Liturgy礼仪

General Information一般资料

Liturgy, from two Greek words meaning "people" and "work," refers to the formal public rituals of religious worship.礼仪从意为“人”和“工作”两个希腊字,是指正式公开的宗教崇拜仪式。In the Christian tradition, it is used as a specific title for the Eucharist and in general designates all formal services, including the Divine Office.在基督教的传统,它是用来作为一种特定商品的圣体和一般指定所有正式服务,包括神圣的办公室。Both the written texts of the rites and their celebration constitute liturgy.无论是他们的庆祝仪式和书面文本构成的礼仪。Among Protestants, the term describes a fixed form of worship, in contrast to free, spontaneous prayer.新教徒之间,术语描述了一个礼拜的固定形式,而相比之下,自由,自发的祈祷。Outside the Christian church, liturgy is also used to designate the form of prayer recited in Jewish synagogues.外面的基督教教堂,礼仪也被用来指定祈祷的方式,在犹太会堂里诵读。

The historic Christian liturgies are divided into two principal families: Eastern and Western. The Eastern liturgies include the Alexandrian (attributed to Saint Mark), the Antiochene (Saint James, Saint Basil, Saint John Chrysostom), and the East Syrian (Assyrian) or Chaldean (Addai and Mari), as well as the Armenian and Maronite rites. The Byzantine liturgies (those attributed to Saint John Chrysostom and Saint Basil) are used today by all Orthodox Christians in communion with Constantinople. 历史悠久的基督教礼拜仪式分为两个主要的家庭:和西方。东区东方礼仪包括亚历山大(归因于圣马)的安提阿(圣詹姆斯,圣巴西尔,圣约翰金口),东叙利亚(亚述)或迦勒(Addai和Mari),以及亚美尼亚和龙族仪式。 拜占庭礼仪(那些由于圣约翰金口和圣巴西尔)用于今天的共融与君士坦丁堡东正教基督徒所有。

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The Western liturgies are the Roman and the Gallican.西方礼仪是罗马和高卢。The only Gallican liturgy still in use is the Ambrosian Rite of Milan, although the Mozarabic (Spanish), the Celtic, and the Franco - German Gallican were widely used until the 8th century.唯一仍在使用gallican礼仪是米兰的安布罗西安成年礼,虽然莫扎拉布素歌(西班牙),凯尔特人,与德 - 德国高卢被广泛使用,直到8世纪。

Traditional Anglican and Lutheran liturgies have been based on the local uses of the Roman rite revised according to 16th century Reformation principles. 传统的英国圣公会和路德礼仪都立足于当地的罗马仪式作相应修正利用16世纪宗教改革的原则。Reformed (Calvinist) churches made a conscious attempt to replace historic liturgies with the forms of worship of the early Christian communities. 改革(加尔文)教会有意识地试图取代早期基督教社区历史文化的礼仪与形式的崇拜。

In the 20th century a movement arose among the Roman Catholic and Protestant churches to revise the liturgies to make them more contemporary and relevant while retaining the basic beliefs of the church.在20世纪的运动中出现的罗马天主教和新教教堂的礼拜仪式修改,使其更现代,同时保留有关教会的基本信仰。In the Roman Catholic church the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy of the Second Vatican Council substituted the use of vernacular languages for Latin in the Mass and allowed the participation of the laity in public worship.在罗马天主教会在梵蒂冈第二代的白话语言拉丁使用在大众会神圣礼仪宪法并允许在公共崇拜的俗人参与。The Anglican (Episcopalian) church revised the book of Common Prayer, and the Lutheran churches issued a new Lutheran Book of Worship.英国国教(圣公会)教会修订的共同祈祷书,和路德教会崇拜一个新的发行路德书。 Revised liturgies also are contained in Methodist, Congregationalist, and Presbyterian church hymnals.经修订礼仪也载于卫,公理会,长老教会和赞美诗。

LL Mitchell当地雇员米切尔

Bibliography 参考书目
LH Dalmais, Eastern Liturgies (1960); G Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (1945); T Klauser, A Short History of the Western Liturgy (1979); H Schultz, The Byzantine Liturgy (1986); C Vogel, Medieval Liturgy (1987); J White, Protestant Worship (1987).LH的Dalmais,东部liturgies的(1960)100迪克斯,礼仪(1945)形状和t Klauser,中西方礼仪(1979年)的简短历史,ħ舒尔茨,拜占庭礼仪(1986年); ç沃格尔,中世纪礼仪(1987年); J怀特,基督教崇拜(1987年)。


Liturgy礼仪

General Information一般资料

The Liturgy is the body of rites prescribed for formal public worship. Although the term is sometimes applied to Jewish worship, it is especially associated with the prayers and ceremonies used in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, or Eucharist. 祭祀礼仪是公共机构规定的正式仪式。虽然该术语有时适用于犹太人的崇拜,尤其是与它的祈祷和圣体或仪式中使用,在庆祝主的晚餐。During the first three centuries of the Christian era, the rite of the church was comparatively fluid, based on various accounts of the Last Supper.在最初的三个世纪的基督教时代,教会的仪式是比较流体的基础上,最后的晚餐的各种账目。

In about the 4th century the various traditions crystallized into four liturgies,大约在公元4世纪,各种传统结晶成四个礼仪,

from which all others have been derived.从所有其他人则而得。

The Antiochene family of liturgies includes the Clementine liturgy of the Apostolic Constitutions, which is no longer used; the Syriac liturgy of Saint James, used by the Jacobite church and Syrian Eastern Rite churches; the Greek liturgy of Saint James, used once a year at Jerusalem; the Syriac liturgy of the Maronites ; the Syriac liturgy used by the Nestorian church; the Malabar liturgy, used by the Saint Thomas Christians of India; the Byzantine liturgy, used in various languages by the Orthodox churches; and the Armenian liturgy, used by the Georgians and the Armenian Eastern Rite churches. 安提阿学派的礼仪系列包括不再使用的克莱门汀礼仪中的使徒宪法,这是否定的; 叙利亚礼仪中圣雅各教堂仪式所用的党人教堂和叙利亚东部, 圣雅各希腊礼仪中,在一年使用一次耶路撒冷the 马龙派教徒叙利亚礼仪中教会叙利亚礼仪使用的景教;马拉巴尔礼仪,印度所使用的圣托马斯基督徒的拜占庭礼仪,语言应用于各种由东正教教堂;和亚美尼亚礼仪,用由格鲁吉亚和亚美尼亚东部成年礼教堂。

The Alexandrian liturgies include the Greek liturgy of Saint Mark, no longer used; the Coptic liturgy, which is used by the Copts (Coptic Church) in Egypt; and the Ethiopian liturgy, used by the Ethiopian church.亚历山大的礼仪包括圣马克希腊礼仪中,不再使用; 科普特礼仪,这是埃及使用(科普特教堂)科普特人,以及埃塞俄比亚礼仪,教会使用的埃塞俄比亚。

The Roman liturgy is used almost universally by the Roman Catholic church. 罗马礼仪几乎普遍使用的罗马天主教教堂。From it were derived various medieval liturgies, such as those of Sarum, Paris, Trier, and Cologne, which are no longer in use.从它导出了各种中世纪的塞勒姆例如,巴黎,特里尔,科隆,这是不再使用礼仪。

The Gallican liturgy was used in northwestern Europe from the 4th century; it was superseded in France about 800 by the Roman liturgy. gallican 礼仪被用在欧洲西北部,从4世纪,它是法国取代了约800名礼仪由罗马。From it developed the Ambrosian liturgy, now used principally in the See of Milan; the Mozarabic or Isidorian liturgy , which was the liturgy of the church in Spain from the 6th to the 12th centuries and is now used only in Toledo and Salamanca; and the Celtic liturgy, which was superseded in the Celtic church in the 7th century by the Roman liturgy.从它开发的安布罗礼仪,现在用米兰主要是在电影上看到的; 莫扎拉布素歌或Isidorian礼仪 ,这是百年礼仪的教会在西班牙6日至12日,现在只用在托莱多和萨拉曼卡以及凯尔特人礼仪,这是取代了凯尔特教会在公元7世纪罗马礼仪的。 In the Roman Catholic church the use of the vernacular, rather than Latin, was approved during Vatican Council II (1962-65).在罗马天主教教会的白话,而不是拉丁语,使用,被批准在梵蒂冈理事会第二(1962-1965)。Pope Paul VI subsequently directed that vernacular forms of the Mass would be obligatory after December 1971.随后教皇保罗六世指示白话文形式的群众会后,1971年12月强制性的。In the United States, the bishops approved use of English translations of the Mass on or after March 22, 1970. Beginning with the 19th-century Oxford movement, Protestants developed a greater awareness of formal liturgy in their worship and have increasingly adopted liturgical forms of worship abandoned during the Reformation.在美国,主教们通过大量使用英语的翻译或以后1970年3月22日。 运动开始了19世纪的牛津,新教徒开发出更大的礼仪中,他们的崇拜意识 ,并已越来越多地采用正式的礼仪形式被遗弃在改革的崇拜。For the liturgy of the Church of England and the Episcopal church , see Book of Common Prayer.对于英国礼仪的教会和主教教堂 ,看到共同祈祷书。


Liturgy礼仪

Catholic Information天主教新闻

The various Christian liturgies are described each under its own name.各种基督教礼仪的描述下自己的名字每个。(See ALEXANDRINE LITURGY; AMBROSIAN LITURGY; ANTIOCHENE LITURGY; CELTIC RITE; Clementine Liturgy, treated in CLEMENT I; RITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE; GALLICAN RITE; LITURGY OF JERUSALEM; MOZARABIC RITE; SARUM RITE; SYRIAN RITE; SYRO-JACOBITE LITURGY.) In this article they are considered only from the point of view of their relation to one another in the most general sense, and an account is given of what is known about the growth of a fixed liturgy as such in the early Church. (见亚历山大礼仪;安布罗礼仪;安提阿学派礼仪;凯尔特成年礼,克莱门礼仪,在克莱门特我对待;君士坦丁堡仪式;高卢仪式;礼仪耶路撒冷;莫扎拉布素歌仪式;塞勒姆仪式;叙利亚成年礼。西罗-詹姆士礼仪)在本他们的文章被认为只从自己的角度去关系中的一个最普遍的感受他人和帐号是什么,是关于一个固定的礼仪作为这种增长在早期教会称为给出。

I. DEFINITION一,定义

Liturgy (leitourgia) is a Greek composite word meaning originally a public duty, a service to the state undertaken by a citizen.礼仪(leitourgia)是一个希腊词的意思本来是一个复合公共责任,对公民所承担的国家服务。Its elements are leitos (from leos = laos, people) meaning public, and ergo (obsolete in the present stem, used in future erxo, etc.), to do.它的元素是leitos(从狮子座=老挝,人)所指的公营和测功(过时本干,将来erxo等使用),这样做。From this we have leitourgos, "a man who performs a public duty", "a public servant", often used as equivalent to the Roman lictor; then leitourgeo, "to do such a duty", leitourgema, its performance, and leitourgia, the public duty itself.由此,我们有leitourgos,“一个人谁履行公共职责”,“公职人员”,往往等同于罗马lictor使用;然后leitourgeo,“做这样的义务”,leitourgema,其性能和leitourgia,的公共责任本身。

At Athens the leitourgia was the public service performed by the wealthier citizens at their own expense, such as the office of gymnasiarch, who superintended the gymnasium, that of choregus, who paid the singers of a chorus in the theatre, that of the hestiator, who gave a banquet to his tribe, of the trierarchus, who provided a warship for the state.在雅典leitourgia是公共服务的富裕公民自费完成的,如gymnasiarch办公室,谁李登辉主导健身房,认为choregus,谁支付了剧院的合唱团的歌手,在hestiator认为,谁给了宴会,他的部落,在trierarchus,谁提供了一个为国家的军舰。 The meaning of the word liturgy is then extended to cover any general service of a public kind.这个词的含义是礼仪,然后扩展到任何一个公共这种一般性的服务。In the Septuagint it (and the verb leitourgeo) is used for the public service of the temple (eg, Exodus 38:27; 39:12, etc.).在七十它(和动词leitourgeo)用于寺庙的(例如,出埃及记38:27,39:12等)的公共服务。 Thence it comes to have a religious sense as the function of the priests, the ritual service of the temple (eg, Joel 1:9, 2:17, etc.).它从那里来作为祭司的功能是一个宗教意义上说,该庙(例如,乔尔1:9,2:17,等等)礼仪服务。 In the New Testament this religious meaning has become definitely established.在新约这个宗教含义已成为绝对成立。In Luke 1:23, Zachary goes home when "the days of his liturgy" (ai hemerai tes leitourgias autou) are over.在路加福音1:23,扎克瑞回家时(大赦hemerai工商业污水附加费leitourgias autou)“礼仪,他的日子”已经一去不复返了。In Hebrews 8:6, the high priest of the New Law "has obtained a better liturgy", that is a better kind of public religious service than that of the Temple.在希伯来书8:6,对新税法大祭司“已经取得了较好的礼仪”,这是一种公共比寺庙宗教服务更好的一种。

So in Christian use liturgy meant the public official service of the Church, that corresponded to the official service of the Temple in the Old Law.因此,在基督教意味着使用礼仪的教会,这相当于该庙的旧法官方服务公职人员服务。We must now distinguish two senses in which the word was and is still commonly used.现在,我们必须区分两种意义,其中词是,目前仍在普遍使用。These two senses often lead to confusion.这两种感觉常常会导致混乱。

On the one hand, liturgy often means the whole complex of official services, all the rites, ceremonies, prayers, and sacraments of the Church, as opposed to private devotions.一方面,礼仪往往意味着整个复杂的官方机构,所有的仪式,仪式,祈祷,和教会圣礼,而不是私人奉献。In this sense we speak of the arrangement of all these services in certain set forms (including the canonical hours, administration of sacraments, etc.), used officially by any local church, as the liturgy of such a church -- the Liturgy of Antioch, the Roman Liturgy, and so on.在这个意义上,我们讲的所有这些在某些设置形式(包括典型时,圣礼,管理等)服务安排用于任何地方教会正式,作为这样一个教会礼仪 - 礼仪的安提阿,罗马礼仪,等等。So liturgy means rite; we speak indifferently of the Byzantine Rite or the Byzantine Liturgy.所以,礼仪是指礼,我们讲漠然的拜占庭仪式或拜占庭礼仪。In the same sense we distinguish the official services from others by calling them liturgical; those services are liturgical which are contained in any of the official books (see LITURGICAL BOOKS) of a rite.在同一意义上,我们区分别人称他们的官方礼仪服务;这些服务礼仪是在正式的任何书籍中(见礼仪的书籍)的一个仪式。In the Roman Church, for instance, Compline is a liturgical service, the Rosary is not.在罗马教会,例如,Compline是礼仪服务,玫瑰是不是。

The other sense of the word liturgy, now the common one in all Eastern Churches, restricts it to the chief official service only -- the Sacrifice of the Holy Eucharist, which in our rite we call the Mass. This is now practically the only sense in which leitourgia is used in Greek, or in its derived forms (eg, Arabic al-liturgiah) by any Eastern Christian.这个词的礼仪,现在是所有东欧教会常见的一种,其他意义上限制它的主要官方服务只有 - 的圣体圣事,在我们的弥撒仪式,我们呼吁实际上这是现在唯一的感觉牺牲其中leitourgia用于在希腊,或在其派生形式的任何东方基督教(例如,阿拉伯语的al - liturgiah)。When a Greek speaks of the "Holy Liturgy" he means only the Eucharistic Service.当希腊的“神圣礼仪”讲他的意思只有圣体服务。For the sake of clearness it is perhaps better for us too to keep the word to this sense, at any rate in speaking of Eastern ecclesiastical matters; for instance, not to speak of the Byzantine canonical hours as liturgical services.为了清晰起见,也许是太让我们更好地在任何利率这一意义的词,在东方教会方面的话题,例如,不要说作为拜占庭礼仪服务规范小时。 Even in Western Rites the word "official" or "canonical" will do as well as "liturgical" in the general sense, so that we too may use Liturgy only for the Holy Eucharist.即使在西方礼仪的“官方”一词或“规范”将做的一样好“礼仪”在一般意义上,这样我们也可以使用礼仪的圣体圣事而已。

It should be noted also that, whereas we may speak of our Mass quite correctly as the Liturgy, we should never use the word Mass for the Eucharistic Sacrifice in any Eastern rite.还应当指出的是,而我们可以说我国大众十分正确的礼仪中,我们不应该用在任何牺牲的东方礼仪圣体字弥撒。 Mass (missa) is the name for that service in the Latin Rites only.质量(弥撒)是该地区的唯一拉丁礼仪服务的名称。It has never been used either in Latin or Greek for any Eastern rite.它从来没有被用在拉丁语或希腊语无论是对任何东方礼仪。Their word, corresponding exactly to our Mass, is Liturgy.他们的话,完全对应我国大众,是礼仪。The Byzantine Liturgy is the service that corresponds to our Roman Mass; to call it the Byzantine (or, worse still, the Greek) Mass is as wrong as naming any other of their services after ours, as calling their Hesperinos Vespers, or their Orthros Lauds.拜占庭礼仪服务,是对应于我们的罗马弥撒称之为拜占庭(或更糟糕的是,希腊)质量是我们的名字来命名自己的任何其他服务,调用其Hesperinos晚祷,或他们的Orthros,错赞美。 When people go even as far as calling their books and vestments after ours, saying Missal when they mean Euchologion, alb when they mean sticharion, the confusion becomes hopeless.当人们去甚至远在他们的书籍和之后调用我们的法衣,当他们的意思说Missal Euchologion,白蛋白时,他们的意思sticharion,混乱变得无望。

II.二。THE ORIGIN OF THE LITURGY原产地的礼仪

At the outset of this discussion we are confronted by three of the most difficult questions of Christian archæology, namely: From what date was there a fixed and regulated service such as we can describe as a formal Liturgy?在此,我们面临的基督教考古学最困难的三个问题,即开始讨论:从什么日期是固定的,有规范服务,例如我们可以这样描述作为一个正式的礼仪? How far was this service uniform in various Churches?这是多远各教会服务的统一?How far are we able to reconstruct its forms and arrangement?有多远,我们能够重建其形式和安排?

With regard to the first question it must be said that an Apostolic Liturgy in the sense of an arrangement of prayers and ceremonies, like our present ritual of the Mass, did not exist.关于第一个问题必须指出,一个宗座礼仪中的祈祷和仪式的安排感,像我们现在仪式的群众,根本不存在。For some time the Eucharistic Service was in many details fluid and variable.一段时间以来,圣体服务在许多细节液和变数。It was not all written down and read from fixed forms, but in part composed by the officiating bishop.这还不是全部写下来,读出固定的形式,但部分由主礼主教组成。As for ceremonies, at first they were not elaborated as now.至于仪式开始时,他们并没有像现在阐述。All ceremonial evolves gradually out of certain obvious actions done at first with no idea of ritual, but simply because they had to he done for convenience.所有的仪式逐渐演变出一些明显的行动首先进行的仪式,没有想法,而是因为他们不得不为方便他做。The bread and wine were brought to the altar when they were wanted, the lessons were read from a place where they could best be heard, hands were washed because they were soiled.面包和酒的时候被带到了他们想要的,教训,从那里他们可以听到最好的地方读坛,洗净双手,因为他们是黑。Out of these obvious actions ceremony developed, just as our vestments developed out of the dress of the first Christians.这些仪式研制出明显的行动,就像我们的法衣,开发了第一个基督徒衣服了。It follows then of course that, when there was no fixed Liturgy at all, there could be no question of absolute uniformity among the different Churches.因此那当然,当时有没有固定的礼仪都,可能有不同教会之间没有绝对的统一问题。

And yet the whole series of actions and prayers did not depend solely on the improvisation of the celebrating bishop.然而祈祷的行动和整个系列赛不是单靠庆祝主教的即兴。Whereas at one time scholars were inclined to conceive the services of the first Christians as vague and undefined, recent research shows us a very striking uniformity in certain salient elements of the service at a very early date.而在同一时间学者们倾向于设想是含糊和不确定的第一个基督徒的服务,在最近的研究表明我们很早就在某些突出的服务内容非常惊人的一致性。 The tendency among students now is to admit something very like a regulated Liturgy, apparently to a great extent uniform in the chief cities, back even to the first or early second century.现在的学生倾向是承认一个规范的礼仪非常喜欢的东西,显然是一个统一的,在很大程度上主要城市,甚至到了回到第一个或第二个世纪初。 In the first place the fundamental outline of the rite of the Holy Eucharist was given by the account of the Last Supper.在第一个地点在圣体圣事礼仪的基本轮廓上给予的最后的晚餐帐户。What our Lord had done then, that same thing He told His followers to do in memory of Him.我们的主做了什么,然后,同样的事,他告诉他的追随者们先在他的记忆。It would not have been a Eucharist at all if the celebrant had not at least done as our Lord did the night before He died.它将不能在所有A圣餐礼,如果没有起码做,正如我们主做了前一天晚上,他死了。So we have everywhere from the very beginning at least this uniform nucleus of a Liturgy: bread and wine are brought to the celebrant in vessels (a plate and a cup); he puts them on a table -- the altar; standing before it in the natural attitude of prayer he takes them in his hands, gives thanks, as our Lord had done, says again the words of institution, breaks the Bread and gives the consecrated Bread and Wine to the people in communion.因此,我们必须从一开始就到处至少这一个统一的核礼仪:面包和酒被带到货船(盘子和杯子)监礼人,他把桌子上它们 - 坛前,站在祈祷的他对自己的手中,自然态度给予感谢,正如我们主做了,又说的话,机构,打破了面包,并给出了神圣的面包和酒的共融的人。The absence of the words of institution in the Nestorian Rite is no argument against the universality of this order.该仪式在景教机构的言词的情况下,也不能向本命令普遍性的说法。It is a rite that developed quite late; the parent liturgy has the words.这是一个仪式,发达国家比较晚,家长礼仪有话。

But we find much more than this essential nucleus in use in every Church from the first century.但我们发现在每一个教会使用的第一个世纪比这更重要的核心。The Eucharist was always celebrated at the end of a service of lessons, psalms, prayers, and preaching, which was itself merely a continuation of the service of the synagogue.圣体圣事总是在一个服务端庆祝教训,诗篇,祈祷,和说教,它本身只是一个管会堂的服务的延续。So we have everywhere this double function; first a synagogue service Christianized, in which the holy books were read, psalms were sung, prayers said by the bishop in the name of all (the people answering "Amen" in Hebrew, as had their Jewish forefathers), and homilies, explanations of what had been read, were made by the bishop or priests, just as they had been made in the synagogues by the learned men and elders (eg, Luke 4:16-27).因此,我们必须处处这种双重功能,首先是基督教犹太教堂服务,在这种神圣的书籍阅读,诗篇传唱,祈祷说,由所有名称中的主教(人民回答“阿门”在希伯来文,正如他们的犹太祖先)和颂歌,被阅读了什么解释,是由主教或神父,就像他们一直在由有学问的人及长者(例如,路加福音4:16-27)犹太教堂制成。 This is what was known afterwards as the Liturgy of the Catechumens.这就是被人们称为事后的慕道礼仪。Then followed the Eucharist, at which only the baptized were present.接着,是圣体,在其中只有受洗人出席。Two other elements of the service in the earliest time soon disappeared.另外两位服务要素在最早的时间很快就消失了。One was the Love-feast (agape) that came just before the Eucharist; the other was the spiritual exercises, in which people were moved by the Holy Ghost to prophesy, speak in divers tongues, heal the sick by prayer, and so on.其一是恋爱盛宴(爱德)表示,来到圣体前,另一个是精神演习,其中人被圣灵感动预言,说方言的潜​​水员,通过祈祷治愈病人,等等。 This function -- to which 1 Corinthians 14:1-14, and the Didache, 10:7, etc., refer -- obviously opened the way to disorders; from the second century it gradually disappears.这功能 - 哥林多前书14:1-14这和十二使徒遗训,10:7等,请参考 - 显然打开了疾病的方法,从公元二世纪逐渐消失。The Eucharistic Agape seems to have disappeared at about the same time.爱修园圣体圣事似乎已经在同一时间消失了。The other two functions remained joined, and still exist in the liturgies of all rites.另外两个函数仍然加盟,仍然存在于所有的仪式的礼仪。In them the service crystallized into more or less set forms from the beginning.在他们的服务从一开始就结晶成或多或少设置形式。 In the first half the alternation of lessons, psalms, collects, and homilies leaves little room for variety.在上半场的教训,诗篇,收集,并留下了各种颂歌交替的小房间。For obvious reasons a lesson from a Gospel was read last, in the place of honour as the fulfilment of all the others; it was preceded by other readings whose number, order, and arrangement varied considerably (see LESSONS IN THE LITURGY).由于显而易见的原因,教训是从福音中读到最后的荣誉作为实现所有其他地方;在此之前,他们的人数,以便其他读物,并安排有很大差别(见礼仪堂)。 A chant of some kind would very soon accompany the entrance of the clergy and the beginning of the service.某种形式的咏叹将很快伴随着神职人员入口处和服务的开始。We also hear very soon of litanies of intercession said by one person to each clause of which the people answer with some short formula (see ANTIOCHENE LITURGY; ALEXANDRINE LITURGY; KYRIE ELEISON).我们也听到很快的调解litanies说,由一个人到每个条款,其中一些人的回答简短的公式(见安提阿学派礼仪;亚历山大礼仪,主啊,怜悯)。 The place and number of the homilies would also vary for a long time.的地点和数量也将有所不同颂歌很长一段时间。It is in the second part of the service, the Eucharist itself, that we find a very striking crystallization of the forms, and a uniformity even in the first or second century that goes far beyond the mere nucleus described above.它在服务的第二部分是,圣体本身而言,我们找到一个非常引人注目的结晶形式,以及甚至在第一或第二个世纪,远远超出上述仅仅是去核的统一性。

Already in the New Testament -- apart from the account of the Last Supper -- there are some indexes that point to liturgical forms.早在新约 - 除了最后的晚餐户口 - 有一些指标指向礼仪形式。There were already readings from the Sacred Books (1 Timothy 4:13; 1 Thessalonians 5:27; Colossians 4:16), there were sermons (Acts 20:7), psalms and hymns (1 Corinthians 14:26; Colossians 3:16; Ephesians 5:19).目前已经从神圣的书籍阅读(1蒂莫西4:13;帖前5:27;歌罗西书4:16),有讲道(徒20:7),诗篇和赞美诗(哥林多前书14:26;歌罗西书3: 16,弗5:19)。1 Timothy 2:1-3, implies public liturgical prayers for all classes of people.提摩太前书2:1-3,意味着为人民各阶层市民的礼仪祈祷。People lifted up their hands at prayers (1 Timothy 2:8), men with uncovered heads (1 Corinthians 11:4), women covered (1 Corinthians 11:5).百姓就在祈祷(1蒂莫西2:8)他们的手中,发现头(哥林多前书11:4),妇女所涵盖(哥林多前书11:5)的男子。 There was a kiss of peace (1 Corinthians 16:20; 2 Corinthians 13:12; 1 Thessalonians 5:26).有一个吻和平(哥林多前书16:20;哥林多后书13:12;帖5:26)。There was an offertory of goods for the poor (Romans 15:26; 2 Corinthians 9:13) called by the special name "communion" (koinonia).有一对穷人的货物offertory(罗马书15:26;哥林多后书9:13)通过特殊的名字“共融”之称(科诺尼亚)。 The people answered "Amen" after prayers (1 Corinthians 14:16).众人回答:“阿门”之后的祷告(林前14:16)。The word Eucharist has already a technical meaning (1 Corinthians 14:16).字圣体技术已含义(哥林多前书14:16)。 The famous passage, 1 Corinthians 11:20-29, gives us the outline of the breaking of bread and thanksgiving (Eucharist) that followed the earlier part of the service.著名的通道,哥林多前书11:20-29,使我们的面包和打破outline感恩(圣体)之后的服务的前面部分。 Hebrews 13:10 (cf. 1 Corinthians 10:16-21), shows that to the first Christians the table of the Eucharist was an altar.希伯来书13:10(见哥林多前书10:16-21),显示的第一个基督徒的圣体的表是一个祭坛。After the consecration prayers followed (Acts 2:42).其次奉献祈祷后(徒2:42)。St. Paul "breaks bread" (= the consecration), then communicates, then preaches (Acts 20:11).圣保罗“打破面包”(=的奉献),然后进行通信,然后宣扬(徒20:11)。

Acts 2:42, gives us an idea of the liturgical Synaxis in order: They "persevere in the teaching of the Apostles" (this implies the readings and homilies), "communicate in the breaking of bread" (consecration and communion) and "in prayers".徒2:42,让我们为了一个礼仪Synaxis的想法:他们“在教学中坚持的使徒”(这意味着阅读和颂歌),“沟通,擘饼”(奉献和交流)和“在祈祷“。 So we have already in the New Testament all the essential elements that we find later in the organized liturgies: lessons, psalms, hymns, sermons, prayers, consecration, communion.因此,我们已经在新约中的所有重要元素,我们发现在后来举办的礼仪:教训,诗篇,赞美诗,讲道,祷告,奉献,共融。 (For all this see F. Probst: "Liturgie der drei ersten christl. Jahrhunderte", Tübingen, 1870, c. i; and the texts collected in Cabrol and Leclercq; "Monumenta ecclesiæ liturgica", I, Paris, 1900, pp. 1-51.) It has been thought that there are in the New Testament even actual formulæ used in the liturgy.(对于这一切见F.普罗布斯特:“Liturgie明镜德雷伊ersten christl Jahrhunderte。”,蒂宾根大学,1870年,长我,而且在Cabrol和勒克莱尔收集的文本,“古迹遗址,该书liturgica”,我,巴黎,1900年,第1-51。)据认为,在新约中有更实际的礼仪中使用的公式中。 The Amen is certainly one.阿门是肯定的。St. Paul's insistence on the form "For ever and ever, Amen" (eis tous aionas ton aionon amen. -- Romans 16:27; Galatians 1:5; 1 Timothy 1:17; cf. Hebrews 13:21; 1 Peter 1:11; 5:11; Revelation 1:6, etc.) seems to argue that it is a liturgical form well known to the Christians whom he addresses, as it was to the Jews.圣保罗的形式坚持“永远永远,阿门”(EIS的Tous的aionas吨aionon阿门 - 罗马书16:27;。加拉太书1:5; 1蒂莫西1:17;比照希伯来书13:21; 1彼得。 1:11,5:11,启示录1:6,等等),似乎认为这是一个众所周知的礼仪形式的基督徒的人,他的地址,因为它是犹太人。There are other short hymns (Romans 13:11-2; Ephesians 5:14; 1 Timothy 3:16; 2 Timothy 2:11-3), which may well be liturgical formulæ.还有其他的短赞美诗(罗马书13:11-2;以弗所书5:14,提摩太前书3:16; 2蒂莫西2:11-3),这很可能是礼仪公式。

In the Apostolic Fathers the picture of the early Christian Liturgy becomes clearer; we have in them a definite and to some extent homogeneous ritual.在使徒教父的早期基督教的礼仪图片变得更清晰,我们在其中一个明确的,并在一定程度上有同质仪式。But this must be understood.但是这必须被理解。There was certainly no set form of prayers and ceremonies such as we see in our present Missals and Euchologia; still less was anything written down and read from a book.肯定没有的祈祷和仪式,如我们在我们目前的Missals和Euchologia看到集的形式;更是任何东西写下来,读一本书。 The celebrating bishop spoke freely, his prayers being to some extent improvised.庆祝主教畅所欲言,他的祈祷而产生某些程度的即兴。And yet this improvising was bound by certain rules.然而,这个即兴是受一定的规则。In the first place, no one who speaks continually on the same subjects says new things each time.首先,没有人谁讲不断在同一个主题,每次说,新的东西。Modern sermons and modern ex tempore prayers show how easily a speaker falls into set forms, how constantly he repeats what come to be, at least for him, fixed formulæ.近代和现代的前临时讲道祈祷大家更容易了解一个扬声器成为集的形式,如何不断重复他是怎么来的,至少对他来说,固定的公式下降。 Moreover, the dialogue form of prayer that we find in use in the earliest monuments necessarily supposes some constant arrangement.此外,祈祷的对话形式,我们在使用中发现的最早的纪念碑不一定设一些固定的安排。The people answer and echo what the celebrant and the deacons say with suitable exclamations.人们的回答和回声什么礼和执事适当惊呼说。They could not do so unless they heard more or less the same prayers each time.他们不能这样做,除非他们听到或多或少相同的祈祷每次。 They heard from the altar such phrases as: "The Lord be with you", or "Lift up your hearts", and it was because they recognized these forms, had heard them often before, that they could answer at once in the way expected.他们听到从祭坛等词组:“上帝与你同在”,或“抬起你的心”,这是因为他们认识到这些形式,听到了他们的习惯之前,他们可以期望的方式回答一次。

We find too very early that certain general themes are constant.我们也很早就发现,某些一般性的主题是不变的。For instance our Lord had given thanks just before He spoke the words of institution.比如我们的主祝谢了就在他发言的话,机构。 So it was understood that every celebrant began the prayer of consecration -- the Eucharistic prayer -- by thanking God for His various mercies.因此,据了解,每一个奉献礼开始了祈祷 - 感谢上帝对他的各种慈悲 - 圣体圣事祈祷。So we find always what we still have in our modern prefaces -- a prayer thanking God for certain favours and graces, that are named, just where that preface comes, shortly before the consecration (Justin, "Apol.," I, xiii, lxv).因此,我们发现像我们仍然在我们的现代前言有 - 一个祷告,感谢上帝某些主张和风度,即命名,只是在前不久的序言之前,奉献(贾斯汀,我,十三,“亚太线上。”第六十五)。An intercession for all kinds of people also occurs very early, as we see from references to it (eg, Justin, "Apol.," I, xiv, lxv).对于各种说情的人也发生非常早,因为我们看到对它的引用(例如,贾斯汀,“亚太线上。”我,第十四条,第六十五)。 In this prayer the various classes of people would naturally be named in more or less the same order.在此祈祷的人的各类自然会被命名为或多或少同样的顺序。A profession of faith would almost inevitably open that part of the service in which only the faithful were allowed to take part (Justin, "Apol.", I, xiii, lxi).一个专业的信念,将几乎不可避免地打开那在其中只被允许信徒参加服务(贾斯汀,“亚太线上。”,一,十三,LXI的)的一部分。 It could not have been long before the archetype of all Christian prayer -- the Our Father -- was said publicly in the Liturgy.它不可能是很久之前所有的基督教祈祷的原型 - 我们的父亲 - 是公开表示,在礼仪。The moments at which these various prayers were said would very soon become fixed, The people expected them at certain points, there was no reason for changing their order; on the contrary to do so would disturb the faithful.时刻在这些不同的祈祷,表示将很快成为固定的,人们预计他们在某些点,也没有理由改变他们的订单,相反这样做会扰乱的忠实。 One knows too how strong conservative instinct is in any religion, especially in one that, like Christianity, has always looked back with unbounded reverence to the golden age of the first Fathers.过于强烈的人知道如何在保守的本能是任何宗教,尤其是在一,像基督教,一直看着无限的崇敬父亲的第一个黄金时代回来。 So we must conceive the Liturgy of the first two centuries as made up of somewhat free improvisations on fixed themes in a definite order; and we realize too how naturally under these circumstances the very words used would be repeated -- at first no doubt only the salient clauses -- till they became fixed forms.因此,我们必须设想了两个世纪的第一个由礼仪作为在一个固定的主题定为多少自由即兴注册,而我们也意识到如何在这些情况下,自然很会重复使用的话 - 毫无疑问,在第一只突出条款 - 直到他们成为固定形式。The ritual, certainly of the simplest kind, would become stereotyped even more easily.当然最简单的一种仪式,将成为更容易定型。The things that had to be done, the bringing up of the bread and wine, the collection of alms and so on, even more than the prayers, would be done always at the same point.的事情,都必须做的,造就的面包和酒,施舍收集等方面,甚至比祈祷更多的,将做在同一点始终。A change here would be even more disturbing than a change in the order of the prayers.改变一下,甚至会比一个更加令人不安的祈祷中的顺序变化。

A last consideration to be noted is the tendency of new Churches to imitate the customs of the older ones.考虑到最后一个值得注意的是新教会的倾向模仿旧的习俗。Each new Christian community was formed by joining itself to the bond already formed.每一个新的基督教社区成立了由加入自己已经形成了债券。The new converts received their first missionaries, their faith and ideas from a mother Church.新的转换接获一名母亲教会他们的第一个传教士,他们的信仰和思想。These missionaries would naturally celebrate the rites as they had seen them done, or as they had done them themselves in the mother Church.这些传教士自然会庆祝仪式,因为他们已经看到他们做,或者因为他们做了他们在母亲教会自己。And their converts would imitate them, carry on the same tradition.而他们的信徒会模仿他们,进行相同的传统。Intercourse between the local Churches would further accentuate this uniformity among people who were very keenly conscious of forming one body with one Faith, one Baptism, and one Eucharist.地方教会之间的交往会进一步加剧这种人与人之间的谁是非常敏锐地形成一个与一个信念,一个洗礼,一个圣体身体的意识统一。 It is not then surprising that the allusions to the Liturgy in the first Fathers of various countries, when compared show us a homogeneous rite at any rate in its main outlines, a constant type of service, though it was subject to certain local modifications.它不是那么奇怪,在各种国家的第一个父亲的典故,以礼仪相比,向我们展示了其在任何主要利率齐仪式轮廓,不断的服务类型,但受到某些局部修改。 It would not be surprising if from this common early Liturgy one uniform type had evolved for the whole Catholic world.这也不足为奇,如果从这个常见的早期礼仪有一个统一的类型为整个天主教世界演变。We know that that is not the case.我们知道,这是情况并非如此。The more or less fluid ritual of the first two centuries crystallized into different liturgies in East and West; difference of language, the insistence on one point in one place, the greater importance given to another feature elsewhere, brought about our various rites.第一次两成东,西不同的礼仪结晶世纪或多或少流体的仪式,语言的差异,在一个点在一个地方,更重要的考虑在其他地方的又一特色,对我们的各种仪式所带来的坚持。 But there is an obvious unity underlying all the old rites that goes back to the earliest age.但有一个明显的统一的基本所有可以追溯到最早的古老仪式。The medieval idea that all are derived from one parent rite is not so absurd, if we remember that the parent was not a written or stereotyped Liturgy, but rather a general type of service.中世纪的思想,都是从一个父仪式派生并非如此荒谬的,如果我们记得,父母没有书面或刻板的礼仪,而是一种服务的一般类型。

III.三。THE LITURGY IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES在第一三个世纪的礼仪

For the first period we have of course no complete description.对于第一个时期,我们当然没有完整的描述。We must reconstruct what we can from the allusions to the Holy Eucharist in the Apostolic Fathers and apologists.我们必须重建我们可以从典故中的使徒父亲和辩护的圣体。Justin Martyr alone gives us a fairly complete outline of the rite that he knew.圣贾斯汀烈士单独给了我们一个礼,他知道比较完整的轮廓。The Eucharist described in the "Teaching of the Twelve Apostles" (most authorities now put the date of this work at the end of the first century) in some ways lies apart from the general development.圣体圣事中描述的“教学的十二门徒”在某些方面(最当局现在将在本世纪末本作品的日期)位于从总的发展分开。 We have here still the free "prophesying" (10:7), the Eucharist is still joined to the Agape (10:1), the reference to the actual consecration is vague.我们这里仍然是自由的“预言”(10:7),圣体仍然加入到博爱(10:1),参考实际奉献是模糊的。The likeness between the prayers of thanksgiving (9-10) and the Jewish forms for blessing bread and wine on the Sabbath (given in the "Berakoth" treatise of the Talmud; cf. Sabatier, "La Didache", Paris, 1885, p. 99) points obviously to derivation from them.之间的感恩节(9-10)祈祷和祝福面包的形式和对犹太人的安息日(在“Berakoth”塔木德的论文给予酒相似。比照萨巴蒂尔,“香格里拉十二使徒遗训”,巴黎,1885年,磷。99)分,明显地从他们的推导。 It has been suggested that the rite here described is not our Eucharist at all; others (Paul Drews) think that it is a private Eucharist distinct from the official public rite.有人建议,仪式在这里描述的不是我们在所有圣体圣事,其他人(保德鲁兹)认为这是一个私人圣体的正式公开仪式截然不同。 On the other hand, it seems clear from the whole account in chapters 9 and 10 that we have here a real Eucharist, and the existence of private celebrations remains to be proved.另一方面,它似乎从9和第10章中清楚表明,我们的整个帐户,这里有一个真正的圣体,以及私人庆祝活动的存在仍有待证明。 The most natural explanation is certainly that of a Eucharist of a very archaic nature, not fully described.最自然的解释当然是一个非常古老的圣体的性质,不能完全描述。

At any rate we have these liturgical points from the book.无论如何,我们已经从书上这些礼仪的要点。 The "Our Father" is a recognized formula: it is to be said three times every day (8:2-3). “我们的父亲”是一个公认的公式:它是说,每天三次(8:2-3)。The Liturgy is a eucharist and a sacrifice to be celebrated by breaking bread and giving thanks on the "Lord's Day" by people who have confessed their sins (14:1).礼仪是一个圣体与牺牲被打破面包和放弃的“主日”谁也承认自己的罪恶(14:1)的人表示感谢庆祝。Only the baptized are admitted to it (9:5).被录取的洗礼,只有它(9:5)。The wine is mentioned first, then the broken bread; each has a formula of giving thanks to God for His revelation in Christ with the conclusion: "To thee be glory forever" (9:1, 4).首先提到的酒,然后擘,每有一个礼,感谢上帝,他在基督的启示与结论的公式:“我要对你是永远的荣耀”(9:1,4)。There follows a thanksgiving for various benefits; the creation and our sanctification by Christ are named (10:1-4); then comes a prayer for the Church ending with the form: "Maranatha. Amen"; in it occurs the form: "Hosanna to the God of David" (10:5-6).下面将各种利益感恩节;我们的创作和基督成圣被命名为(10:1-4),然后来为教会祈祷的形式结尾:;在它发生的形式为“马拉纳瑟阿门。”:“和散那归于大卫的“神(10:5-6)。

The First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (written probably between 90 and 100) contains an abundance of liturgical matter, much more than is apparent at the first glance.第一使徒的克莱门特向科林蒂安(书面大概90至100)包含丰富的礼仪问题,更比第一眼明显。That the long prayer in chapters 59-61 is a magnificent example of the kind of prayers said in the liturgy of the first century has always been admitted (eg, Duchesne, "Origines du Culte", 49-51); that the letter, especially in this part, is full of liturgical forms is also evident.这在很长的祷告59-61章是一种宏伟的祈祷例如说,在第一世纪礼仪一直承认(例如,德雷珀,“Origines杜Culte”,49-51),该信,特别是在这个部分,是礼仪形式充分也很明显。 The writer quotes the Sanctus (Holy, holy, holy Lord of Sabaoth; all creation is full of his glory) from Isaiah 6:3, and adds that "we assembled in unity cry (this) as with one mouth" (34:7).笔者引用了圣哉(神圣的,圣洁的,圣洁的千万军马的主,所有的创造是他的荣光充满)从以赛亚书6:3,并补充说:“我们聚集在团结,与一嘴哭(这)”(34:7 )。The end of the long prayer is a doxology invoking Christ and finishing with the form: "now and for generations of generations and for ages of ages. Amen" (l11:3).经长时间祈祷结束后调用三一颂是一个与基督和形式整理:“。现在和后代子孙及世世无尽阿门”(第11课:3)。This too is certainly a liturgical formula.这也无疑是一个礼仪式。There are many others.还有许多其他问题。But we can find more in I Clem.但是,我们可以找到我克莱姆更多。than merely a promiscuous selection of formulæ.不仅仅是一个杂乱的的公式的选择。A comparison of the text with the first known Liturgy actually written down, that of the "Eighth Book of the Apostolic Constitutions" (written long afterwards, in the fifth century in Syria) reveals a most startling likeness.一个文本的比较第一个已知的礼仪其实写下来,即“八五图书的使徒宪法”(书面不久在叙利亚在第五世纪)揭示了一个最惊人的相似。 Not only do the same ideas occur in the same order, but there are whole passages -- just those that in I Clem.不仅同样的想法出现在相同的顺序,但也有整段整段 - 只是那些在我克莱姆。have most the appearance of liturgical formulæ -- that recur word for word in the "Apost. Const."最有礼仪的公式的​​外观 - 这复发逐字逐句的“。Apost常量。”

In the "Apost. Const."在“Apost。常量。”the Eucharistic prayer begins, as in all liturgies, with the dialogue: "Lift up your hearts", etc. Then, beginning: "It is truly meet and just", comes a long thanksgiving for various benefits corresponding to what we call the preface.圣体圣事祷告开始,在所有的礼仪,与对话:“抬起你的心”等,然后,开始:“这是真正满足,公正”的,因为存在相应的各种好处就是我们所说的感恩节长的前言。 Here occurs a detailed description of the first benefit we owe to God -- the creation.这里出现了第一个好处,我们应该为神的详细说明 - 创作。The various things created -- the heavens and earth, sun, moon and stars, fire and sea, and so on, are enumerated at length ("Apost. Const.", VIII, xii, 6-27).的各种事物所创 - 这天,地,太阳,月亮和星星,火,海,等等,都详细列举(“Apost常量。。”,八,十二,6-27)。 The prayer ends with the Sanctus.祈祷结束的众神。I Clem., xx, contains a prayer echoing the same ideas exactly, in which the very same words constantly occur.本人克莱姆。,第二十条,包含了祈祷正好呼应了同样的想法,其中所说的话不断出现。The order in which the creatures are mentioned is the same.在其中的生物被提及的顺序是一样的。Again "Apost. Const.", VIII, xii, 27, introduces the Sanctus in the same way as I Clem., xxxiv, 5-6, where the author actually says he is quoting the Liturgy.再次“Apost。常量。”,第八章,第十二章,27,介绍我克莱姆同样的方式在众神。,三十四,5-6,其中撰文说,他其实是引用了礼仪。 This same preface in "Apost. Const."这在同序“Apost。常量。”(loc. cit.), remembering the Patriarchs of the Old Law, names Abel, Cain, Seth, Henoch, Noah, Sodom, Lot, Abraham, Melchisedech, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Josue. (如上。)记忆的旧法的始祖,名称亚伯,该隐,塞思,过敏性,诺亚,所多玛,地段,亚伯拉罕,Melchisedech,以撒,雅各,摩西,若苏埃。 The parallel passage in I Clem.在我平行通道克莱姆。(ix xii) names Enoch, Noah, Lot, Sodom, Abraham, Rahab, Josue: we may note at once two other parallels to this list containing again almost the same list of names -- Hebrews 11:4-31, and Justin, "Dialogue", xix, cxi, cxxxi, cxxxviii. (第九十二)名称以诺,诺亚,地段,所多玛,亚伯拉罕,喇合,若苏埃:我们可以注意到其他两个平行一次到这个列表包含了几乎相同的名称列表 -​​ 希伯来书11:4-31,和贾斯汀, “对话”,十九,CXI号,cxxxi,cxxxviii。The long prayer in I Clem.在我很长的祷告克莱姆。(lix-lxi) is full of ideas and actual phrases that come again in "Apost. Const.", VIII.(lix - LXI的)是想法和实际的短语来再次全面“Apost。常量。”八。Compare for instance I Clem., lix, 2-4, with "Apost. Const.", VIII, X, 22-xi, 5 (which is part of the celebrant's prayer during the litany of the faithful: Brightman, "Eastern Liturgies", p. 12), and xiii, 10 (prayer during the litany that follows the great intercession. Brightman, p. 24).比如我比较克莱姆,lix,2-4,以“Apost常量。。”,第八,第十,22席,5(这是监礼的祷告的一部分,在一连串的忠诚:。布莱曼,“东方liturgies的“,第12页),和十三,10(祈祷在后面的一长串伟大的调解。布莱曼,第24页)。 Other no less striking parallels may be seen in Drews, "Untersuchungen über die sogen. clement. Liturgie," 14-43.其他不低于惊人的相似之处可以看出,在德鲁兹,“Untersuchungen黚死sogen。克莱门特。Liturgie,”14-43。 It is not only with the Liturgy of "Apost. Const."这是只有在礼仪不是“Apost。常量。”that I Clem.我克莱姆。has these extraordinary resemblances.有这些非凡的相似之处。I Clem., lix, 4, echoes exactly the clauses of the celebrant's prayer during the intercession in the Alexandrine Rite (Greek St. Mark. Brightman, 131).本人克莱姆。,lix,4,正好呼应期间在亚历山大仪式(希腊圣马克。布莱曼,131)代祷的礼的祈祷条款。These parallel passages cannot all be mere coincidences (Lightfoot realized this, but suggests no explanation."The Apostolic Fathers", London, 1890, I, II, p. 71).这些平行通道不可能都仅仅是巧合(娜莱意识到这一点,但建议没有解释。“使徒教父”,伦敦,1890年,一,二,第71页)。 The question then occurs: What is the relation between I Clement and -- in the first place -- the Liturgy of"Apost. Const."?然后出现的问题:什么是与我的关系克莱门特和 - 摆在首位 - 以礼仪“Apost常量。。”?The suggestion that first presents itself is that the later document ("Apost. Const.") is quoting the earlier one (I Clem.).首先提出的建议,本身就是后来的文件(“Apost。常量。”)是较早的一个引用(我克莱姆。)。This is Harnack's view (" Gesch. der altchristl. Litteratur", I, Leipzig, 1893, pp. 42-43), but it is exceedingly unlikely.这是哈纳克的意见(的“Gesch。明镜altchristl。Litteratur”,我,莱比锡,1893年,第42-43页),但它是极不可能的。 In that case the quotations would be more exact, the order of I Clem.在这种情况下,报价会更准确,对我克莱姆秩序。would be kept; the prayers in the Liturgy have no appearance of being quotations or conscious compositions of fragments from earlier books; nor, if the "Apost. Const."将保持;在礼仪的祈祷没有被引用或从早期的书籍的片段自觉组成的外观;也不是,如果“Apost常量。。”were quoting I Clem., would there be reduplications such as we have seen above (VIII, xi, 22-xi, 5, and xiii, 10).被引用我克莱姆。,会有重叠式,如我们所看到的上述(八,十一,22席,5,和十三,10)。

Years ago Ferdinand Probst spent a great part of his life in trying to prove that the Liturgy of the "Apostolic Constitutions" was the universal primitive Liturgy of the whole Church.前几年了,费迪南德普罗布斯特在试图证明,“使徒宪法”礼仪中是普遍的,整个教会了他原始的礼仪生活的很大一部分。 To this endeavour he applied an enormous amount of erudition.在这场努力中,他应用了大量的博学。In his "Liturgie der drei ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte" (Tübingen, 1870) and again in his "Liturgie des vierten Jahrhunderts und deren Reform" (Münster, 1893), he examined a vast number of texts of the Fathers, always with a view to find in them allusions to the Liturgy in question.在他的“Liturgie明镜德雷伊ersten christlichen Jahrhunderte”又在他(蒂宾根大学,1870年)和“Liturgie德vierten Jahrhunderts有限公司德仁改革”(明斯特,1893年),他总是检查,以查看一个文本的父亲广大他们发现有问题的礼仪典故。But he overdid his identifications hopelessly.但他过分了,过头了鉴定绝望。He sees an allusion in every text that vaguely refers to a subject named in the Liturgy.他认为,在每一个文字依稀是指在一个名为主题的礼仪典故。Also his books are very involved and difficult to study.也是他的书是非常投入和困难进行研究。So Probst's theory fell almost entirely into discredit.所以Probst的理论几乎完全进入下跌抹黑。His ubiquitous Liturgy was remembered only as the monomania of a very learned man; the rite of the "Eighth Book of the Apostolic Constitutions" was put in what seemed to be its right place, merely as an early form of the Antiochene Liturgy (so Duchesne, "Origines du Culte", 55-6).他只记得是无所不在的礼仪作为一个非常有学问的人偏执狂;了“第八章中的使徒宪法”仪式是在什么似乎是它的正确的地方,作为安提阿学派礼仪(所以德雷珀的早期形式只是把“Origines杜Culte”,55-6)。 Lately, however, there has come again to the fore what may be described as a modified form of Probst's theory.然而,最近有再次来到了什么可能是由于Probst的理论修改形式描述脱颖而出。Ferdinand Kattenbusch ("Das apostolische Symbol", Tübingen, 1900, II, 347, etc.) thought that after all there might be some foundation for Probst's idea.费迪南德Kattenbusch(“资本apostolische符号”,蒂宾根大学,1900年,二,347等)认为,毕竟可能有一些Probst的思想基础。

Paul Drews (Untersuchungen über die sogen. clementinische Liturgie, Tübingen, 1906) proposes and defends at length what may well be the germ of truth in Probst, namely that there was a certain uniformity of type in the earliest Liturgy in the sense described above, not a uniformity of detail, but one of general outline, of the ideas expressed in the various parts of the service, with a strong tendency to uniformity in certain salient expressions that recurred constantly and became insensibly liturgical formulæ.保罗德鲁兹(Untersuchungen黚死sogen。clementinische Liturgie,蒂宾根大学,1906年)提出建议,在长度可能是什么的道理普罗布斯特胚芽,即30年代,在这个意义上最早的礼仪类型的某些一致性上述辩护,没有统一的细节,但一般纲要之一,在服务的各个部分所表达的思想具有强烈的倾向,在某些一致性的突出表现,成为不断复发不知不觉礼仪的公式。 This type of liturgy (rather than a fixed rite) may be traced back even to the first century.这种礼仪的类型(而不是一个固定的仪式),甚至可追溯到第一世纪。It is seen in Clement of Rome, Justin, etc.; perhaps there are traces of it even in the Epistle to the Hebrews.它被认为是在罗马,贾斯汀等克莱门特,也许有,即使在它的痕迹书信的希伯来人。And of this type we still have a specimen in the "Apostolic Constitutions".而这类型,我们仍然有一个在“使徒宪法”标本。 It is not that that rite exactly as it is in the "Constitutions" was used by Clement and Justin.这并不是说完全一样的仪式,在“宪法”是由克莱门特和贾斯汀使用。Rather the "Constitutions" give us a much later (fifth century) form of the old Liturgy written down at last in Syria after it had existed for centuries in a more fluid state as an oral tradition.更确切地说,“宪法”给我们一个书面在叙利亚下跌了旧礼仪晚得多(五世纪)的形式后,它已存在了数百年的状态更流畅的口头传统。 Thus, Clement, writing to the Corinthians (that the letter was actually composed by the Bishop of Rome, as Dionysius of Corinth says in the second century, is now generally admitted. Cf. Bardenhewer, "Gesch. der altkirchl. Litteratur", Freiburg, 1902, 101-2), uses the language to which he was accustomed in the Liturgy; the letter is full of liturgical ideas and reminiscences. Thus,克莱门特,书面形式向科林蒂安(这封信实际上是由罗马主教,因为科林斯说,在狄奥尼修斯composed的第二个世纪,现在普遍承认。比照。巴登黑韦尔,的“Gesch。明镜altkirchl。Litteratur”,弗赖堡,1902年,101-2),用于他是在礼仪习惯的语言,信是礼仪充分的思想和回忆。 They are found again in the later crystallization of the same rite in the "Apostolic Constitutions".他们发现,又在在“使徒宪法”相同仪式后的结晶。So that book gives us the best representation of the Liturgy as used in Rome in the first two centuries.因此,这本书为我们提供了最好体现的礼仪在罗马用在第一两个世纪。This is confirmed by the next witness, Justin Martyr.这也证实了下一个证人,贾斯汀烈士。Justin (d. about 164), in his famous account of the Liturgy, describes it as he saw it at Rome (Bardenhewer, op. cit., 206).贾斯汀(四约164),在他著名的礼仪帐户,形容当他看到它在罗马(巴登黑韦尔,同前。前。,206)。The often quoted passage is (I Apology 65-67):通过经常引用的是(我道歉65-67):

65. 65。We lead him who believes and is joined to us, after we have thus baptized him, to those who are called the brethren, where they gather together to say prayers in common for ourselves, and for him who has been enlightened, and for all who are everywhere.我们过着他谁相信并加入到我们,我们就此洗礼后他,对那些谁被称为弟兄,他们聚集在一起,共同为我们自己说的祈祷,为他和谁一直开明,并为所有谁随处可见。 ...We greet each other with a kiss when the prayers are finished.我们欢迎每一个吻时,其他的祈祷完毕。Then bread and a cup of water and wine are brought to the president of the brethren, and he having received them sends up praise and glory to the Father of all through the name of his Son and the Holy Ghost, and makes a long thanksgiving that we have been made worthy of these things by him; when these prayers and thanksgivings are ended all the people present cry 'Amen'.然后,面包和一杯水和酒是提请弟兄总统,他已收到他们发出了通过他的儿子和圣灵的名字荣​​耀归于所有的父,使一个长期感恩节我们一直在做的这些事他值得,当这些祈祷和感恩完了所有在场的人喊'阿门'。 ...And when the president has given thanks (eucharistesantos, already a technical name for the Eucharist) and all the people have answered, those whom we call deacons give the bread and wine and water for which the 'thanksgiving' (Eucharist) has been made to be tasted by those who are present, and they carry them to those that are absent.而当主席已表示感谢(eucharistesantos,已经是圣体技术名称)和所有的人都回答说,那些人给我们打电话执事的面包和酒和水而感恩'(圣体)已作出一尝那些谁是现在,他们携带他们为那些缺席。

66. 66。This food is called by us the Eucharist" (the well-known passage about the Real Presence follows, with the quotation of the words of Institution).这种食品是由我们称为圣体“(即对现实存在众所周知的通过如下同的话,机构的报价)。

67. 67。On the day which is called that of the Sun a reunion is made of all those who dwell in the cities and fields; and the commentaries of the Apostles and writings of the prophets are read as long as time allows.在被称为是太阳的一团聚是所有那些谁在城市居住和领域作出之日;以及使徒和先知的著作评论读取只要时间允许。Then, when the reader has done, the president admonishes us in a speech and excites us to copy these glorious things.然后,当读者所做的那样,布什总统在一次讲话中告诫我们,激发我们去复制这些光荣的事情。Then we all rise and say prayers and, as we have said above, when we have done praying bread is brought up and wine and water; and the president sends up prayers with thanksgiving for the men, and the people acclaim, saying 'Amen', and a share of the Eucharist is given to each and is sent to those absent by the deacons.然后,我们全体起立,说祈祷,正如我们前面所说,我们已经做祈祷时被带起面包和酒和水,和总统派与感恩祈祷的男子,和人民群众的赞誉,说'阿门' ,并在圣体的份额,并给每个发送的执事者缺席。

This is by far the most complete account of the Eucharistic Service we have from the first three centuries.这是迄今为止在圣体圣事的服务,我们从最初的三个世纪的最完整的帐户。It will be seen at once that what is described in chapter 67 precedes the rite of 65.我们将看到一次,什么是前面67章描述了65仪式。In 67 Justin begins his account of the Liturgy and repeats in its place what he had already said above.开始他在67贾斯汀的礼仪,并在其发生重复他所说过的帐户上面。

Putting it all together we have this scheme of the service:把他们放在一起,我们有这样的服务方案:

1. 1。Lessons (lxvii, 3).教训(lxvii,3)。

2. 2。Sermon by the bishop (lxvii, 4).讲道由主教(lxvii,4)。

3. 3。Prayers for all people (lxvii, 5; lxv, 1).为所有的人祈祷(lxvii,5;第六十五,1)。

4. 4。Kiss of peace (lxv, 2).和平之吻(第六十五,2)。

5. 5。Offertory of bread and wine and water brought up by the deacons (lxvii, 5; lxv, 3). Offertory的面包和酒和水所带来的执事了(lxvii,5;第六十五,3)。

6. 6。Thanksgiving-prayer by the bishop (lxvii, 5; lxv, 3).感恩节祈祷的主教(lxvii,5;第六十五,3)。

7. 7。Consecration by the words of institution (? lxv, 5; lxvi, 2-3).按院校奉献的话(?第六十五,五; lxvi,2-3)。

8. 8。Intercession for the people (lxvii, 5; lxv, 3).为人民调解(lxvii,5;第六十五,3)。

9. 9。The people end this prayer with Amen.人民祈祷结束这场与阿门。(lxvii, 5; lxv, 3). (lxvii,5;第六十五,3)。

10. 10。Communion (lxvii, 5; lxv 5).圣餐(lxvii,5;第六十五5)。

This is exactly the order of the Liturgy in the "Apostolic Constitutions" (Brightman, "Eastern Liturgies", 3-4, 9-12, 13, 14-21, 21-3, 25).这正是礼仪中的“使徒宪法”命令(布莱曼,“东方liturgies的”,3-4,9-12,13,14-21,21-3,25)。 Moreover, as in the case of I Clement, there are many passages and phrases in Justin that suggest parallel ones in the "Apost. Const."此外,正如我的情况克莱门特,有许多通道和贾斯汀词组,建议在平行的“Apost。常量。”-- not so much in Justin's account of the Liturgy (though here too Drews sees such parallels, op. cit., 58-9) as in other works in which Justin, like Clement, may be supposed to be echoing well-known liturgical phrases.- 与其说Justin的礼仪帐户(虽然这里也德鲁兹看到这样的情形相似,同前,58-9。。)在其他作品中,贾斯汀喜欢克莱门特,可能会被认为是呼应著名的礼仪短语。 Drews prints many such passages side by side with the corresponding ones of the "Apost. Const.", from which comparison he concludes that Justin knows a dismissal of the catechumens (cf."I Apol.", xlix, 5; xiv, 1;xxv, 2,with "Apost.Const.", VIII, vi, 8; x, 2) and of the Energumens (Dial., xxx; cf. "Apost. Const.", VIII, vii, 2) corresponding to that in the Liturgy in question.德鲁兹打印并排很多副作用等段落与相应的,从他的结论是比较了解了贾斯汀的慕道(参见“我亚太线上。”第四十九届,5开除“Apost常量。。”,第十四条,一;“。Apost.Const”二十五,2,,八,六,八,十,二)和Energumens(Dial.了XXX。比照“。。Apost常量”,八,七,二)对应在有问题的礼仪。 From "I Apol.", lxv, 1; xvii, 3; xiv, 3; deduces a prayer for all kinds of men (made by the community) of the type of that prayer in "Apost. Const.", VIII, x."I Apol.", xiii, 1-3, lxv, 3; v, 2, and Dial., xli, lxx, cxvii, give us the elements of a preface exactly on the lines of that in "Apost. Const."从“我亚太线上。”第六十五,1,十七,三,十四,三,推导出一种类型的祈祷,祈祷所有的男人种(由社会作出),第八,X“的Apost常量。。” 。“我亚太线上。”十三,1-3,第六十五,3;。五,2,和拨号,四十一,LXX的,cxvii,给我们正是在“Apost该行作序的元素常量。。 “ VIII, xii, 6-27 (see these texts in parallel columns in Drews, "op. cit.", 59-91).八,十二,6月27日(见德鲁兹在平行柱这些文本,“同前。前。”59-91)。

We have, then, in Clement and Justin the picture of a Liturgy at least remarkably like that of the "Apostolic Constitutions".我们有,那么,在克莱门特和贾斯汀的一个显着礼仪照片至少这样的“使徒宪法”。 Drews adds as striking parallels from Hippolytus (d. 235), "Contra Noetum", etc. (op. cit., 95-107) and Novatian (third cent.) "De Trinitate" (ibid., 107-22), both Romans, and thinks that this same type of liturgy continues in the known Roman Rite (122-66).德鲁兹增加了从西波吕(草235),“魂斗罗Noetum”等惊人的相似之处(同前。,95-107)和诺瓦蒂安(第三次以上。)“德Trinitate”(同上,107-22),同时罗马人,并认为这同类型的礼仪在已知罗马成年礼(122-66)继续。 That the Liturgy of the "Apostolic Constitutions" as it stands is Antiochene, and is closely connected with the Rite of Jerusalem, is certain.认为,“使徒宪法”,因为它代表的礼仪是安提阿,并密切与成年礼的耶路撒冷相连,是一定的。It would seem, then, that it represents one form of a vaguer type of rite that was in its main outline uniform in the first three centuries.看来,那么,它代表的一个类型的仪式含糊其主要轮廓统一是在最初的三个世纪的形式。 The other references to the Liturgy in the first age (Ignatius of Antioch, died about 107, "Eph.", xiii, xx, "Phil.", iv, "Rom.", vii, "Smyrn.", vii, viii; Irenæus, died 202, "Adv. hær.", IV, xvii, xviii; V, ii, Clement of Alexandria, died about 215, "Pæd.", I, vi; II, ii, in PG, VIII, 301, 410; Origen, d.254, "Contra Cels.", VIII, xxxiii, "Hom. xix in Lev.", xviii, 13; "In Matt.", xi, 14; "In Ioh.", xiii, 30) repeat the same ideas that we have seen in Clement and Justin, but add little to the picture presented by them (see Cabrol and Leclercq, "Mon. Eccles. Liturg.", I, passim).另参考第一年龄(到礼仪伊格内修的安提阿,死于约107,“厄。”,十三,二十,“菲尔。”第四章,“光盘。”第七章,“Smyrn。”,七,八;依,死了202,“腺病毒hær。。”,四,十七,十八,五,二,克莱门特的亚历山德里亚,约215死亡,“Pæd。”,我,六;二,二,在编号,第八条,301 ,410;渊源,d.254,“魂斗罗透明片。”,第八章,三十三,“坎在列弗十九。。”,十八,13;“。在马特”,十一,14;“。在的IOH”,十三, 30)重复我们在克莱门特和贾斯汀看到的相同的想法,但他们很少添加提交的图片(见Cabrol和勒克莱尔“周一埃克尔斯。Liturg。”,我,各处)。

IV.四。THE PARENT RITES, FROM THE FOURTH CENTURY母公司仪式,从四世纪

From about the fourth century our knowledge of the Liturgy increases enormously.大约从第四个世纪,我们的礼仪知识大大增加。We are no longer dependent on casual references to it: we have definite rites fully developed.我们不再依赖于它随意引用:我们有明确的仪式充分发展。The more or less uniform type of Liturgy used everywhere before crystallized into four parent rites from which all others are derived.在或多或少的礼仪统一型号使用无处不在结晶前四个家长从所有其他被派生仪式。The four are the old Liturgies of Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, and Gaul.四是安提阿,亚历山大,罗马和高卢旧liturgies。 Each is described in a special article.每个描述在一个特殊的文章。It will be enough here to trace an outline of their general evolution.这将足以在这里追踪他们的一般进化的轮廓。

The development of these liturgies is very like what happens in the case of languages.这些礼仪的发展是很喜欢在语言的情况发生。From a general uniformity a number of local rites arise with characteristic differences.不同于一般的统一性当地产生了一些具有特色的礼仪差异。Then one of these local rites, because of the importance of the place that uses it, spreads, is copied by the cities around, drives out its rivals, and becomes at last the one rite used throughout a more or less extended area.然后是一个仪式,因为这些地方的地方使用它,传播的重要性,是由各地的城市复制,驱逐了对手,并最终在整个或多或少使用扩展的区域变成一个仪式。 We have then a movement from vague uniformity to diversity and then a return to exact uniformity.然后我们对多样性和均匀性运动从模糊到精确均匀然后返回。Except for the Gallican Rite the reason of the final survival of these liturgies is evident.除该gallican成年礼的礼仪,这些最终存活的原因是显而易见的。Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch are the old patriarchal cities.罗马,亚历山大,和安提是旧宗法城市。As the other bishops accepted the jurisdiction of these three patriarchs, so did they imitate their services.至于其他主教接受了这三个元老管辖权,所以没有他们模仿他们的服务。The Liturgy, as it crystallized in these centres, became the type for the other Churches of their patriarchates.礼仪,因为它体现在这些中心,成为了他们的牧首辖区其他教会的类型。Only Gaul and north-west Europe generally, though part of the Roman Patriarchate, kept its own rite till the seventh and eighth centuries.只有高卢和西北欧一般,虽然罗马主教的一部分,留到第七和第八世纪自己的仪式。

Alexandria and Antioch are the starting-points of the two original Eastern rites.亚历山大和安提是出发,对原来的两个东方礼仪点。The earliest form of the Antiochene Rite is that of the "Apostolic Constitutions" written down in the early fifth century.安提阿学派成年礼的最早形式是“使徒宪法”写于五世纪初下来。From what we have said it seems that this rite has best preserved the type of the primitive use.从我们已经说过,这个仪式似乎已经最好保留了原始的利用方式。From it is derived the Rite of Jerusalem (till the Council of Chalcedon, 451, Jerusalem was in the Antiochene Patriarchate), which then returned to Antioch and became that of the patriarchate (see ANTIOCHENE LITURGY and LITURGY OF JERUSALEM).从它衍生的耶路撒冷成年礼(直到卡尔西,451局,耶路撒冷是在安提阿牧首),然后返回安提阿,并成为该牧首辖区(见安提阿学派礼仪和礼仪耶路撒冷)。 We have this liturgy (called after St. James) in Greek (Brightman, "Eastern Liturgies", 31-68) and in Syriac (ibid., 69-110).我们有这个在希腊礼仪(后称为圣雅各福群)(布莱曼,“东方liturgies的”,31-68)和叙利亚(同上,69-110)。 The Alexandrine Rite differs chiefly in the place of the great intercession (see ALEXANDRINE LITURGY).不同的亚历山大仪式主要是在伟大的干涉(见亚历山大礼仪)举行。This too exists in Greek (Brightman, 113-43) and the language of the country, in this case Coptic (ibid., 144-88).这也存在于希腊语(布莱曼,113-43)和该国的语言在这种情况下科普特(同上,144-88)。In both cases the original form was certainly Greek, but in both the present Greek forms have been considerably influenced by the later Rite of Constantinople.在这两种情况下,原来的形式肯定是希腊语,但在现在的希腊形式已大大受影响,后来的君士坦丁堡仪式。 A reconstruction of the original Greek is possible by removing the Byzantine additions and changes, and comparing the Greek and Syriac or Coptic forms.阿原希腊拆除重建是可能的拜占庭增加和变化,并比较了希腊和叙利亚或科普特形式。Both these liturgies have given rise to numerous derived forms.这两个礼拜仪式已引起许多派生形式。The Roman Rite is thought by Duchesne to be connected with Alexandria, the Gallican with Antioch (Origines du Culte, p. 54).罗马成年礼是思想的德雷珀能与亚历山大相连,与安提高卢(Origines杜Culte,第54页)。But, from what has been said, it seems more correct to connect the Roman Rite with that of Antioch.但是,从已表示,它似乎更正确,就可以与安提阿,罗马仪式。Besides its derivation from the type represented by the Liturgy of the Apostolic Constitutions there are reasons for supposing a further influence of the Liturgy of St. James at Rome (see CANON OF THE MASS, and Drews, "Zur Entstehungsgesch. des Kanons in der römischen Messe", Tübingen, 1902).除了其从该类型派生为代表的使徒宪法是有假设一个在罗马礼仪中的圣雅各福群进一步影响(见佳能的质量原因,以及德鲁兹,“论Entstehungsgesch。德Kanons在明镜römischen礼仪展览“,蒂宾根大学,1902年)。 The Gallican Rite is certainly Syrian in its origin.该gallican成年礼当然是在其原产地叙利亚。There are also very striking parallels between Antioch and Alexandria, in spite of their different arrangements.之间也有安提阿和亚历山大,在非常惊人的相似之处,尽管他们的不同的安排。It may well be, then, that all four rites are to be considered as modifications of that most ancient use, best preserved at Antioch; so we should reduce Duchesne's two sources to one, and restore to a great extent Probst's theory of one original rite -- that of the "Apostolic Constitutions".很可能,那么,所有的四个仪式都被视为最好保存在安提阿这一最古老的使用变更审议,所以我们应该减少德雷珀的两个来源之一,并恢复在很大程度上一个Probst的理论原始仪式 - 即“使徒宪法”。In any case the old Roman Rite is not exactly that now used.在任何情况下,旧的罗马成年礼是不完全,现在使用。Our Roman Missal has received considerable additions from Gallican sources.我们已收到来自罗马missal高卢来源相当的补充。The original rite was simpler, more austere, had practically no ritual beyond the most necessary actions (see Bishop, "The Genius of the Roman Rite" in "Essays on Ceremonial", edited by Vernon Staley, London, 1904, pp. 283-307).原来的仪式比较简单,朴素,已经超出了最必要的行动几乎没有仪式(见主教,在“散文的仪式”,主编弗农斯特利,伦敦,1904年,第283“的罗马成年礼天才” - 307)。It may be said that our present Roman Liturgy contains all the old nucleus, has lost nothing, but has additional Gallican elements.可以说我们目前的罗马礼仪中包含了所有的老核,已经失去了什么,但有更多的高卢元素。The original rite may be in part deduced from references to it as early as the fifth century ("Letters of Gelasius I" in Thiel, "Epistolæ Rom. Pontificum", I, cdlxxxvi, "Innocent I to Decennius of Eugubium", written in 416, in PL, XX, 551; Pseudo-Ambrose, "De Sacramentis", IV, 5, etc.); it is represented by the Leonine and Gelasian "Sacramentaries", and by the old part of the Gregorian book (see LITURGICAL BOOKS).原来的仪式可能在引用推断它作为第五个世纪初的一部分(简称“格拉西字母I”在泰尔,“Epistolæ光盘。Pontificum”,我,cdlxxxvi,“无辜的,我的Eugubium Decennius”写的, 416,在临时立法会,第二十条,551;伪刘汉铨,“德Sacramentis”,四,五等),它是由leonine和Gelasian“Sacramentaries”,并经书旧的阳历部分代表(见礼仪书籍)。 The Roman Rite was used throughout Central and Southern Italy.罗马成年礼是用于整个中部和南部意大利。The African use was a variant of that of Rome (see Cabrol, "Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne", sv Afrique, Liturgie postnicéenne).非洲的使用是对罗马的变种(见Cabrol,“词典德archéologie chrétienne”,希沃特Afrique,Liturgie postnicéenne)。In the West, however, the principle that rite should follow patriarchate did not obtain till about the eighth century.在西方,但是,礼仪的原则,应遵循东正教会没有获得至约八世纪。The pope was Patriarch of all Western (Latin) Europe, yet the greater part of the West did not use the Roman Rite.教皇是所有西方(拉丁)欧洲,但大部份的西方宗主教不使用罗马仪式。The North of Italy whose centre was Milan, Gaul, Germany, Spain, Britain, and Ireland had their own Liturgies.在意大利米兰的中心,高卢,德国,西班牙,英国北部,爱尔兰有自己的liturgies的。These Liturgies are all modifications of a common type; they may all be classed together as forms of what is known as the Gallican Rite.这些liturgies的是一个普通型的所有修改,它们都可能被归类为所谓的gallican成年礼已知形式在一起。Where did that rite come from?该仪式哪儿来的?It is obviously Eastern in its origin: its whole construction has the most remarkable conformity to the Antiochene type, a conformity extending in many parts to the actual text (compare the Milanese litany of intercession quoted by Duchesne, "Origines du Culte", p. 189, with the corresponding litany in the Antiochene Liturgy; Brightman, pp. 44-5).这显然​​是在其原产地东:它的整个建设最显着的安提阿符合类型,符合许多地方延伸到实际的文本(比较一连串的说情米兰的德雷珀引述“Origines杜Culte”,第189,随着一连串相应的安提阿学派礼仪;布莱曼,页44-5)。 It used to be said that the Gallican Rite came from Ephesus, brought by the founders of the Church of Lyons, and from Lyons spread throughout North-Western Europe.它曾经说,来自以弗所gallican成年礼,所带来的里昂教会的创始人,从里昂整个西北欧的蔓延。This theory cannot be maintained.这种理论无法维持。It was not brought to the West till its parent rite was fully developed, had already evolved a complicated ceremonial, such as is inconceivable at the time when the Church of Lyons was founded (second century).这不是提请直到其父仪式西方是全面发展,已经形成了复杂的礼仪,如在其发生时是不可想象的里昂教堂始建(二世纪)的时间。 It must have been imported about the fourth century, at which time Lyons had lost all importance.那一定是进口约四世纪,当时里昂已经失去了所有的重要性。Mgr Duchesne therefore suggests Milan as the centre from which it radiated, and the Cappadocian Bishop of Milan, Auxentius (355-74), as the man who introduced this Easter Rite to the West (Origines du Culte, 86-9).主教duchesne因此建议从它的辐射中心,以及米兰,Auxentius(355-74)卡帕多细亚主教米兰,由于这名男子谁介绍到西方的复活节仪式(Origines杜Culte,86-9)。 In spreading over Western Europe the rite naturally was modified in various Churches.在超过西欧自然传播仪式在各教会进行了修改。When we speak of the Gallican Rite we mean a type of liturgy rather than a stereotyped service.当我们说话的gallican成年礼是指一类的礼仪,而不是千篇一律的服务。

The Milanese Rite still exists, though in the course of time it has become considerably romanized.仪式的米兰仍然存在,虽然随着时间的推移它已成为相当罗马。For Gaul we have the description in two letters of St. Germanus of Paris (d. 576), used by Duchesne "Origines du Culte", ch.对于高卢我们有两个圣germanus的巴黎(草576)由德雷珀“Origines杜Culte”,通道使用,信件的描述。 vii: La Messe Gallicane.七:香格里拉展览Gallicane。Original text in PL, LXXII).原文在特等,LXXII)号。Spain kept the Gallican Rite longest; the Mozarabic Liturgy still used at Toledo and Salamanca represents the Spanish use.西班牙保持了gallican成年礼最长;莫扎拉布素歌礼仪中使用,在托莱多还代表西班牙萨拉曼卡使用。The British and Irish Liturgies, of which not much is known, were apparently Gallican too (see FE Warren, "The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church", Oxford, 1881; Bäumer, "Das Stowe Missale" in the "Innsbruck Zeitschrift für kath. theol.", 1892; and Bannister, "Journal of Theological Studies", Oct., 1903).英国和爱尔兰liturgies的,其中,有一点是可以确定,显然高卢太(见远东沃伦“的礼仪和仪式的凯尔特教会”,牛津大学,1881年,堡盟,“达斯斯托Missale”中的“因斯布鲁克Zeitschrift毛皮与Kath theol。。“,1892年和班尼斯特”杂志神学研究“,10月,1903年)。From Lindisfarne the Gallican Use spread among the Northern English converted by Irish monks in the sixth and seventh centuries.从林迪斯中传播的gallican使用由爱尔兰僧侣转换在第六和第七世纪的英国北方。

V. THE DERIVED LITURGIES五,派生礼仪

From these four types - of Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, and the so-called Gallican Rite -- all liturgies still used are derived.这四个类型 - 安提阿,亚历山大,罗马,和所谓的gallican成年礼 - 所有礼仪仍在使用的表达式。This does not mean that the actual liturgies we still have under those names are the parents; once more we must conceive the sources as vaguer, they are rather types subject always to local modification, but represented to us now in one form, such as, for instance, the Greek St. James or the Greek St. Mark Liturgy.这并不意味着我们仍然有实际根据这些名字礼仪是父母,一旦我们越是要设想为含糊的来源,他们都比较类型但以局部修改,但代表我们的一种形式,比如现在,例如,希腊圣雅各福群或希腊圣马克礼仪。 The Antiochene type, apparently the most archaic, has been also the most prolific of daughter liturgies.在安提阿的类型,显然是最古老,也是最被礼仪多产的女儿。Antioch first absorbed the Rite of Jerusalem (St. James), itself derived from the primitive Antiochene use shown in the "Apostolic Constitutions" (see LITURGY OF JERUSALEM).安提阿首先吸收了耶路撒冷(圣雅各福群)仪式,这本身就是源自原始安提阿学派的“使徒宪法”中显示使用(见耶路撒冷的礼仪)。 In this form it was used throughout the patriarchate till about the thirteenth century (see ANTIOCHENE LITURGY).在这种形式,它是用于整个东正教会至约十三世纪(见安提阿学派礼仪)。A local modification was the Use of Cappadocia.一个局部修改是卡帕多西亚使用。About the fourth century the great Byzantine Rite was derived from this (see RITE OF CONSTANTINOPLE).关于第四个世纪最伟大的拜占庭成年礼是来自本(见君士坦丁堡成年礼)。The Armenian Rite is derived from an early stage of that of Byzantium.亚美尼亚礼源于一个拜占庭早期阶段。The Nestorian Rite is also Antiochene in its origin, whether derived directly from Antioch, or Edessa, or from Byzantium at an early stage.景教仪式也是在其原产地安提阿,不论它们是由安提阿,或埃德萨,或从拜占庭直接在早期阶段。The Liturgy of Malabar is Nestorian.对马拉巴礼仪中,是景教。The Maronite Use is that of Antioch considerably romanized.龙族的使用是相当的安提阿罗马。The other Eastern parent rite, of Alexandria, produced the numerous Coptic Liturgies and those of the daughter Church of Abyssinia.其他东区家长仪式,亚历山大,产生了众多科普特liturgies的女儿和阿比西尼亚的教会。 In the West the later history of the Liturgy is that of the gradual supplanting of the Gallican by the Roman, which, however, became considerably gallicanized in the process.在西方的礼仪后来的历史是,在由罗马高卢,其中,然而,在这个过程中变得相当逐渐取代gallicanized。 Since about the sixth century conformity with Rome becomes an ideal in most Western Churches.大约从公元六世纪与罗马成为一个符合大多数西方教会的理想选择。The old Roman Use is represented by the "Gelasian Sacramentary".旧的罗马使用的代表是“Gelasian Sacramentary”。This book came to Gaul in the sixth century, possibly by way of Arles and through the influence of St. Cæsarius of Arles (d. 542-cf. Bäumer, "Ueber das sogen. Sacram. Gelas." in the "Histor. Jahrbuch der Görres-Gesellschaft", 1893, 241-301).这本书来到高卢在第六世纪,可能是由阿尔方式,通过圣阿尔勒Cæsarius影响的“历史文物(四542 -比照。堡盟”Ueber格sogen。Sacram。Gelas。“。Jahrbuch德Görres - Gesellschaft“,1893年,241-301)。It then spread throughout Gaul and received Gallican modifications.然后,它传遍了整个高卢,并收到高卢修改。In some parts it completely supplanted the old Gallican books.在一些地区它完全取代了旧的gallican书籍。Charles the Great (768-814) was anxious for uniformity throughout his kingdom in the Roman use only.查尔斯大帝(768-814)为统一在他​​的焦虑在罗马只使用王国。He therefore procured from Pope Adrian I (772-795) a copy of the "Roman Sacramentary".因此,他从教皇阿德里安一购(772-795)的“罗马Sacramentary”副本。The book sent by the pope was a later form of the Roman Rite (the "Sacramentarium Gregorianum").由教皇派出的书是一个罗马的仪式(以下简称“Sacramentarium Gregorianum”)形态。 Charles imposed this book on all the clergy of his kingdom.查尔斯此规定对所有神职人员的书,他的王国。But it was not easy to carry out his orders.但它不便于随身携带他的命令。The people were attached to their own customs.人民是重视自己国家的风俗习惯。So someone (possibly Alcuin -- cf. Bäumer, loc. cit.) added to Adrian's book a supplement containing selections from both the older Gelasian book and the original Gallican sources.所以有人(可能阿尔昆 - 。。。比照堡盟,在上述引文)添加到Adrian的预定补充包含来自旧Gelasian书和原高卢源选择。This composition became then the service-book of the Frankish Kingdom and eventually, as we shall see, the Liturgy of the whole Roman Church.这个组合则成为服务的法兰克王国,最终的书,我们将看到,整个罗马教会礼仪。In Spain Bishop Profuturus of Braga wrote in 538 to Pope Vigilius (537-55) asking his advice about certain liturgical matters.在西班牙主教Profuturus在538的布拉加说,教皇Vigilius(537-55),要求他对某些礼仪事宜提供意见。 The pope's answer (in Jaffé, "Regest. Rom. Pont.", no. 907) shows the first influence of the Roman Rite in Spain.教宗的答案(在谢斐,“Regest。罗。邦。”没有。907)显示了在西班牙罗马成年礼第一影响。In 561 the national Synod of Braga imposed Vigilius's ritual on all the kingdom of the Suevi. 561中的布拉加全国主教会议强加给所有的Suevi王国Vigilius的仪式。From this time we have the "mixed" Rite (Roman and Gallican) of Spain.从这个时候我们有“混合”成年礼(罗马和高卢)西班牙。Later, when the Visigoths had conquered the Suevi (577-584), the Church of Toledo rejected the Roman elements and insisted on uniformity in the pure Gallican Rite.后来,当西哥特人已经征服了Suevi(577-584),托莱多教会拒绝了罗马元素和在纯gallican成年礼坚持统一性。 Nevertheless Roman additions were made later; eventually all Spain accepted the Roman Rite (in the eleventh century) except the one corner, at Toledo and Salamanca, where the mixed (Mozarabic) Rite is still used.不过后来罗马作了补充;最终所有的西班牙接受了罗马的仪式(在十一世纪),除了一个角落里,在托莱多和萨拉曼卡,其中混合型(莫扎拉布素歌)成年礼是仍在使用。 The great Church of Milan, apparently the starting-point of the whole Gallican Use, was able to resist the influence of the Roman Liturgy.米兰的大教会,显然是出发整个高卢利用点,能够抵御罗马礼仪的影响。But here too, in later centuries the local rite became considerably romanized (St. Charles Borromeo, died 1584), so that the present Milanese (Ambrosian) use is only a shadow of the old Gallican Liturgy.但在这里,在以后的几个世纪的当地仪式变得相当罗马(圣查尔斯borromeo,死于1584年),因此,目前的米兰(安布罗)的使用仅是旧高卢礼仪的影子。 In Britain St. Augustine of Canterbury (597-605) naturally brought with him the Roman Liturgy.在英国坎特伯​​雷圣奥古斯丁(597-605),自然带来了罗马礼仪。It received a new impetus from St. Theodore of Canterbury when he came from Rome (668), and gradually drove out the Gallican Use of Lindisfarne.它收到了新的推动力圣西奥多坎特伯雷当他从罗马来(668),并逐步开出林迪斯高卢使用。

The English Church was very definitely Roman in its Liturgy.英国教会的罗马非常肯定的礼仪。 There was even a great enthusiasm for the rite of the mother Church.甚至有一个母亲的教会仪式极大的热情。So Alcuin writes to Eanbald of York in 796: "Let your clergy not fail to study the Roman order; so that, imitating the Head of the Churches of Christ, they may receive the blessing of Peter, prince of the Apostles, whom our Lord Jesus Christ made the chief of his flock"; and again: "Have you not plenty of books written according to the Roman use?"所以阿尔昆写在约克E​​anbald 796:“让你的神职人员不能不研究罗马秩序,这样,模仿基督的教会负责人,他们可能会收到的彼得,使徒,其中王子祝福我们的主耶稣基督使他的羊群总长“,并再次:”你有没有足够的书面根据罗马用书“? (quoted in Cabrol, "L'Angleterre terre chrétienne avant les Normans", Paris, 1909, p. 297). (在Cabrol引述“欧莱雅Angleterre酒店渔村chrétienne前卫莱斯诺曼”,巴黎,1909年,第297页)。Before the Conquest the Roman service-books in England received a few Gallican additions from the old rite of the country (op. cit., 297-298)罗马征服前服务在英国书籍收到了该国旧礼几高卢增加(同前。,297-298)

So we see that at the latest by the tenth or eleventh century the Roman Rite has driven out the Gallican, except in two sees (Milan and Toledo), and is used alone throughout the West, thus at last verifying here too the principle that rite follows patriarchate.于是我们看到,在由第十届或11世纪最新的罗马成年礼,更带动了高卢,除了两个视(米兰和托莱多),用于在整个西方,仅在最后核实的原则,这里也因此仪式如下东正教会。 But in the long and gradual supplanting of the Gallican Rite the Roman was itself affected by its rival, so that when at last it emerges as sole possessor it is no longer the old pure Roman Rite, but has become the gallicanized Roman Use that we now follow.但在长期的gallican成年礼,逐步取代了罗马本身受到其竞争对手,这样,当它终于出现的唯一拥有者不再是单纯的旧罗马成年礼,但已成为gallicanized罗马,我们现在使用随之而来。 These Gallican additions are all of the nature of ceremonial ornament, symbolic practices, ritual adornment.这些高卢增加都是礼仪装饰品,象征性的做法,礼仪装饰性质的一切。Our blessings of candles, ashes, palms, much of the ritual of Holy Week, sequences, and so on are Gallican additions.蜡烛,灰烬,手心,圣周,序列许多仪式等,都是高卢增加我们的祝福。The original Roman Rite was very plain, simple, practical.原罗马成年礼是很朴素,简单,实用。Mr. Edmund Bishop says that its characteristics were "essentially soberness and sense" ("The Genius of the Roman Rite", p. 307; see the whole essay).何厚铧先生主教说,它的特点是“基本上是清醒和理性”(以下简称“罗马礼的天才”,第307页;看到整个论文。)Once these additions were accepted at Rome they became part of the (new) Roman Rite and were used as part of that rite everywhere.一旦这些增加都是在罗马接受他们成为(新)罗马仪式的一部分,并作为该仪式的一部分使用无处不在。When was the older simpler use so enriched?当是简单的使用,因此旧丰富?We have two extreme dates.我们有两个极端的日期。The additions were not made in the eighth century when Pope Adrian sent his "Gregorian Sacramentary" to Charlemagne.的增加都是没有在第八世纪时,教皇阿德里安派他的“阳历Sacramentary”的查理曼。The original part of that book (in Muratori's edition; "Liturgia romana vetus", II, Venice, 1748) contains still the old Roman Mass. They were made by the eleventh century, as is shown by the "Missale Romanum Lateranense" of that time, edited by Azevedo (Rome, 1752).原书的那一部分(穆拉托的版本;“Liturgia协会vetus”,二,威尼斯,1748)包含仍然是旧的罗马弥撒,他们是由十一世纪取得,作为由“Missale Romanum Lateranense”中显示该时间,通过阿泽维多(罗马,1752)编辑。Dom Suitbert Bäumer suggests that the additions made to Adrian's book (by Alcuin) in the Frankish Kingdom came back to Rome (after they had become mixed up with the original book) under the influence of the successors of Charlemagne, and there supplanted the older pure form (Über das sogen. Sacr. Gelas., ibid.).大教堂Suitbert堡盟建议,增加向Adrian的书在法兰克王国(由阿尔昆)回来下,查理曼的接班人的影响,罗马(后,他们已成为混在原书上),并有取代旧的纯表格(上层调用DAS的sogen。启用SACR。Gelas。,同上。)。

VI.六。LATER MEDIEVAL LITURGIES以后的中世纪礼仪

We have now arrived at the present state of things.现在我们已经到达了事物的现状。It remains to say a word about the various medieval uses the nature of which has often been misunderstood.它仍然说了一个关于各行业的,其中经常被误解的性质中世纪使用Word。Everyone has heard of the old English uses -- Sarum, Ebor, etc. People have sometimes tried to set them up in opposition to what they call the "modern" Roman Rite, as witnesses that in some way England was not "Roman" before the Reformation.每个人都有听说过古英语用途 - 塞勒姆,埃伯尔等人有时想给他们,反对他们所谓的“现代”罗马仪式,作为证人,在某种程度上英格兰不是“罗马”之前改造。This idea shows an astonishing ignorance of the rites in question.这种想法显示了有问题的仪式惊人的无知。These medieval uses are in no sense really independent rites .这些中世纪的用途是没有意义的真正独立仪式。To compare them with the Gallican or Eastern Liturgies is absurd.要比较的gallican或东区liturgies的他们是荒谬的。They are simply cases of what was common all over Europe in the later Middle Ages, namely slight (often very slight) local modifications of the parent Rite of Rome.他们简直什么都结束了在欧洲中世纪晚期常见的情况,即轻度(通常很轻微)的母公司罗马礼的本地修改。As there were Sarum and Ebor, so there were Paris, Rouen, Lyons, Cologne, Trier Rites.由于有塞勒姆和埃伯尔,因此有巴黎,鲁昂,里昂,科隆,特里尔仪式。All these are simply Roman, with a few local peculiarities.所有这些都只是罗马,少数地方的特殊性。They had their own saints' days, a trifling variety in the Calendar, some extra Epistles, Gospels, sequences, prefaces, certain local (generally more exuberant) details of ritual.他们有他们自己的圣人天,在日历琐碎的品种,一些额外的书信,福音,序列,前言,某些地方(一般较旺盛的)仪式的细节。 In such insignificant details as the sequence of liturgical colours there was diversity in almost every diocese.作为礼仪色彩的序列,无关紧要的细节有差异,几乎每一个教区。No doubt, some rites (as the Dominican use, that of Lyons, etc.) have rather more Gallican additions than our normal Roman Liturgy.毫无疑问,(如多米尼加使用,即里昂等),一些礼比我们正常的罗马礼仪较为高卢补充。But the essence of all these late rites, all the parts that really matter (the arrangement, Canon of the Mass and so on) are simply Roman.但所有这些晚期仪式的本质,所有的器官,真正的问题(安排,佳能的群众等等)仅仅是罗马。 Indeed they do not differ from the parent rite enough to be called derived properly.事实上,他们没有足够的差异被称为派生妥善父仪式。Here again the parallel case of languages will make the situation clear.这里再次语言并行情况下会认清形势。There are really derived languages that are no longer the same language as their source.真的有派生的语言不再作为其来源相同的语言。Italian is derived from Latin, and Italian is not Latin.意大利是源于拉丁语,意不是拉丁语。On the other hand, there are dialectic modifications that do not go far enough to make a derived language.另一方面,也有辩证的修改,还远远不足以使派生语言。No one would describe the modern Roman dialect as a language derived from Italian; it is simply Italian, with a few slight local modifications.没有人会形容为来自意大利罗马派生的语言观念的现代方言,它只是有一些轻微的意大利本地修改。In the same way, there are really new liturgies derived from the old ones.以同样的方式,真的有从旧的派生新的礼仪。The Byzantine Rite is derived from that of Antioch and is a different rite.拜占庭成年礼源自安提阿这一点,是一个不同的仪式。But Sarum, Paris, Trier, etc. are simply the Roman Rite, with a few local modifications.但是,塞勒姆,巴黎,特里尔等只是罗马的仪式,与一些本地修改。

Hence the justification of the abolition of nearly all these local varieties in the sixteenth century.因此,理由几乎所有的这些地方品种在十六世纪的废除。However jealous one may be for the really independent liturgies, however much one would regret to see the abolition of the venerable old rites that share the allegiance of Christendom (an abolition by the way that is not in the least likely ever to take place), at any rate these medieval developments have no special claim to our sympathy.不过可能是嫉妒一个真正独立的礼仪,但很多人会很遗憾地看到古老的仪式,废除旧的,共享的基督教(一所的方式,是不是在最不可能发生有史以来取消)效忠,无论如何,这些中世纪的发展不会对我们的同情特殊要求。 They were only exuberant inflations of the more austere ritual that had better not have been touched.他们是更严峻的仪式,最好不要只触及了旺盛的膨胀。Churches that use the Roman Rite had better use it in a pure form; where the same rite exists at least there uniformity is a reasonable ideal.使用罗马的教堂仪式最好用在纯形式,在同样的仪式存在至少有一个合理的统一,是理想的。To conceive these late developments as old compared with the original Roman Liturgy that has now again taken their place, is absurd.想象这些晚期的发展与原来的老罗马礼仪已经现在又决定了他们的地方,比较是荒谬的。It was the novelties that Pius V abolished; his reform was a return to antiquity.这是新奇的庇护五世取消,他的改革是一个古老的回报。In 1570 Pius V published his revised and restored Roman Missal that was to be the only form for all Churches that use the Roman Rite.在1570年出版了他的修订庇护五世和恢复罗马missal那将会为所有使用该教会罗马成年礼的唯一形式。 The restoration of this Missal was on the whole undoubtedly successful; it was all in the direction of eliminating the later inflations, farced Kyries and Glorias, exuberant sequences, and ceremonial that was sometimes almost grotesque.这个Missal恢复无疑是对整个成功,它是在消除通货膨胀的方向后,farced Kyries和格洛里亚斯,旺盛的序列,这是礼仪有时几乎怪诞。In imposing it the pope made an exception for other uses that had been in possession for at least two centuries.在施加它的教宗为,民政事务总署占有了至少两个世纪的其他用途例外。This privilege was not used consistently.这种特权一直没有使用。Many local uses that had a prescription of at least that time gave way to the authentic Roman Rite; but it saved the Missals of some Churches (Lyons, for instance) and of some religious orders (the Dominicans, Carmelites, Carthusians).许多人认为,至少有当时的处方使用让位给当地正宗的罗马成年礼,但它救了一些教会Missals(里昂,例如)和某些宗教命令(多米尼加,加尔默罗,Carthusians)。 What is much more important is that the pope's exception saved the two remnants of a really independent Rite at Milan and Toledo.什么是更重要的是,教皇的异常保存在米兰和托莱多一个真正独立的两个残余仪式。Later, in the nineteenth century, there was again a movement in favour of uniformity that abolished a number of surviving local customs in France and Germany, though these affected the Breviary more than the Missal.后来,在十九世纪,又一个在赞成统一的运动,废除了尚存在法国和德国当地海关编号,虽然这些影响的祈祷比Missal更多。 We are now witnessing a similar movement for uniformity in plainsong (the Vatican edition).我们现在看到在plainsong的一致性(梵蒂冈版)类似的运动。The Monastic Rite (used by the Benedictines and Cistercians) is also Roman in its origin.该寺院的仪式(由熙笃和使用),也是在其原产地罗马。The differences between it and the normal Roman Rite affect chiefly the Divine Office.它与正常罗马成年礼的差异影响主要是神圣的办公室。

VII.七。TABLE OF LITURGIES目礼仪

We are now able to draw up a table of all the real liturgies used throughout the Christian world.我们现在能够制定一个整个基督教世界的真实礼仪中使用的所有表。The various Protestant Prayerbooks, Agendæ, Communion-services, and so on, have of course no place in this scheme, because they all break away altogether from the continuity of liturgical development; they are merely compilations of random selections from any of the old rites imbedded in new structures made by various Reformers.各新教Prayerbooks,Agendæ,共融化服务,等等,当然有此计划没有地位,因为它们都脱离了完全的礼仪发展的连续性,他们仅仅是从旧有的礼仪随机选择的任何汇编嵌入在各种改革者作出新的结构。

In the First Three Centuries在头三个世纪

A fluid rite founded on the account of the Last Supper, combined with a Christianized synagogue service showing, however, a certain uniformity of type and gradually crystallizing into set forms.甲流仪式上的最后的晚餐帐户开业,显示出一个基督教犹太教堂服务相结合,然而,某些类型的一致性,并逐步成为集形式的结晶。 Of this type we have perhaps a specimen in the Liturgy of the second and eighth books of the "Apostolic Constitutions".这种类型的我们也许在对“使徒宪法”第二和第八书籍礼仪标本。

Since the Fourth Century自公元前4世纪

The original indetermined rite forms into the four great liturgies from which all others are derived.原来到从所有其他被派生四大礼仪indetermined礼仪形式。These liturgies are:这些礼仪是:

Antioch安提阿

Pure in the "Apostolic Constitutions" (in Greek).纯粹的“使徒宪法”(希腊文)。

Modified at Jerusalem in the Liturgy of St. James.修正在礼仪中的圣詹姆斯耶路撒冷。

The Greek St. James, used once a year by the Orthodox at Zacynthus and Jerusalem.希腊圣雅各福群,使用由东正教每年一次在Zacynthus和耶路撒冷。

The Syriac St. James, used by the Jacobites and Syrian Uniats.叙利亚文圣雅各福群,由jacobites和叙利亚Uniats使用。

The Maronite Rite, used in Syriac.龙族成年礼,在叙利亚使用。

The Chaldean Rite, used by Nestorians and Chaldean Uniats (in Syriac).加尔丁礼祭,由nestorians和加尔丁Uniats(在叙利亚)使用。

The Malabar Rite, used by Uniats and Schismatics in India (in Syriac).马拉巴尔仪式,由Uniats和Schismatics用于印度(叙利亚)。

The Byzantine Rite, used by the Orthodox and Byzantine Uniats in various languages.拜占庭成年礼,由东正教和拜占庭Uniats各种语言的使用。

The Armenian Rite, used by Gregorians and Uniats (in Armenian).亚美尼亚礼,由Gregorians和Uniats(在亚美尼亚)使用。

Alexandria亚历山德里亚

The Greek Liturgy of St. Mark, no longer used.希腊的圣马克礼仪,不再使用。

The Coptic Liturgies, used by Uniat and schismatical Copts.科普特liturgies的,由Uniat和分裂的科普特人使用。

The Ethiopic Liturgies, used by the Church of Abyssinia.在埃塞俄比亚liturgies的,由阿比西尼亚教会使用。

Rome罗马

The original Roman Rite, not now used.原罗马成年礼,而不是现在使用。

The African Rite, no longer used.非洲成年礼,不再使用。

The Roman Rite with Gallican additions used (in Latin) by nearly all the Latin Church.增加与高卢罗马成年礼使用(拉丁)几乎所有拉丁美洲教会。

Various later modifications of this rite used in the Middle Ages, now (with a few exceptions) abolished.各种后来在中世纪,现在用这个仪式修改(少数例外)废止。

Gaul高卢

Used once all over North-Western Europe and in Spain (in Latin).反复使用西北欧和西班牙一旦所有(拉丁文)。

The Ambrosian Rite at Milan.在米兰安布罗仪式。

The Mozarabic Rite, used at Toledo and Salamanca.莫扎拉布素歌的仪式,在托莱多和萨拉曼卡使用。

Publication information Written by Adrian Fortescue.出版信息的书面阿德里安Fortescue的。 Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.转录由道格拉斯j.波特。Dedicated to the Immaculate Heart of the Blessed Virgin Mary The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IX.奉献给圣母玛利亚的天主教百科全书,体积九无玷圣心。Published 1910.1910年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,十月一日,1910年。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约

Bibliography参考书目

CABROL AND LECLERCQ, Monumenta Ecclesiæ Liturgica. CABROL与勒克莱尔,古迹遗址,该书Liturgica。I, Reliquiæ Liturgicæ Vetustissimæ (Paris, 1900-2); BRIGHTMAN, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I. Eastern Liturgies (Oxford, 1896); DANIEL, Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiæ universæ (4 vols., Leipzig, 1847-53); RAUSCHEN, Florilegium Patristicum, VII.我Reliquiæ Liturgicæ Vetustissimæ(巴黎,1900-2);布莱曼,liturgies的东方与西方,东方liturgies的一(牛津,1896);丹尼尔,食品Liturgicus,该书universæ(。4卷,莱比锡,1847年至1853年); RAUSCHEN,选集Patristicum,七。Monumenta eucharistica et liturgica vetustissima (Bonn, 1909); FUNK, Patres Apostolici (2 vols., Tübingen, 1901), and Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum (Paderborn, 1905), the quotations in this article are made from these editions; PROBST, Liturgie der drei ersten christl.古迹遗址eucharistica等liturgica vetustissima(波恩,1909);方克,Patres Apostolici(2卷,蒂宾根大学,1901年。)和didascalia认为等Constitutiones Apostolorum(帕德博恩,1905年),在这篇文章中从这些版本作出报价;普罗布斯特,Liturgie明镜德雷伊ersten christl。Jahrh. Jahrh。(Tübingen, 1870); IDEM, Liturgie des vierten Jahr.(蒂宾根大学,1870年);同上,Liturgie德vierten Jahr。u.美国deren Reform (Münster, 1893); DREWS, Untersuchungen über die sogenannte clementin.德仁改革(明斯特,1893年);德鲁兹,Untersuchungen黚死sogenannte clementin。Liturgie (Tübingen, 1906); DUCHESNE, Origines du Cuite chrét. Liturgie(蒂宾根大学,1906年);德雷珀,Origines杜奎特chrét。(Paris, 1898); RAUSCHEN, Eucharistie und Buss-sakrament in den ersten sechs Jahrh.(巴黎,1898年); RAUSCHEN,Eucharistie有限公司巴斯在书斋ersten sechs Jahrh - sakrament。der Kirche (Freiburg, 1908); CABROL, Les Origines liturgiques (Paris, 1906); IDEM, Introduction aux Etudes liturgiques (Paris, 1907).德教堂(弗赖堡,1908年); CABROL,莱斯Origines liturgiques(巴黎,1906年);同上,介绍辅助练习曲liturgiques(巴黎,1907年)。For further bibliography see articles on each liturgy.如需进一步书目每个礼拜仪式上看到的文章。For liturgical languages, as well as liturgical science, treating of the regulation, history, and dogmatic value of the Liturgy, see RITES.对于礼仪语言,礼仪以及科学的管理,处理历史,礼仪和教条式的价值,看到仪式。


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