Epistle to the Galatians書信的加拉太

General Information 一般信息

The Epistle to the Galatians is one of the books of the New Testament.在書信的加拉太是書籍的新約。 It was written by Saint Paul in answer to opponents who were trying to convince the Galatian Christians that circumcision was necessary for salvation. The letter, written about AD 54 - 55, is the fourth epistle in the collection of Pauline letters in the Bible.它的作者是聖保羅的對手在回答誰是試圖說服加拉太基督教徒認為割禮是必要的救贖。這封信的內容約公元54 - 55 ,是第四書信收集波利娜信聖經。

The Galatians lived in north central Anatolia.在加拉太住在北中部安納托利亞。 Their faith evidently had been disturbed by the insistence of some Jewish Christians on close ties to Judaism even for gentile converts to Christianity.他們的信仰顯然已經感到不安的是,堅持一些猶太基督徒的密切關係甚至對猶太人猶太教皈依基督教。 Paul replied by developing the theme of the efficacy of salvation in Jesus Christ.保羅回答發展的主題療效耶穌基督救贖。 In the first two chapters, he defends his apostleship and authority. He then presents arguments from Scripture for the primacy of faith in Jesus as alone essential for salvation (chapters 3 - 4) and continues with an exhortation to true Christian life and freedom (chapters 5 - 6). This epistle and the Epistle to the Romans served as prime sources for the Reformation teaching on justification by faith.在頭兩章,他衛冕apostleship和權威。 然後,他提出的論據來自聖經的首要信仰耶穌是必不可少的單獨救贖(章節3 - 4 ) ,並繼續與告誡真正基督徒的生活和自由(章5 - 6 ) 。這書信和書信向羅馬擔任總理來源的理由教學改革的誠意。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息來源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects我們所列出的2300名宗教科目
E-mail電子郵件
Anthony J Salsarini安東尼J Salsarini

Bibliography 參考書目
J Bligh, Galatians (1969); JD Dunn, Jesus, Paul, and the Law (1990). J布萊,加拉太( 1969年) ;第納爾鄧恩,耶穌,保羅,法律( 1990年) 。


Epistle to the Galatians書信的加拉太

Brief Outline簡要概述

  1. Introduction (1:1-10)導言( 1:1-10 )
  2. Paul attempted to vindicate his apostolic authority (1:11-2:21)保羅試圖證明他的使徒管理局( 1:11-2:21 )
  3. Explanation of the meaning of Justification by Faith (3:1-4:31)解釋的含義,因信稱義( 3:1-4:31 )
  4. Nature of the Christian life of liberty (5:1-6:10)性質的基督徒生活的自由( 5:1-6:10 )
  5. Conclusion, appeal to Galatians to return to their initial Faith (6:11-17)最後,呼籲加拉太返回其初始信仰( 6:11-17 )
  6. Benediction (6:18)祝福( 6:18 )


Epistle to the Gala'tians書信的Gala'tians

Advanced Information 先進的信息

The genuineness of this epistle is not called in question.的真實性,這是不是所謂的書信中的問題。 Its Pauline origin is universally acknowledged.其波利娜是舉世公認的原產地。 Occasion of.值此。 The churches of Galatia were founded by Paul himself (Acts 16:6; Gal. 1:8; 4:13, 19). They seem to have been composed mainly of converts from heathenism (4:8), but partly also of Jewish converts, who probably, under the influence of Judaizing teachers, sought to incorporate the rites of Judaism with Christianity, and by their active zeal had succeeded in inducing the majority of the churches to adopt their views (1:6; 3:1). This epistle was written for the purpose of counteracting this Judaizing tendency, and of recalling the Galatians to the simplicity of the gospel, and at the same time also of vindicating Paul's claim to be a divinely-commissioned apostle.教會的加拉提亞人自己創立的保羅(使徒16時06 ;半乳糖。 1:8 ; 4點13 , 19 ) 。他們似乎已主要由轉換從異教( 4點08分) ,但也有部分猶太轉換器,誰可能的影響下,教師的猶太化,力求把儀式的猶太教與基督教,並通過他們積極熱情,已成功地誘導大多數教會通過他們的意見( 1時06 ; 3:1 ) 。這書信寫的目的是打擊這個猶太化的趨勢,以及回顧加拉太簡單的福音,同時也維護保羅的說法是一個神聖委託使徒。

Time and place of writing.時間和地點的書面答复。 The epistle was probably written very soon after Paul's second visit to Galatia (Acts 18:23).在書信的書面很可能是後不久保羅的第二次訪問加拉提亞(使徒18時23分) 。 The references of the epistle appear to agree with this conclusion.提及的書信似乎同意這一結論。 The visit to Jerusalem, mentioned in Gal.在訪問耶路撒冷,所提到的半乳糖。 2:1-10, was identical with that of Acts 15, and it is spoken of as a thing of the past, and consequently the epistle was written subsequently to the council of Jerusalem. 2:1-10 ,是相同的行為15 ,這是講的是過去的事情,因此,書信寫隨後給安理會的耶路撒冷。 The similarity between this epistle and that to the Romans has led to the conclusion that they were both written at the same time, namely, in the winter of AD 57-8, during Paul's stay in Corinth (Acts 20:2, 3).這之間的相似性的書信,並以羅馬導致的結論是,他們都寫在同一時間內,即在冬季的AD 57-8 ,在保羅的留在科林斯(使徒20點02分, 3 ) 。

This to the Galatians is written on the urgency of the occasion, tidings having reached him of the state of matters; and that to the Romans in a more deliberate and systematic way, in exposition of the same great doctrines of the gospel.這一點是寫在加拉太的緊迫性的時刻,達到了他的消息,國家的事項;並以羅馬人在一個更蓄意和有系統的方式,闡述了相同的偉大理論的福音。 Contents of.內容。 The great question discussed is, Was the Jewish law binding on Christians? The epistle is designed to prove against the Jews that men are justified by faith without the works of the law of Moses.偉大的問題,討論的是,是猶太法律約束力的基督徒嗎?書信的目的是要證明對猶太人,男人是有道理的信仰沒有工作的摩西律法。 After an introductory address (Gal. 1:1-10) the apostle discusses the subjects which had occasioned the epistle.在介紹性發言( Gal. 1:1-10 )使徒討論的主題已經引起了書信。 (1) He defends his apostolic authority (1:11-19; 2:1-14); (2) shows the evil influence of the Judaizers in destroying the very essence of the gospel (3 and 4); (3) exhorts the Galatian believers to stand fast in the faith as it is in Jesus, and to abound in the fruits of the Spirit, and in a right use of their Christian freedom (5-6:1-10); (4) and then concludes with a summary of the topics discussed, and with the benediction. ( 1 )他捍衛他的使徒管理局( 1:11-19 ; 2:1-14 ) ; ( 2 )顯示的邪惡影響Judaizers銷毀的本質福音( 3和4 ) ; ( 3 )力促在加拉太信徒堅守的信念,因為它是耶穌,並在水果盛產的精神,並有權使用自己的基督教自由( 5-6:1-10 ) ; ( 4 ) ,然後得出結論簡要討論的議題,並與祝福。

The Epistle to the Galatians and that to the Romans taken together "form a complete proof that justification is not to be obtained meritoriously either by works of morality or by rites and ceremonies, though of divine appointment; but that it is a free gift, proceeding entirely from the mercy of God, to those who receive it by faith in Jesus our Lord."在書信的加拉太,並以羅馬人一起“形成一個完整的證明,理由是不能獲得meritoriously無論作品的道德或儀式和禮節,但神的任命,但是,這是一個免費的禮物,程序完全由上帝的憐憫,這些誰得到它的信心,我們的主耶穌。 “ In the conclusion of the epistle (6:11) Paul says, "Ye see how large a letter I have written with mine own hand."在完成了書信( 6時11分)保羅說, “看看大葉的信我已經寫排雷自己手裡。 ” It is implied that this was different from his ordinary usage, which was simply to write the concluding salutation with his own hand, indicating that the rest of the epistle was written by another hand.這是暗示,這是不同於普通的使用他,這只是寫的結論稱呼自己的手,這表明其餘的書信的作者是另一方面。

Regarding this conclusion, Lightfoot, in his Commentary on the epistle, says: "At this point the apostle takes the pen from his amanuensis, and the concluding paragraph is written with his own hand. From the time when letters began to be forged in his name (2 Thess. 2:2; 3:17) it seems to have been his practice to close with a few words in his own handwriting, as a precaution against such forgeries......In the present case he writes a whole paragraph, summing up the main lessons of the epistle in terse, eager, disjointed sentences. He writes it, too, in large, bold characters (Gr. pelikois grammasin), that his hand-writing may reflect the energy and determination of his soul."關於這一結論,萊特富特在他的評注的書信,說: “在這一點上使徒以筆從他amanuensis和最後一段是寫自己的手。從字母開始的時候是偽造的名稱( 2 Thess 。 2時02分; 3時17 ) ,似乎已經接近他的做法與幾句話在他自己的筆跡,作為預防措施打擊這種偽造......在這種情況下,他寫了整段,總結的主要經驗教訓的書信在簡潔,渴望,雜亂的判決。他寫,它也於大型的,大膽的字元( Gr. pelikois grammasin ) ,他的手寫作可能反映了能源和決心,他的靈魂。 “ (See Justification.) (參見理由。 )

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓圖解詞典)


Epistle to the Galatians書信的加拉太

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

GALATIA

In the course of centuries, gallic tribes, related to those that invaded Italy and sacked Rome, wandered east through Illyricum and Pannonia.在幾個世紀,沒食子部落,有關這些入侵意大利和解僱羅馬,流落東通過伊利裡庫姆和巴諾尼亞。 At length they penetrated through Macedonia (279 BC), and assembled in great numbers under a prince entitled Brennus, for the purpose of invading Greece and plundering the rich temple of Delphi.終於,他們侵入通過馬其頓( 279年) ,並組裝大量親王有權根據布倫努斯,目的是入侵希臘和掠奪富人寺的Delphi 。 The leaders disagreed and the host soon divided, one portion, under Brennus, marching south on Delphi: the other division, under Leonorius and Luterius, turned eastward and overran Thrace, the country round Byzantium.與會領導人同意,並很快分為主機,一個部分,根據布倫努斯,步操南德爾福:其他部門,根據Leonorius和Luterius ,東方和佔領色雷斯,該國輪拜占庭。 Shortly afterwards they were joined by the small remnants of the army of Brennus, who was repulsed by the Greeks, and killed himself in despair.不久之後,他們也加入了小殘餘的軍隊布倫努斯,誰被擊退的希臘人,並殺害自己的絕望。 In 278 BC, 20,000 Gauls, under Leonorius, Luterius, and fifteen other chieftains, crossed over to Asia Minor, in two divisions.在公元前278 , 20000高盧,根據Leonorius , Luterius ,和其他15頭領,越過小亞細亞,在兩個部門。 On reuniting they assisted Nicomedes I, King of Bithynia, to defeat his younger brother; and as a reward for their services he gave them a large tract of country, in the heart of Asia Minor, henceforward to be known as Galatia.團聚,他們就協助Nicomedes一,國王的螺,戰勝他的弟弟,並作為回報,他為他們服務,為他們提供了大片的國家,在亞洲的心臟,小調,從今以後被稱為加拉提亞。

The Galatians consisted of three tribes:在加拉太包括三個部落:

the Tolistboboii, on the west, with Pessinus as their chief town;在Tolistboboii ,在西方,與Pessinus為主要城鎮;

the Tectosages, in the centre, with their capital Ancyra; and在Tectosages ,在該中心,其資本Ancyra ;和

the Trocmi, on the east, round their chief town Tavium.在Trocmi ,在東,圓他們的主要城鎮Tavium 。

Each tribal territory was divided into four cantons or tetrarchies.每個部落的領土分為四個縣或tetrarchies 。 Each of the twelve tetrarchs had under him a judge and a general.每個12 tetrarchs他下了一名法官和一般。 A council of the nation consisting of the tetararchs and three hundred senators was periodically held at a place called Drynemeton, twenty miles southwest of Ancyra.理事會民族組成的tetararchs和300參議員是定期舉行,一個叫Drynemeton ,二〇英里西南Ancyra 。

That these people were Gauls (and not Germans as has sometimes been suggested) is proved by the testimony of Greek and Latin writers, by their retention of the Gallic language till the fifth century, and by their personal and place names.這些人是高盧人(而不是德國人,有時被作為建議)都證明了的證詞,希臘和拉丁作家,他們的保留高盧語言,直到15世紀,並通過他們的個人和地名。 A tribe in the west of Gaul in the time of Caesar (Bell. Gall., VI, xxiv) was called Tectosages.部落西部高盧時代的凱撒( Bell.癭。 ,六,二十四)被稱為Tectosages 。 In Tolistoboii we have the root of the word Toulouse, and in Boii the well known Gallic tribe.在Tolistoboii我們的根詞圖盧茲和Boii著名的高盧部落。 Brennus probably meant prince; and Strabo says he was called Prausus, which in Celtic means terrible.布倫努斯可能意味著王子;和斯特拉博說,他被稱為Prausus ,這意味著在凱爾特可怕。 Luterius is the same as the Celtic Lucterius, and there was a British saint called Leonorius. Luterius是一樣的凱爾特Lucterius ,並有英國聖所謂Leonorius 。 Other names of chieftains are of undoubted Gallic origin, eg Belgius, Achichorius, Gaezatio-Diastus.其他名稱的頭領是不容置疑的高盧出身,例如Belgius , Achichorius , Gaezatio , Diastus 。 Brogoris (same root as Brogitarus, Allobroges), Bitovitus, Eposognatus (compare Caesar's Boduognatus, etc.), Combolomarus (Caesar has Virdomarus, Indutionmarus), Adiorix, Albiorix, Ateporix (like Caresar's Dumnorix, ambbiorix, Vercingetorix), Brogitarus, Deiotarus, etc. Place names are of a similar character, eg Drynemeton, the "temple of the oaks" or The Temple, from nemed, "temple" (compare Augustonemetum in Auvergene, and Vernemeton, "the great temple", near Bordeaux), Eccobriga, Rosologiacum, Teutobodiacum, etc. (For a detailed discussion of the question see Lightfoot's "Galatians", dissertation i, 4th ed., London, 1874, 235.) Brogoris (同根作為Brogitarus , Allobroges ) , Bitovitus , Eposognatus (比較凱撒的Boduognatus等) , Combolomarus (凱撒已經Virdomarus , Indutionmarus ) , Adiorix , Albiorix , Ateporix (如Caresar的Dumnorix , ambbiorix , Vercingetorix ) , Brogitarus , Deiotarus ,等地名的性質類似的,如Drynemeton的“廟橡樹”或寺廟,從nemed , “寺” (比較Augustonemetum在Auvergene ,並Vernemeton , “偉大的聖殿教” ,近波爾多) , Eccobriga , Rosologiacum , Teutobodiacum等(詳細討論這個問題見娜萊的“加拉太” ,論文一,第4版。 ,倫敦, 1874年, 235 。 )

As soon as these Gauls, or Galatians, had gained a firm footing in the country assigned to them, they began to send out marauding expeditions in all directions.一旦這些高盧或加拉太,已獲得了堅實的基礎在國家分配給他們,他們開始發出劫掠探險四面八方。 They became the terror of their neighbours, and levied contributions on the whole of Asia Minor west of the Taurus.他們成為了恐怖的他們的鄰居,並收取會費,整個小亞細亞西部的金牛座。 They fought with varying success against Antiochus, King of Syria, who was called Soter from his having saved his country from them.他們又打了不同的成功對安提阿哥,國王的敘利亞,誰被稱為索特從他有救了他的國家從他們。 At length Attlaus I, King of Pergamun, a friend of the Romans, drove them back and confined them to Galatia about 235-232 BC After this many of them became mercenary soldiers; and in the great battle of Magnesia, 180 BC, a body of such Galatian troops fought against the Romans, on the side of Antiochus the Great, King of Syria.在長度Attlaus我,國王Pergamun ,一個朋友的羅馬人,將它們回到局限於他們加拉提亞約235-232公元前後許多人成為僱傭軍士兵,並在偉大的戰役氧化鎂, 180年,一個機構這種加拉太軍隊抗擊羅馬人,一方的安提阿哥大,國王敘利亞。 He was utterly defeated by the Romans, under Scipio Asiaticus, and lost 50,000 of his men.他被完全擊敗了羅馬,根據西皮奧Asiaticus ,失去了他的50000人。 Next year the Consul Manlius entered Galatia, and defeated the Galatians in two battles graphically described by Livy, XXXVIII, xvi.明年進入加拉提亞領事曼裡烏斯,並擊敗了加拉太兩個戰鬥生動描述了李維,三十八,十六。 These events are referred to in I Mach., viii. On account of ill-treatment received at the hands of Mithradates I King of Pontus, the Galatians took the side of Pompey in the Mitradatic wars (64 BC). As a reward for their services, Deiotarus, their chief tetrarch, received the title of king, and his dominions were greatly extended.這些事件中提到的我馬赫。 ,八。相應的虐待收到手中的米德拉底特六世國王龐我的加拉太了一側龐培在Mitradatic的戰爭( 64年) 。作為回報他們服務, Deiotarus ,其首席tetrarch ,收到了標題國王,他的領地被大大延長。 Henceword the Galatians were under the protection of the Romans, and were involved in all the troubles of the civil wars that followed. Henceword的加拉太人的保護下,羅馬人,並參與了所有麻煩的內戰之後。 They supported Pompey against Julius Caesar at the battle of Pharsalia (48 BC).他們支持龐培對凱撒之戰Pharsalia ( 48年) 。 Amyntas, their last king was set up by Mark Antony, 39 BC His kingdom finally included not only Galatia Proper but also the great plains to the south, together with parts of Lyesonia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Phrygia, ie the country containing the towns Antioch, Iconium, Lystra and Derbe. Amyntas ,其末代成立了馬克安東尼, 39年他的王國最後不僅包括加拉提亞正確的,而且還大平原南部,連同部分Lyesonia ,潘菲利亞,彼西底的安提阿,和Phrygia ,即載有該國的城鎮安提阿, Iconium , Lystra和Derbe 。 Amyntas went to Actium, 31 BC, to support Mark Antony; but like many others he went over, at the critical moment, to the side of Octavianus, afterwards called Augustus. Amyntas去亞克31日,卑詩省,支持馬克安東尼,但其他許多人一樣,他走過去,在關鍵時刻,在一旁的屋大維,後來稱為奧古斯。 Augustus confirmed him in his kingdom, which he retained until he was slain in ambush, 25 BC After the death of Amyntas, Augustus made this kingdom into the Roman province of Galatia, so that this province had ben in existence more than 75 years when St. Paul wrote to the Galatians.奧古斯都證實他的王國,但他保留,直到他被殺害的伏擊, 25年去世後Amyntas ,奧古斯都使這一王國到羅馬省加拉提亞,使這個省在本已存在75年以上時,聖。保羅寫信給加拉太。

THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH GALATIAN THEORIES北方和南方加拉太理論

St. Paul addresses his letter to the churches of Galatia (Galatians 1:2) and calls them Galatians (Galatians 3:1); and in I Cor., vi, 1, he speaks of the collections which he ordered to be made in the churches of Galatia.聖保祿地址寫信給他的教會加拉提亞(加拉太1:2 ) ,並呼籲他們加拉太(加拉太3:1 ) ;和我心病。 ,六, 1 ,他談到了他的收藏品,以便作教會的加拉提亞。 But there are two theories as to the meaning of these terms.但是這裡有兩個理論的含義,這些條款。 It is the opinion of Lipsius, Lightfoot, Davidson, Chase, Findlay, etc., that the Epistle was addressed to the people of Galatia Proper, situated in the centre of Asia Minor, towards the north (North Galatian Theory).這是輿論的Lipsius ,萊特富特,戴維森,大通,芬尼利等,認為書信是給人民的加拉提亞正確的,位於亞洲的中心,未成年人,對北(北加拉太理論) 。

Others, such as Renan, Perrot, Weizsacker, Hausrath, Zahn, Pfleiderer, Gifford, Rendell, Holtzmann, Clemen, Ramsay, Cornely, Page, Knowling, etc., hold that it was addressed to the southern portion of the Roman province of Galatia, containing Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, which were visited by Saints Paul and Barnabas, during their first missionary journey (South Galatian Theory).另一些國家,如雷南維,佩羅特,魏茨澤克, Hausrath ,贊恩,弗萊德爾,吉福德,倫德爾, Holtzmann ,克萊門,拉姆齊, Cornely ,網頁, Knowling等,認為這是給南部部分羅馬省加拉提亞載Pisidian安提Iconium , Lystra ,並Derbe ,這是訪問的聖徒保羅和巴拿巴,在第一次傳教之旅(南加拉太理論) 。

Lightfoot was the chief upholder of the North-Galatian theory; but a great deal has become known about the geography of Asia Minor since he wrote in the eighteenth century, and the South-Galatian Theory has proportionately gained ground.萊特富特是首席維護者的北加拉太理論;但大量已成為人們對地理小亞細亞因為他在18世紀,和東南部加拉太理論比例上漲。 A German Catholic professor, Stinmann (Der Liserkreis des Galaterbriefes), has, however, recently (1908) given Lightfoot his strong support, though it must be admitted that he has done little more than emphasize and expand the arguments of Chase.德國天主教教授, Stinmann (明鏡Liserkreis萬Galaterbriefes ) ,但是,最近( 1908年)給予娜萊他大力支持,但必須承認,他所做的多強調和擴大的論點大通。 The great coryphaeus of the South-Galatian theory is Prof. Sire WM Ramsay.偉大的領導者的南南合作加拉太理論教授陛下西醫結合拉姆齊。 The following is a brief summary of the principal arguments on both sides.以下是簡要的主要論據雙方。

(1) The fact that the Galatians were being changed so soon to another gospel is taken by Lightfoot as evidence of the characteristic fickleness of the Gauls. Ramsay replies that tenacity in matters of religion has ever been characteristic of the Celts. ( 1 )這一事實,加拉太正在改變這麼快就到另一個福音所採取娜萊是作為證據的特徵變化無常的高盧人。拉姆齊答复堅韌宗教事務從未特點凱爾特人。 Besides, it is precarious to argue from the political mobility of the Gauls, in the time of Caesar, to the religious inconsistency of Galatians, whose ancestors left the West four hundred years before.此外,它是不穩定的爭論從政治的流動性高盧時代的凱撒,宗教矛盾的加拉太,他們的祖先離開西方四百年前。 The Galatians received St.在加拉太收到街 Paul as an angel from heaven (Galatians 4:14).保羅作為一個天使從天上(加拉太四點14分) 。 Lightfoot sees in this enthusiastic reception proof of Celtic fickleness of character.萊特富特認為,在這熱情的接待證明凱爾特變化無常的性格。 In the same way it may be proved that the 5000 converted by St. Peter at Jerusalem, and, in fact, that, nearly all the converts of St. Paul were Celts.以同樣的方式可以證明, 5000轉換的聖彼得在耶路撒冷,並在實際上,幾乎所有的轉換聖保羅被凱爾特人。 Acts (xiii-xiv) gives sufficient indications of fickleness in South Galatia.行為(十三至十四)提供足夠的跡象表明,在南非加拉提亞變化無常。 To take but one instance: at Lystra the multitude could scarcely be restrained from sacrificing to St. Paul; shortly afterwards they stoned him and left him for dead.採取但一個實例:在Lystra眾多難以抑制的犧牲聖保祿;不久之後,他們用石頭砸死他,讓他死去。

(2) St. Paul warns the Galatians not to abuse their liberty from the obligations of the Law of Moses, by following the works of the flesh. ( 2 )聖保祿加拉太警告不要濫用自己的自由的義務的摩西律法,按工程的肉體。 He then gives a long catalogue of vices.然後,他讓一個長期的目錄惡習。 From this Lightfoot selects two (methai, komoi) as evidently pointing to Celtic failings.從這個娜萊選擇兩個( methai , komoi )作為顯然指向凱爾特失敗。 Against this it may be urged that St. Paul, writing to the Romans (xiii, 13), exhorts them to avoid these two very vices.在這種情況可能是敦促聖保祿,書面向羅馬( 13 , 13 ) ,激勵他們,以避免這兩個非常惡習。 St. Paul, in giving such an enumeratio here and elsewhere, evidently does not intend to paint the peculiar failings of any race, but simply to reprobate the works of the flesh, of the carnal or lower man; "they who do such things shall not obtain the kingdom of God" (Galatians 5:21).聖保羅,在做出這樣的enumeratio在這裡和其他地方,顯然不打算塗料的特殊失誤的任何比賽,但僅僅是壞人工作的肉體,對肉體或低於男子, “他們做這種事情誰應無法獲得神的國“ (加拉太5點21分) 。

(3) Witchcraft is also mentioned in this list. ( 3 )巫術也提到這份清單中。 The extravagant devotion of Deiotarus, says Lightfoot, "fully bears out the character ascribed to the parent race."奢侈奉獻Deiotarus說,萊特富特“ ,充分證明了的特點為其母公司的比賽。 ” But the Emperor Tiberius and many officials in the empire were ardent devotees of augury.但皇帝提庇留和許多官員在帝國的殷切信徒的徵兆。 Sorcery is coupled by St. Paul with idolatry, and it was its habitual ally not only amongst the Gauls but throughout the pagan world.巫術是耦合的聖保羅與偶像崇拜,這是其慣常的盟友之一,不僅在整個高盧但異教世界。

(4) Lightfoot says that the Galatians were drawn to Jewish observances; and he takes this as evidence of the innate Celtic propensity to external ceremonial, "appealing rather to the senses and passions than the heart and mind." ( 4 )萊特富特說,加拉太人提請猶太紀念活動;他藉此作為證據的先天傾向凱爾特人外部禮儀“ ,呼籲而是感官和激情的心,比銘記。 ” This so-called racial characteristic may be questioned, and it is a well-known fact that the whole of the aboriginal inhabitants of Asia Minor were given over heart and soul to gross pagan cermonial.這個所謂的種族特徵可能有疑問的,這是一個眾所周知的事實是全體居民的原住民小亞細亞被交給核心和靈魂總值異教cermonial 。 We do not gather from the Epistle that the Galatians were naturally attracted to Jewish ceremonies.我們不會收集的書信,該加拉太自然吸引猶太儀式。 They were only puzzled or rather dazed (iii, 1) by the specious arguments of the Judaizers, who endeavoured to persuade them that they were not as perfect Christians as if they adopted circumcision and the Law of Moses.他們只是困惑或而迷茫(三, 1 )的似是而非的論點的Judaizers ,誰努力說服他們,他們不是完美的基督徒,如果他們通過了割禮和摩西律法。

(5) On the South-Galatian theory it is supposed that the Epistle was written soon after St. Paul's second visit to Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, etc. (Acts 16). Lightfoot makes use of a strong argument against this early date. ( 5 )在南方,加拉太理論是假設寫的書信後不久,聖保羅第二次訪問Derbe , Lystra , Iconium等(使徒16 ) 。娜萊利用一個有力的論據反對這一早日實現。 He shows, by a detailed examination, that the Epistle bears a close resemblance, both in argument and language, to parts of the Epistle to the Romans.他表明,通過詳細審查,該書信著緊密的相似性,無論是在論點和語言,向部分書信的羅馬。 This he thinks can be accounted for only on the supposition that both were written about the same time, and, therefore, several years later than the date required for the South-Galatian view.他認為這可以僅佔關於假定都是書面大約在同一時間,因此,數年後,超過規定的日期為南南合作加拉太觀點。 To this date required for the South-Galatian view.在此日期所需南南合作加拉太的看法。 To this Rendell (Expositor's Greek Test., London, 1903.p. 144) replies that the coincidence is not due to any similarity in the circumstances of the two communities.這個戴爾( Expositor的希臘試驗。 ,倫敦, 1903.p. 144 )答复說,巧合的是,由於沒有任何相似的情況,這兩個社區。 "Still less can the identity of language be fairly urged to prove an approximation of the two epistles. For these fundamental truths formed without doubt the staple of the Apostle's teaching throughout the years of continuous transition from Jewish to Christian doctrine, and his language in regard to them could not fail to become in some measure stereotyped." “更不能身份的語言是相當敦促證明近似兩個書信。對於這些基本事實成立,毫無疑問的主食宗徒的教學整個多年來不斷轉變猶太基督教教義,他的語言方面他們不能不在一定程度上成為定型。 “

(6) The controversy has raged most fiercely round the two verses in Acts, xvi, 6 and xviii, 23, the only places where there is any reference to Galatia in Acts: ( 6 )的爭論已經持續最激烈比賽中的兩個詩句行為,十六,第6和18 , 23 ,唯一的地方是任何提及加拉提亞的行為:

"And they went through the Phrygian and Galatian region" (ten phrygian kai Galatiken choran); “他們經歷了Phrygian和加拉太地區” ( 10 phrygian啟Galatiken choran ) ;

"he departed and went through the Galatian region and Phrygia" (or "Phrygian") (ten Galatiken choran kai phyrgian). “他離開,並經歷了加拉太地區和Phrygia ” (或“ Phrygian ” ) ( 10 Galatiken choran啟phyrgian ) 。

Lightfoot held that Galatia Proper was meant in the second.萊特富特認為加拉提亞正確含義是在第二次。 Other supporters of the North-Galatian theory think that the countries of North Galatia and Phrygia are meant in both cases.其他支持者北加拉太理論認為,國家的北加拉提亞和Phrygia意味著在這兩種情況下。 Their opponents, relying on the expression of contemporary writers, maintain that South Galatia was intended in both places. The former also interpret the second part of xvi, 6 (Greek text) as meaning that the travellers went through Phrygia and Galatia after they had passed through South Galatia, because they were forbidden to preach in Asia.他們的對手,依靠的表達當代作家,維護南加拉提亞打算在這兩個地方。前還解釋的第二部分十六, 6 (希臘文) ,作為這意味著旅客經歷Phrygia和加拉提亞後,他們已通過通過南南合作加拉提亞,因為他們被禁止宣揚在亞洲。 Ramsey, on the other hand, maintains that after they had passed through the portion of Phrygia which had been added to the southern part of the province of Galatia (and which could be called indifferently Galatian or Phrygian) they passed to the north because they were forbidden to preach in Asia.拉姆西,另一方面,堅持認為,他們已通過部分Phrygia已添加到該省南部的加拉提亞(這可稱為漠然加拉太或Phrygian )傳遞給他們,因為他們是北禁止鼓吹在亞洲。 He holds that the order of the verbs in the passage is in the order of time, and he gives examples of similar use of the aorist participle (St. Paul The Traveller, London, 1900, pp. ix, 211, 212).他認為,該命令的動詞的通道是在該命令的時間,他舉例說明了類似的使用aorist詞(聖保羅旅行者,倫敦, 1900年,頁。九, 211 , 212 ) 。

The arguments on both sides are too technical to be given in a short article. The reader may be referred to the following: North-Galatian: Chase, "Expositor", Dec.的論點雙方都太技術得到在很短的文章。讀者可提到以下方面:北加拉太:大通, “ Expositor ” , 12月 1893. 1893年。 p.401, May, 1894, p.331; Steinmann, "Der Leserkreis des Galaterbriefes" (Münster, 1908), p. p.401 , 5月, 1894年, p.331 ;坦曼, “明鏡Leserkreis萬Galaterbriefes ” (明斯特1908年) ,第 191. 191 。 On the South-Galatian side: Ramsey, "Expositor", Jan., 1894, p.關於南南合作加拉太方面:拉姆齊, “ Expositor ” , 1月, 1894年,第 42, Feb., p. 42 , 2月,第 137, Apr., p. 137 , 4月,第 288, "St. Paul The Traveller", etc; Knowling, "Acts of the Apostles", Additional note to ch. 288 , “聖保羅旅行者”等; Knowling “使徒行傳” ,附加說明,以總。 xviii (Expositor's Greek Test., London, 1900, p. 399); Gifford, "Expositor", July, 1894, p.十八( Expositor的希臘試驗。 ,倫敦, 1900年,第399頁) ;吉福德, “ Expositor ” , 7月, 1894年,第 I.字母i.

(7) The Galatian churches were evidently important ones. ( 7 )加拉太教會顯然重要的。 On the North-Galatian theory, St. Luke dismissed their conversion in a single sentence: "They went through the Phrygian and Galatian region" (Acts 16:6).關於北加拉太理論,聖盧克駁回其轉換在一個單一的一句: “他們經歷了Phrygian和加拉太地區” (使徒行16點06 ) 。 This is strange, as his plan throughout is to give an account of the establishment of Christianity by St.這是奇怪的,因為他的計劃是讓全國各地的帳戶設立基督教聖 Paul in each new region.保羅在每一個新的區域。 Lightfoot fully admits the force of this, but tries to evade it by asking the question: "Can it be that the historian gladly drew a veil over the infancy of a church which swerved so soon and so widely from the purity of the Gospel?"娜萊充分承認的力量,但它試圖迴避這個問題問: “難道是歷史學家樂意提請面紗在嬰兒期的一所教堂的轉彎這麼快,因此有很大的純潔性福音? ” But the subsequent failings of the Corinthians did not prevent St. Luke from giving an account of their conversion.但隨後的失誤的科林蒂安並不妨礙聖盧克給予帳戶的轉換。 Besides, the Galatians had not swerved so widely from the purity of the Gospel.此外,加拉太沒有轉彎如此廣泛的純度的福音。 The arguments of the judaizers made some of them waver, but they had not accepted circumcision; and this Epistle confirmed them in the Faith, so that a few years later St. Paul writes of them to the Corinthians (1 Corinthians 16:1): "Now concerning the collections that are made for the saints, as I have given order to the churches of Galatia, so do ye also."的論點提出的judaizers其中有些動搖,但他們沒有接受割禮;和書信確認他們的信仰,因此,幾年後聖保祿寫入他們的科林蒂安斯(哥林多前書16:1 ) : “現在的收藏是為聖人,因為我已經為了教會的加拉提亞,所以你們也要” 。 It was long after the time that St. Paul could thus confidently command the Galatians that Acts was written.這是很久以後的時間,因此可以聖保祿自信命令行為的加拉太寫。

(8) St. Paul makes no mention of this collection in our Epistle. ( 8 )聖保祿沒有提到這在我們的書信集。 According to the North-Galatian theory, the Epistle was written several years before the collection was made.據北加拉太理論,寫的書信幾年前收集了。 In Acts 20:4, etc., a list is given of those who carried the collections to Jerusalem. 20點04分的行為,等等,一個名單進行這些誰收藏耶路撒冷。 There are representatives from South Galatia, Achaia, Macedonia, and Asia; but there is no deputy from North Galatia -- from the towns of Jerusalem on occasion, the majority probably meeting at Corinth, St.有代表南方加拉提亞,亞該亞,馬其頓,和亞洲,但沒有副北加拉提亞-從城鎮耶路撒冷之際,大多數可能會議科林斯,聖 Paul, St. Luke, and Sopater of Berea (probably representing Philippi and Achaia; see 2 Corinthians 8:18-22); Aristarchus and Secundus of Macedonia; Gaius of Derbe, and Timothyof Lystra (S. Galatia); and Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia. There is not a word about anybody from North Galatia, the most probable reason being that St. Paul had never been there (see Rendall, Expositor, 1893, vol. II, p.321).保羅,聖盧克,並Sopater的貝雷亞(可能代表和亞該亞立見哥林多後書8:18-22 ) ;阿里斯和Secundus的馬其頓蓋的Derbe ,和Timothyof Lystra (南加拉提亞) ;和Tychicus和Trophimus亞洲。沒有任何一個字關於北加拉提亞,最有可能的原因是聖保祿從未有(見Rendall , Expositor 1893年,第二卷。二, p.321 ) 。

(9) St. Paul, the Roman citizen, invariably employs the names of the roman provincces, such as Achaia, Macedonia, Asia; and it is not probable that he departed from this practice in his use of "Galatia". ( 9 )聖保羅,羅馬公民,無一例外地採用了地名羅馬provincces ,如亞該亞,馬其頓,亞洲,它是可能的,他沒有離開他的這一做法在使用“加拉提亞” 。 The people of South Galatia could with propriety be styled Galatians.人民南加拉提亞可以以禮稱為加拉太。 Two of the towns, Antioch and Lystra, were Roman colonies; and the other two boasted of the Roman names, Claudio-Iconium, and Claudio-Derbe.兩個城鎮,安提阿和Lystra ,被羅馬殖民地和其他兩個吹噓羅馬名稱,克勞迪奧- Iconium ,以及克勞迪奧- Derbe 。 "Galatians" was an honourable title when applied to them; but they would be insulted if they were called Phrygians or Lycaonians. “加拉太”是一個光榮的稱號時,適用於他們,但他們將是侮辱,如果它們被稱為Phrygians或Lycaonians 。 All admit that St. Peter named the Roman provinces when he wrote "to the elect strangers dispersed throught Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia" (1 Peter 1:1).所有承認,聖彼得省命名為羅馬時他寫道: “陌生人的選舉分散思想龐,加拉提亞,卡帕多西亞,亞洲,和螺” (彼得前書1:1 ) 。

(10) The manner in which St. Paul mentions St. Barnabas in the Epistle indicates that the latter was known to those for whom the Epistle was primarily intended. St. ( 10 )的方式,聖保祿提到聖巴納巴斯在書信表明,後者是已知的那些人的書信,主要是打算。街 Barnabas had visited South Galatia with St. Paul (Acts 13:14), but he was unknown in North Galatia.巴爾納巴斯訪問了南非加拉提亞與聖保羅(使徒13時14分) ,但他在北加拉提亞不明。

(11) St. Paul states (ii, 5) that the reason for his course of action at Jerusalem was that the truth of the gospel might continue with the Galatians. This seems to imply that they were already converted. ( 11 )聖保羅州(二, 5 )的原因,他的行動是在耶路撒冷的真理福音可能繼續加拉太。這似乎意味著,他們已經轉換。 He had visited the southern part of the Galatian province before the council, but not northern.他訪問了南部的加拉太安理會面前的省,但不是北部。 The view favoured above receives confirmation from a consideration, as appended, of the persons addressed.認為贊成上述確認收到了審議,作為附加,對人的處理。

THE KIND OF PEOPLE ADDRESSED類人信奉

The country of South Galatia answers the conditions of the Epistle admirably; but this cannot be said of North Galatia.該國的南加拉提亞答案的條件書信令人欽佩;但不能說北加拉提亞。 From the Epistle we gather that the majority were Gentile converts, that many were probably Jewish proselytes from their acquaintance with the Old Testament, that Jews who persecuted them from the first were living amongst them; that St. Paul had visited them twice, and that the few Judaziers appeared amongst them only after his last visit.從我們收集的書信,大多數是詹蒂萊轉換,許多人可能從他們的猶太proselytes結識舊約,誰迫害猶太人從他們的第一人生活其中,這聖保羅訪問了他們的兩倍,而且少數Judaziers出現後,他們中間只有他最後一次訪問。 We know from Acts, iii, xiv (and early history), that Jews were settled in South Galatia.我們知道的行為,三,第十四條(和早期歷史) ,是猶太人定居在南加拉提亞。 During the first missionary journey unbelieving Jews made their presence felt everywhere.在第一個傳教士的旅程不信的猶太人作出感覺到他們的存在無處不在。 As soon as Paul and Barnabas returned to Syrian Antioch, some Jewish converts came from Judea and taught that the circumcision was necessary for them, and went up to the council, where it was decreed that circumcision and the Law of Moses were not necessary for the Gentiles; but nothing was determined as to the attitude of Jewish converts regarding them, following the example of St. James, though it was implied in the decree that they were matters of indifference.當保羅和巴拿巴返回敘利亞安提阿,一些猶太人皈依來自Judea和教授說,割禮是必要的,並上升到安理會,在那裡命令割禮和摩西律法是沒有必要的外邦人;但沒有被認定為對猶太人的態度轉變對他們,下面的例子,聖詹姆斯,儘管它是隱含在該法令,他們的問題漠不關心。 This was shown, soon after, by St. Peter's eating with the Gentiles.這表明,不久之後,由聖彼得吃飯外邦人。 On his withdrawing from them, and when many others followed his example, St. Paul publicly vindicated the equality of the Gentile Christians.他的退出,以及在其他許多國家之後,他的例子,證明聖保祿公開平等的詹蒂萊基督徒。 The majority agreed; but there must have been "false brethren" amongst them (Galatians 2:4) who were Christians only in name, and who hated St. Paul.多數同意,但必須是“假兄弟”其中(加拉太2:4 )誰是基督徒只是在名稱,誰討厭聖保羅。 Some of these, in all probability, followed him to South Galatia, soon after his second visit.其中的一些,在所有的可能性,隨後他向南方加拉提亞,不久後第二次訪問。 But they could no longer teach the necessity of circumcision, as the Apostolic decrees had been already delivered there by St. Paul (Acts 16:4).但是,他們不能再教的必要性,割禮,因為使徒法令已經交付了那裡聖保羅(使徒16點04分) 。 These decrees are not mentioned in the Epistle by the Judaizers, the advisability of the Galatians accepting circumcision and the Law of Moses, for their greater perfection.這些法令沒有提到在書信的Judaizers ,可取的加拉太接受割禮和摩西律法,他們更大的完善。 On the other hand, there is no evidence that there were any Jews settled at this time in North Galatia (see Ramsay, "St. Paul The Traveller").另一方面,沒有證據表明有任何猶太人定居在這個時候在北加拉提亞(見拉姆齊, “聖保羅旅行者” ) 。 It was not the kind of country to attract them.這不是種國家,以吸引他們。 The Gauls were a dominant class, living in castles, and leading a half pastoral, half nomadic life, and speaking their own Gallic language.在高盧人的主導階層,生活在城堡,並導致半牧區,半游牧的生活,講自己的高盧語言。 The country was very sparsley populated by the subjugated agricultural inhabitants.該國非常sparsley人口的征服農業居民。 During the long winter the ground was covered with snow; in summer the heat was intense and the ground parched; and one might travel many miles without meeting a human being. There was some fertile tracts; but the greater part was either poor pasture land, or barren undulating hilly ground.在漫長的冬季地面上覆蓋著冰雪,在夏季高溫是激烈和地面乾涸;和一個可能的旅行許多英里不上一個人。有一些肥沃的大片,但大部份是不是窮人牧場,或貧瘠的丘陵起伏地面。 The bulk of the inhabitants in the few towns were not Gauls.大部分居民在幾個城鎮沒有高盧。 Trade was small, and that mainly in wool.貿易是小,這主要是羊毛。 A decree of Augustus in favour of Jews was supposed to be framed for those at Ancyra, in Galatia.一項法令奧古斯都贊成猶太人被認為是制定那些在Ancyra ,在加拉提亞。 It is now known that it was addressed to quite a different region.現在已經知道,這是給了截然不同的區域。

WHY WRITTEN為什麼書面

The Epistle was written to conteract the influence of a few Judaizers who had come amongst the Galatians, and were endeavouring to persuade them that in order to be perfect Christians it was necessary to be circumcised and observe the Law of Moses.寫的書信,以conteract的影響,一些已經成熟Judaizers誰之一加拉太,並努力說服他們,為了得到完美的基督徒,有必要將割禮和遵守摩西律法。 Their arguments were sufficiently specious to puzzle the Galatians, and their object was likely to gain the approval of unbelieving Jews.他們的理由似是而非,以充分的加拉太難題,他們的目標很可能會獲得批准信猶太人。 They said what St. Paul taught was good as far as it went; but that he had not taught the full perfection of Christianity.他們說什麼聖保祿教好盡可能去,但是,他沒有告訴充分完善基督教。 And this was not surprising, as he was not one of the great Apostles who had been taught by Christ Himself, and received their commission from Him.這一點並不奇怪,因為他不是一個偉大的使徒誰教了耶穌,並得到他們的委員會從他身上。 Whatever St. Paul knew he learned from others, and he had received his commission to preach not from Christ, but from men at Antioch (Acts 13).無論聖保祿知道他教訓別人,他收到了他的委員會沒有從基督說教,而是從男性在安提阿(使徒13 ) 。 Circumcision and the Law, it is true, were not necessary to salvation; but they were essential to the full perfection of Christianity.割禮和法律,這是真的,沒有必要拯救,但他們是必不可少的全面完善基督教。 This was proved by the example of St. James, of the other Apostles, and of the first disciples, at Jerusalem.這是證明了的例子,聖詹姆斯,其他使徒,和第一的弟子,在耶路撒冷。 On this very point this Paul, the Apostle, placed himself in direct opposition to Cephas, the Prince of the Apostles, at Antioch.關於這一點本保羅,使徒,置於自己的直接對立Cephas ,王子的使徒,在安提阿。 His own action in circumcising Timothy showed what he expected of a personal companion, and he was now probably teaching the good of circumcision in other places.他自己的行動表明circumcising蒂莫什麼,他預計個人的同伴,他現在可能的良好的教學割禮在其他地方。 These statements puzzles the Galatians, and made them waver.這些財務報表的加拉太難題,使他們動搖。 They felt aggrieved that he had left them, as they thought, in an inferior position; they began to observe Jewish festivals, but they had not yet accepted circumcision.他們感到受屈,他已經離開他們,因為他們認為,在處於劣勢;他們開始觀察猶太節日,但他們尚未接受割禮。 The Apostle refutes these arguments so effectively that the question never again arose.使徒反駁這些論點,以便有效地,這個問題不會再出現。 Henceforth his enemies confined themselves to personal attacks (see II Corinthians).此後他的敵人局限於自己的人身攻擊(見哥林多前書) 。

CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE內容書信

The six chapters naturally fall into three divisions, consisting of two chapters each.這六個章節自然分為三個部門組成的兩個章節每個。

In the first two chapters, after the general introduction, he shows that he is an Apostle not from men, nor through the teaching of any man, but from Christ; and the gospel he taught is in harmony with the teaching of the great Apostles, who gave him the right hand of fellowship.在頭兩章,在一般性介紹,他表明,他是一個使徒不是男人,也不通過教學中的任何人,而是來自基督和他的福音教是在和諧的教學偉大使徒,誰給了他右手的獎學金。

He next (iii, iv) shows the inefficacy of circumcision and the Law, and that we owe our redemption to Christ alone.他未來(三,四)顯示無效的割禮和法律規定,而且我們必須單獨向基督救贖。 He appeals to the experience of the Galatian converts, and brings forward proofs from Scripture.他呼籲的經驗加拉太轉換,並提出證據從聖經。

He exhorts them (v, vi) not to abuse their freedom from the Law to indulge in crimes, "for they who do such things shall not obtain the kingdom of God."他敦促他們(五,六)不要濫用自己的自由從法律沉迷於罪, “因為他們做這種事情誰不得獲得神的國。 ” It is not for love of them he admonishes, that the Judaizers wish the Galatians to be circumcised.它不是為了愛他們,他admonishes ,該Judaizers希望加拉太的割禮。 If there is virtue in the mere cutting of the flesh, the inference from the argument is that the Judaizers could become still more perfect by making themselves eunuchs -- mutilating themselves like the priests of Cybele.如果僅僅憑藉在切割肉,推理的論點是, Judaizers可以變得更加完美,使自己的太監-殘害自己喜歡的祭司Cybele 。 He writes the epilogue in large letters with his own hand.他寫的後記中大信自己的手。

IMPORTANCE OF THE EPISTLE重要的書信

As it is admitted on all hands that St. Paul wrote the Epistle, and as its authenticity has never been seriously called in question, it is important not only for its biographical data and direct teaching, but also for the teaching implies in it as being known at the time.因為它是承認所有的手說,聖保祿寫的書信,並作為其真實性從來沒有認真質疑,重要的是不僅其履歷資料和直接的教學,而且對教學意味著它作為當時所知。 He claims, at least indirectly, to have worked miracles amongst the Galatians, and that they received the Holy Ghost (iii, 5), almost in the words of St. Luke as to the events at Iconium (Acts 14:3).他聲稱,至少間接地已奇蹟之一加拉太,他們收到了聖靈(三,五) ,幾乎在的話,聖盧克至於事件Iconium (使徒十四點03 ) 。 It is the Catholic doctrine that faith is a gratuitous gift of God; but is is the teaching of the Church, as it is of St. Paul, that the faith that is of any avail is "faith that worketh by charity" (Galatians 5:6); and he states most emphatically that a good life is necessary for salvation; for, after enumeration the works of the flesh, he writes (v, 21), "Of the which I foretell you, as I have foretold to you, that they who do such things shall obtain the kingdom of God."這是天主教教義,信仰是無償上帝的禮物,不過是是教學中的教會,因為它是聖保羅,這是信仰的任何利用是“信仰worketh慈善” (加拉太5 : 6 ) ;和他國最強調,一個良好的生活是必要的救贖;對後,列舉了工程的肉身,他寫道(五, 21歲) ,他指出: “在你我預言,正如我預言你,他們做這種事情誰應獲得神的國。 “ In vi, 8, he writes: "For what things a man shall sow, those also shall he reap. For he that soweth in his flesh, of the flesh, also shall reap corruption. But he that soweth in the spirit, of the spirit shall reap life everlasting."在六,八,他寫道: “對於一個男人什麼事情應播種,這些也應他收穫。 soweth因為他認為在他的肉體,肉體,也應獲得腐敗。但他說, soweth的精神,在精神應獲得永恆的生命。 “ The same teaching is found in others of his Epistles, and is in perfect agreement with St. James: "For even as the body without the spirit is dead; so also faith without works is dead" (James 2:2).同樣的教學,發現他在其他的書信,並在完善的協議,聖雅各福群: “對,即使身體沒有死的精神,所以也沒有信仰的作品已經死了” (詹姆斯2點02分) 。 The Epistle implies that the Galatians were well acquainted with the doctrines of the Trinity, the Divinity of Christ, Incarnation, Redemption, Baptism, Grace, etc. As he had never to defend his teaching to these points against Judaizers, and as the Epistle is so early, it is clear that his teaching was identical with that of the Twelve, and did not, even in appearance, lend itself to attack.在書信意味著加拉太人熟悉的理論三位一體,基督的神,道成肉身,贖回,洗禮,宏力等作為他從未以捍衛自己的教學點,對這些Judaizers ,並作為書信是這麼早,很顯然,他的教學是相同的,在12名,並沒有,即使是在外觀,適合攻擊。

DATE OF THE EPISTLE日期書信

(1)Marcion asserted that it was the first of St. Paul's Epistles. ( 1 )馬吉安斷言,這是第一次聖保羅書信。 Prof. Sir W. Ramsay (Expositor, Aug., 1895, etc.) and a Catholic professor, Dr. Valentin Weber (see below), maintain that it was written from Antioch, before the council (AD 49-50).美國拉姆齊爵士教授( Expositor , 8月, 1895年等)和一所天主教教授,博士瓦倫丁韋伯(見下文) ,維護,這是書面的安提阿,在安理會(公元49-50 ) 。 Weber's arguments are very plausible, but not quite convincing. There is a good summary of them in a review by Gayford, "Journal of Theological Studies", July, 1902.韋伯的論點是非常合理的,但不是很有說服力。這是一個很好的總結他們在審查蓋福德, “神學研究雜誌” , 7月, 1902年。 The two visits to Galatia are the double journey to Derbe and back.這兩個訪問加拉提亞是雙重旅程Derbe和背部。 This solution is offered to obviate apparent discrepancies between Gal., ii, and Acts, xv.這個解決方案是提供給排除明顯差異加爾。 ,二,和行為,十五。

(2) Cornel and the majority of the upholders of the South-Galatian theory suppose, with much greater probability, that it was written about AD 53, 54. ( 2 )山茱萸和大部分upholders南,加拉太理論假設,以更大的概率,這是寫關於廣告53 , 54 。

(3) Those who defend the North-Galatian theory place it as late as AD 57 or 58. ( 3 )誰保衛北加拉太理論把它作為廣告晚57或58 。

DIFFICULTIES OF GALATIANS II AND I難點加拉太第二類和第一

(a) "I went up . . . and communicated to them the gospel . . . lest perhaps I should run, or had run in vain." (一) “我去了。 。 。 ,並傳達給他們的福音。 。 。否則也許我應該運行,或運行徒勞的。 ” This does not imply any doubt about the truth of his teaching, but he wanted to neutralize the oppostion of the Judaizers by proving he was at one one with the others.這並不意味著任何疑問的真相,他的教學,但他希望,以消除oppostion的Judaizers證明他是在一個一個的人。

(b) The following have the appearance of being ironical: "I communicated . . . to them who seemed to be some thing" (ii, 2); But of them who seemed to be something . ( b )下列已出現了被譏諷的說: “我傳達。 。 。他們誰似乎有些東西” (二, 2 ) ;但他們似乎是誰的東西。 . . for to me they that seemed to be something added to nothing" (ii, 6): "But contrawise .他們對我說,似乎沒有什麼東西添加到“ (二,六) : ”但是contrawise 。 . . James and Cephas and John, who seemed to be pillars." Here we have three expressions tois dokousin in verse 2; ton dokounton einai ti, and oi dokountes in verse 6; and oi dokountes styloi einai in verse 9. Non-Catholic scholars agree with St. John Chrystostom that there is nothing ironical in the original context. As the verbs are in the present tense, the translations should be: "those who are in repute"; "who are (rightly) regarded as pillars". It is better to understand, with Rendall, that two classes of persons are meant: first, the leading men at Jerusalem; secondly, the three apostles. St. Paul's argument was to show that his teaching had the approval of the great men. St. James is mentioned first because the Judaizers made the greatest use of his name and example. "But of them who are in repute (what they were some time, it is nothing to me. God accepteth not the person of man)", verse 6. St. Augustine is almost alone in his interpretation that it made no matter to St. Paul that the Apostles were once poor ignorant men. Others hold that St. Paul was referring to the privilege of being personal disciples of our Lord. He said that did not alter the fact of his Apostolate, as God does not regard the person of men. Most probably this verse does not refer to the Apostles at all; and Cornerly supposes that St. Paul is speaking of the elevated position held by the presbyters at the council, and insists that it did not derogate from his Apostolate.詹姆斯和Cephas和約翰,誰似乎支柱。 “在這裡,我們有三個表達式tois dokousin在詩2 ;噸dokounton einai鈦,與愛dokountes在詩句6 ;與愛dokountes styloi einai的詩句9 。非天主教學者同意與聖約翰Chrystostom沒有什麼諷刺的原始背景。作為動詞是在目前的緊張,翻譯應該是: “誰是聲譽” ; “誰是(正確)視為支柱” 。這是更好地理解,與Rendall ,這兩類人是指:第一,領導男子在耶路撒冷;第二,三名使徒。聖保祿論點是表明了他的教學批准的偉人。聖詹姆斯因為是第一次提到的Judaizers作出了最大使用他的名字和榜樣。 “但他們誰是聲望(什麼他們一些時間,這是沒有給我。上帝accepteth不是人的人) ” ,詩6 。聖奧古斯丁是幾乎是獨自在他的解釋是,它沒有問題的聖保祿宗徒們曾經貧窮無知的人。其他人認為聖保祿是指有幸成為個人門徒我們的上帝。他說,沒有不會改變的事實,他的使徒,因為上帝不把人的男子。最多可能這一詩句沒有提及使徒所有;和Cornerly假定聖保祿發言的高架立場所舉行presbyters在理事會,並堅持說,它沒有減損他的使徒。

(c) "I withstood Cephas." (三) “我頂住Cephas 。 ” -- "But when Cephas was come to Antioch, I withstood him to the face, because he was blamed [kategnosmenos, perf. part. -- not, "to be blamed", as in the Vulgate]. For before that some came from James, he did eat with the Gentiles; but when they were done, he withdrew and separated himself, fearing them who were of circumcision. And to his dissimulation the rest of the Jews consented, so that Barnabas also was led by them into that dissimulation. But when I saw that they walked not uprightly unto the truth of the gospel, I said to Cephas before them all: if thou, being a Jew, livest after the manner of the Gentiles, and not as the Jews do, how dost thou compel the Gentiles to live as do the Jews?" - “但是,當有人來Cephas安蒂奧克,我住他的臉,因為他被指責[ kategnosmenos ,性能。一部分。 -不, ”成為被人指責“ ,在拉丁文聖經] 。之前,一些來到由詹姆斯,他沒有吃的外邦人;但是,當他們這樣做,他撤回和失散的自己,誰是擔心他們的割禮。和他掩飾其餘的猶太人同意,因此,巴拿巴也由他們進入掩飾。但是當我看到他們走不uprightly你們的真理的福音,我對所有Cephas面前:如果你是一個猶太人, livest的方式後,外邦人,而不是作為猶太人,如何斯特你迫使外邦人生活一樣猶太人? “ (ii, 11-14). (二, 11月14日) 。

Here St. Peter was found fault with probably by the Greek converts.聖彼得在這裡被發現故障可能由希臘轉換。 He did not withdraw on account of bodily fear, says St. John Chrystostom; but as his special mission was at this time to the Jews, he was afraid of shocking them who were still weak in the Faith.他不撤回相應的身體擔心,說聖約翰Chrystostom ;但作為他的特別任務是在這個時候對猶太人,他擔心他們的震驚誰仍然疲弱的信仰。 His ususal manner of acting, to which he was led by his vision many years previously, shows that his exceptional withdrawal was not due to any error of doctrine.他ususal的方式行事,他是由他的遠見多年以前,這表明他的特殊撤出不是因為任何錯誤的理論。 He had motives like those which induced St. Paul to circumcise Timothy, etc.; and there is no proof that in acting upon them he committed the slightest sin.他喜歡那些動機誘導聖保祿向circumcise霍震霆等;也沒有證據證明他們在採取行動時,他決心絲毫罪孽。 Those who came from James probably came for no evil purpose; nor does it follow they were sent by him.這些來自詹姆斯誰可能是沒有罪惡目的;也沒有遵循他們被送到了他。 The Apostles in their letter (Acts 15:24) say: "Forasmuch as we have heard, that some going out from us have troubled you . . . to whom we gave no commandment."使徒們在其信(使徒15:24 )說: “ Forasmuch正如我們所聽到的,一些走出去從我們有麻煩你。 。 。我們向他沒有透露誡命。 ” We need not suppose that St. Peter foresaw the effect of his example.我們不需要假設聖彼得預見的影響,他的榜樣。 The whole thing must have taken some time.整個事情必須已經採取了一些時間。 St. Paul did not at first object.聖保祿沒有在第一個對象。 It was only when he saw the result that he spoke.只有當他看到結果,他說。 The silence of St. Peter shows that he must have agreed with St. Paul; and, indeed, the argument to the Galatians required that this was the case.沉默的聖彼得表明,他必須同意聖保祿; ,實際上爭論的加拉太需要,這是如此。 St. Peter's exalted position is indicated by the manner in which St. Paul says (i, 18) that he went to behold Peter, as people go to view some remarkable sight; and by the fact that in spite of the preaching of St. Paul and Barnabas for a long time at Antioch, his mere withdrawal was sufficient to draw all after him, and in a manner compel the Gentiles to be circumcised.聖彼得表示崇高的立場是由以何種方式在聖保羅說, (一, 18歲) ,他去了看哪彼得,因為人們去查看一些顯著的視線,並通過一個事實,即儘管宣揚街保羅和巴拿巴了很長一段時間在安提阿,他僅僅撤出足以吸引所有後,他和方式迫使外邦人將割禮。 In the expression "when I saw that they walked not uprightly", they does not necessarily include St. Peter.在表達“當我看到他們走不uprightly ” ,他們並不一定包括聖彼得。 The incident is not mentioned in the Acts, as it was only transitory.這起事件中沒有提到的行為,因為它是唯一的過渡。 Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., I, xii) says that St. Clement of Alexandria, in the fifth book of the Hypotyposeis (Outlines), asserts that this Cephas was not the Apostle, but one of the seventy disciples.優西比烏( Hist. Eccl 。 ,我十二)說,聖克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞,在第五圖書Hypotyposeis (綱要) ,聲稱這Cephas不是使徒,但其中70門徒。 Clement here has few followers.克萊門特在這裡很少追隨者。

A very spirited controversy was carried on between St. Jerome and St. Augustine about the interpretation of this passage.一個非常熱烈的爭論是關於聖杰羅姆之間和聖奧古斯丁的解釋這一通道。 In his "Commentary on the Galatians", St.在他的“述評加拉太” ,聖 Jerome, following earlier writers such as Origen and St. Chrysostom, supposed that the matter was arranged beforehand between St. Peter and St. Paul. They agreed that St. Peter should withdraw and that St. Paul should publicly reprehend him, for the instruction of all.杰羅姆,在此之前的作家,如奧利和聖金口,以為這件事之間事先安排的聖彼得和聖保羅。他們一致認為,應撤銷聖彼得和聖保羅應當公開申斥他的指示所有。 Hence St. Paul says that he withstood him in appearance (kata prosopon).因此聖保羅說,他頂住他的外表(卡塔prosopon ) 。 Otherwise, says St. Jerome, with what face could St. Paul, who became all things to all men, who became a Jew that he might gain the Jews, who circumcised Timothy, who shaved his head, and was ready to offer sacrifice at Jerusalem, blame St. Peter for acting in a similar manner? St.否則,聖杰羅姆說,面對可能的話聖保祿,誰成為萬物的所有男人,誰成為猶太人,他可能獲得的猶太人,誰割禮霍震霆,誰剃光頭,並準備提供犧牲在耶路撒冷,指責聖彼得的代理以同樣的方式?街 Augustine, laying stress on the words "when I saw that they walked not uprightly", etc., maintained that such an interpretation would be subversive of the truth of Holy Scripture.奧古斯丁,講的話“當我看到他們走不uprightly ”等,認為這樣的解釋將是顛覆性的真理聖經。 But against this it may be said that it is not so very clear that St. Peter was included in this sentence.而是針對這一點,可以說,它不是非常清楚,聖彼得大教堂被列入這句話。 The whole controversy can be read in the first volume of the Venetian edition of St. Jerome's works, Epp., lvi, lxvii, civ, cv, cxii, cxv, cxvi.整個爭議可以讀取第一貨量威尼斯版聖杰羅姆的作品,資源增值計劃。 ,左室, lxvii ,持續輸注,簡歷, cxii , cxv , cxvi 。

(d) Apparent Discrepancies between the Epistle and Acts. (四)視之間的差異書信和行為。 -- (1) St. Paul says that three years after his conversion (after having visited Arabia and returned to Damascus) he went up to Jerusalem (i, 17, 18) Acts states that after his baptism "he was with the disciples that were at Damascus, for some days" (ix, 19). - ( 1 )聖保祿說,三年之後,他的轉換(沙特阿拉伯訪問後返回大馬士革)他走到耶路撒冷(一, 17日, 18日)行為的國家,在他的洗禮“ ,他的弟子說,人在大馬士革,對一些天“ (九19 ) 。 "He immediately began to preach in the synagogues" (ix, 20). “他立即開始鼓吹的猶太教堂” (九20 ) 。 "He increased more in strength, and confounded the Jews" (ix, 22). “他增加更多的兵力,並混淆了猶太人” (九22 ) 。 "And when many days were passed, the Jews consulted together to kill him" (ix, 23); he then escaped and went to Jerusalem.他說: “當許多天過去了,猶太人協商共同殺死他” (第九章, 23 ) ;然後,他逃脫,前往耶路撒冷。 These accounts here are not contradictory, as has been sometimes objected; but were written from different points of view and for different purposes.這些帳戶在這裡並不矛盾,因為有時一直反對;但書面從不同角度和不同的目的。 The time for the visit to Arabia may be placed between Acts, ix, 22 and 23; or between "some days" and "many days".這些時間來訪問沙特阿拉伯可放在行為之間,九, 22日和23日;之間或“有些日子”和“多少天” 。 St. Luke's "many days" (hemerai ikanai) may mean as much as three years.聖盧克“多少天” ( hemerai ikanai )可能意味著多達三年。 (See 1 Kings 2:38; so Paley, Lightfoot, Knowling, Lewin.) The adjective ikanos is a favourite one with St. Luke, and is used by him with great elasticity, but generally in the sense of largeness, eg "a widow: and a great multitude of the city" (Luke 7:12); "there met him a certain man who had a devil now a very long time" (Luke 8:27); "a herd of many swine feeding" (Luke 8:32); "and he was abroad for a long time" (Luke 20:9); "for a long time, he had bewitched them" (Acts 8:11). (見列王紀上2時38分,所以佩利,娜萊, Knowling ,溫。 )的形容詞ikanos是一個最喜歡的一個聖盧克,並用他懷著極大的彈性,但通常意義上的廣大,如“ 1遺孀:和一個偉大眾多城市“ (路7時12分) ; ”有見過誰某些人進行了魔鬼現在是一個很長的時間“ (路加福音8時27分) , ”一群許多豬餵養“ (路加福音8時32分) , “他在國外很長一段時間” (路加福音20點09分) , “很長一段時間,他迷住他們” (使徒行8點11分) 。 See also Acts 14:3, 21 (Greek text); 18:18, 19:19, 26; 20:37.又見行為十四點03 , 21 (希臘文) ; 18:18 , 19:19 , 26 ; 20:37 。

(2) We read in Acts 9:27, that St. Barnabas took St. Paul "to the apostles". ( 2 )我們閱讀行為9時27分,聖巴納巴斯在聖保祿“的使徒” 。 St. Paul states (Galatians 1:19) that on this occasion, besides St. Peter, "other of the apostles I saw one, saving James the brother of the Lord".聖保羅州(加拉太一點19分) ,在此之際,除了聖彼得, “其他的使徒我看到一個,節省詹姆斯的弟弟上帝” 。 Those who find a contradiction here are hard to satisfy.這些誰找到一個矛盾難以滿足。 St. Luke employs the word Apostles sometimes in a broader, sometimes in a narrower sense.聖盧克員工使徒一詞有時在更廣泛的,有時在一個狹義的。 Here it meant the Apostles who happened to be at Jerusalem (Peter and James), or the assembly over which they presided.這裡指的使徒誰正好是在耶路撒冷(彼得和詹姆斯) ,或超過它們大會主持。 The objection can be pressed with any force only against those who deny that St. James was an Apostle in any of the senses used by St. Luke (see BRETHREN OF THE LORD).該異議可以按下任何武力只是針對那些誰否認,聖詹姆斯是使徒中的任何一種感官所使用的聖盧克(見兄弟勳爵) 。

Publication information Written by Cornelius Aherne.出版信息作者哥尼流阿赫尼。 Transcribed by Beth Ste-Marie. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI.轉錄的貝絲聖瑪麗。天主教百科全書,第六卷。 Published 1909.發布時間1909年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. Nihil Obstat , 1909年9月1號。 Remy Lafort, Censor.雷米Lafort ,審查。 Imprimatur.認可。 +John M. +約翰M Farley, Archbishop of New York法利,大主教紐約

Bibliography參考書目

One of the best critical commentaries on Galatians is CORNELY, commentarius in S.最好的一個關鍵的評論加拉太是CORNELY , commentarius於第 Pauli Epistolam ad Galatas in the Cursus Scriptura Sacrae (Paris, 1892). Other useful Catholic commentaries are the well-known works of A LAPIDE, ESTIUS, BISPING, PALMIERI, MACEVILLY.聖保利Epistolam廣告加拉塔斯在Cursus聖經Sacrae (巴黎, 1892年) 。其他有用的天主教評論是眾所周知的作品阿LAPIDE , ESTIUS , BISPING ,帕爾米耶, MACEVILLY 。

PATRISTIC LITERATURE; There are commentaries on the Epistle by AMBROSIASTER, ST. AUGUSTINE, ST.教父文獻;有評注的書信由AMBROSIASTER ,意。奧古斯丁,意法半導體。 CHRYSOSTOM, ST.金口,意。 JEROME, (ECUMENIUS, PELAGIUS, PRIMASIUS, THEODORET, THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA (a fragment), and THEOPHYLACT (all in Migne), and by ST. THOMA AQUINAS (many editions of St. Paul's Epistles). JEROME ( ECUMENIUS ,伯拉糾, PRIMASIUS , THEODORET ,西奧多的MOPSUESTIA (片段) ,並THEOPHYLACT (所有在米涅) ,以及由ST 。 THOMA AQUINAS (許多版本的聖保祿書信) 。

CRITICAL EDITIONS IN ENGLISH: LIGHTFOOT, Galatians (4th ed., London, 1874); RAMSAY, Historical Commentary on Galatians (London, 1900): RENDALL, Galatians in Expositor's Greek Test., III (London, 1903).臨界版本英語:娜萊,加拉太(第4版。 ,倫敦, 1874年) ;拉姆齊歷史評加拉太(倫敦, 1900年) : RENDALL ,加拉太在Expositor的希臘試驗。 ,三(倫敦, 1903年) 。

FOR NORTH-GALATIAN THEORY: LIGHTFOOT (supra); CHASE in Expositor, Dec., 1893, May, 1894; FINDLAY in Expository Times, VII; CHEETHAM in Classical Review, vol. III (London, 1894): SCHMIEDEL, Galatia in Encyc.北加拉太理論:娜萊(同上) ;大通Expositor , 12月, 1893年5月, 1894年;芬德利在說明性時報,七; CHEETHAM在古典審查,第二卷。三(倫敦, 1894年) : SCHMIEDEL ,加拉提亞在Encyc 。 Bibl.; BELSER, Die Selbstvertheidigung des heiligen Paulus (Freiburg, 1896); STEINMANN, Der Leserkreis des Galaterbriefes (Munster, 1908) contains a very full biblography. Bibl 。 ; BELSER ,模具Selbstvertheidigung萬聖保盧斯(弗賴堡, 1896年) ;坦曼,明鏡Leserkreis萬Galaterbriefes (穆斯特, 1908年)包含一個非常全面biblography 。

FOR SOUTH-GALATIAN THEORY: RAMSAY in Expositor, Jan., Feb., Apr., Aug., 1894, July 1895; IDEM in Expository Times, VII; IDEM, The Church in the Roman Empire (London, 1900); IDEM, St. Paul the Traveller ( London, 1900); IDEM in HAST., Dict.南南合作加拉太理論: RAMSAY在Expositor , 1月, 2月, 4月, 8月, 1894年, 1895年7月; IDEM的說明性時報,七;同上,教會的羅馬帝國(倫敦, 1900年) ;同上,聖保祿旅行(倫敦, 1900年) ; IDEM在你。 ,快譯通。 of the Bible; KNOWLING, Acts of the Apostles (additional note to ch. xviii) in Expositor's Greek Test.聖經; KNOWLING ,使徒行傳(附加說明總。十八)在Expositor的希臘試驗。 (London, 1900); RENDALL, op. (倫敦, 1900年) ; RENDALL ,同前。 cit.前。 above; IDEM in Expositor, Nov., 1893, Apr., 1894; GIFFORD in Expositor, July, 1894; BACON in Expositor, 1898, 1899; WOODHOUSE, Galatia in Encyc.以上; IDEM在Expositor , 11月, 1893年4月, 1894年; GIFFORD在Expositor , 7月, 1894年;培根在Expositor , 1898年, 1899年;胡,加拉提亞在Encyc 。 Bibl,; WEBER, Die Abfassung des Galaterbriefes von dem Apostelkonzil (Ratisbon, 1900); IDEM, Die Adressaten des Galaterbriefes (Ratisbon, 1900); IDEM, Das Datum des Galaterbriefes (Passau, 1900); IDEM in Katholik (1898-99), Die theol.-praki. Bibl , ;韋伯,模具Abfassung萬德國馬克Galaterbriefes馮Apostelkonzil ( Ratisbon , 1900 ) ;同上,模具Adressaten萬Galaterbriefes ( Ratisbon , 1900 ) ;同上,達斯基準萬Galaterbriefes (帕紹, 1900 ) ; IDEM在Katholik ( 1898年至1899年) ,模具theol. - praki 。 Monatsschrift, and Die Zeitschrift fur kath.月刊,及模具雜誌kath 。 Theolgie. Theolgie 。


This subject presentation in the original English language本主題介紹在原來的英文


Send an e-mail question or comment to us: E-mail發送電子郵件的問題或意見給我們:電子郵箱

The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at主要相信網頁(和索引科目),是在