Eusebius of Caesarea, Eusebius of Cæsarea凯撒利亚 尤西比乌斯

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Eusebius Pamphili, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, the "Father of Church History"; b.在巴勒斯坦的凯撒利亚主教尤西比乌斯Pamphili,“教会历史之父”;about 260; d.约260; D. before 341.前341。


It will save lengthy digression if we at once speak of a document which will often have to be referred to on account of its biographical importance, viz., the letter written by Eusebius to his diocese in order to explain his subscription to the Creed propounded by the Council of Nicæa.这将节省冗长的题外话,如果我们一次发言的一个文件,这往往要被称为其个人简历的重要性,即,由尤西比乌斯他的教区,以书面信函帐户来解释他的认购propounded的信条理事会的尼西亚。 After some preliminary remarks, the writer proceeds: "We first transmit to you the writing concerning the faith which was put forward by us, and then the second, which they have published after putting in additions to our expressions. Now the writing presented by us, which when read in the presence of our most religious emperor was declared to have a right and approved character was as follows: [The Faith put forward by us]. As we have received from the bishops before us both in our first catechetical instruction and when we were baptized, and as we have learned from the Divine Scriptures, and as we have believed and taught in the presbyterate and in the office of bishop itself so now likewise believing we offer to you our faith and it is thus."一些初步意见后,作家的收益:“我们首先发送到你的写作,这是我们提出的信仰,然后第二,他们在增加,我们的表达式后发表的,现在我们所提出的写作。 ,这在我们大多数宗教皇帝存在读取时被宣布为有一个正确的和批准的字符如下:[信仰我们提出我们收到摆在我们面前的无论是在我们第一次的教理讲授的指令和主教。当我们受洗,正如我们了解到从神圣的经文,并且正如我们相信,在presbyterate主教本身的办公室教所以现在同样相信,我们提供给你我们的信仰,因此它。“ Then follows a formal creed [Theodoret, Hist., I, 11; Socrates, Hist., I, 8; St. Athanasius, de Dec. Syn.接着一个正式的信条[Theodoret,历史,我,11。苏格拉底,历史,我8。阿塔纳修,德十二月Syn的。Nic.NIC。(appendix) and elsewhere. (附录)和其他地方。Translated by Newman with notes in the Oxford Library of the Fathers (Select Treatises of St. Athanasius, p. 59) and St. Athanasius, vol.纽曼翻译的父亲在牛津大学图书馆(圣athanasius选择的论文,第59页)和圣athanasius,第一卷笔记。 I. The translation given here is Dr. Hort's.一,这里给出的翻译是博士园艺。The words in brackets are probably genuine though not given by Socrates and St. Athanasius].括号内的文字可能是真正的,虽然不是由苏格拉底和圣athanasius]。

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Dr. Hort in 1876 ("Two Dissertations", etc., pp. 56 sqq.) pointed out that this creed was presumably that of the Church of Cæsarea of which Eusebius was bishop.(“两个学位论文”等,第56 SQQ。)博士于1876年园艺指出,这信条是,教会的cæsarea其中尤西比乌斯是主教大概。This view is widely accepted (cf. Lightfoot, art. "Euseb." in "Dict. of Christ. Biog." - All references to Lightfoot, unless otherwise stated, are to this article. - Sanday, "Journal of Theolog. Studies", vol. I, p. 15; Gwatkin, "Studies of Arianism", p. 42, 2nd edition; McGiffert, "Prolog. to CH of Euseb." in "Select Library of Nic. and post-Nic. Fathers"; Duchesne, "Hist. de l'Eglise", vol. II, p. 149).这种观点被广泛接受(参见娜莱,艺术“Euseb。”在。“快译通基督Biog。” - 所有娜莱,除非另有说明,本文 - 桑迪,“Theolog研究“,第一卷,第15页; Gwatkin,”阿里乌斯教研究“,第42页,第2版;麦吉弗特,”Prolog的Euseb通道“在”选择网卡图书馆和网卡后父亲“。 Duchesne,“组织胺DE L' Eglise”,第二卷,第149页)。According to this view it is natural to regard the introduction, "As we have received" etc., as autobiographical, and to infer that Eusebius had exercised the office of priesthood in the city of Cæsarea before he became its bishop, and had received his earliest religious instruction and the sacrament of Baptism there also.根据这种观点,这是自然方面介绍,“由于我们已收到”等,为自传体,并推断,尤西比乌斯行使的cæsarea城市的办公室之前,他成为了它的主教圣职,并收到了他的最早的宗教指令和圣事的洗礼,也有。 But other interpretations of this document are given, one of which destroys, while the other diminishes, its biographical value: (a) According to some the creed proferred by Eusebius was drawn up as a formula to be subscribed by all the bishops.但本文件的其他解释,其中一个破坏,而其他的减少,其履历的价值:(一)根据一些尤西比乌斯proferred的信条是作为认购所有主教的公式。 It was they who were to say that it embodied what they had been taught as catechumens and had taught as priests and bishops.据他们说,它体现了他们被教导为慕道者,并曾作为司铎和主教教。This seems to have been the view generally held before Hort, and was Kattenbusch's view in 1804 (Das apostolische Symbol, vol. I, p. 231).这似乎已被一般园艺之前举行的意见,Kattenbusch在1804年(DAS apostolische符号,卷,第231页)。One objection to this view may be noted.可能会注意到一个反对这种观点。It makes all the bishops equivalently say that before they received the episcopate they had for some time exercised the duties of the priesthood.这使得所有主教等效说,之前,他们收到的主教,他们在一段时间内行使职责的神职人员。(b) Others maintain that this creed was not the local creed of Cæsarea, but one drawn up by Eusebius in his own justification as embodying what he had always believed and taught. (b)其他保持这个信条是不是当地的cæsarea信条,而是一个由尤西比乌斯在他自己的理由,体现了什么,他一直相信和教导。According to this interpretation the preliminary statement still remains autobiographical; but it merely informs us that the writer exercised the office of priest before he became a bishop.根据这一解释的初步声明仍然自传体,但它只是告诉我们,作家行使牧师办公室之前,他成为主教。This interpretation has been adopted by Kattenbusch in his second volume (p. 239) published in 1900.这个解释已通过Kattenbusch他在1900年出版的第二卷(第239页)。One of the reasons which he gives for his change of view is that when he was preparing his first volume he used Socrates, who does not give the superscription which we have printed in brackets.他给他改变观点的原因之一是,当他正准备他的首卷,他用苏格拉底,谁不给我们印括号中的上标。It is a vital matter with writers of the school of Kattenbusch not to accept what seems the natural interpretation of Eusebius's words, viz., that the creed he read before the council was actually the one he had always used.这是一个作家Kattenbusch学校的重要问题,不接受尤西比乌斯的话似乎自然的解释,即,他的信条阅读摆在安理会面前的竟是他一直使用。 If this is admitted, "then", to quote Dr. Sanday, "I cannot but think that the theory of Kattenbusch and Harnack [viz. that the Eastern creds were daughters of the early Roman creed, and this latter did not reach the East till about AD 272] breaks breaks down altogether. Bishop Lightfoot … puts the birth of Eusebius about 260 AD, so that he would be something like twelve years old when Aurelian intervened in the affairs of Antioch. In other words he was in all probability already baptized, and had already been catechised in the Cæsarean creed at a time when, in the Kattenbusch-Harnack hypothesis, the parent of that creed had not yet reached Antioch - much less Cæsarea or Jerusalem" (Journ. Th. Studies, I, 15).如果这是承认,“然后”,博士桑迪的话,“我可以不认为Kattenbusch和哈尔纳克[即理论,东部信任状早期罗马信条,后者的女儿没有​​到达东直到大约公元272]休息休息大吉。主教娜莱 把公元约260尤西比乌斯出生,因此,他会像12岁的东西时Aurelian在安提阿的事务进行干预。换句话说,他已经在所有的概率受洗,并已被catechised剖腹产的信条时,在Kattenbusch哈纳克假说,该信条的父尚未达到安提阿的时候 - 少得多撒利亚或耶路撒冷“(Journ.钍的研究,我15。 )。

The passage just quoted shows that the date of Eusebius's birth is more than a merely curious question.通过刚才引述尤西比乌斯的诞生之日起超过只是一个好奇的问题。According to Lightfoot, it cannot have been "much later than AD 260" (p. 309); according to Harnack, "it can hardly be placed later than 260-265" (Chronologie, I, p. 106).据娜莱,它不能被“远远晚于公元260”(第309页);根据的Harnack,“它可以很难被置于比260-265以后”(Chronologie,我,第106页)。 The data from which they argue are the persons and events which Eusebius describes as belonging to "our own times".他们争论的数据尤西比乌斯属于“我们自己的时代”的描述的人物与事件。Thus, at the end of his account of the epistles of Dionysius of Alexandria, he says he is now going to relate the events of "our own times" (kath- 'emâs. - HE, VII, 26).因此,在结束他对亚历山大的狄奥尼修斯书信时,他说,他现在要与“我们自己的时代”事件(凯丝,“EMAS - 何,七,26)。 He then recounts how, at Rome, Pope Dionysius (259-268) succeeded Xystus, and about the same time Paul of Samosata became Bishop of Antioch.然后,他指出,在罗马,教皇狄奥尼修斯(259-268)成功Xystus,大约在同一时间萨莫萨塔保罗成为安提阿的主教。

Elsewhere (HE, V, 28) he speaks of the same Paul as reviving "in our own time" (kath- 'emâs) the heresy of Artemon.别处(HE,五,28)他讲的复苏“在我们自己的时间”同保罗(凯丝“EMAS)Artemon异端。 He also speaks of the Alexandrian Dionysius (d. 265) in the same way (HE, III, 28).他还谈到在狄奥尼修斯的亚历山大(卒于265),以同样的方式(何,三,28)。He calls Manes, whom he places (HE, VII, 31) during the episcopate of Felix (270-274), "the maniac of yesterday and our own timess" (Theophania, IV, 30).他呼吁Manes认为,他地方(HE,七,31)在菲利克斯(270-274)的主教团,“昨天的疯子和我们自己的timess”,(Theophania,四,30)。 An historian might of course refer to events recent, but before his own birth, as belonging to "our own times"; eg a man of thirty might speak thus of the Franco-German war in 1870.当然,一个历史学家可能是指最近的事件,但在他出生之前,属于“我们自己的时代”;如的30名男子可能讲因而在1870年的法德战争。 But the reference to Manes as "the maniac of yesterday" certainly suggests a writer who is alluding to what happened within his own personal recollection.但是,“昨天狂”Manes的参考,当然意味着一个作家,谁是暗指在自己的个人回忆发生了什么。Concerning Eusebius's parentage we know absolutely nothing; but the fact that he escaped with a short term of imprisonment during the terrible Diocletian persecution, when his master Pamphilus and others of his companions suffered martyrdom, suggests that he belonged to a family of some influence and importance.关于尤西比乌斯的父母子女关系我们知道绝对没有什么,但是,他与一个监禁短长期逃过了可怕的戴克里先的迫害,当他掌握Pamphilus和他的同伴他人遭受殉难时,的建议,他属于家族一些影响和重要性。 His relations, later on, with the Emperor Constantine point to the same conclusion.他的关系,后来,君士坦丁点了同样的结论。At some time during the last twenty years of the third century he visited Antioch, where he made the acquaintance of the priest Dorotheus, and heard him expound the Scriptures (HE, VII, 32).在过去的20年的第三个世纪的一段时间,他走访了安提阿,在那里他结识牧师Dorotheus,并听取了他阐述了“圣经”(HE,七,32)。 By a slip of the pen or the memory, Lightfoot (p. 309) makes Dorotheus a priest of the Church of Cæsarea.娜莱(第309页)的笔误或记忆,使得Dorotheus撒利亚的教会牧师。In 296 he saw for the first time the future Emperor Constantine, as he passed through Palestine in the company of Diocletian (Vit. Const., I, 19).在296中,他第一次看到了未来的皇帝君士坦丁,他通过巴勒斯坦通过在公司的戴克里先(Vit. CONST,我19)。

At a date which cannot be fixed Eusebius made the acquaintance of Pamphilus, the founder of the magnificent library which remained for several centuries the great glory of the Church of Cæsarea.在日期不能固定尤西比乌斯Pamphilus熟人,保持了几个世纪的伟大荣耀教会的cæsarea的宏伟库的创始人。 Pamphilus came from Phœnicia, but at the time we are considering resided at Cæsarea, where he presided over a college or school for students. Pamphilus来自腓尼基,但当时我们正在考虑在该撒利亚,在那里他主持过大学或学校为学生居住。A man of noble birth, and wealthy, he sold his patrimony and gave the proceeds to the poor.一个贵族出身的人,有钱的,他卖掉了他的遗产和收益给穷人。He was a great friend to indigent students, supplying them to the best of his ability with the necessaries of life, and bestowing on them copies of the Holy Scriptures.他是一个伟大的朋友向贫困学生,提供他与生活必需品的能力,并给予他们的圣经副本。Too humble to write anything himself, he spent his time in preparing accurate copies of the Scriptures and other books, especially those of Origen.太卑微,自己写什么,他度过了他的时间在准备准确的圣经和其他书籍,尤其是那些奥利副本。Eloquent testimonies to the care bestowed by Pamphilus and Eusebius on the sacred text are found in Biblical MSS.雄辩的证词是在圣经的MSS Pamphilus和神圣的文本尤西比乌斯赋予的照顾。which have reproduced their colophons.他们colophons纷纷转载。We give three specimens.我们给予3个标本。(1) the following is prefixed to Ezechiel in the codex Marchalianus. (1)以下的前缀Ezechiel,在食品法典委员会Marchalianus。A facsimile of the original will be found in Mai's "Bib. nov. Pat.", IV, p.原传真机将在清迈的“背带裤。NOV。八。”,第四,第 218, and in Migne. 218,并在米涅。It is printed in ordinary type in Swete's OT in Greek (vol. III, p. viii).这是印在普通型Swete在希腊的OT(第三卷,第8页)。It must be remembered that Origen's own copy of the Hexapla was in the library of Pamphilus.我们必须记住,奥利自己的副本的Hexapla Pamphilus库。It had probably been deposited there by Origen himself.它有可能被存入由奥利自己。

The following was transcribed from a copy of the Father Apollinarius the Coenobiarch, to which these words are subjoined: "It was transcribed from the editions of the Hexapla and was corrected from the Tetrapla of Origen himself which also had been corrected and furnished with scholia in his own handwriting, whence I, Eusebius, added the scholia, Pamphilus and Eusebius corrected."以下是转录的父亲Apollinarius Coenobiarch副本,这些话是subjoined:“这是转录Hexapla版本Tetrapla奥利自己也得到纠正,并与scholia装饰在纠正他自己的笔迹,我从哪里来,尤西比乌斯,scholia,Pamphilus和尤西比乌斯纠正。“

(2) At the end of the Book of Esdras, in the codex Sinaiticus, there is the following note:-(2)在图书埃斯德拉斯年底,在法典西奈抄本中,有以下注意事项: -

It was compared with a very ancient copy that had been corrected by the hand of the blessed martyr Pamphilus to which is appended in his own hand this subscription: "It was transcribed and corrected according to the Hexapla of Origen, Antoninus compared, I, Pamphilus, corrected."这是比手的祝福的烈士,这是在他自己的手附加此订阅Pamphilus已纠正的一个非常古老的复制:“这是转录和纠正根据安东尼奥利,Hexapla相比,我Pamphilus ,纠正。“(Swete, vol. II, p. 212.)(Swete,第二卷,第212页。)

(3) The same codex and also the Vatican and Alexandrine quote a colophon like the above, with the difference that Antoninus has become a confessor, and Pamphilus is in prison - "Antoninus the confessor compared, Pamphilus corrected". (3)食品法典委员会和梵蒂冈和亚历山大报价,安东尼已经成为一个忏悔的差异,像上述版权页,并Pamphilus是在监狱里 - “安东尼的忏悔相比,Pamphilus纠正”。The volume to which this colophon was subjoined began with I Kings and ended with Esther.这是subjoined版权页的成交量开始与我国王与以斯帖结束。Pamphilus was certainly not idle in prison.Pamphilus当然不是闲置在狱中。To most of the books in the Syro- Hexaplar is subjoined a note to the effect that they were translated from the Hexapla in the library of Cæsarea and compared with a copy subscribed: "I, Eusebius, corrected [the above] as carefully as I could" (Harnack, "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 544, 545).Syro - Hexaplar书籍大多是subjoined一个效果的注意,他们从图书馆的cæsarea Hexapla翻译,并与副本认购相比:“我,尤西比乌斯,纠正[上面]我仔细可能“(哈纳克,”Altchrist。点亮。“第544页,545)。

May not the confessor Antoninus be the same person as the priest of that name who, later on, with two companions interrupted the governor when he was on the point of sacrificing, and was beheaded?不得忏悔安东尼是相同的人,后来,随着两个同​​伴打断总督时,他就牺牲点,和那名牧师被斩首的人?(Mart. Pal., 9.) One member of Pamphilus's household, Apphianus, had done the same a few years before; and another, Ædesius, after being tortured and sent to the mines, on obtaining his release provoked martyrdom at Alexandria by going before the governor and rebuking him.(Mart.帕尔,9)的一名成员,Apphianus Pamphilus的家庭,做了相同的前几年,另外,Ædesius后,被折磨和发送到矿山上获得释放他挑起去殉难在亚历山大,前总督和责备他。 Towards the end of 307 Pamphilus was arrested, horribly tortured, and consigned to prison.接近307 Pamphilus年底被逮捕,残酷折磨,并委托监狱。Besides continuing his work of editing the Septuagint, he wrote, in collaboration with Eusebius, a Defence of Origen which was sent to the confessors in the mines - a wonderful gift from a man whose sides had been curried with iron combs, to men with their right eyes burned out and the sinews of their left legs cauterized.除了继续他的译本编辑工作,他写道,在与尤西比乌斯合作,捍卫了奥利被送到在矿山的忏悔 - 从一个人的双方已经用铁梳子令行禁止的美好的礼物,与自己的男人右眼被烧毁,左腿筋烧灼。Early in 309 Pamphilus and several of his disciples were beheaded.早在309 Pamphilus和他的几个弟子被砍头。Out of devotion to his memory Eusebius called himself Eusebius Pamphili, meaning, probably, that he wished to be regarded as the bondsman of him whose name "it is not meet that I should mention … without styling him my lord" (Mart. Pal., ed. Cureton, p. 37).奉献给他的记忆中尤西比乌斯自称尤西比乌斯Pamphili,意义,可能,他希望作为他的担保人,他的名字“这是不符合,我应该没有提及我的主造型他的 ”(Mart.帕尔。 。Cureton,第37页)。Mr. Gifford, in the introduction to his translation of the "Præp. Evang.", has suggested another explanation on the authority of an ancient scholion emanating from Cæsarea which calls Eusebius the "son of Pamphilus".吉福德先生,在介绍他翻译的“Præp ​​Evang。”建议从该撒利亚所产生的一个古老的scholion调用尤西比乌斯“Pamphilus儿子”的权威的另一种解释。He argues further that Pamphilus, in order to make Eusebius his heir, took the necessary step of adopting him.他认为进一步Pamphilus,为了使尤西比乌斯他的继承人,采用他的必要步骤。During the persecution Eusebius visited Tyre and Egypt and witnessed numbers of martyrdoms (HE, VIII, vii and ix).尤西比乌斯迫害期间参观了轮胎和埃及目击martyrdoms号码(HE,第八,第七和第九章)。He certainly did not shun danger, and was at one time a prisoner.他当然不信的危险,并在一次囚犯。When, where, or how he escaped death or any kind of mutilation, we do not know.当的地点,他是如何逃脱死亡或任何一种切割,我们不知道。 An indignant bishop, who had been one of his fellow-prisoners and "lost an eye for the Truth", demanded at the Council of Tyre how "he came off scathless".一个愤怒的主教,已被他的同胞囚犯,“真理失去了一只眼睛”,要求在轮胎会如何“,他来到scathless”。 To this taunt - it was hardly a question - made under circumstances of great provocation, Eusebius deigned no reply (Epiphan., Hær., lxviii, 8; cf. St. Athanas., "Apol. c. Arian.", viii, 1).这个嘲讽 - 这是很难的问题 - 极大挑衅情况下,尤西比乌斯屈尊没有答复(Epiphan.,Hær,LXVIII,8;比照圣Athanas,“APOL C.阿里安”,第八,。 1)。He had many enemies, yet the charge of cowardice was never seriously made - the best proof that it could not have been sustained.他有许多敌人,但懦弱从来没有认真负责 - 最好的证明,它已经不能持续。We may assume that, as soon as the persecution began to relax, Eusebius succeeded Pamphilus in the charge of the college and library.我们可以假设,尽快迫害开始放松,尤西比乌斯成功的高校和图书馆的负​​责Pamphilus。Perhaps he was ordained priest about this time.也许,他被任命大约在这个时候牧师。By 315 he was already a bishop, for he was present in that capacity at the dedication of a new basilica at Tyre, on which occasion he delivered a discourse given in full in the last book of the Church history. 315,他已经是一个主教,因为他是在目前这种能力在一个新的教堂,在轮胎的奉献精神,当时他发表在教会历史上的最后一本书了话语。

Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, excommunicated Arius about the year 320.亚历山大,亚历山大的主教逐出教会约一年320阿里乌斯。The Arians soon found that for all practical purposes Eusebius was on their side.的arians很快就发现,所有的实际目的尤西比乌斯就在自己身边。He wrote to Alexander charging him with misrepresenting the teaching of the Arians and so giving them cause "to attack and misrepresent whatever they please" (see below).他写信给亚历山大指控他谎报教学的arians,所以给他们造成“攻击和歪曲,无论他们请”(见下文)。A portion of this letter has been preserved in the Acts of the second Council of Nicæa, where it was cited to prove that Eusebius was a heretic.这封信的部分一直保存在第二届理事会的尼西亚,在那里被引证明尤西比乌斯是一个邪教组织的行为。He also took part in a synod of Syrian bishops who decided that Arius should be restored to his former position, but on his side he was to obey his bishop and continually entreat peace and communion with him (Soz., HE, I, 15).他还参加了在叙利亚主教主教会议的决定,阿里乌斯应恢复到他原来的位置,但在他的身边,他是听从他的主教,并不断哀求与他的和平与共融(Soz.,他,我,15) 。According to Duchesne (Hist. de l'Eglise, II, 132), Arius, like Origen before him, found an asylum at Cæsarea.据Duchesne(Hist. DE L' Eglise,II,132),阿里乌斯,就像在他之前的奥利,发现在该撒利亚的庇护。At the opening of the Council of Nicæa Eusebius occupied the first seat on the right of the emperor, and delivered the inaugural address which was "couched in a strain of thanksgiving to Almighty God on his, the emperor's behalf" (Vit. Const., III, 11; Soz., HE, I, 19).在尼西亚尤西比乌斯理事会开幕占领了皇帝的权利的第一个席位,并发表就职演说,这是“横卧在感恩的他,代表皇帝的应变全能的上帝”(Vit. CONST。三,11;丁索兹,他,我,19)。He evidently enjoyed great prestige and may not unreasonably have expected to be able to steer the council through the via media between the Scylla and Charybdis of "Yes" and "No".他显然享有崇高的威望,并不得无理预计将能够指导安理会通过通过媒体之间的斯库拉和卡律布狄斯“Yes”和“否”。But if he entertained such hopes they were soon disappointed.但如果他受理这种希望,他们很快就失望了。We have already spoken of the profession of faith which he brought forward to vindicate his own orthodoxy, or perhaps in the hope that the council might adopt it.我们已经谈过,他提出平反自己的正统信仰的职业,或者希望安理会可能采取。It was, in view of the actual state of the controversy, a colourless, or what at the present day would be called a comprehensive, formula.争议的实际状态,这是一种无色,或在现今被称为一个全面,配方。After some delay Eusebius subscribed to the uncompromising creed drawn up by the council, making no secret, in the letter which he wrote to his own Church, of the non-natural sense in which he accepted it.经过一些拖延尤西比乌斯认购制订了理事会,在信中,他写信给他自己的教会中,他接受了它的不自然感,没有什么秘密,不妥协的信条。 Between 325 and 330 a heated controversy took place between Eusebius and Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch.325和330之间的一个尤西比乌斯和欧斯塔修斯,安提阿的主教之间发生了激烈的争论。

Eustathius accused Eusebius of tampering with the faith of Nicæa; the latter retorted with the charge of Sabellianism.欧斯塔修斯指责尤西比乌斯篡改尼西亚信仰,后者则反驳说Sabellianism负责。In 331 Eusebius was among the bishops who, at a synod held in Antioch, deposed Eustathius. 331尤西比乌斯之间的主教,在安提阿主教会议,废黜欧斯塔修斯。He was offered and refused the vacant see.他提供的,并拒绝空置看到。In 334 and 335 he took part in the campaign against St. Athanasius at the synods held in Cæsarea and Tyre respectively.在334和335,他对圣athanasius运动在该撒利亚和轮胎分别举行的主教会议的一部分。From Tyre the assembly of bishops were summoned to Jerusalem by Constantine, to assist at the dedication of the basilica he had erected on the site of Calvary.从提尔大会的主教被传唤到耶路撒冷由君士坦丁,以协助在竖立各各网站上教堂,他的奉献精神。After the dedication they restored Arius and his followers to communion.奉献精神后,他们恢复阿里乌斯和他的追随者共融。From Jerusalem they were summoned to Constantinople (336), where Marcellus was condemned.从耶路撒冷,他们被传唤到君士坦丁堡(336),被谴责马塞勒斯。The foilowing year Constantine died.foilowi​​ng年君士坦丁死亡。Eusebius survived him long enough to write his Life and two treatises against Marcellus, but by the summer of 341 he was already dead, since it was his successor, Acacius, who assisted as Bishop of Cæsarea at a synod held at Antioch in the summer of that year.尤西比乌斯存活足够长的时间,写对马塞勒斯他的生活和两个论文,但由341夏天,他已经死了,因为这是他的继任者,Acacius,凯撒利亚主教协助在安提阿在夏季举行的主教会议这一年。


We shall take Eusebius's writings in the order given in Harnack's "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 554 sqq.哈纳克的在给定的顺序,我们应采取尤西比乌斯的著作“Altchrist点亮。”,第554 SQQ。

A. HistoricalA.历史

(1) The lost Life of Pamphilus, often referred to by Eusebius, of which only a single fragment, describing Pamphilus' liberality to poor students, quoted by St. Jerome (c. Ruffin., I, ix), survives. (1)的Pamphilus失去了生命,通常被称为尤西比乌斯,其中只有一个片段,描述Pamphilus“慷慨贫困学生,圣杰罗姆(C.鲁芬,我九)引述,生存。

(2) A collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, used by the compiler of Wright's Syriac Martyrology, also lost.(2)古代Martyrdoms收集,赖特的叙利亚文Martyrology的编译器使用,也失去了。

(3) On the Martyrs of Palestine.(3)在巴勒斯坦的烈士。There are two distinct forms of this work, both drawn up by Eusebius.有两种截然不同的形式对这项工作的,由尤西比乌斯制定。The longer is only extant in a Syriac version which was first edited and translated by Cureton in 1861.不再是唯一现存在叙利亚文的版本,这是第一次编辑和翻译由Cureton于1861年。The shorter form is found in most MSS.在大多数MSS较短的形式被发现。(not, however, in the best) of the Church History, sometimes at the end of the last book, generally between books VIII and IX, also in the middle of book VIII. (不是,但是,是最好的)教会的历史,有时是在结束的最后一本书,一般在第八和第九的书籍,还书第八中间。The existence of the same work in two different forms raises a number of curious literary problems.存在着同样的工作在两种不同的形式提出了许多好奇的文学问题。There is, of course, the question of priority.有,当然是优先的问题。

Here, with two notable exceptions, scholars seem to be agreed in favour of the longer form.在这里,有两个显着的的例外,学者似乎将在更长的形式商定的青睐。Then comes the question, why Eusebius abridged it and, finally, how the abridgment found its way into the Church History.然后问题来了,为什么尤西比乌斯删节,最后,如何删节发现教会的历史。The shorter form lacks some introductory remarks, referred to in c.较短的形式缺乏,C中提到的一些介绍性发言xiii, which defined the scope of the book.十三,书的范围定义。It also breaks off when the writer is about to "record the palinode" of the persecutors.也打破了当作家“记录palinode”的迫害。It seems probable that part of the missing conclusion is extant in the form of an appendix to the eighth book of the Church History found in several MSS.似乎有可能失踪的结论的一部分,在现存的MSS的几个发现教会的历史第八册的附录的形式。This appendix contrasts the miserable fate of the persecutors with the good fortune of Constantine and his father.本附录的对比与康斯坦丁的好运气,他的父亲迫害者的悲惨命运。From these data Lightfoot concludes that what we now possess formed "part of a larger work in which the sufferings of the Martyrs were set off against the deaths of the persecutors".从这些数据娜莱中得出结论,我们现在已经拥有形成了“较大的工作,在烈士的苦难对迫害者的死亡”。It must, however, be remembered that the missing parts would not add much to the book. ,但是,它必须记住,缺少的部分将不会增加太多的书。So far as the martyrs are concerned, it is evidently complete, and the fate of the persecutors would not take long in the telling.到目前为止烈士而言,它显然是完整的,并不会采取在告诉长期迫害的命运。Still, the missing conclusion may explain why Eusebius curtailed his account of the Martyrs.尽管如此,失踪的结论也许可以解释为什么尤西比乌斯削弱了他的烈士的帐户。The book, in both forms, was intended for popular reading.书,在这两种形式,意为通俗读物。It was therefore desirable to keep down the price of copies.因此,这是可取的,以压低价格副本。If this was to be done, and new matter (ie the fate of the persecutors) added, the old matter had to be somewhat curtailed.如果这是许多工作要做,并添加新的问题(即迫害的命运),旧事已经有所削减。In 1894, in the Theologische Literaturzeitung (p. 464) Preuschen threw out the idea that the shorter form was merely a rough draft not intended for publication.Theologische Literaturzeitung(第464页)1894年,在普罗伊申抛出的想法,较短的形式只是一个粗略的草案,不打算出版。Bruno Violet, in his "Die Palästinischen Martyrer" (Texte u. Untersuch., XIV, 4, 1896) followed up this idea and pointed out that, whereas the longer form was constantly used by the compilers of Martyrologies, Menologies, and the like, the shorter form was never used.布鲁诺紫罗兰,在他的“死Palästinischen Martyrer”(Texte U. Untersuch,第十四条,4日,1896)跟进这一想法,并指出,而较长的形式是经常使用的Martyrologies的编译器,Menologies,和像,从未使用较短的形式。 In a review of Violet (Theolog. Litz, 1897, p. 300), Preuschen returns to his original idea, and further suggests that the shorter form must have been joined to the Church History by some copyist who had access to Eusebius's MSS.审查紫罗兰(Theolog.利兹,1897年,第300页),普罗伊申返回他原来的想法,并进一步表明,较短的形式必须已经加入了一些抄写员曾获得尤西比乌斯的MSS教会的历史。 Harnack (Chronologie, 11, 115) holds to the priority of the longer form, but he thinks that the shorter form was composed almost at the same time for readers of the Church History.哈纳克(Chronologie,11,115)拥有较长形式的优先级,但他认为,在教会历史的读者几乎同一时间较短的形式组成。

(4) The Chronicle (see separate article, EUSEBIUS, CHRONICLE OF). (4)“纪事”(见另一篇文章,尤西比乌斯,年谱)。

(5) The Church History.(5)教会的历史。It would be difficult to overestimate the obligation which posterity is under to Eusebius for this monumental work.这将是难以估量的子孙下到尤西比乌斯是本巨著的义务。Living during the period of transition, when the old order was changing and all connected with it was passing into oblivion, he came forward at the critical moment with his immense stores of learning and preserved priceless treasures of Christian antiquity.居住在过渡时期,旧秩序正在发生变化时,所有连接的,它是被遗忘的合格的,他在关键时刻提出了他的巨大的学习和保存古代基督教的无价珍宝店。 This is the great merit of the Church History.这是教会历史的伟大功绩。It is not a literary work which can be read with any pleasure for the sake of its style.它不是一个可与任何其风格起见的乐趣阅读的文学作品。Eusebius's "diction", as Photius said, "is never pleasant nor clear".尤西比乌斯的“文辞”,作为Photius说,“从来没有愉快,也不明确”。 Neither is it the work of a great thinker.也不是一个伟大的思想家的工作。But it is a storehouse of information collected by an indefatigable student.但它是一个不知疲倦的学生收集的资料库。Still, great as was Eusebius's learning, it had its limitations.然而,伟大的作为是尤西比乌斯的学习,它有其局限性。He is provokingly ill-informed about the West.他是对西方provokingly消息不灵通。That he knows very little about Tertullian or St. Cyprian is due, no doubt, to his scant knowledge of Latin; but in the case of a Greek writer, like Hippolytus, we can only suppose that his works somehow failed to make their way to the libaries of the East.他知道约特土良或圣塞浦路斯很少是因为,毫无疑问,他的拉美缺乏知识,但希波吕托斯一样,在一个希腊作家的情况下,我们只能假设没有做他们的方式,他的作品以某种方式东libaries。 Eusebius's good faith and sincerity has been amply vindicated by Lightfoot.尤西比乌斯的善意和诚意得到了充分的由二人平反。Gibbon's celebrated sneer, about a writer "who indirectly confesses that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend to the disgrace, of religion", can be sufficiently met by referring to the passages (HE, VIII, ii; Mart. Pal. c. 12) on which it is based.吉本的庆祝冷笑着对一个作家“谁间接交代,他有相关的任何可能回报的荣耀,和他有抑制,可能倾向于对宗教的耻辱,”,,可以被充分满足,指的通道(他第八,二;。沃尔玛帕尔C. 12),它是基于。Eusebius does not "indirectly confess", but openly avows, that he passes over certain scandals, and he enumerates them and denounces them.尤西比乌斯并没有“间接承认”,但公开avows,他通过在某些丑闻,以及他列举了他们,并谴责他们。"Nor again", to quote Lightfoot, "can the special charges against his honour as a narrator be sustained. There is no ground whatever for the charge that Eusebius forged or interpolated the passage from Josephus relating to our Lord quoted in HE, I, 11, though Heinchen is disposed to entertain the charge. Inasmuch as this passage is contained in all our MSS., and there is sufficient evidence that other interpolations (though not this) were introduced into the text of Josephus long before his time (see Orig., c. Cels., I, 47, Delarue's note) no suspicion can justly attach to Eusebius himself. Another interpolation in the Jewish historian, which he quotes elsewhere (11, 23), was certainly known to Origen (lc). Doubtless also the omission of the owl in the account of Herod Agrippa's death (HE, 11, 10) was already in some texts of Josephus (Ant., XIX, 8, 2). The manner in which Eusebius deals with his numerous quotations elsewhere, where we can test his honesty, is a sufficient vindication against this unjust charge" (L., p. 325). “也再次”,引用娜莱,“可以对他的荣誉,作为叙述者持续的特殊费用。没有理由,尤西比乌斯伪造或插约瑟夫通过我们的主,他引述有关的控罪不管,我11,虽然Heinchen处置招待的费用,因为这段话是在所有我们的MSS中,并有足够的证据表明其他插值(虽然不是这个),约瑟夫长的文本出台之前,他的时间(见原价C. CELS,我47,Delarue注)没有怀疑可以理直气壮地连接到尤西比乌斯自己。另一个犹太历史学家,他引述在别处(11,23)插补,肯定是已知的奥利(LC)。毫无疑问,还遗漏猫头鹰的希律亚基帕的死亡(HE,11,10)约瑟夫(Ant.,19,8,2)一些文本,以何种方式与他在其他地方的众多报价尤西比乌斯交易,在这里我们可以测试他的诚实,是一个足够的平反,反对这种不公正的收费“(L,第325页)。

The notices in the Church History bearing on the New Testament Canon are so important that a word must be said about the rule followed by Eusebius in what he recorded and what he left unrecorded.在教会历史上的新约圣经佳能轴承的告示是如此的重要,说一个字必须在他的记录和他留下未记录尤西比乌斯遵循的规则。 Speaking generally, his principle seems to have been to quote testimonies for and against those books only whose claims to a place in the Canon had been disputed.一般讲,他的原则似乎已被引用的证词和对那些只在佳能的地方声称已经有争议的书。In the case of undisputed books he gave any interesting information concerning their composition which he had come across in his reading.在无可争议的书籍情况下,他给了他跨在他的阅读的关于其组成的任何有趣的信息。The subject was most carefully investigated by Lightfoot in an article in "The Contemporary" (January, 1875, reprinted in "Essays on Supernatural Religion"), entitled "The Silence of Eusebius".主题是最认真的调查娜莱在“当代”的文章(1月,1875年,在“超自然的宗教论集”再版),题为“沉默的尤西比乌斯”。 In regard to the Gospel of St. John, Lightfoot concludes: "The silence of Eusebius respecting early witnesses to the Fourth Gospel is an evidence in its favour."关于福音的圣约翰,二人的结论:“第四福音尤西比乌斯尊重早期证人的沉默是一种对其有利的证据。”For the episcopal lists in the Church History, see article on the Chronicle.对于在教会的历史主教名单,请参阅“纪事”的文章。 The tenth book of the Church History records the defeat of Licinius in 323, and must have been completed before the death and disgrace of Crispus in 326, for it refers to him as Constantine's "most pious son".第十书教会的历史记录打败李锡尼,在323之前,必须已完成326死亡和耻辱的草,它指的是他作为君士坦丁的“最虔诚的儿子”。 The ninth book was completed between the defeat of Maxentius in 312, and Constantine's first rupture with Licinius in 314.完成第九册之间的Maxentius 312击败,君士坦丁与李锡尼在314破裂。

(6) The Life of Constantine, in four books.(6)生命的君士坦丁,在四本书。This work has been most unjustly blamed, from the time of Socrates downwards, because it is a panegyric rather than a history.这项工作已经最不公正的指责,从苏格拉底向下时,因为它是颂词,而不是历史。If ever there was a man under an obligation to respect the maxim, De mortuis nil nisi bonum, this man was Eusebius, writing the Life of Constantine within three years after his death (337).如果曾经有一名男子,这名男子是有义务尊重的格言,mortuis无暂准bonum尤西比乌斯,三年内以书面形式在他死后(337)康斯坦丁的生命。 This Life is especially valuable because of the account it gives of the Council of Nicæa and the earlier phases of the Arian controversy.这样的生活,尤其是有价值的,因为帐户给理事会的尼西亚和阿里安争议的早期阶段。 It is well to remember that one of our chief sources of information for the history of that council is a book written to magnify Constantine.这是要记住,该理事会的历史信息的主要来源之一是写入放大康斯坦丁一书。

B. ApologeticB.护教

(7) Against Hierocles.(7)对Hierocles。Hierocles, who, as governor in Bithynia and in Egypt, was a cruel enemy of the Christians during the persecution, before the persecution had attacked them with the pen. Hierocles,庇推尼和埃及的总督,是一个基督徒的残酷敌人在迫害之前,迫害袭击了他们用钢笔。There was nothing original about his work except the use he made of Philostratus's Life of Apollonius of Tyana to institute a comparison between the Lord and Apollonius in favour of the latter.是他的工作只是他Philostratus Tyana阿波罗纽斯生活作出研究所之间的主阿波罗纽斯比较赞成后者的使用原来的。In his reply Eusebius confined himself to this one point.在他的答复尤西比乌斯只是这一点。

(8) "Against Porphyry", a work in twenty-five books of which not a fragment survives. (8)“反对斑岩”,在二十五个书籍,其中没有一个片段生存工作。

(9) The "Præparatio Evangelica", in fifteen books.(9)“Præparatio Evangelica”,在十五书籍。

(10) The "Demonstratio Evangelica", in twenty books, of which the last ten, with the exception of a fragment of the fifteenth, are lost.(10)“Demonstratio Evangelica”,在二书,其中最后10第十五片段异常,都将丢失。The object of these two treatises, which should be regarded as two parts of one comprehensive work, was to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosophy of the Greeks in favour of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life.这两个论文的对象,这应该是一个综合性的工作分为两部分,是基督教的理由拒绝赞成的希伯来人,希腊人的宗教和哲学,然后证明他不遵守犹太人的方式生活。 The "Præparatio" is devoted to the first of these objects.“Præparatio”是专门到这些对象。The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford's introduction to his translation of the "Præparatio": "The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology, Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of dæmons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Plato and Free Will. Books VII- IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosophy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the last three books the comparison of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosophers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized."吉福德先生介绍他的翻译“Præparatio”下面的摘要,其内容是:“前三本书讨论异教神学,神话,寓言,和政治的三倍系统未来三年,IV - VI。给予行政神谕,守护进程的崇拜,和,希腊哲学家柏拉图和自由的学说的各种意见。丛书第七至第九宁愿希伯来人的宗教的理由成立的证词,主要是在各种书籍作者阁下和他们的经典,他们的历史真相。第十至十二尤西比乌斯认为,希腊人从旧的神学和哲学的希伯来人,住宅,特别是所谓的柏拉图后,摩西的依赖借来的。过去三年书,是继续摩西与柏拉图比较,以及其他希腊哲学家,特别是Peripatetics和斯多葛派,相互矛盾的揭露和批判。“

The "Præparatio" is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius's other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. “Præparatio”是一个巨大的博学的壮举,并根据哈纳克(Chronologie,二,第120页),是许多尤西比乌斯的其他作品一样,实际上包括在迫害的压力。 It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors whose works have perished.它的行列,与纪事,仅次于教会历史中的重要性,因为从古代作家,其作品丧生其丰富的提取物。The first book of the Demonstratio chiefly deals with the temporary character of the Mosaic Law. Demonstratio的第一本书,主要是处理临时性质的镶嵌法。In the second the prophecies concerning the vocation of the Gentiles and the rejection of the Jews are discussed.在第二,关于外邦人和排斥犹太人的使命是讨论的预言。In the remaining eight the testimonies of the prophets concerning Christ are treated of.在余下的8个关于基督先知的证词被视为。

We now pass to three books, of which nothing is known save that they were read by Photius, viz.现在,我们通过三本著作,其中没有什么是已知的保存,他们Photius,即读。(11), The "Præparatio Ecclesiastica", (12), the "Demonstratio Ecclesiastica", and (13) Two Books of Objection and Defence, of which, from Photius's account, there seem to have been two separate editions.(11),“Præparatio Ecclesiastica”,(12),“Demonstratio Ecclesiastica”,(13)两书的反对和国防部,其中,从Photius的帐户,似乎已是两个单独的版本。(14) The "Theophania" or "Divine Manifestation".(14)“Theophania”或“神的表现”。Except for a few fragments of the original, this work is only extant in a Syriac version dsicovered by Tattam, edited by Lee in 1842, and translated by the same in 1843.除对原有的几个片段,这项工作是唯一现存在叙利亚文版本dsicovered塔塔姆,李在1842年编辑,翻译在1843年由同一。 It treats of the cosmic function of the Word, the nature of man, the need of revelation, etc. The fourth and fifth books are particularly remarkable as a kind of anticipation of modern books on Christian evidences.它把字,人的本质,需要的启示,等,第四和第五的书籍作为一种预期的现代基督教的证据书籍特别显着的宇宙功能。 A curious literary problem arises out of the relations between the "Theophania" and the work "De Laudibus Constantini".一个好奇的文学问题出现了“Theophania”和工作“Laudibus Constantini”之间的关系。There are entire passages which are almost verbatim the same in both works.整个通道,这几乎是逐字的两个作品的相同。Lightfoot decides in favour of the priority of the first-named work.娜莱决定赞成名列首位的工作优先。Gressel, who has edited the "Theophania" for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers, takes the opposite view.Gressel,他先后编辑“Theophania”柏林版的希腊教父,采取相反的观点。He compares the parallel passages and argues that they are improved in the "De Laudibus Constantini".他比较了平行通道,并辩称,他们是在“德Laudibus Constantini”改善。

(15) "On the Numerous Progeny of the Ancients".(15)“在古人的许多后代”。This work is referred to by Eusebius twice, in the "Præp. Ev.", VII, 8, and in the "Dem. Ev.", VII, 8; and also (Lightfoot and Harnack think) by St. Basil ("De Spir. Sanct.", xxix), where he says, "I draw attention to his [Eusebius's] words in discussing the difficulties started in connexion with ancient polygamy."这项工作是由尤西比乌斯的两倍,“Præp ​​EV。”第七,八,并在“DEM EV。”第七,八和也(代表作哈纳克认为)圣罗勒(“ SPIR。Sanct。“XXIX),他说,”我提请大家注意他尤西比乌斯的讨论开始在古代一夫多妻制联接的困难]的话。“Arguing from St. Basil's words, Lightfoot thinks that in this treatise Eusebius dealt with the difficulty presented by the Patriarchs possessing more than one wife.争论圣罗勒的话,二人认为,拥有一个以上的妻子始祖提出的困难,在此论文尤西比乌斯的处理。But he overlooked the reference in the "Dem. Ev.", from which it would appear that the difficulty dealt with was, perhaps, a more general one, viz., the contrast presented by the desire of the Patriarchs for a numerous offspring and the honour in which continence was held by Christians.但他忽略了在参考“DEM。EV”,它会出现,处理的难度,也许,一个更为普遍的问题,即,为众多的后代提出的始祖的愿望对比度和在这种可控的荣誉是由基督徒举行。

C. ExegeticalC.训诂

(16) Eusebius narrates, in his Life of Constantine (IV, 36, 37), how he was commissioned by the emperor to prepare fifty sumptuous copies of the Bible for use in the Churches of Constantinople. (16)尤西比乌斯叙述,在他的生活康斯坦丁(四,36,37),他是如何由皇帝委托准备在君士坦丁堡教会使用的“圣经”五十丰盛的副本。Some scholars have supposed that the Codex Sinaiticus was one of these copies.有学者以为法典西奈抄本是这些副本之一。Lightfoot rejects this view chiefly on the ground that "the Text of the codex in many respects differs too widely from the readings found in Eusebius".娜莱拒绝这种观点,主要是在地面上,“在许多方面法典文本太广泛,从不同尤西比乌斯发现读数”。

(17) Sections and Canons.(17)节和大炮。Eusebius drew up ten canons, the first containing a list of passages common to all four Evangelists; the second, those common to the first three and so on.尤西比乌斯制定了10门炮,第一个包含通道共同所有四个福音;第二,这些共同的前三等。He also divided the Gospels into sections numbered continuously.他还分为编号连续的部分的福音。A number, against a section, referred the reader to the particular canon where he could find the parallel sections or passages.针对一节,提到读者,特别是佳能,在那里他可以找到平行的部分或段落。

(18) The labours of Pamphilus and Eusebius in editing the Septuagint have already been spoken of.(18)Pamphilus和编辑的译本尤西比乌斯的劳作已经谈到了。They "believed (as did St. Jerome nearly a century afterwards) that Origen had succeeded in restoring the old Greek version to its primitive purity".他们“相信(圣杰罗姆近一个世纪之后),奥利在恢复古希腊的版本,它的原始纯度的成功”。The result was a "mischievous mixture of the Alexandrian version with the versions of Aquila and Theodotion" (Swete, "Introd. to OT in Greek", pp. 77, 78).其结果是一个“调皮的混合物的亚历山大版本与版本阿奎拉和Theodotion”(Swete,“Introd。旧约在希腊”,第77,78)。 For the labours of the two friends on the text of the NT the reader may be referred to Rousset, "Textcritische Studien zum NT", c.新台币文本上的两个朋友的劳作,读者可能会被转介到Rousset的,“Textcritische(研究)ZUM新台币”,C. ii.II。Whether as in the case of the Old Testament, they worked on any definite critical principles is not known.无论在旧约的情况下,他们任何明确的关键原则是不知道。

(19) (a) Interpretation of the ethnological terms in the Hebrew Scriptures; (b) Chronography of Ancient Judaea with the Inheritances of the Ten Tribes; (c) A plan of Jerusalem and the Temple; (d) on the Names of Places in the Holy Scriptures. (19)(一)在希伯来文圣经的人种学方面的解释(二)与十个部落的遗产古代犹太Chronography;(c)在耶路撒冷和圣殿的计划;(d)在地方的名称在圣经中。 These four works were written at the request of Eusebius's friend Paulinus.这四部作品被写在尤西比乌斯的朋友Paulinus要求。 Only the fourth is extant.只有第四个是现存的。It is known as the "Topics," or the "Onomasticon".这是被称为“主题”或“Onomasticon”。

(20) On the nomenclature of the Book of the Prophets.(20)的先知书的命名。This work gives a short biography of each Prophet and an account of his prophecies.这项工作给出了每个先知的简短的传记和他的预言的帐户。

(21) Commentary on the Psalms.(21)解说的诗篇。There are many gaps in the MSS.在MSS有不少差距。of this work, and they end in the 118th Psalm.这项工作,他们最终在第118诗篇。The missing portions are in part supplied by extracts from the Catenae.从Catenae摘录部分提供缺少的部分。An allusion to the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre fixes the date at about 330.暗指发现圣墓修复约330日期。Lightfoot speaks very highly of this commentary.娜莱讲得非常重视这个评论。

(22) Commentary on Isaiah, written after the persecution.(22)以赛亚书,书面的迫害后的评论。

(23 to 28) Commentaries on other books of Holy Scripture, of some of which what may be extracts are preserved.(23日至28日)评圣经等书籍,其中的一些什么可以提取保存。

(29) Commentary on St. Luke, of which what seem to be extracts are preserved. (29)圣卢克,其中似乎被提取的评论将被保留。

(30) Commentary on I Cor., the existence of which seems to be implied by St. Jerome (Ep. xlix).(30)解说,我肺心病。,其中的存在似乎是暗示圣杰罗姆(插曲XLIX)。

(31) Commentary on Hebrews.(31)评论希伯来书。A passage that seems to belong to such a commentary was discovered and published by Mai.被发现的一段话,似乎属于这样的评论和马伊出版。

(32) On the Discrepancies of the Gospels, in two parts.(32)的福音的差异,在两部分,。 An epitome, very probably from the hand of Eusebius, of this work was discovered and published by Mai in 1825.的一个缩影,很可能从尤西比乌斯手,这项工作是发现和麦发表于1825年。Extracts from the original are preserved.从原来的提取物被保留。Of the two parts, the first, dedicated to a certain Stephen, discusses questions respecting the genealogies of Christ; the second, dedicated to one Marinus, questions concerning the Resurrection.两个部分,第一部分专门到一定斯蒂芬,讨论问题,尊重基督的家谱;第二,致力于之一Marinus,关于复活的问题。 The Discrepancies were largely borrowed from by St. Jerome and St. Ambrose, and have thus indirectly exercised a considerable influence on Biblical studies.的差异主要是借来的,由圣杰罗姆和圣刘汉铨,从而间接地行使圣经研究的一个相当大的影响。

(33) General Elementary Introduction, consisting of ten books, of which VI-IX are extant under the title of "Prophetical Extracts". (33)浅谈十年书,其中第六至第九现存的“预言提取”的标题下。These were written during the persecution.这些都是写在迫害。There are also a few fragments of the remaining books.其余书籍也有几个片段。"This work seems to have been a general introduction to theology, and its contents were very miscellaneous as the extant remains show" (L., p. 339). “这项工作似乎已经神学的一般介绍,其内容是现存仍然显示杂项”(L,第339页)。

D. DogmaticD.教条主义

(34) The Apology for Origen.(34)道歉渊源。This work has already been mentioned in connexion with Pamphilus.这项工作已经被提到与Pamphilus联接。It consisted of six books, the last of which was added by Eusebius.它包括六书,最后是由尤西比乌斯补充。Only the first book is extant, in a translation by Rufinus.只有第一本书是现存的,在通过Rufinus翻译。

(35) "Against Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra", and (36) "On the Theology of the Church", a refutation of Marcellus. (35)“廉政马塞勒斯,安该拉的主教”,和(36)“论教会的神学”,驳斥了马塞勒斯。In two articles in the "Zeitschrift für die Neutest. Wissenschaft" (vol. IV, pp. 330 sqq. and vol. VI, pp. 250 sqq.), written in English, Prof. Conybeare has maintained that our Eusebius could not have been the author of the two treatises against Marcellus.在两篇文章“(杂志)献给死Neutest。Wissenschaft”(第四卷,第330 SQQ,第六卷,第250 SQQ。)以英文书写,,科尼比尔有教授认为,不可能有我们的尤西比乌斯被两对马塞勒斯论文的作者。His arguments are rejected by Prof. Klostermann, in his introduction to these two works published in 1905 for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers.他的论点是拒绝Klostermann教授,在他的介绍这两个作品发表在1905年柏林版的希腊教父。The "Contra Marcellum" was written after 336 to justify the action of the sylnod held at Constantinople when Marcellus was deposed; the "Theology" a year or two later. “魂斗罗Marcellum”的书面证明在君士坦丁堡举行马塞勒斯被废黜的sylnod行动后336;“神学”一年或两年后。

(37) "On the Paschal Festival" (a mystical interpretation). (37)“在逾越节节”(一种神秘的解释)。This work was addressed to Constantine (Vit. Const., IV, 35, 3l6).这项工作是给康斯坦丁(Vit. CONST,四,35,3l6)。A long fragment of it was discovered by Mai.由麦,它的一个片段被发现。

(38) A treatise against the Manichæans is perhaps implied by Epiphanius (Hær., lxvi, 21). (38)一对摩尼教的论文也许是暗示埃皮法尼乌斯(Hær.,LXVI,21)。

E. Orations and SermonsE.演说辞和布道

(39) At the Dedication of the Church in Tyre (see above).(39)在教会的奉献在提尔(见上文)。

(40) At the Vicennalia of Constantine.(40)在康斯坦丁Vicennalia。This seems to have been the opening address delivered at the Council of Nicæa.这似乎已致开幕词理事会的尼西亚。It is not extant.这是现存。

(41) On the Sepulchre of the Saviour, AD 325 (Vit. Const., IV, 33) not extant. (41)在救主,公元325年(Vit. CONST,四,33)没有现存的圣墓。

(42) At the Tricennalia of Constantine.(42)康斯坦丁Tricennalia。This work is generally known as the "De Laudibus Constantini".这项工作通常被称为“德Laudibus Constantini”。The second part (11-18) seems to have been a separate oration joined on to the Tricennalia.第二部分(11-18)似乎已经加入了向Tricennalia一个单独的祭文。

(43) "In Praise of the Martyrs".(43)“在歌颂烈士”。This oration is preserved in the same MS.此祭文是保存在相同的MS。as the "Theophania" and "Martyrs of Palestine".“Theophania”和“巴勒斯坦的烈士”。It was published and translated in the "Journal of Sacred Literature" by Mr. HB Cowper (New Series, V, pp. 403 sqq., and ibid. VI, pp. 129 sqq.).这是出版和翻译HB考贝(新系列,V - 403 SQQ。,同上六,SQQ - 129。)先生在“神圣的文学杂志”。

(44) On the Failure of Rain, not extant.(44)在有雨的失败,没有现存的。

F. Letters楼快报

The history of the preservation of the three letters, (45) to Alexander of Alexandria, (46) to Euphrasion, or Euphration, (47) to the Empress Constantia, is sufficiently curious.保存三个字母的历史,(45)亚历山大,亚历山大,(46)Euphrasion,或Euphration,(47)慈禧的Constantia,有足够的好奇。 Constantia asked Eusebius to send her a certain likeness of Christ of which she had heard; his refusal was couched in terms which centuries afterwards were appealed to by the Iconoclasts.的Constantia问尤西比乌斯送她一定基督的肖像,她听到他的拒绝是在世纪之后提出上诉,反传统的术语表达。 A portion of this letter was read at the Second Council of Nicæa, and against it were set portions from the letters to Alexander and Euphrasion to prove that Eusebius "was delivered up to a reprobate sense, and of one mind and opinion with those who followed the Arian superstition" (Labbe, "Conc.", VIII, 1143-1147; Mansi, "Conc.", XIII, 313-317).读这封信的部分是在第二届理事会的尼西亚,并反对部分字母和亚历山大Euphrasion证明,尤西比乌斯“被送到了一个堕落感,和同心同德,与谁遵循的意见阿里安迷信“(拉韦,”浓“,第八条,1143年至1147年;曼西”。浓“,第十三,313-317)。 Besides the passage quoted in the council, other parts of the letter to Constantia are extant.除了在议会中所引述的一段话,信的Constantia的其他部分是现存的。

(48) To the Church of Cæsarea after the Council of Nicæa. (48)尼西亚会议后教会的cæsarea。This letter has already been described.这封信已经描述。

Transcribed by WGKofron Dedicated to Rev. David J. Collins, SJ The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V Copyright © 1909 by Robert Appleton Company Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909.专门WGKofron牧师大卫J.柯林斯转录,律政司司长天主教百科全书,第五卷版权所有© 1909年由罗伯特Appleton还公司Nihil Obstat,5月1日,1909年。Remy Lafort, Censor Imprimatur.人头马lafort,检查员的首肯。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约

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