General Information一般资料

Canon, in Christian usage, is a rule or standard.佳能,在基督教的使用,是一个规则或标准。By the middle of the 3rd century the word had come to refer to those doctrines recognized as orthodox by the Christian church.到3 ​​世纪中叶,这个词来指那些认可为正统的基督教教堂的学说。 It was later also used to designate collectively the list of books accepted as Scripture (see Bible).后来也用于指定统称圣经 (见圣经) 接受书籍清单

The term canon is also used to denote the catalog or register of saints.长期佳能也用来表示目录或登记的圣人。The use of the plural form to denote church precepts originated about the year 300; this form began to be applied specifically to the decrees of the church councils about the middle of the 4th century (see Canon Law).使用复数形式,表示教会戒律起源于大约一年300;这种形式开始得到应用,特别是约4世纪中叶教会理事会(见教会法)的法令。 The term is also applied to the part of the Roman Catholic Mass that opens with the Preface, or prayer of thanksgiving, and closes just before the recitation of the Lord's Prayer.一词也适用于罗马天主教弥撒的一部分,与前言,或感恩的祈祷打开和关闭之前背诵主祷文。In some Christian churches, canon is also an ecclesiastical title given to the clergy attached to a cathedral church or to certain types of priests living under a semimonastic rule, such as the Augustinians.在一些基督教教会,教会也是一个教会标题连接到一个大教堂或semimonastic统治下生活的祭司,如奥古斯丁,某些类型的神职人员。

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Canon of the Bible佳能“圣经”

Advanced Information先进的信息

The term "canon" in Christianity refers to a group of books acknowledged by the early church as the rule of faith and practice.在基督教的“佳能”,是指一组承认早期教会作为信仰和实践的规则的书籍。 Deriving from the Greek kanon, which designated a carpenter's rule (possibly borrowed from a Hebrew term, qaneh, referring to a measuring reed six cubits long), the word has been used to identify those books considered to be spiritually superlative, by which all others were measured and found to be of secondary value in general church use.其中所有其他的希腊加隆,其中指定一个木匠的规则(可能借用一个希伯来文的任期,qaneh,指一个测量芦苇六个肘长)产生的,这个词已经被用来确定考虑到是精神上的极致,这些书籍进行了测量,发现在一般教会使用的二次价值。

Both Jews and Christians have canons of scripture.无论是犹太人和基督徒有大炮的经文。The Jewish canon consists of thirty-nine books; the Christian consists of sixty-six for Protestants and eighty for Catholics (whose canon includes the Apocrypha, regarded by most as of deuterocanonical status).犹太佳能包括三十九个书籍;基督教的六十六个由新教徒和天主教徒八十(包括伪经,大多数人视为次经地位的佳能)。 Sacred books are found in all literate religions.神圣的书籍,发现在所有识字的宗教。The book is generally secondary to the faith, the book or books being a deposit of the faith.这本书是一般中学的信念,信仰存款书或书籍。The use of a canon varies in world religions, for liturgy, renewal of faith, evangelism, or authority in faith and practice.使用佳能的变化在世界宗教,礼仪,信仰的重建,传福音,或在信仰和实践的权威。

The process by which these books came to be generally regarded as exclusively authoritative is not known for either the Hebrew or Christian canon.这些书籍来独家权威的过程,不知道希伯来文或基督教佳能。That it transpired under the influence of the Spirit of God is commonly accepted among Christian people.神的灵的影响下蒸发普遍接受基督教的人之间。Inspired literature formed only a part of the total religious literature of God's people at any time in their history, and only a portion of the inspired literature finally emerged as canonical in all parts of the ancient world. Inspired文学形成了只有上帝的子民总宗教文学的一部分,在其历史上任何时候,只有部分的启发文学终于出现在古代世界所有地区作为规范。 All inspired literature was authoritative, but it was not all equally beneficial to local groups and thus did not achieve universal or empire-wide acceptance.所有灵感的文学权威的,但它不是同样有利于本地组,因此没有实现普遍或帝国被广泛接受。That is to say, local lists of books were not necessarily identical with the general list, the canon, which eventually consisted of the books common to all the local lists.这就是说,当地的书籍清单,与一般的清单,佳能,最终共同所有的本地列表的书籍不一定相同。

OT Canon旧约佳能

The faith of Israel existed independently of a book for hundreds of years between the time of Abraham and Moses.以色列的信仰存在独立的数百年时间之间的亚伯拉罕和摩西的书。None of the patriarchs before Moses is recorded as having written sacred literature, although the art of writing was well developed at that time in the homeland of Abraham, as the recently discovered Ebla tablets have dramatically reaffirmed.在摩西始祖没有记录写入了神圣的文学,虽然写作的艺术发达,在亚伯拉罕的故乡,最近发现的Ebla片已经大大重申。 The Sumerians and Babylonians already had highly developed law codes, and accounts of such events as the great flood appear in their literature.苏美尔和巴比伦已经有了高度发达的法码,和大洪水等事件的帐户出现在他们的文学。 Moses, however, was the first known Hebrew to commit sacred history to writing (Exod. 24:4, 7).然而,摩西是第一个已知的希伯来文提交神圣的历史写作“(出24:4,7)。

Subsequent to the composition of the Pentateuch, it is recorded that Joshua wrote in the book of the law of God (Josh. 24:26).组成的摩西五后,据记载,约书亚在书的神(约书亚记24:26)的法律中写道。 The law was always considered to be from God (Deut. 31:24; Josh. 1:8).法律一直被认为是从神(申命记31:24;乔什 - 1时08分)。 The other two divisions of the Hebrew canon, the prophets and writings, were eventually selected out of a larger literature, some of which is mentioned in the OT itself ("book of the Wars of the Lord," Num. 21:14; "book of Jasher," Josh. 10:13; "book of the Acts of Solomon," 1 Kings 11:41; "book of Samuel the seer, book of Nathan the prophet, book of Gad the seer," 1 Chr. 29:29, etc.; fifteen or more such books are named in the OT).一个较大的文学,其中有一些是在旧约本身(主的战争“一书,”NUM 21时14分提到的希伯来文佳能,先知和著作,其他两个部门最终选择。“ Jasher书“。乔什10:13;”所罗门的行为书“,1国王11时41分,”先见撒母耳的书,书弥敦道先知先见迦书“1 CHR 29 :29等;等15个或更多的书籍名为催产素)。

The oldest surviving list of the cannonical scriptures of the OT comes from about AD 170, the product of a Christian scholar named Melito of Sardis, who made a trip to Palestine to determine both the order and number of books in the Hebrew Bible.现存最古老的旧约规范经文来自约公元170年,一个基督教学者名为梅利托撒狄,谁向巴勒斯坦之旅,以确定在希伯来文圣经书籍的顺序和数量的产品。 Neither his order nor his contents agree exactly with our modern English Bibles.无论是他的订单也不同意他的内容完全与我们的现代英文圣经。There is no agreement in order or content in the existing manuscripts of Hebrew, Greek, or Latin Bibles.是在现有的希伯来文,希腊文,或拉丁圣经手稿没有秩序或内容的协议。The modern English Protestant Bible follows the order of the Latin Vulgate and the content of the Hebrew Bible.现代英语新教圣经如下拉丁语武加大秩序和希伯来文圣经的内容。It is important to remember that the OT was more than a thousand years in writing, the oldest parts being written by Moses and the latest after the Babylonian exile.重要的是要记得旧约超过书面千年的摩西和巴比伦流亡后的最新,最古老的地区被写入。During the entire period of biblical history, therefore, the Jews lived their faith without a closed canon of Scriptures, such a canon therefore not being essential to the practice of the Jewish religion during that time.因此,在整个圣经的历史时期,犹太人居住没有一个封闭的圣经佳能自己的信仰,因此,佳能没有在这段时间里犹太宗教实践的重要因素。 Why then were the books finally collected into a canon?那么,为什么终于收集到佳能的书籍?They were brought together evidently as an act of God's providence, historically prompted by the emergence of apocryphal and pseudepigraphical literature in the intertestamental period and the increasing need to know what the limits of divine revelation were.他们被带到一起显然作为一个上帝的普罗维登斯行为,历史上intertestamental期间杜撰和pseudepigraphical文学的出现和日益增加的需要,知道神的启示的限制的提示。 By the time of Jesus the OT, called Tanaach by modern Judaism, consisted of the law, prophets, and writings (the first book of which was the Psalms, Luke 24:44).耶稣旧约的时候,被称为现代犹太教Tanaach,包括法律,先知,和著作(第一本书,其中的诗篇,路加福音24:44)。 Opinions about the full extent of the cannon seem not to have been finalized until sometime after the first century AD有关的大炮程度的意见似乎不是已经定稿后,公元一世纪,直到某个

NT Canon新台币佳能

The earliest list of NT books containing only our twenty-seven appeared in AD 367 in a letter of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria.NT只有二十七个书籍列表最早出现在公元367在亚历山大的主教亚他那修,信。The order was Gospels, Acts, General Epistles, Pauline Epistles, Revelation.为了福音,行为,一般书信,保罗书信,启示。In the first century Peter spoke of Paul writing "in all his letters" (II Pet. 3:16), and by the early second century the letters of Ignatius were being collected.在第一世纪的彼得保罗写“在他的信”(二宠物。3:16),和伊格内修字母的第二个世纪初被收集的发言。Evidence of exclusive collections being made in the second century is seen in the writings of Justin Martyr, who argues for only our four Gospels.在第二个世纪的独家集合的证据是贾斯汀烈士,谁认为只有我们的四福音书的著作。 Discussion about authorship and authority of various letters appears in writers of the second century, and one canonical list which has been dated from the second to the fourth century, the Muratorian Canon, differentiates between books that are suitable to be read in worship and those that should be read only in private devotion.关于作者和权威的各种字母的讨论出现的第二个世纪的作家,一个规范列表已经从第二到第四世纪日,穆拉多利佳能,适合在崇拜读的书,和那些之间的区别应只读私人奉献。

The fact that other books formed a larger deposit out of which the twenty-seven eventually emerged is seen in the reference to a prior letter to the Corinthians in 1 Cor.事实上,其他书籍形成了较大的存款,其中二十七名,最终出现在以前的信中向科林蒂安1肺心病。5:9, a letter to the Laodiceans in Col. 4:16, and the inclusion of 1 and II Clement in the fifth century manuscript of the Greek NT, Codex Alexandrinus, as well as Barnabas and Hermas in the fourth century Codex Sinaiticus. 5:9,写信给在老底嘉上校四点16分,并列入1和第二克莱门特在希腊新台币,Alexandrinus食品法典委员会第五世纪的手稿,以及在第四世纪食品法典西奈抄本的巴拿巴和黑马。 Eusebius cited a letter from the second century Bishop of Corinth, Dionysius, stating that Clement's letter was read in the church there "from time to time for our admonition" (Ecclesiastical History IV.23.11).尤西比乌斯列举了从第二个世纪的科林斯,狄奥尼修斯主教的信,指出,克莱门特的信是在教堂读“从时间到时间我们的训诫”(教会历史IV.23.11)。

The formation of the NT canon was not a conciliar decision.新台币佳能的形成不是一个conciliar的决定。The earliest ecumenical council, Nicaea in 325, did not discuss the canon.最早的尼西亚大公会议,在325,没有讨论的佳能。The first undisputed decision of a council on the canon seems to be from Carthage in 397, which decreed that nothing should be read in the church under the name of the divine Scriptures except the canonical writings.第一无可争议佳能议会的决定,似乎是从迦太基在397,颁布法令,除了规范著作的神圣经文的名称下都不应在教会读。 Then the twenty seven books of the NT are listed as the canonical writings.新台币twenty seven书籍被列为规范的著作。 The council could list only those books that were generally regarded by the consensus of use as properly a canon.安理会可以只列出那些被普遍使用的共识视为正确佳能的书籍。The formation of the NT canon must, therefore, be regarded as a process rather than an event, and a historical rather than a biblical matter.新台币佳能的形成,因此必须被视为一个过程,而不是一个事件,和圣经的问题,而不是历史。The coming of the Word of God in print is only slightly more capable of explication than the coming of the Word of God incarnate.神在打印Word的到来,只是稍微比神的化身的话,更能够解释。

JR McRay JR McRay
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)(Elwell宣布了福音字典)

Bibliography 参考书目
BF Westcott, A General Survey of the History of the Canon of the NT; CR Gregory, The Canon and Text of the NT; A. Souter, The Text and Canon of the NT; EJ Goodspeed, The Formation of the NT; RM Grant, The Formation of the NT; PR Ackroyd and CF Evans, eds., The Cambridge History of the Bible, I; H. von Campenhausen, The Formation of the Christian Bible; RL Harris, Inspiration and Canonicity of the Bible; WR Farmer, Jesus and the Gospel; W. Brueggemann, The Creative Word; JA Sanders, Torah and Canon and "Text and Canon: Concepts and Methods," JBL 98:5-29; AC Sundberg, Jr., "Canon Muratori: A Fourth Century List," HTR 66:1-41; SZ Leiman, The Canon and Massorah of the Hebrew Bible; HE Ryle, The Canon of the OT.韦斯科特高炉,CR,佳能和新台币的文字格雷戈里A ·苏特,新台币的文字和佳能; EJ古德斯皮德,新台币的形成;马币津贴的佳能新台币的历史的全面调查;新台币组;公关阿克罗伊德和CF埃文斯,EDS公司,剑桥历史的“圣经”,我; H.冯Campenhausen,基督教的“圣经”的形成; RL哈里斯,“圣经”的灵感和正规,西铁的农民, ,创意字耶稣和福音; W. Brueggemann; JA桑德斯,诵读经文和佳能和“文本和佳能:概念和方法,”JBL 98:5-29; AC桑德博格,小,“佳能穆拉托:第四个世纪名单“,高温气冷堆66:1-41;深圳Leiman,佳能和Massorah的希伯来文圣经;他赖尔,佳能的OT。


Advanced Information先进的信息

This word is derived from a Hebrew and Greek word denoting a reed or cane.这个词是来自一个希伯来文和希腊字,表示芦苇或甘蔗。Hence it means something straight, or something to keep straight; and hence also a rule, or something ruled or measured.因此,这意味着直的东西,或保持挺直;,因而也是一个规则,或裁定或测量的东西。It came to be applied to the Scriptures, to denote that they contained the authoritative rule of faith and practice, the standard of doctrine and duty.它后来被应用到“圣经”,来表示,他们中的信仰和实践的权威的规则,原则和义务的标准。A book is said to be of canonical authority when it has a right to take a place with the other books which contain a revelation of the Divine will.一本书是说,以规范权力时,它有权采取的地方,与其他书籍,其中包含了神的意志的启示。Such a right does not arise from any ecclesiastical authority, but from the evidence of the inspired authorship of the book.这种权利不会出现任何教会的权威,但是从证据证明这本书的启发作者。

The canonical (ie, the inspired) books of the Old and New Testaments, are a complete rule, and the only rule, of faith and practice.规范(即启发)新旧约的书籍,是一个完整的规则,唯一的规则,信仰和实践。They contain the whole supernatural revelation of God to men.它们包含整个超自然的启示上帝的男性。The New Testament Canon was formed gradually under divine guidance.新约圣经佳能是神圣的指导下逐步形成。The different books as they were written came into the possession of the Christian associations which began to be formed soon after the day of Pentecost; and thus slowly the canon increased till all the books were gathered together into one collection containing the whole of the twenty-seven New Testament inspired books.不同的图书,他们写了进藏开始后不久,在五旬节形成的基督教协会;佳能,从而慢慢增加,直到所有的书籍,聚集成一个包含整个集合在一起第二十七个新约圣经的启发书。

Historical evidence shows that from about the middle of the second century this New Testament collection was substantially such as we now possess.历史的证据表明,从有关的第二个世纪中叶这种新约收集大幅比如我们现在拥有。Each book contained in it is proved to have, on its own ground, a right to its place; and thus the whole is of divine authority.它包含每本书证明了自己的地面上,其位置的权利,因此整个神圣的权威。The Old Testament Canon is witnessed to by the New Testament writers.旧约佳能见证新约作家。Their evidence is conclusive.他们的证据确凿。The quotations in the New from the Old are very numerous, and the references are much more numerous.从旧的新的报价是非常多,引用得多了。These quotations and references by our Lord and the apostles most clearly imply the existence at that time of a well-known and publicly acknowledged collection of Hebrew writings under the designation of "The Scriptures;" "The Law and the Prophets and the Psalms;" "Moses and the Prophets," etc.这些报价和我们的上帝和使徒引用,最清楚的暗示存在时间,一个众所周知的,并公开承认根据指定的希伯来文著作收集的“圣经”,“法律和先知和诗篇; “摩西和先知”等。

The appeals to these books, moreover, show that they were regarded as of divine authority, finally deciding all questions of which they treat; and that the whole collection so recognized consisted only of the thirty-nine books which we now posses.此外,显示这些书籍的上诉,他们视为神圣的权力,最终决定他们对待所有问题;整个集合,以便识别,包括第三个图书,我们现在拥有。 Thus they endorse as genuine and authentic the canon of the Jewish Scriptures.因此,他们赞成犹太圣经佳能作为真正的和真实的。The Septuagint Version (qv) also contained every book we now have in the Old Testament Scriptures. septuagint版本(QV)也包含了我们现在在旧约圣经的每本书。As to the time at which the Old Testament canon was closed, there are many considerations which point to that of Ezra and Nehemiah, immediately after the return from Babylonian exile.至于旧约佳能被关闭的时间,有很多考虑,这一点以斯拉和尼希米后,立即从巴比伦流亡的回报。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Canon Law教会法

General Information一般资料

Canon Law (Greek kanon,"rule" or "measure"), usually, the body of legislation of various Christian churches dealing with matters of constitution or discipline.佳能法“(希腊KANON,”规则“或”措施“),通常情况下,宪法或纪律事宜的处理各种基督教教会的立法机构。 Although all religions have regulations, the term applies mainly to the formal systems of the Roman Catholic, Orthodox, and Anglican communions.虽然所有的宗教法规,本术语主要适用于罗马天主教,东正教,英国国教的圣餐正式系统。It is distinguished from civil or secular law, but conflict can arise in areas of mutual concern (for example, marriage and divorce).它不同于民事或世俗的法律,但冲突中可能出现的共同关心的领域(例如,结婚和离婚)。


In its origins canon law consisted of the enactments of councils or synods of bishops, and the Anglican and Orthodox churches so restrict it today.佳能在它的起源法律由议会或主教会议的主教的成文法,英国圣公会和东正教教堂,限制它今天。The Roman Catholic church also recognizes the authority of the pope to make universal law and that certain customary practices may acquire the force of law.罗马天主教教会也承认教皇的权威,使普遍的法律和某些习惯做法可能获得法律效力。The Roman Catholic church has by far the most elaborate body of law and, to provide training in it, has chartered graduate faculties in a number of universities throughout the world.罗马天主教迄今最精细的法律机构,并提供培训,已在世界各地的大学特许的研究生学院。The doctorate in canon law requires at least four years of study beyond the bachelor of arts degree.在教会法博士学位需要至少4年的研究超越了文学学士学位。Each diocese has a church court or tribunal staffed by canon lawyers.各教区有一座教堂的法院或法庭配备佳能律师。In modern times church courts have dealt almost exclusively with marriage nullity cases.在近代教会法院处理几乎完全与婚姻无效的案件。

The full range of canon law in contemporary times may be seen in the Roman Catholic church, which promulgated a revised code for its Latin, or Western, members in 1983 and has projected a first-ever code for its Eastern communicants.教会法在当今时代的全方位,可能会出现在罗马天主教会,颁布了拉丁美洲,还是西方的一个成员在​​1983年修改后的代码,并预计其东部圣餐有史以来第一个代码。 The planned Lex Fundamentalis setting forth the constitutive or organizational principles common to both proved to be inopportune.构或组织的原则,双方共同提出的计划远观Fundamentalis,被证明是不合时宜的。 The 1983 (Latin) Code of Canon Law promulgated by the authority of Pope John Paul II consists of seven books for a total of 1752 canons.1983年(拉丁)教会法典颁布的教皇约翰保罗二世共有1752大炮七本书组成的权威。 Each book is divided into titles, but in the larger books the titles are grouped in parts and even in sections.每本书分为冠军,但在较大的书籍的标题部分,甚至在部分分组。

Laws of the church as well as those of the state bind their subjects in conscience.教会的法律法规以及国家结合自己的良心科目。The obligation in conscience does not arise immediately from the laws themselves but from the divine plan, in which people are envisioned as living in both a civil and an ecclesiastical society.在良心的义务,并不存在立即从法律本身,而是从神的计划,在民事和教会社会生活的设想,也就是人们。Church and state are the judges of what is necessary to realize the common good.教会与国家,什么是必要的,以实现共同利益的法官。 Their laws carry a legal obligation of greater or lesser weight, depending on the importance of specific statutes in achieving that end.他们的法律规定的法律义务,或大或小的重量,在实现这一目标取决于具体法规的重要性。

The Code of Canon Law itself lays down certain principles of interpretation.佳能法本身的守则规定了某些原则的解释。Laws that impose a penalty, for example, or restrict the free exercise of rights, or contain an exception from the law are to be strictly interpreted.例如,处以罚款,或限制自由的权利行使,或从法律上包含一个例外的法律应做严格解释。In canon law, unlike common law, an interpretation given by a court in a judicial sentence does not set a precedent; it has no force of law and binds only those persons affected.在教会法,普通法不同,法院在司法判决给予解释并没有设置一个先例,它没有法律效力,并结合只有那些受影响的人士。 For an authentic interpretation of the code, a special Roman commission was established in 1917.对于一个权威解释的代码,一个特殊的罗马委员会成立于1917年。


The beginning of canon law may be seen in the New Testament (see Acts 15; 1 Corinthians 11).可能会出现在新约教会法开始(见徒15;哥林多前书11)。During the 2nd and 3rd centuries a number of church orders (for example, the Didache and the Apostolic Tradition) described as normative certain customary practices of the community.在第二和第三世纪的教堂订单数量(例如,十二使徒遗训和使徒传统)形容为规范社会的某些习惯做法。Canon law in the sense of enacted legislation originated in the 4th-century regional councils held in Asia Minor.佳能在颁布了立法的意义法起源于小亚细亚举行的第四世纪的区域市政局。The enactments of these councils (Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Antioch, Gangra, and Laodicea), together with those of the ecumenical councils of Nicaea (325), Constantinople (present-day Ýstanbul) (381), and Chalcedon (451), formed the nucleus of subsequent collections.这些评议会(安该拉,Neocaesarea,安提阿,Gangra,和老底嘉),与尼西亚(325),君士坦丁堡(现今Ýstanbul)(381)和迦克墩(451)合一议会一道,成文法形成核随后的集合。 They dealt with the structure of the church (the provincial and patriarchal organization), the dignity of the clergy, the process of reconciling sinners, and Christian life in general.他们处理教会(省和宗法组织),神职人员的尊严,调和罪人的过程,和一般的基督徒生活的结构。

The oldest Greek canonical collection preserved in the original text is the Synagoge Canonum (550?) in 50 titles by Johannes Scholasticus.最古老的希腊规范收集,保存在原来的文本是Synagoge Canonum(550)50约翰内斯Scholasticus冠军。Instead of a chronological arrangement, the canons are grouped systematically according to subject matter.取而代之的是按时间顺序安排,根据标的物分组系统的大炮。Another innovation was the accordance of canonical authority to rulings of church fathers, especially St. Basil.另一项创新是按照规范的权威,教会的父亲,尤其是圣巴索裁决。The Council of Trullo (692), in giving formal approval to the preceding conciliar legislation and patristic writings, established the basic code for the Eastern churches that is still normative for the Orthodox.理事会Trullo(692),在给予正式批准前conciliar的立法和建立的基本代码,仍然是东正教规范的东方教会的教父的著作,。

In the West, the most important canonical collection of the early centuries was made in the 6th century by Dionysius Exiguus.在西方,世纪初最重要的规范集合是在公元6世纪狄奥尼Exiguus。 He translated into Latin the canons of the Eastern councils and added 39 papal decretals.他翻译成拉丁文东欧政局的大炮,并增加了39教皇decretals。The rulings of the popes were thus put on a level with conciliar law.教皇的裁决,因此conciliar的法律水平。After the disintegration of the Roman Empire, canon law developed independently in the different kingdoms.罗马帝国解体后,独立开发的教会法在不同的王国。National collections were made in which local legislation, intermingled with elements of Germanic law, were added to the ancient code.国家馆藏地方立法,与日耳曼法的元素混合,添加到古老的代码。Because conciliar activity was particularly intense in Spain, the collection known as the Hispana (later called the Isidoriana after St. Isidore of Seville) proved to be outstanding.由于conciliar的活动尤为激烈,在西班牙,被称为 Hispana(后来被称为后,塞维利亚的圣伊西多尔Isidoriana)收集证明是优秀的。Of great significance for the future was the institution of the practice of private penance by the Irish monks.对未来具有重要意义,是由爱尔兰僧侣私人忏悔实践的机构。

Collections made at the time of Charlemagne (800?) and the Gregorian reform (1050?) reflect the attempt to restore traditional discipline.查理大帝(800)和格里高利改革(1050)时所作的集合反映了企图恢复传统学科。Great confusion persisted, however, insofar as certain practices accepted in the Germanic law and the penitentials (for example, remarriage after adultery) were in conflict with the program of the reformers.坚持极大的混乱,但只要在日耳曼法和penitentials接受的某些做法(例如,通奸后再婚)冲突的改革者方案。 Ivo of Chartres prepared (1095?) a set of rules and principles for interpreting and harmonizing texts.沙特尔伊沃准备(1095)的解释和统一文本的规则和原则。The actual work of harmonization was done (1140?) by Gratian, who is called the father of the science of canon law.做实际工作的协调Gratian,谁是所谓的父亲教会法的科学(1140) 。Shortly after the revival of Roman law studies at the University of Bologna, Gratian collected all the canon law from the earliest popes and councils up to the Second Lateran Council (1139) in his Decretum, or Concordance of Discordant Canons.后不久,在博洛尼亚大学的复兴罗马法研究中,Gratian收集了从最早教皇和议会所有的教会法的第二次拉特兰会议(1139)在他的Decretum,或不和谐的大炮一致性。 With its appearance the period of the ius antiquum came to a close.其外观IUS antiquum期间落下了帷幕。

The scientific study of law stimulated by the Decretum encouraged the papacy to resolve disputed points and supply needed legislation, thus inaugurating the ius novum. Over the next century thousands of papal decretals were issued and gradually collected in five compilationes.法律科学的研究Decretum刺激鼓励教皇解决争议点,并提供所需的立法, 从而开创IUS Novum酒店,在下一世纪的成千上万的教皇decretals发行,并逐步在五个compilationes收集。Compilatio Tertia, consisting of decretals from the first 12 years of his reign, was ordered by Innocent III in 1210 to be used in courts and law schools, thus becoming the first collection in the West to be officially promulgated.Compilatio Tertia,从第12年,他的统治decretals组成,在1210诺森三世下令,在法院和法律学校使用,从而成为在西方被正式颁布的首部作品。 Gregory IX commissioned Raymond of Peñafort to organize the five compilationes in one collection, which was promulgated in 1234 and became known as the Extravagantes. Two other official collections were made later: the Liber Sextus (1298) of Boniface VIII and the Constitutiones Clementinae (1317).格雷戈里九委托Peñafort雷蒙德组织一个集合中的五个compilationes,这是在1234年颁布的, 出名的Extravagantes的其他两名官员集合作了:(1298),波尼法爵八LIBER Sextus Constitutiones Clementinae(1317 )。The Extravagantes of John XXII and the Extravagantes Communes were privately compiled.约翰二十二和Extravagantes人民公社Extravagantes私下编译。In 1503 the legist Jean Chappuis printed and published in Paris, under the title Corpus Juris Canonici, the Decretum of Gratian and the three official and two private collections of decretals.1503 legist让Chappuis印在巴黎出版,标题下的法典Canonici,Gratian Decretum和三官和两个私人收藏decretals。The Corpus, along with the decrees of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), remained the fundamental law of the Roman Catholic church until the Codex Iuris Canonici appeared in 1917.语料库,随着法令的安理会的遄达(1545年至1563年),仍然是罗马天主教会的根本大法,直到食品宜乌利斯Canonici在1917年出现。 The Corpus continues to have some validity for the Church of England, which issued a Code of Canons in 1603.语料仍然有一些英国的教会,在1603年发行的大炮守则的有效性。The medieval law is presupposed except where it has been affected by contrary statute or custom in England.中世纪的法律,除非它已被相反的法规或在英国的习俗影响的先决条件。The Convocations of Canterbury and York in 1964 and 1969 promulgated a revised code with the same understanding.坎特伯雷和约克召集于1964年和1969年颁布了一个修改后的代码相同的理解。

After the theological updating of the Second Vatican Council, it became necessary for the Roman Catholic church to thoroughly revise the 1917 code.梵蒂冈第二次会议的神学更新后,它成为罗马天主教教会要彻底修改1917年的代码。A special commission was established in 1963, which in 1980 presented the draft of a completely new code.一个特别委员会成立于1963年,于1980年提出了一个完全新的代码的草案。Pope John Paul II, after making a number of revisions, promulgated it on January 25, 1983; it took effect on November 27, 1983.教皇约翰保罗二世,作出了一些修改后,颁布了1983年1月25日,参加了1983年11月27日生效。

Plans have been under way since a presynodal meeting at Chambésy, Switzerland, in November 1976 for the first Great Synod of Eastern Orthodoxy to be held since the 8th century. presynodal在Chambésy,瑞士,于1976年11月8世纪以来举行的第一大东正教主教会议以来的计划已经正在进行。Among the topics for further study is the codification of the Holy Canons.在进一步研究的课题是神圣大炮的编纂工作。

John Edward Lynch约翰爱德华林奇

Canon Law教会法

Catholic Information天主教信息

This subject will be treated under the following heads:这一主题将被视为根据以下元首:

I. General Notion and Divisions一,一般概念和分部

II.二。Canon Law as a Science Canon法“作为一门科学

III.三。Sources of Canon Law佳能法源

IV.四。Historical Development of Texts and Collections文本和收藏的历史发展

V. Codification五,编纂

VI.六。Ecclesiastical Law教会法

VII.七。The Principal Canonists首席圣教法典


Canon law is the body of laws and regulations made by or adopted by ecclesiastical authority, for the government of the Christian organization and its members.佳能法律是身体或通过教会权威的基督教组织及其成员的政府,法律和法规。The word adopted is here used to point out the fact that there are certain elements in canon law borrowed by the Church from civil law or from the writings of private individuals, who as such had no authority in ecclesiastical society.通过这个词在这里指出的事实,也有从民法或从个人的著作中,有没有权力在教会的社会教会借来的佳能法律中的某些元素。 Canon is derived from the Greek kanon, ie a rule or practical direction (not to speak of the other meanings of the word, such as list or catalogue), a term which soon acquired an exclusively ecclesiastical signification.佳能是从希腊加隆的,即一个规则或实际方向(不要讲这个词的其他含义,如清单或目录),一个术语,很快收购了一家专门教会的意义。 In the fourth century it was applied to the ordinances of the councils, and thus contrasted with the Greek word nomoi, the ordinances of the civil authorities; the compound word "Nomocanon" was given to those collections of regulations in which the laws formulated by the two authorities on ecclesiastical matters were to be found side by side.在第四世纪,这是两个市政局的条例,从而与希腊字nomoi,民事当局的条例对比;复合词“Nomocanon”在其中所制定的法律法规的集合两个当局对教会的事项,要发现并排。 At an early period we meet with expressions referring to the body of ecclesiastical legislation then in process of formation: canones, ordo canonicus, sanctio canonica; but the expression "canon law" (jus canonicum) becomes current only about the beginning of the twelfth century, being used in contrast with the "civil law" (jus civile), and later we have the "Corpus juris canonici", as we have the "Corpus juris Civilis".在初期,我们与教会立法机构在形成的过程,然后表达式:canones,奥canonicus,sanctio卡诺尼卡满足;但目前只有约十二世纪初的“教会法”(强制canonicum)被用于对比的“民法通则”(强制CIVILE),后来我们的“法典canonici”,因为我们的“法典Civilis”。 Canon law is also called "ecclesiastical law" (jus ecclesiasticum); however, strictly speaking, there is a slight difference of meaning between the two expressions: canon law denotes in particular the law of the "Corpus Juris", including the regulations borrowed from Roman law; whereas ecclesiastical law refers to all laws made by the ecclesiastical authorities as such, including those made after the compiling of the "Corpus Juris".教会法也被称为“教会法”(强制ecclesiasticum);然而,严格来说,有两个表达式之间的细微的差别的意义:教会法是指在特定的“法典”的法律,包括借用的规定罗马法;而教会法是指通过诸如教会当局,包括编制的“法典”后所作出的所有法律。 Contrasted with the imperial or Caesarian law (jus caesareum), canon law is sometimes styled pontifical law (jus pontificium), often also it is termed sacred law (jus sacrum), and sometimes even Divine law (jus divinum: c. 2, De privil.), as it concerns holy things, and has for its object the wellbeing of souls in the society divinely established by Jesus Christ.对比与英制或剖腹产的法律(强制caesareum),佳能法律有时风格宗座法律(强制pontificium),往往也被称为神圣的法律(强制骶骨),有时甚至是神圣的法律(强制divinum:C. 2,德privil。),因为它涉及的圣物,其对象的灵魂在神通过耶稣基督建立社会福利。

Canon law may be divided into various branches, according to the points of view from which it is considered:佳能法可分为各个分支,根据角度的点从它被认为是:

If we consider its sources, it comprises Divine law, including natural law, based on the nature of things and on the constitution given by Jesus Christ to His Church; and human or positive law, formulated by the legislator, in conformity with the Divine law.如果我们考虑其来源,包括神圣的,包括自然法的法律,根据事物的本质和耶稣基督所给予他的教会的宪法;符合神圣的法律和人类或积极的法律,立法者制定的, 。We shall return to this later, when treating of the sources of canon law.我们应返回到后来,当教会法的来源的治疗。

If we consider the form in which it is found, we have the written law (jus scriptum) comprising the laws promulgated by the competent authorities, and the unwritten law (jus non scripture), or even customary law, resulting from practice and custom; the latter however became less important as the written law developed.如果我们认为它是发现的形式,我们有书面的法律(强制scriptum)包括由主管部门颁布的法律,和不成文的规定(强制非圣经),甚至习惯法,从实践和习俗;然而,后者开发的书面法律变得不那么重要。

If we consider the subject matter of the law, we have the public law (jus publicum) and private law (jus privatum).如果我们考虑的标的物的法律,我们有公法(强制publicum)和私法(强制privatum)。 This division is explained in two different ways by the different schools of writers: for most of the adherents of the Roman school, eg Cavagnis (Instit. jur. publ. eccl., Rome, 1906, I, 8), public law is the law of the Church as a perfect society, and even as a perfect society such as it has been established by its Divine founder: private law would therefore embrace all the regulations of the ecclesiastical authorities concerning the internal organization of that society, the functions of its ministers, the rights and duties of its members.(Instit. JUR剪辑,传道书,罗马,1906年,我8):这个师是由作家的不同学校在两种不同的方式解释了大部分罗马的学校,如Cavagnis信徒,公法教会作为一个完美的社会规律,甚至作为一个完美的社会,例如,它已建立其神圣的创始人:私法因此,拥抱教会当局的有关规定,社会的内部组织,其职能部长,其成员的权利和义务。 Thus understood, the public ecclesiastical law would be derived almost exclusively from Divine and natural law.这样理解,得到公众的教会法几乎完全由神和自然法。On the other hand, most of the adherents of the German school, following the idea of the Roman law (Inst., I, i, 4; "Publicum jus est quad ad statuary rei Romanae spectat: privatum quad ad privatorum utilitatem"), define public law as the body of laws determining the rights and duties of those invested with ecclesiastical authority, whereas for them private law is that which sets forth the rights and duties of individuals as such.另一方面,德国学校的信徒,罗马法的想法(Inst.,我,我,4;“Publicum强制EST四广告雕像REI Romanae spectat:privatum四privatorum utilitatem”),公法定义为确定投资那些与教会权威的权利和职责的法律主体,而他们​​私法,其中提出这样的个人的权利和义务。Public law would, therefore, directly intend the welfare of society as such, and indirectly that of its members; while private law would look primarily to the wellbeing of the individual and secondarily to that of the community.公法,因此,直接打算这样的社会福利,其成员和间接,而私法主要是个人,其次是社会的福祉。

Public law is divided into external law (jus externum) and internal law (jus internum).公法分为外部法律(强制externum)和国内法(强制internum)。External law determines the relations of ecclesiastical society with other societies.外部法律决定教会社会与其他社会关系。 either secular bodies (the relations therefore of the Church and the State) or religious bodies, that is, interconfessional无论是世俗的关系,因此,教会和国家)或宗教团体,就是interconfessional关系。Internal law is concerned with the constitution of the Church and the relations subsisting between the lawfully constituted authorities and their subjects.有关国内法与教会和合法当局和他们的臣民之间存在的关系的宪法。

Considered from the point of view of its expression, canon law may be divided into several branches, so closely allied, that the terms used to designate them are often employed almost indifferently: common law and special law; universal law and particular law; general law and singular law (jus commune et speciale; jus universale et particulare; jus generale et singulare).考虑其表达的观点来看,佳能法可分为几个分支,关系密切,用于指定的条款往往雇用几乎漠然:普通法和特别法的普遍规律和特殊法的一般规律和奇异的法律(强制公社等speciale;强制universale等particulare;强制兴业等singulare)。 It is easy to point out the difference between them: the idea is that of a wider or a more limited scope; to be more precise, common law refers to things, universal law to territories, general law to persons; so regulations affecting only certain things, certain territories, certain classes of persons, being a restriction or an addition, constitute special, particular, or singular law, and even local or individual law.指出它们之间的区别是很容易的想法是,一​​个更广泛或更有限的范围;更精确,普通法指的事情,普遍规律的领土,一般规律的人;等法规的影响只有某些构成的特殊的,特别是或奇异的事情,某些地区,某些类别的人,作为限制或另外,法律,甚至地方或个人的法律。 This exceptional law is often referred to as a privilege (privilegium, lex privata), though the expression is applied more usually to concessions made to an individual.这个特殊的法律通常是指作为一种特权(法privata privilegium,),但表达的是更通常的应用到个人所做的让​​步。The common law, therefore, is that which is to be observed with regard to a certain matter, unless the legislator has foreseen or granted exceptions; for instance, the laws regulating benefices contain special provisions for benefices subject to the right of patronage.因此,普通法,这是必须遵守关于某一事项,除非立法者已经预见或给予例外,例如,法律规范benefices包含benefices主题赞助权的特别规定。 Universal law is that which is promulgated for the whole Church; but different countries and different dioceses may have local laws limiting the application of the former and even derogating from it.普遍规律是,这是整个教会颁布的,但不同国家和不同的教区可能有限制应用前的地方性法规,甚至从它的减损。Finally, different classes of persons, the clergy, religious orders, etc., have their own laws which are superadded to the general law.最后,不同阶层的人士,神职人员,宗教命令,等等,有其自身的规律,这是superadded的一般规律。

We have to distinguish between the law of the Western or Latin Church, and the law of the Eastern Churches, and of each of them.我们要区分西方或拉丁教会的法律,和东方教会,和他们每个人的法律。Likewise, between the law of the Catholic Church and those of the non-Catholic Christian Churches or confessions, the Anglican Church and the various Eastern Orthodox Churches.同样,天主教和非天主教的基督教教会或口供,圣公会和东正教教堂的法律之间。Finally, if we look to the history or chronological evolution of canon law, we find three epochs: from the beginning to the "Decretum" of Gratian exclusively; from Gratian to the Council of Trent; from the Council of Trent to our day.最后,如​​果我们看历史或教会法的时间演化,我们发现三个时代:从一开始就“Decretum”Gratian专门从Gratian安理会的遄达,从安理会的遄达我们的日子。 The law of these three periods is referred to respectively as the ancient, the new, and the recent law (jus antiquum, novum, novissimum), though some writers prefer to speak of the ancient law, the law of the Middle Ages, and the modern law (Laurentius, "Instit.", n.4).这三个时期的法律,分别被称为古,新,和最近的法律(强制antiquum,Novum酒店,novissimum),虽然有些作家喜欢讲古代法,中世纪的法律,和现代法律(Laurentius,“Instit。”N.4)。


As we shall see in treating of the gradual development of the material of canon law (see below, IV), though a legislative power has always existed in the Church, and though it has always been exercised, a long period had necessarily to elapse before the laws were reduced to a harmonious systematic body, serving as a basis for methodical study and giving rise to general theories.在治疗佳能法“(见下文第四)的材料逐步发展的,正如我们将看到,虽然立法权一直在教会的存在,虽然它一直行使,很长的时期,一定要经过前法律被减少到一个和谐系统的机构,作为一个有条不紊的研究的基础上,上升到一般理论。 In the first place, the legislative authority makes laws only when circumstances require them and in accordance with a definite plan.首先,立法机构,使法律只在情况需要时,他们按照一个明确的计划。For centuries, nothing more was done than to collect successively the canons of councils, ancient and recent, the letters of popes, and episcopal statutes; guidance was sought for in these, when analogous cases occurred, but no one thought of extracting general principles from them or of systematizing all the laws then in force.数百年来,无非是比先后收集议会,古代和近,教皇的信件,和主教法规的大炮;指导,在这些要求,当类似案件发生,但谁也没想到,提取的一般原则他们或生效的所有法律,然后​​系统化。 In the eleventh century certain collections group under the same headings the canons that treat of the same matters; however, it is only in the middle of the twelfth century that we meet in the "Decretum" of Gratian the first really scientific treatise on canon law.的大炮在11世纪的某些集合组相同的标题下,对同一事项的处理,但是,它仅在十二世纪中叶,我们在“Decretum”Gratian满足教会法的第一个真正的科学论文。 The School of Bologna had just revived the study of Roman law; Gratian sought to inaugurate a similar study of canon law.博洛尼亚学院刚刚复兴罗马法的研究; Gratian寻求类似的研究开创了佳能法律的。But, while compilations of texts and official collections were available for Roman law, or "Corpus juris civilis", Gratian had no such assistance.但是,罗马法,或“法典civilis而文本和官方收藏汇编”,Gratian却没有这样的援助。He therefore adopted the plan of inserting the texts in the body of his general treatise; from the disordered mass of canons collected from the earliest days, he selected not only the law actually in force (eliminating the regulations which had fallen into desuetude, or which were revoked, or not of general application) but also the principles; he elaborated a system of law which, however incomplete, was nevertheless methodical.因此,他通过插入身体在他的一般的论文文本的计划,从无序群众从最早的天收集大炮,他选择的不仅是生效的法律(消除下降到废止的法规,或被撤销,或没有普遍适用的),而且还的原则,他制定了一项法律制度,但不完整的,但有条不紊。 The science of canon law, ie the methodical and coordinated knowledge of ecclesiastical law, was at length established.教会法的科学,即教会法的方法和协调的知识,是在建立长度。Gratian's "Decretum" was a wonderful work; welcomed, taught and glossed by the decretists at Bologna and later in the other schools and universities, it was for a long time the textbook of canon law. Gratian的“Decretum”是的一朵奇葩;欢迎,教和掩盖在博洛尼亚decretists,后来在其他学校和大学,这是很长一段时间的教会法的教科书。 However his plan was defective and confusing, and, after the day of the glosses and the strictly literal commentaries, it was abandoned in favour of the method adopted by Bernard of Pavia in his "Breviarium" and by St. Raymund of Pennafort in the official collection of the "Decretals" of Gregory IX, promulgated in 1234 (see CORPUS JURIS CANONICI).但是他的计划是有缺陷和混乱,以及后一天的美化和严格的字面评论,有人赞成在帕维亚伯纳德采用的方法,在他的“Breviarium”圣彭纳福特Raymund遗弃在官方收集“Decretals”格雷戈里九,在1234年颁布的(见法典CANONICI)。 These collections, which did not include the texts used by Gratian, grouped the materials into five books, each divided into "titles", and under each title the decretals or fragments of decretals were grouped in chronological order.这些藏品,其中不包括所Gratian使用的文本的,分为五个书,分为“标题”的材料,按时间顺序进行分组,每个标题下decretals decretals或片段。The five books, the subject matter of which is recalled by the well-known verse: "judex, judicium, clerus, connubia, crimen" (ie judge, judgment, clergy, marriages, crime), did not display a very logical plan; not to speak of certain titles that were more or less out of place.五本书,其中的题材是由著名的诗句回忆说:“judex judicium,clerus,connubia,crimen”(即法官的判决,神职人员,婚姻,犯罪),没有表现出一个非常合理的计划;不要说出来的地方或某些名衔。 They treated successively of the depositaries of authority, procedure, the clergy and the things pertaining to them, marriage, crimes and penalties.他们先后收治的权限,程序,神职人员和他们有关的事情,婚姻状况,犯罪和刑罚的保存。In spite of its defects, the system had at least the merit of being official; not only was it adopted in the latter collections, but it served as the basis for almost all canonical works up to the sixteenth century, and even to our day, especially in the universities, each of which had a faculty of canon law.尽管它的缺陷,该系统至少官方的优点,不仅是通过后者集合,但服务为基础,几乎所有的典型作品至十六世纪,甚至我们的日子,尤其是在大学,每一个教会法系。

However, the method of studying and teaching gradually developed: if the early decretalists made use of the elementary plan of the gloss and literal commentary, their successors in composing their treatises were more independent of the text; they commented on the titles, not on the chapters or the words; often they followed the titles or chapters only nominally and artificially.然而,学习和教学方法逐渐发展起来,如果早期decretalists使用小学计划的光泽和文字评论,他们的继任者在撰写自己的论文更加独立的文本,他们评论标题,而不是在章节的话,往往就跟着标题或章节只是名义上和人为。 In the sixteenth century they tried to apply, not to the official collections, but in their lectures on canon law the method and division of the "Institutes" of Justinian: persons, things, actions or procedure, crimes, and penalties (Institutes, I, ii, 12).他们试图在16世纪适用,而不是官方的集合,但查士丁尼的“学院”的方法和分工:人,事,行动或程序,犯罪行为,并处罚(研究院,我在他们的教会法讲座二,12)。 This plan, popularized by the "Institutiones juris canonici" of Lancellotti (1563), has been followed since by most of the canonist authors of "Institutiones" or manuals, though there has been considerable divergence in the subdivisions; most of the more extensive works, however, preserved the order of the "Decretals".一直遵循“Institutiones法学canonici”(1563)的Lancellotti,推广这项计划,因为大多数“Institutiones”或手册canonist作者,虽然已有相当大的分歧在细分的更广泛的作品最然而,保留“Decretals”的顺序。 This was also followed in the 1917 code.这是在1917年的代码也跟着。In later times many textbooks, especially in Germany, began to adopt original plans.许多教科书中,尤其是在德国,在后来的时候,开始采用原来的计划。In the sixteenth century too, the study of canon law was developed and improved like that of other sciences, by the critical spirit of the age: doubtful texts were rejected and the raison d'être and tendency or intention of later laws traced back to the customs of former days.在十六世纪,教会法的研究开发和改善其他科学一样,年龄的批判精神,被拒绝可疑的文本和存在的理由和倾向或意向上溯到后来的法律昔日的风俗。 Canon law was more studied and better understood; writings multiplied, some of an historical nature, others practical, according to the inclination of the authors.佳能法律,更多的研究和更好地理解;著作成倍增加,一些历史性质,其他人的实际,根据作者的倾向。In the universities and seminaries, it became a special study, though as might be expected, not always held in equal esteem.在大学和神学院,成为一个特殊的研究,但可以预料,并不总是平等的自尊。It may be noted too that the study of civil law is now frequently separated from that of canon law, a result of the changes that have come over society.它可能会指出,现在经常从教会法,对社会变化的结果,分离,民法研究。On the other hand, in too many seminaries the teaching of ecclesiastical law is not sufficiently distinguished from that of moral theology.另一方面,太多的神学院教会法的教学是没有足够的区别于道德神学。The publication of the new general code of canon law will certainly bring about a more normal state of affairs.教会法新通用代码的出版必将带来一个更正常的状态,事务的。

The first object of the science of canon law is to fix the laws that are in force.科学教会法的第一个对象是修复已生效的法律。This is not difficult when one has exact and recent texts, drawn up as abstract laws eg most of the texts since the Council of Trent, and as will be the case for all canon law when the new code is published.当一个准确和最新的文本,制定了抽象的法律,如大部分因为安理会的遄达文本,并作为将所有教会法的情况下,当新的代码发布,这是不难的。 But it was not so in the Middle Ages; it was the canonists who, to a large extent, formulated the law by extracting it from the accumulated mass of texts or by generalizing from the individual decisions in the early collections of decretals.但事实并非如此,在中世纪,它是谁,在很大程度上,法律制定积累了大规模的文本中提取,或从decretals早期收藏个人的决定概括圣教法典。 When the law in force is known it must be explained, and this second object of the science of canon law is still unchanged.已知时生效的法律,它必须解释说,这种科学的教会法的第二个对象是仍然不变。It consists in showing the true sense, the reason, the extension and application of each law and each institution.它包括显示真正意义上的原因,每一个法律和每个机构的延伸和应用程序。This necessitates a careful and exact application of the triple method of exposition, historical, philosophical, and practical: the first explains the law in accordance with its source and the evolution of customs; the second explains its principles; the last shows how it is to be applied at present.这就需要仔细和精确的论述,历史,哲学,实用三重方法的应用:首先介绍按照其来源和习俗的演变规律;第二个解释其原理,最后显示它是如何目前被应用。 This practical application is the object of jurisprudence, which collects, coordinates and utilizes, for more or less analogous cases, the decisions of the competent tribunal.这实际应用是法理学的对象,收集,协调和利用,或多或少类似的案件,主管庭的决定。From this we may learn the position of canon law in the hierarchy of sciences.由此我们可以了解教会法的科学的层次结构中的位置。 It is a judicial science, differing from the science of Roman law and of civil law inasmuch as it treats of the laws of an other society; but as this society is of the spiritual order and in a certain sense supernatural, canon law belongs also to the sacred sciences.这是一个司法科学,从科学罗马法和大陆法系,因为它对待其他社会法律不同,但作为这个社会的精神秩序,在一定意义上超自然的是,教会法也属于神圣的科学。 In this category it comes after theology, which studies and explains in accordance with revelation, the truths to be believed; it is supported by theology, but in its turn it formulates the practical rules toward which theology tends, and so it has been called "theologia practica", "theologia rectrix".在此类别后,神学,按照启示,要相信真理,研究和解释,它是由神学理论的支持,但它反过来制订神学往往走向它的实际规则,所以它被称为“ theologia实习课“,”theologia舵羽“。In as far as it is practical the science of canon law is closely related to moral theology; however, it differs from the latter which is not directly concerned with the acts prescribed or forbidden by the external law, but only with the rectitude of human acts in the light of the last end of man, whereas, canon law treats of the external laws relating to the good order of society rather than the workings of the individual conscience.在尽可能实际教会法的科学是密切相关的道德神学,但是,它不同于后者,这是不直接与外部的法律规定或禁止的行为表示关注,但只有与人类行为的正直,在最后结束的男子光,而佳能依法处理有关的良好的社会秩序,而不是个人良心的工作外部法律。 Juridical, historical, and above all theological sciences are most useful for the comprehensive study of canon law.法学,历史,及以上的所有神学的科学是最有用的教会法的全面研究。


This expression has a twofold meaning; it may refer to the sources from which the laws come and which give the latter their judicial force (fortes juris essendi); or it may refer to the sources where canon law is to be found (fortes juris cognoscendi), ie the laws themselves such as they occur in the texts and various codes.这表达具有双重意义;,它可能是指法律来给后者的司法力量(特长法学essendi)的来源,或者它可能是指的来源,教会法被发现(特长法学cognoscendi ),即法律,如他们出现在文本和各种代码。These sources are also called the material and the formal sources of canon law.这些来源也被称为物质和教会法的正式渊源。 We shall consider first the sources under the former aspect.根据前方面,我们应考虑的第一来源。The ultimate source of canon law is God, Whose will is manifested either by the very nature of things (natural Divine law), or by Revelation (positive Divine law).教会法的最终来源是神,他会表现的事物的性质(自然神法),或启示录(正神法)。Both are contained in the Scriptures and in Tradition.两者都包含在圣经和传统。Positive Divine law cannot contradict natural law; it rather confirms it and renders it more definite.正神圣的法律,不能违背自然法则,而证实了这一点,并使其更明确。The Church accepts and considers both as sovereign binding laws which it can interpret but can not modify; however, it does not discover natural law by philosophic speculation; it receives it, with positive Divine law, from God through His inspired Books, though this does not imply a confusion of the two kinds of Divine law.教会接受,并认为作为主权的具有约束力的法律,它可以解释,但不能修改,但是,它并没有发现自然法哲学投机;收到积极的神圣的法律,从神,通过他的灵感的书,虽然这不并不意味着混乱的神法两种。 Of the Old Law the Church has preserved in addition to the Decalogue some precepts closely allied to natural law, eg certain matrimonial impediments; as to the other laws given by God to His chosen people, it considers them to have been ritual and declares them abrogated by Jesus Christ.旧法的教会保存在另外一些戒律密切联系,以自然法,如某些婚姻障碍的十诫,神所赋予他的选择的人的其他法律,认为他们有被仪式,宣布废止耶稣基督。 Or rather, Jesus Christ, the Lawgiver of the spiritual society founded by Him (Con. Trid., Sess. VI, "De justif.", can. I), has replaced them by the fundamental laws which He gave His Church.或者说,由他创立的精神社会的立法者(连续TRID。SESS六,“德justif。”耶稣基督,可以我),他们已经取代了由他给他的教会的基本法律。 This Christian Divine law, if we may so call it, is found in the Gospels, in the Apostolic writings, in the living Tradition, which transmits laws as well as dogmas.这个基督教的神圣的法律,如果我们可以这样称呼它,是在福音中发现,在使徒的著作,在生活的传统,传输以及法律教条,。 On this positive Divine law depend the essential principles of the Church's constitution, the primacy, the episcopacy, the essential elements of Divine worship and the Sacraments, the indissolubility of marriage, etc.在这种积极的神圣的法律取决于教会的宪法的基本原则的首要地位,主教,神崇拜的基本要素和圣礼,婚姻indissolubility,等

Again, to attain its sublime end, the Church, endowed by its Founder with legislative power, makes laws in conformity with natural and Divine law.同样,为了达到其崇高的结束,教会,赋予其与方正立法权,使得在与自然和神圣的法律符合法律。The sources or authors of this positive ecclesiastical law are essentially the episcopate and its head, the pope, the successors of the Apostolic College and its divinely appointed head, Saint Peter.来源或作者的这种积极的教会法的本质的主教和它的头,教皇,使徒学院的接班人,其神圣任命的头,圣彼得。They are, properly speaking, the active sources of canon law.他们是,正确来说,教会法的积极来源。Their activity is exercised in its most solemn form by the ecumenical councils, where the episcopate united with its head, and convoked and presided over by him, with him defines its teaching and makes the laws that bind the whole Church.合一议会的主教团结与它的头,行使他们的活动是在其最隆重的的形式和召集,由他主持的,与他定义其教学,使整个教会的法律约束。 The canons of the Ecumenical councils, especially those of Trent, hold an exceptional place in ecclesiastical law.该炮合一议会,特别是那些特伦特,举行一个特殊的地方在教会法。But, without infringing on the ordinary power of the bishops, the pope, as head of the episcopate, possesses in himself the same powers as the episcopate united with him.但是,没有侵犯普通电源的主教,教皇的主教头,拥有自己的主教与他的美国之相同权力。It is true that the disciplinary and legislative power of the popes has not always, in the course of centuries, been exercised in the same manner and to the same extent, but in proportion as the administration became centralized, their direct intervention in legislation became more and more marked; and so the sovereign pontiff is the most fruitful source of canon law; he can abrogate the laws made by his predecessors or by Ecumenical councils; he can legislate for the whole church or for a part thereof, a country or a given body of individuals; if he is morally bound to take advice and to follow the dictates of prudence, he is not legally obliged to obtain the consent of any other person or persons, or to observe any particular form; his power is limited only by Divine law, natural and positive, dogmatic and moral.这是事实,纪律和立法权力的教皇并非总是如此,在数百年的过程中,以同样的方式,在同样程度上行使,但作为行政管理的比例成为集中,他们在立法的直接干预变得更加更加明显;和主权教宗,所以是最富有成效的教会法源,他可以废除他的前任或基督教议会提出的法律,他可以为整个教会或部分立法之,一个国家或一个给定的个人的身体,如果他是道义上的责任,采取咨询,并按照审慎的使然,他是法律上没有义务获得的任何其他人或数人的同意,或遵守任何特定形式,他的权力只能由神州有限法,自然的和积极的,和教条式的道德。 Furthermore, he is, so to say, the living law, for he is considered as having all law in the treasury of his heart ("in scrinio pectoris"; Boniface VIII. c. i, "De Constit." in VI).此外,他的生活,如此说来,法律,因为他认为在他的心脏国库所有法律(“scrinio心绞痛”。波尼法爵八C.我,“德Constit。”六)。 From the earliest ages the letters of the Roman pontiffs constitute, with the canons of the councils, the principal element of canon law, not only of the Roman Church and its immediate dependencies.罗马教宗的字母构成,从幼年与议会,教会法的主要元素,不仅是罗马天主教会和其直接的依赖的教规。but of all Christendom; they are everywhere relied upon and collected, and the ancient canonical compilations contain a large number of these precious "decretals" (decreta, statuta, epistolae decretales, and epistolae synodicae).但所有基督教,他们到处都是依靠和收集,和古代的规范汇编包含大量的这些珍贵的“decretals”(decreta,statuta,epistolae decretales epistolae synodicae)。Later, the pontifical laws are promulgated more usually as constitutions, Apostolic Letters, the latter being classified as Bulls or Briefs, according to their external form, or even as spontaneous acts, "Motu proprio".后来,罗马教皇的法律颁布了宪法,使徒信,后者被归类为公牛或简报通常,根据自己的外在形式,甚至自发行为,“莫图proprio”。 Moreover, the legislative and disciplinary power of the pope not being an in communicable privilege, the laws and regulations made in his name and with his approbation possess his authority: in fact, though most of the regulations made by the Congregations of the cardinals and other organs of the Curia are incorporated in the Apostolic Letters, yet the custom exists and is becoming more general for legislation to be made by mere decrees of the Congregations, with the papal approval.此外,教皇的立法和纪律处分的权力,在传染病的特权,在他的名字和他的赞许提出的法律和法规,具有自己的权威:其实,虽然大多数的枢机主教的教会和其他订立的规例教廷机关在使徒信注册成立,但存在的习俗,并正在成为更一般的立法仅仅通过法令的毕业典礼,与罗马教皇的批准,。 These are the "Acts of the Holy See" (Acta Sancte Sedis), and their object or purpose permitting, are real laws (see ROMAN CURIA).这些“罗马教廷的行为”(ACTA Sancte Sedis),和允许其对象或目的,是真正的法律(见罗马教廷)。

Next to the pope, the bishops united in local councils, and each of them individually, are sources of law for their common or particular territory; canons of national or provincial councils, and diocesan statutes, constitute local law.教皇,主教联合在地方议会中,他们个性化的,是他们共同的或特定领土的法律渊源;国家或省议会的大炮,和教区法规,构成了当地的法律。 Numerous texts of such origin are found in the ancient canonical collections.对这种来源的众多文本中发现古老的规范集合。At the present day and for a long time past, the law has laid down clearly the powers of local councils and of bishops; if their decrees should interfere with the common law they have no authority save in virtue of pontifical approbation.在很长一段时间的过去,现在和法律已定下明确的地方议会和主教的权力,如果他们的法令应该干预普通法他们无权保存凭借在罗马教皇的赞许。 It is well known that diocesan statutes are not referred to the sovereign pontiff, whereas the decrees of provincial councils are submitted for examination and approval to the Holy See (Const. "Immensa" of Sixtus V, 22 Jan., 1587).这是众所周知的拔萃法规没有提到主权教宗,而审批教廷(Sixtus V“组织法”“Immensa”1月22日,1587年)提交省议会的法令。We may liken to bishops in this matter various bodies that have the right of governing themselves and thus enjoy a certain autonomy; such are prelates with territorial jurisdiction, religious orders, some exempt chapters and universities, etc. The concessions granted to them are generally subject to a certain measure of control.在这个问题上,我们可能比喻主教各机构,有管理自己的权利,因此享有一定的自主权;属地管辖的主教,宗教命令,一些豁免的章节和大学等授予向他们让步,一般须到一定程度的控制。

Other sources of law are rather impersonal in their nature, chief among them being custom or the unwritten law.其他法律来源,而没有人情味,在其性质,其中被定制或不成文的规定行政。In canon law custom has become almost like a legislator; not in the sense that the people are made their own lawgiver, but a practice followed by the greater part of the community, and which is reasonable and fulfills the legal requirements for prescription and is observed as obligatory, acquires the force of law by at least the tacit consent of the legislator.在教会法定制已成为几乎像一个立法者不是在人民自己的立法者,但实践其次是社会的更大的一部分,这是合理的,并符合法律规定的处方,并观察到的感觉强制性的,至少默许立法者获得法律效力。 Under such circumstances custom can create or rescind a legal obligation, derogate from a law, interpret it, etc. But it must be remarked that in our days, owing to the fully developed body of written law, custom plays a much less important part than did the practices and habits of early Christian times, when there was but little written law and even that seldom of wide application.这种情况下在自定义可以创建或撤销的法律义务,从法律的减损,解释等,但必须指出,在我们的时代,由于成文法律的充分发展的机构,自定义扮演一个更重要的一部分比没有早期基督教时代的做法和习惯,当时有但很少成文法律和广泛应用,甚至很少。 The civil law of different nations, and especially the Roman law, may be numbered among the accessory sources of canon law.不同的国家,尤其是罗马法的大陆法系,可能是教会法的配件来源之间的编号。But it is necessary to explain more exactly its role and importance.但它是必要的,以更准确地解释它的作用和重要性。Evidently secular law cannot be, strictly speaking, a source of canon law, the State as such having no competence in spiritual matters; yet it may become so by the more or less formal acceptation of particular laws by the ecclesiastical authorities.世俗法显然不能,严格地说,教会法源,国家没有能力在属灵的事情,但它可能成为或多或少正式的词义由教会当局的特别法律。 We pass by in the first place the laws made by the mutual agreement of both parties, such as the legislation of the numerous assemblies in the Visigothic kingdom, and the Frankish kingdom and empire, where the bishops sat with the lords and nobles.我们通过摆在首位,通过双方的相互协议,如在西哥特王国的众多集会的法例,和法兰克王国和帝国,那里的主教坐在领主和贵族的法律。 Such also is the case of the concordats of later ages, real contracts between the two powers.这种也是后世,两个大国之间真正的合同concordats的情况下。In these cases we have an ecclesiastico-civil law, the legal force of which arose from the joint action of the two competent authorities.在这种情况下,我们有一个ecclesiastico民事法律,其法律效力源于两个主管部门的联合行动。 It is in a different sense that Roman law, Germanic law, and in a lesser degree modern law, have become a subsidiary source of canon law.它是在不同意义上的罗马法,日耳曼法,和程度较轻的现代法律中,有成为附属教会法源。

It must be remembered that the Church existed for a long time before having a complete and coordinated system of law; that many daily acts of its administration, while objectively canonical, were of the same nature as similar acts in civil matters, eg contracts, obligations, and in general the administration of property; it was quite natural for the Church to accommodate itself in these matters to the existing flows, with out positively approving of them.我们必须记住,教堂前有一个完整的法律和协调系统的长的时间,其管理的许多日常行为,而客观的规范,性质相同的,类似的行为,在民事事项,如合同,义务,并在一般物业管理;这是很自然教会在这些问题上,以适应现有流动出积极审批他们。 Later when the canonists of the twelfth century began to systematize the ecclesiastical law, they found themselves in presence, on the one hand, of a fragmentary canon law, and on the other hand of the complete methodical Roman code; they had recourse to the latter to supply what was wanting in the former, whence the maxim adopted by the canonists and inserted in the "Corpus Juris", that the Church acts according to Roman law when canon law is silent (cap. 1. "De novi op. nunc.", X, i, V, tit. xxxii).后来,当12世纪圣教法典开始,教会法的系统化,他们发现自己的存在,一方面,零碎的佳能法律,以及完整的有条理的罗马代码另一方面,他们不得不求助于后者供应前,何处是希望通过的格言圣教法典,插在“法典”,教会的行为根据罗马法,教会法是无声的(第1章。“德诺维OP。NUNC。 “,X,I,V,针锋相对。XXXII)。Moreover, in the Teutonic kingdoms the clergy followed the Roman law as a personal statute.此外,在日耳曼人王国的神职人员其次为个人规约罗马法。However, in proportion as the written canon law increased, Roman law became of less practical value in the Church (cap. 28, X, "De priv.", X, lib. V, tit. xxxiii).然而,按比例增加的书面教会法,罗马法成为在教会的实用价值(第28章,X“PRIV。”LIB,V,X,针锋相对。三十三)。 Canon law, it may be said, adopted from Roman law what relates to obligations, contracts, judiciary actions, and to a great extent civil procedure.佳能的法律,可以说,通过从罗马法与义务,合同,司法行动,并在很大程度上民事诉讼程序。Other Roman laws were the object of a more positive recognition than mere usage, ie they were formally approved, those, for instance, which though of secular origin, concerned ecclesiastical things, eg the Byzantine ecclesiastical laws, or again laws of civil origin and character but which were changed into canonical laws eg the impediment of marriage arising from adoption.其他罗马法律是一个更积极的认可,比单纯的使用,也就是说,它们被正式批准的对象,法律对公民的起源和字符,例如,它虽然世俗的起源,有关教会的东西,如拜占庭教会法律,或再次但改变成规范的法律,如通过所产生的婚姻障碍。 The juridical influence of Teutonic law was much less important, if we abstract from the inevitable adaptation to the customs of barbarous races, yet some survivals of this law in ecclesiastical legislation are worthy of note: the somewhat feudal system of benefices; the computation of the degrees of kindred; the assimilating of the penitential practices to the system of penal compensation (wehrgeld); finally, but for a time only, justification from criminal charges on the oath of guarantors or co-jurors (De purgatione canonica, lib. V, tit. xxxiv).的日耳曼人的法律的司法影响是重要的要少得多,如果我们从抽象的必然适应的野蛮种族的习俗,但这部法律的残余在一些教会立法是值得注意的:有点封建制度的benefices;计算亲情度;系统的刑事赔偿(wehrgeld)的悔罪做法的吸收;最后,但只有一次,由担保人或共同陪审员宣誓(DE purgatione卡诺尼卡,LIB V刑事指控的理由。针锋相对。XXXIV)。Modern law has only a restricted and local influence on canon law, and that particularly on two points.现代法律只有一个教会法的限制和地方的影响,并特别是在两点。On the one hand, the Church conforms to the civil laws on mixed matters, especially with regard to the administration of its property; on some occasions even it has finally adopted as its own measures passed by the civil powers acting independently; a notable case is the French decree of 1809 on the "Fabriques d'église".一方面,教会符合混合事项的民事法律,特别是关于其财产的管理,甚至在某些情况下它终于作为独立行事的民事权力,通过自身的措施通过一个值得注意的情况是法国1809年法令“Fabriques église”。On the other hand, modern legislation is indebted to the canon law for certain beneficial measures: part of the procedure in criminal, civil, and matrimonial cases, and to some extent, the organization of courts and tribunals.另一方面,现代立法是要感谢教会法的某些有益的措施:部分刑事,民事,婚姻诉讼案件的过程中,并在一定程度上,法院及审裁处的组织。


Considered under the second aspect, the sources of canon law are the legislative texts, and the collections of those texts whence we derive our knowledge of the Church's laws.下的第二个方面考虑,教会法源的法律文本,这些文本何处集合,我们推导出我们教会的法律知识。In order to appreciate fully the reasons for and the utility of the great work of codification of the canon law, recently begun by order of Pius X, it is necessary to recall the general history of those texts and collections, ever increasing in number up to the present time.为了体会到充分的理由和教会法的编纂工作,最近开始,为了碧岳X的效用,这是有必要回顾这些法规和集合的一般历史,不断增加的人数达当前的时间。 A detailed account of each of the canonical collections is here out of place; the more important ones are the subject of special articles, to which we refer the reader; it will suffice if we exhibit the different stages in the development of these texts and collections, and make clear the movement to wards centralization and unification that has led up to the present situation.一个详细交代每一个规范的集合,这里出来的地方;更重要的是特殊物品的主题,这是我们的读者参考;就足够了,如果我们表现出在这些文本和集合发展的不同阶段,并作出明确的运动病房的集中统一,导致了目前的情况。 Even in the private collections of the early centuries, in which the series of conciliary canons were merely brought together in more or less chronological order, a constant tendency towards unification is noticeable.即使在世纪初的私人收藏,其中的一系列conciliary大炮只是在或多或少地按时间的顺序带来一起,不断走向统一的趋势是明显的。 From the ninth century onwards the collections are systematically arranged; with the thirteenth century begins the first official collections, thenceforth the nucleus around which the new legislative texts centre, though it is not yet possible to reduce them to a harmonious and coordinated code.从九世纪起,集合系统安排;与13世纪开始的第一次正式集合,此后围绕这一新的法律文本中心的核,虽然尚不可能,以减少他们一个和谐,协调的代码。 Before tracing the various steps of this evolution, some terms require to be explained.在这一演变过程的跟踪的各个步骤之前,一些条款需要加以解释。The name "canonical collections" is given to all collections of ecclesiastical legislative texts, because the principal texts were the canons of the councils. “规范集合”这个名字是给教会的立法案文中的所有集合,因为主体文本议会大炮。At first the authors of these collections contented themselves with bringing together the canons of the different councils in chronological order; consequently these are called "chronological" collections; in the West, the last important chronological collection is that of Pseudo-Isidore.起初,这些藏品的作者汇集了按时间顺序的不同议会的大炮自得;因此,这些被称为“时间顺序”的集合,在西方,最后一个重要的时间顺序收集伪伊西多尔。 After his time the texts were arranged according to subject matter; these are the "systematic" collections, the only form in use since the time of Pseudo-Isidore.文本后,他的时间安排根据标的物,这些都是“系统性”的集合,伪伊西多尔时间以来所使用的唯一形式。 All the ancient collections are private, due to personal initiative, and have, therefore, as collections, no official authority: each text has only its own intrinsic value; even the "Decretum" of Gratian is of this nature.所有古老的藏品是私人的,由于个人的主观能动性,和,因此,作为集合,没有官方的权威,每个文本只有自己的内在价值,甚至是“Decretum”的Gratian这种性质。 On the other hand, official or authentic collections are those that have been made or at least promulgated by the legislator.另一方面,官方或地道的收藏是那些已经取得或至少立法者颁布。They begin with the "Compilatio tertia" of Innocent III; the later collections of the "Corpus Juris", except the "Extravagantes", are official.他们开始与诺森三世“Compilatio tertia”;后来收藏的“法典”除“Extravagantes”,,是官方的。All the texts in an official collection have the force of law.官方的收集中的所有文本具有法律效力。There are also general collections and particular collections: the former treating of legislation in general, the latter treating of some special subject, for instance, marriage, procedure, etc., or even of the local law of a district.也有一般的集合,特别是集合:一般立法的前处理,后者处理一些特殊的主体,例如,婚姻,程序等,甚至一个地区的当地法律。 Finally, considered chronologically, the sources and collections are classified as previous to or later than the "Corpus Juris".最后,考虑时间顺序,来源和集合前或不迟于“法典”列为。

A. Canonical Collections In the EastA.典型集合在东

Until the Church began to enjoy peace, the written canon law was very meagre; after making full allowance for the documents that must have perished, we can discover only a fragmentary law, made as circumstances demanded, and devoid of all system.直到教会开始享受和平,教会法是非常微薄的,必须有灭亡的文件津贴后,我们可以发现只有零碎的法律,作出的情况下,要求,缺乏系统的所有。 Unity of legislation, in as far as it can be expected at that period, is identical with a certain uniformity of practice, based on the prescriptions of Divine law relative to the constitution of the Church, the liturgy, the sacraments, etc. The clergy, organized everywhere in the same way, exercised almost everywhere the same functions.统一立法,在尽可能可以预计在这期间,是具有一定的实践均匀一致,相对于教会的宪法的神圣的法律,礼仪,圣礼等神职人员处方的基础上处处以同样的方式,组织,行使几乎无处不在相同的功能。 But at an early period we discover a greater local disciplinary uniformity between the Churches of the great sees (Rome, Carthage, Alexandria, Antioch, later Constantinople) and the Churches depending immediately on them.但在初期,我们发现一个更大的地方伟大看到(迦太基,罗马,亚历山大,安提阿,后来君士坦丁堡),并根据他们立即教会的教会纪律的统一。 Further it is the disciplinary decisions of the bishops of the various regions that form the first nucleus of local canon law; these texts, spreading gradually from one country to another by means of the collections, obtain universal dissemination and in this way are the basis of general canon law.此外,它是各地区,形成了当地的佳能法的第一个核主教的纪律处分决定;这些文本,逐渐蔓延从一个国家到另一个集合,获得普遍的传播,在这样的基础上一般教会法。

There were, however, in the East, from the early days up to the end of the fifth century, certain writings, closely related to each other, and which were in reality brief canon law treatises on ecclesiastical administration the duties of the clergy and the faithful, and especially on the liturgy.然而,在东年底第五世纪初期,某些著作中,彼此密切相关,和教会管理的神职人员的职责和在现实中简要佳能法律论文忠实的,特别是对礼仪。 We refer to works attributed to the Apostles, very popular in the Oriental Churches, though devoid of official authority, and which may be called pseudo-epigraphic, rather than apocryphal.我们参考归咎于使徒,在东方教会很流行,虽然没有官方机构,可称为伪碑铭,而不是杜撰的作品。The principal writings of this kind are the "Teaching of the Twelve Apostles" or "Didache", the "Didascalia", based on the "Didache"; the "Apostolic Constitutions", an expansion of the two preceding works; then the "Apostolic Church Ordinance", the "Definitio canonica SS. Apostolorum", the "Testament of the Lord" and the "Octateuch of Clement"; lastly the "Apostolic Canons".这一类的主要著作有“十二使徒教学”或“十二使徒遗训”,“Didascalia”,根据“十二使徒遗训”,“使徒宪法”,扩大前两个作品,然后在“使徒会条例“,”Definitio卡诺尼卡党卫军Apostolorum“,”主“和”克莱门特Octateuch约。“最后的”使徒大炮“。 Of all this literature, only the "Apostolic Canons" werein cluded in the canonical collections of the Greek Church.这一切文学作品,只有“使徒大炮”werein cluded在希腊教会规范的集合。The most important of these documents the "Apostolic Constitutions", was removed by the Second Canon of the Council in Trullo (692), as having been interpolated by the heretics.这些文件中最重要的“使徒宪法”,在Trullo会(692)第二届佳能被删除,已插异端。As to the eighty-five Apostolic Canons, accepted by the same council, they rank yet first in the above-mentioned "Apostolic" collection; the first fifty translated into Latin by Dionysius Exiguus (c. 500), were included in the Western collections and afterwards in the "Corpus Juris". 85使徒大炮,同一议会接受,他们的排名还第一次在上面提到的“使徒”集合;前50狄奥尼Exiguus(公元前500),翻译成拉丁语在西方集合事后在“法典”。

As the later law of the separated Eastern Churches did not influence the Western collections, we need not treat of it, but go on to consider only the Greek collection.由于分离的东方教会后来的法律并没有影响西方的集合,我们不需要治疗,但只考虑希腊的收集。It begins early in the fourth century: in the different provinces of Asia Minor, to the canons of local councils are added those of the ecumenical Council of Nicea (325), everywhere held in esteem.早在第四世纪开始在小亚细亚的不同省份,地方议会的大炮添加尼西亚大公会议(325),处处推崇。The Province of Pontus furnished the penitentiary decisions of Ancyra and Neocæsarea (314); Antioch; the canons of the famous Council "in encaeniis" (341), a genuine code of metropolitan organization; Paphlagonia, that of the Council of Gangra (343), a reaction against the first excesses of asceticism; Phrygia, the fifty-nine canons of Laodicea on different disciplinary and liturgical matters.庞省提供的安该拉和Neocæsarea(314)监狱的决定;安提阿著名会“在encaeniis”(341),一个真正的大都市组织代码的大炮; Paphlagonia,Gangra理事会(343) ,反对禁欲主义的第一个过激的反应;弗里吉亚,第五十九个不同的纪律和礼仪事项大炮的老底嘉。 This collection was so highly esteemed that at the Council of Chalcedon (451) the canons were read as one series.这个集合了高度评价,在Chalcedon委员会(451)的大炮作为一个系列阅读。It was increased later by the addition of the canons of (Constantinople (381), with other canons attributed to it, those of Ephesus (431). Chalcedon (451), and the Apostolic canons. In 692 the Council in Trullo passed 102 disciplinary canons, the second of which enumerates the elements of the official collection: they are the texts we have just mentioned, together with the canons of Sardica, and of Carthage (419), according to Dionysius Exiguus, and numerous canonical letters of the great bishops, SS. Dionysius of Alexandria, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Basil, etc. If to these be added the canons of the two ecumenical councils of Nicea (787) and Constantinople (869) we have all the elements of the definitive collection in its final shape. A few "systematic" collections may be mentioned as pertaining to this period: one containing fifty titles by an unknown author about 535; another with twenty-five titles of the ecclesiastical laws of Justinian; a collection of fifty titles drawn up about 550, by John the Scholastic, a priest of Antioch. The compilations known as the "Nomocanons" are more important, because they bring together the civil laws and the ecclesiastical laws on the same subjects; the two principal are the Nomocanon, wrongly attributed to John the Scholastic, but which dates from the end of the sixth century, with fifty titles, and another, drawn up in the seventh century, and afterwards augmented by the Patriarch Photius in 883. (君士坦丁堡(381),与其他大炮归咎于它,以弗所(431)的大炮除了增加。迦克墩(451),和使徒的大炮,692 Trullo会通过102纪律大炮,其中列举了官方收集的要素:他们是我们刚才提到的文本,连同Sardica的大炮,和迦太基(419),根据狄奥尼修斯Exiguus,和许多伟大的主教规范的字母不锈钢的亚历山德里亚,格雷戈里Thaumaturgus,罗勒,狄奥尼修斯等,如果这些被添加尼西亚(787)和君士坦丁堡(869)两合一的议会,我们有在其最终的形状确切集合的所有元素的大炮。少数“系统的”集合可能会提及有关这一时期的:一个包含由一个不知名的作者约535五十冠军;另一个查士丁尼教会法律的第二十五个冠军;制定了约550名,收集五十冠军约翰学业,一个牧师的安提阿被称为“Nomocanons”汇编更重要的,因为他们汇集在同一科目的民事法律和教会法律;两个主要的是Nomocanon,错误地归因于约翰士林,但是从六世纪的结束日期,第五十冠军,另外,在第七个世纪制定的,事后由族长Photius增强,在883。

B. The Canonical Collections in the West to Pseudo-IsidoreB.在西方伪伊西多尔规范集合

In the West, canonical collections developed as in the East, but about two centuries later.在西方,在东开发的规范的集合,但约两个世纪之后。At first appear collections of national or local laws and the tendency towards centralization is partially effected in the ninth century.起初出现国家或地方的法律的集合,并在第九世纪走向集中的趋势是部分影响。Towards the end of the fourth century there is yet in the West no canonical collection, not even a local one, those of the fifth century are essentially local, but all of them borrow from the Greek councils.建立的第四个世纪,在西方还没有规范的收集,甚至没有一个地方之一,五世纪的基本上都是本地的,但它们都从希腊政局借用。 The latter were known in the West by two Latin versions, one called the "Hispana" or "Isidorian", because it was inserted in the Spanish canonical collection, attributed to St. Isidore of Seville, the other called the "Itala" or "ancient" (Prisca), because Dionysius Exiguus, in the first half of the sixth century, found it in use at Rome, and being dissatisfied with its imperfections improved it.由两个拉丁版本,后者是在西方,一个叫“Hispana”或“Isidorian”,因为它是插在西班牙的规范收集,归因于圣伊西多尔的塞维利亚,另一种叫“伊泰莱”或“古代“(普里斯卡马),因为狄奥尼修斯Exiguus,上半年在六世纪时,发现它在罗马使用,并正在同其不完善之处,提高它的不满。 Almost all the Western collections, therefore, are based on the same texts as the Greek collection, hence the marked influence of that collection on Western canon law.因此,几乎所有的西方的集合,是基于相同的文本作为希腊的集合,因此该集合在西方教会法的显着影响。

(1) At the end of the fifth century the Roman Church was completely organized and the popes had promulgated many legislative texts; but no collection of them had yet been made.(1)在年底第五世纪罗马教会完全是有组织,有教皇颁布了许多法律案文,但没有收集他们尚未作出。The only extra-Roman canons recognized were the canons of Nicea and Sardica, the latter being joined to the former, and at times even cited as the canons of Nicea.认可的唯一的额外罗马的大炮,大炮尼西亚和Sardica,后者加入到前者,有时甚至引用尼西亚的大炮。The Latin version of the ancient Greek councils was known, but was not adopted as ecclesiastical law.古希腊政局的拉丁版本是众所周知的,但不是通过教会法。Towards the year 500 Dionysius Exiguus compiled at Rome a double collection, one of the councils, the other of decretals, ie papal letters.实现今年500狄奥尼Exiguus编译在罗马双收集的议会,其他decretals,即罗马教皇的信件之一。The former, executed at the request of Stephen, Bishop of Salona, is a translation of the Greek councils, including Chalcedon, and begins with the fifty Apostolic canons; Dionysius adds to it only the Latin text of the canons of Sardica and of Carthage (419), in which the more ancient African councils are partially reproduced.前,在斯蒂芬主教Salona的请求执行的,是希腊议会的翻译,包括迦克墩,并与50使徒大炮开始,狄奥尼修斯增加只有拉丁文字Sardica和迦太基的大炮( 419),其中非洲的更古老的议会部分转载。The second is a collection of thirty-nine papal decretals, from Siricius (384) to Anastasius II (496-98).二是收集了三十九个教皇decretals,从Siricius(384)阿纳斯塔修斯二世(496-98)。 (See COLLECTIONS OF ANCIENT CANONS.) Thus joined together these two collections became the canonical code of the Roman Church, not by official approbation, but by authorized practice. (见古门炮,​​集合),因此加入这两个集合在一起成为罗马教会的规范代码,并非由官方认可的,而是由授权的做法,。But while in the work of Dionysius the collection of conciliary canons remained unchanged, that of the decretals was successively increased; it continued to incorporate letters of the different popes till about the middle of the eighth century when Adrian I gave (774) the collection of Dionysius to the future Emperor Charlemagne as the canonical book of the Roman Church.但在工作修斯的同时conciliary大炮集合保持不变,decretals先后增加;继续纳入至约八世纪中叶不同教皇的信件时,阿德里安我给(774)集合修斯,以作为未来的皇帝查理曼的罗马教会的规范书籍。 This collection, often called the "Dionysio-Hadriana", was soon officially received in all Frankish territory, where it was cited as the "Liber Canonum", and was adopted for the whole empire of Charlemagne at the Diet of Aachen in 802.此集合,通常被称为“Dionysio Hadriana”,很快就被正式收到所有法兰克领土,把它当作“LIBER Canonum”引,是整个帝国的查理曼在亚琛在802国会通过。 This was an important step towards the centralization and unification of the ecclesiastical law, especially as the Latin Catholic world hardly extended beyond the limits of the empire, Africa and the south of Spain having been lost to the Church through the victories of Islam.这是一个和教会法对集中统一的重要一步,尤其是在拉丁美洲天主教世界难以超越帝国的范围扩展,非洲和西班牙南部的已失去了教会通过对伊斯兰教的胜利。

(2) The canon law of the African Church was strongly centralized at Carthage; the documents naturally took the form of a collection, as it was customary to read and insert in the Acts of each council the decisions of the preceding councils. (2)非洲教会的教会法强烈集中在迦太基的文件自然集合的形式,因为它是习惯性地阅读,并在每个理事会的行为前议会的决定插入。At the time of the invasion of the Vandals, the canonical code of the African Church comprised, after the canons of Nicea, those of the Council of Carthage under Bishop Gratus (about 348), under Genethlius (390), of twenty or twenty-two plenary council under Aurelius (from 393 to 427), and the minor councils of Constantinople.的汪达尔人的入侵时,非洲教会的规范代码,后尼西亚大炮,根据Genethlius(390)下的迦太基主教Gratus(约348)理事会的组成,20或25国务院全体会议根据奥勒(从393至427),和君士坦丁堡轻微议会。 Unfortunately these records have not come down to us in their entirety; we possess them in two forms: in the collection of Dionysius Exiguus, as the canons of a "Concilium Africanum"; in the Spanish collection, as those of eight councils (the fourth wrongly attributed, being a document from Arles, dating about the beginning of the sixth century).不幸的是,这些记录下来给我们的全部;我们拥有两种形式:在狄奥尼修斯Exiguus收集“Concilium Africanum”的大炮,在西班牙的集合,八议会(第四错误归因,从阿尔勒的文件,大约可以追溯到六世纪初)。Through these two channels the African texts entered into Western canon law.非洲文本通过这两个渠道进入西方教会法。It will suffice to mention the two "systematic" collections of Fulgentius Ferrandus and Cresconius.这将足以提两个“系统性”Fulgentius Ferrandus和Cresconius集合。

(3) The Church in Gaul had no local religious centre, the territory being divided into unstable kingdoms; it is not surprising therefore that we meet no centralized canon law or universally accepted collection. (3)在高卢教会没有当地的宗教中心,被划分成不稳定王国的领土,这并不奇怪,因此,我们符合普遍接受的佳能没有集中的法律或收集。There are numerous councils, however, and an abundance of texts; but if we except the temporary authority of the See of Arles, no church of Gaul could point to a permanent group of dependent sees.有众多的议会,然而,和丰富的文本,但如果我们除了阿尔勒“的临时权力,没有高卢教会可以指向一个永久依赖看到。The canonical collections were fairly numerous, but none was generally accepted.相当多的规范集合,但没有被普遍接受。The most widespread was the "Quesneliana", called after its editor (the Jansenist Paschase Quesnel), rich, but badly arranged, containing many Greek, Gallic, and other councils, also pontifical decretals.最普遍的是“Quesneliana”,要求它的编辑后(简森派Paschase克内尔),丰富的,但安排的不好,含有许多希腊,高卢,和其他议会,也是宗座decretals。 With the other collections it gave way to the "Hadriana", at the end of the eighth century.与其他收藏品,它让位给了“Hadriana”,在第八世纪结束。

(4) In Spain, on the contrary, at least after the conversion of the Visigoths, the Church was strongly centralized in the See of Toledo, and in close union with the royal power.(4)在西班牙,相反,至少在转换后,西哥特人,教会强烈集中在托莱多见,并密切与王权的联盟。Previous to this, we must note the collection of St. Martin of Braga, a kind of adaptation of conciliary canons, often incorrectly cited in the Middle Ages as the "Capitula Martini papae" (about 563).在此之前,我们必须注意收集圣马丁布拉加,一种适应conciliary大炮,经常不正确地在中世纪的“投降马提尼papae”(约563)引。 It was absorbed in the large and important collection of the Visigothic Church.它被吸收在西哥特教堂的大型和重要的收藏。 The latter, begun as early as the council of 633 and increased by the canons of subsequent councils, is known as the "Hispana" or "Isidoriana", because in later times it was attributed (erroneously) to St. Isidore of Seville. 633会尽早开始,并增加了后续议会的大炮,后者被称为“Hispana”或“Isidoriana”,因为在后来的时候,它是由于(错误地)圣塞维利亚伊西多尔。 It comprises two parts: the councils and the decretals; the councils are arranged in four sections: the East, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and chronological order is observed in each section; the decretals, 104 in number, range from Pope St. Damasus to St. Gregory (366-604).它由两部分组成:议会和decretals议会是安排在四个部分:东,非洲,高卢,西班牙,和时间顺序是在每一节观察; decretals,104在数量上,从教皇圣达玛斯范围圣格雷戈里(366-604)。Its original elements consist of the Spanish councils from Elvira (about 300) to the Seventeenth Council of Toledo in 694.其原来的元素组成的西班牙议会埃尔维拉(约300)694托莱多在第十七届理事会。The influence of this collection, in the form it assumed about the middle of the ninth century, when the False Decretals were inserted into it, was very great.这个集合的影响,在形式上它承担的第九世纪中叶,当假Decretals插了进去,是非常大的。

(5) Of Great Britain and Ireland we need mention only the Irish collection of the beginning of the eighth century, from which several texts passed to the continent; it is remarkable for including among its canons citations from the Scriptures and the Fathers. (5)英国和爱尔兰,我们需要提及第八世纪初爱尔兰的收集,传递到大陆的这几个文本;它是显着的包括在其大炮从圣经和教父的引文。

(6) The collection of the False Decretals, or the Pseudo-Isidore (about 850), is the last and most complete of the "chronological" collections, and therefore the one most used by the authors of the subsequent "systematic" collections; it is the "Hispana" or Spanish collection together with apocryphal decretals attributed to the popes of the first centuries up to the time of St. Damasus, when the authentic decretals begin. (6)收集假Decretals,或伪伊西多尔(约850),最后和最完整的“时间顺序”集合,因此在随后的“系统性的”集合作者最常用的;它是“Hispana”或西班牙语集合在一起杜撰decretals归因于教皇起来的第一世纪圣达玛斯,正宗decretals开始时的时间。 It exerted a very great influence.它产生了很大的影响。

(7) To conclude the list of collections, where the later canonists were to garner their materials, we must mention the "Penitentials", the "Ordines" or ritual collections, the "Formularies", especially the "Liber Diurnus"; also compilations of laws either purely secular, or semi-ecclesiastical, like the "Capitularies" (qv). (7)要结束的集合,后来圣教法典,以争取他们的材料清单,我们必须提到“Penitentials”,“Ordines”或仪式集合,“处方集”,尤其是“LIBER Diurnus”;也汇编法律要么纯粹世俗的,或半教会“Capitularies”(QV)一样,。The name "capitula" or "capitularia" is given also to the episcopal ordinances quite common in the ninth century.命名为“投降”或“capitularia”还相当普遍,在第九世纪的主教条例。It may be noted that the author of the False Decretals forged also false "Capitularies", under the name of Benedict the Deacon, and false episcopal "Capitula", under the name of Angilramnus, Bishop of Metz.这可能是假Decretals的作者指出,伪造下的梅斯Angilramnus,主教的名字也是假的“Capitularies”,根据本笃执事的名称,而假主教“投降”,。

C. Canonical Collections to the Time of GratianC.规范集合Gratian时间

The Latin Church was meanwhile moving towards closer unity; the local character of canonical discipline and laws gradually disappears, and the authors of canonical collections exhibit a more personal note, ie they pick out more or less advantageously the texts, which they borrow from the "chronological" compilations, though they display as yet no critical discernment, and include many apocryphal documents, while others continue to be attributed to the wrong sources.拉丁美洲教会,同时迈向更紧密的团结;,规范的纪律和法律的地方特色逐渐消失,和规范的集合,作者表现出了更多的个人的注意,即他们挑选出或多或少有利的文本,这是他们从“借按时间顺序“的编纂,但显示为还没有关键的法眼,并包括许多未经证实的文件,而其他继续被归结为错误的来源。 They advance, nevertheless, especially when to the bare texts they add their own opinions and ideas.他们的进步,然而,特别是当他们裸露的文本,添加自己的意见和想法。From the end of the ninth century to the middle of the twelfth these collections are very numerous; many of them are still unpublished, and some deservedly so.从第九世纪结束的第十二届中,这些藏品非常多,其中不少是仍然未发表的,和一些当之无愧如此。We can only mention the principal ones:我们只能提主要的:

A collection in twelve books, compiled in Northern Italy, and dedicated to an Archbishop Anselm, doubtless Anselm II of Milan (833-97), still unedited; it seems to have been widely used.在意大利北部,一个在十二本书收集,编译和专用大主教安瑟伦,无疑安瑟伦米兰II(833-97),仍然未经编辑,它似乎已被广泛应用于。

The "Libri duo de synodalibus causis" of Regino, Abbot of Prüm (d. 915), a pastoral visitation manual of the bishop of the diocese, edited by Wasserschleben (1840). “Libri二人synodalibus causis”Regino,方丈Prüm(卒于915),一个教区主教的牧灵探访手册,编辑Wasserschleben(1840年)。

The voluminous compilation, in twenty books, of Burchard, Bishop of Worms, compiled between 1012 and 1022, entitled the "Collectarium", also "Decretum", a manual for the use of ecclesiastics in their ministry; the nineteenth book, "Corrector" or "Medicus", treats of the administration of the Sacrament of Penance, and was often current as a distinct work.浩繁的编纂,在20书籍,Burchard蠕虫的主教,在1012和1022之间编译,题为“Collectarium”,也“Decretum”,手册的神职人员在使用他们的部;十九本书,“改错”或“梅迪库斯”,黄柏忏悔圣事的管理,往往是作为一个独特的工作电流。 This widely circulated collection is in PL, CXL.这个广为流传的集合PL,CXL。At the end of the eleventh century there appeared in Italy several collections favouring the reform of Gregory VII and supporting the Holy See in the in vestiture strife; some of the authors utilized for their works the Roman archives.在十一世纪出现在意大利几个集合,有利于改革格雷戈里七和支持罗马教廷在vestiture纷争;一些他们的作品罗马档案馆利用的作者。

The collection of Anselm, Bishop of Lucca (d. 1086), in thirteen books, still unedited, an influential work.收集安瑟伦,卢卡主教(卒于1086),在13个书籍,仍然未经编辑的,有影响力的工作。

The collection of Cardinal Deusdedit, dedicated to Pope Victor III (1087), it treats of the primacy of the pope, of the Roman clergy, ecclesiastical property, immunities, and was edited by Martinucci in 1869, more recently and better by Wolf von Glanvell (1905).枢机主教Deusdedit的收集,献给教皇维克多III(1087),它把教皇的首要地位,罗马的神职人员,教会财产,豁免权,并于1869年Martinucci编辑,最近,有更好的狼冯Glanvell (1905年)。

The "Breviarium" of Cardinal Atto; edited by Mai, "Script. vet. nova collect.", VI, app. “Breviarium”红衣主教阿托;麦编辑“。脚本审批新星收集”,六,应用程序。1832.1832年。

The collection of Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri in ten books, written after 1089, still unedited. Bonizo收集,Sutri主教十年书,写在1089之后,仍然未经编辑。

The collection of Cardinal Gregory, called by him "Polycarpus", in eight books, written before 1120, yet unedited.枢机主教格雷戈里的集合,称为他“Polycarpus”八本书,写在1120之前,但未经编辑。

In France we must mention the small collection of Abbo, Abbot of Fleury (d. 1004).在法国,我们必须提到Abbo小集合(卒于1004),弗勒里的住持。in fifty-two chapters, in PL, CXXXIX; and especially the collections of Ives, Bishop of Chartres (d. 1115 or 1117), ie the "Collectio trium partium", the "Decretum", es pecially the "Panormia", a short compilation in eight books, extracted from the preceding two works, and widely used.在52个章节,在PL,CXXXIX;特别是艾夫斯的集合,主教沙特尔(卒于1115或1117),即“Collectio TRIUM partium”,“Decretum”,ES pecially“Panormia”,在短短八本书汇编,从前面的两部作品中提取,并得到广泛使用。The "Decretum" and the "Panormia" are in PL, CLXI.“Decretum”和“Panormia”PL,CLXI。

The unedited Spanish collection of Saragossa (Caesar-augustana) is based on these works of Ives of Chartres.未经编辑的西班牙萨拉戈萨(撒奥古斯塔纳)收集的基础上沙特尔艾夫斯这些作品。

Finally, the "De misericordia et justitia", in three books, composed before 1121 by Algerus of Liège, a general treatise on ecclesiastical discipline, in which is fore shadowed the scholastic method of Gratian, reprinted in PL, CLXXX.最后,“德misericordia等justitia”三本书,在1121之前组成Algerus列日,对一般教会的纪律专着,其中脱颖而出的阴影Gratian学术方法,PL,CLXXX重印。

D. The "Decretum" of Gratian: the DecretistsD.“Decretum”Gratian:Decretists

The "Concordantia discordantium canonum", known later as "Decretum", which Gratian published at Bologna about 1148, is not, as we consider it today, a collection of canonical texts, but a general treatise, in which the texts cited are inserted to help in establishing the law.“Concordantia discordantium canonum”,后来被称为“Decretum”,Gratian在博洛尼亚出版约1148,是不是,因为我们认为今天,规范文本的集合,但一般的论文,其中的文本引插入在建立法律帮助。 It is true that the work is very rich in texts and there is hardly a canon of any importance contained in the earlier collections (including the decisions of the Lateran Council of 1139 and recent papal decretals) that Gratian has not used.这是真正的工作是非常丰富,在文本中,几乎没有一个Gratian不使用在前面的集合(包括1139拉特兰理事会的决定和最近的教皇decretals)所载的任何重要性的佳能的。 His object, however, was to build up a juridical system from all these documents.然而,他的目标是建立法人制度从所有这些文件。 Despite its imperfections, it must be admitted that the work of Gratian was as near perfection as was then possible.尽管有其不完善之处,它必须承认Gratian工作接近完美当时可能。For that reason it was adopted at Bologna, and soon elsewhere, as the textbook for the study of canon law.出于这个原因,它是通过在博洛尼亚,并很快在其他地方,作为教会法研究的教科书。(For an account of this collection see CORPUS JURIS CANONICI; CANONS.) We may here recall again that the "Decretum" of Gratian is not a codification, but a privately compiled treatise; further, that the building up of a general system of canon law was the work of the canonists, and not of the legislative authorities as such. (对于此集合帐户法典CANONICI;。坎农相机),我们可以在这里再次回顾“Decretum”Gratian是不是编纂,而是一个私人编译的论述,进一步,建立一个一般的佳能系统法律是圣教法典的工作,和立法当局不作为等。

Quite as the professors at Bologna commented on Justinian's "Corpus juris civilis", so they began at once to comment on Gratian's work, the personal element as well as his texts.不少教授在博洛尼亚的评论查士丁尼的“法典civilis”,所以他们一旦开始评论Gratian的工作,个人的因素,以及他的文本。 The first commentators are called the "Decretists".第一评论家称为“Decretists”。In their lectures (Latin lecturae, readings) they treated of the conclusions to be drawn from each part and solved the problems (quaestiones) arising therefrom.在他们的演讲(拉美lecturae,读数),他们从每个部分中得出的结论处理和解决由此产生的问题(quaestiones)。 They synopsized their teaching in "glosses", interlinear at first, then marginal, or they composed separate treatises known as "Apparatus", "Summae", "Repetitiones", or else collected "casus", "questiones", "Margaritae", "Breviaria", etc. The principal decretists are:他们synopsized在“掩盖”自己的教学,在第一行间,然后边际,或他们组成单独的论文被称为“器具”,“Summae”,“Repetitiones”,或其他收集“casus”,“questiones”,“Margaritae” “Breviaria”等主要decretists:

Paucapalea, perhaps the first disciple of Gratian, whence, it is said, the name "palea" given to the additions to the "Decretum" (his "Summa" was edited by Schulte in 1890); Roland Bandinelli, later Alexander III (his "Summa" was edited by Thaner in 1874); Omnibonus, 1185 (see Schulte, "De Decreto ab Omnibono abbreviate", 1892); John of Faenza (d. bishop of that city in 1190); Rufinus ("Summa" edited by Singer, 1902); Stephen of Tournai (d. 1203; "Summa" edited by Schulte, 1891); the great canonist Huguccio (d. 1910; "Summa" edited by M. Gillmann); Sicard of Cremona (d. 1215); John the Teuton, really Semeca or Zemcke (d. 1245); Guido de Baysio, the "archdeacon" (of Bologna, d. 1313); and especially Bartholomew of Brescia (d. 1258), author of the "gloss" on the "Decretum" in its last form. Paucapalea,也许Gratian,何处的第一弟子,这是说,“稃”给予补充Decretum“(他的”大全“是由舒尔特编辑于1890年);罗兰Bandinelli,后来的亚历山大三世(他的名字“大全”是由Thaner编辑于1874年); Omnibonus(见舒尔特,“德Decreto AB Omnibono缩写”,1892年),1185法恩莎约翰(D.主教,在1190城市); Rufinus(“大全”主编歌手,1902年);斯蒂芬图尔奈(D. 1203“大全”编辑,1891年舒尔特);伟大canonist Huguccio(卒于1910;“大全”,由M. Gillmann编辑);克雷莫纳Sicard(D. 1215) ;约翰日耳曼,真正Semeca或Zemcke(卒于1245年);圭多DE Baysio,“副主教”(博洛尼亚,D. 1313),尤其是布雷西亚巴塞洛缪(卒于1258),“光泽”的作者“Decretum”在其最后的形式。

E. Decretals and DecretalistsE. Decretals和Decretalists

While lecturing on Gratian's work the canonists laboured to complete and elaborate the master's teaching; with that view they collected assiduously the decretals of the popes, and especially the canons of the Ecumenical councils of the Lateran (1179, 1215); but these compilations were not intended to form a complete code, they merely centred round and supplemented Gratian's "Decretum"; for that reason these Decretals are known as the "Extravagantes", ie outside of, or extraneous to, the official collections.虽然讲课的圣教法典Gratian的工作辛劳,以完成和阐述大师的教学;这种看法,他们收集了刻苦的教皇的decretals,和特别是在在拉特兰(1179,1215)的大公议会大炮,但这些汇编是不旨在形成一个完整的代码,他们只是为中心的圆形和补充Gratian“Decretum”;,因此这些Decretals都称为“Extravagantes”,即以外的,或多余的,官方集合。 The five collections thus made between 1190 and 1226 (see DECRETALS), and which were to serve as the basis for the work of Gregory IX, mark a distinct step forward in the evolution of canon law: whereas Gratian had inserted the texts in his own treatise, and the canonists wrote their works without including the texts, we have now compilations of supplementary texts for the purpose of teaching, but which nevertheless remain quite distinct; in addition, we at last find the legislators taking part officially in editing the collections.从而在1190和1226(见DECRETALS),并之间的五个集合作为格雷戈里九,标志教会法的演变提出了一个鲜明的一步工作的基础上,而Gratian在自己的文本插入论文,圣教法典写道他们的作品,而不包括文本,我们现在的教学目的的补充文本汇编,但尽管如此仍相当明显,此外,我们终于找到立法者在编辑的集合的一部分正式。 While the "Breviarium" of Bernard of Pavia, the first to exhibit the division into five books and into titles, which St. Raymund of Pennafort was later to adopt, is the work of a private individual, the "Compilatio tertia" of Innocent III in 1210, and the "Compilatio quinta" of Honorius III, in 1226, are official collections.虽然“Breviarium”帕维亚陈智思,首先表现出五本书,并为冠军,圣彭纳福特Raymund后来采取的分工的是一个个人的工作,“Compilatio tertia”英诺森三世在1210的“Compilatio金塔”在1226挪三,是官方的集合。Though the popes, doubtless, intended only to give the professors at Bologna correct and authentic texts, they nevertheless acted officially; these collections, however, are but supplements to Gratian.虽然教皇,毫无疑问,目的只是为了给教授在博洛尼亚的正确和真实的文本的,但他们担任正式;然而,这些藏品,但补充到Gratian。

This is also true of the great collection of "Decretals" of Gregory IX (see DECRETALS and CORPUS JURIS CANONICI).这也是真正的大集合“Decretals”格雷戈里九(见DECRETALS法典CANONICI)。 The pope wished to collect in a more uniform and convenient manner the decretals scattered through so many different compilations; he entrusted this synopsis to his chaplain Raymund of Pennafort, and in 1234 sent it officially to the universities of Bologna and Paris.教皇希望收集在一个更加统一和便捷的方式,通过这么多不同的汇编分散的decretals;他委托的简介,以他的彭纳福特牧师Raymund,并在1234年把它正式博洛尼亚和巴黎大学。 He did not wish to suppress or supplant the "Decretum" of Gratian, but this eventually occurred.他不希望以抑制或取代Gratian“Decretum”,但最终发生。The "Decretals" of Gregory IX, though composed in great part of specific decisions, represented in fact a more advanced state of law; furthermore, the collection was sufficiently extensive to touch almost every matter, and could serve as a basis for a complete course of instruction. “Decretals”格雷戈里九,虽然在具体的决定很大一部分组成,其实代表更先进的国家的法律;此外,收集了足够广泛的接触几乎每一件事,并可以作为一个完整的课程的基础教学。 It soon gave rise to a series of commentaries, glosses, and works, as the "Decretum" of Gratian had done, only these were more important since they were based on more recent and actual legislation.它很快就引起了一系列的评论,敷衍了事,工程,作为“Decretum”Gratian做了,只有这些更重要的,因为他们更近的和实际的立法基础。 The commentators of the Decretals were known as Decretalists.Decretals评论家称为Decretalists。The author of the "gloss" was Bernard de Botone (d. 1263); the text was commented on by the most distinguished canonists; among the best known previous to the sixteenth century, we must mention:“光泽”的作者是伯纳德 - Botone(卒于1263);文本的最杰出的圣教法典,其中最有名的前十六世纪,我们必须提到:

Bernard of Pavia ("Summa" edited by Laspeyres, 1860), Tancred, archdeacon of Bologna, d.陈智思帕维亚(“大全”编辑拉氏1860年),博洛尼亚,D.,坦克雷德副主教1230 ("Summa de Matrimonio", ed. Wunderlich, 1841); Godfrey of Trani (1245); Sinibaldo Fieschi, later Innocent IV (1254), whose "Apparatus in quinque libros decre taliurn" has been frequently reprinted since 1477; Henry of Susa, later Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia (d. 1271), hence "Hostiensis"; his "Summa Hostiensis", or "Summa aurea" was one of the best known canonical works, and was printed as early as 1473; Aegilius de Fuscarariis (d. 1289); William Durandus (d. 1296, Bishop of Mende), surnamed "Speculator", on account of his important treatise on procedure, the "Speculum judiciale", printed in 1473; Guido de Baysio, the "archdeacon", already mentioned; Nicolas de Tudeschis (d. 1453), also known as "Abbes siculus" or simply "Panormitanus" (or also "Abbas junior seu modernus") to distinguish him from the "Abbas antiques", whose name is unknown and who commented on the Decretals about 1275); Nicolas left a "Lecture" on the Decretals, the Liber Sextus, and the Clementines.1230(“大全Matrimonio”,主编德奇,1841年);特拉尼戈弗雷(1245); Sinibaldo Fieschi,后来无辜的IV(1254),其“器具quinque libros减1 taliurn”已经经常自1477重印;亨利苏萨,后来枢机主教的奥斯蒂亚(卒于1271),因此,“Hostiensis”他的“大全Hostiensis”,或“大全黄花”是最著名的典型工程之一,并于1473年初印刷; Aegilius DE Fuscarariis (卒于1289);威廉Durandus(D. 1296,主教,闷得),姓“投机者”,对他的重要论文的过程中,“窥judiciale”,在1473印户口;圭多DE Baysio,“副主教”已经提到,萨科DE Tudeschis(卒于1453),也被称为“阿巴斯siculus”或干脆“Panormitanus”(或“阿巴斯初中SEU modernus”),以区别于“阿巴斯古董”,其名称是未知的,他评论约1275 Decretals);萨科左Decretals,LIBER Sextus和柑橘的“演讲”。

For some time longer, the same method of collecting was followed; not to speak of the private compilations, the popes continued to keep up to date the "Decretals" of Gregory IX; in 1245 Innocent IV sent a collection of forty-two decretals to the universities, ordering them to be inserted in their proper places; in 1253 he forwarded the "initia" or first words of the authentic decretals that were to be accepted.较长一段时间,同样的方法收集;不说话的私人汇编,教皇继续保持最新“Decretals”格雷戈里九;无辜四,在1245发送收集了四十二个decretals大学,他们将在适当的地方插入排序;他于1253年转发的“举措”或第一句话,被接受的正宗decretals的。 Later Gregory X and Nicholas III did likewise, but with little profit, and none of these brief supplementary collections survived.格雷戈里X和尼古拉斯三世后来也同样,但获利甚微,并没有这些简短的补充集合幸存下来。 The work was again undertaken by Boniface VIII, who had prepared and published an official collection to complete the five existing books; this was known as the "Sextus" (Liber Sextus).这项工作再次进行博尼法斯八,曾编写和出版官方的收集,完成现有五个书籍,这被称为“Sextus”(LIBER Sextus)。Clement V also had prepared a collection which, in addition to his own decretals, contained the decisions of the Council of Vienne (1311-12); it was published in 1317 by his successor John XXII and was called the "Clementina."克莱门特V也已经准备集合,除了他自己decretals,包含了维埃纳省(1311年至1312年)理事会的决定,它是在1317出版的由他的继任者约翰二十二,被称为“克莱门蒂娜。” This was the last of the medieval official collections.这是中世纪的官方收藏的最后。Two later compilations included in the "Corpus Juris" are private works, the "Extravagantes of John XXII", arranged in 1325 by Zenzelin de Cassanis, who glossed them, and the "Extra vagantes communes", a belated collection; it was only in the edition of the "Corpus Juris" by Jean Chappuis, in 1500, that these collections found a fixed form.两年后在“法典”中包含的汇编私人工程,“约翰二十二Extravagantes”,1325年安排Zenzelin DE Cassanis,谁掩饰他们,和“额外vagantes公社”,一个迟来的集合,它只是在版的“法典”让Chappuis,在1500年,即这些藏品找到了一个固定的形式。 The "Sextus" was glossed and commented by Joannes Andrae, called the "fons et tuba juris" (d. 1348), and by Cardinal Jean Le Moine (Joannes Monachus, d. 1313), whose works were often printed. “Sextus”被掩盖和评论Joannes安德烈,被称为“FONS等大号法学”(卒于1348),并让乐枢机Moine(Joannes Monachus,卒于1313),其往往印刷作品。

When authors speak of the "closing" of the "Corpus Juris", they do not mean an act of the popes for bidding canonists to collect new documents, much less forbidding themselves to add to the ancient collections.作者讲的“法典”的“关闭”时,他们并不意味着招标圣教法典,收集新的文件的教皇的行为,更不准自己添加到古老的集合。 But the canonical movement, so active after Gratian's time, has ceased forever.但规范的运动,如此活跃Gratian的时间后,已不再永远。External circumstances, it is true, the Western Schism, the troubles of the fifteenth century, the Reformation, were unfavourable to the compiling of new canonical collections; but there were more direct causes.外部环境,这是事实,西方分裂,麻烦的15世纪,宗教改革,是不利于新的规范集合编制;但也有更直接的原因。 The special object of the first collections of the decretals was to help settle the law, which the canonists of Bologna were trying to systematize; that is why they contain so many specific decisions, from which the authors gathered general principles; when these had been ascertained the specific decisions were of no use except for jurisprudence; and in fact the "Sextus", the "Clementinae", and the other collections contain texts only when they are the statement of a general law. decretals的第一个集合的特殊对象,以帮助解决法律,​​博洛尼亚的圣教法典试图系统化,这就是为什么它们包含许多具体的决定,从作者收集的一般原则;当这些已确定具体的决定是没有用的,除了判例和“Sextus”,“Clementinae”,和其他收藏品,其实包含文本,只有当它们的一般规律的声明。 Any changes deemed necessary could be made in teaching without the necessity of recasting and augmenting the already numerous and massive collections.认为必要的任何变化,可以在教学中没有重铸和扩大已经众多和大规模的集合必要性。

F. From the Decretals to the Present Time从Decretals目前楼

After the fourteenth century, except for its contact with the collections we have just treated of, canon law loses its unity.十四世纪后,除了我们刚才处理的集合的接触,佳能法律失去了它的团结。The actual law is found in the works of the canonists rather than in any specific collection; each one gathers his texts where he can; there is no one general collection sufficient for the purpose.是符合实际的法律,而不是在任何特定的集合圣教法典的作品,每一个集他的文本,他可以没有一个普遍征收足够为目的。 It is not a case of confusion, but of isolation and dispersion.这是不是一个混乱的情况下,但孤立和分散。The sources of law later than the "Corpus Juris" are:比“法典”的法源是:

the decisions of councils, especially of the Council of Trent (1545-1563), which are so varied and important that by themselves they form a short code, though without much order; the constitutions of the popes, numerous but hitherto not officially collected, except the "Bullarium" of Benedict XIV (1747); the Rules of the Apostolic Chancery; the 1917 Code of Canon Law; lastly the decrees, decisions, and various acts of the Roman Congregations, jurisprudence rather than law properly so called.议会,特别是安理会的遄达(1545至1563年),这是如此丰富和重要的,它们本身形成了一个简短的代码,虽然没有多少顺序的决定;教皇的宪法,无数但迄今没有正式收集,除本笃十四(1747);使徒衡平规则; 1917年佳能法代码“Bullarium”最后的法令,决定,和罗马教会,法理学,而不是法律的各种行为,妥善所谓。

For local law we have provincial councils and diocesan statutes.对于当地的法律,我们有省议会和教区法规。It is true there have been published collections of councils and Bullaria.这是事实已经公布的议会和Bullaria集合。Several Roman Congregations have also had their acts collected in official publications; but these are rather erudite compilations or repertories.几个罗马教会也有他们的行为在官方刊物中收集;但这些都是相当博学的汇编或汇编。


The method followed, both by private individuals and the popes, in drawing up canonical collections is generally rather that of a coordinated compilation or juxtaposition of documents than codification in the modern sense of the word, ie a redaction of the laws (all the laws) into an orderly series of short precise texts.的方法,无论是个人和教皇,在制定规范的集合一般,而是一个协调编译或文件并列,比这个词的现代意义上的编纂,即法律的节录(所有法律)成一个有序的系列短的精确文本。 It is true that antiquity, even the Roman law, did not offer any model different from that of the various collections, that method, however, long since ceased to be useful or possible in canon law.这是真正的古代,即使是罗马法,没有提供任何模型的各种集合的不同,这种方法,然而,早已不再有用或可能在教会法。 After the "closing" of the "Corpus Juris" two attempts were made; the first was of little use, not being official; the second, was official, but was not brought to a successful issue.的“法典”的“关闭”后,作了两次尝试,第一是没有多大用处,不被官方;第二,是官方的,但没有一个成功的问题。In 1590 the jurisconsult Pierre Mathieu, of Lyons.1590年的法学家皮埃尔马修,里昂。published under the title "Liber septimus" a supplement to the "Corpus Juris", divided according to the order of the books and titles of the Decretals.出版,题目是“LIBER塞普蒂默斯”是“法典”的Decretals的书籍和职称的顺序按的补充。It includes a selection of papal constitutions, from Sixtus IV to Sixtus V (1471-1590), but not the decrees of the Council of Trent.它包括从Sixtus IV Sixtus V(1471年至1590年),选择的教皇宪法,而不是法令安理会的遄达。This compilation was of some service, and in a certain number of editions of the "Corpus Juris" was included as an appendix.该汇编是一些服务,并在某些版本的“法典”作为附录列入。As soon as the official edition of the "Corpus Juris" was published in 1582, Gregory XIII appointed a commission to bring up to date and complete the venerable collection.只要官方版的“法典”是在1582年出版,格雷戈里十三任命了一个委员会带来了最新的和完整的古老的收集。 Sixtus V hastened the work and at length Cardinal Pinelli presented to Clement VIII what was meant to be a "Liber septimus".Sixtus V赶紧工作,并在长度主教Pinelli提交给克莱门特八是什么意思是一个“LIBER塞普蒂默斯”。 For the purpose of further studies the pope had it printed in 1598: the pontifical constitutions and the decrees of the Council of Trent were inserted in it in the order of the Decretals.进一步研究的目的,教皇印1598年:罗马教皇的宪法和法令,安理会的遄达Decretals的顺序插入。For several reasons Clement VIII refused to approve this work and the project was definitively abandoned.克莱门特八几个原因拒绝批准这项工作,并明确放弃了该项目。Had this collection been approved it would have been as little used today as the others, the situation continuing to grow worse.如果这个集合已获批准,这将已经很少使用其他的今天,局势继续恶化。

Many times during the nineteenth century, especially at the time of the Vatican Council (Collectio Lacensis, VII, 826), the bishops had urged the Holy See to draw up a complete collection of the laws in force, adapted to the needs of the day.很多次,在19世纪,尤其是在梵蒂冈理事会“(Collectio Lacensis,七,826)时,主教呼吁教廷制定了现行法律的完整收集,一天需要适应。It is true, their requests were complied with in regard to certain matters; Pius X in his "Motu proprio" of 19 March, 1904, refers to the constitution "Apostolicae Sedis" limiting and cataloguing the censures "latae sententie", the Constitution "Officiorum", revising the laws of the Index; the Constitution "Conditre" on the religious congregations with simple vows.这是真的,他们的要求得到遵守,在某些事项方面;在他的“莫图proprio”1904年3月19日,碧岳X,是指宪法“Apostolicae Sedis”限制和编目的谴责“,”宪法“latae sententie” Officiorum“,修改的法律;指数宪法”Conditre“简单的誓言的宗教团体。These and several other documents were, moreover, drawn up in short precise articles, to a certain extent a novelty, and the beginning of a codification.此外,这些和其他几个文件,制定了在短期精确文章,在一定程度上新奇的事物,开始编纂。Pius later officially ordered a codification, in the modern sense of the word, for the whole canon law.皮乌斯后正式下令编纂,在现代意义上的字,为整个教会法。In the first year of his pontificate he issued the Tutu Proprio "Arduum", (De Ecclesiae legibus in unum redigendis); it treats of the complete codification and reformation of canon law.他在第一年的教皇他发出短裙Proprio“Arduum”(德,该书legibus在UNUM redigendis);完整的编纂和教会法的改革对待。For this purpose the pope requested the entire episcopate, grouped in provinces, to make known to him the reforms they desired.为此,教宗要求整个主教团,在各省进行分组,使他所知他们想要的改革。At the same time he appointed a commission of consultors, on whom the initial work devolved, and a commission of cardinals, charged with the study and approval of the new texts, subject later to the sanction of the sovereign pontiff.与此同时,他任命的consultors委员会,对人的初步工作下放,和委员会的枢机主教,新教材的研究和批准收取,后来受主权教皇的制裁。 The plans of the various titles were confided to canonists in every country.各种头衔的计划私下对每一个国家的圣教法典。The general idea of the Code that followed includes (after the preliminary section) four main divisions: persons, things (with subdivisions for the sacraments, sacred places and objects, etc.).随后的代码的总体思路包括(经初步节)四个主要部门:人,事(细分为圣礼,神圣的地方和对象等)。trials, crimes and penalties.试验中,犯罪和刑罚。It is practically the plan of the "Institutiones", or manuals of canon law.它实际上是“Institutiones”,或教会法手册的计划。The articles were numbered consecutively.文章连续编号。This great work was finished in 1917.这个伟大的工作是在1917年完成。


The sources of canon law, and the canonical writers.教会法的来源和规范的作家。give us, it is true, rules of action, each with its specific object.给我们,这是事实,操作规则,每一个都有其特定的对象。We have now to consider all these laws in their common abstract element, in other words Ecclesiastical Law, its characteristics and its practice.现在,我们已经考虑所有这些法律在他们共同的抽象元素,换句话说,教会法,其特点和实践。According to the excellent definition of St. Thomas (I-II:90:1) a law is a reasonable ordinance for the common good promulgated by the head of the community.据圣托马斯(I - II期:90:1)的优秀定义的法律是一个合理的共同利益,社会的头部颁布的条例。Ecclesiastical law therefore has for its author the head of the Christian community over which he has jurisdiction strictly so called; its object is the common welfare of that community, although it may cause inconvenience to individuals; it is adapted to the obtaining of the common welfare, which implies that it is physically and morally possible for the majority of the community to observe it; the legislator must intend to bind his subjects and must make known that intention clearly; finally he must bring the law under the notice of the community.教会法,因此,它的作者他有管辖权的严格所谓的基督教社区负责人,其对象是该社区的共同福利,尽管它可能给个人造成不便的,它是适应以取得共同福利这意味着,这是身体上和道义上可能为广大的社会观察,立法者必须打算绑定他的臣民,必须作出明确的意向已知最后,他必须把社会公告的法律。 A law is thus distinguished from a counsel, which is optional not obligatory; from a precept, which is imposed not on the community but on individual members; and from a regulation or direction, which refers to accessory matters.因此,一项法律区别于一名律师,这是可选的,不是强制性的的;从言教,这是没有对社会,但对个别成员施加;和规例,或方向,这是指附件事项。

The object therefore of ecclesiastical law is all that is necessary or useful in order that the society may attain its end, whether there be question of its organization, its working, or the acts of its individual members; it extends also to temporal things, but only indirectly.因此,教会法的对象是所有,是为了必要或有益的社会可能达到其目的,是否有其组织,其工作,或个别成员的行为问题;也延伸到时间的事情,但只是间接的。 With regard to acts, the law obliges the individual either to perform or to omit certain acts; hence the distinction into "affirmative or preceptive" laws and "negative or prohibitory" laws; at times it is forced to allow certain things to be done, and we have "permissive" laws or laws of forbearance; finally, the law in addition to forbidding a given act may render it, if performed, null and void; these are "irritant" laws.方面的行为,法律规定,执行或省略某些行为的个人,因此成的“赞成票或preceptive”的法律和“负或禁止”法律的区别;有时是被迫允许某些事情要做,我们“宽容”的法律忍或法律;,最后,法律除了禁止一个给定的行为可能会导致它,如果执行的,无效的,这些都是“刺激性”的法律。 Laws in general, and irritant laws in particular, are not retroactive, unless such is expressly declared by the legislator to be the case.一般规律,尤其是刺激性法律不溯及既往,除非明确宣布由立法会议员的情况下。 The publication or promulgation of the law has a double aspect: law must be brought to the knowledge of the community in order that the latter may be able to observe it, and in this consists the publication.出版或法律的颁布具有双重方面:法必依,带来的社会知识,后者可能能够观察到它,并在此组成的出版。But there may be legal forms of publication, requisite and necessary, and in this consists the promulgation properly so called (see PROMULGATION).但也有可能是必要的和必要的法律形式出版,并在此组成所谓正确的颁布(见颁布)。Whatever may be said about the forms used in the past, today the promulgation of general ecclesiastical laws is effected exclusively by the insertion of the law in the official publication of the Holy See, the "Acta Apostolical Sedis", in compliance with the Constitution "Promulgandi", of Pius X, dated 29 September, 1908, except in certain specifically mentioned cases.无论在过去的形式,今天一般教会的法律的颁布,是完全由插入法生效,在罗马教廷的官方刊物,“文献使徒Sedis”在遵守宪法,可以说“ Promulgandi碧岳X“,9月29日,1908年,在某些特别提到的案件除外。The law takes effect and is binding on all members of the community as soon as it is promulgated, allowing for the time morally necessary for it to become known, unless the legislator has fixed a special time at which it is to come into force.该法生效后,尽快出台对社会的所有成员都具有约束力,道义上的必要使其成为已知的时间允许,除非立法者固定一个特殊的时刻,它是生效。

No one is presumed to be ignorant of the law; only ignorance of fact.没有人被推定为对法律一无所知,其实只是无知。not ignorance of law, is excusable (Reg. 1:3 jur. in VI).没有法律的无知,是情有可原(注册1:3 JUR在VI)。Everyone subject to the legislator is bound in conscience to observe the law.每个人都受到立法者是良心遵守法律的约束。A violation of the law, either by omission or by act, is punishable with a penalty (qv).一个遗漏或行为违反法律规定,被处以罚款(QV)。These penalties may be settled beforehand by the legislator, or they may be left to the discretion of the judge who imposes them.这些罚则可能立法者事先得到解决,或者,他们可能会留下向法官施加他们的自由裁量权。A violation of the moral law or what one's conscience judges to be the moral law is a sin; a violation of the exterior penal law, in addition to the sin, renders one liable to a punishment or penalty; if the will of the legislator is only to oblige the offender to submit to the penalty, the law is said to be "purely penal"; such are some of the laws adopted by civil legislatures, and it is generally admitted that some ecclesiastical laws are of this kind.一个道德法律的违反或一个人的良心的法官要道德法律是一种罪过;的外观刑事法律的侵犯,除了罪的,呈现一经定罪,一个处罚或罚款;如果立法者的意志法律只规定提交的刑罚的罪犯,说是“纯粹的刑法”等一些民间立法机关通过的法律,这是普遍承认,一些教会的法律,这种。 As baptism is the gate of entrance to the ecclesiastical society, all those who are baptized, even non-Catholics, are in principle subject to the laws of the Church; in practice the question arises only when certain acts of heretics and schismatics come before Catholic tribunals; as a general rule an irritant law is enforced in such a case, unless the legislator has exempted them from its observance, for instance, for the form of marriage.洗礼是教会社会入口的大门,所有那些受洗,甚至非天主教徒,受到教会的法律原则,在实践中出现这样的问题只有当某些行为之前,天主教的异端和schismatics法庭;刺激性法作为一般规则是执行在这种情况下,除非立法者豁免遵守,例如,对婚姻形式。 General laws therefore, bind all Catholics wherever they may be.因此,一般法律约束所有天主教徒,无论他们在哪里。In the case of particular laws as one is subject to them in virtue of one's domicile, or even quasi-domicile, passing strangers are not subject to them, except in the case of acts performed within the territory.在特定的法律的情况下,作为一个受他们凭借自己的住所,甚至准住所,路过的陌生人没有他们,在领土内执行的行为的情况下除外。

The role of the legislator does not end with the promulgation of the law; it is his office to explain and interpret it (declaratio, interpretatio legis).法律的颁布与立法者的作用并没有结束,这是他的办公室来解释和解释(declaratio,interpretatio立法理由)。 The interpretation is "official" (authentica) or even "necessary", when it is given by the legislator or by some one authorized by him for that purpose; it is "customary", when it springs from usage or habit; it is "doctrinal", when it is based on the authority of the learned writers or the decisions of the tribunals.的解释是“官方”(身份认证),甚至“必要的”,当它是由立法者或用于这一目的的一些由他授权的的,它是“习惯”,当它从使用或习惯的弹簧,它是“教义“,当它是基于管理局了解到作家或法庭的决定。 The official interpretation alone has the force of law.仅官方解释具有法律效力。According to the result, the interpretation is said to be "comprehensive, extensive, restrictive, corrective," expressions easily understood.根据结果​​,解释说是“全面,广泛,限制性,纠正”的表述容易理解。The legislator, and in the case of particular laws the superior, remains master of the law; he can suppress it either totally (abrogation), or partially (derogation), or he can combine it with a new law which suppresses in the first law all that is incompatible with the second (abrogation).立法者,在特定的法律的情况下优越,仍然掌握法律,他可以抑制它要么完全(废除)或部分(减损),或者他可以结合一个新的法律,在第一定律抑制所有这是第二个(废除)不兼容。 Laws co-exist as far as they are reconcilable; the more recent modifies the more ancient, but a particular law is not suppressed by a general law, unless the fact is stated expressly.法律并存,至于他们核对;较近期修改的更古老的,但事实是明确表示,除非特定的法律不禁止的一般规律。A law can also cease when its purpose and end cease, or even when it is too difficult to be observed by the generality of the subjects; it then falls into desuetude (see CUSTOM).一项法律,也可以停止其目的和最终停止,甚至当它是太困难了。学科的一般性观察,然后将废止下降(参见自定义)。

In every society, but especially in a society so vast and varied as the Church, it is impossible for every law to be applicable always and in all cases.在每一个社会,尤其是在社会如此庞大和多样的教会,这是不可能每一项法律总是在所有情况下适用。Without suppressing the law, the legislator can permanently exempt from it certain persons or certain groups, or certain matters, or even extend the rights of certain subjects; all these concessions are known as privileges.没有镇压的法律,立法者可以永久豁免某些人或某些群体或某些事项,或者甚至延长某些科目的权利;所有这些让步是已知的特权。 In the same manner the legislator can derogate from the law in special cases; this is called a dispensation.立法者可以以同样的方式偏离在特殊情况下的法律,这就是所谓的免除。Indults or the powers that the bishops of the Catholic world receive from the Holy See, to regulate the various cases that may arise in the administration of their dioceses, belong to the category of privileges; together with the dispensations granted directly by the Holy See, they eliminate any excessive rigidity of the law, and ensure to ecclesiastical legislation a marvellous facility of application. Indults或权力,收到来自教廷的天主教世界主教看到,规范的各类案件中可能出现的管理他们的教区,属于类的特权;连同直接由罗马教廷授予的特许,他们消除任何法律的过度刚性,确保教会立法奇妙设施的应用。 Without imperilling the rights and prerogatives of the legislator, but on the contrary strengthening them, indults impress more strongly on the law of the Church that humane, broad, merciful character, mindful of the welfare of souls, but also of human weakness, which likens it to the moral law and distinguishes it from civil legislation, which is much more external and inflexible.不危及立法者的权利和特权,但在加强它们相反,indults留下深刻的印象更强烈,对教会的法律,人性化的,广泛的,仁慈的性格,铭记福利的灵魂,也是人性的弱点,这比喻它的道德律和区别于民事立法,这是更多的外部和僵化的。


It is impossible to draw up a detailed and systematic catalogue of all the works of special value in the study of canon law; the most distinguished canonists are the subject of special articles in this Encyclopedia.这是不可能制订一个详细而系统的目录,在教会法的研究具有特殊价值的所有工程;最杰出的圣教法典是特殊的百科全书文章的主题。 Those we have mentioned as commentators of the ancient canonical collections are now of interest only from an historical point of view; but the authors who have written since the Council of Trent are still read with profit; it is in their great works that we find our practical canon law.那些我们作为古老的规范集合评论员提到,现在只能从历史的角度来看的兴趣,但自安理会的遄达书面的作者仍然读与利润,它是在他们的伟大作品,我们找到了实用佳能法律。 Among the authors who have written on special chapters of the "Corpus Juris", we must mention (the date refers to the first edition of the works):其中的人写的“法典”的特别章节的作者,我们必须提到(日期是指工程第一版):

Prospero Fagnani, the distinguished secretary of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, "Jus canonicum seu commentaria absolutissima in quinque libros Decretalium" (Rome, 1661), Manuel González Téllez (d. 1649), "Commentaria perpetua in singulos textus juris canonici" (Lyons, 16, 3); the Jesuit Paul Laymann, better known as a moral theologian, "Jus canonicum seu commentaria in libros Decretalium" (Dillingen, 1666); Ubaldo Giraldi, Clerk Regular of the Pious Schools, "Expositio juris pontificii juxta re centiorem Ecclesiae disciplinam" (Rome, 1769).普洛斯彼罗Fagnani,安理会的神圣的会众尊敬的书记,“强制canonicum SEU commentaria absolutissima quinque libros Decretalium”(罗马,1661),曼努埃尔冈萨雷斯Téllez(卒于1649年),“Commentaria singulos textus法学canonici perpetua”(里昂,16日,3);耶稣会士保罗Laymann,更好地为道德神学家,“强制canonicum SEU commentaria libros Decretalium”(1666迪林根,); Ubaldo Giraldi,秘书定期虔诚的学校,“Expositio法学pontificii JUXTA重新centiorem该书disciplinam“(罗马,1769年)。

Among the canonists who have followed the order of the titles of the Decretals:在圣教法典的人都跟着Decretals标题的顺序:

the Benedictine Louis Engel, professor at Salzburg, "Universum jus canonicum secundum titulos libr. Decretalium" (Salzburg, 1671); the Jesuit Ehrenreich Pirhing, "Universum jus canonicum" etc. (Dillingen, 1645); the Franciscan Anaclet Reiffenstuel, "Jus canonicum universum" (Freising, 170O); the Jesuit James Wiestner, "Institutiones canonical" (Munich, 1705); the two brothers Francis and Benedict Schmier, both Benedictines and professors at Salzburg; Francis wrote "Jurisprudentia canonico-civilis" (Salzburg, 1716); Benedict: "Liber I Decretalium; Lib. II etc."本笃路易斯恩格尔教授,在萨尔茨堡,“Universum强制canonicum孔型titulos溴化锂Decretalium”(萨尔茨堡,1671);耶稣会厄莱雷奇Pirhing,“Universum强制canonicum”等(迪林根,1645);方济各Anaclet Reiffenstuel的,“强制canonicum universum“(日前,170O);耶稣会詹姆斯Wiestner,”Institutiones规范“(慕尼黑,1705年);两兄弟弗朗西斯和本笃Schmier,本笃教授在萨尔茨堡;弗朗西斯写道”Jurisprudentia canonico civilis“(萨尔茨堡, 1716);本笃:“LIBER我Decretalium; LIB II等。”(Salzburg, 1718); the Jesuit Francis Schmalzgrueber, "Jus ecclésiasticum universum" (Dillingen, 1717); Peter Leuren, also a Jesuit, "Forum ecclesiasticum" etc. (Mainz, 1717); Vitus Pichler, a Jesuit, the successor of Schmalzgrueber, "Summa jurisprudential sacrae" (Augsburg, 1723); Eusebius Amort, a Canon Regular, "Elementa juris canonici veteris et modern)" (Ulm, 1757); Amort wrote also among other works of a very personal character; "De origine, progressu . . . indulgentiarum" (Augsburg, 1735); Carlo Sebastiano Berardi, "Commentaria in jus canonicum universum" (Turin, 1766); also his "Institutiones" and his great work "Gratiani canonesgenuini ab apocryphis discreti", (Turin, 1752); James Anthony Zallinger, a Jesuit, "Institutiones juris ecclesiastici maxime privati" (Augsburg, 1791), not so well known as his "Institutionum juris naturalis et ecclesiastici publici libri quinque" (Augsburg, 1784). (萨尔茨堡,1718年);耶稣会士弗朗西斯Schmalzgrueber,“强制ecclésiasticum universum”“(迪林根,1717年);彼得Leuren,耶稣会,”论坛ecclesiasticum“等(美因茨,1717年);圣维特皮希勒,耶稣会,继任者Schmalzgrueber,“大全法理sacrae”(奥格斯堡,1723);尤西比乌斯Amort,佳能正常,“Elementa法学canonici veteris等现代)”(乌尔姆,1757年); Amort也是一个非常个人的性格其他作品中写道;“德origine 。progressu indulgentiarum“(奥格斯堡,1735年);卡罗塞巴斯蒂亚Berardi的,”在强制canonicum universum Commentaria“(都灵,1766);也是他的”Institutiones“和他的伟大的工作”Gratiani canonesgenuini AB apocryphis discreti“(都灵, 1752年);詹姆斯安东尼Zallinger,耶稣会,“Institutiones法学ecclesiastici MAXIME私有化”(奥格斯堡,1791年),而不是那么好被称为他的“法学Institutionum naturalis等ecclesiastici publici libri quinque”(奥格斯堡,1784)。This same method was followed again in the nineteenth century by Canon Filippo de Angelis, "Praelectiones juris canonici", (Rome, 1877); by his colleague Francesco Santi, "Praelectiones", (Ratisbon, 1884; revised by Martin Leitner, 1903); and E. Grand claude, "Jus canonicum" (Paris, 1882).此相同的方法其次,在19世纪再次由佳能菲利波安吉利斯,“Praelectiones法学canonici”(罗马,1877年);他的同事弗朗切斯科桑蒂,“Praelectiones”(拉蒂斯邦,1884年由马丁莱特纳,1903年修订)和E.大克劳德的“强制canonicum”(巴黎,1882年)。

The plan of the "Institutiones", in imitation of Lancelotti (Perugia, 1563), has been followed by very many canonists, among whom the principal are: “Institutiones”,模仿Lancelotti(佩鲁贾,1563),计划已被很多圣教法典,其中主要是:

the learned Antonio Agustin, Archbishop of Tarragona, "Epitome jurispontificu veteris" (Tarragona, 1587); his "De emendatione Gratiani dialogorum libri duo" (Tarragona, 1587), is worthy of mention; Claude Fleury, "Institution au droit ecclésiastique" (Paris, 1676); Zeger Bernard van Espen, "Jus ecclesiasticum universum" (Cologne, 1748); the Benedictine Dominic Schram, "Institutiones juris ecclesiastici" (Augsburg, 1774); Vincenzo Lupoli, "Juris ecclesiastici praelectiones" (Naples, 1777); Giovanni Devoti, titular Archbishop of Carthage, "Institutionum canonicarum libri quatuor" (Rome, 1785); his "Commentary on the Decretals" has only the first three books (Rome, 1803); Cardinal Soglia, "Institutiones juris privati et publici ecclesiastici" (Paris, 1859) and "Institutiones juris publici", (Loreto, 1843); D. Craisson, Vicar-General of Valence, "Manuale compendium totius juris canonici" (Poitiers, 1861).了解到塔拉戈纳的“缩影jurispontificu veteris”(1587塔拉戈纳,)大主教安东尼奥古斯丁,他的“德emendatione Gratiani dialogorum libri二人组”(塔拉戈纳,1587),值得一提的是,克劳德弗勒里,“机构AU DROIT ecclésiastique”(巴黎,1676); Zeger陈智思面包车埃斯彭,“强制ecclesiasticum universum”(科隆,1748年);本笃多米尼克施拉姆,“Institutiones法学ecclesiastici”(奥格斯堡,1774),文森佐卢波利,“法学ecclesiastici praelectiones”(那不勒斯,1777) ;乔瓦尼Devoti,迦太基的名义大主教,“Institutionum canonicarum libri quatuor”(罗马,1785年),他的“上Decretals评论”只有前三本书(罗马,1803年);枢机Soglia,“Institutiones法学私有化等publici ecclesiastici “(巴黎,1859年)和”Institutiones法学publici“(洛雷托,1843年); D. Craisson,副主教的价,”Manuale汇编totius法学canonici“(普瓦捷,1861年)。

School manuals in one or two volumes are very numerous and it is impossible to mention all.在一个或两个卷学校手册非常多,而且它是不可能提及所有的。

We may cite in Italy those of GC Ferrari (1847); Vecchiotti (Turin, 1867); De Camillis, (Rome, 1869); Sebastiano Sanguinetti, SJ (Rome, 1884); Carlo Lombardi (Rome, 1898); Guglielmo Sebastianelli (Rome, 1898), etc. For German speaking countries, Ferdinand Walter (Bonn, 1822); FM Permaneder, 1846; Rosshirt, 1858; George Phillips (Ratisbon, 1859: in addition to his large work in eight volumes, 1845 sq.); J. Winckler, 1862 (specially for Switzerland); S. Aichner (Brixen, 1862) specially for Austria; JF Schulte (Geissen, 1863); FH Vering (Freiburg-im-B., 1874); Isidore Silbernagl (Ratisbon, 1879); H. Laemmer (Freiburg-im-B., 188fi); Phil.我们不妨举意大利的GC法拉利(1847年); Vecchiotti(都灵,1867年);德Camillis,(罗马,1869年);塞巴斯蒂亚桑吉内蒂,SJ(罗马,1884年);卡罗隆巴迪(罗马,1898年); Guglielmo Sebastianelli(罗马,1898年)等德语国家,沃尔特费迪南德(波恩,1822);调频Permaneder,1846; Rosshirt,1858;乔治十字(拉蒂斯邦,1859年:除了他的八卷大的工作,1845平方米) J. Winckler,1862年(瑞士特意); S. Aichner(Brixen,1862年),专为奥地利,摩根富林明舒尔特(Geissen 1863年);跳频Vering(Freiburg-im-B. 1874年);伊西多尔Silbernagl(拉蒂斯邦1879年); H. Laemmer(Freiburg-im-B.,188fi);菲尔。 Hergenröther (Freiburg-im-B., 1888); T. Hollweck (Freiburg-im-B. 1905); J. Laurentius (Freiburg-im-B., 1903); DM Prummer, 1907; JB Sägmüller (Freiburg-im-B., 1904). Hergenröther(Freiburg-im-B. 1888),T.(Freiburg-im-B. 1905年)。Hollweck; J. Laurentius(Freiburg-im-B.,1903年); DM Prummer,1907年; JB Sägmüller(弗莱堡IM - B,1904年)。

For France: H. Icard, Superior of Saint-Sulpice (Paris, 1867); M. Bargilliat (Paris, 1893); F. Deshayes, "Memento juris ecclesiastici" (Paris, 1897).法国:H. ICARD,优越的圣叙尔皮斯(巴黎,1867年); M. Bargilliat(巴黎,1893年); F. Deshayes,“备忘录法学ecclesiastici”(巴黎,1897年)。In Belgium: De Braban dere (Bruges, 1903).在比利时:德Braban代雷(布鲁日,1903年)。For English-speaking countries: Smith (New York, 1890); Gignac (Quebec, 1901); Taunton (London, 1906).对于英语为母语的国家:史密斯(纽约,1890年);吉尼亚克(魁北克,1901年);汤顿(伦敦,1906年)。For Spain: Marian Aguilar (Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 1904); Gonzales Ibarra (Valladolid, 1904).西班牙:玛丽安阿吉拉尔(圣多明各DE LA Calzada,1904年);冈萨雷斯伊瓦拉(巴拉多利德,1904年)。

There are also canonists who have written at considerable length either on the whole canon law, or on special parts of it, in their own particular manner; it is difficult to give a complete list, but we will mention:也有对整个教会法,或特殊部位,它在自己的特殊方式,在相当长的圣教法典,很难给一个完整的清单,但我们会提到:

Agostino Barbosa (d. 1639), whose works fill at least 30 volumes; JB Cardinal Luca (d. 1683), whose immense "Theatrum veritatis" and "Relatio curiae romance" are his most important works; Pignatelli, who has touched on all practica1 questions in his "Consultationes canoniccae", 11 folio volumes, Geneva, 1668; Prospero Lambertini (Pope Benedict XIV), perhaps the greatest canonist since the Council of Trent; in the nineteenth century we must mention the different writings of Dominique Bouix, 15 volumes, Paris, 1852 sq.; the "Kirchenrecht" of JF Schulte, 1856 and of Rudolf v. Scherer, 1886; and above all the great work of Franz Xavier Wernz, General of the Society of Jesus, "Jus decretalium" (Rome, 1898 sq.).阿戈斯蒂诺巴博萨(卒于1639年),其作品填补至少有30卷; JB枢机卢卡(卒于1683年),其巨大的“Theatrum veritatis”和“Relatio浪漫之友”是他最重要的作品; Pignatelli,所有感动普洛斯彼罗蓝波提尼(教宗本笃十四),也许是因为安理会的遄达最大canonist;在19世纪我们必须提到多米尼克Bouix,15不同的著作practica1,在他的“Consultationes canoniccae”,11开本卷,日内瓦,1668问题所有伟大的作品中,“强制decretalium”(罗马耶稣会弗兰兹泽维尔Wernz,一般以上卷,巴黎,1852平方米; JF舒尔特,1856年,鲁道夫诉舍雷尔,1886年的“Kirchenrecht”; ,1898平方米)。

It is impossible to enumerate the special treatises.这是不可能列举的特殊论文。Among repertoires and dictionaries, it will suffice to cite the "Prompta Bibliotheca" of the Franciscan Ludovico Ferraris (Bologna, 1746); the "Dictionnaire de droit canonique" of Durand de Maillane (Avignon, 1761), continued later by Abbé Andre (Paris, 1847) etc.; finally the other encyclopedias of ecclesiastical sciences wherein canon law has been treated.在剧目和字典,它将足以举方济卢多维科法拉利(博洛尼亚,1746年)的“Prompta书目”,“辞典”canonique“杜兰德DE Maillane(阿维尼翁,1761)后,继续由神甫安德烈(巴黎,1847年)等;终于教会科学其中佳能法律的其他百科全书已处理。

On ecclesiastical public law, the best-known hand books are, with Soglia,在教会公法,最知名的旧书,Soglia

TM Salzano, "Lezioni di diritto canonico pubblico et private" (Naples, 1845); Camillo Cardinal Tarquini, "Juris ecclesiastici publici institutiones" (Rome, 1860); Felice Cardinal Cavagrus, "Institutiones juris publici ecclesiastici" (Rome, 1888); Msgr.TM Salzano,“Lezioni DI diritto canonico pubblico等私”(那不勒斯,1845年);卡米洛枢机主教泰基尼,“法学ecclesiastici publici institutiones”(罗马,1860年);菲菲枢机主教Cavagrus,“Institutiones法学publici ecclesiastici”(罗马,1888年);主教Adolfo Giobbio, "Lezioni di diplomazia ecclesiastics" (Rome, 1899); Emman.阿道夫Giobbio,“Lezioni DI diplomazia教区”(罗马,1899年); Emman。de la Peña y Fernéndez, "Jus publicum ecclesiasticum" (Seville, 1900).德拉佩纳Ÿ Fernéndez,“强制publicum ecclesiasticum”(塞维利亚,1900年)。For an historical view, the chief work is that of Pierre de Marco, Archbishop of Toulouse, "De concordia sacerdotii et imperi" (Paris, 1641).对于历史的看法,行政工作是皮埃尔德马尔科,图卢兹大主教,“德谐和sacerdotii等imperi”(巴黎,1641年)。

For the history of canon law considered in its sources and collections, we must mention教会法认为其来源和收藏的历史,我们必须提

the brothers Pietro and Antonio Ballerini of Verona, "De antiquis collectionibus et collectoribus canonum" (Venice, 1757); among the works of St. Leo I, in PL LIII; the matter has been recast and completed by Friedrich Maassen, "Geschichte der Quellen und der Literatur des kanonischen Rechts im Abendland", I, (Graz, 1870); for the history from the time of Gratian see JF Schulte, "Geschichte der Quellenund der Literatur des kanonischen Rechts von Gratian his zum Gegenwart" (Stuttgart, 1875 sq.), and "Die Lehre von der Quellen des katholiscen Kirchen rechts" (Giessen, 1860); Philip Schneider, "Die Lehre van den Kirchenrechtsquellen" (Ratisbon, 1892), Adolphe Tardif, "Histoire des sources du droit canonique" (Paris, 1887); Franz Laurin, "Introduc tio in Corpus Juris canonici" (Freiburg, 1889).兄弟彼得和安东尼维罗纳巴莱里尼,“德antiquis collectionibus等collectoribus canonum”(威尼斯,1757年);圣利奥我的作品中,在PL LIII;此事已经重铸和弗里德里希马森完成,“历史DER Quellen和DER Literatur DES kanonischen Rechts IM Abendland“,我,(格拉茨,1870年); Gratian时间的历史JF舒尔特,”历史DER Quellenund DER Literatur DES kanonischen Rechts冯Gratian他ZUM Gegenwart“(斯图加特,1875年平方米),“模具Lehre冯DER Quellen DES katholiscen Kirchen rechts”(吉森,1860年),菲利普施耐德,“模具Lehre范登Kirchenrechtsquellen”(拉蒂斯邦,1892年),阿道夫Tardif“Histoire DES源法canonique”(巴黎,1887年),弗朗茨劳林(弗赖堡,1889年)“引入法典canonici氧化钛”。On the history of ecclesiastical discipline and institutions, the principal work is "Ancienne et nouvelle discipline de l'Eglise" by the Oratorian Louis Thomassin (Lyons, 1676), translated into Latin by the author, "Vetus et nova discipline" (Paris, 1688).在教会的纪律和制度的历史,主要工作是“安西安娜等中篇小说纪律DE L' Eglise”译成拉丁文的作者,“Vetus等新星纪律”(巴黎Oratorian路易汤玛森(里昂,1676), 1688)。One may consult with profit AJ Binterim, "Die vorzüglich sten Denkwurdigkeiten der christkatolischen Kirche" (Mainz, 1825); the "Dizionario di erudizione storico ecclesiastica" by Moroni (Venice, 1840 sq.); also JW Bickell, "Geschichte des Kirchenrechts" (Gies sen, 1843); E. Loening, "Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenrechts (Strasburg, 1878); R. Sohm, "Kirchenrecht, I: Die geschichtliche Grundlagen" (1892).有人可能会谘​​询与利润欧塞尔Binterim,“模具vorzüglich斯登Denkwurdigkeiten DER christkatolischen Kirche”(美因茨,1825年);莫罗尼“Dizionario DI erudizione storico ecclesiastica”(威尼斯,1840平方米);也JW Bickell,“历史Kirchenrechts” (Gies仙,1843年); E.洛宁,“历史德国Kirchenrechts(斯特拉斯堡,1878年); R. Sohm,”Kirchenrecht,我:模具geschichtliche Grundlagen“(1892年)。

Publication information出版信息
Written by A. Boudinhon.书面答Boudinhon。Transcribed by David K. DeWolf.转录由David K​​. DeWolf。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IX.天主教百科全书,体积九。Published 1910.发布1910。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约

Canon of the Old Testament佳能旧约

Catholic Information天主教信息


The word canon as applied to the Scriptures has long had a special and consecrated meaning.适用于“圣经”一词佳能早就有一个特殊的和神圣的意义。In its fullest comprehension it signifies the authoritative list or closed number of the writings composed under Divine inspiration, and destined for the well-being of the Church, using the latter word in the wide sense of the theocratic society which began with God's revelation of Himself to the people of Israel, and which finds its ripe development and completion in the Catholic organism.在其充分理解它标志着的权威列表组成的神的启示下,和注定的著作或关闭数的好,被教会的,使用的的政教合一社会广泛意义上后者字始于上帝对自己的启示到以色列的人,并发现其成熟的发展和完成在天主教的有机体。 The whole Biblical Canon therefore consists of the canons of the Old and New Testaments.因此,整个圣经佳能包括旧约和新约的大炮。The Greek kanon means primarily a reed, or measuring-rod: by a natural figure it was employed by ancient writers both profane and religious to denote a rule or standard.希腊加隆的手段主要是芦苇,或测量杆:由天然的数字,它是由受雇于表示规则或标准,亵渎和宗教的古代作家。We find the substantive first applied to the Sacred Scriptures in the fourth century, by St. Athanasius; for its derivatives, the Council of Laodicea of the same period speaks of the kanonika biblia and Athanasius of the biblia kanonizomena.我们找到实质性的首次应用在第四世纪的圣经,圣athanasius;及其衍生物,安理会的老底嘉同期kanonika biblia和亚他那修biblia kanonizomena说话。The latter phrase proves that the passive sense of canon -- that of a regulated and defined collection -- was already in use, and this has remained the prevailing connotation of the word in ecclesiastical literature.后者短语证明了佳能的被动意义 - 一个规范和定义的集合 - 已在使用,并且一直在教会文学的话当时的内涵。

The terms protocanonical and deuterocanonical, of frequent usage among Catholic theologians and exegetes, require a word of caution.条款protocanonical和次经,天主教神学家和注释者之间的频繁使用,需要一个忠告。They are not felicitous, and it would be wrong to infer from them that the Church successively possessed two distinct Biblical Canons.他们不是合宜,那就大错特错了他们推断,教会先后拥有两个不同的圣经大炮。Only in a partial and restricted way may we speak of a first and second Canon.我们只有在局部的和有限制的方式,可能讲的第一和第二的佳能。Protocanonical (protos, "first") is a conventional word denoting those sacred writings which have been always received by Christendom without dispute. Protocanonical(PROTOS,“第一”)是一个传统的的词,表示那些一直由基督教收到无争议的神圣的著作。The protocanonical books of the Old Testament correspond with those of the Bible of the Hebrews, and the Old Testament as received by Protestants.旧约protocanonical书符合这些希伯来人的圣经,旧约新教徒收到。The deuterocanonical (deuteros, "second") are those whose Scriptural character was contested in some quarters, but which long ago gained a secure footing in the Bible of the Catholic Church, though those of the Old Testament are classed by Protestants as the "Apocrypha".次经(deuteros,“老二”)是那些圣经的字符,在某些方面的质疑,但不久前获得了天主教圣经中站稳脚跟,虽然旧约的新教徒归类为“伪经“。 These consist of seven books: Tobias, Judith, Baruch, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom, First and Second Machabees; also certain additions to Esther and Daniel.这些包括七本书:托比亚斯,朱迪思,巴鲁克,Ecclesiasticus,智慧,第一届和第二届Machabees;以斯帖和丹尼尔也有一定的增加。

It should be noted that protocanonical and deuterocanonical are modern terms, not having been used before the sixteenth century.应该指出,protocanonical和次经现代术语来说,没有前16世纪。As they are of cumbersome length, the latter (being frequently used in this article) will be often found in the abbreviated form deutero.由于繁琐的长度,将经常发现后者(在这篇文章中被频繁使用)的缩写形式deutero。

The scope of an article on the sacred Canon may now be seen to be properly limited regarding the process of妥善有限的过程,现在可以看到的一个神圣的佳能文章范围

what may be ascertained regarding the process of the collection of the sacred writings into bodies or groups which from their very inception were the objects of a greater or less degree of veneration;什么可以被确定的关于收集从他们一开始或大或小的程度的崇拜的对象为机构或团体的神圣的著作的过程中;

the circumstances and manner in which these collections were definitely canonized, or adjudged to have a uniquely Divine and authoritative quality; the vicissitudes which certain compositions underwent in the opinions of individuals and localities before their Scriptural character was universally established.某些成分在之前,他们的“圣经”字符的个人和地方的意见经历了沧桑的情况和方式,这些藏品肯定册封,或有一个独特的神圣和权威的质量判定;普遍建立。

It is thus seen that canonicity is a correlative of inspiration, being the extrinsic dignity belonging to writings which have been officially declared as of sacred origin and authority.由此看出,正规是一个相关的灵感,是外在的尊严,属于已正式宣布,作为神圣的起源和权威的著作。It is antecedently very probable that according as a book was written early or late it entered into a sacred collection and attained a canonical standing.根据一本书是书面的早期或后期进入一个神圣的集合,达到了规范站在antecedently这是很可能。Hence the views of traditionalist and critic (not implying that the traditionalist may not also be critical) on the Canon parallel, and are largely influenced by, their respective hypotheses on the origin of its component members.因此传统主义者和评论家的意见(不暗示的传统主义者也可能不是至关重要的)佳能平行,并在很大程度上影响,其组成人员的起源各自的假设。


It has already been intimated that there is a smaller, or incomplete, and larger, or complete, Old Testament.它已经暗示,是一个规模较小,或不完整的,而且较大,或完成的,旧约。Both of these were handed down by the Jews; the former by the Palestinian, the latter by the Alexandrian, Hellenist, Jews.这些都流传下来的犹太人,巴勒斯坦前,后者由亚历山大,Hellenist,犹太人。The Jewish Bible of today is composed of three divisions, whose titles combined from the current Hebrew name for the complete Scriptures of Judaism: Hat-Torah, Nebiim, wa-Kéthubim, ie The Law, the Prophets, and the Writings.今天犹太圣经是由三个部门,从目前完整的圣经犹太教的希伯来名字的标题:Hat的托拉,Nebiim,WA - Kéthubim,即法律,先知,和的著作。This triplication is ancient; it is supposed as long-established in the Mishnah, the Jewish code of unwritten sacred laws reduced to writing, c.这三重是古老的,它应该是在mishnah长期形成的,不成文的神圣法律的犹太代码减少到写作,C.AD 200.公元200年。A grouping closely akin to it occurs in the New Testament in Christ's own words, Luke 24:44: "All things must needs be fulfilled, which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".一个分组密切类似于发生在新约基督自己的话来说,路加福音24:44:“所有的事情必须得到履行,这是写在摩西的律法,先知,并在诗篇关于我” 。Going back to the prologue of Ecclesiasticus, prefixed to it about 132 BC, we find mentioned "the Law, and the Prophets, and others that have followed them".回到序幕Ecclesiasticus公元前约132年,它的前缀,我们发现提到“的规律,和先知,和别人跟着他们”。 The Torah, or Law, consists of the five Mosaic books, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy.诵读经文,或法律,包括马赛克书籍,创世记,出埃及记,利未记,民数记,申命记。The Prophets were subdivided by the Jews into the Former Prophets [ie the prophetico-historical books: Josue, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel (I and II Kings), and 1 and 2 Kings (III and IV Kings)] and the Latter Prophets (Isaias, Jeremias, Ezechiel, and the twelve minor Prophets, counted by the Hebrews as one book).犹太人的先知被细分为前先知[即prophetico历史书籍:若苏埃,法官,1和2塞缪尔(I和II国王),和1个和2个国王(第三和第四国王),而后者先知(伊萨亚,赫雷米亚斯,Ezechiel,十二小先知,由希伯来算作一本书)。 The Writings, more generally known by a title borrowed from the Greek Fathers, Hagiographa (holy writings), embrace all the remaining books of the Hebrew Bible.的著作,更普遍地从希腊教父借来的标题,Hagiographa(神圣的著作),包括所有的希伯来文圣经,其余书籍。 Named in the order in which they stand in the current Hebrew text, these are: Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticle of Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Esdras, Nehemias, or II Esdras, Paralipomenon.他们在当前的希伯来文中的顺序命名,它们是:诗篇,箴言,工作,canticle的canticles,露丝,哀歌,传道书,以斯帖,丹尼尔,埃斯德拉斯,内赫米亚斯,或二埃斯德拉斯,Paralipomenon。

1. 1。Traditional view of the Canon of the Palestinian Jews佳能巴勒斯坦犹太人的传统观点


In opposition to scholars of more recent views, conservatives do not admit that the Prophets and the Hagiographa represent two successive stages in the formation of the Palestinian Canon.在更近的观点的学者反对,保守派不承认先知和Hagiographa代表两个连续阶段形成的巴勒斯坦佳能。According to this older school, the principle which dictated the separation between the Prophets and the Hagiographa was not of a chronological kind, but one found in the very nature of the respective sacred compositions.根据这个旧学校,口授之间的先知和Hagiographa分离的原则,没有一个时间的一种,但一发现在各自神圣的成分非常性质。 That literature was grouped under the Ké-thubim, or Hagiographa, which neither was the direct product of the prophetical order, namely, that comprised in the Latter Prophets, nor contained the history of Israel as interpreted by the same prophetic teachers--narratives classed as the Former Prophets.归入KE - thubim,或Hagiographa,这既不是预言秩序,即在后期先知组成的直接产物,文学是,也包含了以色列的历史解释相同的预言教师 - 叙事类前先知。The Book of Daniel was relegated to the Hagiographa as a work of the prophetic gift indeed, but not of the permanent prophetic office.但以理书被降级的Hagiographa确实,但不是永久的预言办公室先知恩赐的工作。These same conservative students of the Canon--now scarcely represented outside the Church--maintain, for the reception of the documents composing these groups into the sacred literature of the Israelites, dates which are in general much earlier than those admitted by critics.这些相同的保守的佳能的学生 - 现在几乎外教会代表 - 维护,文件组合成神圣文学的以色列人,日期一般都远远早于那些由评论家承认这些团体的接待。They place the practical, if not formal, completion of the Palestinian Canon in the era of Esdras (Ezra) and Nehemias, about the middle of the fifth century BC, while true to their adhesion to a Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, they insist that the canonization of the five books followed soon after their composition.这些地方在埃斯德拉斯(以斯拉)和Nehemias的时代巴勒斯坦佳能实用,如果不正规,完成后,大约在公元前五世纪中叶,而真正粘附到作者的马赛克的摩西五,他们坚持册封的五本书遵循其组成后不久。

Since the traditionalists infer the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch from other sources, they can rely for proof of an early collection of these books chiefly on Deuteronomy 31:9-13, 24-26, where there is question of a books of the law, delivered by Moses to the priests with the command to keep it in the ark and read it to the people on the feast of Tabernacles.由于传统主义者推断作者的马赛克的摩西五从其他来源,他们可以依靠这些书的早期收集的证据主要是申命记31:9-13,24日至26日,那里的法律书籍的问题,摩西命令祭司保持在方舟和住棚节的人读。 But the effort to identify this book with the entire Pentateuch is not convincing to the opponents of Mosaic authorship.但努力,以确定这本书整个pentateuch是没有说服力的马赛克著作权对手。

The Remainder of the Palestinian-Jewish Canon其余的巴勒斯坦犹太佳能

Without being positive on the subject, the advocates of the older views regard it as highly probable that several additions were made to the sacred repertory between the canonization of the Mosaic Torah above described and the Exile (598 BC).没有主体的积极的倡导者,上了年纪的的意见认为它极有可能数增加的册封托拉所述的马赛克和流亡(598 BC)之间的神圣剧目。 They cite especially Isaias, xxxiv, 16; II Paralipomenon, xxix, 30; Proverbs, xxv, 1; Daniel, ix, 2.他们举出特别是伊萨亚斯,三十四,16;二Paralipomenon,二十九,30;箴言,XXV,1;丹尼尔,IX,2。 For the period following the Babylonian Exile the conservative argument takes a more confident tone.对于以下的巴比伦流亡期间保守的说法,需要一个更加自信的语调。This was an era of construction, a turning-point in the history of Israel.这是一个时代的建筑,在以色列历史上的转折点。 The completion of the Jewish Canon, by the addition of the Prophets and Hagiographa as bodies to the Law, is attributed by conservatives to Esdras, the priest-scribe and religious leader of the period, abetted by Nehemias, the civil governor; or at least to a school of scribes founded by the former.除了作为法律机构的先知和Hagiographa,犹太佳能完成,是由于埃斯德拉斯保守派,期间祭司文士和宗教领袖,教唆,民间总督内赫米亚斯;或至少前成立文士的一所学校。 (Cf. Nehemiah 8-10; 2 Maccabees 2:13, in the Greek original.) Far more arresting in favour of an Esdrine formulation of the Hebrew Bible is a the much discussed passage from Josephus, "Contra Apionem", I, viii, in which the Jewish historian, writing about AD 100, registers his conviction and that of his coreligionists--a conviction presumably based on tradition--that the Scriptures of the Palestinian Hebrews formed a closed and sacred collection from the days of the Persian king, Artaxerxes Longiamanus (465-425 BC), a contemporary of Esdras.(见尼希米8-10; 2马加比2:13在希腊原文)更赞成Esdrine制定的希伯来文圣经逮捕,是一个讨论通过由约瑟夫,“魂斗罗Apionem”,我,第八,在犹太历史学家,约公元100年写,注册他的信念和他的教友 - 大概是在传统的基础上定罪 - 巴勒斯坦希伯来圣经形成一个封闭的和神圣的收集从波斯王天亚达薛西Longiamanus(公元前465-425),当代埃斯德拉斯。Josephus is the earliest writer who numbers the books of the Jewish Bible.约瑟夫是最早的作家数字犹太圣经的书籍。In its present arrangement this contains 40; Josephus arrived at 22 artificially, in order to match the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet, by means of collocations and combinations borrowed in part from the Septuagint.在其目前的安排,这包含40个;约瑟夫22日抵达人为,为了配合在希伯来文字母表的字母数量,从七十的一部分借来的搭配和组合,。 The conservative exegetes find a confirmatory argument in a statement of the apocryphas Fourth Book of Esdras (xiv, 18-47), under whose legendary envelope they see an historical truth, and a further one in a reference in the Baba Bathra tract of the Babylonian Talmud to hagiographic activity on the part of "the men of the Great Synagogue", and Esdras and Nehemias.保守的注释者在apocryphas第四本书的埃斯德拉斯声明(14,18-47),在其传奇色彩的信封,他们看到了历史的真相,找到了验证参数,并进一步在巴巴Bathra巴比伦道的参考之一犹太法典上的“伟大的犹太教堂男子”,并埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias的一部分理想化的活动。

But the Catholic Scripturists who admit an Esdrine Canon are far from allowing that Esdras and his colleagues intended to so close up the sacred library as to bar any possible future accessions.但谁承认天主教Esdrine佳能Scripturists允许埃斯德拉斯和他的同事们打算以如此接近的神圣库,以禁止任何可能的未来加入。 The Spirit of God might and did breathe into later writings, and the presence of the deuterocanonical books in the Church's Canon at once forestalls and answers those Protestant theologians of a preceding generation who claimed that Esdras was a Divine agent for an inviolable fixing and sealing of the Old Testament To this extent at least, Catholic writers on the subject dissent from the drift of the Josephus testimony.上帝的精神,没有呼吸到后来的著作,并在教会的佳能的一次抢先和答案次经书的存在前一代那些谁声称,埃斯德拉斯新教神学家是一个一个不可侵犯的固定和密封的神圣代理旧约这至少在某种程度上,天主教作家约瑟夫证词漂移的主题异议。 And while there is what may be called a consensus of Catholic exegetes of the conservative type on an Esdrine or quasi-Esdrine formulation of the canon so far as the existing material permitted it, this agreement is not absolute; Kaulen and Danko, favouring a later completion, are the notable exceptions among the above-mentioned scholars.同时有什么可称为保守型的天主教exegetes佳能Esdrine或准Esdrine制定的共识,到目前为止,现有的材料允许,这项协议是不是绝对的;考伦和丹科,有利于以后完成后,上述学者之间的显着的例外。

2. 2。Critical views of the formation of the Palestinian Canon批评意见形成的巴勒斯坦佳能

Its three constituent bodies, the Law, Prophets, and Hagiographa, represent a growth and correspond to three periods more or less extended.它的三个组成机构,法律,先知,和Hagiographa,代表着增长和对应的三个时期更多或更少的扩展的。The reason for the isolation of the Hagiographa from the Prophets was therefore mainly chronological.因此,从先知的Hagiographa隔离的原因主要是按时间顺序。The only division marked off clearly by intrinsic features is the legal element of the Old Testament, viz., the Pentateuch.唯一的分工清楚标记由内在功能是旧约,即,五经的法律元素。

The Torah, or Law诵读经文,或法

Until the reign of King Josias, and the epoch-making discovery of "the book of the law" in the Temple (621 BC), say the critical exegetes, there was in Israel no written code of laws or other work, universally acknowledged as of supreme and Divine authority.直到国王Josias统治,具有划时代的发现“一书的法律”(公元前621)在寺庙中,关键的注释者说,在以色列有没有法律或其他工作编写的代码,举世公认最高法院和神圣的权力。 This "book of the law" was practically identical with Deuteronomy, and its recognition or canonization consisted in the solemn pact entered into by Josias and the people of Juda, described in 2 Kings 23.这“这本书的法律”与申命记几乎相同,并承认或册封Josias和人民的犹大在2国王23所述,订立的庄严协议。That a written sacred Torah was previously unknown among the Israelites, is demonstrated by the negative evidence of the earlier prophets, by the absence of any such factor from the religious reform undertaken by Ezechias (Hezekiah), while it was the mainspring of that carried out by Josias, and lastly by the plain surprise and consternation of the latter ruler at the finding of such a work.书面神圣托拉以前以色列人之间的未知,是由早期的先知,任何埃泽希亚什(希西家)所进行的宗教改革等因素的情况下,负面证据证明,它虽然是进行了发条Josias,最后在寻找这样的工作,后者统治者平原的惊喜和惊愕。 This argument, in fact, is the pivot of the current system of Pentateuchal criticism, and will be developed more at length in the article on the Pentateuch, as also the thesis attacking the Mosaic authorship and promulgation of the latter as a whole.事实上,这样的说法,是一些Pentateuchal批评现行的制度支点,也攻击后者作为一个整体的著作权的马赛克和颁布的论文,将制定更在文章的长度就pentateuch。 The actual publication of the entire Mosaic code, according to the dominant hypothesis, did not occur until the days of Esdras, and is narrated in chapters viii-x of the second book bearing that name.整个花叶代码的实际出版,根据占主导地位的假设,并没有发生,直到埃斯德拉斯天,并在第二本书的第八章- X轴承,名称叙述。 In this connection must be mentioned the argument from the Samaritan Pentateuch to establish that the Esdrine Canon took in nothing beyond the Hexateuch, ie the Pentateuch plus Josue.在这方面,必须提到撒玛利亚五参数来建立Esdrine佳能在没有了超越的Hexateuch,即摩西五加若苏埃。(See PENTATEUCH; SAMARITANS.) (见摩西五;撒玛利亚。)

The Nebiim, or ProphetsNebiim,或先知

There is no direct light upon the time or manner in which the second stratum of the Hebrew Canon was finished.希伯来语佳能的第二层完成后的时间或方式没有直接光线。The creation of the above-mentioned Samaritan Canon (c. 432 BC) may furnish a terminus a quo; perhaps a better one is the date of the expiration of prophecy about the close of the fifth century before Christ.创造上述撒玛利亚佳能(公元前432年),可能会提供一个总站一个现状,也许是最好的一个是有关基督之前结束的第五世纪的预言到期日期。 For the other terminus the lowest possible date is that of the prologue to Ecclesiasticus (c. 132 BC), which speaks of "the Law", and the Prophets, and the others that have followed them". But compare Ecclesiasticus itself, chapters xlvi-xlix, for an earlier one.对于其他总站尽可能低的日期是序幕Ecclesiasticus(公元前132年),讲“法”,和先知,和其他遵循“,但比较Ecclesiasticus本身,章四十六XLIX,较早的一个。

The Kéthubim, or Hagiographa Completes of the Jewish Canon Kéthubim,或Hagiographa完成犹太佳能

Critical opinion as to date ranged from c.以日期从C不等的批评意见165 BC to the middle of the second century of our era (Wildeboer).165 BC到我们这个时代的第二个世纪(Wildeboer的)中间。 The Catholic scholars Jahn, Movers, Nickes, Danko, Haneberg, Aicher, without sharing all the views of the advanced exegetes, regard the Hebrew Hagiographa as not definitely settled till after Christ.天主教学者雅恩,搬运工,Nickes,丹科,Haneberg,Aicher,不共享的所有先进的注释者的意见,视为不肯定定居,直到基督之后,希伯来Hagiographa。 It is an incontestable fact that the sacredness of certain parts of the Palestinian Bible (Esther, Ecclesiastes, Canticle of Canticles) was disputed by some rabbis as late as the second century of the Christian Era (Mishna, Yadaim, III, 5; Babylonian Talmud, Megilla, fol. 7).这是一个不争的事实,一些拉比争议的第二个世纪的基督教时代(密西拿,Yadaim,三,五晚;巴比伦塔木德的巴勒斯坦圣经“(以斯帖记,传道书,canticle的canticles)的某些部分的神圣Megilla,FOL 7)。However differing as to dates, the critics are assured that the distinction between the Hagiographa and the Prophetic Canon was one essentially chronological.但不同日期,评论家们放心,Hagiographa和预言佳能之间的区别是一个基本上按时间顺序。It was because the Prophets already formed a sealed collection that Ruth, Lamentations, and Daniel, though naturally belonging to it, could not gain entrance, but had to take their place with the last-formed division, the Kéthubim.这是因为先知已经形成一个密封的收集,露丝,悲叹,和丹尼尔,虽然自然属于它的,不能获得入口,但是,最后形成了分工,Kéthubim自己的位置。

3. 3。The Protocanonical Books and the New TestamentProtocanonical书籍和新约

The absence of any citations from Esther, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles may be reasonably explained by their unsuitability for New Testament purposes, and is further discounted by the non-citation of the two books of Esdras.从以斯帖记,传道书,canticle的任何引文的情况下,可合理解释他们不适应新约的目的,并进一步由非引两本书的埃斯德拉斯贴现。 Abdias, Nahum, and Sophonias, while not directly honoured, are included in the quotations from the other minor Prophets by virtue of the traditional unity of that collection. Abdias,那鸿,和Sophonias,虽然没有直接兑现,包括从其他收集的传统团结美德的小先知的报价。On the other hand, such frequent terms as "the Scripture", the "Scriptures", "the holy Scriptures", applied in the New Testament to the other sacred writings, would lead us to believe that the latter already formed a definite fixed collection; but, on the other, the reference in St. Luke to "the Law and the Prophets and the Psalms", while demonstrating the fixity of the Torah and the Prophets as sacred groups, does not warrant us in ascribing the same fixity to the third division, the Palestinian-Jewish Hagiographa.另一方面,作为“圣经”,“圣经”,“圣经”,应用在新约的其他神圣的著作,如此频繁的条款,会导致我们认为后者已经形成了一定的定额征收但另一方面,“法律和先知和诗篇”圣卢克参考,同时展示的“托拉”的固定性和先知作为神圣的群体,不值得我们在把相同的固定性第三师,巴勒斯坦犹太Hagiographa。 If, as seems certain, the exact content of the broader catalogue of the Old Testament Scriptures (that comprising the deutero books) cannot be established from the New Testament, a fortiori there is no reason to expect that it should reflect the precise extension of the narrower and Judaistic Canon.如果作为似乎一定的,的的的旧(,包括在deutero书)可以不被在新约圣经的,更建立了旧约圣经更广泛的目录的确切内容有是没有理由期望,它应该反映的是精确的延伸窄,Judaistic佳能。 We are sure, of course, that all the Hagiographa were eventually, before the death of the last Apostle, divinely committed to the Church as Holy Scripture, but we known this as a truth of faith, and by theological deduction, not from documentary evidence in the New Testament The latter fact has a bearing against the Protestant claim that Jesus approved and transmitted en bloc an already defined Bible of the Palestinian Synagogue.我们相信,当然,所有Hagiographa最终,去世前最后的使徒,神圣的承诺,以圣经的教会,但我们称为真理的信仰和神学扣除,而不是从书面证据在新约,后者实际上已经对新教声称耶稣整块批准和转交了一份巴勒斯坦犹太教堂已经定义圣经的轴承。

4. 4。Authors and Standards of Canonicity among the Jews作者和正规的标准之间的犹太人

Though the Old Testament reveals no formal notion of inspiration, the later Jews at least must have possessed the idea (cf. 2 Timothy 3:16; 2 Peter 1:21).虽然旧约发现没有正式的概念的灵感,至少在以后的犹太人必须具备的想法(参见提摩太后书3:16;彼得后书1:21)。 There is an instance of a Talmudic doctor distinguishing between a composition "given by the wisdom of the Holy Spirit" and one supposed to be the product of merely human wisdom.有一个塔木德医生之间的区分应该仅仅是人类智慧的产品之一“圣灵的智慧”的一个组成的一个实例。But as to our distinct concept of canonicity, it is a modern idea, and even the Talmud gives no evidence of it.但不同的概念我们的正规,它是一个现代的想法,甚至犹太法典没有给出证据。To characterize a book which held no acknowledged place in the divine library, the rabbis spoke of it as "defiling the hands", a curious technical expression due probably to the desire to prevent any profane touching of the sacred roll.为了刻画了一本书,不承认地方在神圣的库举行,拉比谈到为“亵渎的手,好奇的技术表达的愿望,以防止任何亵渎的神圣辊触摸可能由于。 But though the formal idea of canonicity was wanting among the Jews the fact existed.但是,尽管正规的正式思想之间的犹太人想要的事实存在。Regarding the sources of canonicity among the Hebrew ancients, we are left to surmise an analogy.关于希伯来语古人之间的正规来源,我们留下来推测一个比喻。There are both psychological and historical reasons against the supposition that the Old Testament canon grew spontaneously by a kind of instinctive public recognition of inspired books.有心理和对假设的历史原因,旧约佳能由一种本能的公众认可的启发书自发增长。True, it is quite reasonable to assume that the prophetic office in Israel carried its own credentials, which in a large measure extended to its written compositions.诚然,这是很合理的假设,在以色列的预言办公室进行其自己的凭据,这在很大程度上扩展至其书面组成。But there were many pseduo-prophets in the nation, and so some authority was necessary to draw the line between the true and the false prophetical writings.但也有许多在全国pseduo的先知,所以一些权威是必要的,画线之间的真与假的预言著作。And an ultimate tribunal was also needed to set its seal upon the miscellaneous and in some cases mystifying literature embraced in the Hagiographa.最终法庭也需要,设置后,杂项,在某些情况下,神秘的Hagiographa拥抱文学其印章。Jewish tradition, as illustrated by the already cited Josephus, Baba Bathra, and pseudo-Esdras data, points to authority as the final arbiter of what was Scriptural and what not.犹太传统中,已经列举的约瑟夫,巴巴Bathra和伪埃斯德拉斯数据,作为最后仲裁者什么是“圣经”的,什么不能点权威所示。 The so-called Council of Jamnia (c. AD 90) has reasonably been taken as having terminated the disputes between rival rabbinic schools concerning the canonicity of Canticles.詹姆尼(C.公元90)所谓的会合理地被视为终止有关正规canticle的对手拉比学校之间的纠纷。So while the intuitive sense and increasingly reverent consciousness of the faithful element of Israel could, and presumably did, give a general impulse and direction to authority, we must conclude that it was the word of official authority which actually fixed the limits of the Hebrew Canon, and here, broadly speaking, the advanced and conservative exegetes meet on common ground.而直观的感觉和以色列的忠实元素意识日益虔诚的,想必没有,一般的冲动和对权威的方向,我们必须得出结论,这是官方权威的字,这实际上是固定的希伯来语佳能限制,在这里,从广义上讲,先进的和保守的注释者满足的共同点。 However the case may have been for the Prophets, the preponderance of evidence favours a late period as that in which the Hagiographa were closed, a period when the general body of Scribes dominated Judaism, sitting "in the chair of Moses", and alone having the authority and prestige for such action.优势证据的情况下可能有先知,有利于在被关闭的Hagiographa较晚时期,一个时期的文士一般身体为主犹太教,坐“在摩西的椅子”,并独自拥有采取这种行动的权威和威信。 The term general body of Scribes has been used advisedly; contemporary scholars gravely suspect, when they do not entirely reject, the "Great Synagogue" of rabbinic tradition, and the matter lay outside the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim.长期文士一般身体已深思熟虑;当代学者严重怀疑,当他们没有完全拒绝,“伟大的犹太教堂”的拉比传统,躺在公会的管辖范围以外的问题。

As a touchstone by which uncanonical and canonical works were discriminated, an important influence was that of the Pentateuchal Law.作为一个被歧视uncanonical和规范工程的试金石,一个重要的影响的Pentateuchal“。This was always the Canon par excellence of the Israelites.这是以色列人的佳能出类拔萃。To the Jews of the Middle Ages the Torah was the inner sanctuary, or Holy of Holies, while the Prophets were the Holy Place, and the Kéthubim only the outer court of the Biblical temple, and this medieval conception finds ample basis in the pre-eminence allowed to the Law by the rabbis of the Talmudic age.中世纪的犹太人的律法是至圣所,至圣,而先知的圣地,并仅“圣经”的寺庙外院的Kéthubim,发现在这个中世纪的概念充足的基础上预卓越的“允许的talmudic年龄的拉比。 Indeed, from Esdras downwards the Law, as the oldest portion of the Canon, and the formal expression of God's commands, received the highest reverence.事实上,从埃斯德拉斯向下“,作为佳能最古老的一部分,正式表达了神的命令,获得了最高的崇敬之情。The Cabbalists of the second century after Christ, and later schools, regarded the other section of the Old Testament as merely the expansion and interpretation of the Pentateuch.的第二个世纪后,基督Cabbalists,以及后来的学校,认为只是扩大和解释的pentateuch旧约的其他部分。 We may be sure, then, that the chief test of canonicity, at least for the Hagiographa, was conformity with the Canon par excellence, the Pentateuch. ,那么,我们可以肯定的正规的首席试飞,至少Hagiographa,是符合与佳能出类拔萃的pentateuch。It is evident, in addition, that no book was admitted which had not been composed in Hebrew, and did not possess the antiquity and prestige of a classic age, or name at least.此外,这是显而易见的,没有书承认它尚未在希伯来文组成,并没有具备古代和一个经典的年龄,或至少名称的威信。These criteria are negative and exclusive rather than directive.这些标准是消极的,而不是指令独家。The impulse of religious feeling or liturgical usage must have been the prevailing positive factors in the decision.宗教感情冲动或礼仪的使用必须已决定在当时的积极因素。But the negative tests were in part arbitrary, and an intuitive sense cannot give the assurance of Divine certification.但负面测试任意部分,以及一个直观的意义上不能给予保证的神圣认证。Only later was the infallible voice to come, and then it was to declare that the Canon of the Synagogue, though unadulterated indeed, was incomplete.后来犯错的声音来,然后宣布,佳能的犹太教堂,但确实是十足的,是不完整的。


The most striking difference between the Catholic and Protestant Bibles is the presence in the former of a number of writings which are wanting in the latter and also in the Hebrew Bible, which became the Old Testament of Protestantism.最引人注目的天主教和新教的圣经之间的差异是在前者的著作是希望后者在希伯来文圣经,成为新教的旧约也存在。 These number seven books: Tobias (Tobit), Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, I and II Machabees, and three documents added to protocanonical books, viz., the supplement to Esther, from x, 4, to the end, the Canticle of the Three Youths (Song of the Three Children) in Daniel, iii, and the stories of Susanna and the Elders and Bel and the Dragon, forming the closing chapters of the Catholic version of that book.这些数字七本书:托拜厄斯(Tobit回归),朱迪思,智慧,Ecclesiasticus,巴鲁克,我和二Machabees,并添加到protocanonical书,即三个文件,以斯帖的补充,从X,4,月底,颂歌三名青年丹尼尔,III,和苏珊娜和长者和Bel和龙的故事(宋三个孩子),形成的这本书的天主教版本闭幕章节。 Of these works, Tobias and Judith were written originally in Aramaic, perhaps in Hebrew; Baruch and I Machabees in Hebrew, while Wisdom and II Machabees were certainly composed in Greek.这些作品,托比亚斯和Judith最初被写在阿拉姆语,也许是在希伯来文;巴鲁克和我Machabees在希伯来文,而智慧和II Machabees肯定在希腊组成。The probabilities favour Hebrew as the original language of the addition to Esther, and Greek for the enlargements of Daniel.概率赞成除了以斯帖和丹尼尔的放大希腊原文的希伯来文。

The ancient Greek Old Testament known as the Septuagint was the vehicle which conveyed these additional Scriptures into the Catholic Church.古希腊旧约的译本传达到这些额外的天主教圣经的车辆。The Septuagint version was the Bible of the Greek-speaking, or Hellenist, Jews, whose intellectual and literary centre was Alexandria (see SEPTUAGINT). septuagint版本的希腊来说,或Hellenist圣经,犹太人,他们的智力和文学中心是亚历山大(见七十)。The oldest extant copies date from the fourth and fifth centuries of our era, and were therefore made by Christian hands; nevertheless scholars generally admit that these faithfully represent the Old Testament as it was current among the Hellenist or Alexandrian Jews in the age immediately preceding Christ.因此,从我们这个时代的第四和第五世纪现存最古老的副本的日期,以及由基督徒手中的时候,不过学者普遍承认,这些忠实代表旧约,因为它是目前Hellenist或亚历山大的犹太人之间的年龄紧接基督。 These venerable manuscripts of the Septuagint vary somewhat in their content outside the Palestinian Canon, showing that in Alexandrian-Jewish circles the number of admissible extra books was not sharply determined either by tradition or by authority.这些古老的手稿的译本略有不同,在其内容以外的巴勒斯坦佳能,在亚历山大的犹太各界受理课外书的数量没有大幅无论是传统或依职权决定。 However, aside from the absence of Machabees from the Codex Vaticanus (the very oldest copy of the Greek Old Testament), all the entire manuscripts contain all the deutero writings; where the manuscript Septuagints differ from one another, with the exception noted, it is in a certain excess above the deuterocanonical books.然而,除了没有Machabees从食品Vaticanus(旧约希腊最古老的副本),所有整个手稿包含所有deutero著作手稿Septuagints从一个不同的异常,指出,这是在上述次经书籍的某些过剩。 It is a significant fact that in all these Alexandrian Bibles the traditional Hebrew order is broken up by the interspersion of the additional literature among the other books, outside the law, thus asserting for the extra writings a substantial equality of rank and privilege.这是一个重要的事实,在所有这些亚历山大圣经希伯来语传统秩序被打破之间的法律以外的其他书籍,额外的文学interspersion,因此额外的著作中主张的实质性平等的地位和特权。

It is pertinent to ask the motives which impelled the Hellenist Jews to thus, virtually at least, canonize this considerable section of literature, some of it very recent, and depart so radically from the Palestinian tradition.这是有关要求的动机,从而推动了Hellenist犹太人几乎至少,推崇这种文学的相当部分,它的一些非常近,并因此从根本上背离巴勒斯坦传统。 Some would have it that not the Alexandrian, but the Palestinian, Jews departed from the Biblical tradition.有些人会对它不是亚历山大,但巴勒斯坦,犹太人从“圣经”的传统中离去。The Catholic writers Nickes, Movers, Danko, and more recently Kaulen and Mullen, have advocated the view that originally the Palestinian Canon must have included all the deuterocanonicals, and so stood down to the time of the Apostles (Kaulen, c. 100 BC), when, moved by the fact that the Septuagint had become the Old Testament of the Church, it was put under ban by the Jerusalem Scribes, who were actuated moreover (thus especially Kaulen) by hostility to the Hellenistic largeness of spirit and Greek composition of our deuterocanonical books.天主教作家Nickes,搬运工,丹科,最近考伦和马伦主张最初的巴勒斯坦佳能必须包括所有的deuterocanonicals,所以站在了时间的使徒(考伦,C.公元前100年)时,通过移动的译本已成为旧约教会的事实,它是根据禁止耶路撒冷的文士,谁是驱动此外敌意(因此,尤其是考伦)希腊文化的精神襟怀坦白和希腊组成本次经书籍。 These exegetes place much reliance on St. Justin Martyr's statement that the Jews had mutilated Holy Writ, a statement that rests on no positive evidence.这些注释者的地方多的依赖圣贾斯汀烈士的说法,犹太人肢解圣经,没有积极的证据在于一份声明中说。They adduce the fact that certain deutero books were quoted with veneration, and even in a few cases as Scriptures, by Palestinian or Babylonian doctors; but the private utterances of a few rabbis cannot outweigh the consistent Hebrew tradition of the canon, attested by Josephus--although he himself was inclined to Hellenism--and even by the Alexandrian-Jewish author of IV Esdras.他们援引的事实,一定deutero书援引与崇拜,甚至作为圣经的一个少数情况下由巴勒斯坦或巴比伦的医生,但一个数拉比的私人话语可以不超过了佳能一贯的希伯来传统,通过证明约瑟夫虽然他本人倾向于希腊 - 甚至第四埃斯德拉斯亚历山大犹太人的作者。We are therefore forced to admit that the leaders of Alexandrian Judaism showed a notable independence of Jerusalem tradition and authority in permitting the sacred boundaries of the Canon, which certainly had been fixed for the Prophets, to be broken by the insertion of an enlarged Daniel and the Epistle of Baruch.因此,我们不得不承认,亚历山大犹太教领导人表明,在允许的佳能,这当然是固定的先知,扩大丹尼尔插入打破神圣边界耶路撒冷的传统和权威的一个显着的独立巴鲁克的书信。 On the assumption that the limits of the Palestinian Hagiographa remained undefined until a relatively late date, there was less bold innovation in the addition of the other books, but the wiping out of the lines of the triple division reveals that the Hellenists were ready to extend the Hebrew Canon, if not establish a new official one of their own.在相对较晚的日期,直到巴勒斯坦Hagiographa限制仍然不确定的假设,在此外的其他书籍较少的大胆创新,但抹的三重分裂线显示,Hellenists准备延长希伯来语佳能,如果不建立一个属于自己的新官之一。

On their human side these innovations are to be accounted for by the free spirit of the Hellenist Jews.在其人性的一面,这些创新的自由精神的Hellenist犹太人被占。Under the influence of Greek thought they had conceived a broader view of Divine inspiration than that of their Palestinian brethren, and refused to restrict the literary manifestations of the Holy Ghost to a certain terminus of time and the Hebrew form of language.希腊思想的影响下,他们设想一个更广阔的视野比他们的巴勒斯坦兄弟,神圣的灵感,并拒绝限制的圣灵总站在一定的时间和希伯来文的形式语言的文学表现。 The Book of Wisdom, emphatically Hellenist in character, presents to us Divine wisdom as flowing on from generation to generation and making holy souls and prophets (vii, 27, in the Greek).智慧之书,强调Hellenist字符,呈现给我们的神的智慧,流淌在一代又一代,使神圣的灵魂和先知(七,27日,在希腊)。 Philo, a typical Alexandrian-Jewish thinker, has even an exaggerated notion of the diffusion of inspiration (Quis rerum divinarum hæres, 52; ed. Lips., iii, 57; De migratione Abrahæ, 11,299; ed. Lips. ii, 334).斐洛,一个典型的亚历山大犹太人思想家,甚至夸大概念的灵感扩散(Quis rerum divinarum hæres,52版的嘴唇,三,57; migratione Abrahæ,11299;版嘴唇II,334) 。But even Philo, while indicating acquaintance with the deutero literature, nowhere cites it in his voluminous writings.但即使斐洛,同时指出与熟人deutero文学,无处援引他的大部头著作。True, he does not employ several books of the Hebrew Canon; but there is a natural presumption that if he had regarded the additional works as being quite on the same plane as the others, he would not have failed to quote so stimulating and congenial a production as the Book of Wisdom.的确,他没有聘请希伯来语佳能几本书,但有一个自然的假设,如果他被视为相当同一平面上的其他额外工程,他不会有失败的报价,以便刺激和融洽的一个生产的智慧之书。 Moreover, as has been pointed out by several authorities, the independent spirit of the Hellenists could not have gone so far as to setup a different official Canon from that of Jerusalem, without having left historical traces of such a rupture.此外,正如已经指出由几个部门,独立精神的Hellenists就没有走了这么远,设置不同耶路撒冷的官方佳能,而无需破裂留下历史痕迹。 So, from the available data we may justly infer that, while the deuterocanonicals were admitted as sacred by the Alexandrian Jews, they possessed a lower degree of sanctity and authority than the longer accepted books, ie, the Palestinian Hagiographa and the Prophets, themselves inferior to the Law.因此,从现有的数据中,我们可以理直气壮地推断,而deuterocanonicals被承认为神圣的亚历山大犹太人,他们拥有一个程度低于不再接受书,即巴勒斯坦Hagiographa和先知的神圣和权威,自己的劣势该法。


The most explicit definition of the Catholic Canon is that given by the Council of Trent, Session IV, 1546.天主教佳能的最明确的定义是,鉴于安理会的遄达,第四次会议,1546。For the Old Testament its catalogue reads as follows:对于旧约其目录如下:

The five books of Moses (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy), Josue, Judges, Ruth, the four books of Kings, two of Paralipomenon, the first and second of Esdras (which latter is called Nehemias), Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, the Davidic Psalter (in number one hundred and fifty Psalms), Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jeremias, with Baruch, Ezechiel, Daniel, the twelve minor Prophets (Osee, Joel, Amos, Abdias, Jonas, Micheas, Nahum, Habacue, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Malachias), two books of Machabees, the first and second.摩西五书(创世记,出埃及记,利未记,民数记,申命记),若苏埃,法官,露丝,国王的四本书的Paralipomenon两个,第一和第二埃斯德拉斯(其中后者是所谓内赫米亚斯),托比亚斯,朱迪思以斯帖工作,大卫的诗篇(一百年和第五十诗篇),箴言,传道书,canticle的canticles,智慧,Ecclesiasticus,伊萨亚,赫雷米亚斯,巴鲁克,Ezechiel,丹尼尔,十二小先知(Osee,乔尔阿莫斯,Abdias,乔纳斯,Micheas,那鸿,Habacue,Sophonias,Aggeus,撒迦利亚,玛拉基亚亚),两个Machabees书籍,第一和第二。

The order of books copies that of the Council of Florence, 1442, and in its general plan is that of the Septuagint.书籍的顺序复制,佛罗伦萨,1442委员会,并在其总体规划的译本。The divergence of titles from those found in the Protestant versions is due to the fact that the official Latin Vulgate retained the forms of the Septuagint.在新教版本的标题上的分歧是由于这样的事实:拉丁语武加大,官方保留的septuagint形式。


The Tridentine decrees from which the above list is extracted was the first infallible and effectually promulgated pronouncement on the Canon, addressed to the Church Universal.德律但丁法令,从上述名单中提取的是第一次犯错而有效的颁布宣告佳能,给教会通用。Being dogmatic in its purport, it implies that the Apostles bequeathed the same Canon to the Church, as a part of the depositum fedei.其旨趣教条式的,它意味着,使徒教会遗赠相同的佳能depositum fedei,。 But this was not done by way of any formal decision; we should search the pages of the New Testament in vain for any trace of such action.但是,这是没有做过任何正式决定的方式;我们应该寻找是徒劳新约的网页,任何此类行动的痕迹。 The larger Canon of the Old Testament passed through the Apostles' hands to the church tacitly, by way of their usage and whole attitude toward its components; an attitude which, for most of the sacred writings of the Old Testament, reveals itself in the New, and for the rest, must have exhibited itself in oral utterances, or at least in tacit approval of the special reverence of the faithful.通过使徒的手较大的佳能旧约教会默许,他们的使用方式和走向及其组成部分的整体态度;,旧约中最神圣的著作,揭示了在新的态度其余的,必须有表现在口头言论本身,或者至少是在特殊的崇敬之情的忠实的默许。 Reasoning backward from the status in which we find the deutero books in the earliest ages of post-Apostolic Christianity, we rightly affirm that such a status points of Apostolic sanction, which in turn must have rested on revelation either by Christ or the Holy Spirit.推理的落后状态中,我们发现在后使徒基督教最早的年龄deutero书籍,我们正确地肯定,这样的使徒制裁的状态,而这又必须依赖基于启示录由基督或圣灵点。 For the deuterocanonicals at least, we needs must have recourse to this legitimate prescriptive argument, owing to the complexity and inadequacy of the New Testament data.对于deuterocanonicals至少,我们需要必须求助于这一合法的指令性参数,由于新约的数据的复杂性和不足。

All the books of the Hebrew Old Testament are cited in the New except those which have been aptly called the Antilegomena of the Old Testament, viz., Esther, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles; moreover Esdras and Nehemias are not employed.引新,除了那些已被恰当地称为旧约,即,以斯帖,传道书,和canticle的Antilegomena;此外埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias未就业的希伯来文旧约的所有书籍。 The admitted absence of any explicit citation of the deutero writings does not therefore prove that they were regarded as inferior to the above-mentioned works in the eyes of New Testament personages and authors.没有承认任何明确deutero著作引用,因此并不证明他们是逊色于新约人物和作者的眼睛上述作品。The deutero literature was in general unsuited to their purposes, and some consideration should be given to the fact that even at its Alexandrian home it was not quoted by Jewish writers, as we saw in the case of Philo. deutero文学一般是不适合他们的目的,一些应考虑到,即使在亚历山大家中没有报价的犹太作家,正如我们看到的斐洛。The negative argument drawn from the non-citation of the deuterocanonicals in the New Testament is especially minimized by the indirect use made of them by the same Testament.来自非引在新约的deuterocanonicals负参数特别是最大限度地减少对他们提出相同的约间接使用。 This takes the form of allusions and reminiscences, and shows unquestionably that the Apostles and Evangelists were acquainted with the Alexandrian increment, regarded its books as at least respectable sources, and wrote more or less under its influence.这需要典故和回忆的形式,无疑表明,使徒和福音熟悉的亚历山大增量,视为尊敬的来源至少,其书籍,并写或受其影响的。 A comparison of Hebrews, xi and II Machabees, vi and vii reveals unmistakable references in the former to the heroism of the martyrs glorified in the latter.一个希伯来人,第十一和第二Machabees,第六和第七的比较,揭示了在前者向后者荣耀的烈士的英雄主义的明确无误的引用。 There are close affinities of thought, and in some cases also of language, between 1 Peter 1:6-7, and Wisdom 3:5-6; Hebrews 1:3, and Wisdom 7:26-27; 1 Corinthians 10:9-10, and Judith 8:24-25; 1 Corinthians 6:13, and Ecclesiasticus 36:20.有密切的亲缘关系,思想和语言在某些情况下,1至1:6-7,彼得和智慧3:5-6;希伯来书1:3,和智慧7:26-27;哥林多前书10时09分-10,和朱8:24-25;哥林多前书6点13分,和Ecclesiasticus 36:20。

Yet the force of the direct and indirect employment of Old Testament writings by the New is slightly impaired by the disconcerting truth that at least one of the New Testament authors, St. Jude, quotes explicitly from the "Book of Henoch", long universally recognized as apocryphal, see verse 14, while in verse 9 he borrows from another apocryphal narrative, the "Assumption of Moses".然而,令人不安的真相,至少有一个新约作者,圣裘德明确,报价从公认的“过敏性图书”,长期的直接和间接就业的新旧约著作的力量是轻微受损为杜撰,看到14节,而在第9节,他借用从另一个猜测的叙述,“摩西升天”。 The New Testament quotations from the Old are in general characterized by a freedom and elasticity regarding manner and source which further ten to diminish their weight as proofs of canonicity.从旧新约报价是一般的自由和弹性的方式和源特点,从而进一步十到正规证明自己的体重减少。But so far as concerns the great majority of the Palestinian Hagiographa--a fortiori, the Pentateuch and Prophets--whatever want of conclusiveness there may be in the New Testament, evidence of their canonical standing is abundantly supplemented from Jewish sources alone, in the series of witnesses beginning with the Mishnah and running back through Josephus and Philo to the translation of the above books for the Hellenist Greeks.但到目前为止,涉及绝大多数巴勒斯坦Hagiographa - 何况,五经和先知 - 任何希望的确证有可能在新约,其规范地位的证据是十分单靠犹太人的来源补充,在证人系列的mishnah开始运行通过约瑟夫和斐罗Hellenist希腊人上述书籍的翻译。 But for the deuterocanonical literature, only the last testimony speaks as a Jewish confirmation.但次经文学,只有最后的证词说,作为一个犹太确认。However, there are signs that the Greek version was not deemed by its readers as a closed Bible of definite sacredness in all its parts, but that its somewhat variable contents shaded off in the eyes of the Hellenists from the eminently sacred Law down to works of questionable divinity, such as III Machabees.然而,有迹象显示,希腊的版本是不认为它的​​读者关闭了其所有部件一定神圣的圣经,但有些变量的内容在Hellenists眼睛阴影显着的神圣的法律工程问题的神威,如第三Machabees。

This factor should be considered in weighing a certain argument.在权衡一定的参数,应考虑这一因素。A large number of Catholic authorities see a canonization of the deuteros in a supposed wholesale adoption and approval, by the Apostles, of the Greek, and therefore larger, Old Testament The argument is not without a certain force; the New Testament undoubtedly shows a preference for the Septuagint; out of the 350 texts from the Old Testament, 300 favour the language of the Greek version rather than that of the Hebrew.看到大量的天主教当局在所谓的批发采纳和批准的deuteros册封,由使徒,希腊,因此较大,旧约的说法是没有一定的力量,新约,无疑显示偏好为七十;出350个文本从旧约,300赞成而不是希伯来文,希腊文版本的语言。 But there are considerations which bid us hesitate to admit an Apostolic adoption of the Septuagint en bloc.但也有考虑,叫我们毫不犹豫地承认使徒的septuagint整块通过。As remarked above, there are cogent reasons for believing that it was not a fixed quantity at the time.正如上面说,有令人信服的理由相信,它不是一个固定数量的时间。The existing oldest representative manuscripts are not entirely identical in the books they contain.现有的最古老的代表手稿的不完全在它们所包含的书籍的相同。Moreover, it should be remembered that at the beginning of our era, and for some time later, complete sets of any such voluminous collection as the Septuagint in manuscript would be extremely rare; the version must have been current in separate books or groups of books, a condition favourable to a certain variability of compass.此外,它应该记住,在我们这个时代的的开始,一段时间后,将是极为罕见的任何手稿的译本,如浩繁收集成套的版本必须目前已经在不同的书籍或团体的书籍一个指南针的某些变异有利条件。 So neither a fluctuating Septuagint nor an inexplicit New Testament conveys to us the exact extension of the pre-Christian Bible transmitted by the Apostles to the Primitive Church.因此,既不是波动的译本,也不inexplicit新约传达给我们的前基督教圣经的确切延伸传输的原始教会的使徒。 It is more tenable to conclude to a selective process under the guidance of the Holy Ghost, and a process completed so late in Apostolic times that the New Testament fails to reflect its mature result regarding either the number or note of sanctity of the extra-Palestinian books admitted.这是站不住脚的结论圣灵的指引下选择的过程,一个过程中完成新约使徒时代的后期,未能反映其成熟的结果的数量或神圣的注意额外巴勒斯坦书承认。 To historically learn the Apostolic Canon of the Old Testament we must interrogate less sacred but later documents, expressing more explicitly the belief of the first ages of Christianity.历史学习使徒佳能旧约,我们必须询问少神圣的,但后来的文件,更明确地表达信仰基督教的第一个年龄。


The sub-Apostolic writings of Clement, Polycarp, the author of the Epistle of Barnabas, of the pseudo-Clementine homilies, and the "Shepherd" of Hermas, contain implicit quotations from or allusions to all the deuterocanonicals except Baruch (which anciently was often united with Jeremias) and I Machabees and the additions to David.克莱门特分使徒的著作,波利卡普,作者的书信巴拿巴,伪克莱门汀讲道,“牧羊人”黑马,包含隐报价除巴鲁克(古时往往是或暗示所有的deuterocanonicals团结与赫雷米亚斯)和我Machabees和增加对大卫。 No unfavourable argument can be drawn from the loose, implicit character of these citations, since these Apostolic Fathers quote the protocanonical Scriptures in precisely the same manner.没有不利的说法,可以得出从松散,这些引文的隐含字符,因为这些使徒教父引用protocanonical圣经正是以同样的方式。 Coming down to the next age, that of the apologists, we find Baruch cited by Athenagoras as a prophet.即将未来的时代,辩护士,我们发现巴鲁克哥拉引为先知。St. Justin Martyr is the first to note that the Church has a set of Old Testament Scriptures different from the Jews', and also the earliest to intimate the principle proclaimed by later writers, namely, the self-sufficiency of the Church in establishing the Canon; its independence of the Synagogue in this respect.圣贾斯汀烈士是第一要注意,教会有一个不同于犹太人的旧约圣经,也是最早到后来的作家,即教会自给宣布建立亲密的原则佳能的犹太教堂在这方面的独立性。 The full realization of this truth came slowly, at least in the Orient, where there are indications that in certain quarters the spell of Palestinian-Jewish tradition was not fully cast off for some time.全面实现这个道理,慢慢地,至少在世界的东方,那里有迹象显示,在某些方面,巴勒斯坦犹太传统的拼写没有完全投一段时间。 St. Melito, Bishop of Sardis (c. 170), first drew up a list of the canonical books of the Old Testament While maintaining the familiar arrangement of the Septuagint, he says that he verified his catalogue by inquiry among Jews; Jewry by that time had everywhere discarded the Alexandrian books, and Melito's Canon consists exclusively of the protocanonicals minus Esther.撒狄主教(公元前170),圣美利托,首先制定了旧约典型的书籍清单,在保持熟悉的septuagint的安排,他说,他在犹太人的查询核实他的目录,由该犹太人时间已经随处可见丢弃的亚历山大书籍,梅利托的佳能由专门零下以斯帖protocanonicals。 It should be noticed, however, that the document to which this catalogue was prefixed is capable of being understood as having an anti-Jewish polemical purpose, in which case Melito's restricted canon is explicable on another ground.但是,应该看到,这个目录前缀的文件能够被理解为一个反犹太人的论战的目的,在这种情况下,梅利托的限制佳能的另外一个理由可以解释。 St. Irenæus, always a witness of the first rank, on account of his broad acquaintance with ecclesiastical tradition, vouches that Baruch was deemed on the same footing as Jeremias, and that the narratives of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon were ascribed to Daniel.圣irenæus,始终是一个见证的第一个排名,他与教会的传统,广泛,巴鲁克被视为同等的地位作为赫雷米亚斯,苏珊娜和贝尔和龙的叙述被赋予丹尼尔vouches熟人。 The Alexandrian tradition is represented by the weighty authority of Origen.亚历山大传统的渊源有分量的权威代表。 Influenced, doubtless, by the Alexandrian-Jewish usage of acknowledging in practice the extra writings as sacred while theoretically holding to the narrower Canon of Palestine, his catalogue of the Old Testament Scriptures contains only the protocanonical books, though it follows the order of the Septuagint.的影响,毫无疑问,在实践中承认额外的著作是神圣的,虽然在理论上举行的巴勒斯坦窄佳能亚历山大犹太使用,,他的旧约圣经目录只包含protocanonical书籍,但它遵循的septuagint秩序。 Nevertheless Origen employs all the deuterocanonicals as Divine Scriptures, and in his letter of Julius Africanus defends the sacredness of Tobias, Judith, and the fragments of Daniel, at the same time implicitly asserting the autonomy of the Church in fixing the Canon (see references in Cornely).然而奥利员工神圣的经文deuterocanonicals,在他的朱利叶斯Africanus的信中捍卫神圣的托比亚斯,朱迪思,和丹尼尔的片段隐式断言在固定的佳能教会的自主权在同一时间,(见参考文献Cornely)。 In his Hexaplar edition of the Old Testament all the deuteros find a place.在他的旧约Hexaplar版所有deuteros找到的地方。The sixth-century Biblical manuscript known as the "Codex Claromontanus" contains a catalogue to which both Harnack and Zahn assign an Alexandrian origin, about contemporary with Origen.第六世纪的圣经手稿称为“食品法典Claromontanus”,包含一个目录,哈纳克和赞恩指派亚历山大的起源,大约与奥利当代。 At any rate it dates from the period under examination and comprises all the deuterocanonical books, with IV Machabees besides.无论如何,它的日期从在审查期间,包括所有次经书,除了四Machabees。St. Hippolytus (d. 236) may fairly be considered as representing the primitive Roman tradition.圣希波吕托斯(卒于236)可能相当被视为较原始的罗马传统。He comments on the Susanna chapter, often quotes Wisdom as the work of Solomon, and employs as Sacred Scripture Baruch and the Machabees.苏珊娜章他的意见,往往报价工作作为所罗门的智慧,和圣经巴鲁克和Machabees员工。For the West African Church the larger canon has two strong witnesses in Tertullian and St. Cyprian.为西非教会较大的佳能已经在德尔图良和圣塞浦路斯的两个强大的证人。All the deuteros except Tobias, Judith, and the addition to Esther, are Biblically used in the works of these Fathers.托比亚斯,朱迪思,和以斯帖此外,所有的除外deuteros圣经使用这些父亲的作品。(With regard to the employment of apocryphal writings in this age see under APOCRYPHA.) (关于在这个年龄段的就业未经著作“伪经。)


In this period the position of the deuterocanonical literature is no longer as secure as in the primitive age.次经文学的地位,在此期间,不再像在原始时代的安全。The doubts which arose should be attributed largely to a reaction against the apocryphal or pseudo-Biblical writings with which the East especially had been flooded by heretical and other writers.其中产生的疑虑,主要应归功于对未经证实或伪圣经与东,特别是已淹没邪教和其他作家的著作反应。Negatively, the situation became possible through the absence of any Apostolic or ecclesiastical definition of the Canon.是否定的,形势变得可能通过没有任何使徒或教会的定义佳能。The definite and inalterable determination of the sacred sources, like that of all Catholic doctrines, was in the Divine economy left to gradually work itself out under the stimulus of questions and opposition.明确的神圣来源和不能变更的决心,像所有天主教的教义,在质疑和反对的刺激下逐步离开神圣的经济。Alexandria, with its elastic Scriptures, had from the beginning been a congenial field for apocryphal literature, and St. Athanasius, the vigilant pastor of that flock, to protect it against the pernicious influence, drew up a catalogue of books with the values to be attached to each.亚历山德里亚,其弹性的经文,从一开始就一直猜测文学的一个适宜领域,并保持警惕,以防止它的流毒,羊群,牧师,圣athanasius,制定了与价值观的图书目录连接到每个。 First, the strict canon and authoritative source of truth is the Jewish Old Testament, Esther excepted.首先,严格的佳能和真理的权威来源是犹太旧约以斯帖除外。Besides, there are certain books which the Fathers had appointed to be read to catechumens for edification and instruction; these are the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Esther, Judith, Tobias, the Didache, or Doctrine of the Apostles, the Shepherd of Hermas.此外,还有的父亲已任命予以熏陶和教学慕道的某些书籍,这些都是所罗门的智慧,智慧的西拉奇(Ecclesiasticus),以斯帖,朱迪思,托比亚斯,十二使徒遗训,或学说的使徒牧人书。 All others are apocrypha and the inventions of heretics (Festal Epistle for 367).所有其他伪经和异端(367书信节日)发明的。Following the precedent of Origen and the Alexandrian tradition, the saintly doctor recognized no other formal canon of the Old Testament than the Hebrew one; but also, faithful to the same tradition, he practically admitted the deutero books to a Scriptural dignity, as is evident from his general usage.奥利和亚历山大传统的先例之后,圣洁医生确认没有其他比希伯来文旧约正式佳能,但也以相同的传统,忠实,他实际上承认deutero书籍到圣经尊严,是显而易见的从他的一般用法。 At Jerusalem there was a renascence, perhaps a survival, of Jewish ideas, the tendency there being distinctly unfavourable to the deuteros.在耶路撒冷有一个重生,也许是一种生存,犹太人的思想,倾向有明显不利的deuteros。St. Cyril of that see, while vindicating for the Church the right to fix the Canon, places them among the apocrypha and forbids all books to be read privately which are not read in the churches.街看到,而教会的权利,解决佳能平反利禄,他们之间的伪经,并禁止所有私人予以不读在教堂的书籍。In Antioch and Syria the attitude was more favourable.在安提阿和叙利亚的态度更为有利。St. Epiphanius shows hesitation about the rank of the deuteros; he esteemed them, but they had not the same place as the Hebrew books in his regard.圣埃皮法尼乌斯显示犹豫的deuteros级;他尊敬他们,但他们没有在他的关于同一地点希伯来书。The historian Eusebius attests the widespread doubts in his time; he classes them as antilegomena, or disputed writings, and, like Athanasius, places them in a class intermediate between the books received by all and the apocrypha.历史学家优西比乌证明在他那个时代的普遍怀疑;类antilegomena,或有争议的著作,像亚他那修,他们之间的所有收到的书籍和伪经类中间。 The 59th (or 60th) canon of the provincial Council of Laodicea (the authenticity of which however is contested) gives a catalogue of the Scriptures entirely in accord with the ideas of St. Cyril of Jerusalem.的老底嘉省议会第59(或60位)佳能(其中不过是兵家必争之地的真实性)为在符合圣经目录完全圣西里尔耶路撒冷的思想。 On the other hand, the Oriental versions and Greek manuscripts of the period are more liberal; the extant ones have all the deuterocanonicals and, in some cases, certain apocrypha.另一方面,期间东方版本和希腊手稿更自由;现存的所有deuterocanonicals,在某些情况下,某些伪经。

The influence of Origen's and Athanasius's restricted canon naturally spread to the West.的渊源和亚他那修的限制佳能自然传播到西方的影响。St. Hilary of Poitiers and Rufinus followed their footsteps, excluding the deuteros from canonical rank in theory, but admitting them in practice.圣普瓦捷和Rufinus希拉里跟随他们的脚步,不包括从理论规范排名deuteros,但承认他们在实践中。 The latter styles them "ecclesiastical" books, but in authority unequal to the other Scriptures.后者的风格,他们的“教会”的书籍,但在其他圣经的权力不平等。St. Jerome cast his weighty suffrage on the side unfavourable to the disputed books.对有争议的书籍不利的一面,圣杰罗姆投他的份量普选。In appreciating his attitude we must remember that Jerome lived long in Palestine, in an environment where everything outside the Jewish Canon was suspect, and that, moreover, he had an excessive veneration for the Hebrew text, the Hebraica veritas as he called it.在欣赏他的态度,我们必须记住,杰罗姆长期居住在巴勒斯坦以外的犹太佳能的一切都被怀疑的环境中,此外,他的希伯来文的过度崇拜,Hebraica VERITAS他把它称为。In his famous "Prologus Galeatus", or Preface to his translation of Samuel and Kings, he declares that everything not Hebrew should be classed with the apocrypha, and explicitly says that Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobias, and Judith are not on the Canon.在他著名的“Prologus Galeatus”,或前言,以他的翻译塞缪尔和国王,他宣称这一切不是希伯来文应与伪经归类,并明确地说,智慧,Ecclesiasticus,托比亚斯,朱迪思不是佳能。 These books, he adds, are read in the churches for the edification of the people, and not for the confirmation of revealed doctrine.他补充说,这些书籍阅读熏陶的人的教堂,并没有透露学说的确认。An analysis of Jerome's expressions on the deuterocanonicals, in various letters and prefaces, yields the following results: first, he strongly doubted their inspiration; secondly, the fact that he occasionally quotes them, and translated some of them as a concession to ecclesiastical tradition, is an involuntary testimony on his part to the high standing these writings enjoyed in the Church at large, and to the strength of the practical tradition which prescribed their readings in public worship.的deuterocanonicals杰罗姆的表达式的分析,在不同的字母和前言,产生的结果如下:第一,他怀疑他们的灵感;其次,,他偶尔会引用他们,并翻译为教会传统的让步,其中一些,不自主的证词是他崇高的地位,这些著作中所享有的大教会,并规定在公众崇拜的读数的实际传统的力量。 Obviously, the inferior rank to which the deuteros were relegated by authorities like Origen, Athanasius, and Jerome, was due to too rigid a conception of canonicity, one demanding that a book, to be entitled to this supreme dignity, must be received by all, must have the sanction of Jewish antiquity, and must moreover be adapted not only to edification, but also to the "confirmation of the doctrine of the Church", to borrow Jerome's phrase.显然,伪劣排名的deuteros渊源,亚他那修,杰罗姆,当局降级是由于过于死板的正规概念,一个要求,必须由所有收到的一本书,这至高无上的尊严,有权,必须犹太人古代的制裁,而且必须是适应不仅熏陶,而且“教会的教义确认”,借用杰罗姆的话。

But while eminent scholars and theorists were thus depreciating the additional writings, the official attitude of the Latin Church, always favourable to them, kept the majestic tenor of its way.但是,在著名学者和理论家,因此贬值的额外的著作,拉丁美洲教会,总是对他们有利,官方的态度,保持其方式雄伟的男高音。 Two documents of capital importance in the history of the canon constitute the first formal utterance of papal authority on the subject.资本在佳能历史上的重要性的两个文件构成教皇权威的第一本正式的话语。The first is the so-called "Decretal of Gelasius", de recipiendis et non recipiendis libris, the essential part of which is now generally attributed to a synod convoked by Pope Damasus in the year 382.首先是所谓的“教令的格拉西”,recipiendis等非recipiendis Libris的,其中的重要组成部分,是现在普遍认为在今年382教皇达玛斯召集主教会议。The other is the Canon of Innocent I, sent in 405 to a Gallican bishop in answer to an inquiry.另一种是无辜的我的佳能,在回答调查405发送到高卢主教。Both contain all the deuterocanonicals, without any distinction, and are identical with the catalogue of Trent.都包含所有的deuterocanonicals,没有任何区别,并与目录的遄达相同。The African Church, always a staunch supporter of the contested books, found itself in entire accord with Rome on this question.非洲教会,始终是一个有争议的书籍的坚定支持者,发现自己在这个问题上与罗马的整个协议。Its ancient version, the Vetus Latina (less correctly the Itala), had admitted all the Old Testament Scriptures.其古老的版本,Vetus拉蒂纳(不太正确的伊泰莱),承认所有的旧约圣经。St. Augustine seems to theoretically recognize degrees of inspiration; in practice he employs protos and deuteros without any discrimination whatsoever.圣奥古斯丁似乎从理论上认识到灵感度;,在实践中,他PROTOS和deuteros任何员工不受任何歧视。 Moreover in his "De Doctrinâ Christianâ" he enumerates the components of the complete Old Testament.此外,在他的“德Doctrinâ克里斯蒂娜”,他列举了完整的旧约的组件。The Synod of Hippo (393) and the three of Carthage (393, 397, and 419), in which, doubtless, Augustine was the leading spirit, found it necessary to deal explicitly with the question of the Canon, and drew up identical lists from which no sacred books are excluded.主教河马(393)和迦太基(393,397和419),其中,毫无疑问,奥古斯丁是领先的精神,认为有必要明确处理问题的佳能,并制定了相同的名单没有神圣的图书已被排除。 These councils base their canon on tradition and liturgical usage.这些议会的基地,他们的传统和礼仪使用的佳能。For the Spanish Church valuable testimony is found in the work of the heretic Priscillian, "Liber de Fide et Apocryphis"; it supposes a sharp line existing between canonical and uncanonical works, and that the Canon takes in all the deuteros.对于西班牙教会宝贵的证词中发现邪教普里西利安工作,“LIBER国际棋联等Apocryphis”;设规范和uncanonical作品之间存在一个尖锐的线,和佳能在所有的deuteros需要。


This period exhibits a curious exchange of opinions between the West and the East, while ecclesiastical usage remained unchanged, at least in the Latin Church.这期间表现出好奇的西方和东方之间的意见交流,而至少在拉丁美洲教会,教会的用法不变。During this intermediate age the use of St. Jerome's new version of the Old Testament (the Vulgate) became widespread in the Occident.在这中间年龄的圣杰罗姆的新版本的旧约(武加大)开始在欧美广泛使用。With its text went Jerome's prefaces disparaging the deuterocanonicals, and under the influence of his authority the West began to distrust these and to show the first symptoms of a current hostile to their canonicity.随着它的文本了杰罗姆的前言贬低deuterocanonicals,和他的权威的影响下,西方国家开始不信任这些,显示了当前敌对他们正规的最初症状。 On the other hand, the Oriental Church imported a Western authority which had canonized the disputed books, viz., the decree of Carthage, and from this time there is an increasing tendency among the Greeks to place the deuteros on the same level with the others--a tendency, however, due more to forgetfulness of the old distinction than to deference to the Council of Carthage.另一方面,进口的东方教会册封有争议的书,即,迦太基的法令,从这个时候有一个增加的趋势,在希腊人,放置在同一水平上与其他deuteros西方权威 - 一种倾向,然而,由于旧的区别健忘多尊重安理会的迦太基。


The Greek Church希腊教会

The result of this tendency among the Greeks was that about the beginning of the twelfth century they possessed a canon identical with that of the Latins, except that it took in the apocryphal III Machabees.这种在希腊人的倾向的结果是,约十二世纪初,他们拥有一个佳能的拉丁相同,但它在猜测三Machabees。 That all the deuteros were liturgically recognized in the Greek Church at the era of the schism in the ninth century, is indicated by the "Syntagma Canonum" of Photius.所有的deuteros liturgically在希腊教会的认可,在第九世纪的分裂时代,是表示“锡塔玛Canonum”Photius。

The Latin Church拉丁美洲教会

In the Latin Church, all through the Middle Ages we find evidence of hesitation about the character of the deuterocanonicals.在拉丁教会中,我们发现通过中世纪有关deuterocanonicals的性格犹豫的证据。 There is a current friendly to them, another one distinctly unfavourable to their authority and sacredness, while wavering between the two are a number of writers whose veneration for these books is tempered by some perplexity as to their exact standing, and among those we note St. Thomas Aquinas.当前的友好,另一个明显不利于他们的权威和神圣,而两者之间的摇摆不定是一个作家的敬仰这些书籍,锻炼,他们的确切地位是由一些困惑,在那些我们注意到ST托马斯阿奎那。 Few are found to unequivocally acknowledge their canonicity.很少被发现明确承认他们的正规。The prevailing attitude of Western medieval authors is substantially that of the Greek Fathers.西方中世纪作家的普遍态度是大大的希腊教父,。The chief cause of this phenomenon in the West is to be sought in the influence, direct and indirect, of St. Jerome's depreciating Prologus.这种现象在西方主要的原因是在圣杰罗姆的贬值Prologus,直接和间接的影响,寻求。 The compilatory "Glossa Ordinaria" was widely read and highly esteemed as a treasury of sacred learning during the Middle Ages; it embodied the prefaces in which the Doctor of Bethlehem had written in terms derogatory to the deuteros, and thus perpetuated and diffused his unfriendly opinion.编纂的“Glossa Ordinaria”被广泛地阅读和高度作为一个神圣的学习宝库尊敬,在中世纪,它体现了在伯利恒医生书面条款贬义的deuteros的前言,从而延续和扩散他的不友好的意见。 And yet these doubts must be regarded as more or less academic.然而,这些疑虑必须被视为更多或更少的学术。The countless manuscript copies of the Vulgate produced by these ages, with a slight, probably accidental, exception, uniformly embrace the complete Old Testament Ecclesiastical usage and Roman tradition held firmly to the canonical equality of all parts of the Old Testament There is no lack of evidence that during this long period the deuteros were read in the churches of Western Christendom.这些年龄段的生产,可能是偶然的,有轻微的异常,武加大了无数的手稿副本,统一拥抱完整的旧约教会的使用和罗马传统,坚守旧约的所有部件规范平等的,没有缺乏证据表明,在这漫长的时期deuteros在西方基督教教会读。 As to Roman authority, the catalogue of Innocent I appears in the collection of ecclesiastical canons sent by Pope Adrian I to Charlemagne, and adopted in 802 as the law of the Church in the Frankish Empire; Nicholas I, writing in 865 to the bishops of France, appeals to the same decree of Innocent as the ground on which all the sacred books are to be received.至于罗马的权威,我在收集教皇阿德里安送我到查理曼通过教会在法兰克帝国的法律,并在802教会大炮出现无辜的目录;尼古拉一世,写在865到了主教法国,呼吁所有神圣的书籍要接​​收地面无辜同一法令。


The Council of Florence (1442)佛罗伦萨理事会(1442)

In 1442, during the life,and with the approval, of this Council, Eugenius IV issued several Bulls, or decrees, with a view to restore the Oriental schismatic bodies to communion with Rome, and according to the common teaching of theologians these documents are infallible states of doctrine.在1442,在生活中,并与批准,本会第四,叶夫根尼发出几个公牛,或法令,东方分裂团体,以期恢复与罗马的共融,并根据这些文件的神学家的共同教学犯错的国家学说。 The "Decretum pro Jacobitis" contains a complete list of the books received by the Church as inspired, but omits, perhaps advisedly, the terms canon and canonical. “Decretum亲Jacobitis”包含了教会的启发收到的书籍的完整列表,但忽略了,也许是经过深思熟虑,佳能和规范的条款。The Council of Florence therefore taught the inspiration of all the Scriptures, but did not formally pass on their canonicity.因此,佛罗伦萨理事会教导圣经的灵感,但没有正式通过其正规。

The Council of Trent's Definition of the Canon (1546)特伦特佳能的定义理事会(1546)

It was the exigencies of controversy that first led Luther to draw a sharp line between the books of the Hebrew Canon and the Alexandrian writings.这是争议的迫切需要,首先导致路德绘制一个希伯来文的佳能和亚历山大的著作的书籍之间划清界线。In his disputation with Eck at Leipzig, in 1519, when his opponent urged the well-known text from II Machabees in proof of the doctrine of purgatory, Luther replied that the passage had no binding authority since the books was outside the Canon.在他的争议与埃克在莱比锡,1519年,当他的对手呼吁从炼狱的教义证明二Machabees知名的文本,路德回答说,通过没有约束力,因为书本以外的佳能。 In the first edition of Luther's Bible, 1534, the deuteros were relegated, as apocrypha, to a separate place between the two Testaments.在马丁路德的圣经,1534第一版,deuteros被降级,作为伪经,之间的两个圣经中的一个单独的地方。 To meet this radical departure of the Protestants, and as well define clearly the inspired sources from which the Catholic Faith draws its defence, the Council of Trent among its first acts solemnly declared as "sacred and canonical" all the books of the Old and New Testaments "with all their parts as they have been used to be read in the churches, and as found in the ancient vulgate edition".为了满足这种激进的新教徒出发,以及明确界定的灵感来源,从信仰天主教提请其国防,理事会在其第一行为的遄达郑重宣布“神圣和规范”的旧的和新的所有书籍“他们所有的部分,因为他们已经在教堂读,并在古代的武加大版”圣经。 During the deliberations of the Council there never was any real question as to the reception of all the traditional Scripture.在理事会的讨论从来就没有任何真正的问题,接收到的所有传统的圣经。Neither--and this is remarkable--in the proceedings is there manifest any serious doubt of the canonicity of the disputed writings.既不 - 这是显着的的 - 在诉讼程序中有体现任何正规有争议的著作的严重怀疑。In the mind of the Tridentine Fathers they had been virtually canonized, by the same decree of Florence, and the same Fathers felt especially bound by the action of the preceding ecumenical synod.的德律但丁的父亲的心,他们几乎被册封,由佛罗伦萨相同法令,相同的父亲认为,尤其是前基督教的主教的行动约束。The Council of Trent did not enter into an examination of the fluctuations in the history of the Canon.安理会的遄达没有进入佳能的历史波动的检验。Neither did it trouble itself about questions of authorship or character of contents.没有它的麻烦本身有关的内容的著作权或字符问题。True to the practical genius of the Latin Church, it based its decision on immemorial tradition as manifested in the decrees of previous councils and popes, and liturgical reading, relying on traditional teaching and usage to determine a question of tradition.真正的拉丁教会的实际天才,但基于其决定的法令以前的议会和教皇,和礼仪阅读,依靠传统的教学和使用,以确定一个传统的问题表现在远古传统。 The Tridentine catalogue has been given above.德律但丁目录已发出以上。

The Vatican Council (1870)梵蒂冈理事会(1870年)

The great constructive Synod of Trent had put the sacredness and canonicity of the whole traditional Bible forever beyond the permissibility of doubt on the part of Catholics.遄达建设性的伟大主教把整个传统圣经的神圣和canonicity永远超出允许天主教徒疑问。By implication it had defined that Bible's plenary inspiration also.言外之意,它也定义圣经的全体会议灵感。The Vatican Council took occasion of a recent error on inspiration to remove any lingering shadow of uncertainty on this head; it formally ratified the action of Trent and explicitly defined the Divine inspiration of all the books with their parts.梵蒂冈理事会注意到最近一个灵感错误的机会,这头,以消除任何不确定性挥之不去的阴影,它正式批准的遄达的行动,并明确定义及其零部件的所有书籍神圣的灵感。



The Greek Orthodox Church preserved its ancient Canon in practice as well as theory until recent times, when, under the dominant influence of its Russian offshoot, it is shifting its attitude towards the deuterocanonical Scriptures.希腊东正教保存时,支配性的影响下,俄罗斯的分支,它是将其对次经经文的态度,直到最近一个时期,其在实践中的古代佳能以及理论。 The rejection of these books by the Russian theologians and authorities is a lapse which began early in the eighteenth century.俄罗斯神学家和当局拒绝这些书是在18世纪初开始一个失效。The Monophysites, Nestorians, Jacobites, Armenians, and Copts, while concerning themselves little with the Canon, admit the complete catalogue and several apocrypha besides.该monophysites,景教,Jacobites,亚美尼亚,和科普特人,而关于自己与佳能小,除了承认完整的目录和几个伪经。


The Protestant Churches have continued to exclude the deutero writings from their canons, classifying them as "Apocrypha".新教教会继续排除,从他们的大炮的deutero著作,把它们列为“伪经”。Presbyterians and Calvinists in general, especially since the Westminster Synod of 1648, have been the most uncompromising enemies of any recognition, and owing to their influence the British and Foreign Bible Society decided in 1826 to refuse to distribute Bibles containing the Apocrypha.长老会和一般的加尔文主义者,特别是自1648年威斯敏斯特主教,有任何承认的最不妥协的敌人,并且由于他们的影响英国和外国圣经协会决定于1826年拒绝散布含有伪经的“圣经”。 Since that time the publication of the deuterocanonicals as an appendix to Protestant Bibles has almost entirely ceased in English-speaking countries. deuterocanonicals新教圣经的附录出版,自那时以来,已几乎完全停止以英语为母语的国家。The books still supply lessons for the liturgy of the Church of England, but the number has been lessened by the hostile agitation.书籍仍然供应英国教会的礼仪教训,但数量已减少敌对情绪激动。There is an Apocrypha appendix to the British Revised Version, in a separate volume.有一个伪经附录修订版英国,在一个单独的卷。The deuteros are still appended to the German Bibles printed under the auspices of the orthodox Lutherans. deuteros仍追加印正统路德会的主持下,德国圣经。

Publication information Written by George J. Reid.乔治J ·里德编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.转录由厄尼Stefanik。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume III.天主教百科全书,第三卷。Published 1908.发布1908。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, November 1, 1908. Nihil Obstat,1908年11月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Canon of the New Testament佳能新约

Catholic Information天主教信息

The Catholic New Testament, as defined by the Council of Trent, does not differ, as regards the books contained, from that of all Christian bodies at present.定义安理会的遄达,天主教新约,并没有什么不同,至于的书籍中,从目前所有的基督教团体。Like the Old Testament, the New has its deuterocanonical books and portions of books, their canonicity having formerly been a subject of some controversy in the Church.像旧约,新的次经书籍和部分书籍,他们的正规以前一直在教会的一些争议问题。These are for the entire books: the Epistle to the Hebrews, that of James, the Second of St. Peter, the Second and Third of John, Jude, and Apocalypse; giving seven in all as the number of the New Testament contested books.这些是整个书:书信的希伯来人,詹姆斯,圣彼得的第二,第二和第三的约翰,裘德和启示,在所有新约有争议的书籍数量7。 The formerly disputed passages are three: the closing section of St. Mark's Gospel, xvi, 9-20 about the apparitions of Christ after the Resurrection; the verses in Luke about the bloody sweat of Jesus, xxii, 43, 44; the Pericope Adulteræ, or narrative of the woman taken in adultery, St. John, vii, 53 to viii, 11.以前有争议的段落有三个:圣马克福音的最后一节,十六,关于后复活的基督显灵9-20在路加福音耶稣,22,43,44流血流汗的诗句; Pericope Adulteræ或通奸的女人,圣约翰,七,53至11八,叙事。Since the Council of Trent it is not permitted for a Catholic to question the inspiration of these passages.由于安理会​​的遄达是不允许天主教的问题,这些经文的灵感。

A. THE FORMATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON (AD 100-220)答:形成新旧约佳能(公元100-220)

The idea of a complete and clear-cut canon of the New Testament existing from the beginning, that is from Apostolic times, has no foundation in history.从一开始,从使徒时代的新旧约现有的完整和明确的佳能的想法,有没有在历史的基础。The Canon of the New Testament, like that of the Old, is the result of a development, of a process at once stimulated by disputes with doubters, both within and without the Church, and retarded by certain obscurities and natural hesitations, and which did not reach its final term until the dogmatic definition of the Tridentine Council.如旧,新约,佳能是一个发展的结果,持怀疑态度,教会内,并没有和某些含混不清和自然犹豫迟缓纠纷一次刺激的过程,并没有达不到的德律但丁会的教条式的定义,直到最后一期。

1. 1。The witness of the New Testament to itself: The first collections Those writings which possessed the unmistakable stamp and guarantee of Apostolic origin must from the very first have been specially prized and venerated, and their copies eagerly sought by local Churches and individual Christians of means, in preference to the narratives and Logia, or Sayings of Christ, coming from less authorized sources.新约本身的见证:第一个集合这些著作具有明确无误的邮票和使徒的起源保证,必须从一开始已特别珍贵和崇敬,副本由当地教会和个人的手段基督徒热切追捧,在优先的叙述和Logia,或基督的熟语,不经授权的来源。 Already in the New Testament itself there is some evidence of a certain diffusion of canonical books: II Peter, iii, 15, 16, supposes its readers to be acquainted with some of St. Paul's Epistles; St. John's Gospel implicitly presupposes the existence of the Synoptics (Matthew, Mark, and Luke).早在新约本身是一个典型的书籍的某些扩散的一些证据:彼得二,三,15,16,设它的读者了解一些与圣保禄的书信;圣约翰福音含蓄的存在为先决条件福音(马太,马可和路加)。 There are no indications in the New Testament of a systematic plan for the distribution of the Apostolic compositions, any more than there is of a definite new Canon bequeathed by the Apostles to the Church, or of a strong self-witness to Divine inspiration.有使徒组成的分布没有迹象表明在新约一个系统的计划,任何多有一个明确的新的佳能遗赠由使徒教会,或强烈的自我见证神的启示。 Nearly all the New Testament writings were evoked by particular occasions, or addressed to particular destinations.几乎所有的新约书卷诱发特定的场合,或针对特定目标。But we may well presume that each of the leading Churches--Antioch, Thessalonica, Alexandria, Corinth, Rome--sought by exchanging with other Christian communities to add to its special treasure, and have publicly read in its religious assemblies all Apostolic writings which came under its knowledge.但是,我们可能会以为每个领导教会 - 安提阿,萨洛尼卡,亚历山大,科林斯,罗马 - 寻求与其他基督教社区交换添加到其特殊的财富,并公开在其宗教集会阅读所有使徒著作受到其知识。It was doubtless in this way that the collections grew, and reached completeness within certain limits, but a considerable number of years must have elapsed (and that counting from the composition of the latest book) before all the widely separated Churches of early Christendom possessed the new sacred literature in full.这无疑是在这样的收藏品的增长,并达到一定限度内的完整性,但必须有相当数量的年过去了(这点组成的最新著作)前所有广泛分离的早期基督教教会所拥有的全面的新的神圣的文学。 And this want of an organized distribution, secondarily to the absence of an early fixation of the Canon, left room for variations and doubts which lasted far into the centuries.而这要一个有组织的分配,其次是佳能早期固定的情况下,远远历时几个世纪的变化和疑虑离开房间。But evidence will presently be given that from days touching on those of the last Apostles there were two well defined bodies of sacred writings of the New Testament, which constituted the firm, irreducible, universal minimum, and the nucleus of its complete Canon: these were the Four Gospels, as the Church now has them, and thirteen Epistles of St. Paul--the Evangelium and the Apostolicum.但目前的证据将给予天的最后使徒的感人有两个定义良好的神圣的著作的新约,这构成了坚定的,不可约的,普遍的最低限度,并其完整的佳能的核机构:这些都是四福音,教会现在,和13书信的圣保罗 - Evangelium的Apostolicum。

2. 2。The principle of canonicity正规的原则

Before entering into the historical proof for this primitive emergence of a compact, nucleative Canon, it is pertinent to briefly examine this problem: During the formative period what principle operated in the selection of the New Testament writings and their recognition as Divine?--Theologians are divided on this point.进入历史证明这种结构紧凑,nucleative佳能原始出现之前,它是有关简要地研究这个问题:在什么原则在新约圣经的著作和他们的认同作为神圣的选择经营的形成时期 - 神学家分在这一点上。This view that Apostolicity was the test of the inspiration during the building up of the New Testament canon, is favoured by the many instances where the early Fathers base the authority of a book on its Apostolic origin, and by the truth that the definitive placing of the contested books on the New Testament catalogue coincided with their general acceptance as of Apostolic authorship.这种观点,使徒是建立在新约圣经佳能的灵感的测试,许多情况下,早期教父基地使徒的起源一书的权威,真理的青睐,最终配售恰逢他们普遍接受的使徒作者的新约目录有争议的书。 Moreover, the advocates of this hypothesis point out that the Apostles' office corresponded with that of the Prophets of the Old Law, inferring that as inspiration was attached to the munus propheticum so the Apostles were aided by Divine inspiration whenever in the exercise of their calling they either spoke or wrote.此外,这一假说点主张使徒办公室与旧法的先知,推断的灵感来自于连接到munus propheticum所以使徒是由神圣的灵感资助时,在行使他们的召唤他们要么说话或写。Positive arguments are deduced from the New Testament to establish that a permanent prophetical charisma (see CHARISMATA) was enjoyed by the Apostles through a special indwelling of the Holy Ghost, beginning with Pentecost: Matth., x, 19, 20; Acts, xv, 28; I Cor., ii, 13; II Cor., xiii, 3; I Thess., ii, 13, are cited.积极的论据是推断出来的新约,以建立一个永久性的预言的魅力(见CHARISMATA)由使徒通过一个特殊留置圣灵的享受,与圣灵降临节开始。Matth,X,19,20;行为,十五,我肺心病,二,13;二,肺心病,十三,3。帖前,II,13,28;引用。 The opponents of this theory allege against it that the Gospels of Mark and of Luke and Acts were not the work of Apostles (however, tradition connects the Second Gospel with St. Peter's preaching and St. Luke's with St. Paul's); that books current under an Apostle's name in the Early Church, such as the Epistle of Barnabas and the Apocalypse of St. Peter, were nevertheless excluded from canonical rank, while on the other hand Origen and St. Dionysius of Alexandria in the case of Apocalypse, and St. Jerome in the case of II and III John, although questioning the Apostolic authorship of these works, unhesitatingly received them as Sacred Scriptures.这一理论的反对者声称反对马克和卢克和行为的福音使徒工作(但是,传统的连接与圣彼得的说教和圣卢克圣保罗的第二福音);,书籍目前根据使徒的早期教会的名称,如巴拿巴和圣彼得的启示书信,但排除规范的排名,而另一方面奥利和圣亚历山大狄奥尼修斯在启示的情况下,和圣在第二和第三约翰的情况下杰罗姆,尽管质疑使徒这些作品的作者,毫不犹豫地接受他们视为神圣的经文。 An objection of a speculative kind is derived from the very nature of inspiration ad scribendum, which seems to demand a specific impulse from the Holy Ghost in each case, and preclude the theory that it could be possessed as a permanent gift, or charisma.投机性种类的反对是源于灵感的广告scribendum,这似乎要求一个具体的冲动,在每一种情况下圣灵和排除的理论,它可以作为一个永久的礼物,或个人魅力拥有的本质。 The weight of Catholic theological opinion is deservedly against mere Apostolicity as a sufficient criterion of inspiration.天主教神学舆论的重量,当之无愧地反对单纯的使徒作为灵感的充分条件。The adverse view has been taken by Franzelin (De Divinâ Traditione et Scripturâ, 1882), Schmid (De Inspirationis Bibliorum Vi et Ratione, 1885), Crets (De Divinâ Bibliorum Inspiratione, 1886), Leitner (Die prophetische Inspiration, 1895--a monograph), Pesch (De Inspiratione Sacræ, 1906).不利的观点已经采取Franzelin(Divinâ Traditione等圣经,1882年),施密德(德Inspirationis Bibliorum的Vi等理由,1885年),Crets(德Divinâ Bibliorum Inspiratione,1886年),莱特纳(模具prophetische启示,1895年 - 专着),佩施(德Inspiratione Sacræ,1906年)。These authors (some of whom treat the matter more speculatively than historically) admit that Apostolicity is a positive and partial touchstone of inspiration, but emphatically deny that it was exclusive, in the sense that all non-Apostolic works were by that very fact barred from the sacred Canon of the New Testament They hold to doctrinal tradition as the true criterion.这些作者(其中一些人对待的问题,比历史更投机)承认使徒是灵感的积极的和局部的试金石,但断然否认它是独家在这个意义上,所有非使徒的作品被禁止,张女士佳能的新约,他们认为较浓作为真正的标准的传统的神圣。

Catholic champions of Apostolicity as a criterion are: Ubaldi (Introductio in Sacram Scripturam, II, 1876); Schanz (in Theologische Quartalschrift, 1885, pp. 666 sqq., and A Christian Apology, II, tr. 1891); Székely (Hermeneutica Biblica, 1902).使徒天主教冠军作为标准是:Ubaldi(Introductio Sacram Scripturam,二,1876年); Schanz(Theologische Quartalschrift,1885年,SQQ - 666,和基督徒道歉,二,TR 1891年。); Székely(Hermeneutica Biblica,1902年)。Recently Professor Batiffol, while rejecting the claims of these latter advocates, has enunciated a theory regarding the principle that presided over the formation of the New Testament canon which challenges attention and perhaps marks a new stage in the controversy.最近Batiffol教授,而拒绝后者主张的索赔,已阐述了一个理论的原则形成挑战的关注,也许标志着一个新阶段的争议的新约圣经佳能主持。 According to Monsignor Batiffol, the Gospel (ie the words and commandments of Jesus Christ) bore with it its own sacredness and authority from the very beginning.福音(即单词和耶稣基督的诫命)根据主教Batiffol,孔从一开始就与它自身的神圣性和权威性。This Gospel was announced to the world at large, by the Apostles and Apostolic disciples of Christ, and this message, whether spoken or written, whether taking the form of an evangelic narrative or epistle, was holy and supreme by the fact of containing the Word of Our Lord.这福音是向全世界宣布,大型基督的使徒和使徒的门徒,此消息,无论是口头或书面的,无论是一个福音叙事或书信的形式,包含单词的事实是神圣和至高无上我们的主。 Accordingly, for the primitive Church, evangelical character was the test of Scriptural sacredness.因此,原始教会,福音派的性格是圣经神圣的考验。But to guarantee this character it was necessary that a book should be known as composed by the official witnesses and organs of the Evangel; hence the need to certify the Apostolic authorship, or at least sanction, of a work purporting to contain the Gospel of Christ.但是,为了保证这种性格,这是必要的,应该知道的官方证人和福音机构的组成了一本书,因此需要证明一个声称包含基督的福音工作的使徒的署名权,或至少制裁, 。In Batiffol's view the Judaic notion of inspiration did not at first enter into the selection of the Christian Scriptures.在Batiffol的观点犹太教概念的灵感没有在第一次进入基督教圣经的选择。 In fact, for the earliest Christians the Gospel of Christ, in the wide sense above noted, was not to be classified with, because transcending, the Old Testament.事实上,最早的基督徒在上述广泛的意义上指出,基督的福音,是不进行分类,因为超越,旧约。It was not until about the middle of the second century that under the rubric of Scripture the New Testament writings were assimilated to the Old; the authority of the New Testament as the Word preceded and produced its authority as a New Scripture.它不是直到大约中间的第二个世纪,根据圣经专栏新约圣经的著作被同化到老的字前面,并作为一个新的经文生产其权威的新约圣经的权威。 (Revue Biblique, 1903, 226 sqq.) Monsignor Batiffol's hypothesis has this in common with the views of other recent students of the New Testament canon, that the idea of a new body of sacred writings became clearer in the Early Church as the faithful advanced in a knowledge of the Faith.(歌剧团Biblique,1903年,226 SQQ。)主教Batiffol的假说有共同的的新约圣经的佳能等近期学生的意见,,一个神圣的著作新的身体的想法成为了的忠实先进的早期教会更清楚这在信仰的知识。 But it should be remembered that the inspired character of the New Testament is a Catholic dogma, and must therefore in some way have been revealed to, and taught by, Apostles.--Assuming that Apostolic authorship is a positive criterion of inspiration, two inspired Epistles of St. Paul have been lost.但也应记住,新约圣经的启发性,是一个天主教教条,因此,必须以某种方式已经显露,和教导,使徒.--假设使徒作者是一个积极的灵感的标准,两个启发圣保禄的书信已丢失。 This appears from I Cor., v, 9, sqq.; II Cor., ii, 4, 5.这似乎从我肺心病,V,9,SQQ;二,肺心病,II,4,5。。

3. 3。The formation of the Tetramorph, or Fourfold GospelTetramorph形成,或四重福音

Irenæus, in his work "Against Heresies" (AD 182-88), testifies to the existence of a Tetramorph, or Quadriform Gospel, given by the Word and unified by one Spirit; to repudiate this Gospel or any part of it, as did the Alogi and Marcionites, was to sin against revelation and the Spirit of God.在他的著作“反异端”(公元182-88年),爱任纽,证明存在一个Tetramorph,或Quadriform福音,Word和一个精神的统一;推翻这个福音或任何部分,就像Alogi和Marcionites,被得罪的启示和神的精神。 The saintly Doctor of Lyons explicitly states the names of the four Elements of this Gospel, and repeatedly cites all the Evangelists in a manner parallel to his citations from the Old Testament.里昂圣洁的医生明确指出这福音的四个要素的名称,并一再列举方式并行他从旧约的引文中的所有福音。From the testimony of St. Irenæus alone there can be no reasonable doubt that the Canon of the Gospel was inalterably fixed in the Catholic Church by the last quarter of the second century.从单圣irenæus的证词可以有没有合理的疑问,佳能的福音inalterably固定在天主教教会的第二个世纪的最后一个季度。 Proofs might be multiplied that our canonical Gospels were then universally recognized in the Church, to the exclusion of any pretended Evangels.可能会成倍增加,我们的典型福音,然后在教会公认的,排除任何假装Evangels证明。The magisterial statement of Irenæus may be corroborated by the very ancient catalogue known as the Muratorian Canon, and St. Hippolytus, representing Roman tradition; by Tertullian in Africa, by Clement in Alexandria; the works of the Gnostic Valentinus, and the Syrian Tatian's Diatessaron, a blending together of the Evangelists' writings, presuppose the authority enjoyed by the fourfold Gospel towards the middle of the second century.爱任纽的权威性声明证实了穆拉多利佳能,和圣希波吕托斯非常古老的目录,代表罗马的传统;在非洲德尔图良,克莱门特在亚历山大的诺斯底Valentinus的作品,和叙利亚塔蒂安的Diatessaron ,掺和在一起的福音“的著作,为前提实现的第二个世纪中叶的四倍福音所享有的权力。To this period or a little earlier belongs the pseduo-Clementine epistle in which we find, for the first time after II Peter, iii, 16, the word Scripture applied to a New Testament book.这一时期或更早一点属于pseduo的克莱门汀书信中,我们发现,彼得二,三,16字圣经新约书后的第一次。But it is needless in the present article to array the full force of these and other witnesses, since even rationalistic scholars like Harnack admit the canonicity of the quadriform Gospel between the years 140-175.但在目前的文章,以阵列的这些和其他证人的全部力量是不必要的,因为即使像哈纳克理性的学者承认140-175年间正规的quadriform福音。

But against Harnack we are able to trace the Tetramorph as a sacred collection back to a more remote period.但是,我们反对的Harnack能够跟踪到一个较偏远的时期作为一种神圣的收集回的Tetramorph。The apocryphal Gospel of St. Peter, dating from about 150, is based on our canonical Evangelists.杜撰的福音的圣彼得大教堂,从约150年,是基于我们的典型福音。So with the very ancient Gospel of the Hebrews and Egyptians (see APOCRYPHA).因此,非常古老的希伯来人,埃及人(见伪经)福音。 St. Justin Martyr (130-63) in his Apology refers to certain "memoirs of the Apostles, which are called gospels", and which "are read in Christian assemblies together with the writings of the Prophets".圣贾斯汀烈士在他的道歉(130-63),是指一定的“回忆录中的使徒,这是所谓的福音”,“读基督教集会的先知的著作”。 The identity of these "memoirs" with our Gospels is established by the certain traces of three, if not all, of them scattered through St. Justin's works; it was not yet the age of explicit quotations.这些“回忆录”与我们的福音的身份是建立三个一定的痕迹,如果不是全部,他们通过分散圣贾斯汀的作品,它是尚未明确报价的年龄。 Marcion, the heretic refuted by Justin in a lost polemic, as we know from Tertullian, instituted a criticism of Gospels bearing the names of the Apostles and disciples of the Apostles, and a little earlier (c. 120) Basilides, the Alexandrian leader of a Gnostic sect, wrote a commentary on "the Gospel" which is known by the allusions to it in the Fathers to have comprised the writings of the Four Evangelists.马吉安,邪教驳斥丢失的论战中,由Justin,因为我们知道从特土良,制定了轴承的使徒和使徒的门徒的名字的福音批评,早一点(公元前120)巴西里德,亚历山大领导人一个诺斯底教派,写了一个“福音”,这是在父亲的典故,已知有包括四福音的著作的评论。

In our backward search we have come to the sub-Apostolic age, and its important witnesses are divided into Asian, Alexandrian, and Roman:在我们落后的搜索,我们来分使徒时代,其重要证人到亚洲,亚历山大,罗马分为:

St. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, and St. Polycarp, of Smyrna, had been disciples of Apostles; they wrote their epistles in the first decade of the second century (100-110).圣依纳爵,安提阿的主教,和圣polycarp的士麦那,已使徒的门徒,他们写在第一个十年的第二个世纪(100-110)他们的书信。 They employ Matthew, Luke, and John.他们聘请马太,路加,和约翰。In St. Ignatius we find the first instance of the consecrated term "it is written" applied to a Gospel (Ad Philad., viii, 2).我们发现在圣依纳爵奉献长期一审“写入”适用于一个福音(广告Philad,八,2)。Both these Fathers show not only a personal acquaintance with "the Gospel" and the thirteen Pauline Epistles, but they suppose that their readers are so familiar with them that it would be superfluous to name them.这些父亲都不仅是一个“福音”和十三保罗书信的个人相识,但他们想,他们的读者是如此熟悉他们,这将是多余的,以他们的名字。 Papias, Bishop of Phrygian Hierapolis, according to Irenæus a disciple of St. John, wrote about AD 125.帕皮亚,主教弗里吉亚希拉波利斯,根据爱任纽圣约翰的弟子,大约在公元125中写道。Describing the origin of St. Mark's Gospel, he speaks of Hebrew (Aramaic) Logia, or Sayings of Christ, composed by St. Matthew, which there is reason to believe formed the basis of the canonical Gospel of that name, though the greater part of Catholic writers identify them with the Gospel.描述圣马克福音的起源,他说希伯来文(阿拉姆)Logia,或熟语基督的圣马太组成,其中有理由相信该名称的规范福音的基础上形成,但大部份天主教作家找出他们的福音。 As we have only a few fragments of Papias, preserved by Eusebius, it cannot be alleged that he is silent about other parts of the New Testament.正如我们帕皮亚保存由尤西比乌斯,只有几个片段,它不能被指称他是沉默的新约的其他部分。

The so-called Epistle of Barnabas, of uncertain origin, but of highest antiquity, cites a passage from the First Gospel under the formula "it is written".巴拿巴不确定来源,但最高的古代所谓的书信,列举了通过下公式的第一福音“被写入”。The Didache, or Teaching of the Apostles, an uncanonical work dating from c.十二使徒遗训,或教学的使徒,从C约会uncanonical工作110, implies that "the Gospel" was already a well-known and definite collection. 110,意味着“福音”已经是一个知名的和明确的集合。

St. Clement, Bishop of Rome, and disciple of St. Paul, addressed his Letter to the Corinthian Church c.圣克莱门特,罗马的主教,和圣保罗的门徒,他的信,哥林多教会C.AD 97, and, although it cites no Evangelist explicitly, this epistle contains combinations of texts taken from the three synoptic Gospels, especially from St. Matthew.公元97,虽然它援引没有传播者明确,这封信包含从三个天气福音,特别是来自圣马太,采取文本的组合。That Clement does not allude to the Fourth Gospel is quite natural, as it was not composed till about that time.这克莱门特不暗示第四福音是很自然的,因为它不是直到大约在那个时候组成的。

Thus the patristic testimonies have brought us step by step to a Divine inviolable fourfold Gospel existing in the closing years of the Apostolic Era.因此,教父的证词给我们带来了一个神圣的不可侵犯的四倍福音使徒时代的最后几年中一步一步。Just how the Tetramorph was welded into unity and given to the Church, is a matter of conjecture.就如何Tetramorph焊接成团结和给教会,是一个猜想的问题。But, as Zahn observes, there is good reason to believe that the tradition handed down by Papias, of the approval of St. Mark's Gospel by St. John the Evangelist, reveals that either the latter himself of a college of his disciples added the Fourth Gospel to the Synoptics, and made the group into the compact and unalterable "Gospel", the one in four, whose existence and authority left their clear impress upon all subsequent ecclesiastical literature, and find their conscious formulation in the language of Irenæus.但是,作为赞恩观察,有充分的理由相信,传统流传下来的圣马克圣约翰福音的传播者批准由帕皮亚,表明,后者自己的一个学院,他的弟子说第四福音的福音,并取得了成组紧凑的和不可改变的“福音”,四分之一,其存在和权威左明确打动后,所有后续的教会文献,发现在爱任纽的语言自觉制定。

4. 4。The Pauline Epistles保罗书信

Parallel to the chain of evidence we have traced for the canonical standing of the Gospels extends one for the thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, forming the other half of the irreducible kernel of the complete New Testament canon.平行的证据链,我们已经为规范人大常委会的福音跟踪延伸圣保罗十三书信之一,形成了完整的新约圣经佳能的不可约内核的另一半。 All the authorities cited for the Gospel Canon show acquaintance with, and recognize, the sacred quality of these letters.当局列举了福音佳能显示熟人,并认识到,这些信件的神圣素质。St. Irenæus, as acknowledged by the Harnackian critics, employs all the Pauline writings, except the short Philemon, as sacred and canonical.圣irenæus,由Harnackian评论家承认,员工所有的宝莲著作,除短期腓利门,神圣和规范。The Muratorian Canon, contemporary with Irenæus, gives the complete list of the thirteen, which, it should be remembered, does not include Hebrews.穆拉多利佳能,当代与爱任纽,给人的完整列表,十三,应该记住,不包括希伯来。The heretical Basilides and his disciples quote from this Pauline group in general.报价从宝莲集团在一般邪教巴西里德和他的弟子。The copious extracts from Marcion's works scattered through Irenæus and Tertullian show that he was acquainted with the thirteen as in ecclesiastical use, and selected his Apostolikon of six from them.马吉安的丰富提取工程通过爱任纽和特土良秀,他是在教会使用熟悉的十三分散,从他们选择了六个Apostolikon。 The testimony of Polycarp and Ignatius is again capital in this case.波利卡普和伊格内修的证词是在这种情况下再次资本。Eight of St. Paul's writings are cited by Polycarp; St. Ignatius of Antioch ranked the Apostles above the Prophets, and must therefore have allowed the written compositions of the former at least an equal rank with those of the latter ("Ad Philadelphios", v).圣保罗的著作中有8个是引波利卡普;圣依纳爵的安提阿排名以上的先知使徒,因此必须允许前书面组成至少与后者的同等级别(“广告Philadelphios”, V)。St. Clement of Rome refers to Corinthians as at the head "of the Evangel"; the Muratorian Canon gives the same honour to I Corinthians, so that we may rightfully draw the inference, with Dr. Zahn, that as early as Clement's day St. Paul's Epistles had been collected and formed into a group with a fixed order.圣克莱门特的罗马科林蒂安在“播道指”头;穆拉多利佳能给出了同样的荣誉,我科林蒂安,使我们可以理所当然地得出推论博士赞恩,克莱门特的天圣初保罗的书信已收集,并形成了一组固定的顺序。 Zahn has pointed out confirmatory signs of this in the manner in which Sts.赞恩指出这个验证的方式,其中STS迹象。Ignatius and Polycarp employ these Epistles.依纳爵和波利卡普聘请这些书信。The tendency of the evidence is to establish the hypothesis that the important Church of Corinth was the first to form a complete collection of St. Paul's writings.证据的倾向是要建立的假说,即重要的教堂科林斯是第一个圣保罗的著作,形成一个完整的集合。

5. 5。The remaining Books其余书籍

In this formative period the Epistle to the Hebrews did not obtain a firm footing in the Canon of the Universal Church.在这个形成时期书信的希伯来人没有获得在普世教会的佳能中站稳脚跟。At Rome it was not yet recognized as canonical, as shown by the Muratorian catalogue of Roman origin; Irenæus probably cites it, but makes no reference to a Pauline origin.在罗马,这是尚未确认为规范,罗马起源的穆拉多利目录所示;爱任纽可能援引,但没有提及到宝莲原点。Yet it was known at Rome as early as St. Clement, as the latter's epistle attests.然而,它被称为在罗马圣克莱门特的早期,因为后者的书信证明。The Alexandrian Church admitted it as the work of St. Paul, and canonical.亚历山大教会承认它作为圣保罗的工作,并规范。The Montanists favoured it, and the aptness with which vi, 4-8, lent itself to the Montanist and Novatianist rigour was doubtless one reason why it was suspect in the West. Montanists青睐,和4-8六,本身Montanist和Novatianist严谨的适合性无疑是原因之一。西方国家怀疑。Also during this period the excess over the minimal Canon composed of the Gospels and thirteen epistles varied.另外,在此期间,对超过的福音和十三书信组成的最小佳能不同。The seven "Catholic" Epistles (James, Jude, I and II Peter, and the three of John) had not yet been brought into a special group, and, with the possible exception of the three of St. John, remained isolated units, depending for their canonical strength on variable circumstances.七个“天主教”的书信(詹姆斯,裘德,我和彼得,约翰三)尚未被带入一个特殊的群体,并与圣约翰三个可能的例外,仍然是孤立的单位,根据变量的情况下的典型实力。 But towards the end of the second century the canonical minimum was enlarged and, besides the Gospels and Pauline Epistles, unalterably embraced Acts, I Peter, I John (to which II and III John were probably attached), and Apocalypse.规范的最低,但对结束的第二个世纪被扩大,除了福音和保罗书信,坚定不移地拥护的行为,我彼得,约翰一书(第二和第三约翰可能连接),和启示。 Thus Hebrews, James, Jude, and II Peter remained hovering outside the precincts of universal canonicity, and the controversy about them and the subsequently disputed Apocalypse form the larger part of the remaining history of the Canon of the New Testament However, at the beginning of the third century the New Testament was formed in the sense that the content of its main divisions, what may be called its essence, was sharply defined and universally received, while all the secondary books were recognized in some Churches.因此,希伯来人,詹姆斯,裘德和彼得仍然普遍正规的场地外徘徊,和随后有争议的启示形式对他们的争议较大的一部分,佳能的新约,但其余的历史开始第三世纪新约成立,其主要的部门,可称为其实质内容,严格的定义和普遍接受的意义上说,所有中学的书籍,而在一些教会的认可。 A singular exception to the universality of the above-described substance of the New Testament was the Canon of the primitive East Syrian Church, which did not contain any of the Catholic Epistles or Apocalypse.一个独具特色的新约的上述物质的普遍性的例外是原始的东方叙利亚教会佳能,不包含任何天主教书信或启示。

6. 6。The idea of a New Testament新约的想法

The question of the principle that dominated the practical canonization of the New Testament Scriptures has already been discussed under (b). (b)项的原则,即占主导地位的新约圣经的实际册封的问题已经讨论过。The faithful must have had from the beginning some realization that in the writings of the Apostles and Evangelists they had acquired a new body of Divine Scriptures, a New written Testament destined to stand side by side with the Old.教友们必须有从一开始就一些实现,在使徒和福音的著作,他们已经获得了神圣经文的新机构,注定要与旧并排站在一个新的书面约。 That the Gospel and Epistles were the written Word of God, was fully realized as soon as the fixed collections were formed; but to seize the relation of this new treasure to the old was possible only when the faithful acquired a better knowledge of the faith.福音和书信神的书面话语,充分认识到,尽快形成固定集合,而是要抓住这个新宝的旧的关系是可能的,只有当忠实获得一个更好的知识的信念。 In this connection Zahn observes with much truth that the rise of Montanism, with its false prophets, who claimed for their written productions--the self-styled Testament of the Paraclete--the authority of revelation, around the Christian Church to a fuller sense that the age of revelation had expired with the last of the Apostles, and that the circle of sacred Scripture is not extensible beyond the legacy of the Apostolic Era.在这方面赞恩观察很有道理,孟他努的兴起,各地的基督教教会与假先知,声称他们的书面制作 - 自封的圣灵约 - 启示的权威,更全面的感年龄已经过期的启示与最后的使徒,和圣经的圈子,是不是超出了使徒时代遗留下来的可扩展性。Montanism began in 156; a generation later, in the works of Irenæus, we discover the firmly-rooted idea of two Testaments, with the same Spirit operating in both.孟他努开始在156个;一代人之后,在爱任纽的作品,我们发现在这两个同样的精神经营的两个旧约坚决根深蒂固的想法,。 For Tertullian (c. 200) the body of the New Scripture is an instrumentum on at least an equal footing and in the same specific class as the instrumentum formed by the Law and the Prophets.对于德尔图良(200 C.)的身体是一个新的经文instrumentum至少平等和律法和先知所形成的文书在同一个特定的类。Clement of Alexandria was the first to apply the word "Testament" to the sacred library of the New Dispensation.克莱门特的亚历山德里亚的第一个字“约”,以新的豁免的神圣库应用。A kindred external influence is to be added to Montanism: the need of setting up a barrier, between the genuine inspired literature and the flood of pseudo-Apostolic apocrypha, gave an additional impulse to the idea of a New Testament canon, and later contributed not a little to the demarcation of its fixed limits.一个志趣相投的外部影响是要添加到孟他努:之间建立一道屏障,真正启发文学和伪使徒伪经的洪水,需要给予额外的冲动到了一个新的约佳能的想法,后来贡献不以划定其固定的限制很少。

B. THE PERIOD OF DISCUSSION (AD 220-367)B.讨论期间(公元220-367)

In this stage of the historical development of the Canon of the New Testament we encounter for the first time a consciousness reflected in certain ecclesiastical writers, of the differences between the sacred collections in divers sections of Christendom.在这个佳能的新约,我们第一次遇到的意识在某些教会作家,潜水员部分基督教的神圣的集合之间的差异,反映了历史发展的阶段。 This variation is witnessed to, and the discussion stimulated by, two of the most learned men of Christian antiquity, Origen, and Eusebius of Cæsarea, the ecclesiastical historian.这种变化是有目共睹,讨论刺激,两个基督教古代,奥利,尤西比乌斯的cæsarea,教会历史学家最有学问的人。 A glance at the Canon as exhibited in the authorities of the African, or Carthaginian, Church, will complete our brief survey of this period of diversity and discussion:-瞄了一眼佳能展出非洲当局,或迦太基,教会,将完成这一时期的多样性和讨论的简短调查: -

1. 1。Origen and his school奥利和他的学校

Origen's travels gave him exception opportunities to know the traditions of widely separated portions of the Church and made him very conversant with the discrepant attitudes toward certain parts of the New Testament He divided books with Biblical claims into three classes:奥利的旅行给了他异常的机会,知道教会的广泛分离的部分传统,他非常熟悉走向与圣经声称他划分成三个类书籍的新约圣经的某些部分的差异的态度:

those universally received;那些普遍收到;

those whose Apostolicity was questions;那些使徒是问题;

apocryphal works.杜撰的作品。

In the first class, the Homologoumena, stood the Gospels, the thirteen Pauline Epistles, Acts, Apocalypse, I Peter, and I John.在第一类,Homologoumena,站在福音,十三保罗书信,使徒行传,启示,彼得,约翰。The contested writings were Hebrews, II Peter, II and III John, James, Jude, Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache, and probably the Gospel of the Hebrews.有争议的著作,希伯来书,彼得,第二和第三的约翰,詹姆斯,裘德,巴拿巴,牧人书,十二使徒遗训,可能是希伯来人的福音。 Personally, Origen accepted all of these as Divinely inspired, though viewing contrary opinions with toleration.就个人而言,奥利接受所有这些神启示,虽然观看相反意见与宽容。Origen's authority seems to have given to Hebrews and the disputed Catholic Epistles a firm place in the Alexandrian Canon, their tenure there having been previously insecure, judging from the exegetical work of Clement, and the list in the Codex Claromontanus, which is assigned by competent scholars to an early Alexandrian origin.奥利的权威似乎到有给予希伯来和在有争议的天主教书信一个在亚历山大佳能公司的地方,他们的任期内有被以前不安全的,判断的克莱门特训诂工作,和的食品法典委员会Claromontanus,这是由主管分配的名单中早期亚历山大的起源的学者。

2. 2。Eusebius尤西比乌斯

Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, was one of Origen's most eminent disciples, a man of wide erudition.尤西比乌斯,在巴勒斯坦的凯撒利亚主教,是奥利的最杰出的弟子之一,广泛博学的人。In imitation of his master he divided religious literature into three classes:在模仿他的主人,他分为三类宗教文学:

Homologoumena, or compositions universally received as sacred, the Four Gospels, thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, Hebrews, Acts, I Peter, I John, and Apocalypse. Homologoumena,或收到的成分普遍认为是神圣的,四福音,十三书信的圣保罗,希伯来人,行为,彼得,约翰,和启示。There is some inconsistency in his classification; for instance, though ranking Hebrews with the books of universal reception, he elsewhere admits it is disputed.有一些不一致的,在他的分类,例如,虽然排名希伯来普遍接收的书籍,他在其他地方承认它是有争议的。

The second category is composed of the Antilegomena, or contested writings; these in turn are of the superior and inferior sort.第二类是组成的Antilegomena,或有争议的著作,这些反过来优劣排序。The better ones are the Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, II Peter, II and III John; these, like Origen, Eusebius wished to be admitted to the Canon, but was forced to record their uncertain status; the Antilegomena of the inferior sort were Barnabas, the Didache, Gospel of the Hebrews, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of Peter.更好的圣雅各福群会和圣犹大,彼得,第二和第三约翰的书信;这些,像奥利,尤西比乌斯希望被录取到佳能,但被迫记录他们的不确定状态;的Antilegomena劣排序巴拿巴,十二使徒遗训,希伯来人的福音,保罗,彼得的启示,牧羊人的行为。

All the rest are spurious (notha).所有其余的都是虚假的(notha)。

Eusebius diverged from his Alexandrian master in personally rejecting Apocalypse as an un-Biblical, though compelled to acknowledge its almost universal acceptance.尤西比乌斯偏离了他的亚历山大主亲自拒绝启示作为联合国圣经,但不得不承认它几乎得到普遍接受。Whence came this unfavourable view of the closing volume of the Christian Testament?--Zahn attributes it to the influence of Lucian of Samosata, one of the founders of the Antioch school of exegesis, and with whose disciples Eusebius had been associated.从哪里来基督教旧约结束货量的不利看法 - 赞恩属性卢西恩萨莫萨塔,训诂安提阿学校的创始人之一的影响,已经和其弟子尤西比乌斯关联。Lucian himself had acquired his education at Edessa, the metropolis of Eastern Syria, which had, as already remarked, a singularly curtailed Canon.卢西恩自己已经收购了,已经表示,奇异削减佳能叙利亚东部的大都市,在埃德萨,他的教育。Luician is known to have edited the Scriptures at Antioch, and is supposed to have introduced there the shorter New Testament which later St. John Chrysostom and his followers employed--one in which Apocalypse, II Peter, II and III John, and Jude had no place. Luician是在安提阿编辑的“圣经”,而应该有更短的新约,后来圣约翰金口和他的追随者 - 一个启示,彼得,约翰第二和第三,和裘德引进无立足之地。 It is known that Theodore of Mopsuestia rejected all the Catholic Epistles.据悉,摩普绥提亚西奥多拒绝所有的天主教教会。In St. John Chrysostom's ample expositions of the Scriptures there is not a single clear trace of the Apocalypse, which he seems to implicitly exclude the four smaller Epistles--II Peter, II and III John, and Jude--from the number of the canonical books.圣约翰金口充足的论述,在“圣经”不是一个单一的的明确跟踪的启示​​,他似乎含蓄地排除四个较小的书信 - 彼得,约翰第二和第三,裘德 - 从典型的书籍。Lucian, then, according to Zahn, would have compromised between the Syriac Canon and the Canon of Origen by admitting the three longer Catholic Epistles and keeping out Apocalypse.卢西恩,然后,根据赞恩,会损害之间叙利亚佳能和奥利佳能承认三个较长的天主教教会,并保持了启示。But after allowing fully for the prestige of the founder of the Antioch school, it is difficult to grant that his personal authority could have sufficed to strike such an important work as Apocalypse from the Canon of a notable Church, where it had previously been received.但是,完全允许的安提阿学派的创始人的威信后,就很难给予他个人的权力,可以有足够罢工这样一个启示从佳能的一个显着的教会,它此前已收到重要工作。 It is more probable that a reaction against the abuse of the Johannine Apocalypse by the Montanists and Chiliasts--Asia Minor being the nursery of both these errors--led to the elimination of a book whose authority had perhaps been previously suspected.它更可能是对滥用Montanists和Chiliasts约翰启示的反应 - 小亚细亚这两种错误的苗圃 - 消除一本书,也许以前一直怀疑其权威。Indeed it is quite reasonable to suppose that its early exclusion from the East Syrian Church was an outer wave of the extreme reactionist movement of the Aloges--also of Asia Minor--who branded Apocalypse and all the Johannine writings as the work of the heretic Cerinthus.事实上,这是相当合理的假设,从东方叙利亚教会的早期排斥是一个极端的复古主义运动的Aloges外浪潮 - 小亚细亚 - 品牌的启示和所有邪教的工作约翰著作Cerinthus。Whatever may have been all the influences ruling the personal Canon of Eusebius, he chose Lucian's text for the fifty copies of the Bible which he furnished to the Church of Constantinople at the order of his imperial patron Constantine; and he incorporated all the Catholic Epistles, but excluded Apocalypse.无论可能已被所有的影响,执政的尤西比乌斯个人佳能,他选择了卢西恩的“圣经”的第五十其中他布置在他的帝国守护神康斯坦丁秩序君士坦丁堡教会的副本文字,他注册成立的所有的天主教书信,但不包括启示。 The latter remained for more than a century banished from the sacred collections as current in Antioch and Constantinople.后者仍然比放逐在安提阿和君士坦丁堡作为当前从神圣的集合一个世纪以上。However, this book kept a minority of Asiatic suffrages, and, as both Lucian and Eusebius had been tainted with Arianism, the approbation of Apocalypse, opposed by them, finally came to be looked upon as a sign of orthodoxy.然而,这本书保持了少数亚洲suffrages,卢西恩和尤西比乌斯已沾染阿里乌斯教,启示的认可,他们反对,被视为正统的标志后,终于来到。 Eusebius was the first to call attention to important variations in the text of the Gospels, viz., the presence in some copies and the absence in others of the final paragraph of Mark, the passage of the Adulterous Woman, and the Bloody Sweat.尤西比乌斯是第一个呼吁人们关注的福音,即,在一些副本的存在,并在别人的马克,通过通奸的女人的最后一段,流血流汗的情况下的文本中的重要变化。

3. 3。The African Church非洲教会

St. Cyprian, whose Scriptural Canon certainly reflects the contents of the first Latin Bible, received all the books of the New Testament except Hebrews, II Peter, James, and Jude; however, there was already a strong inclination in his environment to admit II Peter as authentic.圣塞浦路斯的圣经佳能肯定反映的拉丁文圣经的内容,除了希伯来书,彼得,雅各,和裘德的新约所有的书籍,但是,已经有一个强烈的倾向在他的环境,承认二彼得为正宗。 Jude had been recognized by Tertullian, but, strangely, it had lost its position in the African Church, probably owing to its citation of the apocryphal Henoch.裘德已被确认,德尔图良的,但奇怪的是,它已经失去了其在非洲教会的立场,这可能是由于其引用未经证实的过敏。Cyprian's testimony to the non-canonicity of Hebrews and James is confirmed by Commodian, another African writer of the period.塞浦路斯希伯来和詹姆斯非正规的证词也证实了Commodian,另一个时期的非洲作家。 A very important witness is the document known as Mommsen's Canon, a manuscript of the tenth century, but whose original has been ascertained to date from West Africa about the year 360.一个非常重要的证人是蒙森的佳能,十世纪的手稿,但其原已确定从西非日期大约一年360已知的文件。It is a formal catalogue of the sacred books, unmutilated in the New Testament portion, and proves that at its time the books universally acknowledged in the influential Church of Carthage were almost identical with those received by Cyprian a century before.这是一个神圣的书籍,在新约部分unmutilated正式的目录,并证明,在时间的书籍普遍公认的有影响力的教会的迦太基与一个世纪前收到由塞浦路斯的几乎相同。 Hebrews, James, and Jude are entirely wanting.希伯来书,雅各,裘德是完全希望。The three Epistles of St. John and II Peter appear, but after each stands the note una sola, added by an almost contemporary hand, and evidently in protest against the reception of these Antilegomena, which, presumably, had found a place in the official list recently, but whose right to be there was seriously questioned.三个书信的圣约翰和彼得的出现,但在每个看台UNA SOLA的说明,几乎当代的手添加,在抗议显然对这些Antilegomena接待,想必已经发现在官方的地方列表最近,但其权利存在严重质疑。

C. THE PERIOD OF FIXATION (AD 367-405)C.期内固定(公元367-405)

1. 1。St. Athanasius圣athanasius

While the influence of Athanasius on the Canon of the Old Testament was negative and exclusive (see supra), in that of the New Testament it was trenchantly constructive.虽然亚他那修的佳能旧约的影响是负面的和排他性的(见上文),在新约,这是尖锐地建设性。In his "Epistola Festalis" (AD 367) the illustrious Bishop of Alexandria ranks all of Origen's New Testament Antilegomena, which are identical with the deuteros, boldly inside the Canon, without noticing any of the scruples about them.在他的“Epistola Festalis”(公元367年)杰出的亚历山大主教行列大胆地内佳能的所有渊源的新约Antilegomena,这是相同的deuteros,他们没有注意到任何的顾忌。 Thenceforward they were formally and firmly fixed in the Alexandrian Canon.从那时起,他们正式被牢牢地固定在亚历山大佳能。 And it is significant of the general trend of ecclesiastical authority that not only were works which formerly enjoyed high standing at broad-minded Alexandria--the Apocalypse of Peter and the Acts of Paul--involved by Athanasius with the apocrypha, but even some that Origen had regarded as inspired--Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache--were ruthlessly shut out under the same damnatory title.而且它是教会权威的大势所趋,不仅是工程,原享受高站在宽阔的胸襟亚历山大 - 彼得和保罗的行为的启示 - 伪经亚他那修,但即使是一些显著奥利视为启发 - 巴拿巴,牧人的黑马,十二使徒遗训 - 相同的指责的标题下被无情地关闭。

2. 2。The Roman Church, the Synod under Damasus, and St. Jerome The Muratorian Canon or Fragment, composed in the Roman Church in the last quarter of the second century, is silent about Hebrews, James, II Peter; I Peter, indeed, is not mentioned, but must have been omitted by an oversight, since it was universally received at the time.罗马教会,主教下达玛斯,和圣杰罗姆穆拉多利佳能或片段,在最后一个季度的第二个世纪的罗马教会组成,是希伯来,詹姆斯,彼得沉默的彼得,其实,是不是提及,但必须有一个监督省略,因为它是当时普遍欢迎。 There is evidence that this restricted Canon obtained not only in the African Church, with slight modifications, as we have seen, but also at Rome and in the West generally until the close of the fourth century.有证据表明,这限制佳能获得稍作修改,正如我们已经看到,但在罗马,在西方,直到第四世纪结束一般,不仅在非洲教会。 The same ancient authority witnesses to the very favourable and perhaps canonical standing enjoyed at Rome by the Apocalypse of Peter and the Shepherd of Hermas.同样古老的权威证人的非常有利的,也许规范的站立在罗马所享有的彼得和牧人书的启示。In the middle decades of the fourth century the increased intercourse and exchange of views between the Orient and the Occident led to a better mutual acquaintance regarding Biblical canons and the correction of the catalogue of the Latin Church.增加性交和东方和欧美之间的意见交流的第四个世纪中间几十年导致更好的相互了解,对圣经的大炮和纠正拉丁教会目录。 It is a singular fact that while the East, mainly through St. Jerome's pen, exerted a disturbing and negative influence on Western opinion regarding the Old Testament, the same influence, through probably the same chief intermediary, made for the completeness and integrity of the New Testament canon.这是一个奇异的事实,而东,主要是通过圣杰罗姆的笔下,产生了西方舆论的不安和负面影响,关于旧约,同样的影响力,通过可能是相同的行政中介的完整性和完整性新约圣经佳能。 The West began to realize that the ancient Apostolic Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch, indeed the whole Orient, for more than two centuries had acknowledged Hebrews and James as inspired writings of Apostles, while the venerable Alexandrian Church, supported by the prestige of Athanasius, and the powerful Patriarchate of Constantinople, with the scholarship of Eusebius behind its judgment, had canonized all the disputed Epistles.西方开始认识到,两个多世纪的耶路撒冷和安提阿,的确是整个东方,古代使徒教会承认使徒的启发著作希伯来和詹姆斯,而​​由亚他那修的威信古老的亚历山大教会,支持,强大的君士坦丁堡东正教会与尤西比乌斯其判断背后的奖学金,册封的所有有争议的书信。 St. Jerome, a rising light in the Church, though but a simple priest, was summoned by Pope Damasus from the East, where he was pursuing sacred lore, to assist at an eclectic, but not ecumenical, synod at Rome in the year 382.从东,他是追求神圣的绝杀,以协助在一个折衷,但不能合一,主教在罗马在一年382圣杰罗姆,在教会的光上升,虽然但一个简单的牧师,被传唤教皇达玛斯。 Neither the general council at Constantinople of the preceding year nor that of Nice (365) had considered the question of the Canon.,无论是在君士坦丁堡总理事会的前一年,也尼斯(365)审议了佳能的问题。This Roman synod must have devoted itself specially to the matter.这罗马主教必须有专门致力于此事。The result of its deliberations, presided over, no doubt, by the energetic Damasus himself, has been preserved in the document called "Decretum Gelasii de recipiendis et non recipiendis libris", a compilation partly of the sixth century, but containing much material dating from the two preceding ones.审议结果,主持,毫无疑问,充满活力的达玛斯自己,已保存的文件名为“Decretum Gelasii recipiendis等非recipiendis Libris的”,汇编部分的六世纪,但含有大量的材料追溯到前面的两个。 The Damasan catalogue presents the complete and perfect Canon which has been that of the Church Universal ever since.Damasan目录介绍佳能已经教会通用,自从健全和完善。The New Testament portion bears the marks of Jerome's views.新约部分熊杰罗姆的意见的痕迹。St. Jerome, always prepossessed in favour of Oriental positions in matters Biblical, exerted then a happy influence in regard to the New Testament; if he attempted to place any Eastern restriction upon the Canon of the Old Testament his effort failed of any effect.圣杰罗姆,总是prepossessed赞成事项圣经中的东方位置,然后施加一个幸福的影响,在新约,如果他试图到地方后,他的努力没有任何效果旧约佳能东部的限制。 The title of the decree--"Nunc vero de scripturis divinis agendum est quid universalis Catholica recipiat ecclesia, et quid vitare debeat"--proves that the council drew up a list of apocryphal as well as authentic Scriptures.该法令的标题 - “NUNC VERO scripturis divinis议程EST嚼食universalis Catholica recipiat Ecclesia的,等交换条件vitare debeat” - 证明,国务院制定了一个未经证实的清单,以及正宗的圣经。The Shepherd and the false Apocalypse of Peter now received their final blow.牧羊人和虚假的启示彼得现在已经收到了他们的最后一击。 "Rome had spoken, and the nations of the West had heard" (Zahn).“罗马曾谈到,西方各国听说过”(察恩)。The works of the Latin Fathers of the period--Jerome, Hilary of Poitiers, Lucifer of Sardina, Philaster of Brescia--manifest the changed attitude toward Hebrews, James, Jude, II Peter, and III John.期间的拉丁教父的作品 - 杰罗姆,希拉里的普瓦捷,路西法的萨尔迪纳,Philaster布雷西亚 - 体现了对希伯来,詹姆斯,犹大,彼得,和约翰三改变态度。

3. 3。Fixation in the African and Gallican Churches在非洲和高卢教会的固定

It was some little time before the African Church perfectly adjusted its New Testament to the Damasan Canon.这是一些小的时间,前非洲教会完全调整其Damasan佳能的新约。Optatus of Mileve (370-85) does not used Hebrews.Mileve Optatus(370-85)不使用希伯来人。St. Augustine, while himself receiving the integral Canon, acknowledged that many contested this Epistle.圣奥古斯丁,而自己接受积分佳能,承认,许多有争议的这封信。But in the Synod of Hippo (393) the great Doctor's view prevailed, and the correct Canon was adopted.但在主教河马(393)伟大的医生的意见占了上风,并通过正确的佳能。However, it is evident that it found many opponents in Africa, since three councils there at brief intervals--Hippo, Carthage, in 393; Third of Carthage in 397; Carthage in 419--found it necessary to formulate catalogues.然而,这是显而易见的,它在非洲发现了许多对手,因为在短暂的时间间隔有三个议会 - 河马,迦太基,在393迦太基397第三;在419迦太基 - 认为有必要制定目录的。The introduction of Hebrews was an especial crux, and a reflection of this is found in the first Carthage list, where the much vexed Epistle, though styled of St. Paul, is still numbered separately from the time-consecrated group of thirteen.希伯来书的引入是一个特殊的症结所在,并反映了这是第一迦太基列表,其中很多烦恼的书信,虽然圣保罗的风格,仍然是从十三奉献组分别编号。 The catalogues of Hippo and Carthage are identical with the Catholic Canon of the present.河马和迦太基目录与本天主教佳能相同。In Gaul some doubts lingered for a time, as we find Pope Innocent I, in 405, sending a list of the Sacred Books to one of its bishops, Exsuperius of Toulouse.在高卢一些疑虑徘徊一段时间,我们发现诺森我,在405,送的圣书的主教之一,图卢兹Exsuperius。So at the close of the first decade of the fifth century the entire Western Church was in possession of the full Canon of the New Testament In the East, where, with the exception of the Edessene Syrian Church, approximate completeness had long obtained without the aid of formal enactments, opinions were still somewhat divided on the Apocalypse.因此,在整个西方教会在东方的新约,佳能拥有的第五世纪的第一个十年结束,Edessene叙利亚教会例外,近似的完整性早已无援助正式的成文法则,意见仍有些分歧的启示。 But for the Catholic Church as a whole the content of the New Testament was definitely fixed, and the discussion closed.但作为一个整体的天主教教会的新约圣经的内容是绝对固定的,并讨论关闭。

The final process of this Canon's development had been twofold: positive, in the permanent consecration of several writings which had long hovered on the line between canonical and apocryphal; and negative, by the definite elimination of certain privileged apocrypha that had enjoyed here and there a canonical or quasi-canonical standing.的这个佳能的发展最终的过程中已被两方面:积极,在其中有长期徘徊行规范和杜撰几个著作永久的奉献和负面的某些特权伪经,有享受这里明确的消除,并有规范或半规范的地位。 In the reception of the disputed books a growing conviction of Apostolic authorship had much to do, but the ultimate criterion had been their recognition as inspired by a great and ancient division of the Catholic Church.在有争议的书籍接待了使徒作者越来越相信有很多工作要做,但最终标准已经承认灵感来自一个伟大而古老的天主教教会的分工。 Thus, like Origen, St. Jerome adduces the testimony of the ancients and ecclesiastical usage in pleading the cause of the Epistle to the Hebrews (De Viris Illustribus, lix).因此,像奥利,圣杰罗姆举出古人和教会使用的证词,在书信的原因恳求的希伯来人(Viris Illustribus,LIX)。 There is no sign that the Western Church ever positively repudiated any of the New Testament deuteros; not admitted from the beginning, these had slowly advanced towards a complete acceptance there.有没有西方教会积极否定任何新约deuteros的标志;不是从一开始就承认,这些都慢慢有先进的对一个完整的验收。 On the other hand, the apparently formal exclusion of Apocalypse from the sacred catalogue of certain Greek Churches was a transient phase, and supposes its primitive reception.另一方面,从某些希腊教会的神圣目录的启示显然正式排除了一个短暂的阶段,并设定其原始接待。Greek Christianity everywhere, from about the beginning of the sixth century, practically had a complete and pure New Testament canon.希腊基督教无处不在,从六世纪初,几乎有一个完整的,纯粹的新约圣经佳能。(See EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS; EPISTLES OF ST. PETER; EPISTLE OF JAMES; EPISTLE OF JUDE; EPISTLES OF JOHN; APOCALYPSE.)(看到书信向希伯来人的圣彼得的书信;詹姆斯的书信,书信的裘德;约翰的书信。启示录)


1. 1。To the Protestant Reformation宗教改革

The New Testament in its canonical aspect has little history between the first years of the fifth and the early part of the sixteenth century.在规范方面的新约,有一点历史之间的第五和十六世纪初的一部分的第一年。As was natural in ages when ecclesiastical authority had not reached its modern centralization, there were sporadic divergences from the common teaching and tradition.当教会的权威还没有达到现代集权的年龄自然是,有共同的教学和传统的零星的分歧。There was no diffused contestation of any book, but here and there attempts by individuals to add something to the received collection.没有任何一本书的扩散的论争,但这里有个人尝试添加一些接收到的集合。In several ancient Latin manuscripts the spurious Epistle to the Laodiceans is found among the canonical letters, and, in a few instances, the apocryphal III Corinthians.在几个古老的拉丁手稿杂散书信向老底嘉是在规范的信件,并在少数情况下,杜撰的第三科林蒂安,中发现。The last trace of any Western contradiction within the Church to the Canon of the New Testament reveals a curious transplantation of Oriental doubts concerning the Apocalypse.最后一丝佳能的新约教会内的任何西方的矛盾,揭示了一个关于“启示录”东方怀疑好奇移植。An act of the Synod of Toledo, held in 633, states that many contest the authority of that book, and orders it to be read in the churches under pain of excommunication.主教托莱多在633举行,法案指出,许多比赛的这本书,它是根据疼痛的禁教的教堂在读的订单的权力。 The opposition in all probability came from the Visigoths, who had recently been converted from Arianism.在所有的可能性的反对来自西哥特人,最近已转换从阿里乌斯教。The Gothic Bible had been made under Oriental auspices at a time when there was still much hostility to Apocalypse in the East.哥特式的圣经已经取得了的时候,有东方主持下仍有很大的敌意,在东启示。

2. 2。The New Testament and the Council of Trent (1546)新约和安理会的遄达(1546)

This ecumenical synod had to defend the integrity of the New Testament as well as the Old against the attacks of the pseudo-Reformers, Luther, basing his action on dogmatic reasons and the judgment of antiquity, had discarded Hebrews, James, Jude, and Apocalypse as altogether uncanonical.这合一主教捍卫的新约圣经的完整性以及对伪改革者,路德的攻击旧的,基于他对教条式的原因,并判断古代的行动,已丢弃希伯来,詹姆斯,裘德和启示共uncanonical。 Zwingli could not see in Apocalypse a Biblical book.茨温利无法看到启示圣经的书。(OEcolampadius placed James, Jude, II Peter, II and III John in an inferior rank. Even a few Catholic scholars of the Renaissance type, notably Erasmus and Cajetan, had thrown some doubts on the canonicity of the above-mentioned Antilegomena. As to whole books, the Protestant doubts were the only ones the Fathers of Trent took cognizance of; there was not the slightest hesitation regarding the authority of any entire document. But the deuterocanonical parts gave the council some concern, viz., the last twelve verses of Mark, the passage about the Bloody Sweat in Luke, and the Pericope Adulteræ in John. Cardinal Cajetan had approvingly quoted an unfavourable comment of St. Jerome regarding Mark, xvi, 9-20; Erasmus had rejected the section on the Adulterous Woman as unauthentic. Still, even concerning these no doubt of authenticity was expressed at Trent; the only question was as to the manner of their reception. In the end these portions were received, like the deuterocanonical books, without the slightest distinction. And the clause "cum omnibus suis partibus" regards especially these portions.--For an account of the action of Trent on the Canon, the reader is referred back to the respective section of the article: II. The Canon of the Old Testament in the Catholic Church. (OEcolampadius劣势排名摆在詹姆斯,犹大,彼得,第二和第三约翰。文艺复兴时期的类型,特别是伊拉斯谟和Cajetan,甚至几天主教学者正规的上述Antilegomena抛出了一些疑问。至于整本书,新教怀疑的遄达的父亲认识到了唯一的,有没有丝毫犹豫,对整个文档的任何权力,但次经部分给安理会的一些关注,即,过去十二个月的诗句。马克,通过流血流汗,在路加福音和约翰Pericope Adulteræ枢机Cajetan了赞许援引圣杰罗姆的不利评论关于马克,十六,9-20;伊拉斯谟曾拒绝了部分不真实通奸女子不过,即使有关这些毫无疑问的真实性表示特伦特;唯一的问题是对他们的接待方式,最终收到的这些部分,次经书一样,没有丝毫的区别和条款“暨。综合猪partibus“关于佳能的遄达行动,特别是这些部分.--,读者被称为回各自部分的文章:二,佳能在天主教教会的旧约。

The Tridentine decree defining the Canon affirms the authenticity of the books to which proper names are attached, without however including this in the definition.律但丁法令,确定佳能确认以适当的名称是附加的书籍的真实性,但没有包括在定义。The order of books follows that of the Bull of Eugenius IV (Council of Florence), except that Acts was moved from a place before Apocalypse to its present position, and Hebrews put at the end of St. Paul's Epistles.书籍的顺序如下牛市的叶夫根尼四(佛罗伦萨安理会),除了行为是从一个地方移动之前,到目前位置的启示,和希伯来,在圣保禄的书信结束。 The Tridentine order has been retained in the official Vulgate and vernacular Catholic Bibles.德律但丁为了一直保留在官方的武加大和白话天主教“圣经”。The same is to be said of the titles, which as a rule are traditional ones, taken from the Canons of Florence and Carthage.同样是说的标题,作为一项规则是传统的佛罗伦萨和迦太基的大炮,。(For the bearing of the Vatican Council on the New Testament, see Part II above.)(新约梵蒂冈理事会轴承,见上文第二部分)。

3. 3。The New Testament canon outside the Church新约教会之外的佳能

The Orthodox Russian and other branches of the Eastern Orthodox Church have a New Testament identical with the Catholic.俄罗斯东正教和其他分支东正教与天主教新旧约相同。In Syria the Nestorians possess a Canon almost identical with the final one of the ancient East Syrians; they exclude the four smaller Catholic Epistles and Apocalypse.在叙利亚的景教拥有佳能与古代东亚兰的最后一个几乎相同;他们排除四个较小的天主教教会和启示。The Monophysites receive all the book.该monophysites收到书。The Armenians have one apocryphal letter to the Corinthians and two from the same.亚美尼亚人已经向科林蒂安杜撰的信和两个相同的。The Coptic-Arabic Church include with the canonical Scriptures the Apostolic Constitutions and the Clementine Epistles.阿拉伯语科普特教会包括与规范圣经使徒宪法和Clementine的书信。The Ethiopic New Testament also contains the so-called "Apostolic Constitutions".埃塞俄比亚的新约也包含了所谓的“使徒宪法”。

As for Protestantism, the Anglicans and Calvinists always kept the entire New Testament But for over a century the followers of Luther excluded Hebrews, James, Jude, and Apocalypse, and even went further than their master by rejecting the three remaining deuterocanonicals, II Peter, II and III John.至于新教,英国圣公会和加尔文主义始终保持整个新约,但超过一个世纪的路德的追随者去排除希伯来,詹姆斯,裘德和启示,甚至比他们的主人,拒绝其余三个deuterocanonicals,彼得,第二和第三约翰。 The trend of the seventeenth century Lutheran theologians was to class all these writings as of doubtful, or at least inferior, authority.十七世纪路德神学家的趋势类所有这些可疑,或者至少是劣质的,权威的著作。But gradually the German Protestants familiarized themselves with the idea that the difference between the contested books of the New Testament and the rest was one of degree of certainty as to origin rather than of instrinsic character.但渐渐熟悉的德国新教徒之间有争议的新约圣经的书籍,其余的差异一定程度的起源之一,而不是instrinsic字符自己的想法。 The full recognition of these books by the Calvinists and Anglicans made it much more difficult for the Lutherans to exclude the New Testament deuteros than those of the Old.路德会更难以排除的比旧的新约deuteros这些书籍由加尔文主义者和英国圣公会的充分肯定。One of their writers of the seventeenth century allowed only a theoretic difference between the two classes, and in 1700 Bossuet could say that all Catholics and Protestants agreed on the New Testament canon.十七世纪的作家之一,允许只有两个类之间的理论差异,并在1700波舒哀可以说,所有的天主教徒和新教徒同意在新约圣经佳能。 The only trace of opposition now remaining in German Protestant Bibles is in the order, Hebrews, coming with James, Jude, and Apocalypse at the end; the first not being included with the Pauline writings, while James and Jude are not ranked with the Catholic Epistles.现在留在德国新教圣经是反对的只有微量的顺序,希伯来,与詹姆斯,裘德,并在最终的启示;先不要包括与宝莲著作,而詹姆斯和裘德与天主教排名书信。

4. 4。The criterion of inspiration (less correctly known as the criterion of canonicity)灵感的标准(不那么正确正规的标准)

Even those Catholic theologians who defend Apostolicity as a test for the inspiration of the New Testament (see above) admit that it is not exclusive of another criterion, viz., Catholic tradition as manifested in the universal reception of compositions as Divinely inspired, or the ordinary teaching of the Church, or the infallible pronouncements of ecumenical councils.即使是那些捍卫作为一个新约的启示测试使徒的天主教神学家(见上文)承认这是不排除另一种标准,即,天主教的传统,表现在神启示的成分普遍接待,或普通教学的教会,或合一议会犯错的豪言。 This external guarantee is the sufficient, universal, and ordinary proof of inspiration.这对外担保是足够的,普遍的,和普通的灵感的证明。The unique quality of the Sacred Books is a revealed dogma.独特的圣书的质量是一个发现的教条。Moreover, by its very nature inspiration eludes human observation and is not self-evident, being essentially superphysical and supernatural.此外,躲避由人类观察其本质的灵感,是不言自明的,基本上是superphysical和超自然。Its sole absolute criterion, therefore, is the Holy inspiring Spirit, witnessing decisively to Itself, not in the subjective experience of individual souls, as Calvin maintained, neither in the doctrinal and spiritual tenor of Holy Writ itself, according to Luther, but through the constituted organ and custodian of Its revelations, the Church.因此,它的唯一的绝对的标准,是圣洁的振奋精神,目睹果断本身,而不是在个人灵魂的主观经验,为卡尔文保持,无论是在理论和神圣的精神男高音令状,根据路德,而是通过构成器官和托管及其启示,教会。 All other evidences fall short of the certainty and finality necessary to compel the absolute assent of faith.所有的其他证据,属于缺乏必要的确定性和终局性,迫使信仰的绝对同意。(See Franzelin, "De Divinâ Traditione et Scripturâ"; Wiseman, "Lectures on Christian Doctrine", Lecture ii; also INSPIRATION.)(见Franzelin,“Divinâ Traditione等圣经”;怀斯曼,“基督教教义讲座”,讲座II,也启发。)

Publication information Written by George J. Reid.乔治J ·里德编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by Ernie Stefanik.转录由厄尼Stefanik。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume III.天主教百科全书,第三卷。Published 1908.发布1908年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, November 1, 1908. Nihil Obstat,1908年11月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

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