Early Historical Documents on Jesus Christ Primeros documentos histricos sobre Jesucristo

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The historical documents referring to Christ's life and work may be divided into three classes: pagan sources, Jewish sources, and Christian sources. We shall study the three in succession. Los documentos histricos que se refierena la vida y obra de Cristo se pueden dividir en tres tipos de fuentes: paganas, judas y cristianas. Estudiaremso las tres sucesivamente.

I. PAGAN SOURCES I. FUENTES PAGANAS

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The non-Christian sources for the historical truth of the Gospels are both few and polluted by hatred and prejudice. A number of reasons have been advanced for this condition of the pagan sources: Las fuentes no cristianas de la verdad histrica de los evangelios son a la vez escasas y plagadas de odio y prejuicios. Se han dado numerosas razones para esta situacin de las fuentes paganas:

The field of the Gospel history was remote Galilee; El mbito de la historia evanglica fu la remota Galilea;

the Jews were noted as a superstitious race, if we believe Horace (Credat Judoeus Apella, I, Sat., v, 100); Los judos eran conocidos por supersticiosos, si hemos de creer a Horacio (Credat Judoeus Apella, I, Sat., v, 100);

the God of the Jews was unknown and unintelligible to most pagans of that period; El Dios de los judos era desconocido e ininteligible para la mayora de los paganos de entonces;

the Jews in whose midst Christianity had taken its origin were dispersed among, and hated by, all the pagan nations; los judos en cuyo medio se origin el cristianismo estaban dispersos en todas las naciones paganas, que los odiaban;

the Christian religion itself was often confounded with one of the many sects that had sprung up in Judaism, and which could not excite the interest of the pagan spectator. a la religin cristiana misma se la tena por una de las muchas sectas que haban surgido en el judasmo, y que no suscitaba inters alguno en el espectador pagano.

It is at least certain that neither Jews nor Gentiles suspected in the least the paramount importance of the religion, the rise of which they witnessed among them. These considerations will account for the rarity and the asperity with which Christian events are mentioned by pagan authors. But though Gentile writers do not give us any information about Christ and the early stages of Christianity which we do not possess in the Gospels, and though their statements are made with unconcealed hatred and contempt, still they unwittingly prove the historical value of the facts related by the Evangelists. Es al menos seguro que ni judos ni gentiles prevean en absoluto la importancia primordial de la religin cuyo auge presenciaban. Estas consideraciones dan cuenta de la escasez y aspereza con las que los autores paganos mencionan los eventos cristianos; pero si bien los autores gentiles no nos dan sobre Cristo y las primeras etapas del cristianismo informaciones que no tengamos en los evangelios, y pese a que sus aseveraciones estn hechas con indisimulado odio y desprecio, igual prueban el valor histrico de los hechos relatados por los evangelistas.

We need not delay over a writing entitled the "Acts of Pilate", which must have existed in the second century (Justin, "Apol"., I, 35), and must have been used in the pagan schools to warn boys against the belief of Christians (Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl.", I, ix; IX, v); nor need we inquire into the question whether there existed any authentic census tables of Quirinius. No necesitamos detenernos en un escrito titulado Hechos de Pilato, que debe haber existido en el siglo II (Justino, Apol. I, 35) y haber sido usado en las escuelas paganas para advertir a los muchachos contra las creencias cristianas (Eusebio, "Hist. Eccl.", I, ix; IX, v); tampoco necesitamos profundizar en la cuestin de si hubo informacin autntica respecto del censo de Quirino.

A. Tacitus A. Tcito

We possess at least the testimony of Tacitus (A.D. 54-119) for the statements that the Founder of the Christian religion, a deadly superstition in the eyes of the Romans, had been put to death by the procurator Pontius Pilate under the reign of Tiberius; that His religion, though suppressed for a time, broke forth again not only throughout Judea where it had originated, but even in Rome, the conflux of all the streams of wickness and shamelessness; furthermore, that Nero had diverted from himself the suspicion of the burning of Rome by charging the Christians with the crime; that these latter were not guilty of arson, though they deserved their fate on account of their universal misanthropy. Tacitus, moreover, describes some of the horrible torments to which Nero subjected the Christians (Ann., XV, xliv). The Roman writer confounds the Christians with the Jews, considering them as a especially abject Jewish sect; how little he investigated the historical truth of even the Jewish records may be inferred from the credulity with which he accepted the absurd legends and calumnies about the origin of the Hebrew people (Hist., V, iii, iv). Tenemos al menos el testimonio de Tcito (AD 54-119) para la afirmacin de que el Fundador de la religin cristiana, que a ojos de los romanos era una absoluta supersticin, fu condenado a muerte por el procurador Poncio Pilato bajo en reinado de Tiberio; que Su religin, aunque suprimida por un tiempo, resurgi no slo en toda la Judea donde se haba originado, sino incluso en Roma, centro de todos las corrientes de maldad y desverguenza; ms an, que Nern se haba sacado de encima la sospecha de haber incendiado Roma al acusar a los cristianos de ese crimen; que sto no eran incendiarios, si bien merecan su destino a raz de su universal misantropa. Adicionalmente, Tcito describe algunos de los horribles tormentos a que Nern someta a los cristianos (Ann., XV, xliv). El autor romano confunde a los cristianos con los judos, considerndolos una secta juda especialmente abyecta; cun escasamente investig la verdad histrica de incluso los registros judos, se infiere de la credulidad con que acept las absurdas leyendas y calumnias acerca de los orgenes del pueblo hebreo (Hist., V, iii, iv).

B. Suetonius B. Suetonio

Another Roman writer who shows his acquaintance with Christ and the Christians is Suetonius (A.D. 75-160). It has been noted that Suetonius considered Christ (Chrestus) as a Roman insurgent who stirred up seditions under the reign of Claudius (A.D. 41-54): "Judaeos, impulsore Chresto, assidue tumultuantes (Claudius) Roma expulit" (Clau., xxv). In his life of Nero he regards that emperor as a public benefactor on account of his severe treatment of the Christians: "Multa sub eo et animadversa severe, et coercita, nec minus instituta . . . . afflicti Christiani, genus hominum superstitious novae et maleficae" (Nero, xvi). The Roman writer does not understand that the Jewish troubles arose from the Jewish antagonism to the Messianic character of Jesus Christ and to the rights of the Christian Church. Otro autor romano que muestra su informacin acerca de Cristo y los cristianos es Suetonio (A.D. 75-160). Se haba observado que Suetonio consideraba a Cristo (Crestos) un insurgente romano que fomentla sedicin bajo el reinado de Claudio (A.D. 41-54): "Judaeos, impulsore Chresto, assidue tumultuantes (Claudius) Roma expulit" (Clau., xxv). En su vida de Nern considera a ese emperador como benefactor pblico a la luz del severo trato que di a los cristianos: "Multa sub eo et animadversa severe, et coercita, nec minus instituta . . . . afflicti Christiani, genus hominum superstitious novae et maleficae" (Nern, xvi). El autor romano no entiende que las dificultades judas provenan de su antagonismo hacia el carcter mesinico de Jesucristo y a los derechos de la Iglesia cristiana.

C. Pliny the Younger C. Plinio el Joven

Of greater importance is the letter of Pliny the Younger to the Emperor Trajan (about A.D. 61-115), in which the Governor of Bithynia consults his imperial majesty as to how to deal with the Christians living within his jurisdiction. On the one hand, their lives were confessedly innocent; no crime could be proved against them excepting their Christian belief, which appeared to the Roman as an extravagant and perverse superstition. On the other hand, the Christians could not be shaken in their allegiance to Christ, Whom they celebrated as their God in their early morning meetings (Ep., X, 97, 98). Christianity here appears no longer as a religion of criminals, as it does in the texts of Tacitus and Suetonius; Pliny acknowledges the high moral principles of the Christians, admires their constancy in the Faith (pervicacia et inflexibilis obstinatio), which he appears to trace back to their worship of Christ (carmenque Christo, quasi Deo, dicere). De gran importancia es la carta de Plinio el Joven al emperador Trajano (circa AD 61-115) en la que el gobernador de Bitinia consulta a su majestad imperial sobre cmo lidiar con los cristianso que vivan en su jurisdiccin. Por una parte sus vidas eran claramente inocentes; no se les poda probar crimen alguno, con excepcin de su creencia cristiana, que a los romanos les pareca una extravagante y perversa supersticin. Por otra parte, eran inconmovibles en su fidelidad a Cristo, a Quien celebraban como su Dios en sus reuniones en la maana temprano(Ep., X, 97, 98). Aqu+I el cristianismo ya no aparece como religin de delincuentes, como en los textos de Tcito y Sueotnio; Plinio reconoce los altos principios morales de los cristianos, admira su constancia en la f (pervicacia et inflexibilis obstinatio), que parece atribuir a su adoracin de Cristo (carmenque Christo, quasi Deo, dicere).

D. Other pagan writers D. Otros autores paganos

The remaining pagan witnesses are of less importance: In the second century Lucian sneered at Christ and the Christians, as he scoffed at the pagan gods. He alludes to Christ's death on the Cross, to His miracles, to the mutual love prevailing among the Christians ("Philopseudes", nn. 13, 16; "De Morte Pereg"). There are also alleged allusions to Christ in Numenius (Origen, "Contra Cels", IV, 51), to His parables in Galerius, to the earthquake at the Crucifixion in Phlegon ( Origen, "Contra Cels.", II, 14). Before the end of the second century, the logos alethes of Celsus, as quoted by Origen (Contra Cels., passim), testifies that at that time the facts related in the Gospels were generally accepted as historically true. However scanty the pagan sources of the life of Christ may be, they bear at least testimony to His existence, to His miracles, His parables, His claim to Divine worship, His death on the Cross, and to the more striking characteristics of His religion. Los restantes testigos paganos son de menor importancia: en el siglo II Luciano despreciaba a Cristo y los cristianos, como asimismo a los dioses paganos. Aludea la muerte de Cristo en la cruz, a Sus milagros, al amor mutuo prevalesciente entre los cristianos ("Philopseudes", nn. 13, 16; "De Morte Pereg"). Tambin se dice que hay alusiones a Cristo en Numenio (Orgenes, "Contra Cels", IV, 51); a Sus parbolas, en Galerio; al terremoto de la crucifixin, en Flegn (Orgenes, "Contra Cels.", II, 14). Hacia fines del siglo II el logos alethes de Celso, segn cita Orgenes (Contra Cels., passim), evidencia que para entonces los hechos relatados en los evangelios generalmente se aceptaban como histricamente verdaderos. Por escasa que puedan ser las fuentes paganas sobre la vida de Cristo, al menos dan testimonio de Su existencia, Sus milagros, parbolas, derecho a adoracin divina, muerte en cruz, y de los ms sorprendentes rasgos de Su religin.

II. JEWISH SOURCES II. FUENTES JUDAS

A. Philo A. Filn

Philo, who dies after A.D. 40, is mainly important for the light he throws on certain modes of thought and phraseology found again in some of the Apostles. Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., II, iv) indeed preserves a legend that Philo had met St. Peter in Rome during his mission to the Emperor Caius; moreover, that in his work on the contemplative life he describes the life of the Christian Church in Alexandria founded by St. Mark, rather than that of the Essenes and Therapeutae. But it is hardly probable that Philo had heard enough of Christ and His followers to give an historical foundation to the foregoing legends. Filn, muerto despus de 40 AD, es importante por la luz que da sobre ciertos modos de pensamiento y fraseologa observadas ms tarde en algunos de los apstoles. Desde luego, Eusebio (Hist. Eccl., II, iv) conserva la leyenda de que Filn se haba encontrado con San Pedro en Roma durante du misin ante el empreador Cayo; ms an, que en su trabajo sobre la vida contemplativa describe la de la iglesia cristiana en Alejandra fundada por San Marcos, y no la de los esenios y terapeutas. Pero es muy improbable hubiera odo lo suficiente sobre Cristo y Sus seguidores como para proporcionar algn fundamento histrico de dichas legendas.

B. Josephus B. Josefo

The earliest non-Christian writer who refers Christ is the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus; born A.D. 37, he was a contemporary of the Apostles, and died in Rome A.D. 94. Two passages in his "Antiquities" which confirm two facts of the inspired Christian records are not disputed. In the one he reports the murder of "John called Baptist" by Herod (Ant., XVIII, v, 2), describing also John's character and work; in the other (Ant., XX, ix, 1) he disappoves of the sentence pronounced by the high priest Ananus against "James, brother of Jesus Who was called Christ." It is antecedently probable that a writer so well informed as Josephus, must have been well acquainted too with the doctrine and the history of Jesus Christ. Seeing, also, that he records events of minor importance in the history of the Jews, it would be surprising if he were to keep silence about Jesus Christ. Consideration for the priests and Pharisees did not prevent him from mentioning the judicial murders of John the Baptist and the Apostle James; his endeavour to find the fulfilment of the Messianic prophecies in Vespasian did not induce him to pass in silence over several Jewish sects, though their tenets appear to be inconsistent with the Vespasian claims. One naturally expects, therefore, a notice about Jesus Christ in Josephus. Antiquities XVIII, iii, 3, seems to satisfy this expectation: El ms temprano autor no crisatiano que se refiere a Cristo es el historiador judo Flavio Josefo; nacido en 37 AD, era contemporno de los apstoles, y muri en Roma en 94 AD. Son indiscutibles dos pasajes de sus Antiguedades que confirman dos hechos de los registros cristianos inspirados. En uno se refiere al asesinato de Juan, llamado Bautista por Herodes (Ant., XVIII, v, 2), describiendo el carcter y obra de Juan; en el otro (Ant., XX, ix, 1) discrepa de la sentencia del sumo sacerdote Anano contra Santiago, hermano de Jess al que llamaban Cristo. Es fundadamente probable que un autor tan bien informado como Josefo tambin debe haber conocido bien la doctrina e historia de Jesucristo. Viendo asimismo que registra eventos d emenor importancia en la historia de los judos, habra sido sorprendente que hubiera guardado silencio acerca de Jesucristo. Las consideraciones acerca de sacerdotes y fariseos no le impidieron mencionar las ejecuciones de Juan el Bautista y del apstol Santiago; su empeo por encontrar en Vespasiano el cumplimiento de las profesas mesinicas no le indujo a callar respecto de varias sectas judas, por mucho que sus doctrinas fueran inconsistentes con las afirmaciones vespasianas. En Josefo un o espera, pues, una mencin a Jesucristo, y Antiguedades XVIII, iii, 3, parece satisfacer esa expectativa:

About this time appeared Jesus, a wise man (if indeed it is right to call Him man; for He was a worker of astonishing deeds, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with joy), and He drew to Himself many Jews (many also of Greeks. This was the Christ.) And when Pilate, at the denunciation of those that are foremost among us, had condemned Him to the cross, those who had first loved Him did not abandon Him (for He appeared to them alive again on the third day, the holy prophets having foretold this and countless other marvels about Him.) The tribe of Christians named after Him did not cease to this day. Alrededor de ese tiempo apareci Jess, un hombre sabio (si es que es correcto llamarle hombre; porque obraba asombrosas proezas, maestro de hombres que reciben la verdad gozosos), y atrajo a S a muchos judos (y tambin griegos. Ese era el Cristo). Y cuando Pilato, ante la denuncia de los notables entre nsosotos, Le conden a la cruz, aquellos que primero Le haban amado no Le abandonaron (ya que El aparecin ante ellos de nuevo vivo al tercer da, habiendo los santos profetas predicho esta y otras incontables maravillas acerca de El). La tribu de cristianos, as llamados por El, no ha cesado hasta el da de hoy.

A testimony so important as the foregoing could not escape the work of the critics. Their conclusions may be reduced to three headings: those who consider the passage wholly spurious; those who consider it to be wholly authentic; and those who consider it to be a little of each. Un testimonio tan importante como el anterior no poda sustraerse a los crticos. Sus conclusiones de puedenr educir a tres encabezados: los que consideran que el pasaje es completamente espreo; los que lo consideran totalmente autntico; y los que creen que tiene algo de ambos.

Those who regard the passage as spurious Los que consideran que el pasaje es completamente espreo

First, there are those who consider the whole passage as spurious. The principal reasons for this view appear to be the following: Primero estn los que estiman que el pasaje es enteramente espreo. Las principales razones para esta opinin parecen ser las siguientes;

Josephus could not represent Jesus Christ as a simple moralist, and on the other hand he could not emphasize the Messianic prophecies and expectations without offending the Roman susceptibilities; Josefo no habra podido presentar a Jess como simple moralista, ni tampoco destacar las profecas y expectativas mesinicas sin ofender las susceptibilidades romanas. the above cited passage from Josephus is said to be unknown to Origen and the earlier patristic writers; Se dice que el citado pasaje de Josefo era desconocido a Orgenes y a los primeros autores patrsticos; its very place in the Josephan text is uncertain, since Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., II, vi) must have found it before the notices concerning Pilate, while it now stands after them. su ubicacin misma en el texto de Josefo es incierta, toda vez que Eusebio (Hist. Eccl., II, vi) debe haberla encontrado antes de las referencias a Pilato, mientras que ahora figura despus.

But the spuriousness of the disputed Josephan passage does not imply the historian's ignorance of the facts connected with Jesus Christ. Josephus's report of his own juvenile precocity before the Jewish teachers (Vit., 2) reminds one of the story of Christ's stay in the Temple at the age of twelve; the description of his shipwreck on his journey to Rome (Vit., 3) recalls St. Paul's shipwreck as told in the Acts; finally his arbitrary introduction of a deceit practised by the priests of Isis on a Roman lady, after the chapter containing his supposed allusion to Jesus, shows a disposition to explain away the virgin birth of Jesus and to prepare the falsehoods embodied in the later Jewish writings. Pero la falsedad del discutido pasaje de Josefo no implica la ignorancia del historiador respecto de los hechos acerca de Jesucristo. La informacin de Josefo relativa a su propia precocidad juvenil ante sus maestros judos (Vit., 2) evoca la narracin de la estada de Cristo en el Templo a la edad de doce aos; la descripcin de su naufragio en su viaje a Roma (Vit., 3) recuerda el de San Pablo relatado en los Hechos; finalmente, su arbitraria introduccin de un engao de los sacerdotes de Isis a una dama romana, despus del captulo que contiene su supuesta alusin a Jess, muestra una disposicin a negar el nacimiento virginal de Jess y preparar para las falsedades de los escritos judos tardos.

Those who regard the passage as authentic, with some spurious additions Los que creen que el pasaje es autntico, con algunas adiciones espreas

A second class of critics do not regard the whole of Josephus's testimony concerning Christ as spurious but they maintain the interpolation of parts included above in parenthesis. The reasons assigned for this opinion may be reduced to the following two: Un segundo tipo de crticos no consideran la totalidad del testimonio de Josefo respectoa Cristo como espreo, pero afirman la interpolacin de las partes includas entre parntesis. Las razones para esta portura se peuden reducir a las dos siguientes:

Josephus must have mentioned Jesus, but he cannot have recognized Him as the Christ; hence part of our present Josephan text must be genuine, part must be interpolated. Josefo debe haber mencionado a Jess, pero no puede haberlo reconocido como el Cristo; de all que parte de nuestro texto actual de Josefo debe ser en parte genuino y en paret intercalado.

Again, the same conclusion follows from the fact that Origen knew a Josephan text about Jesus, but was not acquainted with our present reading; for, according to the great Alexandrian doctor, Josephus did not believe that Jesus was the Messias ("In Matth.", xiii, 55; "Contra Cels.", I, 47). De nuevo, la misma conclusin se sigue del hecho de que Orgenes conoca un texto de Josefo acerca de Jess, pero no la redaccin actual puesto que segn el gran doctor alejandrino, Josefo no crea que Jess fuese el Mesas ("In Matth.", xiii, 55; "Contra Cels.", I, 47).

Whatever force these two arguments have is lost by the fact that Josephus did not write for the Jews but for the Romans; consequently, when he says, "This was the Christ", he does not necessarily imply that Jesus was the Christ considered by the Romans as the founder of the Christian religion. Cualqueira sea la fuerza de estos dos argumentos se puierde por el hecho de que Josefo no escriba para los judos sino para los romanos; por consiguiente, cuando dice Etes era el Cristo, no necesariament eimplica que Jess fuera el Cristo considerado por los romanos como fundador de la religin cristiana.

Those who consider it to be completely genuine Aquellos que piensan que es enteramente genuino

The third class of scholars believe that the whole passage concerning Jesus, as it is found today in Josephus, is genuine. The main arguments for the genuineness of the Josephan passage are the following: El tercer tipo de eruditos cree que la totalidad del pasaje referido a Jess, tal como se le encuentra hoy en Josefo, es autntico. Los principales argumentos para ello son los siguientes:

First, all codices or manuscripts of Josephus's work contain the text in question; to maintain the spuriousness of the text, we must suppose that all the copies of Josephus were in the hands of Christians, and were changed in the same way. Ptimeto, todos los cdices o manuscritos del trabajo de Josefo contienen el texto en cuestin; para conservar la falsedad del texto hay que suponer que todas las copias de Josefo estuvieron en manos de cristianos y fueron cambiados en el mismo sentido.

Second, it is true that neither Tertullian nor St. Justin makes use of Josephus's passage concerning Jesus; but this silence is probably due to the contempt with which the contemporary Jews regarded Josephus, and to the relatively little authority he had among the Roman readers. Writers of the age of Tertullian and Justin could appeal to living witnesses of the Apostolic tradition. Segundo, es verdad que ni Tertuliano ni San Justino emplean el pasaje de Josefo referente a Jess, pero es probable que ello se deba al desdn con que los judso contemporneos consideraban a Josefo, y a la autoridad relativamente escasa que tena entre los lectores romanos. Los autores de la poca de Tertuliano y Justino podan apelar al testimonio directo de la tradicin apostlica.

Third, Eusebius ("Hist. Eccl"., I, xi; cf. "Dem. Ev.", III, v) Sozomen (Hist. Eccl., I, i), Niceph. (Hist. Eccl., I, 39), Isidore of Pelusium (Ep. IV, 225), St. Jerome (catal.script. eccles. xiii), Ambrose, Cassiodorus, etc., appeal to the testimony of Josephus; there must have been no doubt as to its authenticity at the time of these illustrious writers. Tercero, Eusebio ("Hist. Eccl"., I, xi; cf. "Dem. Ev.", III, v); Sozomen (Hist. Eccl., I, i); Nicforo. (Hist. Eccl., I, 39), Isidoro de Pelasio (Ep. IV, 225), Sn. Jernimo (catal.script. eccles. xiii), Ambrosio, Casiodoro, etc., recurren al testimonio de Josefo; en tiempos de estos ilustres autores no ha de haber habido dudas sobre su autenticidad.

Fourth, the complete silence of Josephus as to Jesus would have been a more eloquent testimony than we possess in his present text; this latter contains no statement incompatible with its Josephan authorship: the Roman reader needed the information that Jesus was the Christ, or the founder of the Christian religion; the wonderful works of Jesus and His Resurrection from the dead were so incessantly urged by the Christians that without these attributes the Josephan Jesus would hardly have been acknowledged as the founder of Christianity. Cuarto, el absoluto silencio de Josefo respecto de Jess habra sido un testimonio ms elocuente que el que tenemos en su texto actual, que no contiene afirmacin alguna incompatible con su autora josefina: el lector romano necesitaba la informacin de que Jess era el Cristo, o el fundador de la religin cristiana; las maravillosas obras de Jess y Su resurreccin de entre los muertos eran tan incesantemente proclamadas por los cristianos que sin esos atributos el Jess josefino no habra sido reconocido como fundador del cristianismo.

All this does not necessarily imply that Josephus regarded Jesus as the Jewish Messias; but, even if he had been convinced of His Messiahship, it does not follow that he would have become a Christian. A number of possible subterfuges might have supplied the Jewish historian with apparently sufficient reasons for not embracing Christianity. Todo esto no nesariamente implica que Josefo considerara a Jess como el mesas judo; pero incluso si hubiera estado convencido de Su mesianidad, no se sigue de ello que se habra hecho cristiano. Subterfugios varios pueden haberle dado al historiador judo razones aparentemente suficientes para no abrazar el cristianismo.

C. Other Jewish Sources C. Otras fuentes judas

The historical character of Jesus Christ is also attested by the hostile Jewish literature of the subsequent centuries. His birth is ascribed to an illicit ("Acta Pilati" in Tilo, "Codex apocryph. N.T., I, 526; cf. Justin, "Apol.", I, 35), or even an adulterous, union of His parents (Origen, "Contra Cels.," I, 28, 32). The father's name is Panthera, a common soldier (Gemara "Sanhedrin", viii; "Schabbath", xii, cf. Eisenmenger, "Entdecktes Judenthum", I, 109; Schottgen, "Horae Hebraicae", II, 696; Buxtorf, "Lex. Chald.", Basle, 1639, 1459, Huldreich, "Sepher toledhoth yeshua hannaceri", Leyden, 1705). The last work in its final edition did not appear before the thirteenth century, so that it could give the Panthera myth in its most advanced form. Rosch is of opinion that the myth did not begin before the end of the first century. Del carcter histrico de Jess tambin da testimono la hostil literatura juda de los siglos posteriores. Su nacimiento se atribuye a una relacin ilcita ("Acta Pilati" en Thilo, "Codex apocryph. N.T., I, 526; ver Justino, "Apol.", I, 35), e incluso adltera, entre sus padres (Orgenes, "Contra Cels.," I, 28, 32). El nombre del padre es Pantera, un soldado raso (Gemara "Sanhedrin", viii; "Schabbath", xii, cf. Eisenmenger, "Entdecktes Judenthum", I, 109; Schottgen, "Horae Hebraicae", II, 696; Buxtorf, "Lex. Chald.", Basle, 1639, 1459, Huldreich, "Sepher toledhoth Yeshua hannaceri", Leyden, 1705). En su edicin final esta ltima obra no apareci antes del siglo XIII, de modo que pudo dar al mito de Pantera su foma ms avanzada. Rosch es de la opinin de que el mito no apareci antes de fines del siglo I.

The later Jewish writings show traces of acquaintance with the murder of the Holy Innocents (Wagenseil, "Confut. Libr.Toldoth", 15; Eisenmenger op. cit., I, 116; Schottgen, op. cit., II, 667), with the flight into Egypt (cf. Josephus, "Ant." XIII, xiii), with the stay of Jesus in the Temple at the age of twelve (Schottgen, op. cit., II, 696), with the call of the disciples ("Sanhedrin", 43a; Wagenseil, op. cit., 17; Schottgen, loc. cit., 713), with His miracles (Origen, "Contra Cels", II, 48; Wagenseil, op. cit., 150; Gemara "Sanhedrin" fol. 17); "Schabbath", fol. 104b; Wagenseil, op.cit., 6, 7, 17), with His claim to be God (Origen, "Contra Cels.", I, 28; cf. Eisenmenger, op. cit., I, 152; Schottgen, loc. cit., 699) with His betrayal by Judas and His death (Origen, "Contra cels.", II, 9, 45, 68, 70; Buxtorf, op. cit., 1458; Lightfoot, "Hor. Heb.", 458, 490, 498; Eisenmenger, loc. cit., 185; Schottgen, loc. cit.,699 700; cf. "Sanhedrin", vi, vii). Celsus (Origen, "Contra Cels.", II, 55) tries to throw doubt on the Resurrection, while Toldoth (cf. Wagenseil, 19) repeats the Jewish fiction that the body of Jesus had been stolen from the sepulchre. Los escritos judos tardos muestras indicios de conocer la matanza de los Inocentes (Wagenseil, "Confut. Libr.Toldoth", 15; Eisenmenger op. cit., I, 116; Schottgen, op. cit., II, 667); la huda a Egipto (vase Josefo, "Ant." XIII, xiii); la estada de Jess en el Templo a los doce aos (Schottgen, op. cit., II, 696); la convocacin de los discpulos ("Sanhedrin", 43a; Wagenseil, op. cit., 17; Schottgen, loc. cit., 713); Sus milagros (Orgenes, "Contra Cels", II, 48; Wagenseil, op. cit., 150; Gemara "Sanhedrin" fol. 17); "Schabbath", fol. 104b; Wagenseil, op.cit., 6, 7, 17); Su afirmacin de ser Dios (Orgenes, "Contra Cels.", I, 28; vase Eisenmenger, op. cit., I, 152; Schottgen, loc. cit., 699); la traicin de Judas y Su muerte (Orgenes, "Contra cels.", II, 9, 45, 68, 70; Buxtorf, op. cit., 1458; Lightfoot, "Hor. Heb.", 458, 490, 498; Eisenmenger, loc. cit., 185; Schottgen, loc. cit.,699 700; cf. "Sanhedrin", vi, vii). Celso (Orgenes, "Contra Cels.", II, 55) trata de sembrar dudas acerca de la resurreccin, en tanto que Toldoth (cf. Wagenseil, 19) repite la ficcin juda de que el cuerpo de Jess fu robado del sepulcro.

III. CHRISTIAN SOURCES III. FUENTES CRISTIANAS

Among the Christian sources of the life of Jesus we need hardly mention the so called Agrapha and Apocrypha. For whether the Agrapha contain Logia of Jesus, or refer to incidents in His life, they are either highly uncertain or present only variations of the Gospel story. The chief value of the Apocrypha consists in their showing the infinite superiority of the Inspired Writings by contrasting the coarse and erroneous productions of the human mind with the simple and sublime truths written under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. Dems est mencionar entre las fuentes cristianas de la vida de Jess los llamados Agrafos y Apcrifos. Si bien los Agrafos contienen Logia de Jess, o refieren a incidentes de Su vida, son muy inciertos o presentan slo variaciones del relato evanglico. El valor principal de los Apcrifos es que muestran la infinita superioridad de los Escritos Inspirados al oponer, a la tosca y errnea produccin de la mente humana, las sencillas y sublimes verdades escritas bajo la inspiracin del Espritu Santo.

Among the Sacred Books of the New Testament, it is especially the four Gospels and the four great Epistles of St. Paul that are of the highest importance for the construction of the life of Jesus. Entre los libros sagrados del Nuevo Testamento, son especialmente los cuatro evangelios y las cuatro grandes epstolas de San Pablo los que tienen mayor importancia para la construccin de la vida de Jess.

The four great Pauline Epistles (Romans, Galatians, and First and Second Corinthians) can hardly be overestimated by the student of Christ's life; they have at times been called the "fifth gospel"; their authenticity has never been assailed by serious critics; their testimony is also earlier than that of the Gospels, at least most of the Gospels; it is the more valuable because it is incidental and undesigned; it is the testimony of a highly intellectual and cultured writer, who had been the greatest enemy of Jesus, who writes within twenty-five years of the events which he relates. At the same time, these four great Epistles bear witness to all the most important facts in the life of Christ: His Davidic descent, His poverty, His Messiahship, His moral teaching, His preaching of the kingdom of God, His calling of the apostles, His miraculous power, His claims to be God, His betrayal, His institution of the Holy Eucharist, His passion, crucifixion, burial, resurrection, His repeated appearances (Romans 1:3-4; 5:11; 8:2-3; 8:32; 9:5; 15:8; Galatians 2:17; 3:13; 4:4; 5:21; 1 Corinthians 6:9; 13:4; etc.). However important the four great Epistles may be, the gospels are still more so. Not that any one of them offers a complete biography of Jesus, but they account for the origin of Christianity by the life of its Founder. Questions like the authenticity of the Gospels, the relation between the Synoptic Gospels, and the Fourth, the Synoptic problem, must be studied in the articles referring to these respective subjects. Para el estudioso de la vida de Cristo es imposible sobreestimar las cuatro grandes epstolas paulinas (Romanos, Glatas, y I y II Corintios); a veces se las ha llamado el quinto evangelio; su autenticidad jams ha sido puesta en jaque por crticos serios; adems, su testimonio es anterior al de los evangelios, al menos a la mayora de ellos; son tanto ms valiosas cuanto que son incidentales y no planeadas; es el testimonio de un autor sumamente intelectual y culto, que haba sido el gran enemigo de Jess, y que escribe dentro de los veinticinco aos de sucedidos los eventos que relata. Simultneamente, estas cuatro grandes epstolas dan testimono de todos los hechos ms importantes en la vida de Cristo: Su ascendencia Davdica, Su pobreza, Su mesianidad, Su enseanza moral, Su prdica del Reino de Dios, Su llamado a los apstoles, Su poder milagroso, Su afirmacin de ser Dios, la traicin de que fu objeto, Su institucin de la sagrada eucarista, Su Pasin, crucufixin, sepultura, resurreccin, Sus reiteradas apariciones (Rom. 1:3-4; 5:11; 8:2-3; 8:32; 9:5; 15:8; Gl. 2:17; 3:13; 4:4; 5:21; 1 Corintios 6:9; 13:4; etc.). Pero por relevantes que sean las cuatro grandes epstolas, los evangelios lo son an ms. No es que ninguno de ellos ofrezca una completa biografa de Jess, sino que explican los orgenes del cristianismo por la vida de su Fundador. Materias como la autenticidad de los evangelios, la relacin entre los sinpticos, y el cuarto evangelio, el problema sinptico, deben estudiarse en artculos relativos a los respectivos tpicos.

Publication information Written by A.J. Maas. Transcribed by Joseph P. Thomas. In Memory of Archbishop Mathew Kavukatt The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII. Published 1910. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor. Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York Publicacin informativa escrita por A.J. Maas transcrita por Joseph P. Thomas, en memoria del arzobispo Mathew Kavukatt. Enciclopedia Catlica, Volumen VIII, publicada en 1910. Nueva York: Robert Appleton Company. Nihil Obstat, 1 octubre 1910. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor. Imprimatur. +John Cardenal Farley, arzobispo de Nueva York.

Also, see: Vase tambin

Sequential Life of Jesus, from the Gospels Chronology of Jesus' Life (Catholic Article) Early Documents Regarding the History of Jesus' Life 39 Miracles Performed by Jesus Around 100 OT Prophecies Fulfilled by Jesus Sequence of all important in Christianity Date of Birth of Jesus, by several Analytical Methods


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