St. Thomas Christians圣托马斯基督徒

Catholic Information天主教信息

An ancient body of Christians on the east and west coasts of India, claiming spiritual descent from the Apostle St. Thomas.一个在印度东部和西部海岸的基督徒,声称从使徒圣托马斯的精神血统,的古体。 The subject will be treated under the following heads:这个题目将被视为根据以下元首:

I. Their early traditions and their connection with the Apostle St. Thomas一,他们早期的传统,他们涉嫌与使徒圣托马斯

II.二。The Apostle's tomb at Mylapur使徒的陵墓在Mylapur

III.三。This upheld by the Edessan Church坚持由Edessan教会

IV.四。For their earliest period they possess no written but a traditional history他们最早的时期,他们拥有没有文字,但传统的历史

V. Record of these traditions embodied in a manuscript Statement dated 1604五,这些传统的记录体现在日期为1604的手稿声明

VI.六。The Syrian merchant Thomas Cana arrives in Malabar, an important event in their history and the social benefits therefrom叙利亚商人托马斯塔卡纳到达马拉巴尔,在他们的历史和社会效益由此中的一个重要事件

VII.七。The arrival also of two pious brothers, church-builders虔诚的两个兄弟,教会的建设者的到来也

VIII.八。Ancient stone crosses and their inscriptions古老的石头十字架和题字

IX.九。Their early prelates他们早期的主教

X. Were these Christians infected with Nestorianism before 1599?十,被感染之前,1599与景教这些基督徒吗?

XI.十一。Medieval travellers on the Thomas Christians中世纪托马斯基督徒旅客

XII.十二。Their two last Syrian bishops他们的最后两个叙利亚主教

XIII.十三。Archbishop Menezes and the Synod of Diamper梅内塞斯的大主教和主教的Diamper

XIV.十四。Their first three Jesuit bishops首三个耶稣会主教

XV.十五。The Carmelite Period加尔默罗期

XVI.十六。Two Latin Vicars Apostolic两个拉美教区牧师使徒

XVII.十七。Divided into three vicariates with native bishops与当地主教划分成三个vicariates

I. Their early traditions and their connection with the Apostle St. Thomas Interest in the history of these Christians arises from more than one feature.一,他们的早期的传统,他们在这些基督徒的历史与使徒圣托马斯利息的联系来自多个功能。Their ancient descent at once attracts attention.在古代血统的一次引人注目。Theophilus (surnamed the Indian) -- an Arian, sent by Emperor Constantius (about 354) on a mission to Arabia Felix and Abyssinia -- is one of the earliest, if not the first, who draws our attention to them.西奥菲勒斯(姓印度) - 阿里安,由皇帝康斯坦丘斯(约354)发送到阿拉伯菲利克斯和阿比西尼亚的使命 - 是最早的之一,如果不是第一,谁给他们提请我们注意。He had been sent when very young a hostage a Divoeis, by the inhabitants of the Maldives, to the Romans in the reign of Constantine the Great.他曾被派往人质Divoei​​s,马尔代夫的居民,在君士坦丁大帝统治时期的罗马时很年轻。His travels are recorded by Philostorgius, an Arian Greek Church historian, who relates that Theophilus, after fulfilling his mission to the Homerites, sailed to his island home. ,他的旅行是由Philostorgius,阿里安希腊教会历史学家,谁涉及这西奥菲勒斯记录,履行自己的使命的Homerites后,航行到他的岛屿家园。 Thence he visited other parts of India, reforming many things -- for the Christians of the place heard the reading of the Gospel in a sitting, etc. This reference to a body of Christians with church, priest, liturgy, in the immediate vicinity of the Maldives, can only apply to a Christian Church and faithful on the adjacent coast of India, and not to Ceylon, which was well known even then under its own designation, Taprobane.从那里,他参观了印度其他地区,改革的许多事情 - 基督徒的地方,听到坐在福音阅读等,这一个基督徒与教会,牧师,礼仪的身体的参考,在附近马尔代夫,只能适用于一个基督教教堂和相邻的印度海岸的忠实,而不是锡兰,这甚至然后根据自己的称号,Taprobane。 The people referred to were the Christians known as a body who had their liturgy in the Syriac language and inhabited the west coast of India, ie Malabar.所指的人作为一个团体,谁曾在古叙利亚语他们的礼仪和居住在印度,即马拉巴尔西海岸知名的基督徒。This Church is next mentioned and located by Cosmas Indicopleustes (about 535) "in Male (Malabar) where the pepper grows"; and he adds that the Christians of Ceylon, whom he specifies as Persians, and "those of Malabar" (the latter he leaves unspecified, so they must have been natives of the country) had a bishop residing at Caliana (Kalyan), ordained in Persia, and one likewise on the island of Socotra.未来提到,这座教堂是位于科斯马斯Indicopleustes(约535)“在马累(马拉巴尔)辣椒的增长”;他补充说,锡兰,他为波斯人指定的基督徒,“马拉巴尔”(后者他离开指定的,所以他们必须有国家的当地人)Caliana(Kalyan)在波斯受戒,居住在一个主教,和一个同样的索科特拉岛。

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II.二。The Apostle's tomb at Mylapur使徒的陵墓在Mylapur

St. Gregory of Tours (Glor. Mart.), before 590, reports that Theodore, a pilgrim who had gone to Gaul, told him that in that part of India where the corpus (bones) of Thomas the Apostle had first rested (Mylapur on the east or the Coromandel Coast of India) there stood a monastery and a church of striking dimensions and elaboratedly adorned, adding: "After a long interval of time these remains had been removed thence to the city of Edessa."圣格雷戈里的旅行团(Glor.沃尔玛),在590之前,报告已经高卢的朝圣者,西奥多,告诉他,在使徒托马斯文集(骨头),印度的一部分,先休息(Mylapur在东部或印度Coromandel海岸)站在一个修道院和教堂引人注目的尺寸和elaboratedly装饰,并说:“经过一个相当长的时间时间间隔,这些遗骸已被拆掉再埃德萨城” The location of the first tomb of the Apostle in India is proof both of his martyrdom and of its Apostolate in India.使徒在印度的第一墓的位置是他的殉道,并证明其在印度的使徒。The evidence of Theodore is that of an eyewitness who had visited both tombs -- the first in India, while the second was at Edessa.西奥多的证据是访问了两个墓葬的目击者 - 在印度的第一,而第二个是在埃德萨。The primitive Christians, therefore, found on both coasts, east and west, witness to and locate the tomb at Mylapur, "St. Thomas", a little to the south of Madras; no other place in India lays any claim to possess the tomb, nor does any other country.原始的基督徒,因此,既沿海,东部和西部,证人,并找到Mylapur墓中发现,“圣托马斯”,小马德拉斯以南;没有在印度其他地方规定任何声称拥有墓,也没有任何其他国家。 On these facts is based their claim to be known as St. Thomas Christians.这些事实,是基于他们自称是圣托马斯基督徒。

III.三。This upheld by the Edessan Church坚持由Edessan教会

Further proof may be adduced to justify this claim.进一步证明可能被援引来证明这种说法。A Syrian ecclesiastical calender of an early date confirms the above.一位叙利亚早日教会日历印证了上述。In the quotation given below two points are to be noted which support its antiquity -- the fact of the name given to Edessa and the fact the memory of the translation of the Apostle's relics was so fresh to the writer that the name of the individual who had brought them was yet remembered.在支持其古风 - 埃德萨和使徒的遗物翻译记忆的事实是如此清新的作家的名字其实是要注意以下两点考虑到报价,个人的名字带来了他们还记得。The entry reads: "3 July, St. Thomas who was pierced with a lance in India. His body is at Urhai [the ancient name of Edessa] having been brought there by the merchant Khabin. A great festival."条目内容如下:“7月3日,圣托马斯人是在印度的枪刺穿他的身体在Urhai [埃德萨古代名称]被商人Khabin有一个伟大的节日。”It is only natural to expect that we should receive from Edessa first-hand evidence of the removal of the relics to that city; and we are not disappointed, for St. Ephraem, the great doctor of the Syrian Church, has left us ample details in his writings.这是很自然的期望,我们应该接受取消到该城市的遗迹,从埃德萨第一手证据,我们没有失望圣Ephraem,叙利亚教会的伟大的医生,给我们留下了充足的细节在他的著作。 Ephraem came to Edessa on the surrender of Nisibis to the Persians, and he lived there from 363 to 373, when he died.Ephraem来到埃德萨对波斯人尼西比斯投降,和他住在这里,从363到373,当他死了。This proof is found mostly in his rhythmical compositions.这个证明是发现大多是在他的节奏感的作品。In the forty-second of his "Carmina Nisibina" he tells us the Apostle was put to death in India, and that his remains were subsequently buried in Edessa, brought there by a merchant.他告诉我们,在他的“布兰Nisibina”第四十二使徒在印度置于死地,他的遗体随后被埋葬在埃德萨,商人所带来的。 But his name is never given; at that date the name had dropped out of popular memory.但从来没有放弃他的名字是在该日期的名称已跌至流行的记忆。The same is repeated in varying form in several of his hymns edited by Lamy (Ephr. Hymni et Sermones, IV).同样是反复在他的赞美诗编辑拉米(Ephr. Hymni等Sermones,四)几个不同的形式。"It was to a land of dark people he was sent, to clothe them by Baptism in white robes. His grateful dawn dispelled India's painful darkness. It was his mission to espouse India to the One-Begotten. The merchant is blessed for having so great a treasure. Edessa thus became the blessed city by possessing the greatest pearl India could yield. Thomas works miracles in India, and at Edessa Thomas is destined to baptize peoples perverse and steeped in darkness, and that in the land of India." “这是一个黑暗的人的土地,他被送到,到穿衣在白色长袍的洗礼他们,他感谢曙光驱散印度的痛苦的黑暗。它是他的使命,以拥护印度的一个的独生子。商人是有如此的祝福巨大的宝藏。埃德萨从而成为得天独厚的城市,拥有最大的珍珠印度可能会产生。托马斯的作品在印度的奇迹,并在埃德萨托马斯是注定要施洗人民的倒行逆施,并沉浸在黑暗中,和在印度的土地。“

IV.四。For their earliest period they possess no written but a traditional history他们最早的时期,他们拥有没有文字,但传统的历史

These Christians have no written records of the incidents of their social life from the time of their conversion down to the arrival of the Portuguese on the coast, just as India had no history until the arrival of the Mohammedans.这些基督徒没有被写入其转换葡萄牙海岸的到来时,他们的社会生活中的事件的记录,就像印度的伊斯兰教的到来了,直到没有历史。

V. Record of these traditions embodied in a manuscript Statement dated 1604五,这些传统的记录体现在日期为1604的手稿声明

Fortunately the British Museum has a large collection consisting of several folio volumes containing manuscripts, letters, reports, etc., of Jesuit missions in India and elsewhere; among these in additional volume 9853, beginning with the leaf 86 in pencil and 525 in ink, there is a "Report" on the "Serra" (the name by which the Portuguese designated Malabar), written in Portuguese by a Jesuit missionary, bearing the date 1604 but not signed by the writer; there is evidence that this "Report" was known to F. de Souza, author of the "Oriente Conquistado", and utilized by him.幸运的是大英博物馆有几个对开卷包含手稿,信件,报告,等耶稣会在印度和其他地方的任务,组成一个大集合,这些额外的体积9853开始,用铅笔叶86油墨525,有一个“报告”的“塞拉”(葡萄牙指定马拉巴尔名称)在葡萄牙的书面一个传教士,轴承的日期1604,但不是由作家签署;有证据显示,这个“报告”众所周知,“东方Conquistado”的作者,F.德索萨和他所利用。 The writer has carefully put together the traditional record of these Christians; the document is yet unpublished, hence its importance.作家仔细把这些基督徒的传统记录;该文件尚未公布,因此其重要性。Extracts from the same, covering what can be said of the early part of this history, will offer the best guarantee that can be offered.从相同的覆盖什么可说的这段历史的早期一部分,提取物,将提供可提供的最佳保证。The writer of the "Report" distinctly informs us that these Christians had no written records of ancient history, but relied entirely on traditions handed down by their elders, and to these they were most tenaciously attached. “报告”的作者明显告诉我们,这些基督徒并没有书面的古代历史纪录,但完全依靠交给他们的长辈的传统,并把这些他们最顽强的连接。

Of their earliest period tradition records that after the death of the Apostle his disciples remained faithful for a long time, the Faith was propagated with great zeal, and the Church increased considerably.最早期间的传统纪录,使徒去世后,他的弟子仍然很长一段时间的忠实信仰的传播以极大的热情,而且会大大增加。 But later, wars and famine supervening, the St. Thomas Christians of Mylapur got scattered and sought refuge elsewhere, and many of them returned to paganism.但后来,战争和饥荒的事后,Mylapur圣托马斯基督徒得到了分散和其他地方寻求避难,其中许多返回到异教。 The Christians, however, who were on the Cochin side, fared better than the former, spreading from Coulac (Quilon) to Palur (Paleur), a village in the north of Malabar.的基督徒,但是,​​谁科钦方面,表现优于前者,Coulac(Quilon)Palur(Paleur),在马拉巴尔北部的一个村庄蔓延。 These had fared better, as they lived under native princes who rarely interfered with their Faith, and they probably never suffered real persecution such as befell their brethren on the other coast; besides, one of the paramount rajahs of Malabar, Cheruman Perumal, had conferred on them a civil status.这些有更好的表现,因为他们很少干涉他们的信仰的本土诸侯的生活,他们可能永远不会出现真正的迫害,如遭遇他们的弟兄,对其他沿海;此外,Cheruman Perumal马拉巴尔,最重要的rajahs之一,赋予对他们的公民地位。The common tradition in the country holds that from the time of the Apostle seven churches were erected in different parts of the country, besides the one which the Apostle himself had erected at Mylapur.该国的共同的传统认为,从七个教会使徒时,竖立在该国不同地区,除了一个使徒自己竖立在Mylapur,的。This tradition is most tenaciously held and is confirmed by the "Report".这个传统是最顽强的举行,是由“报告”证实。

It further asserts that the Apostle Thomas, after preaching to the inhabitants of the Island of Socotra and establishing there a Christian community, had come over to Malabar and landed at the ancient port of Cranganore.它进一步说,使徒托马斯说教的索科特拉岛的居民那里建立一个基督教社区后,过来马拉巴尔和降落的Cranganore古老的港口。 They hold that after preaching in Malabar the Apostle went over to Mylapur on the Coromandel Coast; this is practicable through any of the many paths across the dividing mountain ranges which were well known and much frequented in olden times.他们认为,使徒后马拉巴尔说教去了Mylapur Coromandel海岸,这是通过跨越分界线的山脉,这是众所周知的,远在古代经常光顾的许多路径的任何可行的。The Socotrians had yet retained their Faith when in 1542 St. Francis visited them on his way to India.该Socotrians尚未保留他们的信仰,圣弗朗西斯在1542年时他前往印度访问。In a letter of 18 September of the same year, addressed to the Society at Rome, he has left an interesting account of the degenerate state of the Christians he found there, who were Nestorians.在同年9月18日的信,给社会在罗马,他已经离开了一个有趣的帐户,他发现那里的基督徒,谁是景教的退化状态。 He also tells us they render special honours to the Apostle St. Thomas, claiming to be descendants of the Christians begotten to Jesus Christ by that Apostle.他还告诉我们他们提供特殊荣誉使徒圣托马斯,自称基督徒的独生子耶稣基督,使徒后裔。

By 1680 when the Carmelite Vincenzo Maria di Santa Catarina landed there he found Christanity quite extinct, only faint traces yet lingering.加尔默罗文森佐玛丽亚DI圣卡塔琳娜1680时降落在那里,他发现Christanity相当灭绝,只是淡淡的痕迹尚未挥之不去。 The extinction of this primitive Christanity is due to the oppression of the Arabs, who now form the main population of the island, and to the scandelous neglect of the Nestorian Patriarchs who in former times were wont to supply the bishop and clergy for the island.这个原始Christanity的灭绝是由于压迫阿拉伯人,现已形成主要岛屿的人口,和前惯于供应岛上的主教和神职人员的景教始祖scandelous忽视。 When St. Francis visited the island a Nestorian priest was still in charge.当圣弗朗西斯参观岛上的一个景教教士仍负责。

VI.六。The Syrian merchant Thomas Cana arrives in Malabar叙利亚商人托马斯塔卡纳到达马拉巴尔

There is one incident of the long period of isolation of the St. Thomas Christians from the rest of the Christian world which they are never tired of relating, and it is one of considerable importance to them for the civil status it conferred and secured to them in the country.有一个长期圣托马斯基督徒从它们从来没有厌倦了有关基督教世界的其余部分隔离的事件,这是赋予它的,并取得他们的公民身份,具有相当的重要性在该国。 This is the narrative of the arrival of a Syrian merchant on their shores, a certain Mar Thoma Cana -- the Portuguese have named him Cananeo and styled him an Armenian, which he was not.这是抵达叙利亚商人对它们的海岸,某月托马塔卡纳的叙事 - 葡萄牙,有一个名为他Cananeo和自称他的亚美尼亚,他没有。 He arrived by ship on the coast and entered the port of Cranganore.他抵达船舶在沿海和进入Cranganore端口。The King of Malabar, Cheruman Perumal, was in the vicinity, and receiving information of his arrival sent for him and admitted him to his presence.马拉巴尔的国王,Cheruman Perumal,在附近,并接收他的到来的信息发送给他,向他承认他的存在。Thomas was a wealthy merchant who had probably come to trade; the King took a liking to this man, and when he expressed a wish to acquire land and make a settlement the King readily acceded to his request and let him purchase land, then unoccupied, at Cranganore.托马斯是一位富有的商人,我相信贸易;国王看上这个男人,当他表达了希望获得土地和和解的国王欣然加入了他的请求,并让他购买土地,然后空置,在Cranganore。 Under the king's orders Thomas soon collected a number of Christians from the surrounding country, which enabled him to start a town on the ground marked out for his occupation.托马斯在国王的命令,很快收集来自周边国家的基督徒,这使他开始他的职业标记为​​地面的一个小镇。

He is said to have collected seventy-two Christian families (this is the traditional number always mentioned ) and to have installed them in as many separate houses erected for them; attach to each dwelling was a sufficient piece of land for vegetable cultivation for the support of the family as is the custom of the country.据说,他已收集七十二个基督教家庭(这是传统的数量总是提到)和已经安装在许多单独的房子为他们竖立;重视每个居住足够的一块蔬菜种植的土地的支持家庭是国家的习俗。 He also erected a dwelling for himself and eventually a church.他还竖立着为自己的住宅和最终教会。The authorization to possess the land and dwellings erected was granted to Thomas by a deed of paramount Lord and Rajah of Malabar, Cheruman Perumal, said to have been the last of the line, the country having been subsequently divided among his feudatories.竖立的授权,拥有土地和住房被授予一个最重要的主契约和王爷的马拉巴,Cheruman Perumal的托马斯说,已行的最后,该国已被随后他feudatories瓜分。(The details given above as well as what follows of the copper plate grant are taken from the "Report".) The same accord also speak of several privileges and honours by the king to Thomas himself, his descendants, and to the Thomas Christians, by which the latter community obtained status above the lower classes, and which made them equal to the Nayars, the middle class in the country. (以及铜板授予如下,上面给出的细节采取从“报告”)相同的协定,还讲了一些特权和荣誉托马斯自己的国王,他的子孙,和托马斯基督徒,其中后者的社区获得上述低下阶层的地位,这使他们平等的Nayars,在该国的中产阶级。

The deed read as follows:契税如下:

May Cocurangon [personal name of the king] be prosperous, enjoy a long life and live 100,000 years, divine servant of the gods, strong, true, just, full of deeds, reasonable, powerful over the whole earth, happy,conquering, glorious, rightly prosperous in the service of the gods, in Malabar, in the city of the Mahadeva [the great idol of the temple in the vicinity of Cranganore] reigning in the year of Mercury on the seventh day [Portuguese text: elle no tepo de Mercurio de feu to no dia, etc.] of the mouth of March before the full moon the same king Cocurangon being in Carnallur there landed Thomas Cana, a chief man who arrived in a ship wishing to see the farthest parts of the East.五月Cocurangon [个人名称]王繁荣,享受长期生活和居住100,000年,神的仆人的神,强,真实,公正,合理,功能强大,在整个地球,快乐,征服,光荣事迹,充分正确繁荣服务的神灵,在马拉巴尔,在水星的一年,在城市的Mahadeva卫冕的第七天[葡萄牙文本[在寺庙附近的Cranganore伟大的偶像]:ELLE没有tepo DE信使DE FEU没有直径,等满月前三月口相同的国王Cocurangon在Carnallur降落托马斯Cana的,行政的人希望看到最远的地方在东在船舶抵达。 And some men seeing how he arrived informed the king.有些男人看到他是如何到达通知国王。The king himself came and saw and sent for the chief man Thomas, and he disembarked and came before the king, who spoke graciously to him.国王亲自来到,看见和行政男子托马斯发送,和他下船来到王面前,他慷慨发言的。

To honour him he gave him his name, styling him Cocurangon Cana, and he went to rest in his place, and the king gave him the city of Mogoderpatanam, (Cranganore) for ever.为了纪念他,他给他的名字,造型他Cocurangon塔卡纳,和他在他的地方去休息,国王给了他Mogoderpatanam的城市,永远(Cranganore)。 And the same king being in his great prosperity went one day to hunt in the forest, and he hastily sent for Thomas, who came and stood before the king in a propitious hour, and the king consulted the astrologer.相同的国王,在他伟大的繁荣到有一天在森林中打猎,他急忙托马斯,谁在一个吉祥的时刻来了,站在王前发送,和王征询占星家。 And afterwards the king spoke to Thomas that he should build a town in that forest, and he made reverence and answered the king: I require this forest for myself', and the king granted it to him for ever.事后国王托马斯说话,他应该建立在一个小镇,森林,和他的崇敬和对王:我需要为自己的这片森林“,和国王授予他以往任何时候都。

And forthwith another day he cleared the forest and he cast his eyes upon it in the same year on the eleventh of April, and in a propetious time gave it to Thomas for a heritage in the name of the king, who laid the first stone of the church and the house of Thomas Cana, and he built there a town for all, and entered the church and prayed there on the same day.随即另一天,他清除了森林和他投在同一年他的眼睛在四月11日,在propetious时间给遗产托马斯在国王的名字,谁奠定了第一块石头建有教堂和托马斯Cana的家,他对所有的镇,进入教堂,并在同一天祈祷。 After these things Thomas himself went to the feet of the king and offered his gifts, and this he asked the king to give that land to him and his descendants;这事以后,托马斯自己去国王的脚,并提出了自己的的礼物,而这一点,他问王给土地给他和他的的后裔;

and he measured out two hundred and sixty-four elephant cubits and gave them to Thomas and his descendants for ever, and jointly sixty-two houses which immediately erected there, and gardens with their enclosures and paths and boundaries and inner yards.,他测出两百六十四个大象肘和给他们托马斯和他的子孙永远,和共同六十立即竖立有两套房子,其外壳和路径和边界和内部码花园。 And he granted seven kinds of musical instruments and all honours and the right of travelling in a palanquin, and he conferred on him dignity and the privilege of spreading carpets on the ground and the use of sandals, and to erect a pavilion at his gate and ride on elephants, and also granted five taxes to Thomas and his companions, both men and women, for all his relations and to the followers of his law for ever.他授予了7种乐器和所有荣誉和轿旅行的权利,他赋予他的尊严和特权的蔓延在地面上使用凉鞋的地毯,并竖立在他的门亭,骑大象,还授予五个税种,托马斯和他的同伴,男性和女性对他的所有关系,并永远的他律的追随者。 The said king gave his name and these princes witnessed it.该说,国王给他的名字,这些诸侯目睹

Then follow the names of eight witnesses, and a note is added by the Portuguese translator that this is the document by which the Emperor of all Malabar gave the land of Cranganore to Thomas Cana and also to Christians of St. Thomas.然后按照八名证人的名字,一个值得注意的是由葡萄牙语翻译,这是所有马拉巴尔皇帝给Cranganore土地托马斯塔卡纳和圣托马斯基督徒的文件添加。 This document, transcribed from the manuscript "Report", has been carefully translated into English, as it forms the "Great Charter" of the St. Thomas Christians.这份文件,从“报告”的手稿转录,经过精心翻译成英文,因为它形成的“大宪章”的圣托马斯基督徒。The "Report" adds: "and because at that time they reckoned the era in cycles of twelve years according to the course, therefore they say in the Olla [Malayalam term for a document written on palm leaf] that the said settlement was founded in the year of the mercury that mode of reckoning is totally forgotten, for the last seven hundred and seventy-nine years in all this Malabar time has been reckoned by the Quilon era. However, since the said Perumal, as we have said above, died more than a thousand and two hundred years, it follows: that same number of years have elapsed since the Church and Christians were established at Cranganore." “报告”补充说:“因为当时他们十二年周期计算根据课程的时代,因此他们在OLLA [马来亚棕榈叶书面文档的长期说,表示和解成立于已Quilon时代计算的汞的一年 ,算帐的模式是完全忘记了过去的七年,共有一百七十九个多年,在这一切马拉巴尔时间,然而,自说Perumal,我们已经说过以上,死亡超过一千两百多年,它如下:相同数量的年已经过去了,因为教会和基督徒在Cranganore建立“。 The writer of the "Report" had previously stated "it is one thousand and two hundred and fifty and eight years since Perumal, as we have said above, died on the first of March".以前的“报告”的作者说:“这是一千两百五十Perumal 8年以来,正如我们上面所说的,在三月的第一个死亡”。 Deducing the date of the "Report" this would give AD 346 for his death.演绎着“报告”的日期,这将给公元346对他的死亡。Diego de Couto (Decada XII), quoting the above grant in full, says that the Syrian Christians fix AD 811 as corresponding to the date borne on the grant; the first is far too early, and the second is an approximately probable date.迭戈 - 库托(Decada十二),引用上述补助金全额说,叙利亚基督徒修复公元811对应授予承担的日期;第一还为时过早,第二个是一个大约有可能的日期。 The "Report" informs us that the copper plates on which this deed or grant was inscribed were taken away to Portugal by Franciscan Fathers, who left behind a translation of the same. “报告”告诉我们,铜板被列入本契约或授予被拿走了方济的父亲,背后同一个翻译离开葡萄牙。It is known that the Syrian Bishop of Malabar, Mar Jacob, had deposited with the Factor of Cochin all the Syrian copper grants for safe custody; providing however that when necessary access could be had to the same.据悉,叙利亚马拉巴尔03月雅各,主教存入科钦安全保管的所有叙利亚铜补助的因素;提供,然而,必要时可以相同。Gouvea at p.Gouvea在第 4 of his "Jornada" says that after having remained there for some long time they could not be found and were lost through some carelessness; de Couto asserts the same in the passage quoted above and also elsewhere.4说,他的“Jornada”后仍然有一些长时间不能被发现,并通过一些粗心大意丢失; - 库托称,在上面引述及其他地方通过。In 1806 at the suggestion of Rev. Claude Buchanan, Colonel Macauly, the British resident, ordered a careful search for them and they turned up in the record room of Cochin town.在1806年下令在克劳德布坎南牧师,上校Macauly,英国居民,建议为他们仔细搜寻,和他们在科钦镇的纪录室。The tables then contained (1) the grant to Irani Cortton of Cranganore, and (2) the set of plates of the grant to Maruvan Sopi Iso of Quilon, but those of the grant to Thomas Cana were not among them; had they not been removed they would have been found with other plates; this confirms the statement of the writer of the "Report" that they had been taken to Portugal.然后表包含(1)授予伊拉尼Cortton Cranganore,和(2)授予Maruvan Sopi ISO的Quilon板的设置,但其中不授予托马斯塔卡纳;他们没有被删除他们已发现与其他板块,这印证了“报告”,他们已经采取葡萄牙作家的声明。 From what is stated in the royal deed to Thomas Cana it may be taken for granted that the latter brought with him a small colony of Syrians from Mesopotamia, for the privileges conceded include his companions, both men and women, and all his relations.从什么是托马斯塔卡纳表示在皇家契税可采取理所当然,后者带了小殖民地,从美索不达米亚的叙利亚人的特权承认,包括他的同伴,无论男女,和他所有的关系。

VII.七。The arrival also of two pious brothers, church-builders虔诚的两个兄弟,教会的建设者的到来也

Besides the arrival of Thomas Cana and his colony, by which the early Christians benefited considerably, the "Report" also records the arrival on this coast of two individuals named Soper Iso and Prodho; they are said to have been brothers and are supposed to have been Syrians.此外,托马斯塔卡纳和他的殖民地,早期的基督徒大大受惠的到来,“报告”还记录了这两个个人命名索珀ISO和Prodho海岸的到来,他们说已经兄弟,都应该有被叙利亚人。 The "Report" gives the following details; they came to possess a promonotory opposite Paliport on the north side, which is called Maliankara, and they entered the port with a large load of timber to build a church; and in the Chaldean books of this Serra there is no mention of them, except that they were brothers, came to Quilon, built a church there, and worked some miracles. “报告”给出了下面的细节;他们来到拥有promonotory对面的北侧,这就是所谓Maliankara Paliport,和他们进入了大负荷的木材,以建立一所教堂的端口;在本迦勒底书籍塞拉有没有提及他们,除了他们是兄弟,来到Quilon,建有一所教堂,并制定一些奇迹。 After death they were buried in the church they had erected; it is said that they had built other smaller churches in the country; they were regarded as pious men and were later called saints, their own church was eventually dedicated to them as well as others in the country.死亡后,他们被埋葬在他们竖立的教堂,它是说,他们已经建立了其他较小的国家教会,他们被视为虔诚的男子,后来被称为圣人,他们自己的教会以及最终致力于在该国。 Archbishop Alexis Menezes afterwards changed the dedication of these churches to other saints in the Roman calender.大主教亚历梅内塞斯其他圣人在罗马历后来改变这些教会的奉献精神。There is one important item that the "Report" has preserved: "the said brothers built the church of Quilon in the hundredth year after the foundation of Quilon."有一个重要的项目,保留了“报告”:“说兄弟建成后Quilon基础100年在教会的Quilon的。”(This era commences from 25 August, AD 825, and the date will thus be AD 925). (这个时代开始,从8月25日,公元825,日期将是公元925年)。The second of the aforesaid copper-plates mention Meruvan Sober Iso, one of the above brothers.上述铜板块的第二提到Meruvan Sober的ISO,上面的兄弟之一。The "Report" also makes mention of pilgims coming from Mesopotamia to visit the shrine of the Apostle at Mylapur; some of these at times would settle there and others in Malabar. “报告”还提及pilgims从美索不达米亚前来参观使徒的靖国神社在Mylapur;有时,这些有些人会在那里定居,马拉巴他人。It may be stated here that the Syrians of Malabar are as a body natives of the land by descent, and the Syriac trait in them is that of their liturgy, which is in the Syrian language.它可能会在这里说,叙利亚人马拉巴尔血统的土地身体当地人,和他们在叙利亚文的特点是他们的礼仪,这是在叙利亚的语言。 They call themselves Syrians by way of distinction from other body of Christians on the coast, who belong to the Latin Rite.他们自称从在海岸上的基督徒,属于拉丁美洲成年礼的其他机构的区别方式的叙利亚人。The honorific appellation bestowed upon them by the rulers of the country is that of Mapla, which signifies great son or child, and they were commonly so called by the people; this appellation also have been given to the descendants of Arabs in the country; the St. Thomas Christians now prefer to be called Nasrani (Nazarenes), the designation given by the Mohammedans to all Christians. Mapla,这标志着伟大的儿子或孩子的敬语称谓后,他们赋予这个国家的统治者,他们常用的人叫这个称谓也已获得在该国的阿拉伯人的后裔;圣托马斯基督徒,现在更喜欢被称为Nasrani(拿撒勒),指定由伊斯兰教给予所有基督徒的。

VIII.八。Ancient stone crosses and their inscriptions古老的石头十字架和题字

There are certain stone crosses of ancient date in southern India, bearing inscriptions in Pahlavi letters.有一定的石十字架,在印度南部的古代日期轴承巴列维字母铭文。Extraordinary legends have been spread about them in some parts of Europe; the present writer was shown an engraving purporting to reproduce one of them, with a legend of the Apostolate and martyrdom of St. Thomas, a reproduction of the inscription on his crosses.特别传说已经对他们在欧洲一些地方蔓延,目前作家雕刻看来重现其中之一,圣托马斯,再现他的十字架上的题字的使徒和殉难的传说。 This was attached to the calender of one of the dioceses of France, and this writer was asked if it were authentic.这是连接到了法国的教区之一日历,笔者问它是否是真实的。

To prevent the spreading of such reports it may be useful to state here of these crosses one is in the Church of Mount St. Thomas, Mylapur, discovered in 1547 after the arrival of the Portuguese in India; other is in the church of Kottayam, Malabar.为了防止这样的报告,它可能是有用的这些跨过一个状态的蔓延,在摩圣托马斯,Mylapur在1547年发现后,在印度的葡萄牙人的到来,教会,其他是在教会Kottayam,马拉巴。 Both are of Nestorian origin, are engraved as a bas-relief on the flat stone with ornamental decorations around the cross, and bear an inscription.景教的起源,左右交叉的观赏装饰的平石上刻的是一个浮雕,并承担题词。The inscription has been variously read.碑文已被不同的阅读。Dr. Burnell, an Indian antiquary, says that both crosses bear the same inscription, and offer the following reading: "In punishment by the cross was the suffering of this one, Who is the true Christ, God above and Guide ever pure." Burnell,印度古董商,博士说,这两个跨越承担相同的题词,并提供下列读:“在交叉的惩罚是这其中的痛苦,谁是真正的基督,上帝的上方和引导有史以来纯。” These crosses bear some resemblance to the Syro-Chinese Nestorian monument discovered in 1625 at Singan-fu, an ancient capital of China but erected in 781 and commemorating the arrival in China of Chaldean Nestorian missionaries in 636.这些杂交熊有些相似的Syro中国景教碑Singan福在1625年发现,是中国的古都,但竖立在781和636纪念加尔丁礼景教传教士在中国的到来。

IX.九。Their early prelates他们早期的主教

Of the prelates who governed the Church in India after the Apostle's death very little is known; that little is collected and reproduced here.的主教管辖的教会使徒的死亡后,很少有人知道,在印度,很少在这里收集和复制的。John the Persian, who was present at the Council of Nice (325), is the first known to history claiming the title.波斯的约翰,谁是会在尼斯(325)目前是第一个已知的历史声称标题。In his signature to the degrees of the Council he styles himself; John the Persian [presiding] over the churches in all Persia and Great India.在他的签名会他的风格自己的程度;约翰的波斯语[主持]以上所有波斯和印度大的教堂。 The designation implies that he was the [primate] Metropolitan of Persia and also the Bishop of Great India.指定暗示,他是波斯[灵长类]大都会,也是伟大的印度主教。As metropolitan and the chief bishop of the East he may have represented at the council the catholics of Seleucia.由于城域网和东方的首席主教,他可能有代表在安理会的塞琉西亚的天主教徒。His control of the Church in India could only have been exercised by his sending priests under his juridiction to minister to those Christians.他在印度的教会的控制,只能行使他juridiction部长那些基督徒,他派遣神职人员。It is not known at what date India first commenced to have resident bishops; but between the years 530-35 Cosmas Indicopleustes in his "topographia" informs us of the presence of a bishop residing in Caliana, the modern Kalyan at a short distance from Bombay.它不知道在印度首日开始驻有主教,但年间530-35科斯马斯Indicopleustes通知,在他的“topographia”我们在短距离从孟买一个居住在Caliana,现代Kalyan主教的存在。 That residence was, in all probability, chosen because it was then the chief port of commerce on the west coast of India, and had easy access and communication with Persia.住所是,在所有的可能性,选择,因为它当时商务部在印度西海岸的主要港口,方便和沟通与波斯。We know later of a contention which took place between Jesuab of Adiabene the Nestorian Patriarch and Simeon of Ravardshir, the Metropolitan of Persia, who had left India unprovided with bishops for a long period.后来我们知道了一个争Adiabene Jesuab景教祖师和Ravardshir西麦,波斯的大都会,谁离开印度主教长期未拨备。The Patriarch reproached him severely for this gross neglect.宗主教严厉谴责他这种严重忽视。We may take it that up to the period 650-60 the bishops sent to India, as Cosmas has said, were consecrated in Persia, but after this gross neglect the patriarch reserved to himself the choice and consecration of the prelates he sent out to India, and this practice was continued till the arrival of the Portuguese on the coast in 1504.我们可能需要它,发送到印度,科斯马斯说的主教,在波斯奉献期间650-60,但在此之后严重忽视族长保留自己的选择,他发出了对印度的主教祝圣,这种做法一直持续到了葡萄牙海岸的到来,在1504。

Le Quien places the two brothers Soper Iso and Prodho on the list of bishops of India, but Indian tradition gives it no support, and in this the British Museum Manuscript Report and Gouvea (Jornada, p. 5) concur.勒Quien地方的两个兄弟索珀国际标准化组织(ISO)和Prodho,印度主教名单,但印度的传统赋予它不支持,并在此同意报告和Gouvea大英博物馆的手稿(Jornada,第5页)。 The brothers were known as church-builders, and were reputed to be holy men.两兄弟被称为教会的建设者,并被誉为圣人。Moreover, to include Thomas Cana in the lists of bishops is preposterous on the face of the evidence of the copper-plate grant.此外,包括主教名单托马斯塔卡纳是荒谬的铜板块授予的证据面前。The "Report" mentions a long period when there was neither bishop nor priest surviving in the land, for they had all died out; the only clerical survival was a deacon far advanced in age. “报告”提到了一个长的时期,当时有尚存在的土地既不主教也不牧师,他们都死了;唯一文书生存年龄先进执事。The ignorant Christians, finding themselves without prelates, made him say Mass and even ordain others, but as soon as prelates came from Babylon they put a stop to this disorder.无知的基督徒,发现自己没有主教,他说,群众性的,甚至注定他人,但他们尽快主教从巴比伦制止这种疾病。The next authentic information we have on this head comes from the Vatican Library and has been published by Assemani (Bibli. Or., III, 589).下一个真实的信息,我们在这头来自梵蒂冈图书馆,并已Assemani(Bibli.或者,三,589)出版。It consists of a statement concerning two Nestorian bishops and their companions and a letter the former written in Syriac to the Patriarch annoncing their arrival, dated 1504; there is a translation in Latin added to the documents.它由两个景教主教和他们的同伴和一个字母前,在叙利亚的书面祖师annoncing他们的到来,日期为1504的声明,在拉丁美洲有一个添加到文件的翻译。 In 1490 the Christians of Malabar dispatched three messengers to ask the Nestorian Patriarch to send out bishops; one died on the journey, the other two presented themselves before the Patriarch and delivered their message; two monks were selected and the Patriach consecrated them bishops, assigning to one the name of Thomas and to the other that of John. 1490马拉巴尔基督徒派出三个使者问景教祖师发送主教;一人死亡的征程上,另外两个前族长,并交付他们的消息,两名僧人选择和Patriach奉献他们的主教,分配一个名称托马斯和约翰。 The two bishops started on their journey to India accompanied by the two messengers.两位主教开始在他们的旅途两个使者的陪同下到印度。On their arrival they were received with great joy by the people, and the bishops commenced consecrating altars and ordaining a large number of priests "as they had been for a long time deprived of bishops".他们的到来,他们共收到人民以极大的喜悦,并主教展开神圣的祭坛和祝圣,因为他们被剥夺主教很长一段时间被“大量的祭司”。 One of them, John, remained in India, while the other Thomas, accompanied by Joseph, one of the messengers, returned to Mesopotamia, taking with them the offerings collected for the patriarch.其中之一是,约翰,依然在印度,而其他的托马斯约瑟夫的使者之一的陪同下,返回到美索不达米亚,与他们的族长收集的产品。 Joseph returned to India in 1493, but Thomas remained in Mesopotamia.约瑟夫在1493年返回印度,但托马斯仍然在美索不达米亚。

After about ten years, when the next patriarch ordained three other bishops for India, Thomas went back with them.大约十年后,当未来的族长祝印度其他三个主教,托马斯回去与他们。These new bishops were also chosen from the monks, one was named Jaballa (he was the metropolitan), the second was named Denha, and the third jacob.这些新的主教们也从僧侣的选择,一个是名为Jaballa(他是大城市),第二个被评为Denha,第三雅各。These four bishops took ship from Ormus and landed at Kananur; they found there some twenty Portuguese who had recently arrived and presented themselves to them, said they were Christians, explained their condition and rank, and were kindly treated.这四位主教从Ormus船舶和降落在Kananur;他们发现有大约二十葡萄牙最近抵达,并提出自己对他们的,说他们是基督徒,解释自己的条件和排名,并亲切对待。 Of this large number of bishops, only one remained to work, and this was Mar Jacob; the other three, including the metropolitan, after a short time returned to their country.这大量的主教,只有一个保持工作,这是三月雅各;其他三个,包括大都市,很短的时间后回到自己的国家。Gouvea adds that they were either dissatisfied with their charge or did not like the country. Gouvea增加他们负责,他们要么不满或不喜欢的国家。The Portuguese writers mention only two bishops as residents, John who had come before their arrival in India and Mar Jacob.葡萄牙作家只提两主教作为居民,约翰曾抵达之前,他们在印度和Mar雅各。Nothing further is known of John but Jacob lived in the country till his death.没有什么可以再被称为约翰雅各布住在乡下,直到他的死亡。St. Francis Xavier makes a very pretty elogium of him in a letter written to King John III of Portugal on 26 January, 1549.圣芳济在他的信写于1549年1月26日,葡萄牙国王约翰三世elogium很漂亮。"Mar Jacob [or Jacome Abuna, as St. Francis styles him] for forty-five years has served God and your Highness in these parts, a very old, a virtuous, and a holy man, and at the same time unnoticed by your Highness and by almost all in India. God rewards him . . . He is noticed only by the Fathers of St. Francis, and they take so good care of him that nothing more is wanted . . . He has laboured much among the Christians of St. Thomas, and now in his old age he is very obedient to the customs of the Holy Mother Church of Rome."“三月雅各[或Jacome Abuna,圣弗朗西斯的风格他四​​十五年曾在这些部位上帝和你的殿下,一个很旧的,贤惠,和圣洁的人,和被忽视的同时,您的殿下和几乎所有在印度的神。奖励他。。他是唯一的圣弗朗西斯的父亲注意到,和他们采取这么照顾好他,无非是想他已经吃力的基督徒之间。圣托马斯,现在在他的晚年,他是很听话的圣母教堂,罗马的习俗。“ This elogium of St. Francis sums up his career for the forty-five years he worked in Malabar (1504-49).这elogium的圣弗朗西斯职业生涯四十五年,他在马拉巴尔(1504年至1549年)工作总结。He came out as a Nestorian, remained such during his early years, but gradually as he came in touch with the Catholic missionaries he allowed them to preach in his churches and to instruct his people; in his old age he left Cranganore and went to live in the Franciscan convent at Cochin and there he died in 1549.他作为一个景教出来,在早年,但他逐渐与天主教传教士,他让他们在他的教会讲道,并指示他的人接触,在他的晚年,他离开Cranganore和住进在科钦的方济各会修道院,在那里,他在1549年去世。 There remain two others -- the last of the Mesopotamian prelates who presided over these Christians -- Mar Joseph and Mar Abraham; their career will be detailed further on.仍然有两个人 - 去年的美索不达米亚主教主持对这些基督徒 - 三月约瑟夫和亚伯拉罕月;自己的职业生涯将会进一步的详细说明。

X. Were these Christians infected with Nestorianism before 1599?十,被感染之前,1599与景教这些基督徒吗?

When Cosmas gave us the information of the existence of a Christian community in "Male (Malabar) where the pepper is grown" he also supplied us with additional details: that they have a bishop residing at Kalyan; that in Taprobano [ Ceylon] "an island of interior India where the Indian Ocean is situated" there is a "Christian Church with clergy and the faithful; similarly in the island of Dioscordis [Socotra] in the same Indian Ocean."当科斯马斯给了我们一个基督徒团体的存在,在信息的“男(马拉巴尔),其中辣椒种植”,他还为我们提供了额外的细节:那就是他们居住在Kalyan一个主教; Taprobano [锡兰]“印度内政部的岛屿位于印度洋的“有”与基督教教会神职人员和信徒;同样在Dioscordis岛索科特拉]在相同的印度洋“。Then he enumerates the churches in Arabia Felix, Bactria, and among the Huns; and all these churches are by him represented to be controlled by the Metropolitan of Persia.然后他列举在阿拉伯菲利克斯,巴克特里亚,和匈奴之间的教堂,和所有这些教堂是由他所代表由波斯大都会控制。Now at that time the holder of this dignity was Patrick, the tutor, as Assemani designates him, of Thomas of Edessa, a prominent Nestorian to which sect Cosmas also belonged; hence his interest in supplying all these details.现在,当时的这种尊严的人,导师是帕特里克,Assemani指定的埃德萨托马斯,一个突出的景教节科斯马斯也属于他,因此他的兴趣在提供所有这些细节。 The bishop and clergy whom the Metropolitan, Patrick, would send out to all the above-mentioned places and churches would and must have been undoubtedly infected with one and the same heresy.大都会,帕特里克,将发送到所有上述场所和教堂的主教和神职人员,并且必须已无疑感染了一个相同的异端。Hence it is quite safe to conclude that at the time of the visit of Cosmas to India (AD 530-35) all these churches, as also the Church in India, were holding the Nestorian doctrine of their bishops and priests.因此,它是非常安全的结束访问印度科斯马斯(公元530-35年),所有这些教会时,在印度的教会,他们的主教和司铎景教教义。 Nor should this historical fact cause surprise when we take into consideration the opportunities, the bold attitude and violent measures adopted by the promoters of this heresy after expulsion from the Roman Empire.也不应考虑这一历史事实造成的惊喜,当我们的机遇,大胆的态度,这个异端的促销员通过暴力措施后,从罗马帝国驱逐。 When the Emperor Zeno ordered Cyrus, Bishop of Edessa, to purge his diocese of that heresy (AD 489), the Nestorians were forced to seek refuge across the Roman boundary into Persia.当皇帝芝诺下令赛勒斯,埃德萨的主教,清除他的教区,异端(公元489年),景教被迫寻求避难到波斯跨罗马边界。Among them were the banished professors and students of the Persian School of Edessa, the centre of the Nestorian error, and they found refuge and protection with Barsumas, Metropolitan of Nisibis, himself a fanatical adherent of Nestorius.其中有被驱逐的埃德萨,景教错误的中心波斯学院的教授和学生,他们找到了避难所和保护Barsumas,尼西比斯,自己是一个狂热的涅斯壁的大都会。 Barsumas at this time also held from the Persian king the office of governor of the frontier.在这段时间Barsumas也从波斯王边境的州长办公室举行。

With the influence Barsumas possessed at court it was an easy thing for him to make the king, already so disposed, believe that the actual bishops holding sees in his territory were friendly to his enemies, the Romans, and that it would be better to replace them by men he knew who would owe allegiance only to the Persian monarch.在法庭上拥有的影响力Barsumas,它是一件容易的事情,为他做国王,已经出售,认为实际主教在他的领土看到他的敌人,罗马的友好,并取代,这将是更好的他们男人,他知道是谁效忠只波斯君主。 This stratagem rapidly succeeded in capturing most of those sees; and the movement became so strong that, although Barsumas predeceased Acka (Acacius), the occupant of the chief see of Seleucia, a Catholic, yet a Nestorian was selected to succeed the latter (AD 496).这一策略迅速成功地捕捉那些认为大多数;和运动变得如此强大,虽然Barsumas先死Acka(Acacius),行政乘员的塞琉西亚,天主教,但一个景教被选为接替后者(公元496)。 Thus within the short space of seven years the banished heresy sat mistress on the throne of Seleucia, in a position to force every existing see eastward of the Roman Empire to embrace the heresy and to secure its permanence.因此,在短短的7年被驱逐异端坐在宝座上的塞琉西亚的情妇,在一个位置,迫使每一个现有向东罗马帝国的拥抱异端,并确保其持久。 Thus the Indian Church suffered the same fate which befell the Churches of Persia, and by 530-35 we find that she has a Nestorian prelate consecrated in Persia and presiding at Kalyan over her future destiny.因此,印度的教会遭受同样的命运降临波斯教会,530-35,我们发现她有一个景教主教奉献在Kalyan在波斯和主持对她的前途和命运。 If further proof is wanted to uphold the above finding, we offer the following historical facts of the control exercised by the Nestorian Patriarch.如果要坚持上述发现进一步证明,我们提供以下景教祖师所行使的控制的历史事实。In 650-60, as above stated, Jesuab of Adiabene claimed authority over India and reproached Simeon of Revardshir, the Metropolitan of Persia, for not having sent bishops to India and so deprived that Church of the succession of her ministry.在650-60,如上所说,Adiabene Jesuab声称对印度的权威和责备西麦Revardshir,波斯的大都会,没有派遣主教,印度等国家被剥夺继承了她所在的部的教会。In 714-28 Saliba Zacha, another Nestorian Patriarch, raised the see of India to metropolitan rank.在714-28,另一景教祖师,萨利巴Zacha提出的印度大都市排名。Again in 857 Theodosius, another Nestorian Patriarch, included the See of India among the exempted which, owing to distance from the patriarchal see, should in future send letters of communion but once in six years.再次在857狄奥多西,另一景教祖师之间的豁免,由于从宗法见的距离,应在未来的发送,但一旦在6年共融的信件,包括印度,请参阅。 This ruling was subsequently incorporated in a synodal canon.这一判决随后被纳入在主教会议佳能。

If we look to the general tradition of the St. Thomas Christians it will be found that all their prelates came from Babylon, the ancient residence as they say, of the Patriarch or Catholicos of the East.如果我们看一般传统的圣托马斯基督徒会被发现,他们所有的主教从巴比伦,古民居,因为他们说,东族长或Catholicos。 It is further known and acknowledged by them that whenever they remained deprived of a bishop for a long time, they used to send messengers to that Patriarchate asking that bishops be sent out to them.这是进一步知道,他们承认,只要他们仍然被剥夺了很长时间的主教,他们使用要求,主教被发送到他们派遣使者,东正教会。 Sufficient proof of this practice has been given above when discussing the arrival of four bishops in 1504.基于上述讨论在1504四位主教的到来时,已充分证明这种做法。The Holy See was fully aware that the Malabar Christians were under the control of the Nestorian Patriarch.罗马教廷是充分认识到马拉巴尔基督徒的控制景教祖师下。When Julius III gave Sulaka his Bull of nomination as the Catholic Chaldean patriarch, he distinctly laid down the same extent of jurisdiction which had been claimed and controlled by his late Nestorian predecessor; hence in the last clause it is distinctly laid down: "In Sin Massin et Calicuth et tota India."朱利叶斯三世给Sulaka他的天主教加尔丁礼宗主教提名的牛市时,他明显奠定了相同的程度一直声称和他已故的景教前身控制的管辖权;因此,在最后一句,这是明显放下:“在罪Massin等Calicuth等托塔印度。“ It becomes necessary to fix this historical truth clearly, because some in Malabar deny this historical fact.因此有必要明确地解决这个问题的历史真相,因为在马拉巴尔一些否认这一历史事实。They would wish people to believe that all the Portuguese missionaries, bishops, priests, and writers were completely mistaken when they styled them Nestorians in belief, and because of this false report all subsequent writers continued to call them Nestorians.他们希望人们相信,所有的葡萄牙传教士,主教,神父,和作家完全错误的,当他们称呼他们的信仰景教,和所有后续的作家,因为这种虚假的报告继续呼吁他们​​景教。 The reader who has gone through the statement of facts above related must be conscious that such an attempt at distorting or boldly denying public facts is utterly hopeless.通过上述有关事实的陈述,读者必须意识到,这种企图扭曲或大胆否定的事实是漆黑一团。They maintain, in support of their false view, that there always had been a small body among the Chaldeans in Mesopotamia who remained attached to the true Faith, and from them they received their bishops.在支持他们的假的看法,他们保持有一直在美索不达米亚的迦勒底人谁留真信仰之间的一个小团体,他们收到了他们的主教。 This plea is historically false, for the bishops they received all came to them from the Nestorians, and as to the hypothesis of the existence during all these centuries back of a Catholic party among the Nestorian Chaldeans, it is too absurd to be discussed.这一请求历史上是虚假的,他们收到的所有来自景教的主教,并在所有这些世纪之间的景教迦勒底天主教党存在的假说,它是太荒谬了,要讨论的。 It was only after the conversion of Sulaka in 1552 that the Chaldeans in part returned to the unity of faith.它只是转换后Sulaka在1552的迦勒底的一部分返回到信仰的统一。The truth is that the Malabar Church remained from AD 496 up till then in heresy.事实是,马拉巴尔教会仍然从公元496至异端然后。

XI.十一。Medieval travellers on the Thomas Christians中世纪托马斯基督徒旅客

During the centuries that these Christians were isolated from the rest of Christendom, their sole intercourse was limited to Mesopotamia, whence the Nestorian Patriarch would from time to time supply them with prelates.在这些基督徒是从基督教的其余部分隔离的世纪,他们唯一的性交是有限的美索不达米亚,因此景教祖师会不时的时间提供给他们与主教。 But from the close of the thirteenth century Western travellers, chiefly missionaries sent out by the popes, sent to the West occasional news of their existence.但是,从十三世纪的西方游客结束,主要是传教士派出由教皇,发送到他们的存在偶尔西方新闻的。Some of these it will be useful to reproduce here.其中一些将是有益这里重现。The first who informed the world of the existence of these St. Thomas Christians was Friar John of Monte Corvino.通报这些圣托马斯基督徒的存在世界第一的Monte科尔维诺约翰修士。After he had spent several years as a missionary in Persia and adjoining countries, he proceeded to China, passing through the Indian ports between the years 1292 and 1294.之后,他花了几年,作为​​一名传教士在波斯和毗邻的国家,他前往中国,经过1292和1294年间,印度港口。He tells us in a letter written from Cambales (Peking) in 1305 that he had remained thirteen months in that part of India where the Church of St. Thomas the Apostle stood (Mylapore); he also baptized in different places about one hundred persons.他告诉我们Cambales(北京)写在1305的信,他留在了13个月,印度的一部分,那里的圣托马斯使徒站(Mylapore)的教会;他也受洗约一百人,不同的地方。 In the same letter he says that there were in Malabar a few Jews and Christians, but they were of little worth; he also says that "the inhabitants persecute much the Christians."在同一封信中,他说,在马拉巴尔少数犹太人和基督徒,但它们没有价值,他也说,“居民迫害基督徒的。”(Yule, "Cathay and the Way Thither," I)(尤尔,“国泰航空和方式上去,”我)

The next visitor is Marco Polo, who on his return from China (c. 1293) touched the India of St. Thomas.接下来的访问者是马可波罗,他从中国返回(约1293)感动的圣托马斯印度。Of his tomb he tells us: "The body Of Messer Saint Thomas the Apostle lies in the province of Malabar, at a certain little town having no great population; 'tis a place where few traders go . . . Both Christians and Saracens however greatly frequent it in pilgrimage, for the Saracens also hold the Saint in great reverence. The Christians who go in pilgrimage take some of the earth from the place where the Saint was killed and give a portion thereof to any who is sick, and by the power of God and of St. Thomas the sick man is incontinently cured. . . . The Christians," he resumes later, "who have charge of the church have a great number of Indian nut trees [coconuts], and thereby get their living" (Marco Polo, Yule's, 2nd edit., II, 338).他的墓,他告诉我们:“梅塞尔圣托马斯使徒的尸体是在一定的小城镇有没有巨大的人口在全省马拉巴尔”TIS几个商人去的地方,基督徒和撒拉逊但是极大。经常在朝圣,撒拉逊人也持非常崇敬的圣 去朝圣的基督徒从圣被杀害的地方采取一些地球,并给其中的一部分,任何人生病,和上帝和圣托马斯的力量是不能自制地治愈病夫。。基督徒,“他恢复后,”谁负责教会有大量的印度槟榔树[椰子],从而得到他们的生活“(马可波罗,尤尔的第二编辑,Ⅱ,338)。 Friar Jordan, a Dominican, came to India as a missionary in 1321; he then had as companions four Franciscan friars, but on approaching India he had parted from them to make diversion; in the meanwhile the vessel conveying the others was by stress of weather compelled to enter Tana, a port on the west coast, where the Khasi of the place put them to death as they would not embrace Islam; the feast of Blessed Thomas of Tolentino and his companions is fixed on 6 April in the "Martyrologium Romanum".弗莱尔约旦,多米尼加共和国,来到印度作为一个传教士在1321;然后,他为同伴四个方济会修士,但在接近印度,他从他们分开,使分流;同时,船只输送其他恶劣天气条件被迫进入塔纳,在西海岸港口,在那里的地方卡西把他们死刑,因为他们不信奉伊斯兰;托伦蒂诺有福了托马斯和他的同伴的盛宴,是定于4月6日在“Martyrologium Romanum” 。Later Jordanus, hearing what had happened, rescued their bodies and gave them burial.后来Jordanus,听觉发生了什么事,救出自己的身体,并给他们埋葬。He must then have gone back to Europe, for he is next heard of in France in 1330, when Pope John XXII consecrated him at Avignon Bishop of Quilon.然后,他必须去欧洲,因为他是未来听说在法国于1330年,当教皇约翰二十二奉献他在阿维尼翁Quilon主教。He left for the East the same year with two letters from the pope, one to the chief of the Christians of Quilon and the other to the Christians at Molephatam, a town on the Gulf of Manaar.同年,他离开东两个字母从教皇,Quilon基督徒和其他Molephatam,Manaar海湾镇的基督徒行政。 In the first the pope beseeches "that divisions cease and clouds of error stain not the brightness of faith of all generated by the waters of baptism . . . and that the phantom of schism and wilful blindness of unsullied faith darken not the vision of those who believe in Christ and adore His name."在第一教皇beseeches“分裂停止,云的错误,不染色的洗礼的水中所产生的所有信仰的亮度。。污点信仰变暗的分裂和故意视而不见不是那些视觉幻像相信在基督和崇拜他的名字。“

Much the same in other words is repeated in the second letter, and they are urged to unity with the Holy Catholic Roman Church.换句话说在第二个字母重复,并敦促他们与罗马教廷天主教罗马教会的团结。 The pope recommends the bishop to the kindness of the people, and thanks them for that shown to the friars who are working among them.教皇建议主教人民的恩情,感谢他们对工作是其中的修士们。All we know is that Bishop Jordanus was sent out with these letters, but nothing further is heard of him.我们所知道的是,Jordanus主教出动这些信件,但没有进一步听说过他。He wrote a small book named "Mirabilia", edited by Col. A. Yule for the Hakluyt Society, published in 1863 (see also "Cathay", I, 184).他写了一本小书,名为“Mirabilia”,由Col A.尤尔Hakluyt协会编辑,出版于1863年(见“国泰”,我,184)。The next visitor is Blessed Oderic of Pordenone, who about 1324-25 landed at Tana, recovered the bodies of the four friars, Thomas and his companions who had there suffered martyrdom, and conveyed them to China.接下来的访问者是有福Oderic波代诺内,约1324至1325年降落在塔纳,恢复四个修士的尸体,曾殉道,并转达他们对中国的托马斯和他的同伴。 On his way he halted at Quilon, which he calls Palumbum; thence he took passage on a Chinese junk for a certain city called Zayton in China.他在Quilon途中停止,他呼吁Palumbum;那里,他对一个中国的垃圾称为Zayton在中国某一个城市的流逝。 He mentions the Christians at Quilon, and that at Mylapore there were fourteen houses of Nestorians ("Cathay", I, 57).他提到Quilon的基督徒,在Mylapore有14景教房屋(“国泰”,我,57岁)。A few years later Giovanni de Marignolli, the papal delegate to China, arrived at Quilon.几年后,罗马教皇的委托给中国,乔瓦尼DE Marignolli抵达Quilon。He stayed there at a church dedicated to St. George, belonging to the Latin Rite, and he adorned it with fine paintings and taught there the Holy Law.他在那里呆了一所教堂献给圣乔治,属于拉丁美洲成年礼,他饰以精细的画,并教圣“After dwelling there for upwards of a year he sailed to visit the shrine of the Apostle; he calls the town Mirapolis.经过一年以上的住宅有他航行访问的使徒的靖国神社,他呼吁镇Mirapolis。After describing the culture of pepper on the coast he adds: "the pepper does not grow in forests but in gardens prepared for the purpose; nor are the Saracens the proprietors, but the Christians of St. Thomas, and these are the masters of the public weighing-office" [customs office].在海岸上描述的辣椒文化后,他补充说:“辣椒不长在花园准备为目的的森林,但也不是撒拉逊人的东主,但圣托马斯基督徒,这些都是在主人公共称重办公室“[海关]。 Before leaving Quilon he erected a monument to commemorate his visit, and this was a marble pillar with a stone cross on it, intended to last, as he says, till the world's end.在离开Quilon之前,他树起一座纪念碑,以纪念他的访问,这是一个石头上有一个交叉的大理石支柱,最后,他说,直到世界的结束,。 "It had the pope's arms" he says, "and my own engraved on it, with an inscription both in Indian and Latin characters. I consecrated and blessed it in the presence of an infinite multitude of people."“教皇的武器”,他说,“我自己就可以了,无论是在印度和拉丁字符的题词,刻,我奉献和祝福它在一个人的无限多种存在。” The monument stood there till late in the nineteenth century when by the gradual erosion of the coast it fell into the sea and disappeared.站在纪念碑一直到十九世纪后期有逐渐侵蚀海岸时坠入海消失了。He concludes his narrative by saying that after staying a year and four months he took leave of the brethren, ie the missionaries who were working in that field.他得出结论说,停留一年零四个月后,他离开的弟兄们,即在该领域工作的传教士,他的叙述。

XII.十二。Their two last Syrian bishops他们的最后两个叙利亚主教

The two last Syrian bishops were Mar Joseph Sulaka and Mar Abraham; both arrived in Malabar after the arrival of the Portuguese.最后两个叙利亚主教三月约瑟夫Sulaka月亚伯拉罕;在马拉巴尔抵达后,葡萄牙人的到来。Their case presents two questions for discussion; were they canonically appointed, and had they completely rejected Nestorianism?他们的情况提出了两个问题进行讨论,他们规范任命,和他们完全拒绝景教?As to the first there is no doubt that his appointment was canonical, for he, the brother of the first Chaldean patriarch, was appointed by his successor Abed Jesu and sent out to Malabar, and both the above patriarchs had their jurisdiction over the Church in Malabar confirmed by the Holy See.至于第一是毫无疑问,他的任命是规范的,他被任命为第一加尔丁礼宗主教的弟弟,他的继任者阿比德Jesu发送到马拉巴尔,上述两个先祖曾在教会其管辖范围内马拉巴证实教廷。 Mar Joseph was sent to India with letters of introduction from the pope to the Portuguese authorities; he was besides accompanied by Bishop Ambrose, a Dominican and papal commissary to the first patriarch, by his socius Father Anthony, and by Mar Elias Hormaz, Archbishop of Diarbekir.三月约瑟夫引进葡萄牙当局从教皇的信件发送到印度,他是除了主教,刘汉铨,多米尼加共和国和罗马教皇的小卖部的陪同下第一元老,他的socius父亲安东尼,由三月埃利亚斯Hormaz,大主教Diarbekir。 They arrived at Goa about 1563, and were detained at Goa for eighteen months before being allowed to enter the diocese.他们到达1563左右,在果阿和被关押18个月内,在果阿,才获准进入教区。Proceeding to Cochin they lost Bishop Ambrose; the others travelled through Malabar for two and a half years on foot, visiting every church and detached settlement.出发到科钦,他们失去了主教,刘汉铨;其他马拉巴尔为两年半年徒步走遍,访问每一个教会和分离沉降。By the time they arrived at Angamale war broke out.的时间,他们抵达Angamale战争爆发。Then Mar Elias, Anthony the socius of the deceased prelate, and one of the two Syrian monks who had accompanied them, left India to return; the other monk remained with Archbishop Joseph Sulaka.三月埃利亚斯安东尼socius死者的主教,谁曾陪同他们的两名叙利亚僧侣之一,离开印度返回;大主教约瑟夫Sulaka仍然与其他和尚。 For some time the new prelate got on well with the Portuguese and Jesuit missionaries, in fact, they praised him for having introduced order, decorum, and propriety in the Church services and all went harmoniously for some time.事实上,对于一些新的主教,以及获得与葡萄牙传教士,他们称赞他介绍,在教会服务的秩序,礼仪,和礼教和和睦相处了一段时间。 Later, friction arose because of his hindering the locally-ordained Syrians from saying mass and preaching and instructing his flock.后来,摩擦产生的,因为他说群众进行宣讲,并指示他的羊群从阻碍当地规定的叙利亚人。 Eventually an incident revealed that Mar Joseph had not dropped his Nestorian errors, for it was reported to the Bishop of Cochin that he had attempted to tamper with the faith of some young boys in his service belonging to the Diocese of Cochin.最后一个事件显示三月约瑟夫没有丢下景教的错误,因为这是报告的,他曾企图篡改与信仰的一些年轻的男孩在他的服务属于科钦教区主教科钦。 This came to the knowledge of the bishop, through him to the Metropolitan of Goa, then to the viceroy; it was decided to remove and send him to Portugal, to be dealt with by the Holy See.在此之前的主教的知识,通过他向大都会果阿,然后到总督,这是决定删除,并送他到葡萄牙,交由教廷。

The following is the nature of the incident.以下是事件的性质。Taking these youths apart, he instructed them that they should venerate the Blessed Virgin as the refuge of sinners, but were not to call her Mother of God, as that was not true; but she should be styled Mother of Christ (Nestorius, refusing at the Council of Ephesus the term Theotokos proposed by the council, substituted that of Christokos, which the Fathers refused to accept because under this designation he could cloak his error of two person in Christ).除了这些青年,他指示他们,他们应该敬礼圣母的罪人的避难所,但不给她打电话上帝之母,因为这是不正确的,但她应该是基督的样式母亲(涅斯,拒绝在会以弗所长期Theotokos由理事会提出,取代Christokos,父亲拒绝接受,因为根据这个指定他的外衣,他在基督里的两个人的错误)。 Mar Joseph was sent to Portugal; arriving there he succeeded in securing the good will of the Queen, then regent for her young son; he abjured his error before Cardinal Henry, expressed repentance, and by order of the queen was sent back to his diocese.三月约瑟夫被送往葡萄牙;到达那里他成功地确保女王的良好意愿,然后为她年幼的儿子摄政;枢机主教亨利之前,他发誓放弃自己的错误,表示悔改,和女王的命令被送回他的教区。 Gouvea tells us that as he continued to propagate his errors on his return he was again deported and Cardinal Henry reported his case to St. Pius V. The pope sent a Brief to Jorge, Archbishop of Goa, dated 15 Jan., 1567, ordering him to make enqueries into the conduct and doctrine of the prelate; in consequence of this the first provincial council was held; the charges against Mar Joseph were found to be true and he was sent to Portugal in 1568, thence to Rome, where he died shortly after his arrival. Gouvea告诉我们,当他继续宣传他的错误在他的回归,他再次被驱逐出境,枢机主教亨利,他的案件圣皮乌斯五教皇派出了一个简短的豪尔赫,果阿总主教,1567年1月15日,订购他到主教的行为和学说,使enqueries首个省级市政局举行这样的结果对三月约瑟夫的指控是真实的,他被送到葡萄牙1568年至罗马,在那里他死于不久后,他的到来。

While the former was leaving India there arrived from Mesopotemia an imposter named Abraham, sent by Simeon the Nestorian Patriarch.虽然前者是离开印度有抵达Mesopotemia叫亚伯拉罕冒名顶替者,由缅景教祖师发送。he succeeded in entering Malabar undetected.他成功地进入马拉巴尔未被发现。At the appearence of another Chaldean who proclaimed himself a bishop the people were greatly delighted and received him with applause; he set about at once acting as bishop, holding episcopal functions, and conferring Holy orders and quietly established himself in the diocese.在外观的另一个迦勒底人宣称自己一个人受到极大的高兴主教,他赢得了阵阵掌声,他一次署理主教,举行主教的职能,赋予神圣的命令,并悄悄地建立了自己的教区。 (Gouva, p. col. 2). (Gouva,第2栏)。Later the Portuguese captured him and sent him to Portugual, but en route he escaped at Mozambique, found his way back to Mesopotamia, and went straight to Mar Abed Jesu the Chaldean Patriarch, having realized from his Indian experience that unless he secured a nomination from him it would be difficult to establish himself in Malabar.后来葡萄牙擒获,并送他到葡国,但在途中,他在莫桑比克逃脱,发现他的方式回到美索不达米亚,直奔3月阿比德Jesu加尔丁礼宗主教,实现了从印度的经验,除非他获得了提名他将难以确立自己在马拉巴尔。 He succeeded admirably in his devices, obtained nomination, consecration, and a letter to the pope from the patriarch.他成功令人钦佩,在他的设备,获得提名,奉献,从族长给教宗的信。With this he proceeded to Rome, and while there at an audience with the pope he disclosed his true position (Du Jarric, "Rer. Ind. Thesaur.", tom. III, lib. II, p. 69).有了这个,他前往罗马,而在觐见教宗,他透露他的真实位置(都Jarric“RER。Thesaur工业”,汤姆。三,二库,第69页)。 He avowed to pope with his own lips that he had received holy orders invalidly.他公开宣称,教皇与他自己的嘴唇,他收到了神圣的命令无效。The pope ordered the Bishop of San Severino to give him orders from tonsure to the priesthood, and a Brief was sent to the Patriarch of Venice to consecrate Abraham the bishop.教皇下令圣塞韦里诺主教给他的订单从剃度为司铎,并简要被送往威尼斯的族长亚伯拉罕主教奉献。The facts were attested, both as to the lesser orders and the episcopal consecration, by the original letters which were found in the archieves of the Church of Angamale where he resided and where he had died.事实证明,以较小的订单和主教奉献,被发现在他居住,他已经死了Angamale教会archieves的原始信件。

Pope Pius IV used great tact in handling this case.教皇Pius IV娴熟的技巧,在处理这种情况下使用。Abed Jesu must have taken Abraham to be a priest; he is supposed to have abjured Nestorianism, and professed the Catholic faith, and conferred on him episcopal consecration; the pope had to consider the position in which the patriarch had been placed by the consecration and nomination of the man; the defects were supplied, and Abraham succeeded also in obtaining his nomination and creation as Archbishop Angamale from the pope, with letters to the Archbishop of Goa, and to the Bishop of Cochin dated 27 Feb., 1565.阿比德Jesu必须采取亚伯拉罕是一个牧师,他应该已经发誓放弃景教,自称信仰天主教,并赋予他的主教奉献;教皇不得不考虑在族长已被置于奉献的立场该名男子的提名;提供的缺陷,和亚伯拉罕的成功,也从教皇取得他的提名和创造大主教Angamale,果阿总主教的信,和科钦主教月27日1565 2月。Such was the success of this daring man.这是这个大胆的人的成功。On arrival at Goa he was detained in a convent, but escaped and entered Malabar.在果阿的到来,他被关押在一个修道院,但逃脱,进入马拉巴尔。His arrival was a surprise and a joy to the people.他的到来是一个惊喜和欢乐的人。He kept out of the reach of the Portuguese, living among the churches in the hilly parts of the country.他不停地到达葡萄牙,居住在该国的丘陵地区教会之间。As time passed on he was left in peaceful occupation.随着时间的流逝,他被留在和平占领。As is usual in such cases the old tendencies assumed once more their ascendency, and he returned to his Nestorian teaching and practices, Complaints were made; Rome sent warnings to Abraham to allow catholic doctrine to be preached and taught to his people.通常在这种情况下,旧的倾向假设一次他们的优越,他回到了景教的教学和实践,投诉了罗马发出警告,亚伯拉罕,让天主教教义宣扬和传授给他的人民。 At one time he took the warning seriously to his heart.在同一时间,他警告,严重他的心脏。In 1583 Father Valignano, then Superior of the Jesuit Missions, devised a means of forcing a reform. 1583年父亲范礼安,然后耶​​稣会传教的高级,设计迫使改革的一种手段。He persuaded Mar Abraham to assemble a synod, and to convene the clergy and the chiefs of the laity.他说服三月亚伯拉罕组装主教会议,并召开神职人员和俗人的首领。He also prepared a profession of faith which was to be made publicly by the bishop and all present.他还准备了专业的信仰,这是由主教和所有在场的公开。Moreover, urgent reforms were sanctioned and agreed to.此外,紧迫的改革被批准和同意。A letter was sent by Pope Gregory XIII, 28 Nov., 1578, laying down what Abraham had to do for the improvement of his diocese; after the above-mentioned synod Abraham sent a long letter to the pope in reply, specifying all that he had been able to do by the aid of the Fathers (see letter, pp. 97-99, in Giamil).由罗马教皇格雷戈里十三,1578年11月28日发信,奠定了亚伯拉罕为改善他的教区做什么;上述的主教后,亚伯拉罕在答复发送了一封长信给教宗,指定他已经能够做的父亲的帮助下(见Giamil信,第97-99页,)。 This is called the first reconciliation of the Syrians to the Church.这就是所谓的叙利亚人的第一个教会的和解。It was formal and public, but left no improvement on the general body, the liturgical books were not corrected nor was catholic teaching introduced in the Church.这是正式和公开的,但没有留下任何的一般身体上有所改善,礼仪书籍不纠正,也不是介绍了在教会的天主教教学。

In 1595 Mar Abraham fell dangerously ill (Du Jarric, tom. I, lib. II, p. 614).三月亚伯拉罕在1595年下降了病危(都Jarric,汤姆,我,LIB二,第614页)。Unfortunately he survived the excellent sentiments he then had and recovered.不幸的是,他活了下来,他当时和回收的优秀情操。After about two years, in 1597 (Gouva, p.ii) he was a second time again dangerously ill; Archbishop Aleixo de Menezes wrote and exhorted him to reform his people, but for answer he had only frivilous excuses.大约两年后,1597年(Gouva,p.ii),他第二次病危;大主教Aleixo梅内塞斯写道,并叮嘱他改革了他的人,但他的回答只有frivilous借口。 He would not even avail himself of the exhortations of the Fathers who surrounded his bed, nor did he receive the last sacraments.他甚至不会利用自己包围了他的床的父亲的嘱托,他也没有收到最后的圣礼。Thus he died.因此,他死了。 The viceroy made known his death to Archbishop Menezes, then absent on a visitation tour, by letter of 6 Feb., 1597.总督知道他的死亡大主教梅内塞斯,然后在探访之旅,1597年2月6信缺席。

XIII.十三。Archbishop Menezes and the Synod of Diamper梅内塞斯的大主教和主教的Diamper

Archbishop Menezes received the intelligence of the death of Mar Abraham while on a tour of pastoral visitation at Damao.大主教梅内塞斯月亚伯拉罕死亡的情报,而在参观在达茂旗牧区探视。Fearing the work on hand could not be postponed, he decided to act on the powers delegated to him by pope in his last Brief, and nominated Father Francisco Roz of the Society of Jesus who undoubtly fulfilled the requirements demanded by the pope for the appointment.担心手头上的工作不能推迟,他决定采取行动由教皇授予他的权力,在他最后的简讯,并提名旧金山罗兹父亲的耶稣会undoubtly符合要求由教皇任命的要求。 On receipt of the letter and the instructions accompanying it, the superior, knowing that the late Abraham before his death had assigned to his archdeacon the government of the church pending the arrival of another bishop from Babylon, and the same had been accepted by the people, and foreseeing also the insecurity of the position, decided that it would be prudent to await the return of the archbishop before taking any further step.在收到的信,并指示随行的,上级知道后期亚伯拉罕生前已指派他的副主教从巴比伦的到来等待另一个主教的教会的政府,和同样被人们所接受,并预见到不安全的位置,决定,这将是谨慎地等待大主教返回之前,采取任何进一步的步骤。 The Archbishop on returning to Goa weighed the gravity of the case, and felt bound in conscience to safeguard the Syrian Christians from falling again into the hands of a new heretical intruder.返回果阿的大主教衡量案件的严重性,并感到良心的约束,保障叙利亚的基督徒再次落入一个新的异端入侵者手中。He decided on visiting the Serra personally.他决定亲自访问了塞拉。Father Nicholáo Pimenta, then the Superior of Jesuit missions in India, writing the General of the Society, Father Claudius Acquaviva, takes up the narrative as follows; "It was not small comfort to all that Alexious Menezes, the Lord Archbishop of Goa, moved by his zeal for salvation of souls and at our persuation undertook to visit the ancient Christians of St. Thomas, spread through the hilly parts of Malabar. There was great danger that after the death of Archbishop Abraham at Angamale, and the succession of the Archdeacon George to the government of the church on the demise of the prelate, she would lapse again under the sway of Nestorian prelates; nor were there wanting persons of ecclesiastical rank possessed of means who proposed to procced to Babylon and bring thence another Archbishop. To the Archbishop of Goa not only by metropolitan right, but also in virtue of Apostolic letters appertained the right to assume the administration of that Church sede vacante; and he took upon himself the task of retaining the vacillating archdeacon in due submission to the Holy See and avoiding schism."父亲Nicholáo皮门塔,然后耶稣会代表团在印度写作协会秘书长,高级,父亲克劳狄斯夸,占用的叙述如下;“这是不小的安慰所有Alexious梅内塞斯,主大主教的果阿,动议他热情的灵魂和拯救我们的疏导承诺访问圣托马斯古代基督徒,通过马拉巴尔丘陵地区传播有很大的危险。Angamale死亡后,大主教亚伯拉罕,和副主教的继承乔治教会主教的消亡政府,她会失效再次景教主教挥洒下,也有希望建议procced到巴比伦,并把那里另一个大主教意味着谁拥有人的教会排名的。不仅大都市的权利,但也凭借使徒字母appertained果阿总主教担任该教会塞vacante的管理权;他在自己身上了,保留在适当的圣提交的摇摆不定副主教和避免的任务分裂。“ He therefore issued instructions to the rector of the Vaipicotta College, enclosing a letter of appointment naming the archdeacon administrator of the diocese provided he in the presence of the rector made a solemn profession of faith.因此,他发出指示,Vaipicotta学院的校长,封闭了聘书命名教区副主教管理员提供的校长,他作出了庄严的信念专业。 The archdeacon expressed his satisfaction on receiving the intimation and promised to make the profession demanded on a feast day.副主教表示,在收到的暗示令他满意,并承诺让专业的要求在节日。But later on he would neither make the profession, nor would he accept the nomination of administrator as coming from the archbishop of the diocese.但后来他是既不让专业,他也不会接受来自教区大主教管理员的提名。 Afterwards he caused it to be reported that he had so acted on the advice of others.后来他造成它报告说,他对他人的意见行事。 The Archbishop of Goa, after taking counsel with the Fathers, decided on starting on the visitation of the Archdiocese of Angamale to induce that Church to receive a prelate from the Sovereign Pontiff.果阿总主教,与父亲的律师后,决定对探视Angamale大主教管区开始诱导,教会主权教宗接受一个主教。On this coming to be known all sorts of difficulties were raised to induce him to abandon his project, even from ecclesiastics, with such pertinacity that the archbishop wrote to Pimenta: "Heaven and earth have conspired against my design."在这个被称为提出了种种困难,促使他放弃他的项目,即使从教区大主教写信给皮门塔等顽固,“天地有密谋反对我的设计。” But he manfully faced the work before him, and went through it with singular firmness of character and prudence, and supported by Divine aid he began, continued, and completed the arduous task he had undertaken with complete success.但他manfully面对他面前的工作,并通过它奇异的性格和谨慎的坚定性,和神圣的援助,他开始支持,继续,完成艰巨的任务,他进行了圆满的成功。

During the visitation (full details of which are given by Gouvea in the "Jornada", the one source whence all other writers have obtained their information, some even going so far as entirely to distort the facts to satisfy their prejudice) the archbishop underwent all sorts of hardships, visiting the principal parishes, addressing the people, holding services, and everywhere conferring the sacraments, of which these people were deprived.在探视(其中的全部细节Gouvea在“Jornada”,其他所有的作家都获得他们的信息,有的甚至去,至于完全歪曲事实,以满足他们的偏见的一个来源何处)大主教接受所有种种艰辛,访问的主要教区,解决人民群众,举办服务,处处赋予的圣礼,这些人被剥夺。 He caused the Nestorian books in the possession of the churches and in the hands of the people to be expurgated of their errors, and they were then restored to their owners.他在教会的占有和删减他们的错误的人手中造成的景教书籍,和他们再恢复到它们的主人。All the books then existing among the Syrians were in manuscript form; printed books among them did not exist at this period.叙利亚人之间现有的所有书籍手稿,其中印刷书籍在这个时期不存在。Passages that denied the Supreme authority of the Apostolic See of Rome were similarly deleted.段落否认罗马的使徒见的至高无上的权威,同样删除。He also caused capable priests to be sought out, and these he placed in charge of parishes.他还造成了寻求有能力的祭司,而这些他放在教区负责。Eventually he established eighty parishes.最后,他成立八十教区。Thus he prepared his ground for the reform of this Church which he intended to carry out.因此,他准备为这个教会的改革,他打算开展自己的立场。The synod was opened with great solemnity and pomp on 20 June, 1599, at the village of Udiamparur, whence it is known as the Synod of Diamper.在村Udiamparur,何处是Diamper主教主教会议开幕上,1599年6月20日,伟大的严肃性和排场。 The Acts were published in Portuguese as an appendix to the "Jornada"; they were also translated into Latin.在葡萄牙出版的行为是“Jornada”的附录,他们也被翻译成拉丁语。The opening Act the synod was the profession of faith.主教会议开幕式法“的信仰。The Archbishop was the first to make his profession, then followed the archdeacon who made in Malayalam, a translation of the former prepared for the purpose.大主教是先使他的职业,然后在马来亚,前者的翻译为目的编写的副主教。Subsequently the clergy in turn made theirs in the hands of archbishop as the archdeacon also had done.随后又将神职人员在大主教的手中,他们的副主教也做了。The Latin text of the synod, and separate in "Juris Pontificii de Propaganda Fide", Paris.主教会议,并单独在“法学Pontificii DE宣传部善意”,巴黎的拉丁文字。I, vol.我卷。VI, part II, p.六,第二部分,第 243.243。Besides the archbishop and certain Jesuit Fathers who assisted him there were some 153 Syrian priests and about 600 laymen deputed by the congregation to represent them; all these signed the decrees that were passed by the synod and proclaimed the orthodox faith embodied in the act of profession taken by the entire clergy.除了大主教和耶稣会协助他的父亲一定有大约153叙利亚教士和写给众代表约600外行,所有这些签署的法令,是由主教会议通过,并宣布在职业行为体现信仰东正教采取整个神职人员。 The Archbishop addressed the synod on the falsity of the errors of Nestorius up till then held by that Church, the assembly denounced them, anathematized the Nestorian Patriarch, and promised obedience and submission to the Roman Pontiff.大主教解决涅斯错误,然后由该教会举行直到虚假的主教会议,大会谴责,诅咒,景教祖师,并承诺服从和服从罗马教皇。 Among the calumniesspread against Menezes and the synod the most prominent is that all the Syriac books of the community were burnt and destroyed by order of the synod.对梅内塞斯传播的诽谤和主教其中最突出的是,社会上所有的叙利亚文书籍被烧毁,主教下令销毁。What was done in this matter under the decree passed in the fifth session is thus described in the "Jornada" (tr. Glen, book I, ch. xxiii, p. 340).在第五十五届会议通过的法令下,在这件事情是什么做的,是这样描述“Jornada”(编辑部幽谷,我的书,CH。XXIII,第340页)。 After the above condemnation of errors it was decided that certain books which had been named and were current in the serra and full of errors should be burnt; that others were to be censured only until they were corrected and expurgated.上述谴责的错误后,它是决定某些书籍已被命名,目前在塞拉和完整的错误应该被烧毁,其他人只被谴责,直到他们被纠正和删减。 The list of books to be burnt is given in the 14th decree of the third session.被烧毁的书籍清单是在第三次会议14日法令。 The books consist:这些书籍包括:

of those ex professo teaching Nestorian errors;这些前professo教学景教错误;

containing false legends;含有虚假的传说;

books of sorceries and superstitious practices.书籍的邪术和迷信的做法。

None of these were capable of correction.这些都不是能够矫正。In all other books that had any statements containing doctrinal errors, the latter were erased.在所有其他书籍有任何含有较浓的错误,后者被删除。The "Jornada" (p. 365) gives the system adopted during the visitation of the Church for the correction of books: after Mass was said all books written in Syriac, whether the property of the Church or of private individuals were handed over to Father Francisco Roz, who with three Cathanars (Syrian priests) specially selected for the purpose would retire to the vestry and there correct the books in conformity with the directions given by the synod ; those that were condemned and forbidden were handed over to the archbishop, who would order them to be burnt publicly. “Jornada”(第365页)给出了在教会探视改正的书籍通过系统:肿块后说的所有书籍,教会或个人的财产是否被移交给父亲写在叙利亚旧金山罗兹,三个Cathanars(叙利亚祭司)特别挑选为宗旨,将退休的教区,并有正确的符合主教发出的指示的书籍,那些被谴责和禁止的大主教,他被移交给责令其公开被烧毁。 Under his orders no book capable of being purged from heretical error would be destroyed, but those ex professo teaching heresy would be destroyed.根据他的命令没有书能够被清除邪教错误将被销毁,但这些前professo教学异端会被销毁。After the conclusion of the synod Archbishop Menezes continued his visitation of the churches down to Quilon and then returned to Goa.大主教梅内塞斯主教会议结束后继续他探视的教堂Quilon,然后返回果阿。He did not forget to send from thence a letter of warm thanks to Father Pimenta for the continuous and important aid given by the Fathers of the Society all through the work he had to perform in Malabar.他没有忘记从那里发送的父亲皮门塔的来访表示热烈的感谢函,由协会通过的工作,他不得不在马拉巴尔执行父亲给予持续和重要的援助。

XIV.十四。Their first three Jesuit bishops首三个耶稣会主教

In making provisions for the future government of the Syrian Church in Malabar, Clement VIII had to adopt such measures as would secure its permanency in the faith and exclude the danger of a relapse.在未来政府在叙利亚马拉巴尔教会的规定,克莱门特八不得不采取这样的措施将确保在信仰它的常任和排除复发的危险。 He decided that it would be the safest course to appoint a Latin prelate in sympathy with the people and fully acquainted with their liturgical language.他决定,这将是一个拉丁美洲主教任命同情与人民充分了解他们的礼仪语言的最安全的做法。The selection fell on Father Roz, no doubt after hearing the opinion of Archbishop Menezes.听到大主教梅内塞斯的意见后,倒在父亲罗兹,毫无疑问的选择。Father Roz was consecrated by the Archbishop at Goa under the title of Bishop of Angamale in 1601.罗兹父亲在果阿Angamale主教在1601年的标题下被奉献大主教。Four years later Paul V transferred him (1605) to the new See of Cranganore, which he created an archbishopric in order that the faithful brought to unity should not feel that the honour of their see had suffered any diminution of honour.四年后,保罗V转移他(1605)Cranganore,他创造了一个大主教,带来了统一的忠实不应认为他们看到的荣誉而遭受的任何荣誉的缩减新见。 The new prelate made a visitation tour through the diocese, correcting the liturgical books at every church where this had not been done, and enforcing everywhere the rules sanctioned by the Synod of Diamper.通过教区新主教的探视之旅,纠正礼仪的书​​籍,在每一个情况下没有这样做的教堂和执行处处Diamper主教认可的规则。 In 1606 he convened and held a diocesan synod; no further details of his administration are handed down to us. 1606年,他召集,召开一个教区的主教,他的政府没有进一步的细节传给我们。After twenty-three years of strenuous episcopate he died at Parur, his ordinary residence, 18 February, 1624, and was buried in the church.经过二十三年的艰苦主教团,他死了在Parur,他的普通住宅,2月18日,1624,被埋葬在教堂。Besides the Latin Canon of the Mass he had also translated the Latin ritual into Syriac for the administration of the Holy Sacraments by the clergy.除了地下的拉丁佳能,他还翻译了神圣的圣礼的管理拉丁仪式由神职人员进入叙利亚文。Years later, on the occasion of the first pastoral visit of the first Vicar Apostolic of Trichur to the church of Parur in 1888, on enquiring after the tomb of the archbishop, was told that no tomb of his was known to exist there, but after careful search had been made the tombstone, with its Malayalam inscription in ancient Tamil characters, was found and is now affixed to the inner wall of the church.年后,在Trichur使徒教会于1888年的Parur询问大主教墓后,第一副主教第一牧灵访问之际,被告知没有他的坟墓被称为存在,但后作出了仔细搜寻,墓碑,在古代泰米尔字符马来亚题词,被发现,现在贴在教堂的内壁。 The loss of all knowledge of the tombstone was caused by the sacking and burning of this church with many others by the soldiers of Tippoo Sultan on his second invasion of the coast.这个教会的洗劫和焚烧Tippoo苏丹士兵与许多人对他的第二次入侵的海岸造成的损失是所有的墓碑上的知识。Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo, who had visited the church in 1785 and had taken a transcript of the inscription at the time, of which he gives a Latin translation in his "India Christ. Orient.", p.Paulinus一个Sancto Bartholomaeo,曾在1785年访问教堂,并已采取在当时的题词谈话,其中他给出了一个在他的拉丁文译本“印度基督。东方”,第64, did not read the name Roz on the stone, however the name is there in a flaw of the stone and has been read on rediscovery.64,没看过在石头上的名字罗兹,但这个名字是有一个石头的缺陷,并已重新发现阅读。

Father Estevão de Brito, also a Jesuit, was designated successor, and was consecrated by the Archbishop of Goa in the Church of Bom Jesus, Goa, on 29 Sept., 1624, and left Goa for his diocese on 4 November.父亲Estevão布里托,也是耶稣会,被指定为接班人,并奉献果阿大主教在教会的苏斯,果阿,1624 9月29日,并于11月4日离开他的教区果阿。He died on 2 December, 1641, having governed the see for over seventeen years.1641年12月2日,他死了,有管辖17年来。 The third of the series was Francisco Garcia, of the same society.该系列的第三个是弗朗西斯科 - 加西亚,同一个社会。He was consecrated Bishop of Ascalon on 1 November, 1637, with right of succession by the Archbishop of Goa, in the Jesuit Church of Bom Jesus, Goa, and succeeded to the See of Cranganore in 1641. 1637年11月1日,他被奉献阿斯卡隆主教,继承权由大主教的果阿,苏斯,果阿耶稣教会,并成功地在1641年的Cranganore参见。Under this prelate a frightful schism broke out (1653) and his entire flock, with all his clergy and churches, withdrew from his allegiance.根据这个主教爆发出可怕的分裂(1653年)和他的整个羊群,他与所有的神职人员和教会,从他的忠诚撤回。 Out of the entire body of 200,000 Syrian Christians only some 400 individuals remained faithful. 200,000叙利亚基督徒的整个身体只有约400人仍然忠实。

This misfortune has by most writers been attributed to Garcia's want of tact, obstinancy, and sarcastic disposition: as to the latter defect there is one instance, and that at the last opportunity for reconciliation, which fell through owing to his harsh treatment of the delegates sent to him by his revolted flock.这大多数作家的不幸归咎于加西亚的机智,obstinancy,并讽刺处置想:到了后者的缺陷存在着的一个实例,并认为在的和解,其中通过由于下跌他代表苛刻治疗的最后机会寄给他,由他起兵羊群。 But he was not responsible for the schism.但他不负责的分裂。This had been hatched many years previously during the lifetime of his predecessor de Brito, secretly and unknown to him.这已被多年孵化,在他的前任 - 布里托,偷偷的和未知的他的一生。Here the dates only of documents can be quoted.在这里,只有文件的日期可以被引用。

On 1 January, 1628 the Archdeacon George wrote a letter to the papal nuncio at Lisbon complaining that no answer was given to a letter sent some twenty years earlier regarding the spiritual wants of this Christian people.在1628年1月1日起,副主教乔治写了在里斯本举行的罗马教皇的教廷大使的信中抱怨没有答案给了一封信,发送大约20年前有关精神,希望这个基督教人民。 In 1630 Rome was informed of these complaints, the substance of which was that only Jesuits controlled these Christians, that they were unsuited, and had controlled them for over forty years, and they wanted other religious orders to be sent.在1630年罗马被告知这些投诉,其中的实质内容,只有耶稣会士控制这些基督徒,他们不适应,并控制了超过40年,他们,和他们希望其他宗教的订单发送。 The Sacred Congregation sent instructions that other orders should be admitted into the diocese.神圣的会众发出其他命令应教区承认的指示。

Paulinus (op. cit., pp. 70 sq.) adduces further evidence of the trickery and treachery of Archdeacon George.Paulinus(同上,第70平方米)举出副主教乔治欺骗和背叛的进一步证据。In 1632 he convened a meeting at Rapolin consisting of clergy and laity, when a letter of complaint was sent to the King of Portugal against the Jesuit Fathers; these very same complaints formed the heads of their grievances in 1653, when open schism was proclaimed to secure independence and oust the Jesuits. 1632年,他召开了一次会议在Rapolin,僧侣和俗人组成的,当一封投诉信被送到葡萄牙国王对耶稣会神父,这些同样的投诉在1653年成立了自己的不满元首,开放分裂时宣告成立争取独立和驱逐耶稣会士。 The plot had been hatched for a good number of years; it was begun by Archdeacon George (d. 1637) who was succeeded in office by a relative, another Thomas de Campo (Thoma Parambil) who in 1653 headed the revolt.情节已孵出了多年的好一些,它是由副主教乔治(卒于1637年)谁是相对成功地在办公室开始,另一个托马斯DE CAMPO(托马Parambil)在1653年率领起义。After the schism had broken out the intruder Ahatalla, a Mesopotamian prelate, was deported by the Portuguese, who took him by ship off Cochin and there lay at anchor.分裂后的入侵者Ahatalla,美索不达米亚的主教,打破了由葡萄牙,参加由他船过交趾,有锚奠定驱逐。

The Christians, coming to know of the fact, threatened to storm the fort, which the governor had to man with his soldiers, while the ship sailed away to Goa during the night.的基督徒,知道的事实,威胁到风暴要塞,总督男子与他的士兵,当船在夜间航行距离果阿。The revolted seeing their last attempt to secure a Baghdad prelate frustrated, leaders and people took a solemn vow that they would never again submit to Archbishop Garcia.起兵看到他们的最后一次尝试,以确保巴格达的一个主教沮丧,领导人和人民的庄严誓言,他们再也不会向大主教加西亚。 Finding themselves in this position they thought of calling to their aid the Carmelite Fathers who had visited Malabar but were then at Goa.发现自己在这个位置上,他们认为要求他们的援助加尔默罗曾访问马拉巴尔父亲,但然后在果阿。When Alexander VII came to know the calamity which had befallen the Syrian community, he sent out (1656) the Carmelites, Fathers José de Sebastiani and Vincente of St. Catherine, to work for the return to unity and to their archbishop of this revolted church.当亚历山大七世知道了叙利亚社会遭受的灾难,他发出了(1656年)的加尔默罗,神父何塞 - 圣凯瑟琳Sebastiani和比森特,工作的团结,以及他们对这个大主教起兵教会。Later other Carmelite Fathers joined in the good work.后来其他的圣衣父亲在良好的工作加入。Within a year of their arrival (1657) the Carmelites had succeeded in reconciling forty-four churches.他们的到来,一年内(1657年)已成功地调和四十四个教会的加尔默罗。Although Archdeacon George had remained obdurate, a relative of his, Chandy Perambil (Alexander de Campo) headed the return movement, but they would have nothing to do with Archbishop Garcia.虽然副主教乔治一直顽固,他的一个亲戚,Chandy Perambil(亚历山大 - 德尔坎波)为首的返回运动,但他们会与大主教加西亚无关。

XV.十五。The Carmelite Period加尔默罗期

Under these circumstances Father José de Sebastiani decided to return to Rome and inform the pope of the real difficulty which stood in the way of permanent reconciliation.在这种情况下,父亲何塞 - Sebastiani决定返回罗马,并告知教宗的实际困难,站在永久和解的方式。The pope on learning the state of the case had Father José consecrated and appointed him Commissary Apostolic for Malabar, with power to consecrate two other bishops, naming them vicars Apostolic.教皇父亲何塞奉献,并任命他的小卖部使徒为马拉巴尔奉献另外两名主教的权力,学习状态的情况下,给它们命名教区牧师使徒。 Provided with these powers he returned to Malabar in 1861 and took up his work.提供这些权力,他回到马拉巴在1861年和他的工作。 By this time, Archbishop Garcia had been removed from the scene by death.到了这个时候,加西亚大主教被删除,从现场死亡。Between 1661 and 1662 the Carmelite Friars under Bishop José had reclaimed the large number of eighty-four churches, leaving to the leader of the revolt -- the aforesaid Archdeacon Thomas -- only thirty-two churches.在1661和1662下加尔默罗天主教方济会主教何塞回收大量的八十四个教会,离开起义的领导者 - 上述副主教托马斯 - 只有三十二个教会。Both these figures are of great importance for the subsequent history of the Malabar Syrians.这两个数字是马拉巴尔叙利亚人以后的历史具有重要意义。The eighty-four churches and their congregations were the body from which all the Romo-Syrians have descended, while the other thirty-two represent the nucleus whence the Jacobites and their subdivisions, Reformed Syrians, etc., have originated.八十四个教会和他们的会众的身体,所有的罗莫叙利亚人已经下降,而其他的三十二个代表细胞核何处Jacobites和他们的分支机构,改革叙利亚人,等等,都起源。 In January, 1663, the political situation regarding these Christians was entirely changed.在一月,1663,关于这些基督徒的政治局势完全改变。The Dutch had arrived on the coast and had captured Cochin.已抵达荷兰的海岸上,并夺取了科钦。The Portuguese power fell.葡萄牙功率下降。The new masters expelled not only all the Portuguese clergy but also forced Bishop José and his religious to leave the country.新主人驱逐不仅葡萄牙神职人员,但也迫使主教何塞和他的宗教离开该国。In this predicament the bishop selected and consecrated the native priest Chandy Perambil (Alexander de Campo) and made him a vicar Apostolic over the flock he was forced to leave.在这种困境中的主教和奉献的本地牧师Chandy Perambil(亚历山大 - 德尔坎波)和他的副主教使徒在他被迫离开羊群。

Before departing, however, he handed to the Dutch Government of Cochin a list of the eighty-four churches that were under his control and commended Bishop Chandy and the Christians of these churches to his protection.然而,在离去之前,他交给科钦八十四个教会,他的控制之下,并赞扬他的保护,这些教堂的主教Chandy和基督徒的荷兰政府。 This the governor undertook to fulfil.这总督承诺履行。Though the Dutch did not trouble themselves about the Syrian Christians, yet they would not permit any Jesuit or Portuguese prelate to reside in Malabar, although simultaneously with Bishop José de Sebastiani, the other Carmelite missionaries had also to depart.虽然荷兰没有麻烦自己对叙利亚的基督徒,但他们不会允许任何的耶稣会或葡萄牙主教居住在马拉巴尔,虽然与何塞 - Sebastiani主教的同时,其他圣衣传教士也离开。However, they were not absent long, for eventually they returned by ones and twos and were not molested.然而,他们没有缺席,他们最终返回三三两两,不调戏。Later, in 1673, they established themselves at Verapoly and built a church there, having obtained the land rent-free from the Rajah of Cochin; it is yet the headquarters of the Carmelites in Malabar.后来,在1673年,他们建立了自己在Verapoly,并建立了一个教会,在取得土地免租期,从科钦王爷,它是尚未马拉巴尔加尔默罗总部。 One of the Carmelite fathers named Matthew even came into friendly relations with the Dutch Governor van Rheede, and aided him in compiling his voluminous work on local botany known as "Hortus Malabaricus."其中一个名为马修加尔默​​罗父亲甚至到荷兰总督面包车Rheede的友好关系,并资助他编译他在当地被称为植物汗牛充栋工作的“Hortus Malabaricus”The Carmelites working among the Syrians under Bishop Chandy remained on good terms with him; the bishop died in 1676.加尔默罗叙利亚人之间的工作,根据主教Chandy保持与他的良好条件;主教于1676年去世。Raphael, a priest of the Cochin diocese, was selected to succeed the former, but he turned out a failure and died in 1695." The year following, Father Peter-Paul, a Carmelite, was created titular Archbishop of Ancyra, and was appointed vicar Apostolic for Malabar. With his arrival in 1678 there was a considerable improvement in the relations between the Dutch Government and the Carmelite Fathers. The Archbishop Peter-Paul was a prince of the House of Parma, and his mother was the sister of Pope Innocent XII; before coming out to Malabar he had obtained a decree from the Government of Holland authorizing the residence in Malabar of one bishop and twelve Carmelite priests who had to be either Italians, Germans, or Belgians; but they were not admitted into Cochin.科钦教区神父,拉斐尔,被选为接替前,但他竟然是一个1695年的失败和死亡。“一年后,父亲彼得 - 保罗,加尔默罗,创建安该拉的名义的大主教,被任命为副主教使徒为马拉巴尔他在1678年的到来有一个在荷兰政府和加尔默罗父亲之间的关系相当大的改善。大主教彼得 - 保罗是众议院帕尔马王子,和他的母亲是教皇无辜的妹妹第十二章;中走出来,马拉巴之前,他已经获得了荷兰政府的法令,授权一位主教和12个圣衣祭司,无论是意大利,德国,或比利时人马拉巴尔居住,但他们不承认到科钦。

The French traveller Anquetil du Perron, who visited Malabar in 1758, offers the following statistics regarding the number of Christians on the coast he had obtained from Bishop Florentius, the Carmelite Vicar Apostolic of Malabar. Anquetil杜门阶,法国旅行家,在1758年访问马拉巴尔,提供了关于在海岸上,他曾获得主教Florentius,加尔默罗副主教使徒马拉巴尔基督徒的以下统计数字。 He tells us that the bishop believed the total number of Christians to amount to 200,000; of these 100,000 were Catholic Syrians, another 50,000 were of the Latin Rite ; both these were under his jurisdiction, while the revolted Syrians who may be classed as Jacobites, were under Mar Thomas VI (who on his consecration in 1772 assumed the name and style of Dionysius I), and numbered 50,000.他告诉我们,主教认为基督教信徒总数达到20万,其中10万天主教叙利亚人,50,000拉丁美洲成年礼,这两个归他管辖,而起兵叙利亚人可能Jacobites归类,根据三月托马斯VI(假设他在1772年奉献狄奥尼修斯一世的名称和风格),以及编号为50000。 From the death of Archbishop Garcia in 1659 the See of Cranganore had no resident bishop till 1701, when Clement XI appointed João Rebeiro, a Jesuit.从大主教加西亚在1659年去世的见的Cranganore直到1701没有驻地主教,克莱门特十一任命若Rebeiro,耶稣会。 When the latter assumed charge the Carmelite Vicar Apostolic, Angelus Francis, told his Syrian flock that his jurisdiction had ceased and they must now pass over to that of the new Archbishop of Cranganore.当后者承担负责加尔默罗名誉主教,安杰勒斯弗朗西斯,告诉叙利亚的羊群,他的管辖范围内已经停止,现在他们必须越过Cranganore新大主教。 The Syrians refused to acknowledge the new archbishop and sent a petition to Rome that they preferred to remain under the Carmelites, who had seventy-one churches in complete submission and eighteen in partial union (ie, the parish was divided and part had submitted to Rome), while only twenty-eight churches remained altogether separate.叙利亚拒绝承认新的大主教,并发送了一份请愿书,以罗马,他们宁愿维持下,完成提交,并在部分联盟十八(即教区划分和部分提交给罗马曾在七十一教堂的加尔默罗),而只有二十八个教会保持完全独立。 Pope Clement, after informing the King of Portugal of the state of things, extented in 1709 the jurisdiction of Bishop Angelus over the dioceses of Cranganore and Cochin, and the pope assigned as a reason for doing so that the Dutch would not tolerate any Portuguese prelate in the country, and the Christians threatened rather to reture to schism than accept the bishop sent out.教皇克莱门特,葡萄牙1709年Cranganore和科钦教区主教安杰勒斯管辖extented国家的事情,和教皇的国王这样做的原因,荷兰绝不会容忍任何葡萄牙主教分配通知后在国家,基督徒的威胁,而reture分裂比接受发送出去的主教。 For fuller particulars of this period the reader is referred to: GT Mackenzie, "History of Christianity in Travangore," in Census Report of 1901, Trivandrum; and Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo, "India Orientalis Christ" (Rome, 1794).对于这一时期的更全面的详情,读者可以参考:GT麦肯齐,“在Travangore基督教的历史,”在政府报告的1901年,特里凡得琅;和Paulinus一个Sancto Bartholomaeo,“印度东方基督”(罗马,1794年)。

On the arrival of the Dutch and the capture of Cranganore it became impossible for the Jesuits to retain the college at Vipicotta; they abandoned the place and removing to the interior beyond the reach of their enemies, opened a new college, at Ambalacad, whence they controlled their new missions on the east coast.在抵达荷兰和Cranganore捕捉成为耶稣会士,不可能保留在Vipicotta学院;他们放弃了地方和消除超出了他们的敌人达到室内,打开一个新的学院,在Ambalacad,何处控制在东海岸的新任务。 Bishop Rebeiro returned there and carried on his work; eventually several of the Syrian Catholic parishes went over to the succeeding Archbishop of Cranganore, and these bishops eventually lapsed under the control of the Archbishops of Goa. Rebeiro主教回到那里进行他的工作,最终叙利亚天主教教区的几个去了Cranganore成功大主教,大主教的果阿的控制下,这些主教最终失效。 Bishop Rebeiro died at the college of Ambalacad on 24 Sept., 1716, is buried in the church of Puttencherra and has a tombstone with an inscription in Portuguese. Rebeiro主教去世的Ambalacad学院,1716年9月24日,是埋在教堂的Puttencherra,并与在葡萄牙的铭文的墓碑。His successors fixed Puttencherra as their residence, and the parish church became a pro-cathedral.他的继任者固定Puttencherra作为他们的住所,教区教堂成了亲大教堂。The following particulars of their nomination and death are here recorded.在这里记录他们的提名和死亡的下列资料。Archbishop Rebeiro was succeded by Antonio Carvallo Pimental also a Jesuit, consecrated as the former had been at the church of Bom Jesus, Goa, by the archbishop on 29 Feb., 1722, d.大主教Rebeiro安东尼卡尔瓦洛Pimental succeded耶稣会,因为前者奉献了苏斯,果阿教堂的大主教,1722年2月29日,D.at Puttencherra on 6 March, 1752.在3月6日,1752 Puttencherra。Paulinus says of him: vir doctus et Malabarensibus gratus, qui eum nomine Budhi Metran, sapientis et eruditi praesulis compellebant." He has a tombstone with inscription. João Luiz Vasconcellos, also a Jesuit, was consecrated at Calicut by Bishop Clemente of Cochin in 1753 and d. at Puttencherra in 1756; the church contains his tombstome with inscription. Salvador Reis, the last of the series who resided in India, was also a Jesuit; he was consecrated by the same Bishop Clemente at Angengo on Feb., 1758, d. on 7 April, 1777, at Puttencherra and has his tombstone with inscription in the same church. Paulinus records of him "vir sanctimonia vitae praeclarus", he survived the suppression of his order. This closes the list of the bishops who have governed the See of Cranganore.Paulinus他说:VIR doctus等Malabarensibus gratus,归仁EUM nomine sapientis等eruditi praesulis compellebant Budhi Metran,“他有一个与铭文的墓碑,也是耶稣会,若路易斯Vasconcellos奉献主教科钦克莱门特在卡利卡特在1753年。 d.在1756年的Puttencherra;教会包含他与题词tombstome萨尔瓦多雷斯,居住在印度的系列的最后,也是耶稣会;他奉献在Angengo由同一主教克莱门特,1758年2月, D.在4月7日,1777年,在Puttencherra和他在同一个教会的铭文的墓碑。“他”VIR sanctimonia简历praeclarus Paulinus记录,他幸存下来的他为了抑制,这将关闭管辖主教名单见Cranganore。

To complete the historical account of the Syrian Malabar Church, brief mention should also be made of the line of prelates who ruled over the schismatics who eventually became Jacobites, embracing that error through their prelates: Thomas I, proclaimed a bishop by those he had led (1653) into the aforesaid schism after the imposition of the hands of twelve priests his followers and the placing on his head of a mitre and in his hand a pastoral staff.要完成叙利亚马拉巴尔教会的历史帐户,也应作出简要的提及主教谁统治谁最终成为Jacobites在schismatics,拥抱,通过他们的主教托马斯:我的错误,宣布他已导致一名主教(1653年)到上述分裂后实施的十二祭司他的追随者和摆放在他头上的尖角和牧灵工作人员在他的手的手中。 He continued obdurate and died a sudden death in 1673.他继续顽固和死亡在1673年突然死亡。Thomas II, brother of the former, proclaimed in 1674, died eight days later struck by lighting.托马斯第二,前者的弟弟,在1674年宣布,8天后死亡照明袭击。Thomas III, nephew of the former, received the mitre in 1676, a Jacobite.前者的侄子,托马斯三,在1676年收到的尖角,詹姆士。 Thomas IV of the family, succeeded in 1676 and died in 1686, a Jacobite.托马斯IV的家庭,成功地在1676年,在1686年去世,詹姆士。 Thomas V, a nephew of the former, made every effort to obtain consecration but failed, d.前者的一个侄子,托马斯V,尽一切努力获得的奉献,但失败,D.in 1717, a Jacobite.在1717年,詹姆士。Thomas VI received the mitre from his dying uncle and the imposition of hands of twelve priests.托马斯VI收到的尖角,他垂危的叔叔和实施的十二个祭司手中。He wrote to the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch to send bishops.他写信给安提阿的詹姆士祖师发送主教。Eventually the Dutch authorities helped him and obtained for him three bishops, on condition of his defraying the expenses.荷兰当局最终帮助他,他支付的费用的情况下,获得了他的三位主教。Three Jacobite bishops came out to India in 1751, Mar Basil, Mar Gregory, and Mar John.三詹姆士主教出来印度于1751年3月月格雷戈里,罗勒,三月约翰。The first named died a year after arrival; the second years later consecrated Mar Thomas VI a bishop in 1772, and he assumed the name of Dionysius I. The Dutch authorities found great difficulty in obtaining payment for the expenses incurred; a suit was instituted against the Jacobites in the Travancore Rajah's court in 1775 and payment of the amount twelve thousand pounds, was obtained.第一个到达后一年死亡,第二年以后奉献三月托马斯六,在1772年的主教,他担任荷兰当局发现在获得支付的开支很大的困难狄奥尼修斯一名称;西装被检控Jacobites Travancore王爷的法院在1775年支付的金额一万二千英镑,获得。He died in 1808.他于1808年去世。

For the long period between 1678 and 1886, the Catholic Syrians remained under the uninterrupted control of about fifteen Carmelite Bishops as vicars Apostolic.曾于1678年和1886年之间的长期,天主教叙利亚人保持不间断的控制下,约十五加尔默罗主教作为教区牧师使徒。 During this period there had often arisen severe troubles which cannot here be detailed, quarrels between Syrian and Latin Christians, agitation against the control of some bishops; over and above these the ordinary trials of controlling such a large, factious, and difficult body.在此期间,经常出现严重的麻烦,不能在这里详细,叙利亚和拉丁美洲之间的基督徒,对控制一些主教的鼓动,争吵;上述这些控制这么大,结党,且难以身体的普通试验。 There had also been two most serious schismatical intrusions within this Syrian fold by Catholic Chaldean prelates who had come from Mesopotamia with the full connivance of the Chaldean Patriarch and against the express orders of the Roman Pontiff.也出现了一些在此叙利亚加尔丁礼天主教主教曾从美索不达米亚与加尔丁礼宗主教纵容和对罗马教皇的快递单倍的两个最严重的分裂的入侵。 The Carmelite had to face and surmount all these difficulties and the keep the flock in due submission to ecclesiastical regime.加尔默罗不得不面对和克服所有这些困难,并保持在适当的教会制度提交的羊群。Of the two instrusions, the first was that of the Chaldean Bishop Mar Roccos, who entered Malabar in 1861.两个instrusions,首先是加尔丁礼主教三月Roccos,于1861年进入马拉巴尔。Pius IX denounced him to the faithful as an intruder, yet he met with a complacent reception in many of the churches, succeeded in stirring up the dormant hydra of schism, and caused a great agitation.庇护九世谴责他的忠实入侵者,但他成功地挑起分裂休眠水润,在许多教会自满接待会见,并造成了一个很大的鼓动。 Fortunately for the peace of the Church he was persuaded to return to Mesopotamia within the year.幸运的是,教会的和平,他在今年内劝返美索不达米亚。The second, who came to Malabar in 1874, caused much greater harm, the evil effects of which seem to be permanent in the principal church of Trichur, though elsewhere in process of time those evil effects have been remedied.第二,在1874年至马拉巴尔,造成更大的伤害,其中的恶果,似乎是在Trichur主要教堂永久性的,虽然在时间过程中的那些邪恶的影响已得到纠正。 This was the Bishop Mellus, whom the patriarch had sent over in spite of the strict prohibition of the same pope.这是主教Mellus,他们的族长曾派尽管在同一个教宗严格禁止。It was only when after repeated admonitions, the pope had fixed a limit of the time after which should he continue refractory he would be excommunicated, that he yielded and sent Bishop Mellus instructions to return.只有经过反复的告诫时,教皇有固定的时间后,他应继续耐火材料,他将被逐出教会,他产生和发送主教Mellus指令返回的限制。 When the troublesome character of these people is taken into consideration it reflects great credit on the carmelite Order that the bishops in charge were successful in retaining them as a body in the unity of Holy Church.当考虑这些人的麻烦字符,它反映了很大的功劳加尔默罗订购主教负责人成功地保留他们在圣教会的团结的身体。

XVI.十六。Two Latin Vicars Apostolic两个拉美教区牧师使徒

The Mellusian schism, though broken by the adverse judgments of the Madras High Court, was by no means yet extinct when in the autumn of 1878 the Holy See decided on placing the Syrian Christians under separate administration, appointing two vicars Apostolic of the Latin Rite for the purpose. Mellusian分裂,虽然打破马德拉斯高等法院的不利判决,绝不尚未绝迹,在1878年秋季教廷决定对叙利亚的基督徒置于单独的管理,任用两个教区牧师使徒的拉美成年礼的目的。 These were Rev. AE Medlycott, Ph.D., Military Chaplain in the Punjab, educated in the Propaganda College, Rome, and consecrated by the Apostolic Delegate Mgr.这些被曝光Medlycott牧师,博士,在旁遮普省的军事牧师,受过良好教育的宣传学院,罗马,宗座代表经理奉献。A. Ajuti on 18 Dec., 1887, at Ootacamund, titular Bishop of Tricomia, appointed to the Vicariate Apostolic of Trichur; and the Rev. Charles Lavinge, SJ, former private secretary of the late Father Beckx, General of the Society, consecrated in Belgium before coming out, appointed to the See of Kottayam, later called of Changanacherry.A. 18 Ajuti 12月,1887年,在Ootacamund的Tricomia名义的主教,任命Trichur牧区宗座;牧师查尔斯Lavinge,律政司司长,已故的父亲Beckx的前私人秘书,该协会总干事,奉献在比利时出山,任命前见Kottayam,后来所谓的Changanacherry。 Under the Concordat of Leo XIII with the King of Portugal an important advantage had been gained by the suppression of the Padroado jurisdiction (Cranganore Archbishops) over the Syrian churches.根据第十三狮子座与葡萄牙国王的协约,一个重要的优势已经得到抑制Padroado叙利亚教会的管辖权(Cranganore大主教)。 The first task the new bishops had to face was to amalgamate in one harmonius whole the two sections of this Church, that which had been under the Carmelites with that which had belonged to the Goan or Padroado jurisdiction, for the two had been for long years in open antagonism.新主教不得不面对的第一项任务是在一个harmonius整个合并这一教会的两个部分,这里面已根据两个属于果阿或Padroado管辖的加尔默罗,漫长的岁月里在公开的对抗。 This union fortunately was successfully effected.这个联盟幸运的是成功的影响。The other task was to establish something like a proper administration and control over the churches.其他的任务是要建立像一个适当的管理和对教会的控制。This took longer time.这花了更长的时间。The northern churches belonging to Trichur had not seen their prelates for perhaps a century, the two Chaldean bishops had utilized the fact to their own advantage, and the troubles caused by them in these churches can easily be imagined; but with firmness and patience a fair working administration was introduced.属于Trichur北部教堂也没有看到他们也许一个世纪的主教,两个加尔丁礼主教曾利用自己的优势其实,和它们所造成的烦恼在这些教会的,可以很容易地想象,但坚定和耐心,公平工作管理进行了介绍。

The result may thus be briefly summed up.因此,其结果可能是简要总结。The Vicariate of Trichur had a Catholic Syrian population of 108,422 with eighty-three parish churches and twenty-two chapels-of-ease, served by 118 priests of Syrian Rite, besides 23 Syrian Carmelite Tertiary monks, in two monasteries; there was also a convent of 24 native Tertiary nuns with a middle-class school of 33 girls.八十三个教区教堂和二十二个Trichur牧区的108422的天主教教堂缓解118祭司叙利亚成年礼,除了23叙利亚加尔默罗第三僧侣在两个寺院,服务,也有一个叙利亚人口24本土中产阶级学校与33女孩的第三修女修道院的。 The bishop on taking charge found that there is practically no schools, except that one provided for clerics; he took early steps to open as many elementary parish schools as possible; within nine years (1888-96) the vicariate was provided with no less than 231 elementary parish schools for both sexes, educating over 12,000 children, besides a high school (St. Thomas' College), with 95 students; there was also 56 boys in St. Aloysius's High School, under the Tertiary monks.他及早采取步骤以打开尽可能多的小学教区学校;内九年(1888年至1896年)的牧区不下提供了有关发现,有几乎没有学校,除了神职人员提供的电荷主教231小学男女教区学校,超过12000名儿童的教育,高中(圣托马斯学院),有95名学生,此外,也有56圣Aloysius的高中男生下第三僧侣。 A catechumanate was opened, where annually about 150 heathen converts were baptized; a fine building was under construction for a suitable residence, and plans were prepared to house the above college in a handsome structure.一个catechumanate被打开了,每年约150异教徒皈依的洗礼;罚款的建筑正在兴建一个合适的居住地,并计划准备的房子在一个英俊的结构大专以上。 This was the condition of things when the bishop went to Europe on sick leave.这是当主教病假到欧洲去的东西的情况。The Vicariate of Kottayam had a Catholic population of 150,000, with 108 parish churches and 50 dependent chapels, served by a numerous clergy of over 300 priests; it had 35 Tertiary monks besides novices, in five monasteries; also three convents of native Tertiary Carmelite nuns educating girls, two orphanages under Tertiary Sisters of St. Francis, four catechumenates, two seminaries, with 96 students. Kottayam牧区人口15万天主教,108教区教堂和50个超过300祭司的一个众多神职人员提供服务的依赖教堂,它已在五个寺院除了新手的35间大专院校的僧侣,还有三个本土第三加尔默罗修女修道院女童教育,两下三姐妹的圣弗朗西斯,四个catechumenates,两个神学院的孤儿院,与96名学生。 The higher class clerical students of both vicariates attended the central Pontifical Seminary at Puttenpally.在Puttenpally越高类文书都vicariates学生参加中央宗座学院。The parochial schools numbered 200, but the number of pupils was not published.狭隘的学校编号为200,但学生人数没有公布。 There were three English Schools: Mananam, 60; Campalam, 80; and another with 20 students.有三个英文学校:Mananam,60; Campalam,80;和另20名学生。

In 1895 both vicars Apostolic happened to be absent on leave. 1895年,两个教区牧师使徒事请假。During this period the Holy See decided on a change of regime, yielding to the wishes of the people to grant them native bishops.在此期间,罗马教廷决定一个政权更替,高产人民的愿望,给予他们本土的主教。

XVII.十七。Divided into three vicariates with native bishops与当地主教划分成三个vicariates

The two vicariates described above were split into three, and they were styled Trichur, Ernaculam, Changanacherry; the new vicariate was formed of the southern portion of Changanacherry.上述两个vicariates被分成三个,他们自称Trichur,Ernaculam,Changanacherry新牧区Changanacherry南部部分组成。 The changes were carried out under Leo XIII by Brief of 28 July, 1896, "Quae Rei Sacrae".根据利奥十三世,1896年7月28日简介“Quae丽Sacrae”的变化进行。Rev. John Menacherry, as Bishop of Paralus, was appointed to Trichur.Menacherry Paralus的主教,牧师约翰被任命Trichur。Rev. Aloysius Pareparampil, titular Bishop of Tio, was appointed to Ernaculam, and Rev. Mathew Makil, Bishop of Tralles, was appointed to Changanacherry; all three received consecration from the Apostolic Delegate Mgr.氧化钛名义的主教,牧师Aloysius Pareparampil,被任命为Ernaculam,Tralles主教,牧师马修Makil,被任命为Changanacherry;所有三个从使徒代表经理奉献。 Zaleski, at Kandy on 15 Oct., 1896.扎列斯基在康提,1896年10月15。

At the time of these changes, the ecclesiastical returns of these three vicariates (1911) gave:在这些变化的时候,这三个vicariates(1911年)的教会返回了:

Trichur: Catholic population, 91,064; children being educated, 19,092; Ernaculam: Catholic population, 94,357; children being educated, 9950; Changanacherry: Catholic population, 134,791; children being educated, 2844. Trichur:天主教人口,91064;儿童受教育,19092; Ernaculam:天主教人口,94357;儿童受教育,9950; Changanacherry:天主教人口,134791;儿童受教育,2844。

The future of this people depends very largely on education for their welfare and technical training for their development.此人的未来在很大程度上取决于教育为他们的福利和技术培训为他们的发展。

Publication information Written by AE Medlycott.曝光Medlycott编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by Mary and Joseph P. Thomas.转录由玛利亚和约瑟夫托马斯。In memory of Kurien Poovathumkal The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.在记忆库里恩Poovathumkal天主教百科全书,卷第十四。 Published 1912.发布1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年7月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

Bibliography 参考书目
ASSEMANI, Bibliotheca Orientalis (Rome, 1719-28); DE SOUZA, Orientale Conquistado (2 vols., Indian reprint, Examiner Press, Bombay); Gouvea, Jornada do Arcebispo Aleixo de Menezes quando foy as Serra do Malaubar (Coimbra, 1606); Fr. ASSEMANI书目,侧柏(罗马,1719年至1728年);德索萨,东方Conquistado(2二卷,印度转载,考官按,孟买。); Gouvea,Jornada Arcebispo Aleixo梅内塞斯quando FOY塞拉做Malaubar(科英布拉,1606)神父。 tr.文。DE GLEN, Histoire Orientale etc. (Brussels, 1609); DU JARRIC, Thesaurus rerum mirabilium in India Orient (3 vols., Cologne, 1615); PAULINUS A SANTO BARTHOLOMAEO, India Orientalis Christiana (Rome, 1794); MACKENZIE, Christanity in Tranvancore, with Census Report of 1901 (Trevandrum); MEDLYCOTT, India and the Apostle St. Thomas (London, 1905).DE幽谷,史东方等(布鲁塞尔,1609年);杜JARRIC词库rerum mirabilium在印度东方(3卷,科隆,1615。); PAULINUS一个SANTO BARTHOLOMAEO,印度东方克里斯蒂娜(罗马,1794年);麦肯齐Christanity在Tranvancore,与1901年人口普查报告(Trevandrum); MEDLYCOTT,印度和使徒圣托马斯(伦敦,1905年)。


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