Eusebius of Caesarea, Eusebius of Cæsarea優西比烏的愷撒,尤西比烏斯的cæsarea

Catholic Information 天主教信息

Eusebius Pamphili, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, the "Father of Church History"; b.潘菲利尤西比烏斯,主教cæsarea在巴勒斯坦,“教會歷史之父”;。 about 260; d.約260個;。 before 341.前341。

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It will save lengthy digression if we at once speak of a document which will often have to be referred to on account of its biographical importance, viz., the letter written by Eusebius to his diocese in order to explain his subscription to the Creed propounded by the Council of Nicæa.這將節省冗長的題外話,如果我們在一次講話的文件,往往要考慮其履歷的重要性,即,信尤西比烏斯他的教區,以書面解釋他訂閱的信條,會否被稱為理事會的nicæa。 After some preliminary remarks, the writer proceeds: "We first transmit to you the writing concerning the faith which was put forward by us, and then the second, which they have published after putting in additions to our expressions. Now the writing presented by us, which when read in the presence of our most religious emperor was declared to have a right and approved character was as follows: [The Faith put forward by us]. As we have received from the bishops before us both in our first catechetical instruction and when we were baptized, and as we have learned from the Divine Scriptures, and as we have believed and taught in the presbyterate and in the office of bishop itself so now likewise believing we offer to you our faith and it is thus."一些初步意見後,筆者進行:“我們先傳送到你的寫作的信念,這是我們提出的,那麼第二個,他們已經發布後,將在我們的表情。現在我們提交的書面文件,閱讀時存在我們最虔誠的皇帝宣布的權利和核准的字符如下:[我們的信仰提出]。我們已經收到了來自擺在我們面前的主教都在我們的第一個catechetical指示和當我們受洗,因為我們已經學會了從神聖的經文,我們相信並教導中鐸和主教本身的辦公室,所以現在也同樣相信,我們提供給你我們的信心,因此“。 Then follows a formal creed [Theodoret, Hist., I, 11; Socrates, Hist., I, 8; St. Athanasius, de Dec. Syn.然後如下一個正式的信條[theodoret公司,歷史,I,11;蘇格拉底,歷史,I,8,聖亞他那修,去十二月SYN。 Nic. NIC。 (appendix) and elsewhere. (見附錄)及其他地方。 Translated by Newman with notes in the Oxford Library of the Fathers (Select Treatises of St. Athanasius, p. 59) and St. Athanasius, vol.翻譯紐曼的父親在牛津大學圖書館與筆記(選擇論著聖亞他那修,第59頁)和聖亞他那修,第二卷。 I. The translation given here is Dr. Hort's.一,翻譯由於這裡是博士園藝。 The words in brackets are probably genuine though not given by Socrates and St. Athanasius].括號內的文字可能是真正的,雖然沒有給出蘇格拉底和聖亞他那修]。

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Dr. Hort in 1876 ("Two Dissertations", etc., pp. 56 sqq.) pointed out that this creed was presumably that of the Church of Cæsarea of which Eusebius was bishop.在1876年的博士園藝(“雙學位論文”等,SQQ-56。)指出,這個信條,據推測,在教會的cæsarea尤西比烏斯是主教。 This view is widely accepted (cf. Lightfoot, art. "Euseb." in "Dict. of Christ. Biog." - All references to Lightfoot, unless otherwise stated, are to this article. - Sanday, "Journal of Theolog. Studies", vol. I, p. 15; Gwatkin, "Studies of Arianism", p. 42, 2nd edition; McGiffert, "Prolog. to CH of Euseb." in "Select Library of Nic. and post-Nic. Fathers"; Duchesne, "Hist. de l'Eglise", vol. II, p. 149).這一觀點被廣泛接受(參見萊特富特,藝術“。Euseb。”字典“中的基督。Biog。” - 除非另有說明,所有萊特富特,這篇文章 - 桑迪,“Theolog雜誌研究。 “,卷I,第15格沃特金”,阿里烏主義的研究“,第42,第2版;麥吉弗特,”序言。CH Euseb“。在”選擇庫的網卡和網卡。教父“杜申,“歷史de l'Eglise地區的”,第二卷,第149頁)。 According to this view it is natural to regard the introduction, "As we have received" etc., as autobiographical, and to infer that Eusebius had exercised the office of priesthood in the city of Cæsarea before he became its bishop, and had received his earliest religious instruction and the sacrament of Baptism there also.根據這一觀點,是很自然的把引進,“我們已經收到了”等,自傳,並推斷尤西比烏斯行使了辦公室的cæsarea在城市之前,他成為了主教聖職,並獲得了他的最早的宗教指令和聖餐洗禮也有。 But other interpretations of this document are given, one of which destroys, while the other diminishes, its biographical value: (a) According to some the creed proferred by Eusebius was drawn up as a formula to be subscribed by all the bishops.但其他本文件的解釋,其中一個破壞,而削弱,其履歷的價值是:(a)根據一些尤西比烏斯公式將予認購之所有主教的信條proferred。 It was they who were to say that it embodied what they had been taught as catechumens and had taught as priests and bishops.這是他們誰是說,它體現了他們所被教導為慕道者,並教神父和主教。 This seems to have been the view generally held before Hort, and was Kattenbusch's view in 1804 (Das apostolische Symbol, vol. I, p. 231).這似乎已經普遍的看法,前舉行園藝,Kattenbusch酒店於1804年(DAS apostolische符號“,第一卷,第231頁)的觀點。 One objection to this view may be noted.反對這種觀點可能會注意到。 It makes all the bishops equivalently say that before they received the episcopate they had for some time exercised the duties of the priesthood.等價地說,所有的主教之前,他們行使了一段時間,他們的主教聖職的職責。 (b) Others maintain that this creed was not the local creed of Cæsarea, but one drawn up by Eusebius in his own justification as embodying what he had always believed and taught. (b)其他認為這個信條,而不是本地的cæsarea,但尤西比烏斯在他自己的理由,體現了他一直相信並教導的信條。 According to this interpretation the preliminary statement still remains autobiographical; but it merely informs us that the writer exercised the office of priest before he became a bishop.根據這一解釋的初步聲明仍然是自傳式的,但它只是告訴我們,作家行使牧師的辦公室之前,他成為了一名主教。 This interpretation has been adopted by Kattenbusch in his second volume (p. 239) published in 1900.這種解釋已通過Kattenbusch酒店於1900年出版了他的第二卷(第239頁)。 One of the reasons which he gives for his change of view is that when he was preparing his first volume he used Socrates, who does not give the superscription which we have printed in brackets.其中的原因,他給他的變化的看法是,當他正準備他的首卷,他用蘇格拉底,誰不給,我們已經印在括號中的superscription。 It is a vital matter with writers of the school of Kattenbusch not to accept what seems the natural interpretation of Eusebius's words, viz., that the creed he read before the council was actually the one he had always used.這是一個重要的問題Kattenbusch酒店的學校的作家,不接受尤西比烏斯的話似乎自然的解釋,即,擺在安理會面前讀他的信條實際上是他一直使用的。 If this is admitted, "then", to quote Dr. Sanday, "I cannot but think that the theory of Kattenbusch and Harnack [viz. that the Eastern creds were daughters of the early Roman creed, and this latter did not reach the East till about AD 272] breaks breaks down altogether. Bishop Lightfoot … puts the birth of Eusebius about 260 AD, so that he would be something like twelve years old when Aurelian intervened in the affairs of Antioch. In other words he was in all probability already baptized, and had already been catechised in the Cæsarean creed at a time when, in the Kattenbusch-Harnack hypothesis, the parent of that creed had not yet reached Antioch - much less Cæsarea or Jerusalem" (Journ. Th. Studies, I, 15).如果這是承認,“然後”,引用桑迪博士,“我不能,但認為Kattenbusch酒店的理論和哈爾納克[即,東部creds早期的羅馬信條的女兒,而後者沒有到達東直到大約公元272斷裂分解完全。主教lightfoot將出生的尤西比烏斯約260 AD,這樣他就可以像12歲的奧雷利安在安提阿的事務進行干預。換言之,他已經在所有的可能性受洗,並已經被catechised在剖腹產的信條,Kattenbusch酒店的Harnack假說,這一信條的母公司尚未達到安提阿的時間 - 要少得多的愷撒和耶路撒冷“(Journ.釷的研究,我,15 )。

The passage just quoted shows that the date of Eusebius's birth is more than a merely curious question.通過剛才引述的的尤西比烏斯出生日期是以上僅僅是好奇的問題。 According to Lightfoot, it cannot have been "much later than AD 260" (p. 309); according to Harnack, "it can hardly be placed later than 260-265" (Chronologie, I, p. 106).根據萊特富特,不能是“遠遠晚於公元260”(第309頁),根據的Harnack,“它可以很難超過260-265放在後面”(Chronologie,I,第106頁)。 The data from which they argue are the persons and events which Eusebius describes as belonging to "our own times".他們認為是數據尤西比烏斯形容為屬於我們自己的時代“的人物和事件。 Thus, at the end of his account of the epistles of Dionysius of Alexandria, he says he is now going to relate the events of "our own times" (kath- 'emâs. - HE, VII, 26).因此,在結束他的帳戶狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山德里亞的書信中,他說他現在要與我們自己的時代“(凱絲”EMAS的事件。 - HE,七,26)。 He then recounts how, at Rome, Pope Dionysius (259-268) succeeded Xystus, and about the same time Paul of Samosata became Bishop of Antioch.然後,他回憶說,在羅馬,教皇狄奧尼修斯(259-268)成功Xystus,大約在同一時間,保羅的samosata成了安提阿主教。

Elsewhere (HE, V, 28) he speaks of the same Paul as reviving "in our own time" (kath- 'emâs) the heresy of Artemon.在其他地方(HE,V,28)他說話的同時保羅復興“在我們的時代”(凱絲'EMAS)的異端邪說的阿泰蒙。 He also speaks of the Alexandrian Dionysius (d. 265) in the same way (HE, III, 28).他還談到狄奧尼修斯的亞歷山大(卒於265年)以同樣的方式(HE,III,28)。 He calls Manes, whom he places (HE, VII, 31) during the episcopate of Felix (270-274), "the maniac of yesterday and our own timess" (Theophania, IV, 30).他呼籲Manes認為,其中他的地方(HE 31),VII,在主教的菲利克斯(270-274),“瘋子昨天我們自己的timess”“(Theophania,IV,30)。 An historian might of course refer to events recent, but before his own birth, as belonging to "our own times"; eg a man of thirty might speak thus of the Franco-German war in 1870.當然,歷史學家可能參考最近事件,但在他自己的出生,屬於我們自己的時代“,例如一個30人可能會這樣講於1870年的法德戰爭。 But the reference to Manes as "the maniac of yesterday" certainly suggests a writer who is alluding to what happened within his own personal recollection.但參考“瘋子”昨天Manes認為,當然意味著一個作家誰是暗指發生了什麼事在他自己的個人回憶。 Concerning Eusebius's parentage we know absolutely nothing; but the fact that he escaped with a short term of imprisonment during the terrible Diocletian persecution, when his master Pamphilus and others of his companions suffered martyrdom, suggests that he belonged to a family of some influence and importance.關於尤西比烏斯的父母,我們知道絕對沒有,但在事實上,他逃脫了一個短長期監禁的可怕戴克里先迫害,當他的主Pamphilus和其他的同伴遭受殉難時,表明,他屬於一個家庭的一些影響力和重要性。 His relations, later on, with the Emperor Constantine point to the same conclusion.他的關係,後來,皇帝君士坦丁點了同樣的結論。 At some time during the last twenty years of the third century he visited Antioch, where he made the acquaintance of the priest Dorotheus, and heard him expound the Scriptures (HE, VII, 32).在一段時間內的第三個世紀最後的二十年期間,他參觀了安提阿,在那裡他結識了的牧師Dorotheus的,聽到他闡述了“聖經”(HE),VII,32。 By a slip of the pen or the memory, Lightfoot (p. 309) makes Dorotheus a priest of the Church of Cæsarea.由滑的鋼筆或內存中,萊特富特(第309頁)使Dorotheus一個牧師的教會的愷撒。 In 296 he saw for the first time the future Emperor Constantine, as he passed through Palestine in the company of Diocletian (Vit. Const., I, 19).在296,他第一次看到了未來的皇帝君士坦丁,他通過巴勒斯坦在該公司的戴克里先(維生素常量,I,19)。

At a date which cannot be fixed Eusebius made the acquaintance of Pamphilus, the founder of the magnificent library which remained for several centuries the great glory of the Church of Cæsarea.在日期不能是固定的尤西比烏斯結識的Pamphilus,保持了幾個世紀的偉大榮耀的教會的cæsarea的宏偉庫的創始人。 Pamphilus came from Phœnicia, but at the time we are considering resided at Cæsarea, where he presided over a college or school for students. Pamphilus來自腓尼基,但在當時,我們正在考慮居住在愷撒,他主持的學院或學校的學生。 A man of noble birth, and wealthy, he sold his patrimony and gave the proceeds to the poor.一個出身貴族和富裕,他賣掉了他的遺產,給了窮人的收益。 He was a great friend to indigent students, supplying them to the best of his ability with the necessaries of life, and bestowing on them copies of the Holy Scriptures.他是一個偉大的朋友,為貧困學生,提供他們最好的他的生活必需品的能力,並賦予他們複製的聖經。 Too humble to write anything himself, he spent his time in preparing accurate copies of the Scriptures and other books, especially those of Origen.太謙虛自己寫什麼,他把時間花在準備的精確副本“聖經”和其他書籍,特別是那些奧利。 Eloquent testimonies to the care bestowed by Pamphilus and Eusebius on the sacred text are found in Biblical MSS.在聖經的MSS雄辯的證詞的pamphilus和優西比烏上的神聖文本賦予的關懷。 which have reproduced their colophons.再現他們的題跋。 We give three specimens.我們給三個樣品。 (1) the following is prefixed to Ezechiel in the codex Marchalianus. (1)以下前綴的,Ezechiel食品法典委員會Marchalianus。 A facsimile of the original will be found in Mai's "Bib. nov. Pat.", IV, p.在清邁的“圍脖十一月專利”,IV,第一個傳真,會發現原來的。 218, and in Migne. 218,以及在米涅。 It is printed in ordinary type in Swete's OT in Greek (vol. III, p. viii).這是印在普通型Swete在希臘的OT(第三卷,第8頁)。 It must be remembered that Origen's own copy of the Hexapla was in the library of Pamphilus.必須記住,奧利自己的副本的hexapla在Pamphilus的圖書館。 It had probably been deposited there by Origen himself.它可能被存放在那裡的淵源自己。

The following was transcribed from a copy of the Father Apollinarius the Coenobiarch, to which these words are subjoined: "It was transcribed from the editions of the Hexapla and was corrected from the Tetrapla of Origen himself which also had been corrected and furnished with scholia in his own handwriting, whence I, Eusebius, added the scholia, Pamphilus and Eusebius corrected."以下轉錄從父親亞波里拿留Coenobiarch的副本,這些字又添了一句:“這是轉錄的hexapla的版本和得到糾正的Tetrapla的淵源,自己也已得到糾正,並配與scholia在他自己的筆跡,我是從那裡,尤西比烏斯,增加了scholia的,pamphilus和尤西比烏斯糾正。“

(2) At the end of the Book of Esdras, in the codex Sinaiticus, there is the following note:- (2)在這本書的埃斯德拉斯年底,在法典西奈抄本,有以下注意事項: -

It was compared with a very ancient copy that had been corrected by the hand of the blessed martyr Pamphilus to which is appended in his own hand this subscription: "It was transcribed and corrected according to the Hexapla of Origen, Antoninus compared, I, Pamphilus, corrected."它是相對於一個非常古老的副本已得到糾正的手,這是附加在自己手中,這訂閱的祝福烈士Pamphilus的:“這是根據Hexapla的奧利轉錄和糾正,安東尼相比,我Pamphilus ,糾正。“ (Swete, vol. II, p. 212.) (Swete,第二卷,第212頁。)

(3) The same codex and also the Vatican and Alexandrine quote a colophon like the above, with the difference that Antoninus has become a confessor, and Pamphilus is in prison - "Antoninus the confessor compared, Pamphilus corrected". (3)食品法典委員會和梵蒂岡和亞歷山大報價,像上面的一個版權頁,所不同的是,安東尼已經成為一個懺悔,並Pamphilus是在監獄裡 - “安東尼的懺悔相比,Pamphilus糾正”。 The volume to which this colophon was subjoined began with I Kings and ended with Esther.本colophon又添了一句,開始了我的國王的體積和以斯帖結束。 Pamphilus was certainly not idle in prison. Pamphilus是在監獄裡肯定沒閒著。 To most of the books in the Syro- Hexaplar is subjoined a note to the effect that they were translated from the Hexapla in the library of Cæsarea and compared with a copy subscribed: "I, Eusebius, corrected [the above] as carefully as I could" (Harnack, "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 544, 545).大部分的書籍在syro - Hexaplar又添了一句,記的效果,他們被翻譯的hexapla在圖書館的cæsarea和副本認購:“我,尤西比烏斯,糾正[]為我小心去“(哈納克,”Altchrist。點亮“,第544頁,545)。

May not the confessor Antoninus be the same person as the priest of that name who, later on, with two companions interrupted the governor when he was on the point of sacrificing, and was beheaded?可能不懺悔安東尼是同一人所為的那名牧師,後來,與兩位同伴打斷了州長時,他就點犧牲,被斬首? (Mart. Pal., 9.) One member of Pamphilus's household, Apphianus, had done the same a few years before; and another, Ædesius, after being tortured and sent to the mines, on obtaining his release provoked martyrdom at Alexandria by going before the governor and rebuking him. (吳春紅帕爾。,9)的一名成員,Apphianus Pamphilus的家庭,已做了同樣的前幾年;,Ædesius的,被折磨和發送的地雷,獲得他的發布引起了殉難在亞歷山大去後,前州長,並譴責他。 Towards the end of 307 Pamphilus was arrested, horribly tortured, and consigned to prison.在接近年底的307 Pamphilus被逮捕的,可怕的折磨,並委託監獄。 Besides continuing his work of editing the Septuagint, he wrote, in collaboration with Eusebius, a Defence of Origen which was sent to the confessors in the mines - a wonderful gift from a man whose sides had been curried with iron combs, to men with their right eyes burned out and the sinews of their left legs cauterized.除了編輯七十繼續他的工作,他寫道,在尤西比烏斯的合作,被送到的師在礦山,國防,俄雙方已做到令行禁止用鐵梳子從一個人 - 一個美妙的禮物,男人憑藉著他們右眼睛燒壞了自己的左腿筋燒灼。 Early in 309 Pamphilus and several of his disciples were beheaded.早在309 pamphilus和幾個他的弟子們被斬首。 Out of devotion to his memory Eusebius called himself Eusebius Pamphili, meaning, probably, that he wished to be regarded as the bondsman of him whose name "it is not meet that I should mention … without styling him my lord" (Mart. Pal., ed. Cureton, p. 37).稱自己奉獻給他的記憶尤西比烏斯尤西比烏斯潘菲利,意思是,可能,他希望被視為擔保人,他的名字“,它不會滿足,我應該提...沒有他的風格我主”(吳春紅好朋友。 ,帶來了版,第37頁)。 Mr. Gifford, in the introduction to his translation of the "Præp. Evang.", has suggested another explanation on the authority of an ancient scholion emanating from Cæsarea which calls Eusebius the "son of Pamphilus".吉福德先生,在介紹他翻譯的“Præp。Evang。”,提出另一種解釋上一個古老從愷撒scholion發出的權威,這就要求尤西比烏斯“的Pamphilus的兒子”。 He argues further that Pamphilus, in order to make Eusebius his heir, took the necessary step of adopting him.他進一步認為,為了使Pamphilus尤西比烏斯他的繼承人,他採用採取了必要的步驟。 During the persecution Eusebius visited Tyre and Egypt and witnessed numbers of martyrdoms (HE, VIII, vii and ix).在這場迫害中,尤西比烏斯訪問輪胎,埃及和目擊數量的殉道(HE,VII,VIII和IX)。 He certainly did not shun danger, and was at one time a prisoner.他當然不躲避危險,在同一時間,是一個囚犯。 When, where, or how he escaped death or any kind of mutilation, we do not know.當的地方,或他是如何逃脫的死亡或任何形式的切割,我們不知道。 An indignant bishop, who had been one of his fellow-prisoners and "lost an eye for the Truth", demanded at the Council of Tyre how "he came off scathless".憤怒的主教,他的同胞囚犯已“失去了一隻眼睛的真理”,要求在安理會的輪胎如何“他來到scathless的”。 To this taunt - it was hardly a question - made under circumstances of great provocation, Eusebius deigned no reply (Epiphan., Hær., lxviii, 8; cf. St. Athanas., "Apol. c. Arian.", viii, 1).這個嘲諷 - 這是幾乎沒有一個問題 - 偉大的挑釁的情況下作出,尤西比烏斯屈尊沒有的答复(Epiphan.,Hær,LXVIII,8;比照。聖Athanas,“APOL。阿里安”,八, 1)。 He had many enemies, yet the charge of cowardice was never seriously made - the best proof that it could not have been sustained.他有許多敵人,但從來沒有認真負責怯懦 - 最好的證明,它不能一直持續下去。 We may assume that, as soon as the persecution began to relax, Eusebius succeeded Pamphilus in the charge of the college and library.我們可以假設,一旦的迫害開始放鬆的,尤西比烏斯成功Pamphilus在充電的大學和圖書館。 Perhaps he was ordained priest about this time.也許大約在這個時候,他被任命為牧師。 By 315 he was already a bishop, for he was present in that capacity at the dedication of a new basilica at Tyre, on which occasion he delivered a discourse given in full in the last book of the Church history.到了315,他已經是一個主教,因為他在那容量在奉獻一個新的教堂,在輪胎,這一次,他發表了一篇講道的教會歷史中的最後一本書。

Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, excommunicated Arius about the year 320.亞歷山大主教亞歷山德里亞,驅逐阿里烏斯的一年320。 The Arians soon found that for all practical purposes Eusebius was on their side.該Arians很快就發現,所有的實際目的尤西比烏斯是站在他們一邊。 He wrote to Alexander charging him with misrepresenting the teaching of the Arians and so giving them cause "to attack and misrepresent whatever they please" (see below).他寫信給亞歷山大指控他犯有歪曲教學的arians,並給他們造成“攻擊和歪曲為所欲為的”(見下文)。 A portion of this letter has been preserved in the Acts of the second Council of Nicæa, where it was cited to prove that Eusebius was a heretic.這封信的部分一直保存在第二屆理事會的尼西亞,它被引用來證明尤西比烏斯是一個異教徒的行為。 He also took part in a synod of Syrian bishops who decided that Arius should be restored to his former position, but on his side he was to obey his bishop and continually entreat peace and communion with him (Soz., HE, I, 15).他還參加了在敘利亞主教主教會議的決定,阿里烏斯應恢復到他以前的位置,但在他的身邊,他是聽從他的主教和不斷求和平,共融與他(Soz.,他,我,15) 。 According to Duchesne (Hist. de l'Eglise, II, 132), Arius, like Origen before him, found an asylum at Cæsarea.據杜申(Hist. l'Eglise地區,II,132),阿里烏斯,如奧利在他之前,找到在該撒利亞的庇護。 At the opening of the Council of Nicæa Eusebius occupied the first seat on the right of the emperor, and delivered the inaugural address which was "couched in a strain of thanksgiving to Almighty God on his, the emperor's behalf" (Vit. Const., III, 11; Soz., HE, I, 19).在開幕式理事會的尼西亞尤西比烏斯佔據了第一座皇帝的權利,並發表了就職演說,這是“措辭的應變感謝萬能的上帝在他的皇帝的代表”(維常量。三,11;索茲。,他,我,19)。 He evidently enjoyed great prestige and may not unreasonably have expected to be able to steer the council through the via media between the Scylla and Charybdis of "Yes" and "No".他顯然享有巨大威望和,不得無理預計將能夠帶領議會通過通過新聞媒體之間的斯庫拉和卡律布狄斯“是”和“否”。 But if he entertained such hopes they were soon disappointed.但是,如果他招待了這樣的希望,他們很快就失望了。 We have already spoken of the profession of faith which he brought forward to vindicate his own orthodoxy, or perhaps in the hope that the council might adopt it.我們已經談過,他提出,以維護自己的正統,或者希望安理會可能採取的職業信仰。 It was, in view of the actual state of the controversy, a colourless, or what at the present day would be called a comprehensive, formula.它的實際狀態的爭論,是一種無色,或在目前的一天會被稱為全面,配方。 After some delay Eusebius subscribed to the uncompromising creed drawn up by the council, making no secret, in the letter which he wrote to his own Church, of the non-natural sense in which he accepted it.經過一些拖延尤西比烏斯認購由理事會制定的,沒有什麼秘密,在信中他寫道自己的教會,不自然的感覺,即他接受了不妥協的信條。 Between 325 and 330 a heated controversy took place between Eusebius and Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch.在325和330之間發生了激烈的爭論尤西比烏斯歐斯塔修斯,安提阿主教之間的。

Eustathius accused Eusebius of tampering with the faith of Nicæa; the latter retorted with the charge of Sabellianism.優西比烏的歐斯塔修斯指責干預信仰的nicæa;,後者反駁負責Sabellianism。 In 331 Eusebius was among the bishops who, at a synod held in Antioch, deposed Eustathius.在331尤西比烏斯是,在安提阿的主教舉行,廢黜歐斯塔修斯的主教。 He was offered and refused the vacant see.他提供了,並拒絕空置看到的。 In 334 and 335 he took part in the campaign against St. Athanasius at the synods held in Cæsarea and Tyre respectively.在334和335中,他參加了反對聖亞他那修在該撒利亞和輪胎分別舉行的主教會議。 From Tyre the assembly of bishops were summoned to Jerusalem by Constantine, to assist at the dedication of the basilica he had erected on the site of Calvary.從輪胎的裝配主教被傳喚到耶路撒冷的君士坦丁,在奉獻的大殿,他已豎立在網站上的各各協助。 After the dedication they restored Arius and his followers to communion.厥後,他們恢復arius和他的追隨者交流。 From Jerusalem they were summoned to Constantinople (336), where Marcellus was condemned.從耶路撒冷,他們被傳喚到君士坦丁堡(336),在馬塞勒斯被判處的。 The foilowing year Constantine died. foilowi​​ng年康斯坦丁死了。 Eusebius survived him long enough to write his Life and two treatises against Marcellus, but by the summer of 341 he was already dead, since it was his successor, Acacius, who assisted as Bishop of Cæsarea at a synod held at Antioch in the summer of that year.尤西比烏斯生存了他足夠長的時間來寫他的生活和論文對馬塞勒斯,但在今年夏天的341,他已經死了,因為這是他的繼任者後,a cacius,協助主教cæsarea在安提阿的主教舉行的夏天那年。

WRITINGS WRITINGS

We shall take Eusebius's writings in the order given in Harnack's "Altchrist. Lit.", pp. 554 sqq.哈納克的“Altchrist。烈”,第554 SQQ在給定的順序,我們應採取尤西比烏斯的作品。

A. Historical A.歷史

(1) The lost Life of Pamphilus, often referred to by Eusebius, of which only a single fragment, describing Pamphilus' liberality to poor students, quoted by St. Jerome (c. Ruffin., I, ix), survives. (1)失去了生命的Pamphilus,經常提到的優西比烏,其中只有一個片段,描述Pamphilus的慷慨貧困學生,報圣杰羅姆(約魯芬,I,IX),生存。

(2) A collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, used by the compiler of Wright's Syriac Martyrology, also lost. (2)收集的古代殉道,·賴特的敘利亞文Martyrology的編譯器的使用,也失去了。

(3) On the Martyrs of Palestine. (3)在巴勒斯坦烈士。 There are two distinct forms of this work, both drawn up by Eusebius.有兩種不同的形式這項工作,都制定了尤西比烏斯。 The longer is only extant in a Syriac version which was first edited and translated by Cureton in 1861.不再是唯一現存在敘利亞文版本,這是第一次編輯和翻譯帶來了1861年。 The shorter form is found in most MSS.較短的形式被發現在最MSS。 (not, however, in the best) of the Church History, sometimes at the end of the last book, generally between books VIII and IX, also in the middle of book VIII. (然而,在最好的)教會歷史上,有時在年底的最後一本書,一般在書VIII和IX,在中間的書八。 The existence of the same work in two different forms raises a number of curious literary problems.同樣的工作在兩種不同的形式的存在,引起了一些好奇的文學問題。 There is, of course, the question of priority.是,當然,優先的問題。

Here, with two notable exceptions, scholars seem to be agreed in favour of the longer form.在這裡,有兩個顯著的例外,學者們似乎同意贊成更長的形式。 Then comes the question, why Eusebius abridged it and, finally, how the abridgment found its way into the Church History.那麼問題來了,為什麼尤西比烏斯刪節,最後,如何刪節的教會歷史中找到了自己的方式。 The shorter form lacks some introductory remarks, referred to in c.較短的形式,在C缺乏一些介紹性發言。 xiii, which defined the scope of the book.十三,書定義的範圍。 It also breaks off when the writer is about to "record the palinode" of the persecutors.這也打破了,當作家是“記錄翻案詩”的迫害。 It seems probable that part of the missing conclusion is extant in the form of an appendix to the eighth book of the Church History found in several MSS.這似乎有可能部分缺少的結論是現存的幾個MSS中的教會歷史的第八本書的附錄的形式。 This appendix contrasts the miserable fate of the persecutors with the good fortune of Constantine and his father.本附錄對比的悲慘命運的迫害與康斯坦丁和他的父親的好運氣。 From these data Lightfoot concludes that what we now possess formed "part of a larger work in which the sufferings of the Martyrs were set off against the deaths of the persecutors".從這些數據萊特富特的結論是什麼,我們現在擁有形成了“一個更大的工作中,痛苦的烈士掀起了對死亡的迫害”的一部分。 It must, however, be remembered that the missing parts would not add much to the book. ,但是,它必須被記住的是,缺少的部分,將不會增加太多的書。 So far as the martyrs are concerned, it is evidently complete, and the fate of the persecutors would not take long in the telling.到目前為止,烈士而言,它顯然是完整的,花不了多長時間的迫害講述的命運。 Still, the missing conclusion may explain why Eusebius curtailed his account of the Martyrs.然而,缺少的結論可以解釋,尤西比烏斯削減為什麼他的帳戶的烈士。 The book, in both forms, was intended for popular reading.這本書,在這兩種形式,意為通俗讀物。 It was therefore desirable to keep down the price of copies.因此有必要保持價格的副本。 If this was to be done, and new matter (ie the fate of the persecutors) added, the old matter had to be somewhat curtailed.如果這是必須做的,添加新的物質(即迫害者的命運),老問題在一定程度上減少。 In 1894, in the Theologische Literaturzeitung (p. 464) Preuschen threw out the idea that the shorter form was merely a rough draft not intended for publication. 1894年,在Theologische Literaturzeitung(第464頁)普羅伊申扔出去的想法,較短的形式僅僅是一個粗略的草稿不打算出版。 Bruno Violet, in his "Die Palästinischen Martyrer" (Texte u. Untersuch., XIV, 4, 1896) followed up this idea and pointed out that, whereas the longer form was constantly used by the compilers of Martyrologies, Menologies, and the like, the shorter form was never used.紫羅蘭,布魯諾在他的的“模具PalästinischenMartyrer”(Texte U。Untersuch,第十四條,4個,1896年)跟進這個想法,並指出,更長的形式,而經常使用的編譯器的的martyrologies,Menologies等較短的形式,從未使用過。 In a review of Violet (Theolog. Litz, 1897, p. 300), Preuschen returns to his original idea, and further suggests that the shorter form must have been joined to the Church History by some copyist who had access to Eusebius's MSS.紫評論(Theolog.利茲,1897年,頁300),普羅伊申回到他原來的想法,並且進一步建議,較短的形式必須被加入到教會歷史的一些抄寫誰曾訪問尤西比烏斯的MSS的。 Harnack (Chronologie, 11, 115) holds to the priority of the longer form, but he thinks that the shorter form was composed almost at the same time for readers of the Church History.哈納克(Chronologie,11,115)持有的優先級更長的形式,但他認為,較短的形式組成的教會歷史的讀者幾乎在同一時間。

(4) The Chronicle (see separate article, EUSEBIUS, CHRONICLE OF). (4)“紀事”(見另一篇文章,尤西比烏斯,CHRONICLE)。

(5) The Church History. (5)教會歷史。 It would be difficult to overestimate the obligation which posterity is under to Eusebius for this monumental work.這將是難以估量的義務,後人根據這個巨大的工作尤西比烏斯。 Living during the period of transition, when the old order was changing and all connected with it was passing into oblivion, he came forward at the critical moment with his immense stores of learning and preserved priceless treasures of Christian antiquity.生活在過渡時期,當舊秩序正在發生變化,所有與它進入遺忘,他挺身而出,在關鍵時刻與他的巨大存儲的學習和基督教古物保存完好的無價珍寶。 This is the great merit of the Church History.這是很大的優點的教會歷史。 It is not a literary work which can be read with any pleasure for the sake of its style.這不是一個可以讀取任何高興的緣故,其風格的文學作品。 Eusebius's "diction", as Photius said, "is never pleasant nor clear".尤西比烏斯的“辭”,如“Photius說,”從來都不是愉快的,也不清晰。“ Neither is it the work of a great thinker.無論是工作的一個偉大的思想家。 But it is a storehouse of information collected by an indefatigable student.但是,它是由一個不知疲倦的學生收集信息的倉庫。 Still, great as was Eusebius's learning, it had its limitations.然而,偉大的是尤西比烏斯的學習,它有它的局限性。 He is provokingly ill-informed about the West.他是挑釁不甚了解西方。 That he knows very little about Tertullian or St. Cyprian is due, no doubt, to his scant knowledge of Latin; but in the case of a Greek writer, like Hippolytus, we can only suppose that his works somehow failed to make their way to the libaries of the East.他知道德爾圖良和聖塞浦路斯很少是因為,毫無疑問,他的有限的知識,拉丁,但在一個希臘作家的情況下,希波呂托斯一樣,我們只能假設,他的作品以某種方式沒有做他們的方式東方的類庫。 Eusebius's good faith and sincerity has been amply vindicated by Lightfoot.尤西比烏斯的善意和誠意,得到了充分的辯護萊特富特。 Gibbon's celebrated sneer, about a writer "who indirectly confesses that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend to the disgrace, of religion", can be sufficiently met by referring to the passages (HE, VIII, ii; Mart. Pal. c. 12) on which it is based.長臂猿的著名的冷笑,約一個作家“誰間接地承認,他有相關的任何可能回報的榮耀,和他已經抑制,可能傾向的恥辱,宗教”,可以被充分滿足參照通道(HE ,八,二,沃爾瑪,PAL,C 12),它是基於。 Eusebius does not "indirectly confess", but openly avows, that he passes over certain scandals, and he enumerates them and denounces them.尤西比烏斯不“間接承認”,但公開avows,他通過對某些醜聞,他列舉了他們,譴責他們。 "Nor again", to quote Lightfoot, "can the special charges against his honour as a narrator be sustained. There is no ground whatever for the charge that Eusebius forged or interpolated the passage from Josephus relating to our Lord quoted in HE, I, 11, though Heinchen is disposed to entertain the charge. Inasmuch as this passage is contained in all our MSS., and there is sufficient evidence that other interpolations (though not this) were introduced into the text of Josephus long before his time (see Orig., c. Cels., I, 47, Delarue's note) no suspicion can justly attach to Eusebius himself. Another interpolation in the Jewish historian, which he quotes elsewhere (11, 23), was certainly known to Origen (lc). Doubtless also the omission of the owl in the account of Herod Agrippa's death (HE, 11, 10) was already in some texts of Josephus (Ant., XIX, 8, 2). The manner in which Eusebius deals with his numerous quotations elsewhere, where we can test his honesty, is a sufficient vindication against this unjust charge" (L., p. 325). “也沒有”,引述萊特富特,“特別費對他的榮譽,作為一個解說員持續。有沒有什麼理由,尤西比烏斯的電荷通過偽造或內插,我們的主報價在HE由約瑟夫,I, 11,,雖然Heinchen配置招待的費用,因為這段話包含在我們所有的MSS。,和有足夠的證據證明其他的說明(雖然不是這個)被引入到文本約瑟夫在他的時間長(見ORIG ,商用CELS,我,47,Delarue旅遊的注意)沒有懷疑,公正地連接到尤西比烏斯自己。另一種插值的猶太歷史學家,其中他引用了其他地方(11,23),是肯定已知的奧利(LC)。毫無疑問,遺漏貓頭鷹在帳戶的希律王阿格里帕的死亡(HE,11,10)已經在一些文本的約瑟夫(Ant.,第十九條,8,2)。尤西比烏斯處理與他的許多報價以何種方式在其他地方,在這裡,我們可以測試他的誠實,是一個足夠的平反,反對這種不公正的收費“(L.,第325頁)。

The notices in the Church History bearing on the New Testament Canon are so important that a word must be said about the rule followed by Eusebius in what he recorded and what he left unrecorded.新約全書佳能在教會歷史關係是如此重要,應該說是一個字尤西比烏斯在他記錄了他留給未記錄的規則的通知。 Speaking generally, his principle seems to have been to quote testimonies for and against those books only whose claims to a place in the Canon had been disputed.一般講,他的原則似乎已經引述的證詞和反對那些書的要求在佳能的地方提出了異議。 In the case of undisputed books he gave any interesting information concerning their composition which he had come across in his reading.他在無可爭議的書的情況下,給了他遇到他的閱讀有關其組成的任何有趣的信息。 The subject was most carefully investigated by Lightfoot in an article in "The Contemporary" (January, 1875, reprinted in "Essays on Supernatural Religion"), entitled "The Silence of Eusebius".的主題是最仔細的調查,萊特富特在“當代”的一篇文章中(1875年1月,轉載超自然的宗教“,”散文),題為“沉默的尤西比烏斯”。 In regard to the Gospel of St. John, Lightfoot concludes: "The silence of Eusebius respecting early witnesses to the Fourth Gospel is an evidence in its favour."關於福音的聖約翰,萊特富特的結論是:“沉默的尤西比烏斯尊重早期證人的第四個福音,是一個有利於自己的證據。” For the episcopal lists in the Church History, see article on the Chronicle.對於主教在教會的歷史記錄列表,請參閱“舊金山紀事報的一篇文章。 The tenth book of the Church History records the defeat of Licinius in 323, and must have been completed before the death and disgrace of Crispus in 326, for it refers to him as Constantine's "most pious son".第十本書的教會歷史記錄失敗的李錫尼在323和326之前必須已經完成的死亡和恥辱的基利司布,它指的是他康斯坦丁的“最虔誠的兒子”。 The ninth book was completed between the defeat of Maxentius in 312, and Constantine's first rupture with Licinius in 314.擊敗馬克森提之間的第九本書完成312君士坦丁與李錫尼在314的第一次破裂。

(6) The Life of Constantine, in four books. (6)康斯坦丁的生活,在四本書。 This work has been most unjustly blamed, from the time of Socrates downwards, because it is a panegyric rather than a history.這項工作已經最不公平的指責,從蘇格拉底向下的時候,因為它是一個頌詞,而不是一個歷史。 If ever there was a man under an obligation to respect the maxim, De mortuis nil nisi bonum, this man was Eusebius, writing the Life of Constantine within three years after his death (337).如果曾經有一個人義務,尊重格言,mortuis的無暫準命令BONUM,這名男子是尤西比烏斯,書寫生命的君士坦丁後三年內,他的死亡(337)。 This Life is especially valuable because of the account it gives of the Council of Nicæa and the earlier phases of the Arian controversy.這種生活是特別有價值的,因為它的帳戶給安理會的nicæa的阿里安爭議的早期階段。 It is well to remember that one of our chief sources of information for the history of that council is a book written to magnify Constantine.這是要記住,我們該理事會的歷史信息的主要來源之一是放大康斯坦丁寫的一本書。

B. Apologetic B.致歉

(7) Against Hierocles. (7)反對希洛克勒斯中。 Hierocles, who, as governor in Bithynia and in Egypt, was a cruel enemy of the Christians during the persecution, before the persecution had attacked them with the pen.希洛克勒斯,州長在庇推尼去,在埃及,一個殘忍的敵人在被迫害的基督徒的迫害之前,攻擊他們用鋼筆。 There was nothing original about his work except the use he made of Philostratus's Life of Apollonius of Tyana to institute a comparison between the Lord and Apollonius in favour of the latter.有沒有原來對他的工作,他做了阿波羅蒂亞納斐洛斯特拉圖斯的生活建立一個比較有利於後者的主,阿波羅尼奧斯除了使用。 In his reply Eusebius confined himself to this one point.在他的答复尤西比烏斯把自己沉浸在這一個點。

(8) "Against Porphyry", a work in twenty-five books of which not a fragment survives. (8)“對斑岩型”,在25書籍,其中的一個片段生存的工作。

(9) The "Præparatio Evangelica", in fifteen books. (9)“PræparatioEvangelica”,15本書。

(10) The "Demonstratio Evangelica", in twenty books, of which the last ten, with the exception of a fragment of the fifteenth, are lost. (10)“Demonstratio Evangelica”,在二十本書,其中最後的10,與異常的一個片段的第十五,都將丟失。 The object of these two treatises, which should be regarded as two parts of one comprehensive work, was to justify the Christian in rejecting the religion and philosophy of the Greeks in favour of that of the Hebrews, and then to justify him in not observing the Jewish manner of life.贊成的希伯來人,希臘人的宗教和哲學的拒絕,應視為兩部分組成的一個綜合性的工作,這兩個論文的目的是為了證明基督教的,然後來證明他沒有遵守猶太人生活的方式。 The "Præparatio" is devoted to the first of these objects. “Præparatio”是專門到第一這些對象。 The following summary of its contents is taken from Mr. Gifford's introduction to his translation of the "Præparatio": "The first three books discuss the threefold system of Pagan Theology, Mythical, Allegorical, and Political. The next three, IV-VI, give an account of the chief oracles, of the worship of dæmons, and of the various opinions of Greek Philosophers on the doctrines of Plato and Free Will. Books VII- IX give reasons for preferring the religion of the Hebrews founded chiefly on the testimony of various authors to the excellency of their Scriptures and the truth of their history. In Books X-XII Eusebius argues that the Greeks had borrowed from the older theology and philosophy of the Hebrews, dwelling especially on the supposed dependence of Plato upon Moses. In the last three books the comparison of Moses with Plato is continued, and the mutual contradictions of other Greek Philosophers, especially the Peripatetics and Stoics, are exposed and criticized."下面的摘要,其內容是從吉福德先生的介紹,他的翻譯的“Præparatio”:“前三本書討論的異教神學,神話,寓言和政治系統的三倍。未來三年,IV-VI,行政神諭交代,的守護進程崇拜,和各種意見的希臘哲學家柏拉圖的學說和免費的書籍VII-IX給予的喜歡的希伯來人的宗教的理由成立,主要的證詞不同作者的大人,他們的聖經和他們的歷史真相。叢書中的X-12尤西比烏斯認為,希臘人借用了從舊的神學和哲學的希伯來人,住宅,尤其是在柏拉圖後,摩西應該依賴。最後三本書的摩西與柏拉圖比較持續,和其他希臘哲學家,特別是的Peripatetics和斯多葛學派的相互矛盾的揭露和批判。“

The "Præparatio" is a gigantic feat of erudition, and, according to Harnack (Chronologie, II, p. 120), was, like many of Eusebius's other works, actually composed during the stress of the persecution. “博學的Præparatio”是一個巨大的成就,並根據哈納克(Chronologie,II,第120頁),,尤西比烏斯的許多其他作品一樣,實際上是由在迫害的壓力。 It ranks, with the Chronicle, second only to the Church History in importance, because of its copious extracts from ancient authors whose works have perished.排名,紀事,僅次於教會歷史中的重要性,因為其豐富的古代作家,他的作品已經腐爛提取物。 The first book of the Demonstratio chiefly deals with the temporary character of the Mosaic Law.第一本書的實證分析Evaluate,主要是處理的鑲嵌法屬臨時性質。 In the second the prophecies concerning the vocation of the Gentiles and the rejection of the Jews are discussed.在第二個有關的職業的外邦人的預言,並拒絕對猶太人進行了討論。 In the remaining eight the testimonies of the prophets concerning Christ are treated of.在剩下的8個先知基督的證詞被視為。

We now pass to three books, of which nothing is known save that they were read by Photius, viz.現在,我們通過三本書,其中沒有保存,它們被讀入,即由photius。 (11), The "Præparatio Ecclesiastica", (12), the "Demonstratio Ecclesiastica", and (13) Two Books of Objection and Defence, of which, from Photius's account, there seem to have been two separate editions. (11)的“PræparatioEcclesiastica”,(12),“Demonstratio Ecclesiastica”,和(13)兩本書,其中,反對和國防Photius的賬戶,似乎有兩個不同的版本。 (14) The "Theophania" or "Divine Manifestation". (14)“Theophania”或“神的表現”。 Except for a few fragments of the original, this work is only extant in a Syriac version dsicovered by Tattam, edited by Lee in 1842, and translated by the same in 1843.除了原來的幾個片段,這項工作是在敘利亞的的版本dsicovered在1842年,李塔塔姆,編輯和翻譯,在1843年的同一現存。 It treats of the cosmic function of the Word, the nature of man, the need of revelation, etc. The fourth and fifth books are particularly remarkable as a kind of anticipation of modern books on Christian evidences.它把宇宙功能的Word,作為一種預期的現代書籍基督教的證據的性質的人,需要的啟示,第四和第五的書籍尤為顯著。 A curious literary problem arises out of the relations between the "Theophania" and the work "De Laudibus Constantini".一個好奇的文學的“Theophania”和工作“Laudibus康斯坦丁尼”之間的關係出現問題。 There are entire passages which are almost verbatim the same in both works.幾乎是逐字相同,在這兩個工程的整個段落。 Lightfoot decides in favour of the priority of the first-named work.萊特富特決定在贊成的優先級排名首位的工作。 Gressel, who has edited the "Theophania" for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers, takes the opposite view. Gressel,他編著的“Theophania”柏林版的希臘教父,採取了相反的觀點。 He compares the parallel passages and argues that they are improved in the "De Laudibus Constantini".他比較了平行通道,並認為他們在“德Laudibus康斯坦丁尼”改善。

(15) "On the Numerous Progeny of the Ancients". (15)“古人”的無數後代。 This work is referred to by Eusebius twice, in the "Præp. Ev.", VII, 8, and in the "Dem. Ev.", VII, 8; and also (Lightfoot and Harnack think) by St. Basil ("De Spir. Sanct.", xxix), where he says, "I draw attention to his [Eusebius's] words in discussing the difficulties started in connexion with ancient polygamy."這項工作是由尤西比烏斯兩次,在“PræpEV”。,七,八,在“數字高程模型。EV”。,七,八和Lightfoot和哈納克認為聖羅勒(“ Spir的。Sanct。“,二十九),他說,”我提請注意他的[尤西比烏斯的話,在討論開始就此與古代的一夫多妻制的困難。“ Arguing from St. Basil's words, Lightfoot thinks that in this treatise Eusebius dealt with the difficulty presented by the Patriarchs possessing more than one wife.爭論從聖巴索的話,萊特富特認為,在這篇論文中提出的困難的始祖擁有一個以上的妻子尤西比烏斯處理。 But he overlooked the reference in the "Dem. Ev.", from which it would appear that the difficulty dealt with was, perhaps, a more general one, viz., the contrast presented by the desire of the Patriarchs for a numerous offspring and the honour in which continence was held by Christians.在“數字高程模型。EV但他忽略了參考。”,它會出現,處理的難度,也許是一個更普遍的,即,對比度的眾多後代的願望的始祖和舉行的基督徒,在這種可控的榮譽。

C. Exegetical C.訓詁

(16) Eusebius narrates, in his Life of Constantine (IV, 36, 37), how he was commissioned by the emperor to prepare fifty sumptuous copies of the Bible for use in the Churches of Constantinople. (16)尤西比烏斯敘述,在他的生活中,君士坦丁(IV,36,37),他是如何由皇帝委託,準備50華麗的君士坦丁堡的教會“聖經”中使​​用的副本。 Some scholars have supposed that the Codex Sinaiticus was one of these copies.有學者認為,法典西奈抄本是,這些副本。 Lightfoot rejects this view chiefly on the ground that "the Text of the codex in many respects differs too widely from the readings found in Eusebius".萊特富特並不同意這個看法,主要是對文本的國際食品法典標準在許多方面有所不同,理由是“太廣泛尤西比烏斯”中的讀數。

(17) Sections and Canons. (17)第大砲。 Eusebius drew up ten canons, the first containing a list of passages common to all four Evangelists; the second, those common to the first three and so on.尤西比烏斯制定了10門炮,第一個通道共同所有四個福音的列表,第二個,這些共同的前三個​​等。 He also divided the Gospels into sections numbered continuously.他也分了福音,段數不斷。 A number, against a section, referred the reader to the particular canon where he could find the parallel sections or passages.一個數字,對一節,引導讀者到特定的佳能,在那裡他可以找到的平行部分或段落。

(18) The labours of Pamphilus and Eusebius in editing the Septuagint have already been spoken of. (18)農村勞動力的pamphilus和尤西比烏斯在編輯七十已經說的。 They "believed (as did St. Jerome nearly a century afterwards) that Origen had succeeded in restoring the old Greek version to its primitive purity".他們“相信(像圣杰羅姆近一個世紀之後),奧利成功地恢復其原始純潔”的古老的希臘版本。 The result was a "mischievous mixture of the Alexandrian version with the versions of Aquila and Theodotion" (Swete, "Introd. to OT in Greek", pp. 77, 78).其結果是一個“喜歡惡作劇的亞歷山大版本的版本阿奎拉和theodotion”(Swete,“選確認。旅遊局在希臘語”,第77,78)的混合物。 For the labours of the two friends on the text of the NT the reader may be referred to Rousset, "Textcritische Studien zum NT", c.對於勞動力的兩個朋友在NT上的文字,讀者可被稱為魯塞,“Textcritische(研究)ZUM NT”,C。 ii. (二) Whether as in the case of the Old Testament, they worked on any definite critical principles is not known.無論是在“舊約”的情況下,他們的工作對任何明確的關鍵原則是不知道的。

(19) (a) Interpretation of the ethnological terms in the Hebrew Scriptures; (b) Chronography of Ancient Judaea with the Inheritances of the Ten Tribes; (c) A plan of Jerusalem and the Temple; (d) on the Names of Places in the Holy Scriptures. (19)(一)的人種學在希伯來聖經的解釋(二)(d)在地名Chronography的古猶太遺產的十個部落(三)計劃在耶路撒冷和聖殿;在聖經中。 These four works were written at the request of Eusebius's friend Paulinus.尤西比烏斯的朋友Paulinus的要求,這四個作品是寫在​​。 Only the fourth is extant.只有第四是現存的。 It is known as the "Topics," or the "Onomasticon".這是被稱為“主題”或“Onomasticon”。

(20) On the nomenclature of the Book of the Prophets. (20)的命名的先知書。 This work gives a short biography of each Prophet and an account of his prophecies.這項工作給每一個先知和一個短的傳記帳戶,他的預言。

(21) Commentary on the Psalms. (21)評的詩篇。 There are many gaps in the MSS.在MSS還有不少差距。 of this work, and they end in the 118th Psalm.這項工作,他們最終在第118詩篇。 The missing portions are in part supplied by extracts from the Catenae.缺少的部分提供部分提取物的Catenae。 An allusion to the discovery of the Holy Sepulchre fixes the date at about 330.在約330聖墓的發現一個典故,修復日期。 Lightfoot speaks very highly of this commentary.萊特富特說這個評論非常高的。

(22) Commentary on Isaiah, written after the persecution. (22)評以賽亞書,寫後的迫害。

(23 to 28) Commentaries on other books of Holy Scripture, of some of which what may be extracts are preserved. (23至28)評論其他書籍的聖經,其中一些可能是提取物被保留。

(29) Commentary on St. Luke, of which what seem to be extracts are preserved. (29)評論聖盧克,這其中有什麼似乎是提取物被保留。

(30) Commentary on I Cor., the existence of which seems to be implied by St. Jerome (Ep. xlix). (30)解說,我肺心病。的存在,這似乎是暗示的圣杰羅姆(插曲XLIX)。

(31) Commentary on Hebrews. (31)希伯來書的評論。 A passage that seems to belong to such a commentary was discovered and published by Mai.的通道,這似乎屬於這樣的評論,馬伊被發現和公佈。

(32) On the Discrepancies of the Gospels, in two parts. (32)上的差異的福音,分為兩部分。 An epitome, very probably from the hand of Eusebius, of this work was discovered and published by Mai in 1825.這項工作的一個縮影,很可能是從尤西比烏斯的手,被發現和公佈,馬伊於1825年。 Extracts from the original are preserved.從原來的提取物被保留。 Of the two parts, the first, dedicated to a certain Stephen, discusses questions respecting the genealogies of Christ; the second, dedicated to one Marinus, questions concerning the Resurrection.在這兩個部分,第一部分,在一定斯蒂芬,討論問題,尊重基督的家譜;第二,專門到一個馬里努斯,關於復活的問題。 The Discrepancies were largely borrowed from by St. Jerome and St. Ambrose, and have thus indirectly exercised a considerable influence on Biblical studies.的差異主要是借來的圣杰羅姆和聖劉漢銓,從而間接地行使相當大的影響聖經研究。

(33) General Elementary Introduction, consisting of ten books, of which VI-IX are extant under the title of "Prophetical Extracts". (33)一般初等介紹,由10本書,其中VI-IX prophetical的提取物“的標題下,是現存的。 These were written during the persecution.這些寫在被迫害中。 There are also a few fragments of the remaining books.也有書籍,其餘的幾個片段。 "This work seems to have been a general introduction to theology, and its contents were very miscellaneous as the extant remains show" (L., p. 339). “這項工作似乎已經神學的一般介紹,它的內容很雜,因為現存的遺存展”(L.,第339頁)。

D. Dogmatic D.教條主義

(34) The Apology for Origen. (34)道歉的淵源。 This work has already been mentioned in connexion with Pamphilus.這項工作已經被提到在聯接與Pamphilus。 It consisted of six books, the last of which was added by Eusebius.它包括了六本書,最後加入尤西比烏斯。 Only the first book is extant, in a translation by Rufinus.第一本書是現存的,在翻譯的Rufinus。

(35) "Against Marcellus, Bishop of Ancyra", and (36) "On the Theology of the Church", a refutation of Marcellus. (35)“對馬塞勒斯,主教安該拉”(36)“教會”,駁斥馬塞勒斯的神學。 In two articles in the "Zeitschrift für die Neutest. Wissenschaft" (vol. IV, pp. 330 sqq. and vol. VI, pp. 250 sqq.), written in English, Prof. Conybeare has maintained that our Eusebius could not have been the author of the two treatises against Marcellus.教授“雜誌獻給模具Neutest。Wissenschaft”(第四卷,第330 SQQ,第六卷,第250 SQQ。),用英文寫的兩篇文章中,科尼比爾一直認為,我們的尤西比烏斯不能有作者的論文對馬塞勒斯。 His arguments are rejected by Prof. Klostermann, in his introduction to these two works published in 1905 for the Berlin edition of the Greek Fathers.他的論點被拒絕由教授Klostermann,在他的介紹,這兩部作品發表於1905​​年的柏林版的希臘教父。 The "Contra Marcellum" was written after 336 to justify the action of the sylnod held at Constantinople when Marcellus was deposed; the "Theology" a year or two later. “魂斗羅Marcellum”後寫的336的sylnod在君士坦丁堡舉行的馬塞勒斯被廢黜的“神學”一年或兩年後的行動來證明。

(37) "On the Paschal Festival" (a mystical interpretation). (37)“在逾越節節”(一個神秘的解釋)。 This work was addressed to Constantine (Vit. Const., IV, 35, 3l6).這項工作是給康斯坦丁(維生素常量,IV,35,3L6)。 A long fragment of it was discovered by Mai.它被發現的麥很長的片段。

(38) A treatise against the Manichæans is perhaps implied by Epiphanius (Hær., lxvi, 21). (38)論文,對摩尼教也許是暗示的埃皮法尼烏斯“(Hær.,LXVI 21)。

E. Orations and Sermons E.演說辭和布道

(39) At the Dedication of the Church in Tyre (see above). (39)在奉獻的教會在提爾(見上文)。

(40) At the Vicennalia of Constantine. (40)於康斯坦丁的Vicennalia。 This seems to have been the opening address delivered at the Council of Nicæa.這似乎已經在理事會的尼西亞發表的開幕詞。 It is not extant.這是現存的。

(41) On the Sepulchre of the Saviour, AD 325 (Vit. Const., IV, 33) not extant. (41)在墳墓的救世主,不是現存的公元325年(維生素常量,IV,33)。

(42) At the Tricennalia of Constantine. (42)的康斯坦丁的Tricennalia。 This work is generally known as the "De Laudibus Constantini".這項工作,一般被稱為“德Laudibus康斯坦丁尼”。 The second part (11-18) seems to have been a separate oration joined on to the Tricennalia.第二部分(11-18)似乎一直是一個獨立的致辭加入的Tricennalia上。

(43) "In Praise of the Martyrs". (43)“烈士”的讚美。 This oration is preserved in the same MS.這致辭保存在同一個MS。 as the "Theophania" and "Martyrs of Palestine".作為“Theophania”和“巴勒斯坦烈士”。 It was published and translated in the "Journal of Sacred Literature" by Mr. HB Cowper (New Series, V, pp. 403 sqq., and ibid. VI, pp. 129 sqq.).這是出版和翻譯在神聖的文學“雜誌的”HB考珀先生(新系列,V-403 SQQ。,同上。六,SQQ-129。)。

(44) On the Failure of Rain, not extant. (44)在雨,現存的失敗。

F. Letters F.快報

The history of the preservation of the three letters, (45) to Alexander of Alexandria, (46) to Euphrasion, or Euphration, (47) to the Empress Constantia, is sufficiently curious.歷史上的三個字母的保護,(45)亞歷山大的亞歷山大,(46)Euphrasion,或Euphration的,(47)皇后康士坦提亞,有足夠的好奇。 Constantia asked Eusebius to send her a certain likeness of Christ of which she had heard; his refusal was couched in terms which centuries afterwards were appealed to by the Iconoclasts.康士坦提亞問尤西比烏斯給她一定的基督的形像,她聽說過,,措辭在百年之後所呼籲的反對偶像崇拜他拒絕。 A portion of this letter was read at the Second Council of Nicæa, and against it were set portions from the letters to Alexander and Euphrasion to prove that Eusebius "was delivered up to a reprobate sense, and of one mind and opinion with those who followed the Arian superstition" (Labbe, "Conc.", VIII, 1143-1147; Mansi, "Conc.", XIII, 313-317).讀了這封信的部分在第二屆理事會的尼西亞,對設置部分,從字母到亞歷山大和Euphrasion的證明,尤西比烏斯“被送到了一個墮落的意識,同心同德,認為那些誰遵循阿里安迷信“(拉韋,”濃度“,VIII,1143-1147;曼西,”濃度“,十三,313-317)。 Besides the passage quoted in the council, other parts of the letter to Constantia are extant.除了在議會中通過引用外,其他部分的信康士坦提亞是現存的。

(48) To the Church of Cæsarea after the Council of Nicæa. (48)理事會的尼西亞教會的愷撒之後。 This letter has already been described.這封信已被描述。

FJ BACCHUS FJ BACCHUS
Transcribed by WGKofron Dedicated to Rev. David J. Collins, SJ The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V Copyright © 1909 by Robert Appleton Company Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909.轉錄WGKofron專用戴維·J·柯林斯牧師,SJ天主教百科全書,體積版權所有©1909年由羅伯特Appleton還公司Nihil Obstat 5月1日,1909年。 Remy Lafort, Censor Imprimatur.人頭馬lafort,檢查員的認可。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰M法利,大主教紐約


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