Western Schism西方分裂 中文 - Zhong Wen

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This schism of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries differs in all points from the Eastern Schism.这种分裂的第十四和第十五世纪在从东欧分裂的所有点不同。The latter was a real revolt against the supreme authority of the Church, fomented by the ambition of the patriarchs of Constantinople, favoured by the Greek emperors, supported by the Byzantine clergy and people, and lasting nine centuries.后者是一个真正的反抗,反对教会的最高权威的君士坦丁堡的始祖由希腊皇帝的青睐,拜占庭式的僧侣和人民,并持续了9个世纪的支持野心挑起。 The Western Schism was only a temporary misunderstanding, even though it compelled the Church for forty years to seek its true head; it was fed by politics and passions, and was terminated by the assembling of the councils of Pisa and Constance.西方的分裂只是一个临时的误解,即使被迫寻求其真正的头四十年的教会,这是美联储通过政治和激情,比萨和康斯议会组装终止。 This religious division, infinitely less serious than the other, will be examined in its origin, its developments, the means employed to end it, and its ending in 1417 by the election of an undisputed pope.无限低于其他严重,这宗教分裂,在其原产地,将审查其发展,意味着结束,并于1417年结束的一个不争的教皇的选举。From a legal and apologetic standpoint what did the early doctors think of it?从法律和歉疚的角度来看,什么初医生认为它呢? What is the reasoned opinion of modern theologians and canonists?什么是现代的神学家和圣教法典的合理意见?Was the real pope to be found at Avignon or at Rome?是真正的教皇在阿维尼翁或在罗马发现的呢?

(1) Pope Gregory XI had left Avignon to return to Italy and had re-established the pontifical see in the Eternal City, where he died on 27 March, 1378. (1)罗马教皇格雷戈里十一离开阿维尼翁返回到意大利,并重新建立宗座在永恒之城,在那里他于1378年3月27日去世。At once attention was directed to the choice of his successor.一次注意到了他的继任者的选择。The question was most serious.问题是最严重的。Cardinals, priests, nobles, and the Romans in general were interested in it, because on the election to be made by the conclave depended the residence of the future pope at Avignon or at Rome.枢机主教,教士,贵族,和罗马人在一般有兴趣,因为选举秘密会议上取决于未来教皇在阿维尼翁或居住在罗马。Since the beginning of the century the pontiffs had fixed their abode beyond the Alps; the Romans, whose interests and claims had been so long slighted, wanted a Roman or at least an Italian pope.自本世纪初,有固定的教宗超出了阿尔卑斯山的居留权;罗马人,他们的利益,并声称已如此长的轻视,希望罗马,或者至少是意大利的教皇。 The name of Bartolommeo Prignano, Archbishop of Bari, was mentioned from the first.Bartolommeo Prignano,巴里的大主教,名称是从第一次提到。This prelate had been Vice-Chancellor of the Roman Church, and was regarded as the enemy of vice, simony, and display.这主教已被罗马教会的副校长,副,买卖圣职,并显示敌人。His morals were exemplary and his integrity rigid.他的道德模范和他的诚信刚性。He was regarded by all as eligible.他认为,所有合资格。The sixteen cardinals present at Rome met in conclave on 7 April, and on the following day chose Prignano. 16枢机主教在罗马会见了在4月7日的秘密会议,并于翌日选择Prignano。During the election disturbance reigned in the city.在选举期间干扰统治的城市。The people of Rome and the vicinity, turbulent and easily roused, had, under the sway of circumstances, loudly declared their preferences and antipathies, and endeavoured to influence the decision of the cardinals.激起了罗马市民和附近,动荡和轻松的摇摆的情况下下,大声宣布自己的喜好和反感,并努力影响的枢机主教的决定。 Were these facts, regrettable in themselves, sufficient to rob the members of the conclave of the necessary freedom of mind and to prevent the election from being valid?这些事实,在自己的遗憾,足以抢必要的自由心灵的秘密会议的成员,并有效防止选举?This is the question which has been asked since the end of the fourteenth century.这是十四世纪末以来一直问的问题。 On its solution depends our opinion of the legitimacy of the popes of Rome and Avignon.在其解决方案取决于我们对罗马和阿维尼翁教皇的合法性发表意见。It seems certain that the cardinals then took every means to obviate all possible doubts.似乎可以肯定,枢机主教然后采取各种手段,以避免一切可能出现的疑问。On the evening of the same day thirteen of them proceeded to a new election, and again chose the Archbishop of Bari with the formally expressed intention of selecting a legitimate pope.其中13人在当天晚上进行了一个新的选举,并再次选择选择一个合法的教皇正式表示有意与巴里的大主教。During the following days all the members of the Sacred College offered their respectful homage to the new pope, who had taken the name of Urban VI, and asked of him countless favours.在随后的日子里他们恭敬的参拜神圣的大学的所有成员提供新教皇,谁采取了第六城市的名称,他问了无数赞成。They then enthroned him, first at the Vatican Palace, and later at St. John Lateran; finally on 18 April they solemnly crowned him at St. Peter's.他们然后他登基,首先在梵宫,后来在圣约翰拉特兰,最后于4月18日,他们郑重地加冕他在圣彼得。On the very next day the Sacred College gave official notification of Urban's accession to the six French cardinals in Avignon; the latter recognized and congratulated the choice of their colleagues.在第二天的神圣的大学给了正式通知六法国枢机主教在阿维尼翁市的加入,后者承认,并祝贺他们的同事选择。The Roman cardinals then wrote to the head of the empire and the other Catholic sovereigns.罗马主教写信给帝国和其他天主教君主的头。Cardinal Robert of Geneva, the future Clement VII of Avignon, wrote in the same strain to his relative the King of France and to the Count of Flanders.日内瓦,未来的阿维尼翁,克莱门特七世的枢机主教罗伯特写在他的亲戚,法国国王和佛兰德斯伯爵一脉相承。Pedro de Luna of Aragon, the future Benedict XIII, likewise wrote to several bishops of Spain.佩德罗 - 德 - Luna的阿拉贡,未来本笃十三,同样写信给西班牙的几位主教。

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Thus far, therefore, there was not a single objection to or dissatisfaction with the selection of Bartolommeo Prignano, not a protest, no hesitation, and no fear manifested for the future.因此,到目前为止,没有一个单一的反对或不满Bartolommeo Prignano选择,而不是抗议,没有犹豫,没有恐惧的未来表现。Unfortunately Pope Urban did not realize the hopes to which his election had given rise.不幸的是,教皇乌尔班没有意识到他的当选引起的希望。He showed himself whimsical, haughty, suspicious, and sometimes choleric in his relations with the cardinals who had elected him.他显示了自己异想天开的,傲慢,多疑,有时在他的关系胆汁与曾当选他的枢机主教。Too obvious roughness and blameable extravagances seemed to show that his unexpected election had altered his character.太明显的粗糙度和blameable奢侈,似乎表明他意想不到的选举已经改变了他的性格。St. Catherine of Siena, with supernatural courage, did not hesitate to make him some very well-founded remarks in this respect, nor did she hesitate when there was question of blaming the cardinals in their revolt against the pope whom they had previously elected.圣凯瑟琳锡耶纳与超自然的勇气,没有犹豫,使他在这方面的一些很好创办的,也没有她毫不犹豫地指责他们反对教宗的反抗,他们此前曾当选枢机主教的问题时有。 Some historians state that Urban openly attacked the failings, real or supposed, of members of the Sacred College, and that he energetically refused to restore the pontifical see to Avignon.一些历史学家指出,城市公开攻击的弱点,真实的或假想的,神圣的大学的成员,和他大力拒绝恢复宗座看到阿维尼翁。 Hence, they add, the growing opposition.因此,他们补充说,越来越多的人反对。However that may be, none of these unpleasant dissensions which arose subsequently to the election could logically weaken the validity of the choice made on 8 April.然而,可能是,这些选举后产生的不愉快的纠纷都可以在逻辑上削弱4月8日作出的选择的有效性。The cardinals elected Prignano, not because they were swayed by fear, though naturally they were somewhat fearful of the mischances that might grow out of delay.枢机主教当选Prignano,不是因为他们被恐惧所左右,虽然他们自然有些害怕可能延迟成长的mischances。 Urban was pope before his errors; he was still pope after his errors.城市是教皇之前,他的错误,他还在自己的错误后,教皇。The passions of King Henry IV or the vices of Louis XV did not prevent these monarchs from being and remaining true descendants of St. Louis and lawful kings of France.国王亨利四世或路易十五的恶习的激情并没有阻止这些君主正在和剩下的圣路易斯和法国的合法国王的真正后裔。Unhappily such was not, in 1378, the reasoning of the Roman cardinals.不幸的是1378年,罗马主教的推理。Their dissatisfaction continued to increase.他们的不满情绪不断增加。Under pretext of escaping the unhealthy heat of Rome, they withdrew in May to Anagni, and in July to Fondi, under the protection of Queen Joanna of Naples and two hundred Gascon lances of Bernardon de la Salle.在逃离罗马不健康热的借口,他们在5月撤出阿纳尼,并于七月丰迪,在那不勒斯女王乔安娜和两百年的Bernardon德拉萨加斯科涅语长矛的保护。 They then began a silent campaign against their choice of April, and prepared men's minds for the news of a second election.然后,他们开始了一个对他们选择四月沉默的运动,并准备男人的心目中,二选一的消息。On 20 September thirteen members of the Sacred College precipitated matters by going into conclave at Fondi and choosing as pope Robert of Geneva, who took the name of Clement VII. 9月20日十三圣学院的成员进入秘密会议在丰迪和罗伯特日内瓦,参加教皇克莱门特七世的名称选择沉淀的问题。Some months later the new pontiff, driven from the Kingdom of Naples, took up his residence at Avignon; the schism was complete.几个月后,新教皇的推动下,从那不勒斯王国,拿起居住在亚维侬;分裂完成。

Clement VII was related to or allied with the principal royal families of Europe; he was influential, intellectual, and skilful in politics.克莱门特七世有关或与主要欧洲王室家庭盟国,他在政治上有影响力,智力和娴熟。Christendom was quickly divided into two almost equal parties.基督教很快就被分为两个几乎相等的各方。Everywhere the faithful faced the anxious problem: where is the true pope?到处忠实面对焦虑的问题:哪里是真正的教皇? The saints themselves were divided: St Catherine of Siena, St. Catherine of Sweden, Bl.自己被划分圣人:圣凯瑟琳锡耶纳,瑞典,BL圣凯瑟琳。Peter of Aragon, Bl.彼得的阿拉贡,“基本法”。Ursulina of Parma, Philippe d'Alencon, and Gerard de Groote were in the camp of Urban; St. Vincent Ferrer, Bl. Ursu​​lina帕尔马,菲利普德阿朗松,和杰拉德 - 格鲁特在城市的阵营;圣文森特费雷尔,“基本法”。Peter of Luxemburg, and St. Colette belonged to the party of Clement.卢森堡,彼得和圣科莱特属于党的克莱门特。The century's most famous doctors of law were consulted and most of them decided for Rome.世纪最著名的医生,法律咨询,其中大多数为罗马决定。Theologians were divided.神学家分成。Germans like Henry of Hesse or Langstein (Epistola concilii pacis) and Conrad of Glenhausen (Ep. brevis; Ep. Concordioe) inclined towards Urban; Pierre d'Ailly, his friend Philippe de Maizieres, his pupils Jean Gerson and Nicholas of Clemanges, and with them the whole School of Paris, defended the interests of Clement.德国黑森州或Langstein像亨利(Epistola concilii PACIS)和康拉德Glenhausen(插曲短; EP Concordioe)向城市倾斜;皮埃尔 - 阿伊,他的朋友菲利普 - Maizieres,他的学生让格森和尼古拉的Clemanges整个学校与他们的巴黎,克莱门特的利益辩护。The conflict of rival passions and the novelty of the situation rendered understanding difficult and unanimity impossible.对手的激情和新奇的情况的冲突呈现的理解困难和不可能一致。As a general thing scholars adopted the opinion of their country.由于一般的学者通过他们的国家的意见。The powers also took sides.的权力,也注意到双方。The greater number of the Italian and German states, England, and Flanders supported the pope of Rome.意大利和德国的美国,英国,和佛兰德更多的罗马教皇的支持。On the other hand France, Spain, Scotland, and all the nations in the orbit of France were for the pope of Avignon.另一方面,法国,西班牙,苏格兰和所有在法国的轨道国家的阿维尼翁教皇。Nevertheless Charles V had first suggested officially to the cardinals of Anagni the assembling of a general council, but he was not heard.不过,查尔斯五世首次提出正式阿纳尼总理事会组装的枢机主教,但他没有听说过。Unfortunately the rival popes launched excommunication against each other; they created numerous cardinals to make up for the defections and sent them throughout Christendom to defend their cause, spread their influence, and win adherents.不幸的是,对对方发起的对手教皇逐出教会;他们创造了无数的枢机主教的倒戈,发送整个基督教捍卫自己的事业,传播自己的影响力,并赢得追随者。 While these grave and burning discussions were being spread abroad, Boniface IX had succeeded Urban VI at Rome and Benedict XIII had been elected pope at the death of Clement of Avignon.博尼法斯九虽然这些严重和燃烧的讨论被传到了国外,已成功地在罗马与教宗本笃第十三市区六被选为教皇克莱门特阿维尼翁死亡。 "There are two masters in the vessel who are fencing with and contradicting each other", said Jean Petit at the Council of Paris (1406).“有两种船的主人,谁是击剑和互相矛盾的”,说让珀蒂在巴黎市政局(1406)。 Several ecclesiastical assemblies met in France and elsewhere without definite result.几个教会议会会见了在法国和其他地方没有明确的结果。The evil continued without remedy or truce.邪恶的继续进行,没有补救或休战。The King of France and his uncles began to weary of supporting such a pope as Benedict, who acted only according to his humour and who caused the failure of every plan for union.法国国王和他的叔叔就开始支持这样的教皇本笃,担任只根据他的幽默,引起每一个联盟计划的失败感到厌倦。Moreover, his exactions and the fiscal severity of his agents weighed heavily on the bishops, abbots, and lesser clergy of France.此外,他的勒索和他的代理人的财政严重性,沉重地压在主教,方丈,较轻的神职人员和法国。Charles VI released his people from obedience to Benedict (1398), and forbade his subjects, under severe penalties, to submit to this pope.查理六世发布他的人从服从本笃(1398),并禁止他的臣民,在严厉的惩罚,这个教皇提交。 Every bull or letter of the pope was to be sent to the king; no account was to be taken of privileges granted by the pope; in future every dispensation was to be asked of the ordinaries.每一个牛市或教皇的信被送到国王,没有一个帐户是由教皇授予的权限;在未来的每免除要求的普通。

This therefore was a schism within a schism, a law of separation.因此,这是在一个分裂的分裂,分裂国家法。The Chancellor of France, who was already viceroy during the illness of Charles VI, thereby became even vice-pope.法国总理,已经总督在查理六世的疾病,从而变得更加副教皇。Not without the connivance of the public power, Geoffrey Boucicaut, brother of the illustrious marshal, laid siege to Avignon, and a more or less strict blockade deprived the pontiff of all communication with those who remained faithful to him.公共权力的纵容不无赫赫元帅的弟弟,贺Boucicaut,围攻阿维尼翁,更或不太严格的封锁剥夺与那些仍然忠于他的所有通信的教皇。 When restored to liberty in 1403 Benedict had not become more conciliating, less obstinate or stubborn.当本笃于1403年恢复人身自由并没有变得更加调解,顽固性或顽固。Another private synod, which assembled in Paris in 1406, met with only partial success.另一个私人的主教,组装于1406年,在巴黎会见了只是局部的成功。Innocent VII had already succeeded Boniface of Rome, and, after a reign of two years, was replaced by Gregory XII.无辜的第七罗马已经成功博尼,并在位两年后,被替换格雷戈里十二。The latter, although of temperate character, seems not to have realized the hopes which Christendom, immeasurably wearied of these endless divisions, had placed in him.后者,虽然温和的性格,似乎没有意识到基督教,没法比厌倦这些无休止的部门,给予他的希望。The council which assembled a Pisa added a third claimant to the papal throne instead of two (1409).安理会组建了一个比萨,增加了第三申索人,而不是两个教皇宝座(1409)。After many conferences, projects, discussions (oftentimes violent), interventions of the civil powers, catastrophes of all kinds, the Council of Constance (1414) deposed the suspicious John XXIII, received the abdication of the gentle and timid Gregory XII, and finally dismissed the obstinate Benedict XIII.许多会议,项目,讨论(常常是暴力的),民事权力的干预,各种灾难之后,安理会的康斯坦茨湖(1414)约翰二十三世废黜可疑,收到的温柔,胆小的格雷戈里十二退位,并最终被解雇固执的本笃十三。 On 11 November, 1417, the assembly elected Odo Colonna, who took the name of Martin V. Thus ended the great schism of the West.1417年11月11日,大会选出的ODO科隆纳,参加马丁五的名字,因此,结束了西部大分裂。

(2) From this brief summary it will be readily concluded that this schism did not at all resemble that of the East, that it was something unique, and that it has remained so in history. (2)从这个简短的摘要,它会很容易得出结论,这一分裂并没有在所有类似的东,这是独特的东西,它在历史上一直如此。It was not a schism properly so called, being in reality a deplorable misunderstanding concerning a question of fact, an historical complication which lasted forty years.这不是所谓正确的分裂,在现实中是一个可悲的误解,关于一个事实问题,历时四十多年历史的并发症。In the West there was no revolt against papal authority in general, no scorn of the sovereign power of which St. Peter was the representative.在西方,有没有一般的反抗罗马教皇的权威,没有圣彼得是代表宗主国的蔑视。Faith in the necessary unity never wavered a particle; no one wished voluntarily to separate from the head of the Church.必要的团结的信念从来没有动摇过一个粒子,没有人愿意主动向教会的头分开。Now this intention alone is the characteristic mark of the schismatic spirit (Summa, II-II, Q. xxxix, a. 1).现在,仅这个意图是分裂的精神特征的标记(大全,II - II,XXXIX问,答:1)。On the contrary everyone desired that unity, materially overshadowed and temporarily compromised, should speedily shine forth with new splendour.相反每个人都期望,团结,重大盖过暂时妥协,应迅速闪耀出新的光彩。 The theologians, canonists, princes, and faithful of the fourteenth century felt so intensely and maintained so vigorously that this character of unity was essential to the true Church of Jesus Christ, that at Constance solicitude for unity took precedence of that for reform.的神学家,圣教法典,王子,和十四世纪的教友感到如此强烈,并大力维护这种团结的性格是必不可少的耶稣基督的真教会,团结在康斯坦茨慰问了,对改革的优先。 The benefit of unity had never been adequately appreciated till it had been lost, till the Church had become bicephalous of tricephalous, and there seemed to be no head precisely because there were too many.团结的利益从来没有得到充分的赞赏,直到它已经丢失,直到教会已成为tricephalous bicephalous,似乎存在着无头,正是因为有太多。Indeed the first mark of the true Church consists above all in unity under one head, the Divinely appointed guardian of the unity of faith and of worship.事实上,真正的教会的第一个商标由团结高于一切,在一个头,神的信仰和崇拜的统一指定监护人。Now in practice there was then no wilful error regarding the necessity of this character of the true Church, much less was there any culpable revolt against the known head.现在在实践中,有故意的错误,这种真正的教会性质的必要性,更谈不上有任何对已知的头有罪起义。There was simply ignorance, and among the greater number invincible ignorance regarding the person of the true pope, regarding him who was at that time the visible depositary of the promises of the invisible Head.根本就无知,和更多立于不败之地的无知之间真正的教皇的人,就他当时是有形无形头的承诺保存。How indeed was this ignorance to be dispelled?这是消除无知如何确实?The only witnesses of the facts, the authors of the double election, were the same persons.的事实,双选的作者,唯一的证人是同一人。The cardinals of 1378 held successive opinions.1378枢机主教举行了连续意见。They had in turn testified for Urban, the first pope elected, on 8 April, and for Clement of Avignon on 20 September.他们反过来作证城市,当选第一任教皇,4月8日,克莱门特阿维尼翁9月20日。Who were to be believed?谁是可以相信呢?The members of the Sacred College, choosing and writing in April, or the same cardinals speaking and acting contradictorily in September?成员的神圣的大学,选择和写作四月,或相同的枢机主教说,在九月矛盾? Fondi was the starting point of the division; there likewise must be sought the serious errors and formidable responsibilities.丰迪司的起点,有同样必须寻求的严重错误而艰巨的责任。

Bishops, princes, theologians, and canonists were in a state of perplexity from which they could not emerge in consequence of the conflicting, not disinterested, and perhaps insincere testimony of the cardinals.主教,王子,神学家,和圣教法典,在困惑的状态,从他们根本无法出现在的枢机主教的冲突,而不是无私,也许是言不由衷的证词后果。 Thenceforth how were the faithful to dispel uncertainty and form a morally sure opinion?从此以后如何忠实消除不确定性,并形成一个道义上的肯定意见呢?They relied on their natural leaders, and these, not knowing exactly what to hold, followed their interests or passions and attached themselves to probabilities.他们依靠其天生的领导者,而这些,不知道到底该怎么举行,随后他们的利益或热情和重视自己的概率。It was a terrible and distressing problem which lasted forty years and tormented two generations of Christians; a schism in the course of which there was no schismatic intention, unless exception perhaps be made of some exalted persons who should have considered the interests of the Church before all else.这是一个可怕的和令人痛心的问题,历时40年,折磨两个世代的基督徒,在分裂的过程中,其中有没有分裂的意图,除非例外,也许是一些崇高的人,应该考虑教会的利益一切。

Exception should also be made of some doctors of the period whose extraordinary opinions show what was the general disorder of minds during the schism (N. Valois, I, 351; IV, 501).例外情况,也应作出一些医生期间,其非凡的意见表明,什么是在分裂(N. Valois的,我,351;四,501)一般的思想障碍。Apart from these exceptions no one had the intention of dividing the seamless robe, no one formally desired schism; those concerned were ignorant or misled, but not culpable.除了这些例外,没有人划分的无缝长袍,没有人正式所需的分裂意图;有关人士的无知或误导,但不是有罪。In behalf of the great majority of clergy and people must be pleaded the good faith which excludes all errors and the wellnigh impossibility for the simple faithful to reach the truth.在绝大多数的神职人员和人民代表,必须承认的善意,排除了所有的错误和简单的忠实wellnigh不可能达到真理。This is the conclusion reached by a study of the facts and contemporary documents.这是由事实和研究当代的文件得出的结论。 This King Charles V, the Count of Flanders, the Duke of Brittany, and Jean Gerson, the great chancellor of the university, vie with one another in declaring.这位国王查理五世,佛兰德斯伯爵,布列塔尼公爵,让格尔森,大学,争先恐后与另一个伟大的总理在宣布。D'Ailly, then Bishop of Cambrai, in his diocesan synods echoed the same moderate and conciliatory sentiments.德阿伊,然后康布雷主教,回荡在他的教区主教相同的温和,安抚情绪。In 1409 he said to the Genoese: "I know no schismatics save those who stubbornly refuse to learn the truth, or who after discovering it refuse to submit to it, or who still formally declare that they do not want to follow the movement for union".于1409年,他到热那亚说:“我知道没有schismatics挽救那些顽固拒绝了解真相,或者后,发现它拒绝向它提交的,或还正式宣布,他们不想按照工会运动“。 Schism and heresy as sins and vices, he adds in 1412, can only result from stubborn opposition either to the unity of the Church, or to an article of faith.分裂和异端罪过和恶习,他补充说,1412年只能导致顽固反对教会的合一,或一篇文章的信仰。This is the pure doctrine of the Angelic Doctor (cf. Tshackert, "Peter von Ailli", appendix 32, 33).这是纯粹的天使博士(参见Tshackert,“彼得冯Ailli”,附录32,33)的教义。

(3) Most modern doctors uphold the same ideas.(3)大多数现代的医生坚持同样的想法。It suffices to quote Canon J. Didiot, dean of the faculty of Lille: "If after the election of a pope and before his death or resignation a new election takes place, it is null and schismatic; the one elected is not in the Apostolic Succession. This was seen at the beginning of what is called, somewhat incorrectly, the Great Schism of the West, which was only an apparent schism from a theological standpoint. If two elections take place simultaneously or nearly so, one according to laws previously passed and the other contrary to them, the apostolicity belongs to the pope legally chosen and not to the other, and though there be doubts, discussions, and cruel divisions on this point, as at the time of the so-called Western Schism, it is no less true, no less real that the apostolicity exists objectively in the true pope. What does it matter, in this objective relation, that it is not manifest to all and is not recognized by all till long after? A treasure is bequeathed to me, but I do not know whether it is in the chest A or in the casket B. Am I any less the possessor of this treasure?"它足以报价佳能J. Didiot,里尔学院院长:“如果死亡或辞职后,教皇的选举之前,他一个新的选举发生,它是空的和分裂的;选出一个不是在使徒继承,这是所谓的开始,有些不正确的,西部大分裂,这只是一个明显的分裂从神学的角度来看,如果两个选举同时举行或接近,根据此前通过的法律和其他违反,使徒所属的法律选择,而不是其他的教皇,尽管有怀疑,讨论和残酷部门在所谓的西方分裂的时间,在这一点上,它是没有那么真实,不低于真正的使徒是客观存在,在真正的教皇,这是什么问题,在这一目标的关系,它是体现不出来的所有,而不是所有,直到很久以后承认吗?珍惜遗赠给我,但我不知道是否在胸前的骨灰盒B.在A或我任何养着这块宝地?“ After the theologian let us hear the canonist.神学家后,让我们听到的canonist。The following are the words of Bouix, so competent in all these questions.以下是Bouix的话,那么在所有这些问题的主管。Speaking of the events of this sad period he says: "This dissension was called schism, but incorrectly. No one withdrew from the true Roman pontiff considered as such, but each obeyed the one he regarded as the true pope. They submitted to him, not absolutely, but on condition that he was the true pope. Although there were several obediences, nevertheless there was no schism properly so-called" (De Papa, I, 461).这一悲惨时期的事件时,他说:“这种纠纷是所谓的分裂,但不正确没有人撤回其视为真正的罗马教皇,但每个服从他视为真正的教皇他们向他提交。不是绝对的,但条件,他是真正的教皇。虽然有几个obediences,不过有没有妥善所谓的分裂“(德爸爸,我,461)。

(4) To contemporaries this problem was, as has been sufficiently shown, almost insoluble.(4)要同时代的这个问题,因为已经充分表明,几乎不溶于。Are our lights fuller and more brilliant than theirs?我们的灯比他们更全面和更辉煌吗?After six centuries we are able to judge more disinterestedly and impartially, and apparently the time is at hand for the formation of a decision, if not definitive, at least better informed and more just.六个世纪后,我们能够更加无私和公正的判断,显然是在手的时间形成决定,如果不明确的,至少更好地了解和更公正的。 In our opinion the question made rapid strides towards the end of the nineteenth century.在我们看来,问题取得迅速的进展,对十九世纪末。Cardinal Hergenröther, Bliemetzrieder, Hefele, Hinschius, Kraus, Brück, Funk, and the learned Pastor in Germany, Marion, Chenon, de Beaucourt, and Denifle in France, Kirsch in Switzerland, Palma, long after Rinaldi, in Italy, Albers in Holland (to mention only the most competent or illustrious) have openly declared in favour of the popes of Rome. Hergenröther,枢机Bliemetzrieder,黑弗勒,Hinschius,克劳斯,布鲁克,冯克,并在德国学习的牧师,马里昂,Chenon,德Beaucourt,和德尼夫勒在法国,瑞士,基尔希在帕尔马,长后里纳尔迪,在意大利,在荷兰阿尔伯斯(更何况只有最能干或赫赫)已公开声明赞成在罗马教皇。 Noel Valois, who assumes authority on the question, at first considered the rival popes as doubtful, and believed "that the solution of this great problem was beyond the judgment of history" (I,8).诺埃尔Valois的,谁承担问题的权威,在首先考虑为可疑的对手教皇,并相信“这个大问题的解决方案是超越历史的审判”(8)。 Six years later he concluded his authoritative study and reviewed the facts related in his four large volumes.六年后,他结束了他的权威研究,并审查了他的四个大量有关的事实。The following is his last conclusion, much more explicit and decided than his earlier judgment: "A tradition has been established in favour of the popes of Rome which historical investigation tends to confirm".以下是他最后的结论,比他先前的判断更加明确和决定:“建立一个传统一直赞成在罗马教皇的历史调查往往以确认”。 Does not this book itself (IV, 503), though the author hesitates to decide, bring to the support of the Roman thesis new arguments, which in the opinion of some critics are quite convincing?不这本书本身(IV,503),虽然笔者不愿来决定,带给罗马论断新的论据,这在一些评论家认为是相当有说服力的支持? A final and quite recent argument comes from Rome.最后,不少最近的说法来自罗马。In 1904 the "Gerarchia Cattolica", basing its arguments on the date of the Liber Pontificalis, compiled a new and corrected list of sovereign pontiffs.1904年“Gerarchia Cattolica的”,它的参数基础上LIBER Pontificalis日期,编译一个新的主权教宗和纠正的清单。Ten names have disappeared from this list of legitimate popes, neither the popes of Avignon nor those of Pisa being ranked in the true lineage of St. Peter.从这个合法教皇清单10的名字已经消失,既不阿维尼翁教皇也不是比萨的被排在圣彼得的真正血统。If this deliberate omission is not proof positive, it is at least a very strong presumption in favour of the legitimacy of the Roman popes Urban VI, Boniface IX, Innocent VII, and Gregory XII.如果这个故意的遗漏是不积极证明,它至少是一个非常强烈赞成在罗马教皇市区六,博尼法斯九,无辜的第七,格雷戈里十二的合法性推定。 Moreover, the names of the popes of Avignon, Clement VII and Benedict XIII, were again taken by later popes (in the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries) who were legitimate.此外,阿维尼翁,克莱门特七世和本笃十三,教皇的名字,再后来的教皇(在第十六和十八世纪)是合法的。We have already quoted much, having had to rely on ancient and contemporary testimonies, on those of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries as on those of the nineteenth and even the twentieth, but we shall transcribe two texts borrowed from writers who with regard to the Church are at opposite poles.我们已经提到,不得不依赖于古代和当代的证词,在十九,甚至二十第十四和第十五世纪,但我们会抄写两个文本,从作家借用人对于教会在对立的两极。 The first is Gregorovius, whom no one will suspect of exaggerated respect for the papacy.首先是Gregorovius,没有人会怀疑夸张尊重教皇。Concerning the schismatic divisions of the period he writes: "A temporal kingdom would have succumbed thereto; but the organization of the spiritual kingdom was so wonderful, the ideal of the papacy so indestructible, that this, the most serious of schisms, served only to demonstrate its indivisibility" (Gesch. der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, VI, 620).关于这一时期的分裂分裂,他写道:“一个时间的王国会屈服于之,但组织的精神王国是如此美妙,如此坚不可摧的教皇的理想,这的,最严重的分裂,只会使证明其不可分割性“(IM Mittelalter Gesch. DER STADT ROM,六,620)。From a widely different standpoint de Maistre holds the same view: "This scourge of contemporaries is for us an historical treasure. It serves to prove how immovable is the throne of St. Peter. What human organization would have withstood this trial?"从广泛不同的角度迈斯特持同样的观点:“是我们的同时代的这一祸害的历史宝藏,这足以证明不动产的圣彼得宝座人类组织经受住了这次审判。?” (Du Pape, IV, conclusion). (杜帕普,四,结论)。

Publication information Written by Louis Salembier.路易Salembier编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by Judy Levandoski.转录由朱迪​​Levandoski。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.天主教百科全书,卷十三。Published 1912.发布1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat,1912年2月1日。Remy Lafort, DD, Censor.人头马lafort,副署长,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约

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