known verse: "judex, judicium, clerus, connubia, crimen" (ie judge, judgment, clergy, marriages, crime), did not display a very logical plan; not to speak of certain titles that were more or less out of place.五书籍，所讨论的事项，其中回顾了由著名的诗句： " judex ， judicium ， clerus ， connubia ，不构成犯罪" （即法官，判断和神职人员，婚姻，犯罪） ，没有表现出一个十分合乎逻辑的计划;不要说某款游戏的人较多或较少出的地方。 They treated successively of the depositaries of authority, procedure, the clergy and the things pertaining to them, marriage, crimes and penalties.他们先后治疗的保存授权，程序，教士和东西与他们有关的，婚姻，犯罪与刑罚。 In spite of its defects, the system had at least the merit of being official; not only was it adopted in the latter collections, but it served as the basis for almost all canonical works up to the sixteenth century, and even to our day, especially in the universities, each of which had a faculty of canon law.尽管有其缺陷，该系统已至少有优点，被官方;它不仅是采用后者藏品，但它并以此为基础，几乎所有的典型工程至十六世纪，甚至我们的一天，尤其是在大学，其中的每一个师生的教会法。
However, the method of studying and teaching gradually developed: if the early decretalists made use of the elementary plan of the gloss and literal commentary, their successors in composing their treatises were more independent of the text; they commented on the titles, not on the chapters or the words; often they followed the titles or chapters only nominally and artificially.然而，该方法的研究和教学，逐步发展：如果早期decretalists利用初等计划的光泽和字面解说，其继承人在撰写论文，他们分别较独立的文本，他们对职称，而不是对章节或文字;往往是他们遵循的标题或章节，只是名义上和人为的。 In the sixteenth century they tried to apply, not to the official collections, but in their lectures on canon law the method and division of the "Institutes" of Justinian: persons, things, actions or procedure, crimes, and penalties (Institutes, I, ii, 12).在十六世纪里，他们尝试申请，而不是官方的藏品，但在他们的演讲，对教会法的方法和分工， "学院"的justinian ：人，事物，行动或程序，罪行，并处罚（院所，我第一，二， 12 ） 。 This plan, popularized by the "Institutiones juris canonici" of Lancellotti (1563), has been followed since by most of the canonist authors of "Institutiones" or manuals, though there has been considerable divergence in the subdivisions; most of the more extensive works, however, preserved the order of the "Decretals".实施这项计划，推广" institutiones法学canonici " lancellotti （ 1563 ） ，一直以来遵循的是由大多数的canonist作者的" institutiones "或手册，虽然已取得相当大的分歧，在下属部门;大部分的更广泛的工程不过，保存的命令" decretals " 。 This was also followed in the 1917 code.这也是随后在1917年的代码。 In later times many textbooks, especially in Germany, began to adopt original plans.在稍后的时间，很多课本，特别是在德国，开始采用原来的计划。 In the sixteenth century too, the study of canon law was developed and improved like that of other sciences, by the critical spirit of the age: doubtful texts were rejected and the raison d'être and tendency or intention of later laws traced back to the customs of former days.在16世纪太，研究教会法，是制定和完善了类似的其他科学的，由批判精神的时代：疑文本被拒绝，以及存在的理由和发展趋势或意图后，法律追溯至海关的前几天。 Canon law was more studied and better understood; writings multiplied, some of an historical nature, others practical, according to the inclination of the authors.佳能法研究了更多和更好地理解;著作成倍增加，其中有些是历史性的性质，其他人的实际，根据该倾向的作家。 In the universities and seminaries, it became a special study, though as might be expected, not always held in equal esteem.在大学和神学院，它成为一个特殊的研究，但正如大家可以预料，并不总是会在平等的自尊。 It may be noted too that the study of civil law is now frequently separated from that of canon law, a result of the changes that have come over society.可以注意到过，该项研究的民事法律后果是，现在经常分开，即教会法，这种结果的变化表示过来的社会。 On the other hand, in too many seminaries the teaching of ecclesiastical law is not sufficiently distinguished from that of moral theology.在另一方面，在太多的神学院的教学改革教会法是不够的区分，即道德神学。 The publication of the new general code of canon law will certainly bring about a more normal state of affairs.出版的新的一般代码的教会法，必将带来一个更正常的国家事务。
The first object of the science of canon law is to fix the laws that are in force.第一个对象的科学教会法是确定法律是在武力。 This is not difficult when one has exact and recent texts, drawn up as abstract laws eg most of the texts since the Council of Trent, and as will be the case for all canon law when the new code is published.这是不困难的时候，一有确切和最近的文本，制定了作为抽象的法律如大多数文章，因为安理会的遄达，并为将案件为所有教会法时，新的刑法典，是出版。 But it was not so in the Middle Ages; it was the canonists who, to a large extent, formulated the law by extracting it from the accumulated mass of texts or by generalizing from the individual decisions in the early collections of decretals.但事实并非如此，在中世纪，它是canonists人，在相当大的程度上，就制定了通过提取它从积累的大量的文本或泛化由个人决定，在早期收藏的decretals 。 When the law in force is known it must be explained, and this second object of the science of canon law is still unchanged.当法律生效的，是众所周知的，它必须解释，而这第二个目的，科学的教会法却并没有改变。 It consists in showing the true sense, the reason, the extension and application of each law and each institution.它在显示出真正的意义上说，因此，推广和应用的每一个法律与每所院校。 This necessitates a careful and exact application of the triple method of exposition, historical, philosophical, and practical: the first explains the law in accordance with its source and the evolution of customs; the second explains its principles; the last shows how it is to be applied at present.这就需要细心和精确的应用三重方法的论述，历史，哲学和现实：第一，解释法律，根据其来源和演化的海关;第二个解释，其原则;上显示它是如何向适用于当前。 This practical application is the object of jurisprudence, which collects, coordinates and utilizes, for more or less analogous cases, the decisions of the competent tribunal.这一实际应用是目的，法理学，收集，协调和利用，为更多或更少类似的情况下，决定的主管法庭。 From this we may learn the position of canon law in the hierarchy of sciences.由此，我们可借鉴的立场，教会法在整个科学。 It is a judicial science, differing from the science of Roman law and of civil law inasmuch as it treats of the laws of an other society; but as this society is of the spiritual order and in a certain sense supernatural, canon law belongs also to the sacred sciences.这是一个司法科学，不同的，从科学的罗马法和民法的，因为它把有关的法律及其他社会，但作为这个社会的精神秩序，在一定意义上超自然，佳能法属于还要神圣的科学。 In this category it comes after theology, which studies and explains in accordance with revelation, the truths to be believed; it is supported by theology, but in its turn it formulates the practical rules toward which theology tends, and so it has been called "theologia practica", "theologia rectrix".在这个类别中，这是以后的神学，它的研究和解释，按照启示，穷尽真理，要相信，它是支持的神学，而在于其把它制订切实可行的规则，对其中的神学倾向，因此它也被称为" theologia实习" ， " theologia rectrix " 。 In as far as it is practical the science of canon law is closely related to moral theology; however, it differs from the latter which is not directly concerned with the acts prescribed or forbidden by the external law, but only with the rectitude of human acts in the light of the last end of man, whereas, canon law treats of the external laws relating to the good order of society rather than the workings of the individual conscience.在据，因为这是实际的，科学的教会法是密切相关的道德神学，但它不同于后者是没有直接与行为明或禁止外部法，但只与正直的人的行为在根据最近结束的男子，而教会法待人的外部相关法律的良好社会秩序，而不是运作的个人良知。 Juridical, historical, and above all theological sciences are most useful for the comprehensive study of canon law.法律，历史，及以上所有神学科学是最有用的，为全面研究教会法。
III.三。 SOURCES OF CANON LAW来源教会法
This expression has a twofold meaning; it may refer to the sources from which the laws come and which give the latter their judicial force (fortes juris essendi); or it may refer to the sources where canon law is to be found (fortes juris cognoscendi), ie the laws themselves such as they occur in the texts and various codes.这句话有两重含义，它可能是指来源，其中由法律来，让后者自己的审判力量（特长法学essendi ） ，或可参考源佳能法，就是要找到（特长法学cognoscendi ） ，即法律本身，如发生在文本和各项守则。 These sources are also called the material and the formal sources of canon law.上述消息人士也被称为物质与正规来源的教会法。 We shall consider first the sources under the former aspect.我们应当首先考虑的来源根据以前的方面。 The ultimate source of canon law is God, Whose will is manifested either by the very nature of things (natural Divine law), or by Revelation (positive Divine law).最终来源，教会法是上帝，他们将具体表现就是由很自然的事情（自然神权法） ，或启示（正面神圣法则） 。 Both are contained in the Scriptures and in Tradition.两者都是包含在经典和传统。 Positive Divine law cannot contradict natural law; it rather confirms it and renders it more definite.积极神圣法则不能违背了自然法，它确认，而这使得它更明确的。 The Church accepts and considers both as sovereign binding laws which it can interpret but can not modify; however, it does not discover natural law by philosophic speculation; it receives it, with positive Divine law, from God through His inspired Books, though this does not imply a confusion of the two kinds of Divine law.教会接受，并认为双方作为主权具有约束力的法律，它可以解读为，但不能修改，但它并没有发现自然法哲学的投机活动，它得到它，以积极的神圣法则，从上帝通过他的启发书，尽管这个办法并不意味着混乱的2种神圣法则。 Of the Old Law the Church has preserved in addition to the Decalogue some precepts closely allied to natural law, eg certain matrimonial impediments; as to the other laws given by God to His chosen people, it considers them to have been ritual and declares them abrogated by Jesus Christ.对旧法，教会保存除了十诫一些戒律紧密结盟的自然法，如某些婚姻障碍;至于其他法律赋予的神，他所选择的人，它认为这些已仪式，并宣布他们废止由耶稣基督。 Or rather, Jesus Christ, the Lawgiver of the spiritual society founded by Him (Con. Trid., Sess. VI, "De justif.", can. I), has replaced them by the fundamental laws which He gave His Church.或者更确切地说，耶稣基督， lawgiver的精神社会创办的，他（ con. trid ， sess 。六， "德justif " ，可我） ，取代了他们的基本法律，其中，他做出了他的教堂。 This Christian Divine law, if we may so call it, is found in the Gospels, in the Apostolic writings, in the living Tradition, which transmits laws as well as dogmas.这个基督教神权法，如果我们可以这样称呼它，被发现在该福音，在教宗的著作中，在生活的传统，传递法律法规以及教条。 On this positive Divine law depend the essential principles of the Church's constitution, the primacy, the episcopacy, the essential elements of Divine worship and the Sacraments, the indissolubility of marriage, etc.对这种积极的神圣法则取决于基本原则教会的宪法至高无上，之故，基本要素神崇拜和圣礼， indissolubility婚姻等。
Again, to attain its sublime end, the Church, endowed by its Founder with legislative power, makes laws in conformity with natural and Divine law.再次，以实现其崇高的目标，教会，赋予了其创始人与立法权，使法律符合自然和神圣的法律。 The sources or authors of this positive ecclesiastical law are essentially the episcopate and its head, the pope, the successors of the Apostolic College and its divinely appointed head, Saint Peter.消息来源或作者的这种积极的教会法，有本质主教团及其元首，教皇，接班人的使徒学院和其神圣的任命，圣彼得大教堂。 They are, properly speaking, the active sources of canon law.他们是，妥善地说，活跃的来源教会法。 Their activity is exercised in its most solemn form by the ecumenical councils, where the episcopate united with its head, and convoked and presided over by him, with him defines its teaching and makes the laws that bind the whole Church.他们的活动是在行使其最隆重的形式，由合一议会，地方主教同其头部，并召集并主持，由他，与他确定了自己的教学，使法律约束整个教会。 The canons of the Ecumenical councils, especially those of Trent, hold an exceptional place in ecclesiastical law.该炮的普世议会，特别是那些遄，举行一次特殊的地方，在教会法。 But, without infringing on the ordinary power of the bishops, the pope, as head of the episcopate, possesses in himself the same powers as the episcopate united with him.但是，如果没有侵犯普通电源的主教表示，教宗担任主教，拥有在自己相同的权力，因为美国主教与他的。 It is true that the disciplinary and legislative power of the popes has not always, in the course of centuries, been exercised in the same manner and to the same extent, but in proportion as the administration became centralized, their direct intervention in legislation became more and more marked; and so the sovereign pontiff is the most fruitful source of canon law; he can abrogate the laws made by his predecessors or by Ecumenical councils; he can legislate for the whole church or for a part thereof, a country or a given body of individuals; if he is morally bound to take advice and to follow the dictates of prudence, he is not legally obliged to obtain the consent of any other person or persons, or to observe any particular form; his power is limited only by Divine law, natural and positive, dogmatic and moral.这是事实纪律和立法权力的教皇并非始终，在这个过程中的几个世纪以来一直在行使同样的方式和同样的程度，但在比例，因为政府当局便更加集中，他们之间的直接干预，在立法中也变得更为并更加明显;等主权教宗是最富有成果的来源，教会法，他可以废除法律作出他的前任或合一议会;他可以立法，为整个教会或稍后的一个部分时，一个国家或某一身体的个人，如果他是在道义上有义务采取咨询，并遵循许可为慎重起见，他并没有在法律上有义务获得同意任何其他人或多人，或观察到任何特定形式，他的权力是有限的，只有神法律，自然和积极的，教条式的道德。 Furthermore, he is, so to say, the living law, for he is considered as having all law in the treasury of his heart ("in scrinio pectoris"; Boniface VIII. c. i, "De Constit." in VI).此外，他可以说是这么说，活法，因为他被认为是具有所有法律，在财政部的，他的心（下称"在scrinio心绞痛" ;博尼法斯八，长我， "德constit " ，在六） 。 From the earliest ages the letters of the Roman pontiffs constitute, with the canons of the councils, the principal element of canon law, not only of the Roman Church and its immediate dependencies.从最早的年龄字母的罗马教宗的构成，与大炮的议会，其主要成分的教会法，而不是只对罗马教会和它的直接附庸。 but of all Christendom; they are everywhere relied upon and collected, and the ancient canonical compilations contain a large number of these precious "decretals" (decreta, statuta, epistolae decretales, and epistolae synodicae).但所有基督教;到处都有它们的依赖，并收集了，与古代典型汇编含有大量这些宝贵的" decretals " （ decreta ， statuta ， epistolae decretales ， epistolae synodicae ） 。 Later, the pontifical laws are promulgated more usually as constitutions, Apostolic Letters, the latter being classified as Bulls or Briefs, according to their external form, or even as spontaneous acts, "Motu proprio".后来，宗座法律的出台，通常作为宪法，教宗信件，后者被列为公牛或简报，根据他们的外在形式，甚至是自发行为， "颁布" 。 Moreover, the legislative and disciplinary power of the pope not being an in communicable privilege, the laws and regulations made in his name and with his approbation possess his authority: in fact, though most of the regulations made by the Congregations of the cardinals and other organs of the Curia are incorporated in the Apostolic Letters, yet the custom exists and is becoming more general for legislation to be made by mere decrees of the Congregations, with the papal approval.此外，立法和纪律处分的权力，教宗不会过分，在常见的特权，法律法规取得了他的名字和他的赞许，拥有他的权力：事实上，虽然大部分订立的规例所教会的枢机主教们和其他机关教廷纳入使徒信，但习俗存在，而且正在成为更普遍的立法所须作出的仅仅是法令的教友，教宗批准。 These are the "Acts of the Holy See" (Acta Sancte Sedis), and their object or purpose permitting, are real laws (see ROMAN CURIA).这些属于"行为教廷" （学报神圣sedis ） ，其目的和宗旨允许的情况下，是真正的法律（见罗马教廷） 。
Next to the pope, the bishops united in local councils, and each of them individually, are sources of law for their common or particular territory; canons of national or provincial councils, and diocesan statutes, constitute local law.旁边的教宗，主教团在美国的地方议会，他们每个人单独，是法源，为他们共同的或特定的领土;大炮的国家或省级议会，并拔萃法规，构成了当地的法律。 Numerous texts of such origin are found in the ancient canonical collections.文本很多的，如原产地发现，在古代的典型藏品。 At the present day and for a long time past, the law has laid down clearly the powers of local councils and of bishops; if their decrees should interfere with the common law they have no authority save in virtue of pontifical approbation.在现今社会，并在相当长的时间过去，该法确立了明确的权力的地方议会和主教;如果他们的法令，都不应加以干涉，符合各国的共同法律，他们没有权力保存在凭借教廷认可。 It is well known that diocesan statutes are not referred to the sovereign pontiff, whereas the decrees of provincial councils are submitted for examination and approval to the Holy See (Const. "Immensa" of Sixtus V, 22 Jan., 1587).这是人所共知的拔萃章程中没有提及主权教宗，而法令的省议会提交审批转向教廷（ const. " immensa " Sixtus的五， 1587年1月22日） 。 We may liken to bishops in this matter various bodies that have the right of governing themselves and thus enjoy a certain autonomy; such are prelates with territorial jurisdiction, religious orders, some exempt chapters and universities, etc. The concessions granted to them are generally subject to a certain measure of control.我们可以比喻为一团，在这件事的各种机构都有权执政本身，因此享有一定的自主权;购买这些主教与领土管辖权，宗教命令，免除部分章节和大学等优惠，给予他们一般都会受到到一定程度的控制。
Other sources of law are rather impersonal in their nature, chief among them being custom or the unwritten law.来自其他方面的法律是相当客观的，在其性质，其中主要受到习俗或不成文的规定。 In canon law custom has become almost like a legislator; not in the sense that the people are made their own lawgiver, but a practice followed by the greater part of the community, and which is reasonable and fulfills the legal requirements for prescription and is observed as obligatory, acquires the force of law by at least the tacit consent of the legislator.在教会法的习俗，已成为几乎像一个立委，不是在某种意义上说，人民群众是作出了自己的lawgiver ，而是一种实践，其次是大社会的一部分，这是合理和符合法律规定的处方，并观察作为强制性的，可以取得具有法律效力的限度由默示同意的立委。 Under such circumstances custom can create or rescind a legal obligation, derogate from a law, interpret it, etc. But it must be remarked that in our days, owing to the fully developed body of written law, custom plays a much less important part than did the practices and habits of early Christian times, when there was but little written law and even that seldom of wide application.在这种情况下定制可以创建或撤销一项法律义务，减损法，将它解释等，但必须指出，在我们这个时代，由于对充分开发机构的书面法律，习俗扮演一个更重要的部分，比当时的做法和习惯，早期基督教时代，因为当时有，但极少律法，甚至很少的，应用范围广。 The civil law of different nations, and especially the Roman law, may be numbered among the accessory sources of canon law.民事法律中的不同国家，尤其是罗马法，可编号之间的配件来源的教会法。 But it is necessary to explain more exactly its role and importance.但有必要解释更准确地说，其作用和重要性的认识。 Evidently secular law cannot be, strictly speaking, a source of canon law, the State as such having no competence in spiritual matters; yet it may become so by the more or less formal acceptation of particular laws by the ecclesiastical authorities.显然世俗法也不能成为严格意义上说，一个来源的教会法，国家因此没有能力在属灵的事情，但它可能会变得如此受较多或较少正式验收的，特别是法律所教会当局。 We pass by in the first place the laws made by the mutual agreement of both parties, such as the legislation of the numerous assemblies in the Visigothic kingdom, and the Frankish kingdom and empire, where the bishops sat with the lords and nobles.我们经过摆在首位的法律，由双方协议的双方，如以立法的众多集会，在visigothic英国和法兰克王国和帝国，那里的主教们坐在同上议院贵族。 Such also is the case of the concordats of later ages, real contracts between the two powers.这样的，也正是如此的concordats后世，真正的合同两国之间的权力。 In these cases we have an ecclesiastico-civil law, the legal force of which arose from the joint action of the two competent authorities.在这些情况下，我们有一个ecclesiastico -民事法律，法律的力量，这是由联合行动的两个主管机关。 It is in a different sense that Roman law, Germanic law, and in a lesser degree modern law, have become a subsidiary source of canon law.它是在一个不同的意义上说，罗马法，日耳曼法，并在较小程度上的现代法，就变成了一个附属来源教会法。
It must be remembered that the Church existed for a long time before having a complete and coordinated system of law; that many daily acts of its administration, while objectively canonical, were of the same nature as similar acts in civil matters, eg contracts, obligations, and in general the administration of property; it was quite natural for the Church to accommodate itself in these matters to the existing flows, with out positively approving of them.但我们必须记得，教会的存在，在相当长的时间才会有一个完整和协调的法律体系;很多日常行为及其管理，而客观上的典型，具有相同性质的，因为类似的行为在民事问题，如合同，义务，而且在一般财产的管理，这是很自然的，为教会，以容纳自己在这些事情上，以现有的流通，同出积极的，批准了他们。 Later when the canonists of the twelfth century began to systematize the ecclesiastical law, they found themselves in presence, on the one hand, of a fragmentary canon law, and on the other hand of the complete methodical Roman code; they had recourse to the latter to supply what was wanting in the former, whence the maxim adopted by the canonists and inserted in the "Corpus Juris", that the Church acts according to Roman law when canon law is silent (cap. 1. "De novi op. nunc.", X, i, V, tit. xxxii).后来当canonists的12世纪开始，以制度化的教会法时，他们发现自己的存在，一方面，一个残缺不全佳能法律，而在另一方面的完整有条不紊罗马法典，他们曾求助于后者供应什么，是要在前者，何时格言所通过canonists和插入，在"法典" ，即教会的行为，根据罗马法的时候，佳能都没有规定（第1章"德为新作品很快。 " ， X代表，我，五，山雀。三十二） 。 Moreover, in the Teutonic kingdoms the clergy followed the Roman law as a personal statute.此外，在teutonic演义神职人员遵循罗马法看成是个人的规约。 However, in proportion as the written canon law increased, Roman law became of less practical value in the Church (cap. 28, X, "De priv.", X, lib. V, tit. xxxiii).然而，在比例作为书面教会法增加了，罗马法成为较低的实用价值在教会（第28章，第十， "德priv " ，第十，锂离子电池，第五卷，山雀。三十三） 。 Canon law, it may be said, adopted from Roman law what relates to obligations, contracts, judiciary actions, and to a great extent civil procedure.教会法，可以说，通过从罗马法什么关乎义务，合同，司法行动，并在相当程度上的民事程序。 Other Roman laws were the object of a more positive recognition than mere usage, ie they were formally approved, those, for instance, which though of secular origin, concerned ecclesiastical things, eg the Byzantine ecclesiastical laws, or again laws of civil origin and character but which were changed into canonical laws eg the impediment of marriage arising from adoption.其他罗马法律的目的，更积极的认可，比单纯使用的，即它们被正式批准，这些，举例来说，尽管世俗出身，关心教会的东西，如拜占庭教会的法律，或再度民事诉讼法的起源与性格但改为典型如法律障碍的婚姻所产生的通过。 The juridical influence of Teutonic law was much less important, if we abstract from the inevitable adaptation to the customs of barbarous races, yet some survivals of this law in ecclesiastical legislation are worthy of note: the somewhat feudal system of benefices; the computation of the degrees of kindred; the assimilating of the penitential practices to the system of penal compensation (wehrgeld); finally, but for a time only, justification from criminal charges on the oath of guarantors or co-jurors (De purgatione canonica, lib. V, tit. xxxiv).司法的影响teutonic法少得多重要的是，如果我们从抽象的必然调整，以适应对付海关的野蛮民族，然而有些人存活这条法律在教会法例，是值得考虑的问题：有些封建制度的benefices ;计算法程度的骨肉;同化的penitential做法，以制度的刑事赔偿（ wehrgeld ） ;最后，但今后一个时期只，理由刑事指控对宣誓担保人或共同陪审员（德purgatione卡诺尼卡，锂离子电池，第五山雀。三十四） 。 Modern law has only a restricted and local influence on canon law, and that particularly on two points.现代法律只限制及地方势力对教会法，并特别指出两点。 On the one hand, the Church conforms to the civil laws on mixed matters, especially with regard to the administration of its property; on some occasions even it has finally adopted as its own measures passed by the civil powers acting independently; a notable case is the French decree of 1809 on the "Fabriques d'église".在一方面，教会，符合民事法律关于混合事宜，特别是关于管理其财产;一些场合即使它终于通过自己的措施通过民事权力，独立行事;显着的情况是法国的法令， 1809年对" fabriques -é glise" 。 On the other hand, modern legislation is indebted to the canon law for certain beneficial measures: part of the procedure in criminal, civil, and matrimonial cases, and to some extent, the organization of courts and tribunals.在另一方面，现代立法是要对教会法的某些有益的措施：第一部分的程序，在刑事，民事，婚姻案件，并在一定程度上，该组织的法院和法庭。
IV.四。 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF TEXTS AND COLLECTIONS历史发展的文本和收藏品
Considered under the second aspect, the sources of canon law are the legislative texts, and the collections of those texts whence we derive our knowledge of the Church's laws.考虑下第二个方面，该消息人士的教会法是立法文本，并收藏这些文本何时，我们从中认识了教会的法律。 In order to appreciate fully the reasons for and the utility of the great work of codification of the canon law, recently begun by order of Pius X, it is necessary to recall the general history of those texts and collections, ever increasing in number up to the present time.为了能够充分的理由和公用事业的伟大编纂工作的教会法，最近开始以命令的比约十，有必要回顾一下历史那些文本和收藏品，日益增加的人数最多目前时间。 A detailed account of each of the canonical collections is here out of place; the more important ones are the subject of special articles, to which we refer the reader; it will suffice if we exhibit the different stages in the development of these texts and collections, and make clear the movement to wards centralization and unification that has led up to the present situation.详细介绍了每一种典型藏品，是在这里出的地方;更为重要的是受到特别的文章，这是我们指的读者，它会就够了，如果我们呈现的是不同阶段的发展，这些文本和收藏品，并作出明确的运动病房和集中统一，这导致了以目前的情况。 Even in the private collections of the early centuries, in which the series of conciliary canons were merely brought together in more or less chronological order, a constant tendency towards unification is noticeable.即使在私人收藏中的早期百年来，在这一连串的conciliary炮，仅仅是聚集了更多或更少时间顺序排列，不断趋向统一，是引人注目。 From the ninth century onwards the collections are systematically arranged; with the thirteenth century begins the first official collections, thenceforth the nucleus around which the new legislative texts centre, though it is not yet possible to reduce them to a harmonious and coordinated code.从第九世纪开始收藏有系统地安排;与13世纪开始的第一次正式收藏，此后原子核周围，把新的法律文本中心，虽然现在还不是有可能减少他们在一种和谐和协调代码。 Before tracing the various steps of this evolution, some terms require to be explained.前追查的各个步骤这种演变，有些条款规定来加以解释。 The name "canonical collections" is given to all collections of ecclesiastical legislative texts, because the principal texts were the canons of the councils.命名为"典型珍藏" ，是给所有的收藏品教会立法文本，因为主要的文本被大炮的议会。 At first the authors of these collections contented themselves with bringing together the canons of the different councils in chronological order; consequently these are called "chronological" collections; in the West, the last important chronological collection is that of Pseudo-Isidore.在第一作者的这些藏品知足自己汇集大炮的不同议会顺序排列;因此，这些都是所谓的"时间顺序"藏品在西方，最后一个重要时间顺序收集的是伪伊西多尔。 After his time the texts were arranged according to subject matter; these are the "systematic" collections, the only form in use since the time of Pseudo-Isidore.之后，他的时候，文本被安排根据此事，这是"有系统地"收藏，唯一形式，在使用自当时的伪伊西多尔。 All the ancient collections are private, due to personal initiative, and have, therefore, as collections, no official authority: each text has only its own intrinsic value; even the "Decretum" of Gratian is of this nature.所有古代藏品是私人的，由于个人主动性，有，因此，作为收藏，并没有正式授权：各文本只是它自己的内在价值;即使" decretum " gratian是这种性质的。 On the other hand, official or authentic collections are those that have been made or at least promulgated by the legislator.在另一方面，官方或正宗的藏品，是那些已取得或至少颁布的立法者。 They begin with the "Compilatio tertia" of Innocent III; the later collections of the "Corpus Juris", except the "Extravagantes", are official.他们开始与" compilatio tertia "无辜的三;后来收藏的"法典" ，除" extravagantes " ，是官方。 All the texts in an official collection have the force of law.所有文本正式收集具有法律的效力。 There are also general collections and particular collections: the former treating of legislation in general, the latter treating of some special subject, for instance, marriage, procedure, etc., or even of the local law of a district.也有一些普通藏品，并特别收藏：前治疗的立法，一般而言，后者治疗的一些特殊问题，例如，婚姻，程序等，甚至违反当地法律的一个区。 Finally, considered chronologically, the sources and collections are classified as previous to or later than the "Corpus Juris".最后，考虑到在时间上，该消息人士并藏品被列为前或不迟于"法典" 。
A. Canonical Collections In the East答：典型藏品，在东方
Until the Church began to enjoy peace, the written canon law was very meagre; after making full allowance for the documents that must have perished, we can discover only a fragmentary law, made as circumstances demanded, and devoid of all system.直到教会开始享受和平，书面教会法十分贫乏;经过充分的津贴为文件必须有灭亡了，我们可以发现，只有零碎的法律，作出的情况下所要求的那样，并且毫无所有系统。 Unity of legislation, in as far as it can be expected at that period, is identical with a certain uniformity of practice, based on the prescriptions of Divine law relative to the constitution of the Church, the liturgy, the sacraments, etc. The clergy, organized everywhere in the same way, exercised almost everywhere the same functions.统一的立法，就可以预料，在此期间，是完全相同的，与一定的均匀性实践的基础上，处方的神圣法则相对宪法的教会，教会礼仪，圣礼等神职人员举办了无处不在，以同样的方式行使，几乎处处相同的职能。 But at an early period we discover a greater local disciplinary uniformity between the Churches of the great sees (Rome, Carthage, Alexandria, Antioch, later Constantinople) and the Churches depending immediately on them.但在早期进行期间，我们发现一个更大的地方纪律统一性之间教堂的大视（罗马，迦太基，亚历山大，安提，后来君士坦丁堡）和教会视，立即对他们的影响。 Further it is the disciplinary decisions of the bishops of the various regions that form the first nucleus of local canon law; these texts, spreading gradually from one country to another by means of the collections, obtain universal dissemination and in this way are the basis of general canon law.进一步，这是纪律处分决定的主教是为各地区，形成了第一次核当地教会法;这些文本，传播逐渐从一国到另一国的手段藏品，获得普遍的传播，并以这种方式是基础一般教会法。
There were, however, in the East, from the early days up to the end of the fifth century, certain writings, closely related to each other, and which were in reality brief canon law treatises on ecclesiastical administration the duties of the clergy and the faithful, and especially on the liturgy.有，但在东部地区，从成立之初到去年底的第五世纪，某些著作，密切相关，互相借鉴，并分别在现实中简短佳能国际法论文对教会当局的职责，神职人员和忠实，尤其是对礼仪。 We refer to works attributed to the Apostles, very popular in the Oriental Churches, though devoid of official authority, and which may be called pseudo-epigraphic, rather than apocryphal.我们所说的工程归功于以使徒，很受欢迎，在东方教会部，虽然缺乏正式的权力，并可能被称为伪epigraphic ，而不是猜测。 The principal writings of this kind are the "Teaching of the Twelve Apostles" or "Didache", the "Didascalia", based on the "Didache"; the "Apostolic Constitutions", an expansion of the two preceding works; then the "Apostolic Church Ordinance", the "Definitio canonica SS. Apostolorum", the "Testament of the Lord" and the "Octateuch of Clement"; lastly the "Apostolic Canons".主要著作这一类是"教学的十二使徒"或" didache " ， " didascalia "的基础上， " didache " ， "使徒宪法" ，扩大了前两次的工程;那么， "使徒教会条例" ， " definitio卡诺尼卡的SS 。 apostolorum " ， "圣经的上帝"和" octateuch的克莱门特" ;最后的"使徒大炮" 。 Of all this literature, only the "Apostolic Canons" werein cluded in the canonical collections of the Greek Church.所有这一切，文献中，仅"使徒大炮" werein cluded在典型藏品的希腊教会。 The most important of these documents the "Apostolic Constitutions", was removed by the Second Canon of the Council in Trullo (692), as having been interpolated by the heretics.其中最重要的文件"使徒宪法" ，被革职，由第二佳能的安理会trullo （ 692 ） ，经认定为内插由异端。 As to the eighty-five Apostolic Canons, accepted by the same council, they rank yet first in the above-mentioned "Apostolic" collection; the first fifty translated into Latin by Dionysius Exiguus (c. 500), were included in the Western collections and afterwards in the "Corpus Juris".至于向85使徒门炮，接受由同一个理事会，他们排名第一，但在上面提到的"使徒"征管;第一第五十二翻译成拉丁语由狄奥尼修斯exiguus （长500 ） ，包括在西方收藏此后又在"法典" 。
As the later law of the separated Eastern Churches did not influence the Western collections, we need not treat of it, but go on to consider only the Greek collection.作为后来法分离东部教会并未影响西方收藏，我们没有必要治疗的，但去上只考虑希腊语收藏。 It begins early in the fourth century: in the different provinces of Asia Minor, to the canons of local councils are added those of the ecumenical Council of Nicea (325), everywhere held in esteem.它是从早在第四世纪：在不同省份的小亚细亚，以大炮的地方议会，加上那些基督教会的nicea （ 325 ） ，到处举行的自尊。 The Province of Pontus furnished the penitentiary decisions of Ancyra and Neocæsarea (314); Antioch; the canons of the famous Council "in encaeniis" (341), a genuine code of metropolitan organization; Paphlagonia, that of the Council of Gangra (343), a reaction against the first excesses of asceticism; Phrygia, the fifty-nine canons of Laodicea on different disciplinary and liturgical matters.该省的桥家具教养的决定，安该拉和neocæsarea （ 314 ） ;安提;大炮的著名委员会" ，在encaeniis " （ 341 ） ，一个真正的代码大都市组织;帕夫拉戈尼亚，即安理会的冈格拉（ 343 ）一个反应对首次过度的禁欲主义; phrygia ， 59门炮的劳迪西亚对不同学科及礼仪事项。 This collection was so highly esteemed that at the Council of Chalcedon (451) the canons were read as one series.这本文集是如此高度评价说，在安理会的chalcedon （ 451 ）炮，被理解为一个系列。 It was increased later by the addition of the canons of (Constantinople (381), with other canons attributed to it, those of Ephesus (431). Chalcedon (451), and the Apostolic canons. In 692 the Council in Trullo passed 102 disciplinary canons, the second of which enumerates the elements of the official collection: they are the texts we have just mentioned, together with the canons of Sardica, and of Carthage (419), according to Dionysius Exiguus, and numerous canonical letters of the great bishops, SS. Dionysius of Alexandria, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Basil, etc. If to these be added the canons of the two ecumenical councils of Nicea (787) and Constantinople (869) we have all the elements of the definitive collection in its final shape. A few "systematic" collections may be mentioned as pertaining to this period: one containing fifty titles by an unknown author about 535; another with twenty-five titles of the ecclesiastical laws of Justinian; a collection of fifty titles drawn up about 550, by John the Scholastic, a priest of Antioch. The compilations known as the "Nomocanons" are more important, because they bring together the civil laws and the ecclesiastical laws on the same subjects; the two principal are the Nomocanon, wrongly attributed to John the Scholastic, but which dates from the end of the sixth century, with fifty titles, and another, drawn up in the seventh century, and afterwards augmented by the Patriarch Photius in 883.这是增加后，由另外的大炮（君士坦丁堡（ 381 ） ，与其他大炮归功于它，那些以弗所（ 431 ） 。 chalcedon （ 451 ） ，以及使徒门炮，在692安理会trullo通过102纪律门炮，第二个，其中列举的要素官方收集：他们是文本，我们刚才提到的，我们会联同门炮的萨尔迪卡和迦太基（ 419 ） ，根据狄奥尼修斯exiguus ，以及许多典型信件的伟大主教和SS 。狄奥尼修斯的亚历山德里亚，格雷戈里thaumaturgus ，罗勒等，如果这些被加上了大炮的两合一议会的nicea （ 787 ）和君士坦丁堡（ 869 ） ，我们有所有这些元素的确切收集在其最后形成。少数"有系统地"藏品可能提及有关这一时期：一载有50职称，一名不知名的作者约535人，另与25职称教会的法律justinian ;收集了50职称制定了约550名，由约翰在学业方面，一位牧师安提。汇编称为" nomocanons ， "更重要的，因为他们会带来共同的民事法律和教会的法律，但对同一科目;两位主要是nomocanon ，错误地归功于约翰学业国家，但它们的日期，从去年底第六届世纪里，有50职称，并纷纷制定了在公元7世纪，然后再增牧photius在883 。
B. The Canonical Collections in the West to Pseudo-Isidore二，典型藏品，在西方，以伪伊西多尔
In the West, canonical collections developed as in the East, but about two centuries later.在西方，典型藏品发达国家都在东部地区，但约两个世纪后。 At first appear collections of national or local laws and the tendency towards centralization is partially effected in the ninth century.在首次出庭收藏的国家或地方法律和趋向中央集权，是局部的影响，在第九世纪。 Towards the end of the fourth century there is yet in the West no canonical collection, not even a local one, those of the fifth century are essentially local, but all of them borrow from the Greek councils.在接近年底的第四个世纪还存在，在西方，没有规范的收集，甚至不是一个地方之一，那些五世纪基本上是局部的问题，而是他们都借鉴了希腊议会。 The latter were known in the West by two Latin versions, one called the "Hispana" or "Isidorian", because it was inserted in the Spanish canonical collection, attributed to St. Isidore of Seville, the other called the "Itala" or "ancient" (Prisca), because Dionysius Exiguus, in the first half of the sixth century, found it in use at Rome, and being dissatisfied with its imperfections improved it.后者则是在西方闻名，由两名拉丁语版本，其中一个被称为" hispana "或" isidorian " ，因为它是插在西班牙典型的收集，归因于圣伊西多尔的塞维利亚外，其他所谓的"名单"或"古代" （ prisca ）的，因为狄奥尼修斯exiguus ，在上半年的六世纪，发现它在使用于罗马，并成为不满其不完善的改善。 Almost all the Western collections, therefore, are based on the same texts as the Greek collection, hence the marked influence of that collection on Western canon law.几乎所有的西方收藏，因此，都是基于同样的文本正如希腊采集，因此，显着的影响，这种收集对西方教会法。
(1) At the end of the fifth century the Roman Church was completely organized and the popes had promulgated many legislative texts; but no collection of them had yet been made. （ 1 ）在去年底的第五个世纪的罗马教会完全是有组织和教皇颁布了很多法律文本，但是，没有收集，他们尚未作出。 The only extra-Roman canons recognized were the canons of Nicea and Sardica, the latter being joined to the former, and at times even cited as the canons of Nicea.唯一的课外罗马炮，承认被该炮的nicea和萨尔迪卡，后者加入前者，而且有时甚至举，因为大炮的nicea 。 The Latin version of the ancient Greek councils was known, but was not adopted as ecclesiastical law.拉丁美洲版的古希腊议会已知，但没有获得通过，作为教会法。 Towards the year 500 Dionysius Exiguus compiled at Rome a double collection, one of the councils, the other of decretals, ie papal letters.对今年500狄奥尼修斯exiguus汇编于罗马双重收集，其中的议会外，其他的decretals ，即教皇信。 The former, executed at the request of Stephen, Bishop of Salona, is a translation of the Greek councils, including Chalcedon, and begins with the fifty Apostolic canons; Dionysius adds to it only the Latin text of the canons of Sardica and of Carthage (419), in which the more ancient African councils are partially reproduced.前者，被处决时，应请求国的斯蒂芬，主教salona ，是一个翻译的希腊议会，其中包括chalcedon ，并开始与50使徒门炮;狄奥尼修斯增加，它不仅拉丁语文本的大炮的萨尔迪卡和迦太基（ 419 ） ，其中较古老的非洲议会部分转载。 The second is a collection of thirty-nine papal decretals, from Siricius (384) to Anastasius II (496-98).二是收集了39教皇decretals ，从西里修（ 384 ） anastasius二（ 496-98 ） 。 (See COLLECTIONS OF ANCIENT CANONS.) Thus joined together these two collections became the canonical code of the Roman Church, not by official approbation, but by authorized practice. （见收藏的古代大炮） ，因此联合起来这两个收藏品成了典型代码的罗马教会，而不是由官方认可，但认可的做法。 But while in the work of Dionysius the collection of conciliary canons remained unchanged, that of the decretals was successively increased; it continued to incorporate letters of the different popes till about the middle of the eighth century when Adrian I gave (774) the collection of Dionysius to the future Emperor Charlemagne as the canonical book of the Roman Church.但同时，在各项工作中狄奥尼修斯收集conciliary大炮依然不变，即该decretals先后增加了，它继续把信件的不同教皇到约中的第八世纪时，阿德里安我给（ 774 ）收集狄奥尼修斯，以未来的皇帝查理曼作为典型图书的罗马教会。 This collection, often called the "Dionysio-Hadriana", was soon officially received in all Frankish territory, where it was cited as the "Liber Canonum", and was adopted for the whole empire of Charlemagne at the Diet of Aachen in 802.这本文集，往往被称为" dionysio - hadriana " ，很快就被正式收到的所有法兰克境内，它被称为" liber canonum " ，并获得通过，让整个帝国的查理曼在国会的亚琛在802 。 This was an important step towards the centralization and unification of the ecclesiastical law, especially as the Latin Catholic world hardly extended beyond the limits of the empire, Africa and the south of Spain having been lost to the Church through the victories of Islam.这是一个重要的第一步和集中统一的教会法，特别是作为拉美天主教世界难以跨越的界限帝国，非洲和西班牙南部后，失去了向教会通过胜利的伊斯兰教。
(2) The canon law of the African Church was strongly centralized at Carthage; the documents naturally took the form of a collection, as it was customary to read and insert in the Acts of each council the decisions of the preceding councils. （ 2 ）教会法的非洲教会强烈集中在迦太基;文件自然采取的形式收集了，因为它是习惯阅读和插入，在行为的每一个安理会的决定前款议会。 At the time of the invasion of the Vandals, the canonical code of the African Church comprised, after the canons of Nicea, those of the Council of Carthage under Bishop Gratus (about 348), under Genethlius (390), of twenty or twenty-two plenary council under Aurelius (from 393 to 427), and the minor councils of Constantinople.在当时的入侵的破坏，正典的非洲教会组成后，大炮的nicea ，对于安理会的迦太基主教下gratus （约348人） ，根据genethlius （ 390 ） ，二十或二十一两次全体会议，会议根据奥勒（由393至427人） ，以及未成年人的性议会君士坦丁堡。 Unfortunately these records have not come down to us in their entirety; we possess them in two forms: in the collection of Dionysius Exiguus, as the canons of a "Concilium Africanum"; in the Spanish collection, as those of eight councils (the fourth wrongly attributed, being a document from Arles, dating about the beginning of the sixth century).可惜的是，这些纪录都没有来，我们在整体，我们拥有它们有两种形式：在收集狄奥尼修斯exiguus ，由于大炮的" concilium africanum " ，在西班牙语收集，因为这些八名议会（第四错误归因，作为一个文件，由ARLES ，约会约年初六世纪） 。 Through these two channels the African texts entered into Western canon law.通过这两个渠道非洲文本进入西方教会法。 It will suffice to mention the two "systematic" collections of Fulgentius Ferrandus and Cresconius.这就够了，更不用说两个"系统性"的收藏品傅箴修ferrandus和cresconius 。
(3) The Church in Gaul had no local religious centre, the territory being divided into unstable kingdoms; it is not surprising therefore that we meet no centralized canon law or universally accepted collection. （ 3 ）教会在高卢没有当地的宗教中心说，该领土被分为不稳定演义，这是不足为奇的，所以我们见面没有集中的教会法或普遍接受的收集。 There are numerous councils, however, and an abundance of texts; but if we except the temporary authority of the See of Arles, no church of Gaul could point to a permanent group of dependent sees.有许多议会，不过，和丰富的文本，但如果我们除临时权力机构的见的阿尔勒，没有合适的教堂，高卢可以指向一个常设专家组依赖看到。 The canonical collections were fairly numerous, but none was generally accepted.典型藏品相当众多，但没有被普遍接受。 The most widespread was the "Quesneliana", called after its editor (the Jansenist Paschase Quesnel), rich, but badly arranged, containing many Greek, Gallic, and other councils, also pontifical decretals.最普遍的就是" quesneliana " ，所谓后，其主编（简森派paschase quesnel ） ，富裕，但极安排，其中载有许多希腊语，没食子，和其他议会，也宗座decretals 。 With the other collections it gave way to the "Hadriana", at the end of the eighth century.与其他藏品捐方式，以" hadriana " ，在去年底的8世纪。
(4) In Spain, on the contrary, at least after the conversion of the Visigoths, the Church was strongly centralized in the See of Toledo, and in close union with the royal power. （ 4 ）在西班牙，与此相反，至少在变换后的visigoths ，教会强烈集中在见托莱多，并密切工会与皇家权力。 Previous to this, we must note the collection of St. Martin of Braga, a kind of adaptation of conciliary canons, often incorrectly cited in the Middle Ages as the "Capitula Martini papae" (about 563).前此，我们必须注意收集圣马丁的布拉加，一种适应conciliary门炮，而且往往错误地引用在中世纪作为" capitula马提尼papae " （约563 ） 。 It was absorbed in the large and important collection of the Visigothic Church.它被吸收，在大型和重要的收藏了visigothic教堂。 The latter, begun as early as the council of 633 and increased by the canons of subsequent councils, is known as the "Hispana" or "Isidoriana", because in later times it was attributed (erroneously) to St. Isidore of Seville.后者，开始了，早在安理会的633 ，并增加了炮，随后的两局，被称为" hispana "或" isidoriana " ，因为在稍后的时间，这是由于（错误） ，圣伊西多尔的塞维利亚。 It comprises two parts: the councils and the decretals; the councils are arranged in four sections: the East, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and chronological order is observed in each section; the decretals, 104 in number, range from Pope St. Damasus to St. Gregory (366-604).它由两部分组成：议会和decretals ;议会都被排列在四个部分：东，非洲，高卢，西班牙和时间顺序是观察各组; decretals ， 104在数量，范围从教宗圣达玛苏圣格雷戈里（ 366-604 ） 。 Its original elements consist of the Spanish councils from Elvira (about 300) to the Seventeenth Council of Toledo in 694.其原始元素组成的西班牙议会由elvira （约300 ）第十七届理事会托莱多在694 。 The influence of this collection, in the form it assumed about the middle of the ninth century, when the False Decretals were inserted into it, was very great.的影响，这本文集，其形式，它假定约中的第九世纪时，假decretals插入到它，是非常大的。
(5) Of Great Britain and Ireland we need mention only the Irish collection of the beginning of the eighth century, from which several texts passed to the continent; it is remarkable for including among its canons citations from the Scriptures and the Fathers. （ 5 ）大不列颠及爱尔兰，我们需要只提及爱尔兰收集的开始第八世纪，从几个文本传递给大陆，这是了不起的，其中包括其大炮引文从圣经与父亲。
(6) The collection of the False Decretals, or the Pseudo-Isidore (about 850), is the last and most complete of the "chronological" collections, and therefore the one most used by the authors of the subsequent "systematic" collections; it is the "Hispana" or Spanish collection together with apocryphal decretals attributed to the popes of the first centuries up to the time of St. Damasus, when the authentic decretals begin. （ 6 ）收集有关虚假decretals ，或伪伊西多尔（约850个） ，是最后也是最完整的"时间顺序排列的"收藏品，因此，一个最常用的作者后来的"系统性"收藏;明明是" hispana "或西班牙语收集连同猜测decretals归功于以教皇的首次百年最多的时候，圣达玛苏，当正宗decretals开始。 It exerted a very great influence.它施加了很大的影响力。
(7) To conclude the list of collections, where the later canonists were to garner their materials, we must mention the "Penitentials", the "Ordines" or ritual collections, the "Formularies", especially the "Liber Diurnus"; also compilations of laws either purely secular, or semi-ecclesiastical, like the "Capitularies" (qv). （ 7 ）结束名单藏品，而后来canonists被拉住他们的教材，我们一定要提" penitentials " ， " ordines "或祭祀藏品中， "处方药" ，特别是" liber diurnus " ;也汇编法律不是纯粹世俗的，或半神，像" capitularies " （请参阅） 。 The name "capitula" or "capitularia" is given also to the episcopal ordinances quite common in the ninth century.取名" capitula "或" capitularia " ，是由于还向主教条例相当普遍，在第九世纪。 It may be noted that the author of the False Decretals forged also false "Capitularies", under the name of Benedict the Deacon, and false episcopal "Capitula", under the name of Angilramnus, Bishop of Metz.它可能需要指出的是作者的虚假decretals伪造亦假" capitularies "的名义下，本笃执事，虚假主教" capitula "的名义下， angilramnus ，主教的梅斯。
C. Canonical Collections to the Time of Gratian丙典型收藏到的时候， gratian
The Latin Church was meanwhile moving towards closer unity; the local character of canonical discipline and laws gradually disappears, and the authors of canonical collections exhibit a more personal note, ie they pick out more or less advantageously the texts, which they borrow from the "chronological" compilations, though they display as yet no critical discernment, and include many apocryphal documents, while others continue to be attributed to the wrong sources.拉丁美洲教会同时走向更紧密的团结;当地的特色典型纪律和法律的逐渐消失，以及作者的典型藏品展更个人注释，即他们挑选出较为有利的文本，而他们借钱"时间顺序排列的"资料汇编，虽然他们展示作为，但没有批判鉴别力，还包括许多猜测文件，而其他继续被归咎于错误的来源。 They advance, nevertheless, especially when to the bare texts they add their own opinions and ideas.他们前进，不过，尤其是当以裸文本加上自己的意见和想法。 From the end of the ninth century to the middle of the twelfth these collections are very numerous; many of them are still unpublished, and some deservedly so.从去年底的第九世纪中叶第十二届这些藏品是非常无数;他们中的许多人仍然未发表的，有些是当之无愧的。 We can only mention the principal ones:我们只能提主要的优点：
A collection in twelve books, compiled in Northern Italy, and dedicated to an Archbishop Anselm, doubtless Anselm II of Milan (833-97), still unedited; it seems to have been widely used.收集了12个图书，在编纂的意大利北部，并热衷于一个大主教anselm ，无疑anselm第二米兰（ 833-97 ） ，仍是未经编辑的，它似乎已被广泛使用。
The "Libri duo de synodalibus causis" of Regino, Abbot of Prüm (d. 915), a pastoral visitation manual of the bishop of the diocese, edited by Wasserschleben (1840). "书铎德synodalibus causis " regino ，住持prüm （四915 ） ，牧灵探视手册主教教区，编者wasserschleben （ 1840 ） 。
The voluminous compilation, in twenty books, of Burchard, Bishop of Worms, compiled between 1012 and 1022, entitled the "Collectarium", also "Decretum", a manual for the use of ecclesiastics in their ministry; the nineteenth book, "Corrector" or "Medicus", treats of the administration of the Sacrament of Penance, and was often current as a distinct work.厚厚的汇编，在第二十六书籍， burchard主教，蠕虫，汇编了1012年之间，以及1022 ，题为" collectarium " ，也" decretum " ，一本手册，为使用ecclesiastics在其部;第十九书， "校正"或"医生" ，待人的行政圣事的忏悔，往往是当前作为一个独特的工作。 This widely circulated collection is in PL, CXL.这个广为流传的收集是在特等，消抗安胎口服液。 At the end of the eleventh century there appeared in Italy several collections favouring the reform of Gregory VII and supporting the Holy See in the in vestiture strife; some of the authors utilized for their works the Roman archives.在去年底的11世纪出现在意大利的几个收藏有利于改革的格雷戈里七和支持罗马教廷在在vestiture争斗，有的作者利用其作品罗马档案馆。
The collection of Anselm, Bishop of Lucca (d. 1086), in thirteen books, still unedited, an influential work.收集anselm ，主教卢卡（四1086 ） ，在13个书籍，还有未经编辑的，有影响力的工作。
The collection of Cardinal Deusdedit, dedicated to Pope Victor III (1087), it treats of the primacy of the pope, of the Roman clergy, ecclesiastical property, immunities, and was edited by Martinucci in 1869, more recently and better by Wolf von Glanvell (1905).收集枢机狄乌迪弟，致力于教宗胜利者三（ 1087 ） ，它如何对待社会的至高无上的教宗，罗马神职人员，教会财产，豁免，并主编马丁努奇于1869年，最近又和更好的狼冯glanvell （ 1905 ） 。
The "Breviarium" of Cardinal Atto; edited by Mai, "Script. vet. nova collect.", VI, app. " breviarium "红衣主教阿托;主编迈， "脚本。审核。新集" ，第六，亚洲浆纸。 1832. 1832 。
The collection of Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri in ten books, written after 1089, still unedited.收集bonizo ，主教sutri十年书，写后， 1089年，仍然是未经编辑的。
The collection of Cardinal Gregory, called by him "Polycarpus", in eight books, written before 1120, yet unedited.收集的枢机主教格雷戈里，所谓他" polycarpus " ，将分八个书籍，写之前， 1120 ，但未经编辑的。
In France we must mention the small collection of Abbo, Abbot of Fleury (d. 1004).在法国，我们要提的是小集abbo ，住持的Fleury （四1004 ） 。 in fifty-two chapters, in PL, CXXXIX; and especially the collections of Ives, Bishop of Chartres (d. 1115 or 1117), ie the "Collectio trium partium", the "Decretum", es pecially the "Panormia", a short compilation in eight books, extracted from the preceding two works, and widely used.在52章，在特等， CXXXIX号;特别是馆藏的艾夫斯，主教chartres （四第1115或1117 ） ，即" collectio trium partium " ， " decretum "号， ES pecially " panormia " ，这是一个短期汇编成八书籍，摘录自前两部作品，并广为使用。 The "Decretum" and the "Panormia" are in PL, CLXI. " decretum "和" panormia "是特等， clxi 。
The unedited Spanish collection of Saragossa (Caesar-augustana) is based on these works of Ives of Chartres.未经编辑的西班牙语收集saragossa （凯撒- augustana ）是基于对这些作品的艾夫斯的chartres 。
Finally, the "De misericordia et justitia", in three books, composed before 1121 by Algerus of Liège, a general treatise on ecclesiastical discipline, in which is fore shadowed the scholastic method of Gratian, reprinted in PL, CLXXX.最后， "德任凭等justitia " ，在三本书组成， 1121年前，由algerus的列日，一个普通伤寒论教会的纪律，这是国内外蒙上阴影学术方法gratian ，转载于特等， clxxx 。
D. The "Decretum" of Gratian: the Decretists四， " decretum " gratian ： decretists
The "Concordantia discordantium canonum", known later as "Decretum", which Gratian published at Bologna about 1148, is not, as we consider it today, a collection of canonical texts, but a general treatise, in which the texts cited are inserted to help in establishing the law. " concordantia discordantium canonum " ，后来被称为" decretum " ，其中gratian发表于博洛尼亚约1148 ，是不是，因为我们认为它的今天，汇集了典型文本，但一般的论文，在该文引用的插入有助于建立法律。 It is true that the work is very rich in texts and there is hardly a canon of any importance contained in the earlier collections (including the decisions of the Lateran Council of 1139 and recent papal decretals) that Gratian has not used.这是事实，这项工作是很丰富的文本，并有几乎没有一个佳能的重要性，任何包含在早些时候藏品（包括决策的lateran安理会的第1139和最近教皇decretals ） gratian已不使用。 His object, however, was to build up a juridical system from all these documents.他的对象，不过，是要建立一个法律体系，从所有这些文件。 Despite its imperfections, it must be admitted that the work of Gratian was as near perfection as was then possible.尽管它不完美，但必须承认，这次的工作gratian是尽量接近完美，因为当时可能的。 For that reason it was adopted at Bologna, and soon elsewhere, as the textbook for the study of canon law.出于这个原因，它是通过在博洛尼亚，并很快在其他地方，由于教科书，为研究教会法。 (For an account of this collection see CORPUS JURIS CANONICI; CANONS.) We may here recall again that the "Decretum" of Gratian is not a codification, but a privately compiled treatise; further, that the building up of a general system of canon law was the work of the canonists, and not of the legislative authorities as such. （一个帐户的这本文集见法典canonici ;炮） ，我们可以在这里再次回顾说， " decretum " gratian不是编纂，但私下汇编论文;进一步，即建立一个通用系统佳能法律问题是工作的canonists ，而不是立法当局的这种看法。
Quite as the professors at Bologna commented on Justinian's "Corpus juris civilis", so they began at once to comment on Gratian's work, the personal element as well as his texts.不少为教授在博洛尼亚评论justinian的"法典民法" ，所以他们开始在曾经评论gratian的工作，实现个人的因素，以及其文本。 The first commentators are called the "Decretists".第一评论家称为" decretists " 。 In their lectures (Latin lecturae, readings) they treated of the conclusions to be drawn from each part and solved the problems (quaestiones) arising therefrom.在他们的讲座（拉丁语lecturae ，读） ，他们的治疗中得出的结论，从每一个部分，并解决了问题（ quaestiones ） ，由此而产生的。 They synopsized their teaching in "glosses", interlinear at first, then marginal, or they composed separate treatises known as "Apparatus", "Summae", "Repetitiones", or else collected "casus", "questiones", "Margaritae", "Breviaria", etc. The principal decretists are:他们synopsized其教学中的"敷衍了事" ， interlinear在第一，然后边际，或者他们组成单独的论文被称为"仪器" ， " summae " ， " repetitiones " ，否则收集的"案例" ， " questiones " ， " margaritae " " breviaria "等，主要decretists是：
Paucapalea, perhaps the first disciple of Gratian, whence, it is said, the name "palea" given to the additions to the "Decretum" (his "Summa" was edited by Schulte in 1890); Roland Bandinelli, later Alexander III (his "Summa" was edited by Thaner in 1874); Omnibonus, 1185 (see Schulte, "De Decreto ab Omnibono abbreviate", 1892); John of Faenza (d. bishop of that city in 1190); Rufinus ("Summa" edited by Singer, 1902); Stephen of Tournai (d. 1203; "Summa" edited by Schulte, 1891); the great canonist Huguccio (d. 1910; "Summa" edited by M. Gillmann); Sicard of Cremona (d. 1215); John the Teuton, really Semeca or Zemcke (d. 1245); Guido de Baysio, the "archdeacon" (of Bologna, d. 1313); and especially Bartholomew of Brescia (d. 1258), author of the "gloss" on the "Decretum" in its last form. paucapalea ，也许第一大弟子的gratian ，何时，有人说，取名" palea "考虑到增补为" decretum " （他的"总结"的主编舒尔特在1890年） ;罗兰bandinelli ，后来亚历山大三世（他的"总结"的主编thaner于1874年） ; omnibonus ， 1185 （见舒尔特， "德法令抗体omnibono缩写" ， 1892 ） ;约翰的faenza （四主教说，城市1190 ） ; rufinus （简称"总结"主编歌手， 1902年） ;斯蒂芬的tournai （四第1203 ; "总结"主编舒尔特， 1891年） ;伟大canonist huguccio （四1910 "总结"主编米gillmann ） ; sicard的克雷莫纳（四1215 ） ;约翰位条顿，真的semeca或zemcke （四1245名） ;德， Guido baysio ， " archdeacon " （博洛尼亚，四第1313 ） ，以及特别是巴尔多禄茂一世的布雷西亚（四第1258 ） ，作者的"光泽" " decretum " ，在其上形成。
E. Decretals and Decretalists体育decretals和decretalists
While lecturing on Gratian's work the canonists laboured to complete and elaborate the master's teaching; with that view they collected assiduously the decretals of the popes, and especially the canons of the Ecumenical councils of the Lateran (1179, 1215); but these compilations were not intended to form a complete code, they merely centred round and supplemented Gratian's "Decretum"; for that reason these Decretals are known as the "Extravagantes", ie outside of, or extraneous to, the official collections.而讲授gratian的工作canonists辛劳完成，并阐述了师父的教诲;这种说法，他们收集了刻苦的decretals的教宗，尤其是大炮的普世议会的lateran （ 1179 ， 1215 ） ，但这些汇编不为了形成一个完整的代码，他们只是围绕和补充gratian的" decretum " ;出于这个原因，这些decretals被称为" extravagantes " ，即以外的，或不相干的，官方的收藏品。 The five collections thus made between 1190 and 1226 (see DECRETALS), and which were to serve as the basis for the work of Gregory IX, mark a distinct step forward in the evolution of canon law: whereas Gratian had inserted the texts in his own treatise, and the canonists wrote their works without including the texts, we have now compilations of supplementary texts for the purpose of teaching, but which nevertheless remain quite distinct; in addition, we at last find the legislators taking part officially in editing the collections.五藏品，从而取得了与1190年和1226 （见decretals ） ，并呈担任的工作奠定了基础格雷戈里九，标志着一个鲜明的一步演变佳能法：而gratian了插入文本在他自己伤寒和canonists写自己的作品，包括文本，我们现在已经汇编的补充文本，以供教学目的，但仍然保持相当分明;此外，我们终于找到立委参加正式在编收藏。 While the "Breviarium" of Bernard of Pavia, the first to exhibit the division into five books and into titles, which St. Raymund of Pennafort was later to adopt, is the work of a private individual, the "Compilatio tertia" of Innocent III in 1210, and the "Compilatio quinta" of Honorius III, in 1226, are official collections.而" breviarium "的伯纳德的帕维亚举行，是首次展出分为五本书，并纳入职称，其中圣raymund的彭纳福特后来被采纳，是工作的个人， " compilatio tertia "无辜的三在1210 ，和" compilatio金塔"的honorius三，在1226年，是官方收藏。 Though the popes, doubtless, intended only to give the professors at Bologna correct and authentic texts, they nevertheless acted officially; these collections, however, are but supplements to Gratian.虽然教皇，毫无疑问，只是给教授们在博洛尼亚正确的作准文本，但它们充当正式;这些藏品，不过，但补助金，以gratian 。
This is also true of the great collection of "Decretals" of Gregory IX (see DECRETALS and CORPUS JURIS CANONICI).这也是真正的大集" decretals "的格雷戈里第九章（见decretals和法典canonici ） 。 The pope wished to collect in a more uniform and convenient manner the decretals scattered through so many different compilations; he entrusted this synopsis to his chaplain Raymund of Pennafort, and in 1234 sent it officially to the universities of Bologna and Paris.教宗希望收集在一个更为统一和方便地decretals散落在经历了那么多不同的资料汇编;他还托这个故事大纲，以他的牧师raymund的彭纳福特，并在1234年发出正式向大学的博洛尼亚和巴黎。 He did not wish to suppress or supplant the "Decretum" of Gratian, but this eventually occurred.他不希望压制或取而代之" decretum " gratian的，但最终要发生。 The "Decretals" of Gregory IX, though composed in great part of specific decisions, represented in fact a more advanced state of law; furthermore, the collection was sufficiently extensive to touch almost every matter, and could serve as a basis for a complete course of instruction. " decretals "的格雷戈里第九，虽然产生于伟大的一部分，具体的决定，代表的其实是一种更先进的法治国家;此外，收集足够广泛接触，几乎每一件事，并能以此为基础的完整过程教学。 It soon gave rise to a series of commentaries, glosses, and works, as the "Decretum" of Gratian had done, only these were more important since they were based on more recent and actual legislation.但很快又引起了一系列的评论文章，敷衍了事，及工务，为" decretum " gratian做了，只是这些人更重要，因为它们是基于最近和实际立法。 The commentators of the Decretals were known as Decretalists.评论家的decretals被称为decretalists 。 The author of the "gloss" was Bernard de Botone (d. 1263); the text was commented on by the most distinguished canonists; among the best known previous to the sixteenth century, we must mention:作者的"光泽"是伯纳德德botone （四第1263号） ;案文评论了，由最杰出的canonists ;当中最知名的前到16世纪，我们必须一提：
Bernard of Pavia ("Summa" edited by Laspeyres, 1860), Tancred, archdeacon of Bologna, d.伯纳德的帕维亚（简称"总结"主编拉斯贝尔， 1860年） ，坦克雷德， archdeacon的博洛尼亚，四 1230 ("Summa de Matrimonio", ed. Wunderlich, 1841); Godfrey of Trani (1245); Sinibaldo Fieschi, later Innocent IV (1254), whose "Apparatus in quinque libros decre taliurn" has been frequently reprinted since 1477; Henry of Susa, later Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia (d. 1271), hence "Hostiensis"; his "Summa Hostiensis", or "Summa aurea" was one of the best known canonical works, and was printed as early as 1473; Aegilius de Fuscarariis (d. 1289); William Durandus (d. 1296, Bishop of Mende), surnamed "Speculator", on account of his important treatise on procedure, the "Speculum judiciale", printed in 1473; Guido de Baysio, the "archdeacon", already mentioned; Nicolas de Tudeschis (d. 1453), also known as "Abbes siculus" or simply "Panormitanus" (or also "Abbas junior seu modernus") to distinguish him from the "Abbas antiques", whose name is unknown and who commented on the Decretals about 1275); Nicolas left a "Lecture" on the Decretals, the Liber Sextus, and the Clementines. 1230 （ "总结德matrimonio "外，教育署。 wunderlich ，一八四一年） ;戈弗雷的特拉尼（ 1245名） ;西尼巴尔多fieschi ，后来无辜四（ 1254 ） ，他们的"仪器在五个libros分别减少taliurn "一直是经常被转载自1477年;亨利Susa的，后来枢机-主教开口（四1271 ） ，因此" hostiensis " ;他的"总结hostiensis " ，或"总结aurea "是最著名的一个典型作品，并印制早在1473年; aegilius德fuscarariis （四第1289 ） ;威廉durandus （四第1296教区主教门德文） ，姓"投机者" ，是考虑到他的重要伤寒论程序， " speculum judiciale " ，印在1473年; ， Guido德baysio ， " archdeacon " ，已经提到;尼古拉德tudeschis （四1453 ） ，又称为" abbes塞库鲁斯"或干脆" panormitanus " （或也"阿巴斯初级您modernus " ）的区别，他从"阿巴斯古董" ，他的名字是未知谁对decretals约1275 ） ;尼古拉留下了"教训"就decretals ， liber sextus和clementines 。
For some time longer, the same method of collecting was followed; not to speak of the private compilations, the popes continued to keep up to date the "Decretals" of Gregory IX; in 1245 Innocent IV sent a collection of forty-two decretals to the universities, ordering them to be inserted in their proper places; in 1253 he forwarded the "initia" or first words of the authentic decretals that were to be accepted.稍长一点的时间，同样的方法收集其次是不说话的私人资料汇编，教宗继续保持最新的" decretals "的格雷戈里九，在1245名无辜四发出了一个收集42 decretals至大学，命令他们将其插入其适当的名额，在1253年，他提出了" initia "或第一句话的真实decretals认为被接受。 Later Gregory X and Nicholas III did likewise, but with little profit, and none of these brief supplementary collections survived.后来格雷戈里X和尼古拉三做同样的，但没有太多的利润，而且也没有这些简短的补充藏品幸存。 The work was again undertaken by Boniface VIII, who had prepared and published an official collection to complete the five existing books; this was known as the "Sextus" (Liber Sextus).这项工作是再次由博尼法斯八，曾编写并出版了正式收集完成现有五个书籍，这被称为" sextus " （ liber sextus ） 。 Clement V also had prepared a collection which, in addition to his own decretals, contained the decisions of the Council of Vienne (1311-12); it was published in 1317 by his successor John XXII and was called the "Clementina."克莱门特五还准备了一个收集，其中，除了他自己的decretals ，载安理会的决定的维埃纳省（ 1311至1312年） ，这是发表在1317年，由他的继任者约翰二十二，被称为"克莱门蒂娜" 。 This was the last of the medieval official collections.这是最后一个中世纪的官方收藏。 Two later compilations included in the "Corpus Juris" are private works, the "Extravagantes of John XXII", arranged in 1325 by Zenzelin de Cassanis, who glossed them, and the "Extra vagantes communes", a belated collection; it was only in the edition of the "Corpus Juris" by Jean Chappuis, in 1500, that these collections found a fixed form.两年后汇编纳入"法典"都是私人工程， " extravagantes约翰二十二" ，安排了1325号决议，由zenzelin德cassanis ，谁掩饰他们， "课外vagantes公社" ，这是一个迟来的收藏，它仅仅是在该版的"法典" ，由Jean chappuis ， 1500年，这些藏品找到了固定的形式。 The "Sextus" was glossed and commented by Joannes Andrae, called the "fons et tuba juris" (d. 1348), and by Cardinal Jean Le Moine (Joannes Monachus, d. 1313), whose works were often printed. " sextus "轻轻带和评论的。 Joannes andrae ，被称为" fons等大号法典" （四第1348 ） ，以及由枢机主教让乐moine （ 。 Joannes修士，四第1313 ） ，其作品往往印。
When authors speak of the "closing" of the "Corpus Juris", they do not mean an act of the popes for bidding canonists to collect new documents, much less forbidding themselves to add to the ancient collections.当笔者谈到"关闭"的"法典" ，他们这样做并不意味着法的教宗，为招投标canonists搜集新的证件，更不容许自己添加到古代藏品。 But the canonical movement, so active after Gratian's time, has ceased forever.但典型运动，从而使活跃后gratian的时间，已不再是永远的。 External circumstances, it is true, the Western Schism, the troubles of the fifteenth century, the Reformation, were unfavourable to the compiling of new canonical collections; but there were more direct causes.外部的情况下，这是事实，西方裂，麻烦的15世纪，宗教改革者不利，以编制新的典型藏品，但也有更直接的原因。 The special object of the first collections of the decretals was to help settle the law, which the canonists of Bologna were trying to systematize; that is why they contain so many specific decisions, from which the authors gathered general principles; when these had been ascertained the specific decisions were of no use except for jurisprudence; and in fact the "Sextus", the "Clementinae", and the other collections contain texts only when they are the statement of a general law.特别的对象第一次收藏的decretals是帮助解决法律，其中canonists博洛尼亚试图系统化，这就是为什么它们含有这么多的具体决定，从作者聚集的一般原则;时，这些已被确定具体决定是没有用的，除了法理和事实上的" sextus " ， " clementinae " ，和其他收藏品包含文本，只有当他们在声明中的一般规律。 Any changes deemed necessary could be made in teaching without the necessity of recasting and augmenting the already numerous and massive collections.任何变化认为有必要可以在有教无类的必要性，重铸和充实，已多次和大规模藏品。
F. From the Decretals to the Present Time楼从decretals到现在的时间
After the fourteenth century, except for its contact with the collections we have just treated of, canon law loses its unity.经过14世纪，除了其接触藏品我们刚处理的，佳能法律失去其团结。 The actual law is found in the works of the canonists rather than in any specific collection; each one gathers his texts where he can; there is no one general collection sufficient for the purpose.实际法被发现在该工程的canonists而非任何特定的收集，每一个网罗了他的文本那里他可以有没有一个一般收集足以达到研究目的。 It is not a case of confusion, but of isolation and dispersion.它不是一个案件的混乱，而是孤立和分散。 The sources of law later than the "Corpus Juris" are:该法源不迟"法典"是：
the decisions of councils, especially of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), which are so varied and important that by themselves they form a short code, though without much order; the constitutions of the popes, numerous but hitherto not officially collected, except the "Bullarium" of Benedict XIV (1747); the Rules of the Apostolic Chancery; the 1917 Code of Canon Law; lastly the decrees, decisions, and various acts of the Roman Congregations, jurisprudence rather than law properly so called.该决定的议会，特别是安理会的遄达（ 1545至1563年） ，它是如此多样和重要的是，由他们自己组成一个简短的代码，虽然没有太多秩序;宪法中的教皇，许多人，但迄今没有正式的收集，除了" bullarium "的本笃十四（ 1747 ） ;规则使徒chancery ; 1917年法典的教会法，最后的法令，决定，以及各种行为的罗马教会，判例，而不是法律妥善所谓。
For local law we have provincial councils and diocesan statutes.对当地法律，我们有省议会及拔萃法规。 It is true there have been published collections of councils and Bullaria.这是事实，有已经出版藏品的议会和bullaria 。 Several Roman Congregations have also had their acts collected in official publications; but these are rather erudite compilations or repertories.几位罗马教会，也有过自己的行为所收集的官方刊物，但这些都是比较高深的汇编或汇编。
V. CODIFICATION五，编纂
The method followed, both by private individuals and the popes, in drawing up canonical collections is generally rather that of a coordinated compilation or juxtaposition of documents than codification in the modern sense of the word, ie a redaction of the laws (all the laws) into an orderly series of short precise texts.所采用的方法，无论是由个人和教宗，在制订典型藏品，是普遍，而不是当作一个协调的汇编或并列的文件比编纂一所现代意义上的字，即一个新的节录的法律（所有的法律）成为一个有秩序的一系列简短的确切文本。 It is true that antiquity, even the Roman law, did not offer any model different from that of the various collections, that method, however, long since ceased to be useful or possible in canon law.这是事实，古物，即使是罗马法，并没有提供任何的模式不同，即各种藏品，这一方法，然而，长期以来由于失去使用价值，或可能在教会法。 After the "closing" of the "Corpus Juris" two attempts were made; the first was of little use, not being official; the second, was official, but was not brought to a successful issue.在"关闭"的"法典"曾两次试图发了言;第一是没有多大用处的，不正式;第二，是官方，但没有带来一个圆满的问题。 In 1590 the jurisconsult Pierre Mathieu, of Lyons.在1590年的法学家皮埃尔丢，里昂。 published under the title "Liber septimus" a supplement to the "Corpus Juris", divided according to the order of the books and titles of the Decretals.根据刊登标题" liber septimus "的一个补充，以"法典" ，按议事程序的书籍和职称的decretals 。 It includes a selection of papal constitutions, from Sixtus IV to Sixtus V (1471-1590), but not the decrees of the Council of Trent.它包括一个遴选教皇宪法，从Sixtus的第四至Sixtus的五（ 1471年至1590年） ，但不是法令安理会的遄达。 This compilation was of some service, and in a certain number of editions of the "Corpus Juris" was included as an appendix.这本汇编是一些服务，并在若干个版本的"法典" ，作为附录。 As soon as the official edition of the "Corpus Juris" was published in 1582, Gregory XIII appointed a commission to bring up to date and complete the venerable collection.尽快正式版的"法典"一书出版发行，在1582 ，格雷戈里十三，任命了一个委员会，使截至目前为止，完成历代收藏。 Sixtus V hastened the work and at length Cardinal Pinelli presented to Clement VIII what was meant to be a "Liber septimus". Sixtus的v催生工作，并在长度枢机pinelli向克莱门特八是什么意思是一个" liber septimus " 。 For the purpose of further studies the pope had it printed in 1598: the pontifical constitutions and the decrees of the Council of Trent were inserted in it in the order of the Decretals.以便进一步研究，若望保禄二世，它印在第1598 ：宗座宪法和法令，安理会的遄达分别插入它在有序的decretals 。 For several reasons Clement VIII refused to approve this work and the project was definitively abandoned.原因有几个克莱门特八，拒绝通过这项工作，该项目最终放弃了。 Had this collection been approved it would have been as little used today as the others, the situation continuing to grow worse.有这本文集已获批准，它将被作为很少使用的今天，作为其他人，局势继续恶化。
Many times during the nineteenth century, especially at the time of the Vatican Council (Collectio Lacensis, VII, 826), the bishops had urged the Holy See to draw up a complete collection of the laws in force, adapted to the needs of the day.很多次，在19世纪，特别是在时间的梵蒂冈理事会（ collectio lacensis ，七， 826页） ，主教团曾促请教廷制定出一套完整的收集生效的法律，切合他们需要的一天。 It is true, their requests were complied with in regard to certain matters; Pius X in his "Motu proprio" of 19 March, 1904, refers to the constitution "Apostolicae Sedis" limiting and cataloguing the censures "latae sententie", the Constitution "Officiorum", revising the laws of the Index; the Constitution "Conditre" on the religious congregations with simple vows.这是真的，他们的要求被遵守，在就某些事项;比约X在他的"颁布" ， 1904年3月19日，是指宪法" apostolicae sedis "限制和编目的指责， " latae sententie " ，但宪法" officiorum " ，修法的指数;宪法" conditre "对宗教团体与简单的誓言。 These and several other documents were, moreover, drawn up in short precise articles, to a certain extent a novelty, and the beginning of a codification.这些和其他几个文件，而且制定了在短期内准确的文章，在一定程度上新鲜事，并开始编纂。 Pius later officially ordered a codification, in the modern sense of the word, for the whole canon law.比约后正式下令编纂工作，在现代意义上的字，为整个教会法。 In the first year of his pontificate he issued the Tutu Proprio "Arduum", (De Ecclesiae legibus in unum redigendis); it treats of the complete codification and reformation of canon law.在第一年的教宗后，他发表了图图，该项" arduum " ， （德ecclesiae legibus在教科文组织货币单位redigendis ） ;看待的完成编纂和改革的教会法。 For this purpose the pope requested the entire episcopate, grouped in provinces, to make known to him the reforms they desired.为此，教宗要求全体主教团，分成各省，让人们了解他的改革，他们的理想。 At the same time he appointed a commission of consultors, on whom the initial work devolved, and a commission of cardinals, charged with the study and approval of the new texts, subject later to the sanction of the sovereign pontiff.在同一时间内，他任命了一个调查委员会， consultors ，对人的初步工作下放，以及委员会的枢机主教，被控结合起来，同学习和批准新的文本，但后来向制裁的主权教宗。 The plans of the various titles were confided to canonists in every country.该计划的各个题目分别是confided以canonists在每一个国家。 The general idea of the Code that followed includes (after the preliminary section) four main divisions: persons, things (with subdivisions for the sacraments, sacred places and objects, etc.).总体思路守则随后包括（经初步段） ， 4个主要部门：人，事物（与下属为圣礼，神圣的场所和对象等等） 。 trials, crimes and penalties.审讯，犯罪与刑罚。 It is practically the plan of the "Institutiones", or manuals of canon law.它实际上是该计划的" institutiones " ，或手册的教会法。 The articles were numbered consecutively.文章连续编号。 This great work was finished in 1917.这个伟大的工作完成于1917年。
VI.六。 ECCLESIASTICAL LAW教会法
The sources of canon law, and the canonical writers.来源教会法，典型作家。 give us, it is true, rules of action, each with its specific object.给我们，这是事实，规则的行动，每个国家都有它特定的对象。 We have now to consider all these laws in their common abstract element, in other words Ecclesiastical Law, its characteristics and its practice. According to the excellent definition of St. Thomas (I-II:90:1) a law is a reasonable ordinance for the common good promulgated by the head of the community. Ecclesiastical law therefore has for its author the head of the Christian community over which he has jurisdiction strictly so called; its object is the common welfare of that community, although it may cause inconvenience to individuals; it is adapted to the obtaining of the common welfare, which implies that it is physically and morally possible for the majority of the community to observe it; the legislator must intend to bind his subjects and must make known that intention clearly; finally he must bring the law under the notice of the community. Ecclesiastical law therefore has for its author the head of the Christian community over which he has jurisdiction strictly so called; its object is the common welfare of that community, although it may cause inconvenience to individuals; it is adapted to the obtaining of the common welfare , which implies that it is physically and morally possible for the majority of the community to observe it; the legislator must intend to bind his subjects and must make known that intention clearly; finally he must bring the law under the notice of the community. A law is thus distinguished from a counsel, which is optional not obligatory; from a precept, which is imposed not on the community but on individual members; and from a regulation or direction, which refers to accessory matters.
The object therefore of ecclesiastical law is all that is necessary or useful in order that the society may attain its end, whether there be question of its organization, its working, or the acts of its individual members; it extends also to temporal things, but only indirectly.对象的，所以教会法是一切必要或有益的，以使该协会可能达到自己的目的，是否有问题，其组织，其工作，或行为的，其个别成员，它也延伸至颞东西，但只有间接的影响。 With regard to acts, the law obliges the individual either to perform or to omit certain acts; hence the distinction into "affirmative or preceptive" laws and "negative or prohibitory" laws; at times it is forced to allow certain things to be done, and we have "permissive" laws or laws of forbearance; finally, the law in addition to forbidding a given act may render it, if performed, null and void; these are "irritant" laws.对于行为时，法律规定，无论是个人表演，或省略某些行为，因此，区分到"扶持或preceptive "法和"负面或禁止性"的法律;有时，它是被迫允许某些事情要去做，我们的"通融"的法律或法规的忍;最后，在法律之外，不许一特定行为可能导致它，如果履行，是无效的，这是"刺激性"的法律。 Laws in general, and irritant laws in particular, are not retroactive, unless such is expressly declared by the legislator to be the case.现行法律笼统的，有刺激性的法律，尤其是不溯及既往，除非这些是明确宣布，由立委，如果情况属实。 The publication or promulgation of the law has a double aspect: law must be brought to the knowledge of the community in order that the latter may be able to observe it, and in this consists the publication.出版或颁布该法有双重方面：法律必须被绳之以法了对社区的认识，以便后者也许能够遵守它，并在此选区公布。 But there may be legal forms of publication, requisite and necessary, and in this consists the promulgation properly so called (see PROMULGATION).但是也可能存在合法形式的出版物，必要的和必要的，在这个委员会颁布妥善所谓（见施行） 。 Whatever may be said about the forms used in the past, today the promulgation of general ecclesiastical laws is effected exclusively by the insertion of the law in the official publication of the Holy See, the "Acta Apostolical Sedis", in compliance with the Constitution "Promulgandi", of Pius X, dated 29 September, 1908, except in certain specifically mentioned cases.无论如何，可以说，关于使用的表格，在过去，今天颁布的一般规律教会的影响而完全由插入法，在官方出版的教廷， "学报apostolical sedis " ，在遵守宪法" promulgandi " ，比约第十日期1908年9月29日，除在某些具体案件中。 The law takes effect and is binding on all members of the community as soon as it is promulgated, allowing for the time morally necessary for it to become known, unless the legislator has fixed a special time at which it is to come into force.该法生效后，并约束所有社会成员一旦不能出台，并允许以时间道义上的必要，它有望成为众所周知的，除非立委有固定的一个特殊的时刻，在它生效。
No one is presumed to be ignorant of the law; only ignorance of fact.没有人是被推定为对法律一无所知，只有无知的事实。 not ignorance of law, is excusable (Reg. 1:3 jur. in VI).不是无知的法律，是情有可原（注册1:3法学，在六） 。 Everyone subject to the legislator is bound in conscience to observe the law.每个人都受到立法者必然在良心守法。 A violation of the law, either by omission or by act, is punishable with a penalty (qv).违反法律，无论是由遗漏或行为，可判处罚款（请参阅） 。 These penalties may be settled beforehand by the legislator, or they may be left to the discretion of the judge who imposes them.这些刑罚，可先行解决，由立委，否则将有可能被留下来的酌情权的法官施加了他们。 A violation of the moral law or what one's conscience judges to be the moral law is a sin; a violation of the exterior penal law, in addition to the sin, renders one liable to a punishment or penalty; if the will of the legislator is only to oblige the offender to submit to the penalty, the law is said to be "purely penal"; such are some of the laws adopted by civil legislatures, and it is generally admitted that some ecclesiastical laws are of this kind.违反了道德律或什么人的良心，法官将道德律是一种罪过;侵犯外观刑法中，除了罪恶，使一者一处罚或罚款;如果会的立法者只有迫使罪犯向罚款，依法被称作是"纯粹的刑法" ，这些已经有的法律通过民事立法，而人们普遍承认有些教会法律是这种尝试。 As baptism is the gate of entrance to the ecclesiastical society, all those who are baptized, even non-Catholics, are in principle subject to the laws of the Church; in practice the question arises only when certain acts of heretics and schismatics come before Catholic tribunals; as a general rule an irritant law is enforced in such a case, unless the legislator has exempted them from its observance, for instance, for the form of marriage.由于洗礼是大门入口，以教会的社会，所有的人受洗，甚至非教徒，都在原则上受到法律的教会，在实践中产生了这样的问题，只有当某些行为的异端和schismatics来之前，天主教会法庭;作为一般规则的一个刺激性法得到执行，在这种情况下，除非立委豁免了他们遵守，比如，为的婚姻形式。 General laws therefore, bind all Catholics wherever they may be.一般规律，因此，约束所有天主教徒，无论他们在哪里。 In the case of particular laws as one is subject to them in virtue of one's domicile, or even quasi-domicile, passing strangers are not subject to them, except in the case of acts performed within the territory.在案件，特别是法律，一个是受他们凭借一个人的户籍所在地，或什至准本籍，传授陌生人不受到他们的，除非是在案件的行为在该领土。
The role of the legislator does not end with the promulgation of the law; it is his office to explain and interpret it (declaratio, interpretatio legis).的角色，以及立委不会就此结束，由于颁布该法的，这是他的办公室，解释和诠释（ declaratio ， interpretatio的立法） 。 The interpretation is "official" (authentica) or even "necessary", when it is given by the legislator or by some one authorized by him for that purpose; it is "customary", when it springs from usage or habit; it is "doctrinal", when it is based on the authority of the learned writers or the decisions of the tribunals.这个解释是"官" （ authentica ） ，甚至是"必要" ，当它被赋予的立法者或有人认可他为此目的，它是"习惯" ，当它从泉水或使用习惯，它是"学说" ，当它的基础是权威的教训作家或决定的审裁处的成员。 The official interpretation alone has the force of law.官方的解释就有法律的效力。 According to the result, the interpretation is said to be "comprehensive, extensive, restrictive, corrective," expressions easily understood.根据结果，这个解释是说是"全面，广泛的限制，而纠正" ，表情很容易理解的。 The legislator, and in the case of particular laws the superior, remains master of the law; he can suppress it either totally (abrogation), or partially (derogation), or he can combine it with a new law which suppresses in the first law all that is incompatible with the second (abrogation).这位立委，并在案件特别是法律优越，仍然是精通法律，他可以压制它要么完全（废） ，或部分（减损） ，或者他可以结合起来，它与一项新的法律，压制在第一定律一切不符合第二位（废） 。 Laws co-exist as far as they are reconcilable; the more recent modifies the more ancient, but a particular law is not suppressed by a general law, unless the fact is stated expressly.法律同时并存，据他们是调和的;较近期的修改更古老的，而是一个特别法不是打压进行了一般性的规定，除非事实是明确的。 A law can also cease when its purpose and end cease, or even when it is too difficult to be observed by the generality of the subjects; it then falls into desuetude (see CUSTOM).一项法律，也可以停止时，其目的，并最终停止，甚至当它是太困难所应遵守的一般性的科目;便落入desuetude （见风俗） 。
In every society, but especially in a society so vast and varied as the Church, it is impossible for every law to be applicable always and in all cases.在每一个社会中，特别是在一个社会，使广大多样的，因为教会，这是不可能做到每一项法律必须适用于始终，并在所有情况下。 Without suppressing the law, the legislator can permanently exempt from it certain persons or certain groups, or certain matters, or even extend the rights of certain subjects; all these concessions are known as privileges.压制法，立法者可以永久免除它某些人或某些集团或某些事，或什至延伸的权利某些科目;所有这些让步，是著名的特权。 In the same manner the legislator can derogate from the law in special cases; this is called a dispensation.在同一地立法者可以减损法，在特殊情况下，这就是所谓的免除。 Indults or the powers that the bishops of the Catholic world receive from the Holy See, to regulate the various cases that may arise in the administration of their dioceses, belong to the category of privileges; together with the dispensations granted directly by the Holy See, they eliminate any excessive rigidity of the law, and ensure to ecclesiastical legislation a marvellous facility of application. indults或权力主教的天主教世界，从罗马教廷，以规范各种情况下可能出现的管理他们的教区，属于一类的特权;连同该dispensations给予直接由罗马教廷，他们消除任何过度僵化的法律，并确保以宗教立法的一次曼妙设施的应用。 Without imperilling the rights and prerogatives of the legislator, but on the contrary strengthening them, indults impress more strongly on the law of the Church that humane, broad, merciful character, mindful of the welfare of souls, but also of human weakness, which likens it to the moral law and distinguishes it from civil legislation, which is much more external and inflexible.而不危及权利和特权的立委，但与此相反，加强他们， indults打动更多强，对法律的教会人性化，广泛的，慈悲的性格，心系福利的灵魂，而且也是人类的弱点，其中likens它以道德和法律的区别，它从民事立法，这是更为外部和缺乏弹性。
VII.七。 THE PRINCIPAL CANONISTS主要canonists
It is impossible to draw up a detailed and systematic catalogue of all the works of special value in the study of canon law; the most distinguished canonists are the subject of special articles in this Encyclopedia.这是不可能的，以制订出一个详细和系统目录的所有作品，具有特殊价值，在学习教会法;最杰出canonists是受到特别的文章在这方面的百科全书。 Those we have mentioned as commentators of the ancient canonical collections are now of interest only from an historical point of view; but the authors who have written since the Council of Trent are still read with profit; it is in their great works that we find our practical canon law.那些我们已提到担任评论员的古代典型藏品，现在感兴趣的只是从历史的角度来看，但作者的人，写了，因为安理会的遄达仍在阅读与利润，它是在他们的伟大工程，我们发现我们的现实教会法。 Among the authors who have written on special chapters of the "Corpus Juris", we must mention (the date refers to the first edition of the works):其中作者的人，写了就专章的"法典" ，我们必须提（日期，是指以首版作品） ：
Prospero Fagnani, the distinguished secretary of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, "Jus canonicum seu commentaria absolutissima in quinque libros Decretalium" (Rome, 1661), Manuel González Téllez (d. 1649), "Commentaria perpetua in singulos textus juris canonici" (Lyons, 16, 3); the Jesuit Paul Laymann, better known as a moral theologian, "Jus canonicum seu commentaria in libros Decretalium" (Dillingen, 1666); Ubaldo Giraldi, Clerk Regular of the Pious Schools, "Expositio juris pontificii juxta re centiorem Ecclesiae disciplinam" (Rome, 1769). prospero法尼亚尼，尊敬秘书神圣聚集安理会， "强制canonicum您commentaria absolutissima在五个libros decretalium " （罗马， 1661年） ，曼努埃冈萨雷斯téllez （四1649 ） ， " commentaria perpetua在singulos Web网站法学canonici " （里昂， 16日， 3 ） ;耶稣保罗laymann ，更广为人知，作为道德神学家， "强制canonicum您commentaria在libros decretalium " （ dillingen ， 1666 ） ; ubaldo giraldi ，秘书定期的虔诚学校" ， expositio法学pontificii旁重centiorem ecclesiae disciplinam " （罗马， 1769年） 。
Among the canonists who have followed the order of the titles of the Decretals:其中canonists有其次的顺序标题的decretals ：
the Benedictine Louis Engel, professor at Salzburg, "Universum jus canonicum secundum titulos libr. Decretalium" (Salzburg, 1671); the Jesuit Ehrenreich Pirhing, "Universum jus canonicum" etc. (Dillingen, 1645); the Franciscan Anaclet Reiffenstuel, "Jus canonicum universum" (Freising, 170O); the Jesuit James Wiestner, "Institutiones canonical" (Munich, 1705); the two brothers Francis and Benedict Schmier, both Benedictines and professors at Salzburg; Francis wrote "Jurisprudentia canonico-civilis" (Salzburg, 1716); Benedict: "Liber I Decretalium; Lib. II etc."隐修院路易恩格尔教授，在萨尔茨堡， "宇宙强制canonicum对Secundum titulos溴化锂。 decretalium " （萨尔茨堡， 1671年） ;耶稣会ehrenreich pirhing ， "宇宙强制canonicum "等（ dillingen ， 16时45分） ;济anaclet reiffenstuel ， "强制canonicum宇宙" （ Freising ） ， 170o ） ;耶稣詹姆斯wiestner ， " institutiones典型" （慕尼黑1705 ） ;两兄弟弗朗西斯和本笃schmier ，既benedictines和教授在萨尔茨堡;弗朗西斯写道： " jurisprudentia canonico -民法" （萨尔茨堡1716 ） ;笃说： " liber i decretalium ;锂离子电池，第二等" 。 (Salzburg, 1718); the Jesuit Francis Schmalzgrueber, "Jus ecclésiasticum universum" (Dillingen, 1717); Peter Leuren, also a Jesuit, "Forum ecclesiasticum" etc. (Mainz, 1717); Vitus Pichler, a Jesuit, the successor of Schmalzgrueber, "Summa jurisprudential sacrae" (Augsburg, 1723); Eusebius Amort, a Canon Regular, "Elementa juris canonici veteris et modern)" (Ulm, 1757); Amort wrote also among other works of a very personal character; "De origine, progressu . . . indulgentiarum" (Augsburg, 1735); Carlo Sebastiano Berardi, "Commentaria in jus canonicum universum" (Turin, 1766); also his "Institutiones" and his great work "Gratiani canonesgenuini ab apocryphis discreti", (Turin, 1752); James Anthony Zallinger, a Jesuit, "Institutiones juris ecclesiastici maxime privati" (Augsburg, 1791), not so well known as his "Institutionum juris naturalis et ecclesiastici publici libri quinque" (Augsburg, 1784). （萨尔茨堡， 1718 ） ;耶稣弗朗西斯schmalzgrueber ， "强制ecclésiasticum宇宙" （ dillingen ， 1717年） ;彼得leuren ，也是耶稣会" ，论坛ecclesiasticum "等（美因茨， 1717年） ;政界pichler ，耶稣会，对继任者schmalzgrueber ， "总结法理sacrae " （奥格斯堡， 1723年） ;尤西比乌斯amort ，佳能正规， " elementa法学canonici veteris等现代） " （乌尔姆队， 1757年） ; amort写道还包括其他工程的一个非常个人品格; "德原产地， progressu … … 。 indulgentiarum " （奥格斯堡， 1735 ） ;卡罗sebastiano贝拉尔迪" commentaria在强制canonicum宇宙" （都灵， 1766年） ;也是他的" institutiones "和他的伟大作品" gratiani canonesgenuini抗体apocryphis离散" ， （都灵1752名） ;詹姆斯安东尼察林格，一名耶稣会" ， institutiones法学ecclesiastici maxime privati " （奥格斯堡， 1791年） ，而不是太有名了，因为他的" institutionum法学naturalis等ecclesiastici publici书五个" （奥格斯堡，可以追溯到1784年） 。 This same method was followed again in the nineteenth century by Canon Filippo de Angelis, "Praelectiones juris canonici", (Rome, 1877); by his colleague Francesco Santi, "Praelectiones", (Ratisbon, 1884; revised by Martin Leitner, 1903); and E. Grand claude, "Jus canonicum" (Paris, 1882).这同样的方法之后，又在19世纪由Canon菲利普德Angelis ） ， " praelectiones法学canonici " ， （罗马， 1877年） ，由他的同事弗朗西斯科santi " praelectiones " ， （拉蒂斯邦， 1884年;订正马丁Leitner的， 1903 ） ;和E大克劳德， "强制canonicum " （巴黎， 1882年） 。
The plan of the "Institutiones", in imitation of Lancelotti (Perugia, 1563), has been followed by very many canonists, among whom the principal are:该计划的" institutiones " ，在模仿lancelotti （佩鲁贾， 1563年） ，他一直受到非常多canonists人，其中主要是：
the learned Antonio Agustin, Archbishop of Tarragona, "Epitome jurispontificu veteris" (Tarragona, 1587); his "De emendatione Gratiani dialogorum libri duo" (Tarragona, 1587), is worthy of mention; Claude Fleury, "Institution au droit ecclésiastique" (Paris, 1676); Zeger Bernard van Espen, "Jus ecclesiasticum universum" (Cologne, 1748); the Benedictine Dominic Schram, "Institutiones juris ecclesiastici" (Augsburg, 1774); Vincenzo Lupoli, "Juris ecclesiastici praelectiones" (Naples, 1777); Giovanni Devoti, titular Archbishop of Carthage, "Institutionum canonicarum libri quatuor" (Rome, 1785); his "Commentary on the Decretals" has only the first three books (Rome, 1803); Cardinal Soglia, "Institutiones juris privati et publici ecclesiastici" (Paris, 1859) and "Institutiones juris publici", (Loreto, 1843); D. Craisson, Vicar-General of Valence, "Manuale compendium totius juris canonici" (Poitiers, 1861).这个教训安东尼奥的奥古斯丁，大主教tarragona ， "缩影jurispontificu veteris " （ tarragona ， 1587年） ;他的"德emendatione gratiani dialogorum书铎" （ tarragona ， 1587 ） ，值得一提的;克劳德后继的， "体制坳国际法ecclésiastique " （巴黎， 1676年） ; zeger伯纳德车， Espen ， "强制ecclesiasticum宇宙" （科隆， 1748 ） ;修院星施拉姆， " institutiones法学ecclesiastici " （奥格斯堡， 1774年） ; （ Vincenzo卢佩里， "法学ecclesiastici praelectiones " （那不勒斯， 1777 ） ;乔瓦德沃蒂，名誉大主教迦太基" ， institutionum canonicarum书quatuor " （罗马， 1785 ） ;他的"评上decretals "只有第一次三本书（罗马， 1803年） ;枢机soglia ， " institutiones法学privati等publici ecclesiastici " （巴黎， 1859年）和" institutiones法学publici " ， （洛雷托， 1843年） ;四craisson ，副主教干事价， " manuale汇编totius法学canonici " （普瓦捷， 1861年） 。
School manuals in one or two volumes are very numerous and it is impossible to mention all.学校手册中的一个或两卷都非常多，而且这是不可能何况所有。
We may cite in Italy those of GC Ferrari (1847); Vecchiotti (Turin, 1867); De Camillis, (Rome, 1869); Sebastiano Sanguinetti, SJ (Rome, 1884); Carlo Lombardi (Rome, 1898); Guglielmo Sebastianelli (Rome, 1898), etc. For German speaking countries, Ferdinand Walter (Bonn, 1822); FM Permaneder, 1846; Rosshirt, 1858; George Phillips (Ratisbon, 1859: in addition to his large work in eight volumes, 1845 sq.); J. Winckler, 1862 (specially for Switzerland); S. Aichner (Brixen, 1862) specially for Austria; JF Schulte (Geissen, 1863); FH Vering (Freiburg-im-B., 1874); Isidore Silbernagl (Ratisbon, 1879); H. Laemmer (Freiburg-im-B., 188fi); Phil.我们可以举出在意大利那些地方选区的法拉利（ 1847年） ;韦基奥蒂（都灵， 1867年） ;德camillis ， （罗马， 1869年） ; sebastiano内蒂，律政司司长（罗马， 1884年） ;卡罗伦巴迪（罗马， 1898年） ; guglielmo塞瓦斯蒂亚内利（罗马， 1898 ）等德语国家，费迪南德沃尔特（波恩， 1822 ） ;调频permaneder ， 1846年; rosshirt ， 1858年;乔治菲利普斯（拉蒂斯邦， 1859 ：除了他的大量工作，共分为八册， 1845年平方）的J. winckler ， 1862 （专门为瑞士） ;第aichner （ brixen ， 1862年）专门为奥地利;怡富舒尔特（ geissen ， 1863年） ;跳频vering （ freiburg-im-b. ， 1874年） ;伊西多尔silbernagl （拉蒂斯邦， 1879年） ;每小时laemmer （ freiburg-im-b. ， 188fi ） ;菲尔。 Hergenröther (Freiburg-im-B., 1888); T. Hollweck (Freiburg-im-B.. 1905); J. Laurentius (Freiburg-im-B., 1903); DM Prummer, 1907; JB Sägmüller (Freiburg-im-B., 1904). hergenröther （ freiburg-im-b. ， 1888年） ;汤匙hollweck （ freiburg-im-b. 。 1905 ）的J.劳伦丘斯（ freiburg-im-b. ， 1903年） ; prummer马克， 1907年;了JB sägmüller （弗赖堡-即时通讯乙， 1904年） 。
For France: H. Icard, Superior of Saint-Sulpice (Paris, 1867); M. Bargilliat (Paris, 1893); F. Deshayes, "Memento juris ecclesiastici" (Paris, 1897).关于法国：每小时icard ，优越的圣- Sulpice ） （巴黎， 1867年） ;米巴吉亚（巴黎， 1893年） ; deshayes楼" ，以作纪念法学ecclesiastici " （巴黎， 1897年） 。 In Belgium: De Braban dere (Bruges, 1903).在比利时：德布拉邦dere （布鲁日， 1903年） 。 For English-speaking countries: Smith (New York, 1890); Gignac (Quebec, 1901); Taunton (London, 1906).对于以英语为母语的国家：史密斯（纽约， 1890年） ; gignac （魁北克， 1901年） ;风景如画（伦敦， 1906年） 。 For Spain: Marian Aguilar (Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 1904); Gonzales Ibarra (Valladolid, 1904).为西班牙：玛丽安阿吉拉（圣多明各德香格里拉calzada ， 1904年） ;冈萨雷斯伊瓦拉（巴利亚多利德， 1904年） 。
There are also canonists who have written at considerable length either on the whole canon law, or on special parts of it, in their own particular manner; it is difficult to give a complete list, but we will mention:也有canonists曾经写在相当长要么就整个教会法，或对特殊零件，资讯科技，在自己特定的方式，它是很难说出一个完整的清单，但我们会提：
Agostino Barbosa (d. 1639), whose works fill at least 30 volumes; JB Cardinal Luca (d. 1683), whose immense "Theatrum veritatis" and "Relatio curiae romance" are his most important works; Pignatelli, who has touched on all practica1 questions in his "Consultationes canoniccae", 11 folio volumes, Geneva, 1668; Prospero Lambertini (Pope Benedict XIV), perhaps the greatest canonist since the Council of Trent; in the nineteenth century we must mention the different writings of Dominique Bouix, 15 volumes, Paris, 1852 sq.; the "Kirchenrecht" of JF Schulte, 1856 and of Rudolf v. Scherer, 1886; and above all the great work of Franz Xavier Wernz, General of the Society of Jesus, "Jus decretalium" (Rome, 1898 sq.). agostino巴博萨（四二一六三九） ，他们的作品填补至少有30卷;了JB枢机卢卡（四1683 ） ，其巨大的" theatrum veritatis "和" relatio友浪漫" ，是他最重要的作品; pignatelli ，他道出了所有practica1问题，在他的" consultationes canoniccae " ， 11页码卷，日内瓦， 1668年; prospero lambertini （教宗本笃十四） ，或许最大的canonist因为安理会的遄达，在19世纪，我们要提的是不同的著作多米尼克bouix ， 15卷，巴黎，以建筑面积计， 1852年; " kirchenrecht "怡富舒尔特， 1856和鲁道夫诉scherer ， 1886年;以上所有的伟大工程的Franz哈维尔wernz ，一般的社会的耶稣， "强制decretalium " （罗马1898平方米） 。
It is impossible to enumerate the special treatises.这是不可能列举特别论文。 Among repertoires and dictionaries, it will suffice to cite the "Prompta Bibliotheca" of the Franciscan Ludovico Ferraris (Bologna, 1746); the "Dictionnaire de droit canonique" of Durand de Maillane (Avignon, 1761), continued later by Abbé Andre (Paris, 1847) etc.; finally the other encyclopedias of ecclesiastical sciences wherein canon law has been treated.其中曲目及字典，它足以举" prompta图书馆"的方济各ludovico法拉利（博洛尼亚， 1746 ） ; "词典法canonique "迪朗德maillane （亚维侬， 1761 ） ，续后，由abbé安德烈（巴黎， 1847 ）等;终于其他百科全书的条目科学院其中佳能法得到了治疗。
On ecclesiastical public law, the best-known hand books are, with Soglia,对教会公法上，最有名的手书籍， soglia ，
TM Salzano, "Lezioni di diritto canonico pubblico et private" (Naples, 1845); Camillo Cardinal Tarquini, "Juris ecclesiastici publici institutiones" (Rome, 1860); Felice Cardinal Cavagrus, "Institutiones juris publici ecclesiastici" (Rome, 1888); Msgr.技术备忘录salzano ， " lezioni迪diritto canonico pubblico等私家车" （那不勒斯， 1845年） ;卡米枢机tarquini ， "法学ecclesiastici publici institutiones " （罗马， 1860年） ; felice枢机cavagrus ， " institutiones法学publici ecclesiastici " （罗马， 1888年） ;总主教。 Adolfo Giobbio, "Lezioni di diplomazia ecclesiastics" (Rome, 1899); Emman.阿焦比奥， " lezioni迪diplomazia ecclesiastics " （罗马， 1899年） ; emman 。 de la Peña y Fernéndez, "Jus publicum ecclesiasticum" (Seville, 1900).德香格里拉peña y fernéndez ， "强制publicum ecclesiasticum " （塞维利亚， 1900 ） 。 For an historical view, the chief work is that of Pierre de Marco, Archbishop of Toulouse, "De concordia sacerdotii et imperi" (Paris, 1641).为从历史角度看，行政工作是皮埃尔的德马尔科，大主教图卢兹， "德协和sacerdotii等因佩里" （巴黎， 1641年） 。
For the history of canon law considered in its sources and collections, we must mention为历史上的教会法，在考虑其来源和收藏品，我们必须提
the brothers Pietro and Antonio Ballerini of Verona, "De antiquis collectionibus et collectoribus canonum" (Venice, 1757); among the works of St. Leo I, in PL LIII; the matter has been recast and completed by Friedrich Maassen, "Geschichte der Quellen und der Literatur des kanonischen Rechts im Abendland", I, (Graz, 1870); for the history from the time of Gratian see JF Schulte, "Geschichte der Quellenund der Literatur des kanonischen Rechts von Gratian his zum Gegenwart" (Stuttgart, 1875 sq.), and "Die Lehre von der Quellen des katholiscen Kirchen rechts" (Giessen, 1860); Philip Schneider, "Die Lehre van den Kirchenrechtsquellen" (Ratisbon, 1892), Adolphe Tardif, "Histoire des sources du droit canonique" (Paris, 1887); Franz Laurin, "Introduc tio in Corpus Juris canonici" (Freiburg, 1889).兄弟彼得和安东尼巴勒里尼维罗纳的， "德antiquis collectionibus等collectoribus canonum " （威尼斯， 1757年） ;之中的作品，圣利奥，我在特等liii ;此事已被重写，并完成了弗里德里希maassen ， "历史馆明镜quellen und明镜文学万kanonischen机关Rechts的IM abendland " ，我想， （格拉茨， 1870年） ，而历史上从时间的gratian见怡富舒尔特， "历史馆明镜quellenund明镜文学万kanonischen机关Rechts冯gratian他zum gegenwart " （斯图加特， 1875年平方） ，并在"死教冯明镜quellen万katholiscen kirchen机关Rechts " （吉森， 1860年） ;弘施耐德， "死教范登kirchenrechtsquellen " （拉蒂斯邦， 1892 ） ，阿tardif ， "史万源国际法canonique " （巴黎， 1887年） ;的Franz劳林" introduc氧化钛在法典canonici " （弗赖堡， 1889年） 。 On the history of ecclesiastical discipline and institutions, the principal work is "Ancienne et nouvelle discipline de l'Eglise" by the Oratorian Louis Thomassin (Lyons, 1676), translated into Latin by the author, "Vetus et nova discipline" (Paris, 1688).关于历史的教会纪律和机构，其主要工作是" ancienne等nouvelle纪律，德l' eglise " ，由oratorian路易thomassin （里昂， 1676年） ，翻译成拉丁语，由作者， "老等新的学科" （巴黎， 1688 ） 。 One may consult with profit AJ Binterim, "Die vorzüglich sten Denkwurdigkeiten der christkatolischen Kirche" (Mainz, 1825); the "Dizionario di erudizione storico ecclesiastica" by Moroni (Venice, 1840 sq.); also JW Bickell, "Geschichte des Kirchenrechts" (Gies sen, 1843); E. Loening, "Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts (Strasburg, 1878); R. Sohm, "Kirchenrecht, I: Die geschichtliche Grundlagen" (1892).一个可咨询与利润的AJ binterim ， "死vorzüglich sten denkwurdigkeiten明镜christkatolischen kirche " （美因茨， 1825年） ; " dizionario迪erudizione storico ecclesiastica "莫罗尼（威尼斯，以建筑面积计， 1840年） ;也李钟郁bickell ， "历史馆万kirchenrechts " （ gies森， 1843年） ;体育洛宁， "历史馆万德国kirchenrechts （ strasburg ， 1878年） ;传译sohm ， " kirchenrecht ，我：模具geschichtliche grundlagen " （ 1892 ） 。
Publication information Written by A. Boudinhon.出版信息写甲boudinhon 。 Transcribed by David K. DeWolf.由转录国宝议员dewolf 。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IX.天主教百科全书，体积九。 Published 1910. 1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。 Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. nihil obstat ， 1910年10月1日。 Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort ，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰米farley ，大主教纽约
Overview概况
The word canon as applied to the Scriptures has long had a special and consecrated meaning.字佳能适用于圣经早有一个特殊consecrated意义。 In its fullest comprehension it signifies the authoritative list or closed number of the writings composed under Divine inspiration, and destined for the well-being of the Church, using the latter word in the wide sense of the theocratic society which began with God's revelation of Himself to the people of Israel, and which finds its ripe development and completion in the Catholic organism.在充分理解它标志着权威的名单或关闭若干著作组成，根据神的启示，并准备运往福祉的教堂，用字，后者在广泛意义上的神权社会的开始与上帝的启示自己向以色列人民，并认定其成熟的发展和完成，在天主教的有机体。 The whole Biblical Canon therefore consists of the canons of the Old and New Testaments.整个圣经的佳能公司，因此构成了大炮的旧约及新约。 The Greek kanon means primarily a reed, or measuring-rod: by a natural figure it was employed by ancient writers both profane and religious to denote a rule or standard.希腊kanon方法，主要是芦苇，或计量棒：是一个自然的数字，它是受雇于古代作家既亵渎和宗教标志的规则或标准。 We find the substantive first applied to the Sacred Scriptures in the fourth century, by St. Athanasius; for its derivatives, the Council of Laodicea of the same period speaks of the kanonika biblia and Athanasius of the biblia kanonizomena.我们发现实质性首次应用到神圣的经文在第四世纪，由圣athanasius ;及其衍生物，安理会的劳迪西亚的同一时期讲的kanonika快报和athanasius的快报kanonizomena 。 The latter phrase proves that the passive sense of canon -- that of a regulated and defined collection -- was already in use, and this has remained the prevailing connotation of the word in ecclesiastical literature.后者短语证明被动意义上的佳能公司-即规范和界定收集-是已在使用中，这至今仍是普遍存在的内涵一词在教会文献。
The terms protocanonical and deuterocanonical, of frequent usage among Catholic theologians and exegetes, require a word of caution.条款protocanonical和次经，频繁使用中的天主教神学家和exegetes ，需要一个字的告诫。 They are not felicitous, and it would be wrong to infer from them that the Church successively possessed two distinct Biblical Canons.他们并不幸福，那将是错误的推论，他们说，教会先后拥有两种截然不同的圣经大炮。 Only in a partial and restricted way may we speak of a first and second Canon.只有在一个局部的和有限制的方式，可能我们讲的第一次和第二次佳能。 Protocanonical (protos, "first") is a conventional word denoting those sacred writings which have been always received by Christendom without dispute. protocanonical （ protos ， "第一" ）是一个传统的词指那些神圣的著作，其中一直收到基督教无争议。 The protocanonical books of the Old Testament correspond with those of the Bible of the Hebrews, and the Old Testament as received by Protestants.该protocanonical书籍的旧约对应人士与圣经中的希伯来人，和旧约，因为收到的新教徒。 The deuterocanonical (deuteros, "second") are those whose Scriptural character was contested in some quarters, but which long ago gained a secure footing in the Bible of the Catholic Church, though those of the Old Testament are classed by Protestants as the "Apocrypha".本次经（ deuteros ， "第二" ） ，那些圣经的性质是有争议的，在一些国家，但它们早就有了一个可靠的立足点在圣经中的天主教教会，虽然那些旧约被归类，由新教徒为" apocrypha " 。 These consist of seven books: Tobias, Judith, Baruch, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom, First and Second Machabees; also certain additions to Esther and Daniel.这些包括七本书：托比亚斯，朱迪思， baruch ， ecclesiasticus ，智慧，第一次和第二次machabees ;也是某些增补，以埃丝特和丹尼尔。
It should be noted that protocanonical and deuterocanonical are modern terms, not having been used before the sixteenth century.应该指出的是， protocanonical和次经是现代术语，而不是被用于前十六世纪。 As they are of cumbersome length, the latter (being frequently used in this article) will be often found in the abbreviated form deutero.因为它们的笨重的长度，而后者（被经常使用在这篇文章）会经常发现在略表deutero 。
The scope of an article on the sacred Canon may now be seen to be properly limited regarding the process of范围有一篇关于神圣佳能现在可以看出，以得到妥善有限公司关于进程
what may be ascertained regarding the process of the collection of the sacred writings into bodies or groups which from their very inception were the objects of a greater or less degree of veneration;有什么可确定的关于进程的收集神圣的著作成为机构或团体，从他们一开始都是物体的一个或大或不足程度的敬仰;
the circumstances and manner in which these collections were definitely canonized, or adjudged to have a uniquely Divine and authoritative quality; the vicissitudes which certain compositions underwent in the opinions of individuals and localities before their Scriptural character was universally established.当时的情况和以何种方式在这些藏品被册封的肯定，或者裁定有一个独特的神圣性和权威性质量;沧桑，其中的某些成分，在经历过的意见，个人和地方之前，他们的圣经的性格是普遍确立。
It is thus seen that canonicity is a correlative of inspiration, being the extrinsic dignity belonging to writings which have been officially declared as of sacred origin and authority.因此，它是可见正规是一个相关的灵感，作为外在的尊严属于著作，其中已被正式宣布为神圣的起源和权威。 It is antecedently very probable that according as a book was written early or late it entered into a sacred collection and attained a canonical standing.这是先行很可能根据，因为一本书，作者是早或迟，它进入了一个神圣的收集和达到了一个典型的声望。 Hence the views of traditionalist and critic (not implying that the traditionalist may not also be critical) on the Canon parallel, and are largely influenced by, their respective hypotheses on the origin of its component members.因此，意见的传统和影评人（并非暗示说，传统的未必，也有批判） ，就佳能平行，并在很大程度上影响，其各自的假设，对原产地的，其组成成员。
THE CANON AMONG THE PALESTINIAN JEWS (PROTOCANONICAL BOOKS)佳能之间的巴勒斯坦犹太人（ protocanonical书籍）
It has already been intimated that there is a smaller, or incomplete, and larger, or complete, Old Testament.它已经纳瓦尔说，有一个规模较小的，或不完整，面积较大，或完成后，旧约。 Both of these were handed down by the Jews; the former by the Palestinian, the latter by the Alexandrian, Hellenist, Jews.这两项被移交下跌犹太人;前者由巴勒斯坦，而后者是由亚历山大， hellenist ，犹太人。 The Jewish Bible of today is composed of three divisions, whose titles combined from the current Hebrew name for the complete Scriptures of Judaism: Hat-Torah, Nebiim, wa-Kéthubim, ie The Law, the Prophets, and the Writings.犹太圣经的今天组成的三个师，其职称结合起来，从目前希伯莱名字为全面经文的犹太教：帽子律法， nebiim ，哇kéthubim ，即普通法，先知，和著作。 This triplication is ancient; it is supposed as long-established in the Mishnah, the Jewish code of unwritten sacred laws reduced to writing, c.这triplication是古代，它是为确立已久，在mishnah ，犹太法典的不成文的神圣法律落实到书面上，长 AD 200.公元200 。 A grouping closely akin to it occurs in the New Testament in Christ's own words, Luke 24:44: "All things must needs be fulfilled, which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".集团紧密类似，它是发生在新约圣经中耶稣自己的话来说，路加福音24:44说： "所有的事情必须需要得到履行，这是写在法律中的摩西，并在先知，并在诗篇关于我的" 。 。 Going back to the prologue of Ecclesiasticus, prefixed to it about 132 BC, we find mentioned "the Law, and the Prophets, and others that have followed them".回到序幕的ecclesiasticus ，后缀，它大约在公元前132个，我们找到了" ，并规定了先知，和其他人都跟随他们" 。 The Torah, or Law, consists of the five Mosaic books, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy.律法，或法律，组成五个花叶书籍，成因，出埃及记，利未记，数量，申命记。 The Prophets were subdivided by the Jews into the Former Prophets [ie the prophetico-historical books: Josue, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel (I and II Kings), and 1 and 2 Kings (III and IV Kings)] and the Latter Prophets (Isaias, Jeremias, Ezechiel, and the twelve minor Prophets, counted by the Hebrews as one book).先知们被细分，由犹太人进入前先知[即prophetico历史书籍： josue ，法官， 1和2塞缪尔（ I和II国王） ，以及1和2国王队（第三和第四节国王队） ] ，并经后者先知（伊萨亚斯罗， jeremias ， ezechiel ，以及12项轻微先知，按希伯来人，因为一本书） 。 The Writings, more generally known by a title borrowed from the Greek Fathers, Hagiographa (holy writings), embrace all the remaining books of the Hebrew Bible.该著作，更普遍地被称为一个名称借自希腊语的父亲， hagiographa （圣地著作） ，更要树立余下的所有书籍的希伯来语圣经。 Named in the order in which they stand in the current Hebrew text, these are: Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticle of Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Esdras, Nehemias, or II Esdras, Paralipomenon.名单中，以便他们在其中的立场，在目前的希伯来文，这些国家是：诗篇，谚语，工作， canticle的canticles ，罗思，悲叹，传道书，埃丝特，丹尼尔，埃斯德拉斯，内赫米亚斯，或ii埃斯德拉斯， paralipomenon 。
1. 1 。 Traditional view of the Canon of the Palestinian Jews传统观点佳能的巴勒斯坦犹太人
Proto-Canon原佳能
In opposition to scholars of more recent views, conservatives do not admit that the Prophets and the Hagiographa represent two successive stages in the formation of the Palestinian Canon.反对的学者更近期的言论，保守，不承认先知和hagiographa代表接连两次阶段中，形成了巴勒斯坦佳能。 According to this older school, the principle which dictated the separation between the Prophets and the Hagiographa was not of a chronological kind, but one found in the very nature of the respective sacred compositions.根据这个老学校，原则，即支配了政企分开先知和hagiographa是不是顺序客气，但一发现，在很自然的各自神圣的成分。 That literature was grouped under the Ké-thubim, or Hagiographa, which neither was the direct product of the prophetical order, namely, that comprised in the Latter Prophets, nor contained the history of Israel as interpreted by the same prophetic teachers--narratives classed as the Former Prophets.文学被归入ké - thubim ，或hagiographa ，这既不是直销产品的prophetical秩序，即，其中包括在后先知，也包含了以色列历史上的诠释，同时预言果然老师-叙述归类由于前先知。 The Book of Daniel was relegated to the Hagiographa as a work of the prophetic gift indeed, but not of the permanent prophetic office.这本书的丹尼尔是降级到hagiographa作为一个工作的先知性的礼物，实在的，但不是永久的预言果然办公室。 These same conservative students of the Canon--now scarcely represented outside the Church--maintain, for the reception of the documents composing these groups into the sacred literature of the Israelites, dates which are in general much earlier than those admitted by critics.同样是这些保守的学生佳能-现在几乎代表了教会之外-保持，以便接收的文件组成，这些群体纳入神圣文学的以色列人，日期是在一般远早于那些承认，佳评如潮。 They place the practical, if not formal, completion of the Palestinian Canon in the era of Esdras (Ezra) and Nehemias, about the middle of the fifth century BC, while true to their adhesion to a Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, they insist that the canonization of the five books followed soon after their composition.他们把实际的，如果没有正规，完成巴勒斯坦佳能在时代埃斯德拉斯（以斯拉）和内赫米亚斯，约中在公元前五世纪，而真正自己的附着力，以马赛克著作权的pentateuch ，他们坚持认为册封的五本书之后不久，他们的组合。
Since the traditionalists infer the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch from other sources, they can rely for proof of an early collection of these books chiefly on Deuteronomy 31:9-13, 24-26, where there is question of a books of the law, delivered by Moses to the priests with the command to keep it in the ark and read it to the people on the feast of Tabernacles.由于传统推断花叶著作权的pentateuch从其他来源，他们可以依赖，为证明早期收集的这些书，主要是对申命记31:9-13 ， 24-26 ，有问题的书籍的法律，由摩西向神职人员与指挥，以保持其在方舟，并宣读了，它给人们对住棚节。 But the effort to identify this book with the entire Pentateuch is not convincing to the opponents of Mosaic authorship.但其努力查明这本书与整个pentateuch是不能令人信服的向对手的马赛克著作权。
The Remainder of the Palestinian-Jewish Canon在余下的巴勒斯坦人的犹太佳能
Without being positive on the subject, the advocates of the older views regard it as highly probable that several additions were made to the sacred repertory between the canonization of the Mosaic Torah above described and the Exile (598 BC).而不被看好的主题，提倡老年人的意见，认为它极有可能有数添置了神圣汇编之间册封镶嵌律法以上的描述，并流亡（公元前598 ） 。 They cite especially Isaias, xxxiv, 16; II Paralipomenon, xxix, 30; Proverbs, xxv, 1; Daniel, ix, 2.他们列举了，特别是伊萨亚斯罗，三十四， 16岁;第二paralipomenon ，二十九，三十日;谚语，二十五， 1 ;丹尼尔，第九章， 2 。 For the period following the Babylonian Exile the conservative argument takes a more confident tone.为以后的时期，巴比伦流亡保守的说法采取更加自信的语调。 This was an era of construction, a turning-point in the history of Israel.这是一个时代的建筑，一个转折点，在历史上的以色列。 The completion of the Jewish Canon, by the addition of the Prophets and Hagiographa as bodies to the Law, is attributed by conservatives to Esdras, the priest-scribe and religious leader of the period, abetted by Nehemias, the civil governor; or at least to a school of scribes founded by the former.完成犹太佳能，所增补的先知和hagiographa作为团体法，是归因于保守派，埃斯德拉斯，牧师-文士和宗教领袖的时期，教唆，由内赫米亚斯，民事总督，或者至少一所学校的文士创办于前者。 (Cf. Nehemiah 8-10; 2 Maccabees 2:13, in the Greek original.) Far more arresting in favour of an Esdrine formulation of the Hebrew Bible is a the much discussed passage from Josephus, "Contra Apionem", I, viii, in which the Jewish historian, writing about AD 100, registers his conviction and that of his coreligionists--a conviction presumably based on tradition--that the Scriptures of the Palestinian Hebrews formed a closed and sacred collection from the days of the Persian king, Artaxerxes Longiamanus (465-425 BC), a contemporary of Esdras. （参见尼希米记8-10 2马加比2时13分，在希腊语原） 。远比逮捕赞成一项esdrine制订的希伯来语圣经是一个备受讨论通过，由约瑟夫，成了" Contra apionem " ，我想，八，其中犹太历史学家，在写专案100个，登记他的信念和他的coreligionists -一个信念假定基础上的传统-即圣经中的巴勒斯坦希伯来人，形成一个封闭而又神圣的收集，从几天的波斯国王， artaxerxes longiamanus （ 465-425 BC ）的，一个当代的埃斯德拉斯。 Josephus is the earliest writer who numbers the books of the Jewish Bible.约瑟夫是最早作家号码簿犹太圣经。 In its present arrangement this contains 40; Josephus arrived at 22 artificially, in order to match the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet, by means of collocations and combinations borrowed in part from the Septuagint.以其目前的安排，这个包含了40条;约瑟夫来到22人为地，以配合信件数量在希伯莱字母，即通过搭配和组合，借用部份是来自于septuagint 。 The conservative exegetes find a confirmatory argument in a statement of the apocryphas Fourth Book of Esdras (xiv, 18-47), under whose legendary envelope they see an historical truth, and a further one in a reference in the Baba Bathra tract of the Babylonian Talmud to hagiographic activity on the part of "the men of the Great Synagogue", and Esdras and Nehemias.保守exegetes找到一个验证性的论点在一份声明中的apocryphas第四册埃斯德拉斯（ 14 ， 18-47 ） ，在其传奇性的信封，他们看到了历史的真相，再一次在一个参考，在巴巴bathra呼吸道的巴比伦犹太法典，以hagiographic活动，对部分"男人的伟大犹太教堂" ，并埃斯德拉斯和内赫米亚斯。
But the Catholic Scripturists who admit an Esdrine Canon are far from allowing that Esdras and his colleagues intended to so close up the sacred library as to bar any possible future accessions.但天主教scripturists谁承认一个esdrine佳能远远容许埃斯德拉斯和他的同事们打算这么近了神圣的图书馆，以阻止任何可能的未来加入书。 The Spirit of God might and did breathe into later writings, and the presence of the deuterocanonical books in the Church's Canon at once forestalls and answers those Protestant theologians of a preceding generation who claimed that Esdras was a Divine agent for an inviolable fixing and sealing of the Old Testament To this extent at least, Catholic writers on the subject dissent from the drift of the Josephus testimony.上帝的精神可能没有呼吸，到后来的著作，以及存在的次经书，在教会的佳能在一次forestalls和答案，那些新教神学家的前面一代，他们声称埃斯德拉斯是一个神圣的代理人不可侵犯的固定与密封旧约这至少在某种程度上，天主教作家关于这一主题的异议从漂移的约瑟夫的证词。 And while there is what may be called a consensus of Catholic exegetes of the conservative type on an Esdrine or quasi-Esdrine formulation of the canon so far as the existing material permitted it, this agreement is not absolute; Kaulen and Danko, favouring a later completion, are the notable exceptions among the above-mentioned scholars.同时，有什么可称为一个共识天主教exegetes的保守型对esdrine或准esdrine制订佳能到目前为止，由于现有的材料允许它说，这项协议是不是绝对的;考伦和danko ，有利于以后完成工作，是明显的例外，其中上文提到的学者。
2. 2 。 Critical views of the formation of the Palestinian Canon批评意见的形成，巴勒斯坦佳能
Its three constituent bodies, the Law, Prophets, and Hagiographa, represent a growth and correspond to three periods more or less extended.它的三个组成机构，法律，先知，并hagiographa ，代表了增长和对应的三个时期较多或较少延长。 The reason for the isolation of the Hagiographa from the Prophets was therefore mainly chronological.原因为孤立的hagiographa从先知，因此，主要是时间顺序。 The only division marked off clearly by intrinsic features is the legal element of the Old Testament, viz., the Pentateuch.只有分工标志着小康清楚的内在特点，是法律因素的旧约，即， pentateuch 。
The Torah, or Law律法，或法律
Until the reign of King Josias, and the epoch-making discovery of "the book of the law" in the Temple (621 BC), say the critical exegetes, there was in Israel no written code of laws or other work, universally acknowledged as of supreme and Divine authority.直到国王在位josias ，以及具有划时代的发现"这本书的法律" ，在庙（ 621 BC ）的人员说，关键exegetes ，因此，在以色列没有任何书面的法典或其他工作，公认最高法院和神圣权力。 This "book of the law" was practically identical with Deuteronomy, and its recognition or canonization consisted in the solemn pact entered into by Josias and the people of Juda, described in 2 Kings 23.这个"书的法律" ，几乎全被一致申命记，它的承认或封圣在地中的庄严协议订立josias和人民juda ，描述2国王23 。 That a written sacred Torah was previously unknown among the Israelites, is demonstrated by the negative evidence of the earlier prophets, by the absence of any such factor from the religious reform undertaken by Ezechias (Hezekiah), while it was the mainspring of that carried out by Josias, and lastly by the plain surprise and consternation of the latter ruler at the finding of such a work.一个书面的神圣律法是以前未知当中以色列人，是所表现出来的消极证据，该较早的先知，没有任何这样的因素，从宗教改革所埃泽希亚什（ hezekiah ） ，而它的主要动力进行由josias ，最后由平原惊喜和惊愕的，后者统治者在寻找这样的工作。 This argument, in fact, is the pivot of the current system of Pentateuchal criticism, and will be developed more at length in the article on the Pentateuch, as also the thesis attacking the Mosaic authorship and promulgation of the latter as a whole.针对这种说法，其实是支点的现行制度pentateuchal该批评的批评，将制定更详细，在一篇关于pentateuch ，同时也作为毕业论文攻击花叶著作权，并公布了后者作为一个整体。 The actual publication of the entire Mosaic code, according to the dominant hypothesis, did not occur until the days of Esdras, and is narrated in chapters viii-x of the second book bearing that name.实际公布整个花叶代码，根据占主导地位的假说，并没有出现，直到天埃斯德拉斯，并叙述在第八至第十章的第二本书铭记这名字。 In this connection must be mentioned the argument from the Samaritan Pentateuch to establish that the Esdrine Canon took in nothing beyond the Hexateuch, ie the Pentateuch plus Josue.在这方面，必须一提的论据，从撒玛利亚pentateuch确定所esdrine佳能了，在没有超出hexateuch ，即pentateuch加josue 。 (See PENTATEUCH; SAMARITANS.) （见pentateuch ;撒玛利亚） 。
The Nebiim, or Prophets该nebiim ，或先知
There is no direct light upon the time or manner in which the second stratum of the Hebrew Canon was finished.有没有直射光后的时间或以何种方式在第二层的希伯来语佳能完毕。 The creation of the above-mentioned Samaritan Canon (c. 432 BC) may furnish a terminus a quo; perhaps a better one is the date of the expiration of prophecy about the close of the fifth century before Christ.建立上文提到的撒玛利亚佳能（长432 BC ）的，可出具总站一现状;也许更好，一个是日期届满谶约结束五世纪前基督。 For the other terminus the lowest possible date is that of the prologue to Ecclesiasticus (c. 132 BC), which speaks of "the Law", and the Prophets, and the others that have followed them". But compare Ecclesiasticus itself, chapters xlvi-xlix, for an earlier one.至于其他总站尽可能以最低的日期是的序幕ecclesiasticus （约公元前132 ） ，其中说的是"法律" ，和先知，和别人都跟随他们" ，但比较ecclesiasticus本身，章四十六- xlix ，为较早的一个。
The Kéthubim, or Hagiographa Completes of the Jewish Canon该kéthubim ，或hagiographa完成的犹太佳能
Critical opinion as to date ranged from c.尖锐的批评意见，以日期介于长 165 BC to the middle of the second century of our era (Wildeboer).公元前165至中的第二个世纪我们的时代（ wildeboer ） 。 The Catholic scholars Jahn, Movers, Nickes, Danko, Haneberg, Aicher, without sharing all the views of the advanced exegetes, regard the Hebrew Hagiographa as not definitely settled till after Christ.天主教学者的Jahn ，走势中， nickes ， danko ，汉尼伯格，艾舍，没有分享所有收集到的意见的先进exegetes ，把希伯来语hagiographa不解决，肯定出炉后基督。 It is an incontestable fact that the sacredness of certain parts of the Palestinian Bible (Esther, Ecclesiastes, Canticle of Canticles) was disputed by some rabbis as late as the second century of the Christian Era (Mishna, Yadaim, III, 5; Babylonian Talmud, Megilla, fol. 7).这是一个无可争议的事实是神圣的某些部分巴勒斯坦圣经（埃丝特，传道书， canticle的canticles ）是有争议的一些拉比迟至公元二世纪的基督教时代（ mishna ， yadaim ，三，五;巴比伦塔木德经， megilla ，接下来是7段） 。 However differing as to dates, the critics are assured that the distinction between the Hagiographa and the Prophetic Canon was one essentially chronological.然而不同的，以日期，评论家们放心，认为两者之间的区别hagiographa并预言佳能是一个基本上是顺序排列的。 It was because the Prophets already formed a sealed collection that Ruth, Lamentations, and Daniel, though naturally belonging to it, could not gain entrance, but had to take their place with the last-formed division, the Kéthubim.这是因为先知们已经形成了一个密封的收集罗思，悲叹，和Daniel ，虽然自然属于它，无法取得门口，但已采取自己的位置，与去年成立的分部， kéthubim 。
3. 3 。 The Protocanonical Books and the New Testament该protocanonical书籍和新约圣经
The absence of any citations from Esther, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles may be reasonably explained by their unsuitability for New Testament purposes, and is further discounted by the non-citation of the two books of Esdras.没有任何引文埃丝特，传道书， canticles可以合理地解释他们的不适应，为新约全书的目的，是进一步折扣，非引两书的埃斯德拉斯。 Abdias, Nahum, and Sophonias, while not directly honoured, are included in the quotations from the other minor Prophets by virtue of the traditional unity of that collection. abdias ，结果公布，并sophonias ，虽然没有直接兑现，包括在报价从其他次要的先知，凭借传统的统一收集。 On the other hand, such frequent terms as "the Scripture", the "Scriptures", "the holy Scriptures", applied in the New Testament to the other sacred writings, would lead us to believe that the latter already formed a definite fixed collection; but, on the other, the reference in St. Luke to "the Law and the Prophets and the Psalms", while demonstrating the fixity of the Torah and the Prophets as sacred groups, does not warrant us in ascribing the same fixity to the third division, the Palestinian-Jewish Hagiographa.在另一方面，这种频繁的字眼， "经文" ， "经文" ， "圣经" ，应用在新约圣经到其他神圣的著作，这将导致我们相信后者已经形成了一定的固定收藏但是，另一方面，在参考圣卢克以"法律和先知和诗篇" ，既显示了fixity的律法和先知为神圣的群体，并不需要我们在指称，同时fixity向第三师，巴勒斯坦犹太hagiographa 。 If, as seems certain, the exact content of the broader catalogue of the Old Testament Scriptures (that comprising the deutero books) cannot be established from the New Testament, a fortiori there is no reason to expect that it should reflect the precise extension of the narrower and Judaistic Canon.如果象似乎是肯定的，确切内容更广泛的目录中的旧约圣经（即组成deutero书籍）不能成立，由新约圣经，更不用说是没有理由期待，它应该反映确切的延伸部分窄judaistic佳能。 We are sure, of course, that all the Hagiographa were eventually, before the death of the last Apostle, divinely committed to the Church as Holy Scripture, but we known this as a truth of faith, and by theological deduction, not from documentary evidence in the New Testament The latter fact has a bearing against the Protestant claim that Jesus approved and transmitted en bloc an already defined Bible of the Palestinian Synagogue.我们可以肯定的，当然，这一切hagiographa最终，在死亡之前的最后一个使徒，神致力于教会圣经，但我们已知这是一个真理的信念，由神学扣除，而不是从书面证据在新约圣经，后者实际上已经影响到对新教徒声称耶稣批准并转发了整块一个已经确定了圣经的巴勒斯坦犹太教堂。
4. 4 。 Authors and Standards of Canonicity among the Jews作者和标准的正规其中犹太人
Though the Old Testament reveals no formal notion of inspiration, the later Jews at least must have possessed the idea (cf. 2 Timothy 3:16; 2 Peter 1:21).虽然旧约揭示没有正式的概念灵感，后来犹太人至少必须具备的思想（参见提摩太后3:16 ; 2 ，彼得1时21分） 。 There is an instance of a Talmudic doctor distinguishing between a composition "given by the wisdom of the Holy Spirit" and one supposed to be the product of merely human wisdom.还有一个比如一个talmudic医生区分组成"所给予的智慧，圣灵" ，一个是为了产品的，只是人类的智慧。 But as to our distinct concept of canonicity, it is a modern idea, and even the Talmud gives no evidence of it.但是，以我们独特的概念，正规，它是一个现代的概念，甚至连犹太法典既没有证据证明它。 To characterize a book which held no acknowledged place in the divine library, the rabbis spoke of it as "defiling the hands", a curious technical expression due probably to the desire to prevent any profane touching of the sacred roll.特点一本书，举行了，没有人承认发生在神圣的图书馆，拉比说，它是" defiling手中" ，这是一个奇怪的技术表达应有大概的欲望，以防止任何亵渎感人的神圣名册。 But though the formal idea of canonicity was wanting among the Jews the fact existed.不过，虽然正式的想法正规曾想要其中犹太人的事实存在。 Regarding the sources of canonicity among the Hebrew ancients, we are left to surmise an analogy.至于消息来源的正规当中希伯来语古人，我们只剩推测一个比喻。 There are both psychological and historical reasons against the supposition that the Old Testament canon grew spontaneously by a kind of instinctive public recognition of inspired books.同时有心理和历史原因，对假定旧约佳能增长的自发性行为是一种本能的公开表扬的启发书籍。 True, it is quite reasonable to assume that the prophetic office in Israel carried its own credentials, which in a large measure extended to its written compositions.诚然，这是合理的假设预言办公室在以色列进行它自己的证书，这在很大程度上延长至其书面作文。 But there were many pseduo-prophets in the nation, and so some authority was necessary to draw the line between the true and the false prophetical writings.但有许多pseduo -先知在全国前列，所以有一定的权力是必要的，以划清界线之间的真与假prophetical著作。 And an ultimate tribunal was also needed to set its seal upon the miscellaneous and in some cases mystifying literature embraced in the Hagiographa.与最终的审裁处，也需要确定其密封后，杂项，并在某些情况下，故弄玄虚文学拥抱在hagiographa 。 Jewish tradition, as illustrated by the already cited Josephus, Baba Bathra, and pseudo-Esdras data, points to authority as the final arbiter of what was Scriptural and what not.犹太传统中所表明的那样，已经引约瑟夫，巴巴bathra和伪埃斯德拉斯数据，分委会作为最后的仲裁者是什么圣经，什么不可以。 The so-called Council of Jamnia (c. AD 90) has reasonably been taken as having terminated the disputes between rival rabbinic schools concerning the canonicity of Canticles.那些所谓理事会雅麦尼亚（丙专案90 ）曾合理地被视为具有终止之间的争议对手rabbinic学校有关正规的canticles 。 So while the intuitive sense and increasingly reverent consciousness of the faithful element of Israel could, and presumably did, give a general impulse and direction to authority, we must conclude that it was the word of official authority which actually fixed the limits of the Hebrew Canon, and here, broadly speaking, the advanced and conservative exegetes meet on common ground.因此，尽管有良知的责任感和日益reverent意识忠实的元素以色列可能，并已做了，让一般的冲动和方向，以权威，我们必须结束，这是这个词的官方权威，实际上固定的界限，希伯莱佳能，在这里，广义而言，先进与保守exegetes满足于共同点。 However the case may have been for the Prophets, the preponderance of evidence favours a late period as that in which the Hagiographa were closed, a period when the general body of Scribes dominated Judaism, sitting "in the chair of Moses", and alone having the authority and prestige for such action.但此案可能已为先知， preponderance的证据，有利于后期，因为这其中hagiographa被关闭，一段时，全身的文士为主犹太教，坐在" ，在椅子的摩西" ，并独自拥有权威和声望，这种行动。 The term general body of Scribes has been used advisedly; contemporary scholars gravely suspect, when they do not entirely reject, the "Great Synagogue" of rabbinic tradition, and the matter lay outside the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim.任期一般机构的文士已用于深思熟虑;当代学者深感怀疑，当他们并不完全否定， "伟大的犹太教堂"的rabbinic传统，以及该事项不属于管辖范围内的公会。
As a touchstone by which uncanonical and canonical works were discriminated, an important influence was that of the Pentateuchal Law.作为一个试金石，其中uncanonical及典型工程被歧视，是一个重要的影响是，该pentateuchal法。 This was always the Canon par excellence of the Israelites.这一直是佳能出色的以色列人。 To the Jews of the Middle Ages the Torah was the inner sanctuary, or Holy of Holies, while the Prophets were the Holy Place, and the Kéthubim only the outer court of the Biblical temple, and this medieval conception finds ample basis in the pre-eminence allowed to the Law by the rabbis of the Talmudic age.向犹太人的中世纪的律法是党内的避难所，或神圣之神圣的，而先知都是神圣的地方，以及kéthubim只有外院的圣经寺，这是中世纪的概念认定，有充分的基础上，在预隆突获准由法律规定拉比的talmudic年龄。 Indeed, from Esdras downwards the Law, as the oldest portion of the Canon, and the formal expression of God's commands, received the highest reverence.的确，从埃斯德拉斯向下法律，作为最古老的部分，佳能公司，并正式表达上帝的指令，获得了最高的崇敬。 The Cabbalists of the second century after Christ, and later schools, regarded the other section of the Old Testament as merely the expansion and interpretation of the Pentateuch.该cabbalists的公元二世纪后，基督教会，后来学校，把其他的一段旧约看作仅仅是扩大和口译的pentateuch 。 We may be sure, then, that the chief test of canonicity, at least for the Hagiographa, was conformity with the Canon par excellence, the Pentateuch.我们可以肯定的，那么，行政的考验正规，至少对于hagiographa ，是符合佳能出色， pentateuch 。 It is evident, in addition, that no book was admitted which had not been composed in Hebrew, and did not possess the antiquity and prestige of a classic age, or name at least.这是显而易见的，此外，这本书并没有被承认，它们并没有得到组成，在希伯来语，并不具备文物和威望的一个典型的年龄，或者姓名最少。 These criteria are negative and exclusive rather than directive.这些标准是消极和排他性，而不是指令。 The impulse of religious feeling or liturgical usage must have been the prevailing positive factors in the decision.冲动的宗教感情，或是礼仪的使用，必须是被当时的积极因素，在决定。 But the negative tests were in part arbitrary, and an intuitive sense cannot give the assurance of Divine certification.但其负面测试部分武断，一个直观的感觉，不能给予保证的神圣认证。 Only later was the infallible voice to come, and then it was to declare that the Canon of the Synagogue, though unadulterated indeed, was incomplete.只是后来是不会犯错误的声音来，然后有人要申报，佳能的犹太教堂，虽然十足事实上，是不完整的。
THE CANON AMONG THE ALEXANDRIAN JEWS (DEUTEROCANONICAL BOOKS)佳能当中亚历山大犹太人（次经书）
The most striking difference between the Catholic and Protestant Bibles is the presence in the former of a number of writings which are wanting in the latter and also in the Hebrew Bible, which became the Old Testament of Protestantism.最引人注目的差异，天主教和基督教的圣经，是在前者的一些著作，这是想要在后，又在希伯来语圣经，成为旧约的基督新教。 These number seven books: Tobias (Tobit), Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, I and II Machabees, and three documents added to protocanonical books, viz., the supplement to Esther, from x, 4, to the end, the Canticle of the Three Youths (Song of the Three Children) in Daniel, iii, and the stories of Susanna and the Elders and Bel and the Dragon, forming the closing chapters of the Catholic version of that book.这些号码七书籍：托比亚斯（以Tobit ） ，朱迪思，需要智慧，需要ecclesiasticus ， baruch ，我和二machabees ，和三个文件中加入protocanonical书籍，即，补充埃丝特，从X ， 4 ，至去年底， canticle该三名青年（宋的3个孩子）在丹尼尔，三，故事的苏珊娜和长老和BEL和舞龙，形成闭幕章节天主教版的那本书。 Of these works, Tobias and Judith were written originally in Aramaic, perhaps in Hebrew; Baruch and I Machabees in Hebrew, while Wisdom and II Machabees were certainly composed in Greek.这些作品，托比亚斯和Judith写原本在阿拉姆语，也许在希伯来语; baruch我machabees希伯来语，而智慧和二machabees人组成的，当然，在希腊文。 The probabilities favour Hebrew as the original language of the addition to Esther, and Greek for the enlargements of Daniel.概率赞成希伯来语作为原文的除了埃丝特，希腊语为放大的丹尼尔。
The ancient Greek Old Testament known as the Septuagint was the vehicle which conveyed these additional Scriptures into the Catholic Church.古希腊旧约称为该septuagint是私家车，转达了这些额外的经文进入天主教会。 The Septuagint version was the Bible of the Greek-speaking, or Hellenist, Jews, whose intellectual and literary centre was Alexandria (see SEPTUAGINT).该septuagint版本圣经中的希腊文为母语，或hellenist ，犹太人，他们的智力和文学中心是亚历山大（见septuagint ） 。 The oldest extant copies date from the fourth and fifth centuries of our era, and were therefore made by Christian hands; nevertheless scholars generally admit that these faithfully represent the Old Testament as it was current among the Hellenist or Alexandrian Jews in the age immediately preceding Christ.最古老的现存份的日期是从第四和第五世纪的我们这个时代，并因此取得了由基督教手中，但学者普遍承认，这些忠实代表旧约，因为它是目前各hellenist或亚历山大的犹太人年龄在紧接基督。 These venerable manuscripts of the Septuagint vary somewhat in their content outside the Palestinian Canon, showing that in Alexandrian-Jewish circles the number of admissible extra books was not sharply determined either by tradition or by authority.这些古老的手稿的septuagint稍有不同，在它们的内容外，巴勒斯坦佳能，显示在亚历山大-犹太圈的人数受理的课外书籍并没有大幅确定要么是由传统或由权威。 However, aside from the absence of Machabees from the Codex Vaticanus (the very oldest copy of the Greek Old Testament), all the entire manuscripts contain all the deutero writings; where the manuscript Septuagints differ from one another, with the exception noted, it is in a certain excess above the deuterocanonical books.不过，除了没有machabees从食品法典委员会vaticanus （非常最古老的副本，希腊旧约） ，所有整个手稿包含所有的deutero著作;那里手稿septuagints不同，其中没有一项，除指出的，这是在某超出次经书。 It is a significant fact that in all these Alexandrian Bibles the traditional Hebrew order is broken up by the interspersion of the additional literature among the other books, outside the law, thus asserting for the extra writings a substantial equality of rank and privilege.这是一个显着的事实是，在所有这些亚历山大圣经，传统希伯来语秩序，是打破了由interspersion的额外文学之间的其他书籍，在法律之外，因此断定为额外的著作相当平等的职级和特权。
It is pertinent to ask the motives which impelled the Hellenist Jews to thus, virtually at least, canonize this considerable section of literature, some of it very recent, and depart so radically from the Palestinian tradition.这是中肯的问动机，激励hellenist犹太人的，因此，几乎在最低限度，这封为相当一段文学，它的一些非常近，并离开，所以从根本上从巴勒斯坦的传统。 Some would have it that not the Alexandrian, but the Palestinian, Jews departed from the Biblical tradition.有些人会都认为不是亚历山大，但是巴勒斯坦人，犹太人也背离了圣经的传统。 The Catholic writers Nickes, Movers, Danko, and more recently Kaulen and Mullen, have advocated the view that originally the Palestinian Canon must have included all the deuterocanonicals, and so stood down to the time of the Apostles (Kaulen, c. 100 BC), when, moved by the fact that the Septuagint had become the Old Testament of the Church, it was put under ban by the Jerusalem Scribes, who were actuated moreover (thus especially Kaulen) by hostility to the Hellenistic largeness of spirit and Greek composition of our deuterocanonical books.天主教作家nickes ，走势中， danko ，以及最近考伦和几代人，都主张认为，本来巴勒斯坦佳能必须包括所有deuterocanonicals ，所以已停止运作，以当时的使徒（考伦，长100公元前）时，所提出的事实，即septuagint已成为旧约中的教会，它是属于禁止由耶路撒冷的文士，他们驱动，而且（从而尤其是考伦）由敌视到希腊之大的精神和希腊组成我们次经书。 These exegetes place much reliance on St. Justin Martyr's statement that the Jews had mutilated Holy Writ, a statement that rests on no positive evidence.这些exegetes并不太依赖于圣贾斯汀烈士的声明中说，犹太人已被肢解神圣令状一份声明中表示，在于没有积极的证据。 They adduce the fact that certain deutero books were quoted with veneration, and even in a few cases as Scriptures, by Palestinian or Babylonian doctors; but the private utterances of a few rabbis cannot outweigh the consistent Hebrew tradition of the canon, attested by Josephus--although he himself was inclined to Hellenism--and even by the Alexandrian-Jewish author of IV Esdras.他们举出事实，即某些deutero书籍则引述与敬仰，甚至在少数情况下，作为经文，由巴勒斯坦人还是巴比伦的医生，但私人话语的几个拉比不能大于一致的希伯来传统，佳能，核签，由约瑟夫- -虽然他个人倾向于希腊-甚至由亚历山大-犹太作家的四埃斯德拉斯。 We are therefore forced to admit that the leaders of Alexandrian Judaism showed a notable independence of Jerusalem tradition and authority in permitting the sacred boundaries of the Canon, which certainly had been fixed for the Prophets, to be broken by the insertion of an enlarged Daniel and the Epistle of Baruch.因此，我们也不能不承认，领导人亚历山大犹太教人口显着的独立性，耶路撒冷的传统和权威，在允许的神圣界线佳能，这当然已固定为先知，以打破由插入扩大会议丹尼尔和该坟墓的baruch 。 On the assumption that the limits of the Palestinian Hagiographa remained undefined until a relatively late date, there was less bold innovation in the addition of the other books, but the wiping out of the lines of the triple division reveals that the Hellenists were ready to extend the Hebrew Canon, if not establish a new official one of their own.对假设的界限巴勒斯坦hagiographa仍然未定，直到相对较晚，截至目前为止，较少大胆创新，在增补的其他书籍，但在灭绝的线条三重部揭露说， hellenists正准备扩大希伯来文的佳能公司，如果不是建立一个新的官方他们中的一员。
On their human side these innovations are to be accounted for by the free spirit of the Hellenist Jews.其人性化的一面，这些创新，都是以核算由自由精神的hellenist犹太人。 Under the influence of Greek thought they had conceived a broader view of Divine inspiration than that of their Palestinian brethren, and refused to restrict the literary manifestations of the Holy Ghost to a certain terminus of time and the Hebrew form of language.的影响下，希腊自认有了构思，从更广泛的角度对神的启示，比他们的巴勒斯坦兄弟，并拒绝限制文学表现的圣灵到某一个总站的时间和希伯莱语言形式的运用。 The Book of Wisdom, emphatically Hellenist in character, presents to us Divine wisdom as flowing on from generation to generation and making holy souls and prophets (vii, 27, in the Greek).这本书的智慧，强调hellenist在性格，呈现给我们的神圣智慧的流动对一代一代传下去，使神圣的灵魂和先知（第七章， 27条，在希腊语） 。 Philo, a typical Alexandrian-Jewish thinker, has even an exaggerated notion of the diffusion of inspiration (Quis rerum divinarum hæres, 52; ed. Lips., iii, 57; De migratione Abrahæ, 11,299; ed. Lips. ii, 334).斐洛，一个典型的亚历山大-犹太思想家，甚至夸大了的概念，扩散的启示（什么rerum divinarum hæres ， 52名;海关。双唇，第三， 57个;德migratione abrahæ ， 11299 ;海关。嘴唇第二节， 334 ） 。 But even Philo, while indicating acquaintance with the deutero literature, nowhere cites it in his voluminous writings.但即使是斐洛，同时表示，熟人与deutero文学，无处举在他的汗牛充栋的著作。 True, he does not employ several books of the Hebrew Canon; but there is a natural presumption that if he had regarded the additional works as being quite on the same plane as the others, he would not have failed to quote so stimulating and congenial a production as the Book of Wisdom.的确，他并没有聘用几本书的希伯来语佳能，但增加是一个很自然的推定，如果他把更多的作品被不少关于同一平面，因为其他人，他就不会失败引用，所以，激发和先天性1生产作为这本书的智慧。 Moreover, as has been pointed out by several authorities, the independent spirit of the Hellenists could not have gone so far as to setup a different official Canon from that of Jerusalem, without having left historical traces of such a rupture.此外，正如有人指出的是由几个主管部门，独立精神的hellenists不能竟然就设置一个不同的官方佳能从耶路撒冷，而不留下历史的痕迹，这种破裂。 So, from the available data we may justly infer that, while the deuterocanonicals were admitted as sacred by the Alexandrian Jews, they possessed a lower degree of sanctity and authority than the longer accepted books, ie, the Palestinian Hagiographa and the Prophets, themselves inferior to the Law.因此，从现有的数据，我们可以理直气壮地推断，而deuterocanonicals被接纳为神圣的，由亚历山大犹太人，他们拥有的较低程度的神圣性和权威性的时间越长，接受书，即巴勒斯坦hagiographa和先知，自己的劣势对法律负责。
THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH佳能的旧约，在天主教教会
The most explicit definition of the Catholic Canon is that given by the Council of Trent, Session IV, 1546.最明确的定义，天主教佳能是赋予安理会的遄达，第四次会议， 1546号决议。 For the Old Testament its catalogue reads as follows:为旧约其目录，内容如下：
The five books of Moses (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy), Josue, Judges, Ruth, the four books of Kings, two of Paralipomenon, the first and second of Esdras (which latter is called Nehemias), Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, the Davidic Psalter (in number one hundred and fifty Psalms), Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jeremias, with Baruch, Ezechiel, Daniel, the twelve minor Prophets (Osee, Joel, Amos, Abdias, Jonas, Micheas, Nahum, Habacue, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Malachias), two books of Machabees, the first and second.五书籍的摩西（ Genesis的外流，利未记，数量，申命记） ， josue ，法官，罗思，四书的国王队，其中两个paralipomenon ，第一次和第二次的埃斯德拉斯（其中后者是所谓的内赫米亚斯） ，托比亚斯，朱迪思，埃丝特，求职， davidic psalter （数量150诗篇） ，谚语，传道书， canticle的canticles ，需要智慧，需要ecclesiasticus ，伊萨亚斯罗， jeremias ， baruch ， ezechiel ，丹尼尔， 12个小先知（ osee的Joel阿摩司书， abdias ，盟， micheas ，结果公布， habacue ， sophonias ， aggeus ，撒迦利亚，玛拉基亚亚） ，两本书的machabees ，第一和第二。
The order of books copies that of the Council of Florence, 1442, and in its general plan is that of the Septuagint.该命令书的副本时表示，在该会的佛罗伦萨， 1442年，并在其总的设想是，该septuagint 。 The divergence of titles from those found in the Protestant versions is due to the fact that the official Latin Vulgate retained the forms of the Septuagint.分歧的职称，从这些发现，在新教的版本，这是由于该事实，即官方拉丁语vulgate保留形式的septuagint 。
A. THE OLD TESTAMENT CANON (INCLUDING THE DEUTEROS) IN THE NEW TESTAMENT答：旧约佳能（包括deuteros ）在新约圣经
The Tridentine decrees from which the above list is extracted was the first infallible and effectually promulgated pronouncement on the Canon, addressed to the Church Universal.该法令德律但丁从上述名单是提取是第一次犯错，并有效地颁布了公判大会对佳能，给教会普遍的。 Being dogmatic in its purport, it implies that the Apostles bequeathed the same Canon to the Church, as a part of the depositum fedei.被教条化，在其旨趣，它意味着使徒们留下的，同时佳能送到教堂，作为一个部分的depositum fedei 。 But this was not done by way of any formal decision; we should search the pages of the New Testament in vain for any trace of such action.但是却没有这样做的方式有任何正式决定，我们要搜索页的新约圣经，妄图作任何微量的这种行动。 The larger Canon of the Old Testament passed through the Apostles' hands to the church tacitly, by way of their usage and whole attitude toward its components; an attitude which, for most of the sacred writings of the Old Testament, reveals itself in the New, and for the rest, must have exhibited itself in oral utterances, or at least in tacit approval of the special reverence of the faithful.较大佳能的旧约通过使徒们手中的教会采取默许态度，方式，其使用和整个态度，其组成部分;态度，对大多数的神圣著作的旧约，揭示了他自己在新的，并为休息，就必须有展示自己的口头言语的，或者至少是在默许的特别虔敬的信徒。 Reasoning backward from the status in which we find the deutero books in the earliest ages of post-Apostolic Christianity, we rightly affirm that such a status points of Apostolic sanction, which in turn must have rested on revelation either by Christ or the Holy Spirit.推理从落后的地位，我们在其中找到deutero书籍中，最早的年龄后使徒基督教，我们正确地确认这种身份的要点使徒制裁，而这又必须有赖于启示要么由基督或圣灵。 For the deuterocanonicals at least, we needs must have recourse to this legitimate prescriptive argument, owing to the complexity and inadequacy of the New Testament data.为deuterocanonicals至少，我们需要必须诉诸于这种合法指令性的说法，由于复杂性和不足之处，新约圣经的数据。
All the books of the Hebrew Old Testament are cited in the New except those which have been aptly called the Antilegomena of the Old Testament, viz., Esther, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles; moreover Esdras and Nehemias are not employed.所有书籍的希伯来文旧约引用，在新的，除了那些已被恰当地称为antilegomena的旧约，即，埃丝特，传道书， canticles ;况且埃斯德拉斯和内赫米亚斯没有就业。 The admitted absence of any explicit citation of the deutero writings does not therefore prove that they were regarded as inferior to the above-mentioned works in the eyes of New Testament personages and authors.该承认，如果没有任何明确的引文的deutero著作，因此，没有证明他们是被视为劣势为落实上述各项工程的眼中，新约圣经人物和作者。 The deutero literature was in general unsuited to their purposes, and some consideration should be given to the fact that even at its Alexandrian home it was not quoted by Jewish writers, as we saw in the case of Philo.该deutero文学被普遍不适应他们的目的，和一些应该考虑到一个事实，即使是在其亚历山大主页，它是不会引用犹太作家，正如我们所看到的情况斐洛。 The negative argument drawn from the non-citation of the deuterocanonicals in the New Testament is especially minimized by the indirect use made of them by the same Testament.否定的论据来自非引文的deuterocanonicals在新约圣经，尤其是最小化由间接利用了它们是由同一遗书。 This takes the form of allusions and reminiscences, and shows unquestionably that the Apostles and Evangelists were acquainted with the Alexandrian increment, regarded its books as at least respectable sources, and wrote more or less under its influence.这所采取的形式典故和回忆，并证明无疑认为使徒和传道士分别结识了与亚历山大递增，视其账册上至少尊敬的来源，并撰写更多或更少置于其势力范围之下。 A comparison of Hebrews, xi and II Machabees, vi and vii reveals unmistakable references in the former to the heroism of the martyrs glorified in the latter.比较希伯来人，十一和二machabees ，第六和第七揭示了明白无误的参考文献，在前者向英雄主义的殉道者的荣耀，在后者。 There are close affinities of thought, and in some cases also of language, between 1 Peter 1:6-7, and Wisdom 3:5-6; Hebrews 1:3, and Wisdom 7:26-27; 1 Corinthians 10:9-10, and Judith 8:24-25; 1 Corinthians 6:13, and Ecclesiasticus 36:20.有密切的亲缘关系的思想，并在某些情况下也有语言， 1彼得1:6-7和智慧3:5-6 ;希伯来1:3 ，和智慧7:26-27 ;哥林多前书10时09分-10 ，和Judith 8:24-25 ;哥林多前书6时13分，并ecclesiasticus 36:20 。
Yet the force of the direct and indirect employment of Old Testament writings by the New is slightly impaired by the disconcerting truth that at least one of the New Testament authors, St. Jude, quotes explicitly from the "Book of Henoch", long universally recognized as apocryphal, see verse 14, while in verse 9 he borrows from another apocryphal narrative, the "Assumption of Moses".然而，武力的直接和间接就业的旧约著作，由新略有受损，由令人不安的真相表示，至少有一本新约圣经的作者，圣犹大书，报价明确，从"书的过敏性" ，只要公认由于猜测，见韵文14 ，而在韵文九日他借用从另一个猜测叙事中， "假设的摩西" 。 The New Testament quotations from the Old are in general characterized by a freedom and elasticity regarding manner and source which further ten to diminish their weight as proofs of canonicity.新约圣经的报价从旧的，是在一般的特点是自由与弹性方面，方式和来源进一步十大削弱其重量作为证明的正规。 But so far as concerns the great majority of the Palestinian Hagiographa--a fortiori, the Pentateuch and Prophets--whatever want of conclusiveness there may be in the New Testament, evidence of their canonical standing is abundantly supplemented from Jewish sources alone, in the series of witnesses beginning with the Mishnah and running back through Josephus and Philo to the translation of the above books for the Hellenist Greeks.但到目前为止，由于涉及到大部份的巴勒斯坦hagiographa -更不用说， p entateuch和先知-无论想要的c o nclusiveness有可能在新的佐证，证明其有典型常委会十分补充，从犹太来源，仅在一连串的证人开始与mishnah和运行回约瑟夫和斐洛向翻译上述书籍供hellenist希腊人。 But for the deuterocanonical literature, only the last testimony speaks as a Jewish confirmation.但对于次经文学的，只有最后的证词说，作为一个犹太人的确认。 However, there are signs that the Greek version was not deemed by its readers as a closed Bible of definite sacredness in all its parts, but that its somewhat variable contents shaded off in the eyes of the Hellenists from the eminently sacred Law down to works of questionable divinity, such as III Machabees.然而，也有迹象表明，希腊的版本是不被视为广受读者作为一个封闭的圣经明确的神圣性，在其所有部件，但它的一些变量内容绿荫起飞眼中的hellenists从遥不可及的神圣法律下降到工程值得商榷的神，如三machabees 。
This factor should be considered in weighing a certain argument.这个因素应被视为在权衡一定的论据。 A large number of Catholic authorities see a canonization of the deuteros in a supposed wholesale adoption and approval, by the Apostles, of the Greek, and therefore larger, Old Testament The argument is not without a certain force; the New Testament undoubtedly shows a preference for the Septuagint; out of the 350 texts from the Old Testament, 300 favour the language of the Greek version rather than that of the Hebrew.大批天主教当局看到一个册封的deuteros在一个假设的批发通过和批准，由使徒，我的希腊语，因此，较大的，旧约圣经的说法也不是没有一定的力量;新约圣经，无疑显示偏好为septuagint ;出350个文本，从旧约， 300人赞成语言的希腊语版本，而不是说的希伯来语。 But there are considerations which bid us hesitate to admit an Apostolic adoption of the Septuagint en bloc.但也有考虑，这些出价，我们毫不犹豫地承认一个使徒通过该septuagint整块。 As remarked above, there are cogent reasons for believing that it was not a fixed quantity at the time.正如以上的，有说服力的理由相信它不是一个固定的数量，在当时的。 The existing oldest representative manuscripts are not entirely identical in the books they contain.现有的最古老的代表手稿并不完全一样，在书的内容。 Moreover, it should be remembered that at the beginning of our era, and for some time later, complete sets of any such voluminous collection as the Septuagint in manuscript would be extremely rare; the version must have been current in separate books or groups of books, a condition favourable to a certain variability of compass.此外，应该记住，在一开始我们的时代，并在一段时间后，成套任何此类浩繁收集作为septuagint在手稿将是极其罕见的;版本，必须是被电流分开书籍或群体的书籍一个有利的条件，以一定的变异性的指南针。 So neither a fluctuating Septuagint nor an inexplicit New Testament conveys to us the exact extension of the pre-Christian Bible transmitted by the Apostles to the Primitive Church.所以既不是起伏不定septuagint也不是一个inexplicit新约全书传达给我们的确切延长有关的前基督教圣经是由使徒，以原始的教会。 It is more tenable to conclude to a selective process under the guidance of the Holy Ghost, and a process completed so late in Apostolic times that the New Testament fails to reflect its mature result regarding either the number or note of sanctity of the extra-Palestinian books admitted.这是更站不住脚的，以缔结一项选择性的过程中的指导下圣灵，有一个过程，完成这么晚在使徒时代即新约圣经未能反映其成熟的成果，无论是数量还是注意到神圣不可侵犯的课外巴勒斯坦书籍承认。 To historically learn the Apostolic Canon of the Old Testament we must interrogate less sacred but later documents, expressing more explicitly the belief of the first ages of Christianity.历史学习使徒佳能的旧约，我们必须审问那么神圣的，但后来文件，表达更明确的信念，第一个年龄的基督教。
B. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHURCH OF THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES二，佳能的旧约圣经，在教会的首三个世纪
The sub-Apostolic writings of Clement, Polycarp, the author of the Epistle of Barnabas, of the pseudo-Clementine homilies, and the "Shepherd" of Hermas, contain implicit quotations from or allusions to all the deuterocanonicals except Baruch (which anciently was often united with Jeremias) and I Machabees and the additions to David.小组使徒著作的克莱门特，利卡尔普致斐利，作者的坟墓的石碑，伪克莱门泰颂歌，和"牧羊人"的hermas ，含有隐引文或典故所有deuterocanonicals除baruch （古代常美国与jeremias ） ，而我machabees和增补为国宝。 No unfavourable argument can be drawn from the loose, implicit character of these citations, since these Apostolic Fathers quote the protocanonical Scriptures in precisely the same manner.没有不利的论点，可以从松散的，内隐的特点，这些引文，因为这些使徒父亲引述protocanonical经文中，正是相同的方式。 Coming down to the next age, that of the apologists, we find Baruch cited by Athenagoras as a prophet.下降到下一年龄，即该辩护士，我们发现baruch引用athenagoras作为一个先知。 St. Justin Martyr is the first to note that the Church has a set of Old Testament Scriptures different from the Jews', and also the earliest to intimate the principle proclaimed by later writers, namely, the self-sufficiency of the Church in establishing the Canon; its independence of the Synagogue in this respect.圣贾斯汀烈士是第一个值得注意的是，教会都有一套旧约圣经有别于犹太人' ，也是最早的亲密原则，宣告了后来的作家，即自给自足的教会在建立佳能公司，其独立的犹太教堂，在这方面的工作。 The full realization of this truth came slowly, at least in the Orient, where there are indications that in certain quarters the spell of Palestinian-Jewish tradition was not fully cast off for some time.为充分实现这一真理慢慢来，至少在世界的东方，那里有迹象表明，在某些宿舍的蛊惑巴勒斯坦犹太传统是无法完全摆脱了一段时间。 St. Melito, Bishop of Sardis (c. 170), first drew up a list of the canonical books of the Old Testament While maintaining the familiar arrangement of the Septuagint, he says that he verified his catalogue by inquiry among Jews; Jewry by that time had everywhere discarded the Alexandrian books, and Melito's Canon consists exclusively of the protocanonicals minus Esther.圣melito ，主教sardis （长170 ） ，首先拟定了一份名单，典型图书的旧约，同时保持熟悉的安排，该septuagint ，他说，他验证了他的目录，由调查当中犹太人;犹太人到时间已到处抛弃亚历山大书籍，并melito的佳能组成专门的protocanonicals减去埃丝特。 It should be noticed, however, that the document to which this catalogue was prefixed is capable of being understood as having an anti-Jewish polemical purpose, in which case Melito's restricted canon is explicable on another ground.应该看到，不过，该文件以这个目录的前缀是能够被理解为是一个反犹太人的论辩目的，在这种情况下melito的限制，佳能是可以解释另一理由。 St. Irenæus, always a witness of the first rank, on account of his broad acquaintance with ecclesiastical tradition, vouches that Baruch was deemed on the same footing as Jeremias, and that the narratives of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon were ascribed to Daniel.圣irenæus ，始终证人的第一级，就到他的广泛结识与教会传统，先天不足，加上管理松散认为baruch被视为对同一立足点上jeremias ，以及叙述的苏珊娜和BEL和龙被归咎于丹尼尔。 The Alexandrian tradition is represented by the weighty authority of Origen.在亚历山大的传统，是由具份量的权威渊源。 Influenced, doubtless, by the Alexandrian-Jewish usage of acknowledging in practice the extra writings as sacred while theoretically holding to the narrower Canon of Palestine, his catalogue of the Old Testament Scriptures contains only the protocanonical books, though it follows the order of the Septuagint.的影响，毫无疑问，由亚历山大-犹太人使用的承认，在实践中额外的著作，作为神圣的，而在理论上仍坚持狭义佳能的巴勒斯坦，他的目录中的旧约经文只载protocanonical书籍，虽然它遵循秩序的septuagint 。 Nevertheless Origen employs all the deuterocanonicals as Divine Scriptures, and in his letter of Julius Africanus defends the sacredness of Tobias, Judith, and the fragments of Daniel, at the same time implicitly asserting the autonomy of the Church in fixing the Canon (see references in Cornely).不过雇用渊源所有deuterocanonicals作为神圣的经文，并在他的信中的戏剧africanus捍卫神圣的托比亚斯，朱迪思，和片段的丹尼尔，在同一时间，含蓄地断言的自主权，教会在操纵佳能（见参考文献cornely ） 。 In his Hexaplar edition of the Old Testament all the deuteros find a place.在他的hexaplar版旧约所有deuteros找到一个地方。 The sixth-century Biblical manuscript known as the "Codex Claromontanus" contains a catalogue to which both Harnack and Zahn assign an Alexandrian origin, about contemporary with Origen.第六世纪的圣经手稿被称为"食品法典委员会claromontanus "包含一个目录，以双方的Harnack和zahn指派一名亚历山大出身，对我国当代与渊源。 At any rate it dates from the period under examination and comprises all the deuterocanonical books, with IV Machabees besides.无论如何，它的日期从下期考试，并包括所有次经书，与四machabees此外。 St. Hippolytus (d. 236) may fairly be considered as representing the primitive Roman tradition.圣hippolytus （四236 ） ，可相当视为代表原始古罗马的传统。 He comments on the Susanna chapter, often quotes Wisdom as the work of Solomon, and employs as Sacred Scripture Baruch and the Machabees.他的评论对苏珊娜章，往往行情的智慧，随着这项工作的索罗门，并雇用了神圣的经文baruch和machabees 。 For the West African Church the larger canon has two strong witnesses in Tertullian and St. Cyprian.为西非教会较大佳能有两个强有力的证人，戴尔都良和圣塞浦路斯。 All the deuteros except Tobias, Judith, and the addition to Esther, are Biblically used in the works of these Fathers.所有deuteros除托比亚斯，朱迪思，并增设以埃丝特，是圣经中使用的作品，这些父亲。 (With regard to the employment of apocryphal writings in this age see under APOCRYPHA.) （关于就业的猜测著作，在这个年龄层见apocrypha ） 。
C. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT DURING THE FOURTH, AND FIRST HALF OF THE FIFTH, CENTURY三，佳能的旧约在第四，与上半年的第五，世纪
In this period the position of the deuterocanonical literature is no longer as secure as in the primitive age.在这一时期的立场与次经文学已不再是安全的，因为在原始时代。 The doubts which arose should be attributed largely to a reaction against the apocryphal or pseudo-Biblical writings with which the East especially had been flooded by heretical and other writers.疑问产生，应归功于在很大程度上反应，对猜测或伪圣经的著作，其中东部地区特别是已经充斥邪教和其他作家。 Negatively, the situation became possible through the absence of any Apostolic or ecclesiastical definition of the Canon.消极，局势变得可能通过没有任何使徒或教会的定义佳能。 The definite and inalterable determination of the sacred sources, like that of all Catholic doctrines, was in the Divine economy left to gradually work itself out under the stimulus of questions and opposition.明确和不容更改的决心神圣的来源一样，所有天主教的教义，是在神圣的经济留下来工作，逐步走出下刺激的问题和反对。 Alexandria, with its elastic Scriptures, had from the beginning been a congenial field for apocryphal literature, and St. Athanasius, the vigilant pastor of that flock, to protect it against the pernicious influence, drew up a catalogue of books with the values to be attached to each.亚历山德里亚，其弹性经文，曾从一开始就得到和谐的竞争环境，猜测文学，和圣athanasius ，警惕牧师说，羊群，以保护它反对的流毒，起草了一份目录的书籍与价值观被重视每一个。 First, the strict canon and authoritative source of truth is the Jewish Old Testament, Esther excepted.第一，严格佳能和权威人士的真理，就是犹太人的旧约，埃丝特除外。 Besides, there are certain books which the Fathers had appointed to be read to catechumens for edification and instruction; these are the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Esther, Judith, Tobias, the Didache, or Doctrine of the Apostles, the Shepherd of Hermas.此外，有一些书籍，其中父亲任命为阅读慕道者为启迪和指导，这是智慧的所罗门的智慧西拉奇（ ecclesiasticus ） ，埃丝特，朱迪思，托比亚斯， didache ，或学说的使徒，牧羊人的hermas 。 All others are apocrypha and the inventions of heretics (Festal Epistle for 367).其他全都是apocrypha和发明的异教徒（节日的书信为367 ） 。 Following the precedent of Origen and the Alexandrian tradition, the saintly doctor recognized no other formal canon of the Old Testament than the Hebrew one; but also, faithful to the same tradition, he practically admitted the deutero books to a Scriptural dignity, as is evident from his general usage.以下先例的渊源和亚历山大的传统文化中，圣洁的医生承认，没有其他正规的佳能旧约比希伯来语之一，但同时，忠实于传统，同时，他几乎承认deutero书籍，一圣经的尊严，这一点从他的一般用法。 At Jerusalem there was a renascence, perhaps a survival, of Jewish ideas, the tendency there being distinctly unfavourable to the deuteros.在耶路撒冷有一个重生，也许是生存，犹太人的观念，倾向有明显不利的deuteros 。 St. Cyril of that see, while vindicating for the Church the right to fix the Canon, places them among the apocrypha and forbids all books to be read privately which are not read in the churches.圣西里尔这一见，而为维护教会的权利，修理佳能，把它们之间的apocrypha并禁止所有的书籍可以阅读，其中私下都没有看过，在教堂。 In Antioch and Syria the attitude was more favourable.在安提及叙利亚的态度是更有利的。 St. Epiphanius shows hesitation about the rank of the deuteros; he esteemed them, but they had not the same place as the Hebrew books in his regard.圣epiphanius显示迟疑职级的deuteros他尊敬他们，但他们不一样的地方，希伯来文的书籍，在他的方面。 The historian Eusebius attests the widespread doubts in his time; he classes them as antilegomena, or disputed writings, and, like Athanasius, places them in a class intermediate between the books received by all and the apocrypha.历史学家尤西比乌斯证明了普遍的怀疑，在他的时候，他班，他们为antilegomena ，或有争议的著作，并像athanasius场所，他们在一类中间之间的书籍，受到大家欢迎和apocrypha 。 The 59th (or 60th) canon of the provincial Council of Laodicea (the authenticity of which however is contested) gives a catalogue of the Scriptures entirely in accord with the ideas of St. Cyril of Jerusalem.第59 （或60 ） ，佳能的省议会的劳迪西亚（真伪，其中不过是有争议的）给出的目录会念经完全符合理念的圣西里尔的耶路撒冷。 On the other hand, the Oriental versions and Greek manuscripts of the period are more liberal; the extant ones have all the deuterocanonicals and, in some cases, certain apocrypha.另一方面，关于东方版本和希腊语手稿期间更自由;现存的所有deuterocanonicals ，并在某些情况下，某些apocrypha 。
The influence of Origen's and Athanasius's restricted canon naturally spread to the West.影响渊源的，并athanasius的限制，佳能自然传播到西方。 St. Hilary of Poitiers and Rufinus followed their footsteps, excluding the deuteros from canonical rank in theory, but admitting them in practice.圣希拉里的普瓦捷和rufinus其次，他们的脚步声，不包括deuteros从典型队伍中的理论，但他们承认，在实践中。 The latter styles them "ecclesiastical" books, but in authority unequal to the other Scriptures.后者作风，他们的"教会"的书籍，但在权力不平等的，以其他经文。 St. Jerome cast his weighty suffrage on the side unfavourable to the disputed books.圣杰罗姆投了他的份量普选，对不利的一面，以有争议的书籍。 In appreciating his attitude we must remember that Jerome lived long in Palestine, in an environment where everything outside the Jewish Canon was suspect, and that, moreover, he had an excessive veneration for the Hebrew text, the Hebraica veritas as he called it.在欣赏他的态度，我们必须紧记，杰罗姆长期居住在巴勒斯坦，在一个环境里，一切外界犹太佳能，被怀疑，并说，而且，他有过多的敬仰，为希伯来文， hebraica Veritas的，因为他所谓的。 In his famous "Prologus Galeatus", or Preface to his translation of Samuel and Kings, he declares that everything not Hebrew should be classed with the apocrypha, and explicitly says that Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobias, and Judith are not on the Canon.在他的著名的" prologus galeatus " ，或作序，他的翻译和萨穆埃尔国王，他宣称一切并非希伯来语应该被归类与apocrypha ，并明确表示，智慧， ecclesiasticus ，托比亚斯和朱迪思是不是就佳能公司。 These books, he adds, are read in the churches for the edification of the people, and not for the confirmation of revealed doctrine.这些书，他补充说，是看在教堂为教化的人民，而不是用于确认发现的教义。 An analysis of Jerome's expressions on the deuterocanonicals, in various letters and prefaces, yields the following results: first, he strongly doubted their inspiration; secondly, the fact that he occasionally quotes them, and translated some of them as a concession to ecclesiastical tradition, is an involuntary testimony on his part to the high standing these writings enjoyed in the Church at large, and to the strength of the practical tradition which prescribed their readings in public worship.分析杰罗姆的表情就deuterocanonicals ，在各种信件和序跋，产量，结果如下：第一，他强烈质疑，他们的灵感;其次，他的事实，偶尔行情，并翻译他们中的一些人作为让步，以教会的传统，是一个非自愿的证词对他的部分向高常务委员会这些著作享有在教堂的大，并加强了实用的传统，而明其读数在公共崇拜。 Obviously, the inferior rank to which the deuteros were relegated by authorities like Origen, Athanasius, and Jerome, was due to too rigid a conception of canonicity, one demanding that a book, to be entitled to this supreme dignity, must be received by all, must have the sanction of Jewish antiquity, and must moreover be adapted not only to edification, but also to the "confirmation of the doctrine of the Church", to borrow Jerome's phrase.显然，劣级，其中deuteros均是由当局想渊源， athanasius ，和威廉姆斯，是因为过于僵化观念正规，一，要求一本书，以享此最高的尊严，必须得到所有，就必须有制裁的犹太文物的，必须同时加以调整，不仅以启迪，而且也给"证实了这一学说的教会" ，借用杰罗姆的短语。
But while eminent scholars and theorists were thus depreciating the additional writings, the official attitude of the Latin Church, always favourable to them, kept the majestic tenor of its way.但同时，知名学者和理论家，因此贬值附加著作时，这位官员的态度对拉丁美洲教会，总是有利的，他们保持了雄壮的男高音，其出路。 Two documents of capital importance in the history of the canon constitute the first formal utterance of papal authority on the subject.这两个文件对资本的重要性，在历史上的佳能，构成了第一次正式的话语教皇管理局对此事的意见。 The first is the so-called "Decretal of Gelasius", de recipiendis et non recipiendis libris, the essential part of which is now generally attributed to a synod convoked by Pope Damasus in the year 382.第一就是所谓的" decretal的gelasius " ，德recipiendis等非recipiendis libris ，不可或缺的一部分，这是现在人们普遍归于一主教召集由罗马教皇达玛苏在今年382 。 The other is the Canon of Innocent I, sent in 405 to a Gallican bishop in answer to an inquiry.另一种是佳能无辜的，我发送405到gallican主教在回答另一项调查。 Both contain all the deuterocanonicals, without any distinction, and are identical with the catalogue of Trent.既包含所有的deuterocanonicals ，没有任何区别，并与中央定价目录的遄达。 The African Church, always a staunch supporter of the contested books, found itself in entire accord with Rome on this question.非洲教会，始终坚定支持者有争议的书籍，发现自己在整个符合罗马签署了这个问题。 Its ancient version, the Vetus Latina (less correctly the Itala), had admitted all the Old Testament Scriptures.其古老的版本，老拉丁（不到正确名单） ，已承认全部旧约圣经。 St. Augustine seems to theoretically recognize degrees of inspiration; in practice he employs protos and deuteros without any discrimination whatsoever.圣奥古斯丁看来，从理论上认识程度的灵感，在实践中，他雇用了protos和deuteros没有任何歧视。 Moreover in his "De Doctrinâ Christianâ" he enumerates the components of the complete Old Testament.此外，在他的"德doctrinâ christianâ "他列举了组件的完整的旧约。 The Synod of Hippo (393) and the three of Carthage (393, 397, and 419), in which, doubtless, Augustine was the leading spirit, found it necessary to deal explicitly with the question of the Canon, and drew up identical lists from which no sacred books are excluded.主教的河马（ 393 ） ，以及三个迦太基（ 393 ， 397 ， 419 ） ，其中，毫无疑问，奥古斯丁是领先的精神，发现有必要明确涉及的问题，佳能公司，并制定了相同的名单而没有一个神圣的书籍是被排除在外。 These councils base their canon on tradition and liturgical usage.这些理事会基地，他们对佳能传统和礼仪用法。 For the Spanish Church valuable testimony is found in the work of the heretic Priscillian, "Liber de Fide et Apocryphis"; it supposes a sharp line existing between canonical and uncanonical works, and that the Canon takes in all the deuteros.为西班牙教会宝贵的证词发现，在各项工作中的邪教普里西利安， " liber德正当等apocryphis " ，它是支撑夏普线之间存在的典型和uncanonical工程，并表示，佳能会采取一切deuteros 。
D. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTH TO THE CLOSE OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY四，佳能的旧约来自中东的第五次访问结束七世纪
This period exhibits a curious exchange of opinions between the West and the East, while ecclesiastical usage remained unchanged, at least in the Latin Church.这一时期呈现出好奇地交换了意见，与西方和东方的，而教会用法保持不变，至少在拉丁美洲教会。 During this intermediate age the use of St. Jerome's new version of the Old Testament (the Vulgate) became widespread in the Occident.在这中间年龄使用圣杰罗姆的新版本的旧约（ vulgate ） ，成为普遍，在欧美。 With its text went Jerome's prefaces disparaging the deuterocanonicals, and under the influence of his authority the West began to distrust these and to show the first symptoms of a current hostile to their canonicity.其文来到杰罗姆的序跋贬低了deuterocanonicals和影响下，他的权力，西方开始不信任，这些，并显示出第一个症状，目前敌视他们正规。 On the other hand, the Oriental Church imported a Western authority which had canonized the disputed books, viz., the decree of Carthage, and from this time there is an increasing tendency among the Greeks to place the deuteros on the same level with the others--a tendency, however, due more to forgetfulness of the old distinction than to deference to the Council of Carthage.另一方面，关于东方教会进口西方管理局曾册封有争议的书籍，即，该法令的迦太基，并从这个时候有上升的趋势，其中希腊人把deuteros就同一层面与他人-一个趋势，不过，多是因为健忘的旧的区别，比服从安理会的迦太基。
E. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT DURING THE MIDDLE AGES体育佳能的旧约，在中世纪
The Greek Church希腊教会
The result of this tendency among the Greeks was that about the beginning of the twelfth century they possessed a canon identical with that of the Latins, except that it took in the apocryphal III Machabees.结果，这种倾向当中，希腊人是对年初的12世纪，他们掌握了佳能公司，与该拉丁人，除了它发生在猜测三machabees 。 That all the deuteros were liturgically recognized in the Greek Church at the era of the schism in the ninth century, is indicated by the "Syntagma Canonum" of Photius.所有deuteros被liturgically承认，在希腊教会在时代的分裂而在第九世纪，是表示，由"聚合， canonum " photius 。
The Latin Church拉丁美洲教会
In the Latin Church, all through the Middle Ages we find evidence of hesitation about the character of the deuterocanonicals.在拉丁美洲教会，所有经过中世纪的，我们找到的证据迟疑性质的deuterocanonicals 。 There is a current friendly to them, another one distinctly unfavourable to their authority and sacredness, while wavering between the two are a number of writers whose veneration for these books is tempered by some perplexity as to their exact standing, and among those we note St. Thomas Aquinas.因此，这是当前友好对他们来说，另一个明显不利于他们的权威和神圣性，而摇摆不定，两者之间的一些作家的敬仰，为这两本书是锻炼了一些困惑，因为以他们的确切立场，其中我们注意到圣。多瑪斯。 Few are found to unequivocally acknowledge their canonicity.很少被发现，毫不含糊地承认自己的正规。 The prevailing attitude of Western medieval authors is substantially that of the Greek Fathers.普遍的态度西方中世纪的作者是大幅的希腊教父。 The chief cause of this phenomenon in the West is to be sought in the influence, direct and indirect, of St. Jerome's depreciating Prologus.行政事业，这种现象在西方是要寻求在受影响的，直接的和间接的，圣杰罗姆的贬值prologus 。 The compilatory "Glossa Ordinaria" was widely read and highly esteemed as a treasury of sacred learning during the Middle Ages; it embodied the prefaces in which the Doctor of Bethlehem had written in terms derogatory to the deuteros, and thus perpetuated and diffused his unfriendly opinion.编纂" glossa ordinaria "被广泛阅读和高度评价，作为财政部的神圣学习，在中世纪，它体现了前言，其中博士伯利恒曾写信条款贬到deuteros ，从而延续和扩散，他不友善的舆论。 And yet these doubts must be regarded as more or less academic.然而，这些疑虑必须被视为是较多或较少的学术。 The countless manuscript copies of the Vulgate produced by these ages, with a slight, probably accidental, exception, uniformly embrace the complete Old Testament Ecclesiastical usage and Roman tradition held firmly to the canonical equality of all parts of the Old Testament There is no lack of evidence that during this long period the deuteros were read in the churches of Western Christendom.无数的手稿复制该vulgate产生这些不同年龄，以很小的，大概偶然的，例外的，一律拥抱完成旧约教会使用和罗马的传统，坚守典型平等的，所有零部件的旧约不存在任何不可逾越证据表明，在这漫长的时期deuteros分别宣读了在教堂的西方基督教的。 As to Roman authority, the catalogue of Innocent I appears in the collection of ecclesiastical canons sent by Pope Adrian I to Charlemagne, and adopted in 802 as the law of the Church in the Frankish Empire; Nicholas I, writing in 865 to the bishops of France, appeals to the same decree of Innocent as the ground on which all the sacred books are to be received.至于罗马管理局，中央定价目录的无辜i似乎在收集教会大炮发出教皇阿德里安一至查理曼，并通过了802作为国家法律，教会在法兰克帝国;尼古拉斯，我在写作865的主教们法国呼吁同一法令无辜的，因为地面上的一切神圣的书籍是将收到的。
F. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE GENERAL COUNCILS六，佳能的旧约和一般议会
The Council of Florence (1442)安理会的佛罗伦萨（ 1442 ）
In 1442, during the life, and with the approval, of this Council, Eugenius IV issued several Bulls, or decrees, with a view to restore the Oriental schismatic bodies to communion with Rome, and according to the common teaching of theologians these documents are infallible states of doctrine.在1442年，在生活中，并征得批准后，本会的， eugenius四，下发了若干公牛，或法令，以期挽回东方schismatic机构与罗马的共融，而根据共同教学的神学家，这些文件是犯错的国家学说。 The "Decretum pro Jacobitis" contains a complete list of the books received by the Church as inspired, but omits, perhaps advisedly, the terms canon and canonical. " decretum亲jacobitis "包含一个完整的清单，帐簿收到由教会作为灵感，但略去了，也许是深思熟虑，服务条款佳能和典型。 The Council of Florence therefore taught the inspiration of all the Scriptures, but did not formally pass on their canonicity.安理会的佛罗伦萨，因此教故事的灵感全部经文，但没有正式通过其正规。
The Council of Trent's Definition of the Canon (1546)安理会的遄达的定义，佳能（ 1546 ）
It was the exigencies of controversy that first led Luther to draw a sharp line between the books of the Hebrew Canon and the Alexandrian writings.这是迫切需要的争议，第一次率领路德得出一个鲜明线之间书籍的希伯来语佳能和亚历山大的著作。 In his disputation with Eck at Leipzig, in 1519, when his opponent urged the well-known text from II Machabees in proof of the doctrine of purgatory, Luther replied that the passage had no binding authority since the books was outside the Canon.在他的争议与eck在莱比锡， 1519 ，当他的对手敦促著名的文本由二machabees在证明了该学说的炼狱，路德回答说，通过没有约束力的权力，因为书籍被外界佳能。 In the first edition of Luther's Bible, 1534, the deuteros were relegated, as apocrypha, to a separate place between the two Testaments.在首版路德的圣经， 1534 ，该deuteros被降级， apocrypha ，以一个单独的地方，两国间的见证。 To meet this radical departure of the Protestants, and as well define clearly the inspired sources from which the Catholic Faith draws its defence, the Council of Trent among its first acts solemnly declared as "sacred and canonical" all the books of the Old and New Testaments "with all their parts as they have been used to be read in the churches, and as found in the ancient vulgate edition".为了满足这一激进离境的新教徒，以及明确的灵感来源，其中信仰天主教提请其辩护，安理会的遄其中第一行为郑重宣布为"神圣与典型"的所有书籍的旧的和新见证" ，其所有零部件，因为他们已经习惯阅读教会，并为发现在古代vulgate版" 。 During the deliberations of the Council there never was any real question as to the reception of all the traditional Scripture.在安理会的审议工作，有没有任何真正的问题，以接收所有传统经文。 Neither--and this is remarkable--in the proceedings is there manifest any serious doubt of the canonicity of the disputed writings.既不-这是了不起的-在诉讼中，是有明显的任何严重疑问的正规的有争议的著作。 In the mind of the Tridentine Fathers they had been virtually canonized, by the same decree of Florence, and the same Fathers felt especially bound by the action of the preceding ecumenical synod.在他心中的德律但丁的父亲，他们实际上已被册封的，由同一法令的佛罗伦斯，并同父亲感到特别的约束行动的前基督教主教。 The Council of Trent did not enter into an examination of the fluctuations in the history of the Canon.安理会的遄没有进入考试的波动在历史上的佳能公司。 Neither did it trouble itself about questions of authorship or character of contents.也没有麻烦自己对问题的著作权或人格的内容。 True to the practical genius of the Latin Church, it based its decision on immemorial tradition as manifested in the decrees of previous councils and popes, and liturgical reading, relying on traditional teaching and usage to determine a question of tradition.真正符合实际的天才的拉丁教堂，它的基础是决定于远古的传统，主要表现在法令前议会和教皇，礼仪读，依靠传统的教学和使用情况，以确定质询的传统。 The Tridentine catalogue has been given above.本德律但丁目录已发出以上。
The Vatican Council (1870)梵蒂冈理事会（ 1870年）
The great constructive Synod of Trent had put the sacredness and canonicity of the whole traditional Bible forever beyond the permissibility of doubt on the part of Catholics.伟大的建设性主教的遄达已经把神圣性和正规的整个传统圣经永远超出可允许的，无疑对部分天主教徒。 By implication it had defined that Bible's plenary inspiration also.它的内在含义已经确定，圣经的启示全会还。 The Vatican Council took occasion of a recent error on inspiration to remove any lingering shadow of uncertainty on this head; it formally ratified the action of Trent and explicitly defined the Divine inspiration of all the books with their parts.梵蒂冈会举行之际，最近的误差对灵感，以消除任何阴影挥之不去的不确定性对这一头;正式批准了该行动的遄达，并明确界定了神圣启示的所有书籍及其零部件。
THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT OUTSIDE THE CHURCH佳能的旧约圣经教会之外
A. AMONG THE EASTERN ORTHODOX答：中东部东正教
The Greek Orthodox Church preserved its ancient Canon in practice as well as theory until recent times, when, under the dominant influence of its Russian offshoot, it is shifting its attitude towards the deuterocanonical Scriptures.希腊东正教教堂保存有古老的佳能在实践以及理论，直到最近一个时期，时，根据支配性影响力的俄罗斯分支，它是把它的态度，次经经文。 The rejection of these books by the Russian theologians and authorities is a lapse which began early in the eighteenth century.拒绝接受这些书籍由俄罗斯神学家和当局是事隔开始，早在十八世纪。 The Monophysites, Nestorians, Jacobites, Armenians, and Copts, while concerning themselves little with the Canon, admit the complete catalogue and several apocrypha besides.该monophysites ， nestorians ， jacobites ，亚美尼亚人，科普特人，而有关自己很少与佳能，承认完整的目录和几个apocrypha此外。
B. AMONG PROTESTANTS乙之间的新教徒
The Protestant Churches have continued to exclude the deutero writings from their canons, classifying them as "Apocrypha".新教教会有继续排除deutero著作，从他们的大炮，把这些作为" apocrypha " 。 Presbyterians and Calvinists in general, especially since the Westminster Synod of 1648, have been the most uncompromising enemies of any recognition, and owing to their influence the British and Foreign Bible Society decided in 1826 to refuse to distribute Bibles containing the Apocrypha. presbyterians和calvinists普遍的，特别是因为西敏寺主教的1648年，已成为最不妥协的敌人任何识别，而且由于他们的影响力，英国和外国圣经公会决定，在1826年到垃圾散发圣经，其中载有apocrypha 。 Since that time the publication of the deuterocanonicals as an appendix to Protestant Bibles has almost entirely ceased in English-speaking countries.自那时以来出版的deuterocanonicals作为附录，以基督教圣经，已经几乎完全停止，在以英语为母语的国家。 The books still supply lessons for the liturgy of the Church of England, but the number has been lessened by the hostile agitation.书籍仍然是供给和汲取教训的礼仪中的英国教会，但数目已减少，由敌对情绪激动。 There is an Apocrypha appendix to the British Revised Version, in a separate volume.有一个apocrypha附录向英国修订版本，在一个单独的音量。 The deuteros are still appended to the German Bibles printed under the auspices of the orthodox Lutherans.该deuteros仍然附在向德国圣经，印的主持下东正教lutherans 。
Publication information Written by George J. Reid.出版信息写江彰里德。 Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.转录由恩尼stefanik 。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume III.天主教百科全书，第三卷。 Published 1908. 1908年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。 Nihil Obstat, November 1, 1908. nihil obstat ， 1908年11月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教纽约
The Catholic New Testament, as defined by the Council of Trent, does not differ, as regards the books contained, from that of all Christian bodies at present.天主教新约圣经的定义，由理事会的遄达，没有不同之处，至于书所载，从所有的基督教团体目前。 Like the Old Testament, the New has its deuterocanonical books and portions of books, their canonicity having formerly been a subject of some controversy in the Church.像旧约，新有次经书籍和部分书籍，其正规后，以前一直受到一些争议，在教会里。 These are for the entire books: the Epistle to the Hebrews, that of James, the Second of St. Peter, the Second and Third of John, Jude, and Apocalypse; giving seven in all as the number of the New Testament contested books.这些都是为整个图书：希伯来人书中说，也就是詹姆斯，第二的圣彼得大教堂，第二次和第三次，约翰，犹大书，和启示; 7 ，在所有随着一系列的新约圣经有争议的书籍。 The formerly disputed passages are three: the closing section of St. Mark's Gospel, xvi, 9-20 about the apparitions of Christ after the Resurrection; the verses in Luke about the bloody sweat of Jesus, xxii, 43, 44; the Pericope Adulteræ, or narrative of the woman taken in adultery, St. John, vii, 53 to viii, 11.原来有争议的通道有三：关闭一段的圣马克福音，十六， 9-20关于幻影基督复活之后;小诗在路加约流血流汗的耶稣， 22 ， 43 ， 44人; pericope adulteræ ，或叙事的女子采取通奸，圣约翰，七， 53至第八， 11 。 Since the Council of Trent it is not permitted for a Catholic to question the inspiration of these passages.由于安理会的趋势，它是不容许的一个天主教质疑故事的灵感，这些通道。
A. THE FORMATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON (AD 100-220)答：组建新的遗嘱佳能（公元100-220 ）
The idea of a complete and clear-cut canon of the New Testament existing from the beginning, that is from Apostolic times, has no foundation in history.构思一个完整和鲜明佳能的新约圣经现有从一开始，也就是从使徒时代，没有任何的基础，在历史上。 The Canon of the New Testament, like that of the Old, is the result of a development, of a process at once stimulated by disputes with doubters, both within and without the Church, and retarded by certain obscurities and natural hesitations, and which did not reach its final term until the dogmatic definition of the Tridentine Council.佳能公司的新约圣经，这样的老人，是因一个发展，是一个进程的一次刺激的纠纷与抱怀疑态度，既没有教堂，并迟钝一些obscurities和自然犹豫不决，并没有不能达到其最后任期，直到教条式定义的德律但丁会。
1. 1 。 The witness of the New Testament to itself: The first collections Those writings which possessed the unmistakable stamp and guarantee of Apostolic origin must from the very first have been specially prized and venerated, and their copies eagerly sought by local Churches and individual Christians of means, in preference to the narratives and Logia, or Sayings of Christ, coming from less authorized sources.见证了新的佐证自己：一是收藏这些作品，其中具有鲜明的邮票和保证使徒的起源，必须从第一已特别珍贵和崇敬，其副本急切寻求的地方教会和基督徒个人的手段，在优先安排的说明，并logia ，或熟语基督的，从低核定的来源。 Already in the New Testament itself there is some evidence of a certain diffusion of canonical books: II Peter, iii, 15, 16, supposes its readers to be acquainted with some of St. Paul's Epistles; St. John's Gospel implicitly presupposes the existence of the Synoptics (Matthew, Mark, and Luke).已在新约圣经本身有若干证据显示某扩散的典型书籍：彼得第二，三， 15 ， 16 ，是支撑它的读者熟悉的一些圣保禄的书信;圣约翰的福音含蓄地假定已存在该synoptics （马太，马克，路加） 。 There are no indications in the New Testament of a systematic plan for the distribution of the Apostolic compositions, any more than there is of a definite new Canon bequeathed by the Apostles to the Church, or of a strong self-witness to Divine inspiration.没有任何迹象显示，在新约圣经的一个有系统的计划分配的使徒组成的，任何以上有一个明确的新佳能遗志使徒们送到教堂，还是一个强大的自我见证神的启示。 Nearly all the New Testament writings were evoked by particular occasions, or addressed to particular destinations.几乎所有的新约圣经的著作被诱发，由特别的场合，或者给特定的目的地。 But we may well presume that each of the leading Churches--Antioch, Thessalonica, Alexandria, Corinth, Rome--sought by exchanging with other Christian communities to add to its special treasure, and have publicly read in its religious assemblies all Apostolic writings which came under its knowledge.但是，我们很有可能假定每一个领导教堂-安提塞萨洛尼卡，亚历山大，科林斯，罗马-试图通过交换与其他基督信仰团体，以增加其特别珍惜，并公开宣读，在其宗教集会所有使徒著作，其中来到下，其知识。 It was doubtless in this way that the collections grew, and reached completeness within certain limits, but a considerable number of years must have elapsed (and that counting from the composition of the latest book) before all the widely separated Churches of early Christendom possessed the new sacred literature in full.这无疑是在这样藏品成长，并达成完整性一定的限额，但相当数量的，必须年已经过去了（这从组成的最新著作） ，然后所有的广泛分离教会早期基督教具备新的神圣文学足额发放。 And this want of an organized distribution, secondarily to the absence of an early fixation of the Canon, left room for variations and doubts which lasted far into the centuries.这要一个有组织的分配，其次为缺乏一个早期固定的佳能，留下的空间变化和疑虑，历时远到百年。 But evidence will presently be given that from days touching on those of the last Apostles there were two well defined bodies of sacred writings of the New Testament, which constituted the firm, irreducible, universal minimum, and the nucleus of its complete Canon: these were the Four Gospels, as the Church now has them, and thirteen Epistles of St. Paul--the Evangelium and the Apostolicum.但有证据，将被立即鉴于从天谈到那些过去使徒有两个明确的尸体神圣著作的新约圣经，这构成了坚定的，不可，通用最低，而核心，它完全佳能：这些人4个福音，因为教会，现在已经和他们的13书信的圣保禄-e vangelium和a postolicum。
2. 2 。 The principle of canonicity原则正规
Before entering into the historical proof for this primitive emergence of a compact, nucleative Canon, it is pertinent to briefly examine this problem: During the formative period what principle operated in the selection of the New Testament writings and their recognition as Divine?--Theologians are divided on this point.然后进入历史证明了这本原出现了一种紧凑型， nucleative佳能，这是中肯的简单研究这个问题：在成立初期以什么原则运作，在选择新约圣经的著作和被承认为神吗-神学家划分这一点。 This view that Apostolicity was the test of the inspiration during the building up of the New Testament canon, is favoured by the many instances where the early Fathers base the authority of a book on its Apostolic origin, and by the truth that the definitive placing of the contested books on the New Testament catalogue coincided with their general acceptance as of Apostolic authorship.这种看法认为， apostolicity是考验灵感期间建设起来的新约圣经佳能，是赞成由很多情况下，早期的父亲基地权威的一本书，就其使徒的原产地，以及由事实，即最终的配售有争议的书对新约全书目录恰逢他们普遍接受的，因为使徒著作权。 Moreover, the advocates of this hypothesis point out that the Apostles' office corresponded with that of the Prophets of the Old Law, inferring that as inspiration was attached to the munus propheticum so the Apostles were aided by Divine inspiration whenever in the exercise of their calling they either spoke or wrote.此外，主张这一假说指出，使徒们厅对应，即先知们的旧法，言下之意，即作为灵感，隶属该munus propheticum所以使徒保罗资助，以神的启示时，在行使自己的呼唤他们或者以或写信。 Positive arguments are deduced from the New Testament to establish that a permanent prophetical charisma (see CHARISMATA) was enjoyed by the Apostles through a special indwelling of the Holy Ghost, beginning with Pentecost: Matth., x, 19, 20; Acts, xv, 28; I Cor., ii, 13; II Cor., xiii, 3; I Thess., ii, 13, are cited.正面论据推导出了新约圣经，以建立一个永久prophetical魅力（见charismata ）所享有的使徒们通过一项特别留置的圣灵，从五旬： matth ，十， 19日， 20日;行为，第十五28 ，我肺心病，二， 13岁;二，肺心病，十三， 3 ，我帖，二， 13篇。 The opponents of this theory allege against it that the Gospels of Mark and of Luke and Acts were not the work of Apostles (however, tradition connects the Second Gospel with St. Peter's preaching and St. Luke's with St. Paul's); that books current under an Apostle's name in the Early Church, such as the Epistle of Barnabas and the Apocalypse of St. Peter, were nevertheless excluded from canonical rank, while on the other hand Origen and St. Dionysius of Alexandria in the case of Apocalypse, and St. Jerome in the case of II and III John, although questioning the Apostolic authorship of these works, unhesitatingly received them as Sacred Scriptures.对手的这一理论声称反对这福音的标志和卢克和行为是不工作的使徒（然而，传统连接第二个福音，与圣彼得的说教和圣卢克与圣保禄） ;图书电流根据使徒的名字，在早期教会，如坟墓的石碑和启示圣彼得，但被排除在典型的职级，而另一方面渊源和圣狄奥尼修斯的亚历山德里亚，在案件的启示和ST 。杰罗姆在案件第二和第三约翰，虽然质疑使徒著作权的这些作品，毫不犹豫地接待了他们神圣的经文。 An objection of a speculative kind is derived from the very nature of inspiration ad scribendum, which seems to demand a specific impulse from the Holy Ghost in each case, and preclude the theory that it could be possessed as a permanent gift, or charisma.异议的投机，一种是取自很自然的灵感专案scribendum ，这似乎与需求，一个特定的冲动来自圣灵在每种情况下，并排除理论，它可以拥有一个永久的礼物，或魅力。 The weight of Catholic theological opinion is deservedly against mere Apostolicity as a sufficient criterion of inspiration.重量天主教神学的看法是当之无愧反对仅仅apostolicity作为一个足够标准的灵感。 The adverse view has been taken by Franzelin (De Divinâ Traditione et Scripturâ, 1882), Schmid (De Inspirationis Bibliorum Vi et Ratione, 1885), Crets (De Divinâ Bibliorum Inspiratione, 1886), Leitner (Die prophetische Inspiration, 1895--a monograph), Pesch (De Inspiratione Sacræ, 1906).负面看法已采取franzelin （德divinâ traditione等scripturâ ， 1882年） ，施密德（德inspirationis bibliorum六等理由的， 1885年） ， crets （德divinâ bibliorum inspiratione ， 1886年） ， Leitner的（模具prophetische灵感， 1895年-专刊） ， pesch （德inspiratione sacræ ， 1906年） 。 These authors (some of whom treat the matter more speculatively than historically) admit that Apostolicity is a positive and partial touchstone of inspiration, but emphatically deny that it was exclusive, in the sense that all non-Apostolic works were by that very fact barred from the sacred Canon of the New Testament They hold to doctrinal tradition as the true criterion.这些作者（其中有些人对待此事更speculatively比历史）承认apostolicity是一个积极的和局部的试金石灵感，但强调，否认它是排他性的，在某种意义上说，所有的非使徒工程由非常事实上禁止神圣佳能的新约圣经，他们手中掌握的理论传统，为真正的标准。
Catholic champions of Apostolicity as a criterion are: Ubaldi (Introductio in Sacram Scripturam, II, 1876); Schanz (in Theologische Quartalschrift, 1885, pp. 666 sqq., and A Christian Apology, II, tr. 1891); Székely (Hermeneutica Biblica, 1902).天主教冠军apostolicity作为一个准则是：乌巴迪（ introductio在sacram scripturam ，二， 1876年） ; schanz （ theologische quartalschrift ， 1885年，第666 sqq ，和一个基督教道歉，二，的TR 。 1891 ） ; székely （ hermeneutica biblica ， 1902 ） 。 Recently Professor Batiffol, while rejecting the claims of these latter advocates, has enunciated a theory regarding the principle that presided over the formation of the New Testament canon which challenges attention and perhaps marks a new stage in the controversy.最近教授batiffol ，而驳回索赔的后面这些主张，已阐明了理论方面的原则，即主持成立新的遗嘱佳能挑战的注意，或许标志着一个新的阶段，在争议。 According to Monsignor Batiffol, the Gospel (ie the words and commandments of Jesus Christ) bore with it its own sacredness and authority from the very beginning.据主教batiffol ，福音（即言论和诫命，耶稣基督）的口径与它自身的神圣性和权威性，从一开始的。 This Gospel was announced to the world at large, by the Apostles and Apostolic disciples of Christ, and this message, whether spoken or written, whether taking the form of an evangelic narrative or epistle, was holy and supreme by the fact of containing the Word of Our Lord.这福音，是向全世界宣布，在大，由使徒和使徒弟子基督的，而这讯息，不论是口语或书面的，不论采取的形式是一个福音叙事或书信，是神圣和最高人民法院，由事实上的含字因为我们的上帝。 Accordingly, for the primitive Church, evangelical character was the test of Scriptural sacredness.因此，在原始教会，福音派性格是考验圣经的神圣性。 But to guarantee this character it was necessary that a book should be known as composed by the official witnesses and organs of the Evangel; hence the need to certify the Apostolic authorship, or at least sanction, of a work purporting to contain the Gospel of Christ.但是，以保证此特性，有必要一本书，将被称为组成，由官方证人和机关的播道;因此，有必要证明使徒作者身份，或至少制裁，一项工作，本意是遏制福音的基督。 In Batiffol's view the Judaic notion of inspiration did not at first enter into the selection of the Christian Scriptures.在batiffol的看法犹太概念的灵感并不在第一次进入选择基督教经文。 In fact, for the earliest Christians the Gospel of Christ, in the wide sense above noted, was not to be classified with, because transcending, the Old Testament.事实上，在最早的基督教福音的基督，在广义上讲，上述指出的，但结果却并非如此划分的，因为超越，旧约。 It was not until about the middle of the second century that under the rubric of Scripture the New Testament writings were assimilated to the Old; the authority of the New Testament as the Word preceded and produced its authority as a New Scripture.但直到约中的第二个世纪的标题下圣经新约圣经的著作被同化到旧;权威的新约圣经，因为这个词之前，并制作了其权威，作为一个新的经文。 (Revue Biblique, 1903, 226 sqq.) Monsignor Batiffol's hypothesis has this in common with the views of other recent students of the New Testament canon, that the idea of a new body of sacred writings became clearer in the Early Church as the faithful advanced in a knowledge of the Faith. （ biblique杂志， 1903年， 226 sqq ） 。主教batiffol的假说有这种共通的意见，最近举行的其他学生对新约全书佳能，这一构想的一个新机构的神圣著作变得更加清楚，在早期教会的教友们先进在一个以知识的信仰。 But it should be remembered that the inspired character of the New Testament is a Catholic dogma, and must therefore in some way have been revealed to, and taught by, Apostles.--Assuming that Apostolic authorship is a positive criterion of inspiration, two inspired Epistles of St. Paul have been lost.但应该记住，激发性格的新约圣经是天主教教义，因此必须以某种方式被揭示，并教导所，使徒.--假设使徒著作权，是一个积极的判据灵感，两个灵感书信的圣保禄已经丧失。 This appears from I Cor., v, 9, sqq.; II Cor., ii, 4, 5.这似乎是从I肺心病，五，九， sqq 。 ;二，肺心病，二，四，五。
3. 3 。 The formation of the Tetramorph, or Fourfold Gospel成立该tetramorph ，或四倍的福音
Irenæus, in his work "Against Heresies" (AD 182-88), testifies to the existence of a Tetramorph, or Quadriform Gospel, given by the Word and unified by one Spirit; to repudiate this Gospel or any part of it, as did the Alogi and Marcionites, was to sin against revelation and the Spirit of God. irenæus ，在他的作品"对异端邪说" （公元182-88 ） ，证明确实存在一种tetramorph ，或quadriform福音，由Word和统一的一个精神;推翻这个福音或任何部分，因为没有该尔罗基和marcionites ，是对单的启示与上帝的精神。 The saintly Doctor of Lyons explicitly states the names of the four Elements of this Gospel, and repeatedly cites all the Evangelists in a manner parallel to his citations from the Old Testament.德雷克医生的里昂明确的名称四个要素，这福音，反反复复引用所有福音一种方式并行，以他的引文，从旧约。 From the testimony of St. Irenæus alone there can be no reasonable doubt that the Canon of the Gospel was inalterably fixed in the Catholic Church by the last quarter of the second century.从证词中的圣irenæus独自不可能有任何合理的怀疑，佳能的福音是inalterably固定在天主教教会，由上个季度的第二个世纪。 Proofs might be multiplied that our canonical Gospels were then universally recognized in the Church, to the exclusion of any pretended Evangels.证据可能会成倍增加，我们的典型福音，然后被公认在教会，以排除任何假装evangels 。 The magisterial statement of Irenæus may be corroborated by the very ancient catalogue known as the Muratorian Canon, and St. Hippolytus, representing Roman tradition; by Tertullian in Africa, by Clement in Alexandria; the works of the Gnostic Valentinus, and the Syrian Tatian's Diatessaron, a blending together of the Evangelists' writings, presuppose the authority enjoyed by the fourfold Gospel towards the middle of the second century.该治安官声明irenæus可佐证，由非常古老的目录名称为muratorian佳能，和圣hippolytus ，罗马传统，由戴尔都良在非洲，由克莱门特在亚历山大;工程的诺斯替valentinus ，与叙利亚tatian的diatessaron一个融合为一体的福音'道具，假定管理局所享有的四福音，对中东的第二个世纪。 To this period or a little earlier belongs the pseduo-Clementine epistle in which we find, for the first time after II Peter, iii, 16, the word Scripture applied to a New Testament book.这一时期，还是早一点属于该pseduo -克莱门泰书信中，我们发现，这是第一次后，第二，彼得三， 16 ，字经文中的应用提高到一个新约圣经的书。 But it is needless in the present article to array the full force of these and other witnesses, since even rationalistic scholars like Harnack admit the canonicity of the quadriform Gospel between the years 140-175.但它不用在当前条到阵列的全部力量，这些和其他证人，因为即使理性主义学者一样的Harnack承认正规的quadriform福音之间多年来140-175 。
But against Harnack we are able to trace the Tetramorph as a sacred collection back to a more remote period.但反对的Harnack我们能够追查tetramorph作为一项神圣的收集回落至更偏远的时期。 The apocryphal Gospel of St. Peter, dating from about 150, is based on our canonical Evangelists.该猜测福音的圣彼得大教堂，可以追溯到约150人，是基于我国典型福音。 So with the very ancient Gospel of the Hebrews and Egyptians (see APOCRYPHA).所以与非常古老的福音的希伯来人，埃及人（见apocrypha ） 。 St. Justin Martyr (130-63) in his Apology refers to certain "memoirs of the Apostles, which are called gospels", and which "are read in Christian assemblies together with the writings of the Prophets".圣贾斯汀烈士（ 130-63 ） ，在他的道歉是指一定的"回忆录中的使徒，这是所谓的福音" ，其中"阅读基督教集会，同著作的先知" 。 The identity of these "memoirs" with our Gospels is established by the certain traces of three, if not all, of them scattered through St. Justin's works; it was not yet the age of explicit quotations.身份的这些"回忆录" ，与我们的福音，建立了一定的痕迹，三，如果不是全部，他们分布在圣贾斯汀的作品，它现在还不是年龄有明确的报价单。 Marcion, the heretic refuted by Justin in a lost polemic, as we know from Tertullian, instituted a criticism of Gospels bearing the names of the Apostles and disciples of the Apostles, and a little earlier (c. 120) Basilides, the Alexandrian leader of a Gnostic sect, wrote a commentary on "the Gospel" which is known by the allusions to it in the Fathers to have comprised the writings of the Four Evangelists. marcion ，批驳了邪教由Justin在失去论战，因为我们知道，从戴尔都良，建立了批判的福音轴承的名字使徒和弟子的使徒，和少量较早（长120 ） basilides ，亚历山大领导人1诺斯替教派，写评论，对"福音" ，这是众所周知的，由典故给它的父已组成的著述四个福音。
In our backward search we have come to the sub-Apostolic age, and its important witnesses are divided into Asian, Alexandrian, and Roman:在我们落后的搜索，我们已经到了必须小组使徒时代，其重要证人分为亚洲，亚历山大，和古罗马时期：
St. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, and St. Polycarp, of Smyrna, had been disciples of Apostles; they wrote their epistles in the first decade of the second century (100-110).圣伊格主教安提，和圣利卡尔普致斐利，皆被弟子的传道者，他们写了他们的书信，在第一个十年的第二个世纪（ 100-110 ） 。 They employ Matthew, Luke, and John.他们聘请马太，路加，和约翰。 In St. Ignatius we find the first instance of the consecrated term "it is written" applied to a Gospel (Ad Philad., viii, 2).在圣伊格我们发现一审的consecrated来说： "这是写"适用于一个福音（公元philad ，八， 2 ） 。 Both these Fathers show not only a personal acquaintance with "the Gospel" and the thirteen Pauline Epistles, but they suppose that their readers are so familiar with them that it would be superfluous to name them.这些都表明，父亲不仅是一个个人熟人"福音"和13名宝莲，书信，但他们认为他们的读者是如此熟悉他们，这将是多余的姓名。 Papias, Bishop of Phrygian Hierapolis, according to Irenæus a disciple of St. John, wrote about AD 125. papias ，主教phrygian hierapolis ，根据irenæus弟子的圣约翰写道，约公元125 。 Describing the origin of St. Mark's Gospel, he speaks of Hebrew (Aramaic) Logia, or Sayings of Christ, composed by St. Matthew, which there is reason to believe formed the basis of the canonical Gospel of that name, though the greater part of Catholic writers identify them with the Gospel.描述起源的圣马克福音，他讲的希伯来语（阿拉姆语） logia ，或熟语基督的，由圣马太，这就是我们有理由相信建制的基础上的典型福音的这名字，虽然大部份天主教作家，找出他们与福音。 As we have only a few fragments of Papias, preserved by Eusebius, it cannot be alleged that he is silent about other parts of the New Testament.正如我们只有几个片段papias ，保存了尤西比乌斯，但并不能指称他是沉默的其他部分的新约圣经。
The so-called Epistle of Barnabas, of uncertain origin, but of highest antiquity, cites a passage from the First Gospel under the formula "it is written".那些所谓坟墓的石碑，来源不明的问题，而是最高文物，举了个通道，从第一福音，根据公式" ，这是写" 。 The Didache, or Teaching of the Apostles, an uncanonical work dating from c.该didache ，或教学的使徒，是一个uncanonical工作约会，从长 110, implies that "the Gospel" was already a well-known and definite collection. 110 ，意味着"福音" ，已经是一个著名的和明确的收藏。
St. Clement, Bishop of Rome, and disciple of St. Paul, addressed his Letter to the Corinthian Church c.圣克莱门特，罗马的主教，和弟子的圣保罗，处理信件，科林斯教会长 AD 97, and, although it cites no Evangelist explicitly, this epistle contains combinations of texts taken from the three synoptic Gospels, especially from St. Matthew.专案97个，而且，虽然它引述没有传道明确，这书信载组合文本从这三天气福音，尤其是来自圣马太。 That Clement does not allude to the Fourth Gospel is quite natural, as it was not composed till about that time.克莱门特说，没有提到第四个福音，是很自然的，因为它不是组成，直至约时间。
Thus the patristic testimonies have brought us step by step to a Divine inviolable fourfold Gospel existing in the closing years of the Apostolic Era.因此教父的证词已为我们带来了一步步一项神圣不可侵犯的四倍福音中存在的最后几年里，使徒时代。 Just how the Tetramorph was welded into unity and given to the Church, is a matter of conjecture.只是如何tetramorph被焊接成团结，奉献给教会，是一个关乎猜想。 But, as Zahn observes, there is good reason to believe that the tradition handed down by Papias, of the approval of St. Mark's Gospel by St. John the Evangelist, reveals that either the latter himself of a college of his disciples added the Fourth Gospel to the Synoptics, and made the group into the compact and unalterable "Gospel", the one in four, whose existence and authority left their clear impress upon all subsequent ecclesiastical literature, and find their conscious formulation in the language of Irenæus.但是，正如zahn观察，有很好的理由认为传统流传下来的papias ，批准的圣马克福音，由圣若望福音，揭示了，无论后者自己的一个大学的他的弟子说：第四福音向synoptics事件，使集团成为紧凑型和不可改变的"福音" ，其中有四个，其存在性和权威性，离开了他们清晰的印象后，其后所有的教会文学，并找到他们的自觉表述语言irenæus 。
4. 4 。 The Pauline Epistles该宝莲书信
Parallel to the chain of evidence we have traced for the canonical standing of the Gospels extends one for the thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, forming the other half of the irreducible kernel of the complete New Testament canon.平行链条的证据，我们已经追查到，为典型常委会的福音延伸之一，为13个教会中的圣保罗，形成另一半的束缚内核的完全新约全书佳能。 All the authorities cited for the Gospel Canon show acquaintance with, and recognize, the sacred quality of these letters.所有机关表彰福音佳能查看结识，并认识到，神圣的质量，这些信件。 St. Irenæus, as acknowledged by the Harnackian critics, employs all the Pauline writings, except the short Philemon, as sacred and canonical.圣irenæus ，所承认的那样，由harnackian批评者，雇用了所有宝莲著作中，除短期philemon ，作为神圣的典型。 The Muratorian Canon, contemporary with Irenæus, gives the complete list of the thirteen, which, it should be remembered, does not include Hebrews.该muratorian佳能，当代与irenæus ，给人的完整名单， 13个，其中，应该记住，不包括希伯来人。 The heretical Basilides and his disciples quote from this Pauline group in general.邪教basilides和他的弟子引述这宝莲组的一般问题。 The copious extracts from Marcion's works scattered through Irenæus and Tertullian show that he was acquainted with the thirteen as in ecclesiastical use, and selected his Apostolikon of six from them.该再用提取物marcion的作品散落通过irenæus和戴尔都良表明，他结识了13名在教会使用，并选定他的apostolikon的六名来自他们。 The testimony of Polycarp and Ignatius is again capital in this case.证词利卡尔普致斐利和伊格又是资本在这种情况下。 Eight of St. Paul's writings are cited by Polycarp; St. Ignatius of Antioch ranked the Apostles above the Prophets, and must therefore have allowed the written compositions of the former at least an equal rank with those of the latter ("Ad Philadelphios", v).八，圣保罗的著作是引用利卡尔普致斐利圣伊格安提排名使徒以上先知，因此必须让写的作文前至少同等职级相对于后者（ "专案philadelphios "五） 。 St. Clement of Rome refers to Corinthians as at the head "of the Evangel"; the Muratorian Canon gives the same honour to I Corinthians, so that we may rightfully draw the inference, with Dr. Zahn, that as early as Clement's day St. Paul's Epistles had been collected and formed into a group with a fixed order.圣克莱门特的罗马指哥林多前书截至头"的播道" ; muratorian佳能给出相同荣幸哥林多前书，让我们可以理所当然地得出推论，在与博士zahn ，早在克莱门特的天圣保罗的书信已收集并形成了一组具有固定程序。 Zahn has pointed out confirmatory signs of this in the manner in which Sts. zahn指出验证的迹象，这在以何种方式的STS 。 Ignatius and Polycarp employ these Epistles.伊格和利卡尔普致斐利聘请这些书信。 The tendency of the evidence is to establish the hypothesis that the important Church of Corinth was the first to form a complete collection of St. Paul's writings.趋势的证据，是建立假设，即重要的教会科林斯是第一次形成一个完整的收集，圣保罗的著作。
5. 5 。 The remaining Books其余书籍
In this formative period the Epistle to the Hebrews did not obtain a firm footing in the Canon of the Universal Church.在这个时期形成了希伯来人书中没有获得站稳脚根，在佳能公司的普世教会。 At Rome it was not yet recognized as canonical, as shown by the Muratorian catalogue of Roman origin; Irenæus probably cites it, but makes no reference to a Pauline origin.在罗马，它是尚未确认为典型，如图所示，由muratorian目录罗马的起源; irenæus大概濒危物种贸易公约，但并没有提及一项宝莲，原产地。 Yet it was known at Rome as early as St. Clement, as the latter's epistle attests.但据了解，在罗马城内，作为早在圣克莱门特，因为后者的书信证明。 The Alexandrian Church admitted it as the work of St. Paul, and canonical.该亚历山大教会承认，它作为工作的圣保罗，与典型。 The Montanists favoured it, and the aptness with which vi, 4-8, lent itself to the Montanist and Novatianist rigour was doubtless one reason why it was suspect in the West.该montanists喜欢它，并与适合性，其中六， 4-8 ，出借本身向montanist和novatianist的严谨作风，无疑是原因之一，它被怀疑是在西部地区。 Also during this period the excess over the minimal Canon composed of the Gospels and thirteen epistles varied.也就是在这一时期超出最小佳能组成的福音十三书信多种多样的。 The seven "Catholic" Epistles (James, Jude, I and II Peter, and the three of John) had not yet been brought into a special group, and, with the possible exception of the three of St. John, remained isolated units, depending for their canonical strength on variable circumstances.七个"天主教"教会（詹姆斯，裘德，我和二彼得，但三者之间的约翰） ，尚未被带入一个特殊的群体，并与可能的例外是三个圣约翰，仍然是孤立的单位，视其典型的力量就变的情况。 But towards the end of the second century the canonical minimum was enlarged and, besides the Gospels and Pauline Epistles, unalterably embraced Acts, I Peter, I John (to which II and III John were probably attached), and Apocalypse.但在接近年底时在公元二世纪的典型，最低为扩，并，除了福音宝莲，书信，威信已经无可改变拥抱行为，我彼得，约翰（其中第二和第三约翰大概附后） ，与启示。 Thus Hebrews, James, Jude, and II Peter remained hovering outside the precincts of universal canonicity, and the controversy about them and the subsequently disputed Apocalypse form the larger part of the remaining history of the Canon of the New Testament However, at the beginning of the third century the New Testament was formed in the sense that the content of its main divisions, what may be called its essence, was sharply defined and universally received, while all the secondary books were recognized in some Churches.因此，希伯来人，詹姆斯，裘德，第一和第二彼得仍然徘徊在门外区普及正规和争议，以及随后有争议的启示，形成较大的一部分，其余的历史，以及佳能公司的新约圣经，但在刚开始第三个世纪，新约圣经形成于意义上的内容，其主要的分部，有什么可称为其精神实质，是尖锐的定义和普遍收到了，而所有的二手书籍则是公认的，在一些教会。 A singular exception to the universality of the above-described substance of the New Testament was the Canon of the primitive East Syrian Church, which did not contain any of the Catholic Epistles or Apocalypse.奇异例外的普遍性上述描述物质的新约圣经是佳能的原始东叙利亚教会，其中并不包含任何的天主教教会或启示。
6. 6 。 The idea of a New Testament构思一个新的遗嘱
The question of the principle that dominated the practical canonization of the New Testament Scriptures has already been discussed under (b).问题的原则，即占主导地位的实际册封新约圣经经文已经讨论过（ b ）项下。 The faithful must have had from the beginning some realization that in the writings of the Apostles and Evangelists they had acquired a new body of Divine Scriptures, a New written Testament destined to stand side by side with the Old.信徒们必须从一开始有些认识到，在写作的使徒和福音，他们获得了一个新的机构，是神圣的经文，一个新的书面遗嘱注定要站在并排与旧的。 That the Gospel and Epistles were the written Word of God, was fully realized as soon as the fixed collections were formed; but to seize the relation of this new treasure to the old was possible only when the faithful acquired a better knowledge of the faith.这福音和书信都是写上帝的话，是完全尽快实现固定藏品形成，但要抓住关系这一新的宝藏，以旧有可能只有当忠实获得了更好的知识的信仰。 In this connection Zahn observes with much truth that the rise of Montanism, with its false prophets, who claimed for their written productions--the self-styled Testament of the Paraclete--the authority of revelation, around the Christian Church to a fuller sense that the age of revelation had expired with the last of the Apostles, and that the circle of sacred Scripture is not extensible beyond the legacy of the Apostolic Era.在这方面zahn观察到许多真理的崛起montanism ，其假先知，他们声称他们的书面制作-自封遗嘱的p araclete-权威的启示，各地基督教堂，以更充分地意识该年龄的启示已经过期与上次的使徒，并认为圆的神圣经文是不可扩展超出了原有的使徒时代。 Montanism began in 156; a generation later, in the works of Irenæus, we discover the firmly-rooted idea of two Testaments, with the same Spirit operating in both. montanism开始，在156天;一代人后，在该工程的irenæus ，我们发现牢牢扎根的想法两个证明了，用同样的精神，在两者。 For Tertullian (c. 200) the body of the New Scripture is an instrumentum on at least an equal footing and in the same specific class as the instrumentum formed by the Law and the Prophets.对于戴尔都良（长200 ）身体的新经文，是一个对的文书，至少在平等的基础上，并在同一个特定阶级的文书，形成由法律和先知。 Clement of Alexandria was the first to apply the word "Testament" to the sacred library of the New Dispensation.克莱门特亚历山大是第一个报名字的"遗嘱" ，以神圣图书馆的新体制。 A kindred external influence is to be added to Montanism: the need of setting up a barrier, between the genuine inspired literature and the flood of pseudo-Apostolic apocrypha, gave an additional impulse to the idea of a New Testament canon, and later contributed not a little to the demarcation of its fixed limits. A kindred external influence is to be added to Montanism: the need of setting up a barrier, between the genuine inspired literature and the flood of pseudo-Apostolic apocrypha, gave an additional impulse to the idea of a New Testament canon, and later contributed not a little to the demarcation of its fixed limits.
B. THE PERIOD OF DISCUSSION (AD 220-367)
In this stage of the historical development of the Canon of the New Testament we encounter for the first time a consciousness reflected in certain ecclesiastical writers, of the differences between the sacred collections in divers sections of Christendom. This variation is witnessed to, and the discussion stimulated by, two of the most learned men of Christian antiquity, Origen, and Eusebius of Cæsarea, the ecclesiastical historian. A glance at the Canon as exhibited in the authorities of the African, or Carthaginian, Church, will complete our brief survey of this period of diversity and discussion:-
1. 1 。 Origen and his school
Origen's travels gave him exception opportunities to know the traditions of widely separated portions of the Church and made him very conversant with the discrepant attitudes toward certain parts of the New Testament He divided books with Biblical claims into three classes:
those universally received;
those whose Apostolicity was questions;
apocryphal works.
In the first class, the Homologoumena, stood the Gospels, the thirteen Pauline Epistles, Acts, Apocalypse, I Peter, and I John. The contested writings were Hebrews, II Peter, II and III John, James, Jude, Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache, and probably the Gospel of the Hebrews. Personally, Origen accepted all of these as Divinely inspired, though viewing contrary opinions with toleration. Origen's authority seems to have given to Hebrews and the disputed Catholic Epistles a firm place in the Alexandrian Canon, their tenure there having been previously insecure, judging from the exegetical work of Clement, and the list in the Codex Claromontanus, which is assigned by competent scholars to an early Alexandrian origin. Origen's authority seems to have given to Hebrews and the disputed Catholic Epistles a firm place in the Alexandrian Canon, their tenure there having been previously insecure, judging from the exegetical work of Clement, and the list in the Codex Claromontanus, which is assigned by competent scholars to an early Alexandrian origin.
2. 2 。 Eusebius尤西比乌斯
Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, was one of Origen's most eminent disciples, a man of wide erudition.尤西比乌斯，主教cæsarea在巴勒斯坦，是一个渊源的最杰出的弟子，一名男子在宽博学。 In imitation of his master he divided religious literature into three classes:在模仿他的主人，他除以宗教文献分为三个档次：
Homologoumena, or compositions universally received as sacred, the Four Gospels, thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, Hebrews, Acts, I Peter, I John, and Apocalypse. homologoumena ，或作文普遍收到了神圣，这4个福音， 13个教会中的圣保罗，希伯来人，行为，我彼得，约翰，与启示。 There is some inconsistency in his classification; for instance, though ranking Hebrews with the books of universal reception, he elsewhere admits it is disputed.也有一些不一致的，在他的分类;举例来说，虽然排名希伯来人与书的普及酒会，他在其他地方也承认，这是有争议的。
The second category is composed of the Antilegomena, or contested writings; these in turn are of the superior and inferior sort.第二类是组成该antilegomena ，或有争议的著作，这反过来又都是具有优势和劣势，排序。 The better ones are the Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, II Peter, II and III John; these, like Origen, Eusebius wished to be admitted to the Canon, but was forced to record their uncertain status; the Antilegomena of the inferior sort were Barnabas, the Didache, Gospel of the Hebrews, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of Peter.较好的是在教会中的圣雅各福群会和圣犹大书第一，二彼得第一，第二和第三约翰;这些一样，渊源，尤西比乌斯希望被接纳为佳能，但被迫将记录他们的不确定状态; antilegomena的劣排序分别巴纳巴斯， didache ，福音的希伯来人，行为的保罗，牧羊人，启示彼得。
All the rest are spurious (notha).所有其余的是杂散（ notha ） 。
Eusebius diverged from his Alexandrian master in personally rejecting Apocalypse as an un-Biblical, though compelled to acknowledge its almost universal acceptance.尤西比乌斯偏离他的亚历山大大师亲自拒绝启示，作为联合国的圣经，虽然被迫承认它几乎被普遍接受。 Whence came this unfavourable view of the closing volume of the Christian Testament?--Zahn attributes it to the influence of Lucian of Samosata, one of the founders of the Antioch school of exegesis, and with whose disciples Eusebius had been associated.何时来到这不利的看法，截止货量基督教圣经吗-z ahn属性，它的影响，乔治的s amosata的奠基人之一，对安提学院训诂学，其弟子尤西比乌斯已经联系在一起的。 Lucian himself had acquired his education at Edessa, the metropolis of Eastern Syria, which had, as already remarked, a singularly curtailed Canon.乔治本人已练就出他的教育edessa ，大都会东区叙利亚，其中，正如已经说过，一个奇异终止佳能。 Luician is known to have edited the Scriptures at Antioch, and is supposed to have introduced there the shorter New Testament which later St. John Chrysostom and his followers employed--one in which Apocalypse, II Peter, II and III John, and Jude had no place. luician众所周知，剪辑成经文，在安提约，是要引进有较短的新约圣经，后来圣约翰金口和他的追随者就业-一中的启示，二彼得第一，第二和第三约翰，和裘德曾没有地方。 It is known that Theodore of Mopsuestia rejected all the Catholic Epistles.据了解，西奥多的摩普绥提亚拒绝所有天主教教会中。 In St. John Chrysostom's ample expositions of the Scriptures there is not a single clear trace of the Apocalypse, which he seems to implicitly exclude the four smaller Epistles--II Peter, II and III John, and Jude--from the number of the canonical books.在圣约翰金口的充分论述，念经，有没有一个清晰的痕迹也启示，而他似乎含蓄地排除了4个规模较小的书信-彼得第二，第二和第三约翰，和裘德-从数量的典型书籍。 Lucian, then, according to Zahn, would have compromised between the Syriac Canon and the Canon of Origen by admitting the three longer Catholic Epistles and keeping out Apocalypse.乔治，然后按照zahn ，如果我们之间的叙利亚文佳能和佳能的渊源所承认的三个较长的天主教教会中，并保持了启示。 But after allowing fully for the prestige of the founder of the Antioch school, it is difficult to grant that his personal authority could have sufficed to strike such an important work as Apocalypse from the Canon of a notable Church, where it had previously been received.但扣除后，为充分威望的创始人之一，安提学校，是很难给予他的个人权力，可以有足够的罢工这样一个重要的工作，正如启示录，由佳能公司的一个显着教堂，那是它以前已经收到。 It is more probable that a reaction against the abuse of the Johannine Apocalypse by the Montanists and Chiliasts--Asia Minor being the nursery of both these errors--led to the elimination of a book whose authority had perhaps been previously suspected.这是更可能的反应，对滥用该johannine启示由montanists和chiliasts -小亚细亚作为苗圃的这两个错误-导致消除了一本书，其权威或许以前的猜想。 Indeed it is quite reasonable to suppose that its early exclusion from the East Syrian Church was an outer wave of the extreme reactionist movement of the Aloges--also of Asia Minor--who branded Apocalypse and all the Johannine writings as the work of the heretic Cerinthus.事实上，这是相当合理的假定其早日排除从东叙利亚教堂外浪的极端reactionist运动的aloges -又到小亚细亚-那些品牌的启示和所有jo hannine著作作为工作的邪教克林妥。 Whatever may have been all the influences ruling the personal Canon of Eusebius, he chose Lucian's text for the fifty copies of the Bible which he furnished to the Church of Constantinople at the order of his imperial patron Constantine; and he incorporated all the Catholic Epistles, but excluded Apocalypse.无论可能已被所有的影响，执政党个人佳能的尤西比乌斯，他选择了乔治的文本，为50份的圣经，他在提交给教会的君士坦丁堡在命令他的靠山帝国君士坦丁和他注册的所有天主教教会中，但排除启示。 The latter remained for more than a century banished from the sacred collections as current in Antioch and Constantinople.后者仍然是一个多世纪以来被流放，从神圣的收藏目前在安提和君士坦丁堡。 However, this book kept a minority of Asiatic suffrages, and, as both Lucian and Eusebius had been tainted with Arianism, the approbation of Apocalypse, opposed by them, finally came to be looked upon as a sign of orthodoxy.不过，这本书保存少数亚洲suffrages ，并作为双方乔治和尤西比乌斯已沾染arianism ，认同的启示，反对他们，终于被视为一个迹象正统。 Eusebius was the first to call attention to important variations in the text of the Gospels, viz., the presence in some copies and the absence in others of the final paragraph of Mark, the passage of the Adulterous Woman, and the Bloody Sweat.尤西比乌斯是第一个呼吁注意一些重要的变化，在文本的福音，即，在一些副本，并没有在其他的最后一段商标，通过这项通奸的女子，和血腥的汗水。
3. 3 。 The African Church非洲教会
St. Cyprian, whose Scriptural Canon certainly reflects the contents of the first Latin Bible, received all the books of the New Testament except Hebrews, II Peter, James, and Jude; however, there was already a strong inclination in his environment to admit II Peter as authentic.圣塞浦路斯，其圣经佳能当然反映的内容，第一拉丁语圣经收到的所有书籍的新约圣经希伯来书除第一，二，彼得，詹姆斯，和裘德，但也有已经是一个强烈的倾向，在他的环境，以承认二彼得作为作准。 Jude had been recognized by Tertullian, but, strangely, it had lost its position in the African Church, probably owing to its citation of the apocryphal Henoch.裘德已经得到承认，由戴尔都良的，但奇怪的是，它已失去了它的立场，在非洲的教会，可能是由于其引文的猜测过敏性。 Cyprian's testimony to the non-canonicity of Hebrews and James is confirmed by Commodian, another African writer of the period.塞浦路斯的证词，以非正规的希伯来和詹姆斯证实commodian ，另一个非洲作家的时期。 A very important witness is the document known as Mommsen's Canon, a manuscript of the tenth century, but whose original has been ascertained to date from West Africa about the year 360.一个非常重要的证人是该文件被称为mommsen的佳能，手稿的十世纪，但其原已被证实是迄今来自西非的关于今年360 。 It is a formal catalogue of the sacred books, unmutilated in the New Testament portion, and proves that at its time the books universally acknowledged in the influential Church of Carthage were almost identical with those received by Cyprian a century before.这是一个正式的目录神圣的书籍， unmutilated在新约圣经的部分，并证明了在当时的书籍举世公认的有影响力的教会的迦太基几乎一致，与那些收到塞浦路斯一个世纪之前。 Hebrews, James, and Jude are entirely wanting.希伯来人，詹姆斯和裘德完全是有意的。 The three Epistles of St. John and II Peter appear, but after each stands the note una sola, added by an almost contemporary hand, and evidently in protest against the reception of these Antilegomena, which, presumably, had found a place in the official list recently, but whose right to be there was seriously questioned.三个书信的圣约翰和第二彼得出现，但每次停机说明联合国协会索拉说，由一个几乎当代之手，显然是在抗议接收这些antilegomena ，其中，想必已经找到了一个地方，在官方最近名单，但他们应得的权利，有被严重质疑。
C. THE PERIOD OF FIXATION (AD 367-405)长期固定（公元367-405 ）
1. 1 。 St. Athanasius圣athanasius
While the influence of Athanasius on the Canon of the Old Testament was negative and exclusive (see supra), in that of the New Testament it was trenchantly constructive.而影响athanasius对佳能的旧约是负面的和排他（见上文） ，在这本新约圣经，它是trenchantly建设性的。 In his "Epistola Festalis" (AD 367) the illustrious Bishop of Alexandria ranks all of Origen's New Testament Antilegomena, which are identical with the deuteros, boldly inside the Canon, without noticing any of the scruples about them.在他的" epistola festalis " （公元367 ）显赫的主教亚历山德里亚的行列，所有的渊源的新约全书antilegomena ，是相同与deuteros ，勇于内佳能，没有看见任何的顾忌他们。 Thenceforward they were formally and firmly fixed in the Alexandrian Canon. thenceforward他们正式牢牢固定在亚历山大佳能。 And it is significant of the general trend of ecclesiastical authority that not only were works which formerly enjoyed high standing at broad-minded Alexandria--the Apocalypse of Peter and the Acts of Paul--involved by Athanasius with the apocrypha, but even some that Origen had regarded as inspired--Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache--were ruthlessly shut out under the same damnatory title.这是显着的但总的趋势是教会权威，不仅工程前身是享有崇高的地位，在宽阔的胸襟亚历山大-启示彼得与行为的保罗-涉及at hanasius与a p ocrypha，但即使是一些人认为，渊源已被视为灵感-巴纳巴斯，牧羊人的h ermas， d idache-被无情地拒之门外根据同一da mnatory冠军。
2. 2 。 The Roman Church, the Synod under Damasus, and St. Jerome The Muratorian Canon or Fragment, composed in the Roman Church in the last quarter of the second century, is silent about Hebrews, James, II Peter; I Peter, indeed, is not mentioned, but must have been omitted by an oversight, since it was universally received at the time.罗马教会，主教下达玛苏，和圣杰罗姆该muratorian佳能或片段组成，在罗马教会在最后一个季度，在公元二世纪，是沉默，希伯来人，詹姆斯，彼得，我彼得，而事实上，是不是提到的，但必须是被遗漏了，由一个监督，因为它是普遍的时间为收到时间。 There is evidence that this restricted Canon obtained not only in the African Church, with slight modifications, as we have seen, but also at Rome and in the West generally until the close of the fourth century.有证据表明，这限制了佳能公司获得的不仅是在非洲教会，稍作修改，正如我们所看到的，但也是在罗马，并在西方通常会结束时为止的第四个世纪。 The same ancient authority witnesses to the very favourable and perhaps canonical standing enjoyed at Rome by the Apocalypse of Peter and the Shepherd of Hermas.同时古代权威的证人，以非常有利的，或许正站在享有在罗马所启示的彼得和牧羊人的hermas 。 In the middle decades of the fourth century the increased intercourse and exchange of views between the Orient and the Occident led to a better mutual acquaintance regarding Biblical canons and the correction of the catalogue of the Latin Church.在中东数十年来的第四个世纪增加了交往和交换意见了东方及西方主导，以更好地相互结识了关于圣经的大炮和纠正中央定价目录的拉美教会。 It is a singular fact that while the East, mainly through St. Jerome's pen, exerted a disturbing and negative influence on Western opinion regarding the Old Testament, the same influence, through probably the same chief intermediary, made for the completeness and integrity of the New Testament canon.这是一个奇异的事实，而东，主要是通过圣杰罗姆的笔名，施加了一个令人不安的和负面的影响，西方舆论对于旧约，同样的影响力，透过大概同一行政中介，为完整性和完整的新约全书佳能。 The West began to realize that the ancient Apostolic Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch, indeed the whole Orient, for more than two centuries had acknowledged Hebrews and James as inspired writings of Apostles, while the venerable Alexandrian Church, supported by the prestige of Athanasius, and the powerful Patriarchate of Constantinople, with the scholarship of Eusebius behind its judgment, had canonized all the disputed Epistles.西方国家也开始认识到古代使徒教会的耶路撒冷和安提，甚至整个东方，两个多世纪以来已经承认了希伯来和詹姆斯作为创作灵感的使徒，而历代亚历山大教会的支持下，由威望athanasius ，强大牧的君士坦丁堡，该奖学金的尤西比乌斯背后的判决书，其册封了所有有争议的书信。 St. Jerome, a rising light in the Church, though but a simple priest, was summoned by Pope Damasus from the East, where he was pursuing sacred lore, to assist at an eclectic, but not ecumenical, synod at Rome in the year 382.圣杰罗姆，越来越轻，在教会，虽然只是简单的神父，被传唤教皇达玛苏从东，在那里，他追求的神圣知识，以协助在一个兼收并蓄的，而不是合一，主教在罗马，在今年382 。 Neither the general council at Constantinople of the preceding year nor that of Nice (365) had considered the question of the Canon.无论是总理事会在君士坦丁堡的前一年也不是很好（ 365 ）曾考虑的问题，佳能公司。 This Roman synod must have devoted itself specially to the matter.这个罗马主教必须致力于专门为这件事。 The result of its deliberations, presided over, no doubt, by the energetic Damasus himself, has been preserved in the document called "Decretum Gelasii de recipiendis et non recipiendis libris", a compilation partly of the sixth century, but containing much material dating from the two preceding ones.该审议的结果，主持了，毫无疑问，大力达玛苏自己，一直保存在文件中所谓的" decretum gelasii德recipiendis等非recipiendis libris " ，这是一个汇编部分的第六个世纪，但含有许多物质可以追溯到前两次。 The Damasan catalogue presents the complete and perfect Canon which has been that of the Church Universal ever since.该damasan目录介绍了配套完善，佳能公司已经表示，在该教会的普遍服务至今。 The New Testament portion bears the marks of Jerome's views.新约圣经的部分刻有商标的杰罗姆的意见。 St. Jerome, always prepossessed in favour of Oriental positions in matters Biblical, exerted then a happy influence in regard to the New Testament; if he attempted to place any Eastern restriction upon the Canon of the Old Testament his effort failed of any effect.圣杰罗姆，始终prepossessed赞成东方阵地事项圣经，然后施加了一个愉快的影响力，对于新约圣经，如果他企图把任何东区限制后，佳能的旧约，他的努力没有任何效果。 The title of the decree--"Nunc vero de scripturis divinis agendum est quid universalis Catholica recipiat ecclesia, et quid vitare debeat"--proves that the council drew up a list of apocryphal as well as authentic Scriptures.标题法令-"很快的V ero德s cripturisd ivinisa gendum预测块u niversalisc atholicar ecipiatE cclesia的王块v itared ebeat" -证明，安理会起草了一份名单上的猜测，以及正宗的经文。 The Shepherd and the false Apocalypse of Peter now received their final blow.牧羊人和虚假的启示彼得现在已经收到他们的最后一击。 "Rome had spoken, and the nations of the West had heard" (Zahn). "罗马曾发言的，是民族的，西方曾听闻" （ zahn ） 。 The works of the Latin Fathers of the period--Jerome, Hilary of Poitiers, Lucifer of Sardina, Philaster of Brescia--manifest the changed attitude toward Hebrews, James, Jude, II Peter, and III John.该工程的拉美之父时期-杰罗姆，希拉里的普瓦捷，阿的s ardina， p hilaster布雷西亚-体现改变了态度，希伯来人，詹姆斯，裘德，二，彼得和第三约翰。
3. 3 。 Fixation in the African and Gallican Churches固定在非洲和gallican教堂
It was some little time before the African Church perfectly adjusted its New Testament to the Damasan Canon.这是一些小的时候，才非洲教会完美地调整了新约圣经到damasan佳能。 Optatus of Mileve (370-85) does not used Hebrews. optatus的mileve （ 370-85 ） ，并不用希伯来人。 St. Augustine, while himself receiving the integral Canon, acknowledged that many contested this Epistle.圣奥古斯丁，而接受自己的积分佳能，承认许多有争议的道。 But in the Synod of Hippo (393) the great Doctor's view prevailed, and the correct Canon was adopted.但在主教的河马（ 393 ）伟大的医生的意见为依归，和正确的佳能公司获得通过。 However, it is evident that it found many opponents in Africa, since three councils there at brief intervals--Hippo, Carthage, in 393; Third of Carthage in 397; Carthage in 419--found it necessary to formulate catalogues.然而，显而易见的是，它发现其中有许多对手在非洲，自3个议会有在短暂的间隔-河马，迦太基，在3 93名;三分之一的迦太基在3 97名;迦太基在4 19-发现有必要制定目录。 The introduction of Hebrews was an especial crux, and a reflection of this is found in the first Carthage list, where the much vexed Epistle, though styled of St. Paul, is still numbered separately from the time-consecrated group of thirteen.引进希伯来人，是一种特殊的症结所在，并反映了这一发现，在第一迦太基名单，而更棘手的书信，虽然风格的圣保罗，仍然是编号分别从时间consecrated集团13家。 The catalogues of Hippo and Carthage are identical with the Catholic Canon of the present.该目录的河马和迦太基是一致的，与天主教佳能的现在。 In Gaul some doubts lingered for a time, as we find Pope Innocent I, in 405, sending a list of the Sacred Books to one of its bishops, Exsuperius of Toulouse.在高卢有些疑惑徘徊，一时间，因为我们觉得教宗无辜的，我在405里，送名单神圣的书籍，以它的一个主教， exsuperius的图卢兹。 So at the close of the first decade of the fifth century the entire Western Church was in possession of the full Canon of the New Testament In the East, where, with the exception of the Edessene Syrian Church, approximate completeness had long obtained without the aid of formal enactments, opinions were still somewhat divided on the Apocalypse.所以结束时，第一个十年的第五个世纪整个西方教会拥有充分佳能的新约全书在东部地区，那里，除了该edessene叙利亚教会，近似完备了，只要没有获得援助正式颁布，意见仍有些分歧上的启示。 But for the Catholic Church as a whole the content of the New Testament was definitely fixed, and the discussion closed.但对于天主教教会作为一个整体的内容，新约圣经是绝对固定的，并讨论了封闭。
The final process of this Canon's development had been twofold: positive, in the permanent consecration of several writings which had long hovered on the line between canonical and apocryphal; and negative, by the definite elimination of certain privileged apocrypha that had enjoyed here and there a canonical or quasi-canonical standing.最后进程这个佳能的发展一直是双重的：积极的，在永久consecration几种著作，其中有长期徘徊于两者之间的界限正则和猜测和负面的，由一定的消除某些特权apocrypha已享受这里有典型或准典型的声望。 In the reception of the disputed books a growing conviction of Apostolic authorship had much to do, but the ultimate criterion had been their recognition as inspired by a great and ancient division of the Catholic Church.在接待的有争议的书籍越来越多的信念使徒著述有很多事要做，但最终的标准，已被承认为灵感来自一个伟大而古老的分工天主教会。 Thus, like Origen, St. Jerome adduces the testimony of the ancients and ecclesiastical usage in pleading the cause of the Epistle to the Hebrews (De Viris Illustribus, lix).因此，像渊源，圣杰罗姆adduces的证词，古人和教会使用的恳求，找出造成这次希伯来人书中（德viris illustribus ， LIX ）号。 There is no sign that the Western Church ever positively repudiated any of the New Testament deuteros; not admitted from the beginning, these had slowly advanced towards a complete acceptance there.因此，没有迹象表明，西方教会以往任何时候都积极地否定任何新约圣经deuteros ;没有承认，从一开始就这些了，慢慢走向一个完整的验收。 On the other hand, the apparently formal exclusion of Apocalypse from the sacred catalogue of certain Greek Churches was a transient phase, and supposes its primitive reception.在另一方面，显然是正式禁止从启示神圣目录中的某些希腊教会是一个短暂的阶段，并假设其原始的接待。 Greek Christianity everywhere, from about the beginning of the sixth century, practically had a complete and pure New Testament canon.希腊基督教无处不在，从一开始的第六个世纪，几乎有一个完整的，纯粹的新约全书佳能。 (See EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS; EPISTLES OF ST. PETER; EPISTLE OF JAMES; EPISTLE OF JUDE; EPISTLES OF JOHN; APOCALYPSE.) （见希伯来人书中;书信的圣彼得;书信詹姆斯;书信的裘德;书信的约翰;启示） 。
D. SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON四以后的历史，以及新约全书佳能
1. 1 。 To the Protestant Reformation以新教改革
The New Testament in its canonical aspect has little history between the first years of the fifth and the early part of the sixteenth century.新约圣经中，其典型方面已小史之间的头几年，第五和年初的16世纪。 As was natural in ages when ecclesiastical authority had not reached its modern centralization, there were sporadic divergences from the common teaching and tradition.由于是自然的，在不同年龄的时候，教会权威还没有达到现代中央集权，有零星的分歧，从共同的教学和传统。 There was no diffused contestation of any book, but here and there attempts by individuals to add something to the received collection.有没有扩散论争的任何书籍，但在这里，并有企图由个人作出补充，以收到的收藏。 In several ancient Latin manuscripts the spurious Epistle to the Laodiceans is found among the canonical letters, and, in a few instances, the apocryphal III Corinthians.在一些古拉丁语手稿杂散书信向laodiceans发现其中的典型信件，并在少数情况下，猜测三，哥林多前书。 The last trace of any Western contradiction within the Church to the Canon of the New Testament reveals a curious transplantation of Oriental doubts concerning the Apocalypse.最后追查任何西方内部矛盾，教会，以佳能的新约圣经揭示了好奇移植东方疑虑启示。 An act of the Synod of Toledo, held in 633, states that many contest the authority of that book, and orders it to be read in the churches under pain of excommunication.行为主教托莱多举行的633 ，国许多竞赛的权威，那本书，命令的，它可以阅读，在教堂下的痛苦禁教。 The opposition in all probability came from the Visigoths, who had recently been converted from Arianism.反对派在所有的概率来自visigoths ，他们最近已转为由arianism 。 The Gothic Bible had been made under Oriental auspices at a time when there was still much hostility to Apocalypse in the East.哥特式圣经已经取得了东方下，在赞助的时候，仍然有很大的敌意，以启示在东部地区。
2. 2 。 The New Testament and the Council of Trent (1546)新约圣经和安理会的遄达（ 1546 ）
This ecumenical synod had to defend the integrity of the New Testament as well as the Old against the attacks of the pseudo-Reformers, Luther, basing his action on dogmatic reasons and the judgment of antiquity, had discarded Hebrews, James, Jude, and Apocalypse as altogether uncanonical.这个普世主教必须捍卫完整的新约圣经，以及旧的反对攻击的伪改革者，路德，根据他的行动，对教条的原因和判断，古物，已被丢弃希伯来人，詹姆斯，裘德，与启示作为完全uncanonical 。 Zwingli could not see in Apocalypse a Biblical book. zwingli无法看到启示圣经的书。 (OEcolampadius placed James, Jude, II Peter, II and III John in an inferior rank. Even a few Catholic scholars of the Renaissance type, notably Erasmus and Cajetan, had thrown some doubts on the canonicity of the above-mentioned Antilegomena. As to whole books, the Protestant doubts were the only ones the Fathers of Trent took cognizance of; there was not the slightest hesitation regarding the authority of any entire document. But the deuterocanonical parts gave the council some concern, viz., the last twelve verses of Mark, the passage about the Bloody Sweat in Luke, and the Pericope Adulteræ in John. Cardinal Cajetan had approvingly quoted an unfavourable comment of St. Jerome regarding Mark, xvi, 9-20; Erasmus had rejected the section on the Adulterous Woman as unauthentic. Still, even concerning these no doubt of authenticity was expressed at Trent; the only question was as to the manner of their reception. In the end these portions were received, like the deuterocanonical books, without the slightest distinction. And the clause "cum omnibus suis partibus" regards especially these portions.--For an account of the action of Trent on the Canon, the reader is referred back to the respective section of the article: II. The Canon of the Old Testament in the Catholic Church. （厄科兰帕迪乌斯置于詹姆斯，裘德，二彼得第一，第二和第三约翰在劣势的职级，甚至少数天主教学者的文艺复兴式，尤其是伊拉斯谟和cajetan ，投掷了一些疑虑，对正规的上面提到的antilegomena ，至于整个书籍，新教怀疑是唯一屹立父亲的遄了认识，有没有丝毫犹豫就管理局的任何整份文件，但该次经零件给安理会一些关注，即，过去十二个月的小诗马克，通过关于血腥汗水在路加，和pericope adulteræ在约翰。枢机cajetan了approvingly引述不利的评论，圣杰罗姆关于商标，十六， 9-20 ;伊拉斯谟拒绝了部分关于奸淫妇女作为非真实但是，即使关于这些毫无疑问的真实性，有人在遄;唯一的问题是，以该方式对他们的接待，在年底的这部分共收到一样，次经书，没有丝毫的区别。以及条款"暨综合性链球菌partibus "关于特别是这些部分.--一个帐户的行动遄对佳能，读者可参考回到各自的一段文章：二，佳能的旧约，在天主教教会。
The Tridentine decree defining the Canon affirms the authenticity of the books to which proper names are attached, without however including this in the definition.本德律但丁法令界定佳能申明的真实性图书，以适当的名称放行，但没有包括这方面的定义。 The order of books follows that of the Bull of Eugenius IV (Council of Florence), except that Acts was moved from a place before Apocalypse to its present position, and Hebrews put at the end of St. Paul's Epistles.该命令的书籍如下是牛市的eugenius四（理事会佛罗伦萨） ，除表示行为是一个从一个地方才启示，到现在的位置，并把希伯来人在去年底圣保禄的书信。 The Tridentine order has been retained in the official Vulgate and vernacular Catholic Bibles.本德律但丁订单已被留用，在官方vulgate和白话天主教圣经。 The same is to be said of the titles, which as a rule are traditional ones, taken from the Canons of Florence and Carthage.同样是不得不说的头衔，其中一项规定是传统的，从门炮，佛罗伦萨和迦太基。 (For the bearing of the Vatican Council on the New Testament, see Part II above.) （为轴承梵蒂冈理事会关于新约圣经，见上文第二部分） 。
3. 3 。 The New Testament canon outside the Church新约圣经佳能教会之外
The Orthodox Russian and other branches of the Eastern Orthodox Church have a New Testament identical with the Catholic.东正教的俄罗斯和其他学科的东部东正教教堂有一个新的遗嘱完全相同与天主教。 In Syria the Nestorians possess a Canon almost identical with the final one of the ancient East Syrians; they exclude the four smaller Catholic Epistles and Apocalypse.在叙利亚的nestorians具备了佳能几乎相同，而最后一个最古老的东方叙利亚人，他们排除了4个规模较小的天主教教会与启示。 The Monophysites receive all the book.该monophysites收到所有的书。 The Armenians have one apocryphal letter to the Corinthians and two from the same.亚美尼亚有一个猜测写信给哥林多前书以及两个来自相同的。 The Coptic-Arabic Church include with the canonical Scriptures the Apostolic Constitutions and the Clementine Epistles.科普特-阿拉伯语教会包括与典型圣经使徒宪法和克莱门泰书信。 The Ethiopic New Testament also contains the so-called "Apostolic Constitutions".该ethiopic新约全书还包含有所谓的"使徒的宪法" 。
As for Protestantism, the Anglicans and Calvinists always kept the entire New Testament But for over a century the followers of Luther excluded Hebrews, James, Jude, and Apocalypse, and even went further than their master by rejecting the three remaining deuterocanonicals, II Peter, II and III John.至于基督教，圣公会和calvinists始终保持了整个新约圣经，但超过一个世纪的信徒路德排除希伯来人，詹姆斯，裘德和启示，甚至更进一步，比自己的主人，拒绝其余三个deuterocanonicals ，二，彼得第二和第三约翰。 The trend of the seventeenth century Lutheran theologians was to class all these writings as of doubtful, or at least inferior, authority.在时代潮流的17世纪路德派神学家，是工人阶级所有这些著作的疑问，或者至少是劣，权威性。 But gradually the German Protestants familiarized themselves with the idea that the difference between the contested books of the New Testament and the rest was one of degree of certainty as to origin rather than of instrinsic character.但逐渐德国新教徒熟悉了自己的设想，即差别有争议的书籍的新约圣经和其余是一个程度的确定性，以原产地而非instrinsic性格。 The full recognition of these books by the Calvinists and Anglicans made it much more difficult for the Lutherans to exclude the New Testament deuteros than those of the Old.充分承认的，这些书是由calvinists和教教徒认为更难以让lutherans排除新约全书deuteros比那些旧的。 One of their writers of the seventeenth century allowed only a theoretic difference between the two classes, and in 1700 Bossuet could say that all Catholics and Protestants agreed on the New Testament canon.他们的一个作家的17世纪，只允许一个理论二者之差班，并在1700 bossuet可以说，所有天主教徒和新教徒们同意就新约全书佳能。 The only trace of opposition now remaining in German Protestant Bibles is in the order, Hebrews, coming with James, Jude, and Apocalypse at the end; the first not being included with the Pauline writings, while James and Jude are not ranked with the Catholic Epistles.只有微量的反对，现在仍然留在德国新教圣经，是在一声令下，希伯来人，在未来与詹姆斯，裘德和启示，在末;第一不包括与宝莲著作，而詹姆斯和裘德都没有名列同天主教书信。
4. 4 。 The criterion of inspiration (less correctly known as the criterion of canonicity)标准的启示（不到正确地称为标准的正规）
Even those Catholic theologians who defend Apostolicity as a test for the inspiration of the New Testament (see above) admit that it is not exclusive of another criterion, viz., Catholic tradition as manifested in the universal reception of compositions as Divinely inspired, or the ordinary teaching of the Church, or the infallible pronouncements of ecumenical councils.即使那些天主教神学家谁保卫apostolicity作为试验的启示新约圣经（见上文） ，也承认这是不是排他性的另一项标准，即，天主教的传统，主要表现在普及酒会的成分，作为神圣的，或普通教学的教会，或犯错的言论的普世议会。 This external guarantee is the sufficient, universal, and ordinary proof of inspiration.这种对外担保是不够的，普遍的，与普通的证明灵感。 The unique quality of the Sacred Books is a revealed dogma.独特的高质量的神圣书籍是一个发现的教条。 Moreover, by its very nature inspiration eludes human observation and is not self-evident, being essentially superphysical and supernatural.此外，就其性质而言灵感不到人的观察是不言自明的，本质上superphysical与超然。 Its sole absolute criterion, therefore, is the Holy inspiring Spirit, witnessing decisively to Itself, not in the subjective experience of individual souls, as Calvin maintained, neither in the doctrinal and spiritual tenor of Holy Writ itself, according to Luther, but through the constituted organ and custodian of Its revelations, the Church.它的唯一的绝对标准，因此，这是神圣振奋精神，见证了果断行动本身，而不是在主观经验的个体心灵，为卡尔文保持，无论是在教义和精神男高音的神圣令状本身，据路德，而是通过构成器官及托管的启示，教会。 All other evidences fall short of the certainty and finality necessary to compel the absolute assent of faith.所有其他证据名不符实，确定性和终局性，要迫使绝对赞同的信念。 (See Franzelin, "De Divinâ Traditione et Scripturâ"; Wiseman, "Lectures on Christian Doctrine", Lecture ii; also INSPIRATION.) （见franzelin ， "德divinâ traditione等scripturâ " ;智者" ，讲授基督教教义" ，演讲二;也启示） 。
Publication information Written by George J. Reid.出版信息写江彰里德。 Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.转录由恩尼stefanik 。 The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume III.天主教百科全书，第三卷。 Published 1908. 1908年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。 Nihil Obstat, November 1, 1908. nihil obstat ， 1908年11月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教纽约
This subject presentation in the original English language这一主题演讲，在原有的英语
Send an e-mail question or comment to us: E-mail邮件发送问题或意见给我们： 电子邮箱
The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html主要相信网页（和索引科目） ，是在http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html