A movement to reform the Church of England begun at Oxford University in 1833, the Oxford movement was led by John Keble, John Henry Newman, and Richard Hurrell Froude.一個運動的改革英格蘭教會開始在牛津大學於1833年，牛津運動是由約翰Keble ，紐曼，和理查德Hurrell弗勞德。 All were fellows of Oriel College, Oxford, passionately loyal to the church, and deeply disturbed by the British government's interference in its affairs.所有這些研究員Oriel學院，牛津，熱情地忠實於教會，並深感不安，英國政府的干涉其內政。 In addition, they were influenced by the patristic writings and attracted to the ritual and worship of the early and medieval church.此外，他們的影響，教父的著作和吸引儀式和崇拜的早期和中世紀教堂。
Newman believed the movement began when, on July 14, 1833, Keble preached on "National Apostasy," a sermon prompted by an attempt in Parliament to suppress ten Irish bishoprics. More important was the publication of Tracts for the Times by Newman.紐曼認為，運動時開始， 7月14日， 1833年， Keble鼓吹“國家叛教， ”布道提示是企圖在議會鎮壓愛爾蘭bishoprics 10 。更重要的是，大港出版的時報紐曼。 The first three were published on Sept. 9, 1833; and the last, Tract 90, which aroused a storm of controversy, in 1841.前三出版了關於1833年9月9日，而最後，道90 ，其中引起爭議的風暴，在1841年。 The tracts aimed at recalling the English to true churchmanship, to an understanding of the church as an organic, independent body, not a creature of the state, and to a sacramental ministry and life.在村組，旨在回顧了真正的英語churchmanship ，以了解教堂作為一個有機的，獨立的機構，而不是一個動物的國家，並在聖事部和生活。 The Tractarians, as they came to be called, envisioned the movement as a middle way between Roman Catholicism and evangelicalism.該Tractarians ，因為他們來到被稱為流動的設想作為一個中間道路之間的羅馬天主教和福音。
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John E Booty約翰E戰利品
Bibliography
目錄
O Chadwick, The
Mind of the Oxford Movement (1960); R Chapman, Faith and Revolt (1970); R
Church, The Oxford Movement: Twelve Years, 1833 - 1845 (1970); E Fairweather,
ed., The Oxford Movement (1964); J Griffin, The Oxford Movement, 1833 - 1983: A
Revision (1984); MR O'Connell, The Oxford Conspirators: A History of the Oxford
Movement 1833 - 45 (1969); G Rowell, ed., Tradition Renewed (1986).
ö查德威克，心靈的牛津運動（ 1960年） ;查普曼R ，信仰和起義（ 1970年） ; R教會，牛津運動： 12年， 1833年至1845年（ 1970年）
;電子郵件費爾韋瑟，編輯。 ，牛津運動（ 1964年） ; J格里芬，牛津運動， 1833至1983年：一個修訂（ 1984年）
;議員奧康內爾，牛津陰謀：歷史的牛津運動1833年至1845年（ 1969年） ; G巨編。 ，傳統重新（ 1986年） 。
The Oxford Movement was an important religious development within the Church of England in the nineteenth century in response to the critical rationalism, skepticism, lethargy, liberalism, and immorality of the day. Emphasizing a return to the traditions of the church, the leaders of the movement longed for a higher standard of worship, piety, and devotion among clergy and church members.牛津運動是一項重要的宗教發展，英格蘭教會在19世紀應對的關鍵理性，懷疑，嗜睡，自由主義，和不道德的一天。強調恢復傳統的教堂，領導人運動渴望高水準的崇拜，敬畏，和奉獻精神的神職人員和教會成員。
Guided by and receiving its impetus from Oxford University men, the movement also protested state interference in the affairs of the church.指導，並接受其動力來自牛津大學的男子，該運動還抗議美國干涉內政的教堂。 On July 14, 1833, in response to the English government's bill reducing bishoprics in Ireland, John Keble preached the sermon "National Apostacy" from the university pulpit. 7月14日， 1833年，針對英國政府的法案減少bishoprics在愛爾蘭，約翰Keble鼓吹講道“全國Apostacy ”從大學的講壇。 He accused the government of infringing on "Christ's Church" and of disavowing the principle of apostolic succession of the bishops of the Church of England.他指責政府侵犯“基督的教會”和否定的原則使徒繼承主教的英格蘭教會。 Insisting that salvation was possible only through the sacraments, Keble defended the Church of England as a divine institution.堅持認為有可能拯救只有通過聖禮， Keble捍衛英格蘭教會作為一個神聖的機構。 During the same year John Henry Newman began to publish Tracts for the Times, a series of pamphlets by members of the University of Oxford that supported and propagated the beliefs of the movement.在同一年紐曼開始出版大港的時代，一系列的宣傳單張的成員牛津大學的支持和傳播信仰的運動。 They were widely circulated, and the term "Tractarianism" has often been used for the early stages of the Oxford Movement or, indeed, as a synonym for the movement itself.他們被廣為散發，並“一詞Tractarianism ”常常被用於早期階段的牛津運動，實際上，作為一個同義詞的運動本身。
It is ironic that these tracts (which were supposed to argue "against Popery and Dissent") would lead some of the writers and readers into embracing the Roman Catholic Church.具有諷刺意味的是，這些大片（其中理應主張“反對和異議Popery ” ）將導致一些作家和讀者擁抱到羅馬天主教。 These men found it increasingly impossible to adhere to church polity and practice on Protestant terms.這些人發現越來越不可能堅持教會政體和實踐新教條件。 When Newman argued in Tract 90 (1841) that the Thirty - nine Articles of the Church of England were in harmony with genuine Roman Catholicism, he was attacked with such furor that the series of tracts was brought to an end.當紐曼主張道90 （ 1841年）的30 -9條的英格蘭教會在和諧與真正的羅馬天主教，他是攻擊此類憤怒的一系列大片是結束了。 Early in 1845, realizing that they would never be allowed to be Anglicans while holding Roman Catholic views, several Oxford reformers joined the Roman Catholic Church.早在1845年，實現，他們將永遠不會被允許聖公會而舉行的羅馬天主教的看法，有幾個牛津大學的改革者加入了羅馬天主教。 Newman defected later that year, and by 1864 nearly one thousand ministers, theological leaders, and Anglican church members followed his lead.紐曼叛逃後這一年，和1864年近1000部長，神學領導人，聖公會教堂的成員之後，他領先。 In 1864 Newman's Apologia pro Vita Sua was published, explaining his departure from the Church of England and defending his choice of the Roman Church as the one true church.在1864年紐曼的辯解親簡歷蘇阿公佈，解釋他離開英格蘭教會和捍衛自己選擇的羅馬教會作為一個真正的教堂。 Newman was made a Roman Catholic cardinal in 1879.紐曼是一個羅馬天主教樞機主教於1879年。
After the defections in 1845 the movement was no longer dominated by Oxford men and became more fragmented in its emphases.之後於1845年叛逃的運動已不再佔主導地位的男性和牛津變得支離破碎的重點。 Edward B Pusey, professor of Hebrew at Oxford and a contributor to Tracts, emerged as the leader of the Anglo - Catholic party, which continued to push for doctrinal modifications and a reunion between the Anglican and Roman churches.愛德華乙蒲賽，希伯來文教授在牛津大學和貢獻者大港，成為領導人的盎格魯-天主教黨，繼續推動理論的修改和團聚之間的聖公會和羅馬教會。 Other groups sought to promote High Church ritual within Anglicanism.其他團體尋求促進高級教會內Anglicanism儀式。 Many of the sympathizers the Oxford Movement had gained at its inception (before anti - Reformation tendencies were observed) continued to uphold the primary goals and spiritual fervor of the movement.許多同情者的牛津運動獲得了在其成立（前反-改革趨勢觀察）繼續堅持的首要目標和精神文明熱情的運動。 This has had a great significance upon the theological development, polity, and religious life of the Church of England for over a century. Anglican eucharistic worship was transformed, spiritual discipline and monastic orders were revived, social concern was fostered, and an ecumenical spirit has developed in the Church of England.這有重大意義的神學發展，政治和宗教生活的英格蘭教會了一個多世紀。聖公會聖體崇拜轉化，精神的紀律和寺院訂單恢復，社會關注的是培育，以及基督教精神發達國家在英格蘭教會。
While the Oxford Movement was opposed in print by traditional churchmen as well as liberal academic thinkers, perhaps no one group matched the evangelicals in their enormous output of literature, printed sermons, tracts, articles, books, and pamphlets against the Tractarians.雖然牛津運動是反對傳統的印刷牧師以及學術自由思想家，也許沒有一組匹配的福音派在其巨大的產量文學，印刷布道，村組，文章，書籍，小冊子，對Tractarians 。 These dissenting "peculiars," as some Oxford reformers called them, believed that the Oxford "heresy" was both anti - Reformation and antiscriptural.這些持反對意見的“ peculiars ， ”牛津大學的一些所謂的改革者他們認為，牛津“邪”既反-改革和a ntiscriptural。 They fought to ensure that the English church would maintain the Protestant character of its theology.他們鬥爭，以確保英國教會將保持新教性質及其神學。 And yet even evangelical writers in England at the end of the nineteenth century noted that the Oxford Movement also brought positive contributions to English Christianity, contributions that could not be disregarded.然而，即使福音派在英國作家在19世紀末指出，牛津運動也帶來了積極的貢獻，英國基督教的貢獻不能忽視。
DA
Rausch多巴胺Rausch
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)
（規矩福音字典）
Bibliography
目錄
RW Church, The
Oxford Movement, 1833 - 1845; E Fairweather, ed., The Oxford Movement; P Toon,
Evangelical Theology, 1833 - 1856: A Response to Tractarianism; T Dearing,
Wesleyan and Tractarian Worship. RW光碟教會，牛津運動， 1833年至1845年;電子郵件費爾韋瑟，編輯。
，牛津運動; P香椿，基督教神學， 1833年至1856年：一個響應Tractarianism ; Ť迪林，衛斯理和Tractarian崇拜。
by John Henry Newman由紐曼
The Oxford Movement may be looked upon in two distinct lights.牛津運動可能是在看待兩種截然不同的燈。 "The conception which lay at its base," according to the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline, 1906, "was that of the Holy Catholic Church as a visible body upon earth, bound together by a spiritual but absolute unity, though divided into national and other sections. This conception drew with it the sense of ecclesiastical continuity, of the intimate and unbroken connection between the primitive Church and the Church of England, and of the importance of the Fathers as guides and teachers. It also tended to emphasize points of communion between those different branches of the Church, which recognize the doctrine or fact of Apostolic Succession" (Report, p. 54). “的構想奠定的基礎， ”根據英國皇家委員會的教會紀律， 1906年， “是羅馬天主教教會作為一個明顯的機構經地球，在一起的一種精神，但絕對統一，但分為國家和其他章節。提請本概念與它的意義教會的連續性，在親密和不間斷的聯繫原始教會和英格蘭教會和重要性的父親當導遊和教師。還傾向於強調共融點之間的這些不同的分支教會，承認理論或事實的使徒繼承“ （報告第54頁） 。 That is the point of view maintained in the "Tracts for the Times" from 1833 to 1841, which gave its familiar name to the "Tractarian" Movement.這是觀點保持在“大港為時報” 1833年至1841年，這使得其熟悉的名稱為“ Tractarian ”運動。 They originated and ended with John Henry Newman. But a second, very unlike, account of the matter was put forward by Newman himself in his "Lectures on Anglican Difficulties" of 1850.他們起源和結束紐曼。但第二次，非常不同，考慮到這個問題提出自己紐曼在他的“講座聖公會難點”的1850年。 There he considers that the drift or tendency of this remarkable change was not towards a party in the Establishment, or even towards the first place in it, but away from national divisions altogether.在那裡，他認為，漂移或傾向這一顯著的變化是朝著黨的建設，甚至走向首位，但離完全的國家分裂。 It was meant ultimately to absorb "the various English denominations and parties" into the Roman Church, whence their ancestors had come out at the Reformation.這意味著最終以吸收“的各種英文教派和政黨”的羅馬教會，他們的祖先何處來在改革。 And as Newman had been leader in the Anglican phase of the movement, so he opened the way towards Rome, submitted to it in 1845, and made popular the reasoning on which thousands followed his example.作為紐曼一直領先的英國聖公會階段的運動，所以他開闢了道路走向羅馬，提交給它於1845年，使流行的推理上成千上萬遵循他的榜樣。 There seems no other instance adducible from history of a religious thinker who has moulded on permanent lines the institution which he quitted, while assigning causes for its abandonment.人們似乎沒有其他例如adducible從歷史上的一個宗教思想家誰塑造了永久線的機構，他離開了，而分配的原因放棄。 But this result was in some measure a consequence of the "anomalous and singular position", as Dean Church allows, held by the English Establishment, since it was legally set up under Elizabeth (Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity, 8 May, 1559).但這一結果在一定程度上的後果“反常和獨特的地位” ，因為院長教會許可的情況下，舉行了由英國建立，因為這是法律下成立了伊麗莎白（行為和均勻性優越， 1559年5月8日） 。
Lord Chatham brought out these anomalies in a famous epigram.咸勳爵提出了這些不正常現象在一個著名的警句。 "We have", he remarked, "a Popish Liturgy, Calvinistic articles, and an Arminian clergy." “我們” ，他說， “一個Popish聖禮，加爾文的文章，並Arminian神職人員。 ” Such differences were visible from the first.這種差異明顯從第一。 "It is historically certain," says JA Froude, "that Elizabeth and her ministers intentionally framed the Church formulas so as to enable every one to use them who would disclaim allegiance to the Pope." “這是歷史上某些說， ”茉莉弗勞德說， “伊麗莎白和她的部長們故意制定教會的公式，以便使每一個使用它們將放棄誰效忠教皇。 ” When the Armada was scattered and broken, many adherents of the old faith appear to have conformed; and their impetus accounts for the rise of a High Anglican party, whose chief representative was Launcelot Andrewes, Bishop of Winchester (1555-1626).當艦隊分散和破碎，許多信徒的舊信仰似乎已經符合;和他們的動力決算的崛起了一個高聖公會黨，其主要代表是Launcelot安德魯斯，溫徹斯特主教（ 1555年至1626年） 。 The Anglo-Catholic school was continued by Laud, and triumphed after the Restoration.英美天主教學校繼續由勞德，並取得勝利後的恢復。 In 1662 it expelled from the Church, Baxter and the Presbyterians. 1662年它逐出教會，巴克斯特和長老。 But from the Revolution in 1688 it steadily declined.但是從1688年的革命它穩步下降。 The non-juring bishops were wholly in its tradition, which, through obscure by-ways, was handed on from his father to John Keble and so to Hurrell Froude and Newman.非juring主教完全在其傳統，通過模糊的，方式，交給從他的父親約翰Keble和如此Hurrell弗勞德和紐曼。
However, the Laudian or Carolinian divines must not be supposed to have ever succeeded in driving out their Calvinistic rivals, so powerful when the Thirty-Nine Articles were drawn up, and known from Shakespeare's time as Puritans (see Malvolio in "Twelfth Night").然而， Laudian或Carolinian divines不得向曾經成功地駕駛自己的加爾文對手，如此強大時， 39條制定了，並知道從莎士比亞的時間清教徒（見馬伏里奧在“第十二夜” ） 。 Andrewes himself, though taking St. Augustine and St. Thomas for his masters, did not admit the sacerdotal doctrine of the Eucharist.安德魯斯自己，但同時聖奧古斯丁和聖托馬斯為他的主人，不承認的sacerdotal學說的聖體。 At every period Baptismal Regeneration, Apostolic Succession, and the Real Presence were open questions, not decided one way or another by "the stammering lips of ambiguous Formularies."在每一個時期領洗再生，使徒的繼承，真正的開放存在的問題，而不是決定以這種或那種方式由“結結巴巴的含糊不清的嘴唇Formularies 。 ” If there was a High Church in power, and if what the Arminians held, as it was wittily said, were all the best livings in England, yet Calvin's theology, whether a little softened by Archbishop Whitgift or according to the text of the "Institutes", never did involve deprivation.如果有高級教會的權力，如果什麼阿敏念派舉行，因為它是風趣地說，都是最好的livings在英格蘭，但加爾文的神學，是否有點軟化大主教惠特吉夫或根據文字的“研究所“從來沒有涉及剝奪。 It was sheltered by the Articles, as Catholic tradition was by the Prayer Book; and the balance was kept between contending schools of opinion by means of the Royal Supremacy.有人庇護的文章，作為天主教的傳統是由祈禱書;的平衡和保持學校之間的對立意見的方式皇家霸權。
Suggested by Thomas Cromwell, asserted in Parliamentary legislation under Henry VIII (1534), this prime article of Anglicanism made the king supreme head of the English Church on earth, and his tribunal the last court of appeal in all cases, spiritual no less than secular.建議的托馬斯克倫威爾，主張在立法議會下亨利八世（ 1534 ） ，這條總理所作的Anglicanism國王最高元首的英文教會在地球上，而他最後的法庭上訴法院在所有案件中，精神不低於世俗。 It has been said of Henry, and is equally true of Edward VI, that he claimed the whole power of the keys.有人說，亨利，和同樣的愛德華六世，他聲稱整個權力的鑰匙。 Elizabeth, while relinquishing the title of Head and the administration of holy rites, certainly retained and exercised full jurisdiction over "all persons and all causes" within the realm.伊麗莎白，而放棄了冠軍的團長和管理神聖儀式，當然保留，並充分行使管轄權的“所有人員和所有原因”的境界。 She extinguished the ancient hierarchy "without any proceeding in any spiritual court", as Macaulay observes, and she appointed the new one. She "turned the pulpit", admonished archbishops, and even supplied by her own legal authority defects in the process of episcopal consecration.她撲滅了古代等級制度“沒有任何程序在任何法院精神” ，因為麥考利指出，她任命了新的。她“把講壇” ，告誡大主教，甚至提供自己的法律權威缺陷的過程中，主教神聖。 The Prayer Book itself is an Act of Parliament.在祈禱書本身就是一個議會法案。 "The supreme tribunal of appeal, in ecclesiastical causes, from 1559 to 1832," we are told, "was that created by 25 Hen. VIII, c. 19, which gave an appeal from the Church Courts to the King in Chancery for lack of justice" (Dodd, Hist. Canon Law, 232). “最高法庭提出上訴，在教會的原因， 1559年至1832年， ”我們被告知， “是，創建了25篇。八，角19個，其中介紹了上訴法院的教會向國王在缺乏衡平司法“ （多德，組織胺。佳能法， 232 ） 。 These powers were exercised by the court of delegates; in 1832 they were transferred to the judicial committee of the privy council, whose members may all be laymen; and, if bishops, they do not sit by virtue of their episcopal office but as the king's advisers.這些所行使的權力由法院的代表，在1832年，他們被移交給司法委員會樞密院，其成員都可能是外行人; ，如果主教，他們不坐憑藉其主教辦公室，但作為國王的顧問。 Contrast will drive the matter home.對比將推動此事回家。 The constituent form of the Catholic Church is the pope's universal jurisdiction (see Florence, Council of; Vatican Council).組成形式的天主教教宗的普遍管轄權（見佛羅倫薩，理事會;梵蒂岡理事會） 。 But the constituent form of the English Church, as established by Parliament, is the universal jurisdiction of the Crown.但是，組成形式的英語教會，所確立的議會，是普遍管轄權的皇冠。 In either case there is no appeal from the papal or the royal decision.在這兩種情況下沒有上訴的教皇或國王的決定。 When Elizabeth broke with the Catholic bishops who would not acknowledge her spiritual headship, and when William III deprived Sancroft and his suffragans who refused the oath of allegiance, a test was applied, dogmatic in 1559, perhaps not less so in 1690, which proves that no cause of exemption can be pleaded against the king when he acts as supreme governor of the Church.當伊麗莎白打破了天主教主教誰不承認她的精神校長，當威廉三世剝奪Sancroft和他的suffragans誰拒絕宣誓效忠，測試應用，教條式的1559號決議，也許並不那麼在1690年，這證明沒有任何理由豁免可以請求對國王時，他作為最高省長教會。
Such is the doctrine often called Erastian, from Erastus, a Swiss theologian (1524-83), who denied to the clergy all power of excommunication.這是理論通常被稱為Erastian ，來自伊拉斯塔斯，瑞士神學家（ 1524年至1583年） ，誰剝奪了神職人員的一切權力罰。 In England the course of events had run on before Erastus could publish its philosophy. Politicians like Burghley and Walsingham acted on no theory, but drew their inspiration from Henry VIII.在英格蘭的過程中發生的事件上運行之前，伊拉斯塔斯可以公佈其哲學。政治家們都喜歡伯利和食心蟲行事沒有理論，而是提請其靈感來自亨利八世。 The abstract statement of a view which identifies the Church with the nation and subjects both equally to the king, may be found in Hooker, "The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity" (1594-97).抽象的陳述，以期查明教會與國家和主體都平等地的國王，可能會發現在胡克說： “教會法的政體” （ 1594年至1597年） 。 It was vigorously asserted by Selden and the lawyers at all times.這是大力主張塞爾登和律師在任何時候都。 During the critical years of the nineteenth century, Arnold, Stanley and Kingsley were its best known defenders among clergymen.在關鍵的年份的19世紀，阿諾德，赤柱及金斯利是其最知名的捍衛者之間的神職人員。 Stanley declared that the Church of England "is by the very conditions of its being neither High nor Low, but Broad" ("Ed. Rev.", July, 1850).斯坦利宣布，英格蘭教會“是非常條件下它是既不高也不低，但廣泛的” （ “埃德。牧師” ， 7月， 1850年） 。 In coarser but equally practical terms men said, "The Church was grafted upon the State, and the State would remain master."在粗糙，但同樣實際男子說： “教會是嫁接後的國家，該國將繼續主人。 ” No ruling, in fact, of bishop or convocation need be regarded by Anglicans, lay or clerical, unless it implies, at all events tacitly, the consent of the Crown, ie of Parliament.任何裁決，事實上，在主教或召開被視為需要由聖公會，奠定或文書，除非它意味著，在所有事件默許，同意官方的，即議會。
So long as the State excluded Dissenters and Catholics from its offices, the system, in spite of the Great Rebellion, nay after the more truly disastrous Revolution of 1688, worked as well as could be expected.只要國家不持異議者和天主教徒辦事處，系統，儘管大起義，不後，更多的真正災難性的1688年革命工作，以及可以預期。 But in 1828 the Test Act was repealed; next year Catholic Emancipation was passed into law.但是，在1828年測試法被廢止;明年天主教解放是通過成為法律。 In 1830 the French drove out their Bourbon dynasty; Belgium threw off the yoke of Holland.在1830年法國驅逐了他們的波旁王朝;比利時擺脫的枷鎖荷蘭。 In 1832 came the Reform Bill, which Tories construed into an attack on the church.在1832年出現了改革法案，其中保守黨解釋成攻擊教堂。 What would the Royal Supremacy mean if Parliament was no longer to be exclusively Anglican?什麼是皇家至尊的意思，如果議會已不再是純粹聖公會？ Lord Grey told the bishops to set their house in order; ten Irish bishoprics were suppressed.灰色勳爵說，主教一套房子，以便; 10愛爾蘭bishoprics遭到壓制。 Arnold wrote in 1832, "The Church, as it now stands, no human power can save."阿諾德在1832年寫道， “教會，因為它現在，沒有人可以節省電力。 ” Whately thought it difficult to "preserve the Establishment from utter overthrow." Whately認為它很難“維護建立從完全推翻。 ” Alexander Knox, a far-seeing Irish writer, said, "The old High Church race is worn out."亞歷山大諾克斯，深遠看到愛爾蘭作家說， “舊的高級教會比賽是破舊的。 ” The "Clapham" sect of Evangelicals, who came down from Calvin, and the "Clapton sect", otherwise called High and Dry, who had no theology at all, divided "serious" people among them.在“克拉”節福音，誰是從卡爾文和“克萊普頓節” ，否則，所謂的高溫和缺水中，誰沒有在所有的神學，分為“嚴重”的人其中之一。 Bishops were great persons who amassed wealth for their families, and who had attained to place and influence by servile offices or by editing Greek plays.主教是偉大的人誰積累財富的他們的家庭，誰達到了將和影響力的奴役辦事處或編輯希臘發揮。 In the presence of threatened revolution they sat helpless and bewildered.在場的威脅，他們坐在革命無助和不知所措。 From them neither counsel nor aid was to be expected by earnest churchmen.他們既不援助的辯護律師，也不是可以預期的真誠牧師。 Arnold would have brought in Dissenters by a "comprehension" which sacrificed dogma to individual judgment.阿諾德將在平息了由“理解”的教條而犧牲個人的判斷。 Whateley protested against "that double usurpation, the interference of the Church in temporals, of the State in spirituals." Whateley抗議“的雙重侵占，干擾了教會在temporals ，國家在spirituals 。 ” A notable preacher and organizer, Dr. Hook, "first gave body and force to Church theology, not to be mistaken or ignored."一個值得注意的牧師和組織者，博士鉤“ ，第一次使身體和力量教會的神學，而不是被誤解或忽視。 ” But it was from Oxford, "the home of lost causes", always Cavalier at heart, still "debating its eternal Church question as in the days of Henry IV", that salvation came. Oriel, once illustrated by Raleigh and Butler, was now the most distinguished college in the university.但是，來自牛津， “家中丟失的原因” ，總是心騎士，仍然是“永恆的辯論教會的問題，在兩天的亨利四世” ，即得救了。 Oriel ，再次說明了羅利和巴特勒，現在最傑出的大學生在大學。 For some thirty years it had welcomed original thinkers, and among its fellows were or had been, Copleston, Whateley, Hawkins, Davison, Keble, Arnold, Pusey, and Hurrell Froude.對於一些三十年了原來的思想家表示歡迎，並在其研究員或已， Copleston ， Whateley ，霍金斯，戴維森， Keble ，阿諾德，蒲賽，並Hurrell弗勞德。 "This knot of Oriel men", says Pattison, "was distinctly the product of the French Revolution." “這個結Oriel男子”說，帕蒂森， “明顯的產物，法國大革命。 ” Those among them who indulged in "free inquiry" were termed "Noetics"; they "called everything in question; they appealed to first principles, and disallowed authority in intellectual matters."這些它們之間誰沉迷於“免費調查”是被稱為“ Noetics ” ;他們“所謂的一切問題;他們呼籲第一的原則，不允許權力和智力的問題。 ” The university, which Pattison describes as "a close clerical corporation", where all alike had sworn to the Prayer Book and Articles, had thus in its bosom a seed of "Liberalism", and was menaced by changes analogous to the greater revolution in the State itself.這所大學，其中派特森描述為“密切辦事員團” ，所有的都已經宣誓就職的祈禱書和文章，從而在其胸前的種子的“自由主義” ，並威脅的變化類似於更大的革命國家本身。 Reaction came, as was to be expected, in the very college that had witnessed the provocation. Oxford, of all places, would surely be the last to accept French and democratic ideas.反應來了，正如所料，在非常學院已目睹了挑釁。牛津，所有的地方，一定會是最後一次接受法國和民主思想。
John Keble (1792-1865) was the leading fellow of Oriel.約翰Keble （ 1792年至1865年）是領先的研究員Oriel 。 As a mere boy, he had carried off the highest honours of the university.僅僅是一個男孩，他已進行了最高榮譽的大學。 In 1823 he became his father's curate at Fairford, and in 1827 he published "The Christian Year", a cycle of poems or meditations in verse, refined, soothing, and akin to George Herbert's "The Temple", by their spiritual depth and devout attachment to the English Church. 1823年他成為他父親的牧師在費爾福德，並在1827年他出版“基督教年” ，一個週期或沉思的詩詩，精，撫慰，並類似於喬治赫伯的“廟” ，由他們的精神深度和虔誠附英文教會。 They have gone through innumerable editions.他們都經歷了無數的版本。 Keble, though a scholarly mind, had no grasp of metaphysics. Keble ，但考慮到學術，沒有把握的形而上學。 An ingrained conservative, he took over the doctrines, and lived on the recollection of the Laudian school.一種根深蒂固的保守，他接手的理論，並住在回憶的Laudian學校。 Without ambition, he was inflexible, never open to development, but gentle, shrewd, and saintly.沒有野心，他是靈活的，從未開放的發展，但溫柔，精明，和聖潔。 His convictions needed an Aaron to make them widely effective; and he found a voice in his pupil, the "bright and beautiful" Froude, whose short life (1802-36) counts for much in the Oxford Movement.他的信念需要一個阿倫，使他們廣泛有效; ，他發現一個聲音在他的學生中， “光明和美麗的”弗勞德，其壽命短（ 1802年至1836年）計數很大的牛津運動。 Froude was the connecting link between Keble and Newman.弗勞德是承上啟下Keble和紐曼。 His friendship, at the moment when Newman's Evangelical prejudices were fading and his inclination towards Liberalism had received a sharp check by "illness and bereavement", proved to be the one thing needful to a temper which always leaned on its associates, and which absorbed ideas with the vivacity of genius.他的友誼，在時刻紐曼的福音偏見是衰落和他的自由主義傾向得到了大幅檢查的“疾病和痛苦” ，被證明是一件事必需的脾氣一向靠在及其同夥，並吸收了思想與活潑的天才。 So the fusion came about.因此，融合了約。 Elsewhere (see JOHN HENRY NEWMAN) is related the story of those earlier years in which, from various sources, the future Tractarian leader gained his knowledge of certain Catholic truths, one by one.在其他地方（見紐曼）有關的故事，這些前幾年中，從各種渠道，未來的領導人Tractarian他的知識取得的某些天主教真理，一個接一個。 But their living unity and paramount authority were borne in upon him by discussions with Froude, whose teacher was Keble.但是，他們的生活團結和至高無上的權威承擔對他進行了討論與弗勞德，其教師Keble 。 Froude, says Newman, "professed openly his admiration for the Church of Rome, and his hatred of the Reformers. He delighted in the notion of an hierarchical system, of sacerdotal power, and of full ecclesiastical liberty. He felt scorn of the maxim, 'the Bible and the Bible only is the religion of Protestants'; and he gloried in accepting tradition as a main instrument of religious teaching. He has a high severe idea of the intrinsic excellence of virginity . . . He delighted in thinking of the saints . . . He embraced the principle of penance and mortification. He had a deep devotion to the Real Presence in which he had a firm faith. He was powerfully drawn to the Medieval Church, but not to the Primitive."弗勞德說，紐曼“ ，公開宣稱他的欽佩，羅馬教會，他的仇恨的改革者。他高興的概念等級制度， sacerdotal力量，充分宗教的自由。他認為鄙視的格言'聖經和聖經不僅是宗教的新教徒' ; gloried ，他在接受傳統為主要手段的宗教教學。他有很高的嚴重思想的內在卓越的貞操。 。 。他高興的思想聖人。 。 。他擁抱的原則，懺悔和屈辱。他有獻身精神深深的真實存在的，他有堅定的信念。他是有力地吸引到中世紀的教會，而不是原始。 “ ("Apol.", p. 24) （ “ Apol 。 ” ，第24頁）
These, remarkably enough, are characteristics of the later phases of the Movement, known as Ritualism, rather than of its beginning.這些，明顯不夠的，特點是以後各階段的運動，稱為Ritualism ，而不是它的開始。 Yet Newman's friendship with Froude goes back to 1826; they became very intimate after the rejection of Peel by the university in 1829; and the Roman tendencies, of which mention is made above, cannot but have told powerfully on the leader, when his hopes for Anglicanism were shattered by the misfortunes of "Tract 90".然而，紐曼的友誼與弗勞德可以追溯到1826年，他們變得十分親密的拒絕後，果皮由該大學在1829年;和羅馬的趨勢，其中提到了上述情況，不能不說有力的領導者，當他的希望Anglicanism被打破了不幸的“ 90道。 ” Keble, on the other hand, had "a great dislike of Rome", as well as of "Dissent and Methodism." Keble ，另一方面，有“一個偉大不喜歡羅馬” ，以及“異議和循道。 ” The first years of the revival were disfigured by a strong anti-Roman polemic, which Froude, on his death-bed, condemned as so much "cursing and swearing."頭幾年恢復被毀容了強烈的反羅馬論戰，這弗勞德，在他去世床，譴責如此“罵並宣誓就職。 ” But Newman had been as a youth "most firmly convinced that the Pope was the Antichrist predicted by Daniel, St. Paul and St. John." His imagination was stained by the effects of this doctrine as late as the year 1843.但是紐曼已成為青年“最堅定地相信，教皇是反基督預言的丹尼爾，聖保羅和聖約翰。 ”他的想像力是染色的影響，這一理論直到1843年的一年。 In consequence, his language towards the ancient Church only just fell short of the vituperation lavished on it by the Puritans themselves.因此，他對語言的古老教堂下跌只是短期的壞話優點，它的清教徒本身。 The movement, therefore, started, not on Roman ground, but in a panic provoked by the alliance of O Connell with the Whigs, of Dissenters with Benthamites, intent on destroying all religious establishments.這個運動，因此，開始，而不是在羅馬，但在恐慌挑起聯盟的O康奈爾與輝格黨的平息與Benthamites ，意圖摧毀所有的宗教場所。 How could they be resisted?他們怎麼能夠予以抵制？ Newman answers in his opening tract, addressed to the clergy by one of themselves, a fellow-presbyter, "I fear", he tells them, "we have neglected the real ground on which our authority is built, our Apostolical descent."紐曼答案在開幕式道，給神職人員的一個自己的同胞發起人， “我擔心” ，他告訴他們， “我們已經忽略了真正的理由對我們的權力是建立，我們的使徒的後裔。 ” And he made his appeal to the ordination service in other words, to the Prayer Book and the sacramental system, of which the clergy were the Divinely appointed ministers.他和他呼籲協調服務，換言之，向祈禱書和聖事的系統，其中的神職人員的神聖任命部長。
The first three tracts are dated 9 September, 1833.前三個村組的日期1833年9月9日。 Newman and Froude, after their voyage to the Mediterranean in Dec. 1832, had returned in the midst of an agitation in which they were speedily caught up.紐曼和弗勞德後，其航程為地中海1832年12月，已恢復正處於一個攪拌它們被迅速趕上。 Keble's sermon in itself not very striking on "National Apostasy", had marked 14 July, 1833, as the birthday of a "second Reformation." Keble的講道本身並不十分引人注目的“全國叛教” ，標誌著1833年7月14日，作為生日的“第二次改革。 ” At Hadleigh, HJ Rose and three other clergymen had met in conference, 25 29 July, and were endeavoring to start a society of Church defence, with machinery and safeguards, as befitted responsible persons.在Hadleigh ，黃建忠玫瑰和其他三名神職人員舉行了會議， 25日7月29日，並努力啟動社會教會國防，機械和保障措施，如befitted負責人。 But Newman would not be swamped by committees.但是紐曼將不會被淹沒的委員會。 "Luther", he wrote, "was an individual." “路德” ，他寫道， “是個人。 ” He proposed to be an Apostolical Luther.他提議是一個使徒路德。 He was not now tutor of Oriel.他是不是現在導師Oriel 。 Hawkins had turned him out of office a curious acknowledgement of the vote by which he had made Hawkins provost instead of Keble.霍金斯已經把他的辦公室一個奇怪的承認表決，他提出了霍金斯教務不是Keble 。 But he was Vicar of St.但他牧師的聖 Mary's a parish dependent on Oriel, and the university church.瑪麗是一個教區依賴於Oriel ，和大學教堂。 His pulpit was one of the most famous in England.他講道是最有名的英格蘭。 He knew the secret of journalism, and had at his command a stern eloquence, barbed by convictions, which his reading of the Fathers and the Anglican folios daily strengthened.他知道的秘密新聞，並在他的指揮了嚴厲的口才，有刺的信念，他讀的父親和黹聖公會每日加強。 He felt supreme confidence in his position.他認為最高的信任他的立場。 But he was not well read in the history of the Anglican origins or of the Royal Supremacy.但他沒有得到很好的閱讀歷史的英國聖公會的起源或皇家至尊。 His Church was an ideal; never, certainly, since the legislation of Henry and Elizabeth had the English Establishment enjoyed the freedom he sought.他會是一個理想;從來沒有的，當然，由於立法的亨利和伊麗莎白的英文建立享有的自由，他要求。 It had issued articles of faith imposed by political expediency; it had tolerated among its communicants Lutherans, Calvinists, Erastians, and in the persons of high dignitaries like Bishop Hoadley even Socinians.它發出了真誠的條款強加的政治上的權宜之計;它不能容忍在其聖餐路德教，加爾文教派， Erastians ，並在人的貴賓一樣主教Hoadley甚至蘇西尼。 It had never been self-governing in the past any more than it was now.它從來沒有自治在過去任何超過現在。 If the "idea or first principle" of the movement was "ecclesiastical liberty", it must be pronounced a failure; for the Royal Supremacy as understood by lawyers and lamented over by High Church divines is still intact.如果“的想法或第一原則”的運動是“教會自由” ，它必須明顯的失敗;皇家霸權的理解是，律師和惋惜，由高級教會divines仍然完好無損。
On that side, therefore, not a shadow of victory appears.在這方面，因此，也沒有一個影子似乎勝利。 Anyone may believe the doctrines peculiar to Tractarian theology, and any one may reject them, without incurring penalties in the Church Establishment.任何人都可以相信的理論特有的Tractarian神學，任何人不得拒絕，而不引起點球大戰中建立教會。 They are opinions, not dogmas, not the exclusive teaching that alone constitutes a creed.他們的意見，而不是教條，而不是排他性的教學，僅是一個信條。 Fresh from Aristotle's "Ethics", where virtue is said to lie in a mean, the Oriel scholar termed his position the Via Media; it was the golden mean that avoided papal corruptions and Protestant heresies.新鮮從亞里士多德的“倫理學” ，其中說，美德是說謊的意思是說，在Oriel學者稱為他的立場，通過媒體，這是中庸之道，避免教皇的腐敗和新教的異端邪說。 But did it exist anywhere except in books? Was it not "as a doctrine, wanting in simplicity, hard to master, indeterminate in its provisions, and without a substantive existence in any age or country?" Newman did not deny that "it still remains to be tried whether what is called Anglo-Catholicism, the religion of Andrewes, Laud, Hammond, Butler, and Wilson, is capable of being professed, acted on, and maintained . . . or whether it be a mere modification or transition-state of Romanism or of popular Protestantism." The Via Media was an experiment.但是，沒有任何地方存在的除外書籍嗎？是不是“作為一個原則，缺乏簡單，很難掌握，不確定的條款，並沒有實質性的存在在任何年齡或國家嗎？ ”紐曼並沒有否認， “它仍然仍有待努力是否所謂的盎格魯天主教，宗教，安德魯斯，勞德，哈蒙德，巴特勒和威爾遜，能夠被聲稱，採取行動，並保持。 。 。或者是否僅僅是一個修改或轉型狀態的羅馬或流行的基督教。 “威盛媒體是一個實驗。 Perhaps the Established Church "never represented a doctrine at all . . . never had an intellectual basis"; perhaps it has "been but a name, or a department of State" (Proph. Office, Introd.).也許教會成立“從來沒有一個學說在所有。 。 。從未有過的知識基礎” ，也許它已經“被而是一個名稱或一個部門的國家” （ Proph.辦公室，簡介。 ） 。 To this second conclusion the author finally came; but not until during eight years he had made trial of his "middle way" and had won to it a crowd of disciples. The Tractarian Movement succeeded after his time in planting among the varieties of Anglican religious life a Catholic party.這第二個結論作者終於;但直到8年期間，他取得了審判他的“中間道路” ，並贏得它的人群的弟子。 Tractarian運動的成功後，他在種植的品種聖公會宗教天主教生命黨。 It failed altogether in making of the Establishment a Catholic Church.它完全失敗，使建立的一所天主教教會。
Palmer, of Worcester College, and his clerical associates presented an address in 1834, signed with 10,000 names, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, defending the imperilled interests.帕爾默，伍斯特學院，和他的同夥文書處理提出了1834年簽署的10000名，向坎特伯雷大主教，捍衛岌岌可危的利益。 Joshua Watson, a leading layman, brought up one more emphatic, to which 230,000 heads of families gave their adhesion.喬舒亞沃森領導外行，提出了一個更有力的，其中23.0萬戶主獻出粘連。 But of these collective efforts no lasting results came, although they frightened the Government and damped its revolutionary zeal.但是，這些集體努力，沒有持久的業績，但他們害怕政府和阻尼的革命熱情。 Mr. Rose, a man of high character and distinction, had started the "British Magazine" as a Church organ; the conference at Hadleigh was due to him; and he seemed to be marked out as chief over "nobodies" like Froude and Newman.羅斯先生，一名男子高性質和區別，開始了“英國雜誌”作為一個教會的器官;的會議Hadleigh是因為他和他似乎被標示出擔任了“小人物”就像弗勞德和紐曼。 His friends objected to the "Tracts" which were the doing of these free lances.他的朋友們反對的“大港”這是做這些免費的長矛。 Newman, however, would not give way. His language about the Reformation offended Mr. Rose, who held it to be a "deliverance"; and while Froude was eager to dissolve the union of Church and State, which he considered to be the parent or the tool of "Liberalism" in doctrine, he called Rose a "conservative."紐曼，但不會放棄的方式。對他的語言改革得罪玫瑰先生，誰舉行這是一個“解脫” ，而弗勞德急於解散工會，教會和國家，他認為這是父母或工具的“自由主義”的理論，他呼籲玫瑰了“保守” 。 Between minds thus drawing in opposite directions any real fellowship was not likely to endure.因此，頭腦之間的繪圖方向相反任何真正的金不太可能持續下去。 Rose may be termed an auxiliary in the first stage of Church defence; he never was a Tractarian; and he died in 1839.玫瑰可稱為一種輔助在第一階段的教會辯護;他從來就沒有Tractarian ;和他死於1839年。 His ally, William Palmer, long survived him. Palmer, an Irish Protestant, learned and pompous, had printed his "Origines Liturgicae" in 1832, a volume now obsolete, but the best book for that period on the Offices of the Church of England.他的盟友，威廉帕爾默，他長期存活。帕爾默，愛爾蘭新教，教訓和浮誇，印製了他的“起源Liturgicae ”在1832年，數量現在已經過時，但最好的書，這一時期的辦事處，英格蘭教會。 His later "Treatise on the Church", of 1838, was purely Anglican and therefore anti-Roman; it so far won the respect of Father Perrone, SJ, that he replied to it.他後來“傷寒論教會” ，在1838年，純粹是英國聖公會，因此反羅馬;它迄今贏得了尊重父親佩羅，律政司司長，他回答了它。
Palmer was no Tractarian either, as his "Narrative of Events", published in 1843, sufficiently proves.帕爾默沒有Tractarian ，因為他的“敘述的事件” ，發表於1843年，充分證明。 The difference may be sharply stated.差異可能是急劇的。 Genuine Anglicans identified the Catholic Church once for all with the local body of which they were members, and interpreted the phenomena whether of medieval or reformed Christianity on this principle; they were Englishmen first and Catholics after.發現真正的聖公會天主教會再次對所有與當地的機構，他們的成員，並解釋這種現象是否中世紀基督教或修改這一原則;他們是英國人第一次和天主教徒後。 Not so with Newman, who tells us, "I felt affection for my own Church, but not tenderness . . . if Liberalism once got a footing within her, it was sure of the victory in the event. I saw that Reformation principles were powerless to rescue her. As to leaving her, the thought never crossed my imagination; still I ever kept before me that there was something greater than the Established Church, and that was the Church Catholic and Apostolic, set up from the beginning, of which she was but the local presence and the organ." These divergent views went at last asunder in 1845.不與紐曼，誰告訴我們， “我覺得感情我自己的教會，但不是溫柔。 。 。如果一旦自由主義了她的立足點，這是確保勝利的活動。我看到改革的原則是無能為力營救她。至於離開她，從來沒有想到過我的想像力;我還是保持以往任何時候都在我之前，有一些大於成立教會，這是天主教教會和使徒，建立從一開始，她是，但當地的存在和器官。 “這些不同的觀點去四分五裂，最後於1845年。
"The new Tracts," says Dean Church, "were received with surprise, dismay, ridicule, and indignation. But they also at once called forth a response of eager sympathy from numbers." “新大港” ，迪安說，教會“ ，收到了驚奇，失望的是，嘲笑，和憤慨。但他們也要求一次提出了響應的渴望同情號碼。 ” An active propaganda was started all over the country.積極宣傳開始在全國各地。 Bishops were perplexed at so bold a restatement of the Apostolic Succession, in which they hardly believed.主教們困惑大膽重申了使徒的繼承，他們很難相信。 Newman affirmed the principle of dogma; a visible Church with sacraments and rites as the channels of invisible grace; a Divinely ordained episcopal system as inculcated by the Epistles of St. Ignatius.紐曼申明的原則的教條;可見教會聖禮和儀式的渠道，無形的寬限期，一個神聖主教晉牧系統灌輸的書信聖伊格內修。 But the Erastian or Liberal did not set store by dogma; and the Evangelical found no grace ex opere operato in the sacraments.但是，自民黨Erastian或不以大局為重的教條;和福音沒有發現任何寬限期前opere operato的聖禮。 Episcopacy to both of them was but a convenient form of Church government, and the Church itself a voluntary association.主教向他們兩個只是一個方便的形式，教會政府，教會本身就是一種自願結社自由。 Now the English bishops, who were appointed by Erastians ("an infidel government" is Keble's expression), dreaded the power of Evangelicals.現在的英文主教，誰被任命的Erastians （ “一個異教徒政府”是Keble的表達） ，可怕的力量福音。 At no time could they dare to support the "Tracts."在任何時候，他們可能不敢支持“大港” 。 Moreover, to quote Newman, "All the world was astounded at what Froude and I were saying; men said that it was sheer Popery."此外，引用紐曼說： “所有的世界震驚在什麼弗勞德和我說;男子說，這是純粹的Popery 。 ” There were searchings of heart in England, the like of which had not been felt since the non-jurors went out.有心髒病searchings在英格蘭，像這些沒有感覺到，因為非陪審員走了出去。 Catholics had been emancipated; and "those that sat in the reformers seats were traducing the Reformation."天主教徒已經獲得解放;和“那些坐在改革者席位traducing改革。 ” To add to the confusion, the Liberalizing attack on the university had now begun.為了增加混亂，攻擊自由化的大學現在已經開始。 In 1834 Dr. Hampden wrote and sent to Newman his pamphlet, in which he recommended the abolition of tests for Dissenters, or technically, of subscription to the Articles by undergraduates.在1834年寫博士漢普頓和紐曼送到他的小冊子中，他建議廢除試驗異見人士，或技術上的訂閱文章的本科生。 On what grounds?根據什麼理由？ Because, he said, religion was one thing, theological opinion another.因為，他說，宗教是一回事，神學認為另一個。 The Trinitarian and Unitarian doctrines were merely opinions, and the spirit of the English Church was not the spirit of dogma.在三位一體的和統一的理論只是意見，和精神的英語不是教會的精神教條。 Hampden did little more than repeat the well-known arguments of Locke and Chillingworth; but he was breaking open the gates of Oxford to unbelief, as Newman foresaw, and the latter answered wrathfully that Hampden's views made shipwreck of the Christian faith.漢普頓並沒有超過重複眾所周知的論點洛克和渥斯;但他打破打開大門，牛津，以不信教，如紐曼預見，後者回答wrathfully的漢普頓的意見作出沉船的基督教信仰。 "Since that time", says the "Apologia", "Phaethon has got into the chariot of the sun; we, alas, can only look on, and watch him down the steep of heaven." “自那時起， ”說， “縱容” ， “法厄同已進入戰車的太陽，我們，唉，只能看，看他從陡峭的天堂。 ” In Mark Pattison's phrase, the University has been secularized.在馬克派特森的話說，該大學已經世俗化。 The Noetics of Oriel were followed by the Broad Churchmen of Balliol, and these by the agnostics of a more recent period.該Noetics的Oriel其次是廣泛教會的巴利奧爾，這些由不可知論者更近一段時期。 From Whateley and Arnold, through the stormy days of "Tract 90" and Ward's "degradation" we come down to the Royal Commission of 1854, which created modern Oxford.從Whateley和阿諾德，通過風雨天的“ 90道”和沃德的“退化” ，我們可以歸結為皇家委員會的1854年，創造了現代牛津大學。 Subscription to the Articles was done away; fellowships ceased to be what some one has styled "clerical preserves"; there was an "outbreak of infidelity", says Pattison with a sneer, and names like Arthur Clough, Matthew Arnold, JA Froude, Jowett, and Max Müller triumphantly declare that the Liberals had conquered.訂閱的文章做了;獎學金不再是一些人稱為“辦事員保留” ;有一個“爆發的不忠”說，派特森的譏笑和名稱，如阿瑟克拉夫，馬修阿諾德，茉莉弗勞德，喬伊特和繆勒得意洋洋地宣布，自由黨已經征服。
Newman lost the university, but he held it entranced for years by his visible greatness, by his preaching, and by his friendships.紐曼失去了大學，但他進了這幾年，他看到偉大，他的說教，和他的友誼。 The sermons, of which eight volumes are extant, afforded a severe yet most persuasive commentary upon tracts and treatises, in themselves always of large outlook and of nervous though formal style.在布道，其中有8卷現存的，給予嚴重但最有說服力的評論時域和論文，總是在自己的大世界觀和神經雖然正式的風格。 These, annotated after 1870 from the Catholic point of view, were reprinted in "Via Media", "Historical Sketches", "Discussions and Arguments", and two volumes of "Essays" (see popular editions of his Works, 1895).這些，說明1870年後，從天主教的觀點來看，被轉載在“通過媒體” ， “歷史筆記” ， “討論和爭論”和兩冊“散文” （見流行的版本的作品， 1895年） 。 Keble republished Hooker as if an Anglo-Catholic Aquinas (finished 1836); and from the chair of poetry were delivered his graceful Latin "Prælections", deeply imbued with the same religious colouring. Keble再版胡克，猶如一個盎格魯天主教阿奎那（ 1836年完成） ;和椅子的詩被發表了他優美的拉美“ Prælections ” ，充滿了深深相同的宗教色彩。 Hurrell Froude attempted a sketch of his own hero, St. Thomas à Becket, pattern of all anti-Erastians. Hurrell弗勞德試圖勾畫自己的英雄，聖托馬斯貝克特，圖案的所有殺傷Erastians 。 Bowden compiled the life of Pope Gregory VII, evidently for the like motive.鮑登彙編的生活教皇格雷戈里第七，顯然對像的動機。 Nor were poetical manifestos wanting.也不是詩意的宣言希望。 To the "Lyra Apostolica" we may attribute a strong influence over many who could not grasp the subtle reasoning which filled Newman's "Prophetic Office."到“天琴座Apostolica ”我們可能會屬性強大影響力多年來誰不能把握微妙的道理填補紐曼的“先知的辦公室。 ” Concerning the verses from his pen, AJ Froude observes that, in spite of their somewhat rude form, "they had pierced into the heart and mind and there remained."關於詩從他的筆，歐塞爾弗勞德指出，儘管他們有點粗魯的形式， “他們穿的核心和精神，並仍然存在。 ” "Lead, Kindly Light", he adds, "is perhaps the most popular hymn in the language." “鉛，請輕” ，他補充說， “也許是最流行的聖歌的語言。 ” Here, indeed, "were thoughts like no other man's thoughts, and emotions like no other man's emotions."在這裡，事實上， “是一樣的想法沒有任何其他人的思想和感情像任何其他人的感情。 ” To the "Lyra", Keble and others also contributed poems.到“天琴座” ， Keble和其他也有助於詩歌。 And High Anglican stories began to appear in print.高聖公會的故事開始出現在打印。
But inspiration needed a constant power behind it, if the tracts were not to be a flash in the pan.但是，靈感需要一個恆功率背後，如果沒有大片是曇花一現。 It was given in 1834 and 1835 by the accession to the movement of EB Pusey, Canon of Christ Church and Hebrew professor.這是由於在1834年和1835年的加入運動的電子束蒲賽，佳能的基督教堂和希伯來文教授。 Pusey had enormous erudition, gained in part at German universities; he was of high social standing (always impressive to Englishmen), and revered as a saint for his devout life, his munificence, his gravity.蒲賽了巨大的博學，上漲的部分在德國大學，他是高的社會地位（總是令人印象深刻的，以英國人） ，並尊稱為聖人，他虔誠的生活，他的豐富，他的嚴重性。 Though a "dull and tedious preacher", most confused and unrhetorical, the weight of his learning was felt.雖然“沉悶和乏味的牧師” ，最混亂和unrhetorical ，重量，他的學習感受。 He took the place that Mr. Rose could not have occupied long.他取代了玫瑰先生不可能長期佔領。 At once the world out of doors looked up to him as official head of the movement.在曾經是世界的大門抬起頭來向他作為正式頭部運動。 It came to be known as "Puseyism" at home and abroad.它後來被稱為“ Puseyism ”在國內和國外。 University wits had jested about "Newmaniacs" and likened the Vicar of St. Mary's to the conforming Jew, Neander; but "Puseyite" was a serious term even in rebuke.大學jested了鬥智斗勇的“ Newmaniacs ”和比喻牧師的聖瑪麗向符合猶太人，尼安德;但“ Puseyite ”是一個嚴重的甚至訓斥。 The Tractarian leader showed a deference to this "great man" which was always touching; yet they agreed less than Pusey understood.該Tractarian領導人表現出服從於這個“偉人” ，這是永遠感動，但他們同意不到蒲賽的理解。 Towards Rome itself the latter felt no drawing; Newman's fierceness betrayed the impatience of a thwarted affection.對羅馬本身，後者認為沒有繪圖;紐曼激烈背叛了不耐煩的挫敗的感情。 "O that thy creed were sound, thou Church of Rome!" “啊，是你的信條是健全的，你教會的羅馬！ ” he exclaimed in the bitterness of his heart.他喊道在痛苦他的心。 Pusey, always mild, has none of that "hysterical passion."蒲賽，總是溫和，從來沒有這種“歇斯底里的激情。 ” Neither did he regard the judgment of bishops as decisive, nor was he troubled by them if they ran counter the Fathers teaching, so intimately known to this unwearied student.他也沒有關於判決主教決定性的，也不是他所困擾他們是否違背了教學的父親，所以密切知道這不倦的學生。
He was "a man of large designs", confident in his position, "haunted by no intellectual perplexities."他是“一個人的大型設計” ，相信在他的立場， “所困擾，沒有智力的困惑。 ” He welcomed responsibility, a little too much sometimes; and now he gave the tracts a more important character.他歡迎的責任，有點太多有時; ，現在他的大片更重要的角色。 His own in 1835 on Holy Baptism was an elaborate treatise, which led to others on a similar model.他本人於1835年在羅馬的洗禮是一個詳細的論文，從而導致其他類似的模式。 In 1836 he advertised his great project for a translation or "library" of the Fathers, which was executed mainly in conjunction with the pious and eccentric Charles Marriot.他在1836年公佈他的偉大工程的一個翻譯或“圖書館”的父親，這主要是在執行一起虔誠和偏心查爾斯萬豪。 The republication of Anglican divines, from Andrewes onwards, likewise owed its inception to Pusey.在重版聖公會divines ，從安德魯斯起，同樣欠其成立以來至蒲賽。 The instauratio magna of theology and devotion, intended to be purely Catholic, thus made a beginning. instauratio大的神學和奉獻精神，旨在純粹是天主教，從而作出一個開端。 It has taken on it since the largest dimensions, and become not only learned but popular; Anglican experts have treated the liturgy, church history, books for guidance in the spiritual life, hymnology, architecture and ritual with a copious knowledge and remarkable success.它採取了自上最大的層面，不僅成為教訓，但受歡迎;聖公會的專家們對待禮儀，教會歷史，書籍的指導，精神生活， hymnology ，建築和儀式，以豐富的知識和顯著的成功。 Of these enterprises Dr. Pusey was the source and for many years the standard.這些企業是博士蒲賽的來源和多年的標準。