The Ecclesiastical History of Theodoret - Book V
Translated with Notes by the Rev. Blomfield Jackson, M.A.
Vicar of St. Bartholomew's, Moor Lane, and Fellow of King's College,
Under the editorial supervision of Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Semimary, New York,
and Henry Wace, D.D., Principal of King's College, London
Published in 1892 by Philip Schaff,
New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Chapter I.--Of the piety of the emperor Gratianus
How the Lord God is long suffering towards those who rage against him,
and chastises those who abuse his patience, is plainly taught by the
acts and by the fate of Valens. For the loving Lord uses mercy and
justice like weights and scales; whenever he sees any one by the
greatness of his errors over-stepping the bounds of loving kindness,
by just punishment He hinders him from being carried to further
Now Gratianus, the son of Valentinianus, and nephew of Valens,
acquired the whole Roman Empire. He had already assumed the sceptre of
Europe on the death of his father, in whose life-time he had shared
the throne. On the death of Valens without issue he acquired in
addition Asia, and the portions of Libya. 
 Gratian was proclaimed Augustus by Valentinian in 367. (Soc. iv.
11. Soz. vi. 10.) He came to the throne on the death of Valentinian at
Bregetio, Nov. 17, 375. He associated his brother Valentinian II. with
him, and succeeded his uncle Valens Aug. 9, 378. On Jan. 19, 379 he
nominated Theodosius Augustus.
Chapter II.--Of the return of the bishops.
The emperor at once gave plain indications of his adherence to true
religion, and offered the first fruits of his kingdom to the Lord of
all, by publishing an edict commanding the exiled shepherds to return,
and to be restored to their flocks, and ordering the sacred buildings
to be delivered to congregations adopting communion with Damasus.
This Damasus, the successor of Liberius in the see of Rome, was a man
of most praiseworthy life and by his own choice alike in word and deed
a champion of Apostolic doctrines. To put his edict in force Gratianus
sent Sapor the general, a very famous character at that time, with
orders to expel the preachers of the blasphemies of Arius like wild
beasts from the sacred folds, and to effect the restoration of the
excellent shepherds to God's flocks.
In every instance this was effected without dispute except in Antioch,
the Eastern capital, where a quarrel was kindled which I shall proceed
 Cf. note on page 82.
Chapter III.--Of the dissension caused by Paulinus; of the innovation
by Apollinarius of Laodicea, and of the philosophy of Meletius.
It has been already related how the defenders of the apostolic
doctrines were divided into two parties; how immediately after the
conspiracy formed against the great Eustathius, one section, in
abhorrence of the Arian abomination, assembled together by themselves
with Paulinus for their bishop, while, after the ordination of
Euzoius, the other party separated themselves from the impious with
the excellent Meletius, underwent the perils previously described, and
were guided by the wise instructions which Meletius gave them. Besides
these Apollinarius of Laodicea constituted himself leader of a third
party, and though he assumed a mask of piety, and appeared to defend
apostolic doctrines, he was soon seen to be an open foe. About the
divine nature he used unsound arguments, and originated the idea of
certain degrees of dignities. He also had the hardihood to render the
mystery of the incarnation  imperfect and affirmed that the
reasonable soul, which is entrusted with the guidance of the body, was
deprived of the salvation effected. For according to his argument God
the Word did not assume this soul, and so neither granted it His
healing gift, nor gave it a portion of His dignity. Thus the earthly
body is represented as worshipped by invisible powers, while the soul
which is made in the image of God has remained below invested with the
dishonour of sin.  Many more errors did he utter in his stumbling
and blinded intelligence. At one time even he was ready to confess
that of the Holy Virgin the flesh had been taken, at another time he
represented it to have come down from heaven with God the Word, and
yet again that He had been made flesh and took nothing from us. Other
vain tales and trifles which I have thought it superfluous to repeat
he mixed up with God's gospel promises. By arguments of this nature he
not only filled his own friends with dangerous doctrine but even
imparted it to some among ourselves. As time went on, when they saw
their own insignificance, and beheld the splendour of the Church, all
except a few were gathered into the Church's communion. But they did
not quite put away their former unsoundness, and with it infected many
of the sound. This was the origin of the growth in the Church of the
doctrine of the one nature of the Flesh and of the Godhead, of the
ascription to the Godhead of the Passion of the only begotten, and of
other points which have bred differences among the laity and their
priests. But these belong to a later date. At the time of which I am
speaking, when Sapor the General had arrived and had exhibited the
imperial edict, Paulinus affirmed that he sided with Damasus, and
Apollinarius, concealing his unsoundness, did the same. The divine
Meletius, on the other hand, made no sign, and put up with their
dispute. Flavianus, of high fame for his wisdom, who was at that time
still in the ranks of the presbyterate, at first said to Paulinus in
the hearing of the officer "If, my dear friend, you accept communion
with Damasus, point out to us clearly how the doctrines agree, for he
though he owns one substance of the Trinity openly preaches three
essences.  You on the contrary deny the Trinity of the essences.
Shew us then how these doctrines are in harmony, and receive the
charge of the churches, as the edict enjoins." After so silencing
Paulinus by his arguments he turned to Apollinarius and said, "I am
astonished, my friend, to find you waging such violent war against the
truth, when all the while you know quite clearly how the admirable
Damasus maintains our nature to have been taken in its perfection by
God the Word; but you persist in saying the contrary, for you deprive
our intelligence of its salvation. If these our charges against you be
false, deny now the novelty that you have originated; embrace the
teaching of Damasus, and receive the charge of the holy shrines."
Thus Flavianus in his great wisdom stopped their bold speech with his
Meletius, who of all men was most meek, thus kindly and gently
addressed Paulinus. "The Lord of the sheep has put the care of these
sheep in my hands: you have received the charge of the rest: our
little ones are in communion with one another in the true religion.
Therefore, my dear friend, let us join our flocks; let us have done
with our dispute about the leading of them, and, feeding the sheep
together, let us tend them in common. If the chief seat is the cause
of strife, that strife I will endeavour to put away. On the chief seat
I will put the Holy Gospel; let us take our seats on each side of it;
should I be the first to pass away, you, my friend, will hold the
leadership of the flock alone. Should this be your lot before it is
mine, I in my turn, so far as I am able, will take care of the sheep."
So gently and kindly spoke the divine Meletius. Paulinus did not
consent. The officer passed judgment on what had been said and gave
the churches to the great Meletius. Paulinus still continued at the
head of the sheep who had originally seceded.
 to tes oikonomias musterion. Vide note on page 72.
 Adopting Platonic and Pauline psychology giving body, soul and
spirit (cf. 1 Thess. v. 23, and Gal. v. 17) Apollinarius attributed to
Christ a human body and a human soul or anima animans shared by man
with brutes, but not the reasonable soul, spirit or anima rationalis.
In place of this he put the Divine Logos. The Word, he said, was made
Flesh not Spirit, God was manifest in the Flesh not Spirit.
 treis hupostaseis
Chapter IV.--Of Eusebius  Bishop of Samosata.
Apollinarius after thus failing to get the government of the churches,
continued, for the future, openly to preach his new fangled doctrine,
and constituted himself leader of the heresy. He resided for the most
part at Laodicea; but at Antioch he had already ordained Vitalius, a
man of excellent character, brought up in the apostolic doctrines, but
afterwards tainted with the heresy. Diodorus, whom I have already
mentioned,  who in the great storm had saved the ship of the
church from sinking, had been appointed by the divine Meletius, bishop
of Tarsus, and had received the charge of the Cilicians. The see of
Apamea  Meletius entrusted to John, a man of illustrious birth,
more distinguished for his own high qualities than for those of his
forefathers, for he was conspicuous alike for the beauty of his
teaching and of his life. In the time of the tempest he piloted the
assembly of his fellows in the faith supported by the worthy
Stephanus. The latter was however translated by the divine Meletius to
carry on another contest, for on the arrival of intelligence that
Germanicia had been contaminated by the Eudoxian pest he was sent
thither as a physician to ward off the disease, thoroughly trained as
he had been in a complete heathen education as well as nurtured in the
Divine doctrines. He did not disappoint the expectations formed of
him, for by the power of his spiritual instruction he turned the
wolves into sheep. 
On the return of the great Eusebius from exile he ordained Acacius
whose fame is great at Beroea,  and at Hierapolis Theodotus,
 whose ascetic life is to this day in all men's mouths. Eusebius
 was moreover appointed to the see of Chalcis, and Isidorus 
to our own city of Cyrus; both admirable men, conspicuous for their
Meletius is also reported to have ordained to the pastorate of Edessa,
where the godly Barses had already departed this life, Eulogius, 
the well known champion of apostolic doctrines, who had been sent to
Antinone with Protogenes. Eulogius gave Protogenes,  his
companion in hard service, the charge of Carræ, a healing physician
for a sick city.
Lastly the divine Eusebius ordained Maris, Bishop of Doliche,  a
little city at that time infected with the Arian plague. With the
intention of enthroning this Maris, a right worthy man, illustrious
for various virtues, in the episcopal chair, the great Eusebius came
to Doliche. As he was entering into the town a woman thoroughly
infected with the Arian plague let fall a tile from the roof, which
crushed in his head and so wounded him that not long after he departed
to the better life. As he lay a-dying he charged the bystanders not to
exact the slightest penalty from the woman who had done the deed, and
bound them under oaths to obey him. Thus he imitated his own Lord, who
of them that crucified Him said "Father forgive them for they know not
what they do." 
Thus, too, he followed the example of Stephanus, his fellow slave,
who, after the stones had stormed upon him, cried aloud, "Lord lay not
this sin to their charge."  So died the great Eusebius after many
and various struggles. He had escaped the barbarians in Thrace, but he
did not escape the violence of impious heretics, and by their means
won the martyr's crown. 
These events happened after the return of the bishops, and now Gratian
learnt that Thrace was being laid waste by the barbarians who had
burnt Valens, so he left Italy and proceeded to Pannonia.
 cf. page 93.
 Vide pages 85 and 126.
 Ad Orentem, now Famiah. This John was prefect at Constantinople
in 381. A better known John of Apamea is an ascetic of the 5th c.,
fragments of whose works are among the Syriac mss. in the British
 This seems to be all that is known of Stephanus of Germanicia
(now Marash or Banicia in Syria) mentioned also as the see of
Eudoxius. cf. Book II. p. 86.
 Acacius of Beroea (Aleppo) was later an opponent of Chrysostom
and of Cyril, but in his old age of more than 100 in 436.
 Theodotus is mentioned also in the Relig. Hist. c. iii. as
paying an Easter visit to the hermit Marcian. Hierapolis, or Bambyce,
is now Bumbouch in the Pachalic of Aleppo.
 Similarly mentioned in Relig. Hist. c. iii. Chalcis is in Coele
 Also one of Marcian's Easter party. As well as these bishops
there were present some men of high rank and position, who were
earnest Christians. When all were seated, Marcian was asked to address
them. "But he fetched a deep sigh and said `the God of all day by day
utters his voice by means of the visible world, and in the divine
scriptures discourses with us, urging on us our duties, telling us
what is befitting, terrifying us by threats, winning us by promises,
and all the while we get no good. Marcian turns away this good like
the rest of his kind, and does not care to enjoy its blessing. What
could be the use of his lifting up his voice?'" Relig. Hist. iii. 3.
 Vide Book iv. 15. p, 118.
 Vide Book iv. 15. p, 118.
 Doliche is in Commagene.
 Luke xxiii. 34
 Acts vii. 59
 The Martyrdom of Eusebius is commemorated in the Eastern
Churches on June 22; in the Roman Kalendar on June 21. We compare the
fate of Abimelech at Thebez (Judges ix. 53, and 2 Sam. xi. 21) and
Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, at Argos, b.c. 272. "Inter confertissimos
violentissime dimicans, saxo de muris ictus occiditur." Justin. xxv.
5. The story is given at greater length by Plutarch. Vit: Pyrrh:
Chapter V.--Of the campaign of Theodosius.
Now at this time Theodosius, on account alike of the splendour of his
ancestry,  and of his own courage, was a man of high repute. For
this reason being from time to time stricken by the envy of his
rivals, he was living in Spain, where he had been born and brought up.
 The emperor, being at a loss what measures to take, now that the
barbarians, puffed up by their victory, both were and seemed well nigh
invincible, formed the idea that a way out of his difficulties would
be found in the appointment of Theodosius to the supreme command. He
therefore lost no time in sending for him from Spain, appointing 
him commander in chief and despatching him at the head of the
Defended by his faith Theodosius marched confidently forth. On
entering Thrace, and beholding the barbarians advancing to meet him,
he drew up his troops in order of battle. The two lines met, and the
enemy could not stand the attack and broke. A rout ensued, the foe
taking to flight and the conquerors pursuing at full speed. There was
a great slaughter of the barbarians, for they were slain not only by
Romans but even by one another. After the greater number of them had
thus fallen, and a few of those who had been able to escape pursuit
had crossed the Danube, the great captain dispersed the troops which
he commanded among the neighbouring towns, and forthwith rode at speed
to this emperor Gratianus, himself the messenger of his own triumph.
Even to the emperor himself, astounded at the event, the tidings he
carried seemed incredible, while others stung with envy gave out that
he had run away and lost his army. His only reply was to ask his
gainsayers to send and ascertain the number of the barbarian dead,
"For," said he, "even from their spoils it is easy to learn their
number." At these words the emperor gave way and sent officers to
investigate and report on the battle. 
 His father, a distinguished general in Britain and elsewhere,
was treacherously slain in 376, probably because an oracle warned
Valens of a successor with a name beginning "ThEOD." cf. Soc. iv. 19.
Soz. vi. 35. Ammian. xxix. I. 29.
 At his paternal estate at Cauca in Spain; to the east of the
Vaccæi in Tarraconensis.
 cheirotonesas. Vide note on page 125.
 Theodoret's is the sole authority for this connexion of the
association of Theodosius in the Empire with a victory, and his
alleged facts do not fit in with others which are better supported.
Gratian, a vigorous and sensible lad of nineteen, seems to have felt
that the burden was too big for his shoulders, and to have looked out
for a suitable colleague. For the choice which he made, or was advised
to make, he had good ground in the reputation already won by
Theodosius in Britain and in the campaign of 373 against the
Sarmatians and Quadi, and the elevation of the young general (born in
346, he was thirty two when Gratian declared him Augustus at Sirmium,
Jan. 19, 379) was speedily vindicated. Theodoret, with his contempt
for exact chronology, may have exaggerated one of the engagements of
the guerrilla warfare waged by the new emperor after his accession,
when he carefully avoided the error of Valens in risking all on a
pitched battle. By the end of 379 he had driven the barbarians over
the Balkan range. Dr. Stokes (Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 960) points out
that between Aug. 9, 378, and Jan. 19, 379, there was not time for
news to travel from Hadrianople to Mitrovitz, where Gratian was, for
couriers to fetch Theodosius thither from remoter Spain, for
Theodosius then in the winter months to organize and carry out a
Chapter VI.--Of the reign of Theodosius and of his dream.
The great general remained, and then saw a wonderful vision clearly
shewn him by the very God of the universe himself. In it he seemed to
see the divine Meletius, chief of the church of the Antiochenes,
investing him with an imperial robe, and covering his head with an
imperial crown. The morning after the night in which he had seen the
vision he told it to one of his intimate friends, who pointed out that
the dream was plain and had nothing obscure or ambiguous about it.
A few days at most had gone by when the commissioners sent to
investigate the battle returned and reported that vast multitudes of
the barbarians had been shot down.
Then the emperor was convinced that he had done right well in
selecting Theodosius for the command, and appointed him emperor and
gave him the sovereignty of the share of Valens.
Upon this Gratian departed for Italy and despatched Theodosius to the
countries committed to his charge. No sooner had Theodosius assumed
the imperial dignity than before everything else he gave heed to the
harmony of the churches, and ordered the bishops of his own realm to
repair with haste to Constantinople. That division of the empire was
now the only region infected with the Arian plague, for the west had
escaped the taint. This was due to the fact that Constantine the
eldest of Constantine's sons, and Constans the youngest, had preserved
their father's faith in its integrity, and that Valentinian, emperor
of the West, had also kept the true religion undefiled.
Chapter VII.--Of famous leaders of the Arian faction.
The Eastern section of the empire had received the infection from many
quarters. Arius, a presbyter of Alexandria in Egypt, there begat the
blasphemy. Eusebius, Patrophilus, and Aetius of Palestine, Paulinus
and Gregorius of Phoenicia, Theodotus of Laodicea and his successor
Georgius, and after him Athanasius and Narcissus of Cilicia, had
nurtured the seeds so foully sown. Eusebius and Theognis of Bithynia;
Menophantus of Ephesus; Theodorus of Perinthus and Maris of Chalcedon,
and some others of Thrace famous only for their vices, had for a long
time gone on watering and tending the crop of tares. These bad
husbandmen were aided by the indifference of Constantius and the
malignity of Valens.
For these reasons only the bishops of his own empire were summoned by
the emperor to meet at Constantinople. They arrived, being in all one
hundred and fifty in number, and Theodosius forbade any one to tell
him which was the great Meletius, for he wished the bishop to be
recognized by his dream. The whole company of the bishops entered the
imperial palace, and then without any notice of all the rest,
Theodosius ran up to the great Meletius, and, like a boy who loves his
father, stood for a long space gazing on him with filial joy, then
flung his arms around him, and covered eyes and lips and breast and
head and the hand that had given him the crown, with kisses. Then he
told him of his dream. All the rest of the bishops were then
courteously welcomed, and all were bidden to deliberate as became
fathers on the subjects laid before them.
Chapter VIII.--The council assembled at Constantinople.
At this time the recent feeder of the flock at Nazianzus  was
living at Constantinople,  continually withstanding the
blasphemies of the Arians, watering the holy people with the teaching
of the Gospel, catching wanderers outside the flock and removing them
from poisonous pasture. So that flock once small he made a great one.
When the divine Meletius saw him, knowing as he did full well the
object which the makers of the canon  had before them when, with
the view of preventing the possibility of ambitious efforts, they
forbade the translation of bishops, he confirmed Gregory in the
episcopate of Constantinople.  Shortly afterwards the divine
Meletius passed away to the life that knows no pain, crowned by the
praises of the funeral eloquence of all the great orators.
Timotheus, bishop of Alexandria, who had followed Peter, the successor
of Athanasius in the patriarchate, ordained in place of the admirable
Gregorius, Maximus--a cynic who had but recently suffered his cynic's
hair to be shorn, and had been carried away by the flimsy rhetoric of
Apollinarius. But this absurdity was beyond the endurance of the
assembled bishops--admirable men, and full of divine zeal and wisdom,
such as Helladius, successor of the great Basil, Gregorius and Peter,
brothers of Basil, and Amphilochius from Lycaonia, Optimus from
Pisidia, Diodorus from Cilicia. 
The council was also attended by Pelagius of Laodicæa,  Eulogius
of Edessa,  Acacius,  our own Isidorus,  Cyril of
Jerusalem, Gelasius of Cæsarea in Palestine,  who was renowned
alike for lore and life and many other athletes of virtue.
All these then whom I have named separated themselves from the
Egyptians and celebrated divine service with the great Gregory. But he
himself implored them, assembled as they were to promote harmony, to
subordinate all question of wrong to an individual to the promotion of
agreement with one another. "For," said he, "I shall be released from
many cares and once more lead the quiet life I hold so dear; while
you, after your long and painful warfare, will obtain the longed for
peace. What can be more absurd than for men who have just escaped the
weapons of their enemies to waste their own strength in wounding one
another; by so doing we shall be a laughing stock to our opponents.
Find then some worthy man of sense, able to sustain heavy
responsibilities and discharge them well, and make him bishop." The
excellent pastors moved by these counsels appointed as bishop of that
mighty city a man of noble birth and distinguished for every kind of
virtue as well as for the splendour of his ancestry, by name
Nectarius. Maximus, as having participated in the insanity of
Apollinarius, they stripped of his episcopal rank and rejected. They
next enacted canons concerning the good government of the church, and
published a confirmation of the faith set forth at Nicæa. Then they
returned each to his own country. Next summer the greater number of
them assembled again in the same city, summoned once more by the needs
of the church, and received a synodical letter from the bishops of the
west inviting them to come to Rome, where a great synod was being
assembled. They begged however to be excused from travelling thus far
abroad; their doing so, they said, would be useless. They wrote
however both to point out the storm which had risen against the
churches, and to hint at the carelessness with which the western
bishops had treated it. They also included in their letter a summary
of the apostolic doctrine, but the boldness and wisdom of their
expressions will be more clearly shown by the letter itself.
 "Cave credas episcopum Nazianzi his verbis designari," says
Valesius;--because before 381 the great Gregory of Nazianzus had at
the most first helped his father in looking after the church at
Nazianzus, and on his father's death taken temporary and apparently
informal charge of the see. But in the latter part of his note
Valesius suggests that ta teleutaia may refer to the episcopate of
Gregory at Nazianzus in his last days, after his abdication of the see
of Constantinople,--"Atque hic sensus magis placet, magis enim
convenire videtur verbis Theodoreti;" "Recent feeder," then, or "he
who most recently fed," will mean "he who after the events at
Constantinople which I am about to relate, acted as bishop of
Nazianzus." Gregory left Constantinople in June 381, repaired to
Nazianzus, and after finding a suitable man to occupy the see, retired
to Arianzus, but was pressed to return and take a leading post in
order to check Apollinarian heretics. His health broke down, and he
wished to retire. He would have voted in the election of his
successor, but his opponents objected on the ground that he either was
bishop of Nazianzus, or not; if he was, there was no vacancy; if he
was not, he had no vote. Eulalius was chosen in 383, and Gregory spent
six weary years in wanderings and troubles, and at last found in rest
 It was probably in 379 that Gregory first went to Constantinople
and preached in a private house which was to him a "Shiloh, where the
ark rested, an Anastasia, a place of resurrection" (Orat. 42. 6).
Hence the name "Anastasia" given to the famous church built on the
site of the too strait house.
 i.e. the xvth of Nicæa, forbidding any bishop, presbyter or
deacon, to pass from one city to another. Gregory himself classes it
among "Nomous palai tethnekotas" (Carm. 1810-11).
 Gregory had been practically acting as bishop, when an
intriguing party led by Peter of Alexandria tried to force Maximus, a
cynic professor, who was one of Gregory's admiring hearers, on the
Constantinopolitan Church. "At this time," i.e. probably in the middle
of 380, and certainly before Nov. 24, when Theodosius entered the
capital, "A priest from Thasco had come to Constantinople with a large
sum of money to buy Proconnesian marble for a church. He too was
beguiled by the specious hope held out to him. Maximus and his party
thus gained the power of purchasing the service of a mob, which was as
forward to attack Gregory as it had been to praise him. It was night,
and the bishop was ill in bed, when Maximus with his followers went to
the church to be consecrated by five suffragans who had been sent from
Alexandria for the purpose. Day began to dawn while they were till
preparing for the consecration. They had but half finished the tonsure
of the cynic philosopher, who wore the flowing hair common to his
sect, when a mob, excited by the sudden news, rushed in upon them, and
drove them from the church. They retired to a flute player's shop to
complete their work, and Maximus, compelled to flee from
Constantinople, went to Thessalonica with the hope of gaining over
Theodosius himself." Archdeacon Watkins. Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 752.
 Helladius, successor of Basil at the Cappadocian Cæsarea, was
orthodox, but on important occasions clashed unhappily with each of
the two great Gregories of Nyssa and Nazianzus. On Gregorius of Nyssa
and Petrus his brother, vide page 129. Amphilochius, vide note on page
114. Optimus, vide note on page 129. Diodorus, vide note on pages 85,
126 and 133.
 cf. note on Chap. iv. 12, page 115.
 cf. note on iv. 15, page 119.
 Of Beroea, vide page 128.
 i.e. of Cyrus, cf. p. 134.
 For fragments of his writings vide Dial. i. and iii.
Chapter IX.--Synodical letter from the council at Constantinople.
"To the right honourable lords our right reverend brethren and
colleagues Damasus, Ambrosius, Britton, Valerianus, Ascholius,
Anemius, Basilius and the rest of the holy bishops assembled in the
great city of Rome, the holy synod of the orthodox bishops assembled
at the great city of Constantinople, sends greeting in the Lord.
"To recount all the sufferings inflicted on us by the power of the
Arians, and to attempt to give information to your reverences, as
though you were not already well acquainted with them, might seem
superfluous. For we do not suppose your piety to hold what is
befalling us as of such secondary importance as that you stand in any
need of information on matter's which cannot but evoke your sympathy.
Nor indeed were the storms which beset us such as to escape notice
from their insignificance. Our persecutions are but of yesterday. The
sound of them still rings in the ears alike of those who suffered them
and of those whose love made the sufferers' pain their own. It was but
a day or two ago, if I may so say, that some released from chains in
foreign lands returned to their own churches through manifold
afflictions; of others who had died in exile the relics were brought
home; others again, even after their return from exile, found the
passion of the heretics still at boiling heat, and, slain by them with
stones as was the blessed Stephen, met with a sadder fate in their own
than in a stranger's land. Others, worn away with various cruelties,
still bear in their bodies the scars of their wounds and the marks of
"Who could tell the tale of fines, of disfranchisements, of individual
confiscations, of intrigues, of outrages, of prisons? In truth all
kinds of tribulation were wrought out beyond number in us, perhaps
because we were paying the penalty of sins, perhaps because the
merciful God was trying us by means of the multitude of our
sufferings. For these all thanks to God, who by means of such
afflictions trained his servants and, according to the multitude of
his mercies, brought us again to refreshment. We indeed needed long
leisure, time, and toil to restore the church once more, that so, like
physicians healing the body after long sickness and expelling its
disease by gradual treatment, we might bring her back to her ancient
health of true religion. It is true that on the whole we seem to have
been delivered from the violence of our persecutions and to be just
now recovering the churches which have for a long time been the prey
of the heretics. But wolves are troublesome to us who, though they
have been driven from the byre, yet harry the flocks up and down the
glades, daring to hold rival assemblies, stirring seditions among the
people, and shrinking from nothing which can do damage to the
"So, as we have already said, we needs must labour all the longer.
Since however you showed your brotherly love to us by inviting us (as
though we were your own members) by the letters of our most religious
emperor to the synod which you are gathering by divine permission at
Rome, to the end that since we alone were then condemned to suffer
persecution, you should not now, when our emperors are at one with us
as to true religion, reign apart from us, but that we, to use the
apostle's phrase,  should reign with you, our prayer was, if it
were possible, all in company to leave our churches, and rather
gratify our longing to see you than consult their needs. For who will
give us wings as of a dove, and we will fly and be at rest?  But
this course seemed likely to leave the churches who were just
recovering quite undefended, and the undertaking was to most of us
impossible, for, in accordance with the letters sent a year ago from
your holiness after the synod at Aquileia to the most pious emperor
Theodosius, we had journeyed to Constantinople, equipped only for
travelling so far as Constantinople, and bringing the consent of the
bishops remaining in the provinces for this synod alone. We had been
in no expectation of any longer journey nor had heard a word about it
before our arrival at Constantinople. In addition to all this, and on
account of the narrow limits of the appointed time which allowed of no
preparation for a longer journey, nor of communicating with the
bishops of our communion in the provinces and of obtaining their
consent, the journey to Rome was for the majority impossible. We have
therefore adopted the next best course open to us under the
circumstances, both for the better administration of the church, and
for manifesting our love towards you, by strongly urging our most
venerated, and honoured colleagues and brother bishops Cyriacus,
Eusebius and Priscianus, to consent to travel to you.
"Through them we wish to make it plain that our disposition is all for
peace with unity for its sole object, and that we are full of zeal for
the right faith. For we, whether we suffered persecutions, or
afflictions, or the threats of emperors, or the cruelties of princes
or any other trial at the hands of heretics, have undergone all for
the sake of the evangelic faith, ratified by the three hundred and
eighteen fathers at Nicæa in Bithynia. This is the faith which ought
to be sufficient for you, for us, for all who wrest not the word of
the true faith; for it is the ancient faith; it is the faith of our
baptism; it is the faith that teaches us to believe in the name of the
Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.
"According to this faith there is one Godhead, Power and Substance of
the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost; the dignity being
equal, and the majesty being equal in three perfect essences  and
three perfect persons.  Thus there is neither room for the heresy
of Sabellius by the confusion of the essences or destruction of the
individualities; thus the blasphemy of the Eunomians, of the Arians,
and of the Pneumatomachi is nullified, which divides the substance,
the nature and the godhead and superinduces on the uncreated
consubstantial and co-eternal trinity a nature posterior, created and
of a different substance. We moreover preserve unperverted the
doctrine of the incarnation of the Lord, holding the tradition that
the dispensation of the flesh is neither soulless nor mindless nor
imperfect; and knowing full well that God's Word was perfect before
the ages, and became perfect man in the last days for our salvation.
"Let this suffice for a summary of the doctrine which is fearlessly
and frankly preached by us, and concerning which you will be able to
be still further satisfied if you will deign to read the report of the
synod of Antioch, and also that issued last year by the oecumenical
council held at Constantinople, in which we have set forth our
confession of the faith at greater length, and have appended an
anathema against the heresies which innovators have recently
"Now as to the particular administration of individual churches, an
ancient custom, as you know, has obtained, confirmed by the enactment
of the holy fathers at Nicæa, that, in every province, the bishops of
the province, and, with their consent, the neighbouring bishops with
them, should perform ordinations as expediency may require. In
conforming with these customs note that other churches have been
administered by us and the priests of the most famous churches
publicly appointed. Accordingly over the new made (if the expression
be allowable) church at Constantinople, which, as though from a lion's
mouth, we have lately snatched by God's mercy from the blasphemy of
the heretics, we have ordained bishop the right reverend and most
religious Nectarius, in the presence of the oecumenical council, with
common consent, before the most religious emperor Theodosius, and with
the assent of all the clergy and of the whole city. And over the most
ancient and truly apostolic church in Syria, where first the noble
name of Christians  was given them, the bishops of the province
and of the eastern diocese  have met together and canonically
ordained bishop the right reverend and most religious Flavianus, with
the consent of all the church, who as though with one voice joined in
expressing their respect for him. This rightful ordination also
received the sanction of the general council. Of the church at
Jerusalem, mother of all the churches, we make known that the right
reverend and most religious Cyril is bishop, who was some time ago
canonically ordained by the bishops of the province, and has in
several places fought a good fight against the Arians. We beseech your
reverence to rejoice at what has thus been rightly and canonically
settled by us, by the intervention of spiritual love and by the
influence of the fear of the Lord, compelling the feelings of men, and
making the edification of churches of more importance than individual
grace or favour. Thus since among us there is agreement in the faith
and Christian charity has been established, we shall cease to use the
phrase condemned by the apostles, `I am of Paul and I of Apollos and I
of Cephas,'  and all appearing as Christ's, who in us is not
divided, by God's grace we will keep the body of the church unrent,
and will boldly stand at the judgment seat of the Lord."
These things they wrote against the madness of Arius, Aetius, and
Eunomius; and moreover against Sabellius, Photinus, Marcellus, Paul of
Samosata, and Macedonius. Similarly they openly condemned the
innovation of Apollinarius in the phrase, "And we preserve the
doctrine of the incarnation of the Lord, holding the tradition that
the dispensation of the flesh is neither soulless, nor mindless, nor
 Gal. vi. 17
 1 Cor. iv. 8
 Ps. lv. 6
 Acts xi. 26
 Vide note on p. 53.
 1 Cor. i. 12
Chapter X.--Synodical letter of Damasus bishop of Rome against
Apollinarius and Timotheus.
When the most praiseworthy Damasus had heard of the rise of this
heresy, he proclaimed the condemnation not only of Apollinarius but
also of Timotheus his follower. The letter in which he made this known
to the bishops of the Eastern empire I have thought it well to insert
in my history.
Letter of Damasus bishop of Rome.
"Most honourable sons: Inasmuch as your love renders to the apostolic
see the reverence which is its due, accept the same in no niggard
measure for yourselves.  For even though in the holy church in
which the holy apostle sat, and taught us how it becomes us to manage
the rudder which has been committed to us, we nevertheless confess
ourselves to be unworthy of the honour, we yet on this very account
strive by every means within our power if haply we may be able to
achieve the glory of that blessedness. Know then that we have
condemned Timotheus, the unhallowed, the disciple of Apollinarius the
heretic, together with his impious doctrine, and are confident that
for the future his remains will have no weight whatever. But if that
old serpent, though smitten once and again, still revives to his own
destruction, who though he exists without the church never ceases from
the attempt by his deadly venom to overthrow certain unfaithful men,
do you avoid it as you would a pest, mindful ever of the apostolic
faith--that, I mean, which was set out in writing by the Fathers at
Nicæa; do you remain on steady ground, firm and unmoved in the faith,
and henceforward suffer neither your clergy nor laity to listen to
vain words and futile questions, for we have already given a form,
that he who professes himself a Christian may keep it, the form
delivered by the Apostles, as says St. Paul, `if any one preach to you
another gospel than that you have received let him be Anathema.' 
For Christ the Son of God, our Lord, gave by his own passion abundant
salvation to the race of men, that he might free from all sin the
whole man involved in sin. If any one speaks of Christ as having had
less of manhood or of Godhead, he is full of devils' spirits, and
proclaims himself a child of hell.
"Why then do you again ask me for the condemnation of Timotheus? Here,
by the judgment of the apostolic see, in the presence of Peter, bishop
of Alexandria, he was condemned, together with his teacher,
Apollinarius, who will also in the day of judgment undergo due
punishment and torment. But if he succeeds in persuading some less
stable men, as though having some hope, after by his confession
changing the true hope which is in Christ, with him shall likewise
perish whoever of set purpose withstands the order of the Church. May
God keep you sound, most honoured sons."
The bishops assembled in great Rome also wrote other things against
other heresies which I have thought it necessary to insert in my
 This rendering seems the sense of the somewhat awkward Greek of
the text, and obviates the necessity of adopting Valesius' conjecture
that the "nobis" of the original Latin had been altered by a clerical
error into "vobis." If we read nobis, we may translate "you shew it in
no niggard measure to ourselves."
 Gal. i. 8
Chapter XI.--A confession of the Catholic faith which Pope Damasus
sent to Bishop Paulinus  in Macedonia when he was at
After the Council of Nicæa there sprung up this error. Certain men
ventured with profane mouths to say that the Holy Spirit is made
through the Son. We therefore anathematize those who do not with all
freedom preach that the Holy Spirit is of one and the same substance
and power with the Father and the Son. In like manner we anathematize
them that follow the error of Sabellius and say that the Father and
the Son are the same. We anathematize Arius and Eunomius who with
equal impiety, though with differences of phrase, maintain the Son and
the Holy Spirit to be a creature. We anathematize the Macedonians who,
produced from the root of Arius, have changed the name but not the
impiety. We anathematize Photinus who, renewing the heresy of Ebion,
confessed that our Lord Jesus Christ was only of Mary.  We
anathematize them that maintain that there are two sons--one before
the ages and another after the assumption of the flesh from Mary. We
anathematize also all who maintain that the Word of God moved in human
flesh instead of a reasonable soul. For this Word of God Himself was
not in His own body instead of a reasonable and intellectual soul, but
assumed and saved our soul, both reasonable and intellectual, without
sin.  We anathematize also them that say that the Word of God is
separated from the Father by extension and contraction, and
blasphemously affirm that He is without essential being or is destined
Them that have gone from churches to other churches we so far hold
alien from our communion till they shall have returned to those cities
in which they were first ordained.
If any one, when another has gone from place to place, has been
ordained in his stead, let him who abandoned his own city be held
deprived of his episcopal rank until such time as his successor shall
rest in the Lord.
If any one denies that the Father is eternal and the Son eternal and
the Holy Ghost eternal, let him be anathema.
If any one denies that the Son was begotten of the Father, that is of
His divine substance, let him be anathema.
If any one denies that the Son of God is very God, omnipotent and
omniscient, and equal to the Father, let him be anathema.
If any one says that the Son of God, living in the flesh when he was
on the earth, was not in heaven and with the Father, let him be
If any one says that in the Passion of the Cross the Son of God
sustained its pain by Godhead, and not by reasonable soul and flesh
which He had assumed in the form of a servant,  as saith the Holy
Scripture, let him be anathema.
If any one denies that the Word of God suffered in the flesh and
tasted death in the flesh, and was the first-born of the dead, 
as the Son is life and giver of life, let him be anathema.
If any one deny that He sits on the right hand of the Father in the
flesh which He assumed, and in which He shall come to judge quick and
dead, let him be anathema.
If any one deny that the Holy Spirit is truly and absolutely of the
Father, and that the Son is of the divine substance and very God of
God,  let him be anathema.
If any one deny that the Holy Spirit is omnipotent, omniscient, and
omnipresent, as also the Son of the Father, let him be anathema.
If any one say that the Holy Spirit is a created being or was made
through the Son, let him be anathema.
If any one deny that the Father made all things visible and invisible,
through the Son who was made Flesh, and the Holy Spirit, let him be
If any one deny one Godhead and power, one sovereignty and glory, one
lordship, one kingdom, will and truth of the Father and of the Son and
of the Holy Ghost, let him be anathema.
If any one deny three very persons of the Father and of the Son and of
the Holy Ghost, living for ever, containing all things visible and
invisible, omnipotent, judging all things, giving life to all things,
creating all things and preserving all things,  let him be
If any one denies that the Holy Ghost is to be worshipped by all
creation, as the Son, and as the Father, let him be anathema.
If any one shall think aright about the Father and the Son but does
not hold aright about the Holy Ghost, anathema, because he is a
heretic, for all the heretics who do not think aright about God the
Son and about the Holy Ghost are convicted of being involved in the
unbelief of the Jews and the heathen; and if any one shall divide
Godhead, saying that the Father is God apart and the Son God, and the
Holy Ghost God, and should persist that they are called Gods and not
God, on account of the one Godhead and sovereignty which we believe
and know there to be of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy
Ghost--one God in three essences,  --or withdrawing the Son and
the Holy Ghost so as to suggest that the Father alone is called God
and believed in as one God, let him be anathema.
For the name of gods has been bestowed by God upon angels and all
saints, but of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost on
account of their one and equal Godhead, not the names of "gods" but
the name of "our God" is predicated and proclaimed, that we may
believe that we are baptized in Father and Son and Holy Ghost and not
in the names of archangels or angels, like the heretics or the Jews or
This is the salvation of the Christians, that believing in the
Trinity, that is in the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, and
being baptized into the same one Godhead and power and divinity and
substance, in Him we may trust.
These events happened during the life of Gratianus.
 As to who this Paulinus was, and when this confession was sent
to him, there has been some confusion. Theodoret has been supposed to
write "bishop of Thessalonica," and then has been found fault with by
Baronius for describing the Paulinus the Eustathian bishop of Antioch
as of Thessalonica in order to conceal the fact of Damasus and the
Antiochene Paulinus being in communion. But the patronage of this
Paulinus by Damasus was notorious, and if Theodoret wanted to ignore
it, he need not have inserted this document at all. But, as Valesius
points out, all that Theodoret says is that Damasus sent it to bishop
Paulinus, when he was at Thessalonica, and calls attention to the
recognition of this by Baronius (ann. 378. 44). The letter is in the
Holsteinian Collection, with the heading "Dilectissimo fratri Paulino
Damasus." Paulinus was probably at Thessalonica on his way from Rome
 Photinus, the disciple of Marcellus of Ancyra, was condemned at
the synod of Sirmium in 349. Dict. Christ. Ant. ("Sirmium, Councils
of.") Sulpicius Severus writes (II. 52) "Photinus vero novam hæresim
jam ante protulerat, a Sabellio quidem in unione dissentiens, sed
initium Christi ex Maria prædicabat."
 Vide note on Apollinarius, p. 132.
 John iii. 13
 Phil. ii. 7
 Coloss. i. 18. Rev. i. 5
 Valesius supposes the Greek translator to have read Deum verbum
for Deum verum, which is found in Col. Rom., and which I have
 Latin, "Omnia quæ sunt salvanda salvantes."
 Theon hena en trisin hupostasesin. The last three words are
wanting in the Latin version.
Chapter XII.--Of the death of Gratianus and the sovereignty of Maximus
Gratianus in the midst of his successes in war and wise and prudent
government ended his life by conspiracy.  He left no sons to
inherit the empire, and a brother of the same name as their father,
Valentinianus,  who was quite a youth. So Maximus,  in
contempt of the youth of Valentinianus, seized the throne of the West.
 Gratianus made himself unpopular (i) by his excessive addiction
to sport, playing the Commodus in the "Vivaria," when not even a
Marcus Aurelius could have answered all the calls of the Empire. (Amm.
xxxi. x. 19) and (ii) by affecting the society and customs of
barbarians (Aur. Vict. xlvii. 6). The troops in Britain rose against
him, gathered aid in the Low Countries, and defeated him near Paris.
He fled to Lyons, where he was treacherously assassinated Aug. 25,
383. He was only twenty-four. (Soc. v. 11.)
 Valentinianus II., son of Valentinianus I. and Justina was born
 Magnus Maximus reigned from 383 to 388. Like Theodosius, he was
Chapter XIII.--Of Justina, the wife of Valentinianus, and of her plot
At this time Justina,  wife of Valentinianus the great, and
mother of the young prince, made known to her son the seeds of the
Arian teaching which she had long ago received. Well knowing the
warmth of her consort's faith she had endeavoured to conceal her
sentiments during the whole of his life, but perceiving that her son's
character was gentle and docile, she took courage to bring her
deceitful doctrine forward. The lad supposed his mother's counsels to
be wise and beneficial, for nature so disposed the bait that he could
not see the deadly hook below. He first communicated on the subject
with Ambrosius, under the impression that, if he could persuade the
bishop, he would be able without difficulty to prevail over the rest.
Ambrosius, however, strove to remind him of his father's piety, and
exhorted him to keep inviolate the heritage which he had received. He
explained to him also how one doctrine differed from the other, how
the one is in agreement with the teaching of the Lord and with the
teaching of his apostles, while the other is totally opposed to it and
at war with the code of the laws of the spirit.
The young man, as young men will, spurred on moreover by a mother
herself the victim of deceit, not only did not assent to the arguments
adduced, but lost his temper, and, in a passion, was for surrounding
the approaches to the church with companies of legionaries and
targeteers. When, however, he learnt that this illustrious champion
was not in the least alarmed at his proceedings, for Ambrosius treated
them all like the ghosts and hobgoblins with which some men try to
frighten babies, he was exceedingly angry and publicly ordered him to
depart from the church. "I shall not," said Ambrosius, "do so
willingly. I will not yield the sheepfold to the wolves nor betray
God's temple to blasphemers. If you wish to slay me drive your sword
or your spear into me here within. I shall welcome such a death."
 Justina, left widow by Magnentius in 353, was married to
Valentinian I. (we may dismiss the story of Socrates (iv. 31) that he
legalized bigamy in order to marry her in the lifetime of Severa)
probably in 368. Her first conflict with Ambrose was probably in 380
at Sirmium. On the murder of Gratian in 383 Maximus for four years
left the young Valentinian in possession of Italy, in deference to the
pleading of Ambrose. It was during this period, at Easter, 385, that
Justina ungratefully attacked the bishop and demanded a church for
 This contest is described by Ambrose himself in letters to
Valentinian and to his sister Marcellina, Epp. xx. xxi, and in the
"Sermo de basilicis tradendis." On the apparent error of Gibbon in
confusing the "vela" which were hung outside a building to mark it as
claimed for the imperial property, with the state hangings of the
emperor's seat inside, vide Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 95.
Chapter XIV.--Of the information given by Maximus the tyrant to
After a considerable time Maximus  was informed of the attacks
which were being made upon the loud-voiced herald of the truth, and he
sent dispatches to Valentinianus charging him to put a stop to his war
against true religion and exhorting him not to abandon his father's
faith. In the event of his advice being disregarded he further
threatened war, and confirmed what he wrote by what he did,  for
he mustered his forces and marched for Milan where Valentinianus was
then residing. When the latter heard of his approach he fled into
Illyricum.  He had learnt by experience what good he had got by
following his mother's advice.
 After Easter, 387.
 The motives here stated seem to have had little to do with the
march of Maximus over the Alps. Indeed so far from enthusiasm for
Ambrose and the Ambrosian view of the faith being conspicuous in the
invader, he had received the bishop at Treves as envoy from
Valentinian, had refused to be diverted from his purpose, and had
moreover taken offence at the objection of Ambrose to communicate with
the bishops who had been concerned in the first capital punishment of
a heretic--i.e. Priscillian.
 Valentinian and his mother fled to Thessalonica.
Chapter XV.--Of the Letter written by the Emperor Theodosius
concerning the same.
When the illustrious emperor Theodosius had heard of the emperor's
doings and what the tyrant Maximus had written to him he wrote to the
fugitive youth to this effect: You must not be astonished if to you
has come panic and to your enemy victory; for you have been fighting
against piety, and he on its side. You abandoned it, and are running
away naked. He in its panoply is getting the mastery of you stripped
bare of it, for He who hath given us the law of true religion is ever
on its side.
So wrote Theodosius when he was yet afar off; but when he had heard of
Valentinian's flight, and had come to his aid, and saw him an exile,
taking refuge in his own empire, his first thought was to give succour
to his soul, drive out the intruding pestilence of impiety, and win
him back to the true religion of his fathers. Then he bade him be of
good cheer and marched against the tyrant. He gave the lad his empire
again without loss of blood and slew Maximus. For he felt that he
should be guilty of wrong and should violate the terms of his treaty
with Gratianus were he not to take vengeance on those who had caused
his ally's death. 
 Zosimus (iv. 44) represents Theodosius, now for two years
widowed, as won over to the cause of Valentinian by the loveliness of
the young princess Galla, whom he married. "He was some time in
preparing for the campaign, but, when it was opened, he conducted it
with vigour and decision. His troops passed up the Save Valley,
defeated those of Maximus in two engagements, entered ∆mona (Laybach)
in triumph, and soon stood before the walls of Aquileia, behind which
Maximus was sheltering himself....The soldiers of Theodosius poured
into the city, of which the gates had been opened to them by the
mutineers, and dragged off the usurper, barefooted, with tied hands,
in slave's attire, to the tribunal of Theodosius and his young brother
in law at the third milestone from the city. After Theodosius had in a
short harangue reproached him with the evil deeds which he had wrought
against the Roman Commonwealth, he handed him over to the
executioner." Hodgkin, "Dynasty of Theodosius," p. 127.
Chapter XVI.--Of Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium.
On the emperor's return the admirable Amphilochius, whom I have often
mentioned, came to beg that the Arian congregations might be expelled
from the cities. The emperor thought the petition too severe, and
refused it. The very wise Amphilochius at the moment was silent, for
he had hit upon a memorable device. The next time he entered the
Palace and beheld standing at the emperor's side his son Arcadius, who
had lately been appointed emperor, he saluted Theodosius as was his
wont, but did no honour to Arcadius. The emperor, thinking that this
neglect was due to forgetfulness, commanded Amphilochius to approach
and to salute his son. "Sir," said he, "the honour which I have paid
you is enough." Theodosius was indignant at the discourtesy, and said,
"Dishonour done to my son is a rudeness to myself." Then, and not till
then, the very wise Amphilochius disclosed the object of his conduct,
and said with a loud voice, "You see, sir, that you do not brook
dishonour done your son, and are bitterly angry with those who are
rude to him. Believe then that the God of all the world abominates
them that blaspheme the Only begotten Son, and hates them as
ungrateful to their Saviour and Benefactor."
Then the emperor understood the bishop's drift, and admired both what
he had done and what he had said. Without further delay he put out an
edict forbidding the congregations of heretics. 
But to escape all the snares of the common enemy of mankind is no easy
task. Often it happens that one who has kept clear of lascivious
passion is fixed fast in the toils of avarice; and if he prove
superior to greed there on the other side is the pitfall of envy, and
even if he leap safe over this he will find a net of passion waiting
for him on the other side. Other innumerable stumbling blocks the
enemy sets in men's paths, trying to catch them to their ruin. 
Then he has at his disposal the bodily passions to help the wiles
which he lays against the soul. The mind alone, if it keep awake, gets
the better of him, frustrating the assault of his devices by its
inclination to what is Divine. Now, since this admirable emperor had
his share of human nature,  and was not free from its emotions,
his righteous anger passed the bounds of moderation, and caused the
perpetration of a savage and lawless deed. I must tell this story for
the sake of those into whose hands it will fall; it does not, indeed,
only involve blame of the admirable emperor, but so redounds to his
credit as to deserve to be remembered.
 Arcadius was declared Augustus early in 383 (Clinton Fast. Rome,
I. p. 504). Theodosius issued his edict against the heretics in
September of same year. Sozomen (7. 6) tells the story of an anonymous
old man, priest of an obscure city, simple and unworldly; "this,"
remarks Bishop Lightfoot (Dic. Christ. Biog. i. 106), "is as unlike
Amphilochius as it can possibly be."
 "agreuon." cf. Mark xii. 13
 "Irasci sane rebus indignis, sed flecti cito." Aur. Vict.
Chapter XVII.--Of the massacre of Thessalonica; the boldness of Bishop
Ambrosius, and the piety of the Emperor.
Thessalonica is a large and very populous city, belonging to
Macedonia, but the capital of Thessaly and Achaia, as well as of many
other provinces which are governed by the prefect of Illyricum. Here
arose a great sedition, and several of the magistrates were stoned and
violently treated. 
The emperor was fired with anger when he heard the news, and unable to
endure the rush of his passion, did not even check its onset by the
curb of reason, but allowed his rage to be the minister of his
vengeance. When the imperial passion had received its authority, as
though itself an independent prince, it broke the bonds and yoke of
reason, unsheathed swords of injustice right and left without
distinction, and slew innocent and guilty together. No trial preceded
the sentence. No condemnation was passed on the perpetrators of the
crimes. Multitudes were mowed down like ears of corn in harvest-tide.
It is said that seven thousand perished.
News of this lamentable calamity reached Ambrosius. The emperor on his
arrival at Milan wished according to custom to enter the church.
Ambrosius met him outside the outer porch and forbade him to step over
the sacred threshold. "You seem, sir, not to know," said he, "the
magnitude of the bloody deed that has been done. Your rage has
subsided, but your reason has not yet recognised the character of the
deed. Peradventure your Imperial power prevents your recognising the
sin, and power stands in the light of reason. We must however know how
our nature passes away and is subject to death; we must know the
ancestral dust from which we sprang, and to which we are swiftly
returning. We must not because we are dazzled by the sheen of the
purple fail to see the weakness of the body that it robes. You are a
sovereign, Sir, of men of like nature with your own, and who are in
truth your fellow slaves; for there is one Lord and Sovereign of
mankind, Creator of the Universe. With what eyes then will you look on
the temple of our common Lord--with what feet will you tread that holy
threshold, how will you stretch forth your hands still dripping with
the blood of unjust slaughter? How in such hands will you receive the
all holy Body of the Lord? How will you who in your rage unrighteously
poured forth so much blood lift to your lips the precious Blood?
Begone. Attempt not to add another crime to that which you have
committed. Submit to the restriction to which the God the Lord of all
agrees that you be sentenced. He will be your physician, He will give
you health." 
Educated as he had been in the sacred oracles, Theodosius knew clearly
what belonged to priests and what to emperors. He therefore bowed to
the rebuke of Ambrose, and retired sighing and weeping to the palace.
After a considerable time, when eight months had passed away, the
festival of our Saviour's birth came round and the emperor sat in his
palace shedding a storm of tears.
Now Rufinus, at that time controller of the household,  and, from
his familiarity with his imperial master, able to use great freedom of
speech, approached and asked him why he wept. With a bitter groan and
yet more abundant weeping "You are trifling, Rufinus," said the
emperor, "because you do not feel my troubles. I am groaning and
lamenting at the thought of my own calamity; for menials and for
beggars the way into the church lies open; they can go in without
fear, and put up their petitions to their own Lord. I dare not set my
foot there, and besides this for me the door of heaven is shut, for I
remember the voice of the Lord which plainly says, `Whatsoever ye bind
on earth shall have been bound in heaven.'" 
Rufinus replied "With your permission I will hasten to the bishop, and
by my entreaties induce him to remit your penalty." "He will not
yield" said the emperor. "I know the justice of the sentence passed by
Ambrose, nor will he ever be moved by respect for my imperial power to
transgress the law of God."
Rufinus urged his suit again and again, promising to win over
Ambrosius; and at last the emperor commanded him to go with all
despatch. Then, the victim of false hopes, Theodosius, in reliance on
the promises of Rufinus, followed in person, himself. No sooner did
the divine Ambrose perceive Rufinus than he exclaimed, "Rufinus, your
impudence matches a dog's, for you were the adviser of this terrible
slaughter; you have wiped shame from your brow, and guilty as you are
of this mad outrage on the image of God you stand here fearless,
without a blush." Then Rufinus began to beg and pray, and announced
the speedy approach of the emperor. Fired with divine zeal the holy
Ambrosius exclaimed "Rufinus, I tell you beforehand; I shall prevent
him from crossing the sacred threshold. If he is for changing his
sovereign power into that of a tyrant I too will gladly submit to a
violent death." On this Rufinus sent a messenger to inform the emperor
in what mind the archbishop was, and exhorted him to remain within the
palace. Theodosius had already reached the middle of the forum when he
received the message. "I will go," said he, "and accept the disgrace I
deserve." He advanced to the sacred precincts but did not enter the
holy building. The archbishop was seated in the house of salutation
 and there the emperor approached him and besought that his bonds
might be loosed.
"Your coming" said Ambrose "is the coming of a tyrant. You are raging
against God; you are trampling on his laws." "No," said Theodosius, "I
do not attack laws laid down, I do not seek wrongfully to cross the
sacred threshold; but I ask you to loose my bond, to take into account
the mercy of our common Lord, and not to shut against me a door which
our master has opened for all them that repent." The archbishop
replied "What repentance have you shown since your tremendous crime?
You have inflicted wounds right hard to heal; what salve have you
applied?" "Yours" said the emperor "is the duty alike of pointing out
and of mixing the salve. It is for me to receive what is given me."
Then said the divine Ambrosius "You let your passion minister justice,
your passion not your reason gives judgment. Put forth therefore an
edict which shall make the sentence of your passion null and void; let
the sentences which have been published inflicting death or
confiscation be suspended for thirty days awaiting the judgment of
reason. When the days shall have elapsed let them that wrote the
sentences exhibit their orders, and then, and not till then, when
passion has calmed down, reason acting as sole judge shall examine the
sentences and will see whether they be right or wrong. If it find them
wrong it will cancel the deeds; if they be righteous it will confirm
them, and the interval of time will inflict no wrong on them that have
been rightly condemned."
This suggestion the emperor accepted and thought it admirable. He
ordered the edict to be put out forthwith and gave it the authority of
his sign manual. On this the divine Ambrosius loosed the bond.
Now the very faithful emperor came boldly within the holy temple but
did not pray to his Lord standing, or even on his knees, but lying
prone upon the ground he uttered David's cry "My soul cleaveth unto
the dust, quicken thou me according to thy word." 
He plucked out his hair; he smote his head; he besprinkled the ground
with drops of tears and prayed for pardon. When the time came for him
to bring his oblations to the holy table, weeping all the while he
stood up and approached the sanctuary. 
After making his offering, as he was wont, he remained within at the
rail, but once more the great Ambrosius kept not silence and taught
him the distinction of places. First he asked him if he wanted
anything; and when the emperor said that he was waiting for
participation in the divine mysteries, Ambrose sent word to him by the
chief deacon and said, "The inner place, sir, is open only to priests;
to all the rest it is inaccessible; go out and stand where others
stand; purple can make emperors, but not priests." This instruction
too the faithful emperor most gladly received, and intimated in reply
that it was not from any audacity that he had remained within the
rails, but because he had understood that this was the custom at
Constantinople. "I owe thanks," he added, "for being cured too of this
So both the archbishop and the emperor showed a mighty shining light
of virtue. Both to me are admirable; the former for his brave words,
the latter for his docility; the archbishop for the warmth of his
zeal, and the prince for the purity of his faith.
On his return to Constantinople Theodosius kept within the bounds of
piety which he had learnt from the great archbishop. For when the
occasion of a feast brought him once again into the divine temple,
after bringing his gifts to the holy table he straightway went out.
The bishop at that time was Nectarius, and on his asking the emperor
what could possibly be the reason of his not remaining within,
Theodosius answered with a sigh "I have learnt after great difficulty
the differences between an emperor and a priest. It is not easy to
find a man capable of teaching me the truth. Ambrosius alone deserves
the title of bishop."
So great is the gain of conviction when brought home by a man of
bright and shining goodness.
 "Botheric, the Gothic general, shut up in prison a certain
scoundrel of a charioteer who had vilely insulted him. At the next
races the mob of Thessalonica tumultuously demanded the charioteer's
liberation and when Botheric refused rose in insurrection and slew
both him and several magistrates of the City." Hodgkin 121. This was
 A well-known picture of Vandyke in the National Gallery, a copy
with some variations of a larger picture at Vienna by Rubens,
represents the famous scene of the excommunication of Theodosius.
 "magistros," i.e. "magister officiorum."
 Matt. xviii. 18. In its primary sense the binding and loosing of
the Gospels is of course the binding and loosing of the great Jewish
schools, i.e., prohibition and permission. The moral and spiritual
binding and loosing of the scribe, to whom a key was given as a symbol
of his authority to open the treasures of divine lore, has already in
the time of Theodoret become the dooming or acquitting of a Janitor
commanding the gate of a more material heaven.
 Valesius says that this "house of salutation" according to
Scaliger was the episcopal hospitium or guest quarters. His own
opinion however is that it was the audience chamber or Chapter-house
of the church where the bishop with his presbyters received the
faithful who came to his church.
 Ps. cxix. 25
 ton anaktoron Anaktoron in classical Greek = temple or shrine,
e.g. Eur. And. 43 "Thetidos anaktoron." Archd. Cheetham (Dict. Christ.
Ant. i. 79), quoting Lobeck, says "also the innermost recess of a
temple." Eusebius (Orat. ix) uses it of the great church built by
Constantine at Antioch. Theodosius was already within the Church. The
sacrarium was in Greek commonly to hagion, or to hierateion. The 31st
canon of the first Council of Braga ordains "ingredi sacrarium ad
communicandum non liceat laicis nisi tantum clericis."
Chapter XVIII.--Of the Empress Placilla. 
Yet other opportunities of improvement lay within the emperor's reach,
for his wife used constantly to put him in mind of the divine laws in
which she had first carefully educated herself. In no way exalted by
her imperial rank she was rather fired by it with greater longing for
divine things. The greatness of the good gift given her made her love
for Him who gave it all the greater, so she bestowed every kind of
attention on the maimed and the mutilated, declining all aid from her
household and her guards, herself visiting the houses where the
sufferers lodged, and providing every one with what he required. She
also went about the guest chambers of the churches and ministered to
the wants of the sick, herself handling pots and pans, and tasting
broth, now bringing in a dish and breaking bread and offering morsels,
and washing out a cup and going through all the other duties which are
supposed to be proper to servants and maids. To them who strove to
restrain her from doing these things with her own hands she would say,
"It befits a sovereign to distribute gold; I, for the sovereign power
that has been given me, am giving my own service to the Giver." To her
husband, too, she was ever wont to say, "Husband, you ought always to
bethink you what you were once and what you have become now; by
keeping this constantly in mind you will never grow ungrateful to your
benefactor, but will guide in accordance with law the empire bestowed
upon you, and thus you will worship Him who gave it." By ever using
language of this kind, she with fair and wholesome care, as it were,
watered the seeds of virtue planted in her husband's heart.
She died before her husband, and not long after the time of her death
events occurred which showed how well her husband loved her.
 Valesius remarks on this "Vera quidem sunt quæ de Flaccilæe
Augustæ virtutibus hic refert Theodoretus. Sed nihil pertinent ad hunc
locum; nam Flacilla diu ante cladem Thessalonicensium ex hac luce
migraverat, et post ejus obitum Theodosius Gallam uxorem duxerat."
∆lia Flacilla Augusta, Empress and Saint, is Plakilla in Greek
historians, Placida in Philostorgius. She died at Scotumis in Thrace,
Sept. 14, 385. The outbreak at Thessalonica occured in 390.
Chapter XIX.--Of the sedition of Antioch. 
In consequence of his continual wars the emperor was compelled to
impose heavy taxes on the cities of the empire. 
The city of Antioch refused to put up with the new tax, and when the
people saw the victims of its exaction subjected to torture and
indignity, then, in addition to the usual deeds which a mob is wont to
do when it is seizing an opportunity for disorder, they pulled down
the bronze statue of the illustrious Placilla, for so was the empress
named, and dragged it over a great part of the town.  On being
informed of these events the emperor, as was to be expected, was
indignant. He then deprived the city of her privileges, and gave her
dignity to her neighbour, with the idea that thus he could inflict on
her the greatest indignity, for Antioch from the earliest times had
had a rival in Laodicea.  He further threatened to burn and
destroy the town and reduce it to the rank of a village. The
magistrates however had arrested some men in the very act, and had put
them to death before the tragedy came to the emperor's ears. All these
orders had been given by the Emperor, but had not been carried out
because of the restriction imposed by the edict which had been made by
the advice of the great Ambrosius.  On the arrival of the
commissioners who brought the emperor's threats, Elebichus, then a
military commander, and Cæsarius prefect of the palace, styled by the
Romans magister officiorum,  the whole population shuddered in
consternation. But the athletes of virtue,  dwelling at the foot
of the hill, of whom at that time there were many of the best, made
many supplications and entreaties to the imperial officers. The most
holy Macedonius, who was quite unversed in the things of this life,
and altogether ignorant of the sacred oracles, living on the tops of
the mountains, and night and day offering up pure prayers to the
Saviour of all, was not in the least dismayed at the imperial
violence, nor at all affected by the power of the commissioners. As
they rode into the middle of the town he caught hold of one of them by
the cloak and bade both of them dismount. At the sight of a little old
man, clad in common rags, they were at first indignant, but some of
those who were conducting them informed them of the high character of
Macedonius, and then they sprang from their horses, caught hold of his
knees, and asked his pardon. The old man, urged on by divine wisdom,
spoke to them in the following terms: "Say, dear sirs, to the emperor;
you are not only an emperor, you are also a man. Bethink you,
therefore, not only of your sovereignty, but also of your nature. You
are a man, and you reign over your fellow men. Now the nature of man
is formed after the image and likeness of God. Do not, therefore, thus
savagely and cruelly order the massacre of God's image, for by
punishing His image you will anger the Maker. Think how you are acting
thus in your wrath for the sake of a brazen image. Now all who are
endued with reason know how far a lifeless image is inferior to one
alive and gifted with soul and sense. Take into account, too, that for
one image of bronze we can easily make many more. Even you yourself
cannot make one single hair of the slain."
After the good men had heard these words they reported them to the
emperor, and quenched the flame of his rage. Instead of his threats he
wrote a defence, and explained the cause of his anger. "It was not
right," said he, "because I was in error, that indignity should be
inflicted after her death on a woman so worthy of the highest praise.
They that were aggrieved ought to have armed their anger against me."
The emperor further added that he was grieved and distressed when he
heard that some had been executed by the magistrates. In relating
these events I have had a twofold object. I did not think it right to
leave in oblivion the boldness of the illustrious monk, and I wished
to point out the advantage of the edict which was put out by the
advice of the great Ambrosius. 
 Flacilla died as has been said, in Sept. 385. The revolt at
Thessalonica was in 390, and the disturbances at Antioch in 387. The
Chapters of Theodoret do not follow chronological order.
 More probably the money was wanted to defray the expenses of
magnificent fÍtes in honour of the young Arcadius, including a liberal
donation to the army. On the whole incident see Chrysostom's famous
Homilies on the Statues.
 The mob looted the baths, smashed the hanging lamps, attacked
the prætorium, insulted the imperial portrait, and tore down the
bronze statues of Theodosius and his deceased wife from their
pedestals, and dragged them through the streets. A "whiff" of arrows
from the guard calmed the oriental Paris of the 4th century.
 i.e. the Laodicea on the Syrian coast, so called after the
mother of Seleucus Nicator, and now Latakia.
 Theodoret apparently refers to the advice given by Ambrosius
after the massacre of Thessalonica, which, as we have said, took place
three years after the insurrection at Antioch.
 i.e. master of the household.
 i.e. the ascetic monks.
 cf. note on page 145. Valesius remarks "Longe hic fallitur
Theodoretus quasi seditio Antiochena post Thessalonicensem cladem
Chapter XX.--Of the destruction of the temples all over the Empire.
Now the right faithful emperor diverted his energies to resisting
paganism, and published edicts in which he ordered the shrines of the
idols to be destroyed. Constantine the Great, most worthy of all
eulogy, was indeed the first to grace his empire with true religion;
and when he saw the world still given over to foolishness he issued a
general prohibition against the offering of sacrifices to the idols.
He had not, however, destroyed the temples, though he ordered them to
be kept shut. His sons followed in their father's footsteps. Julian
restored the false faith and rekindled the flame of the ancient fraud.
On the accession of Jovian he once more placed an interdict on the
worship of idols, and Valentinian the Great governed Europe with like
laws. Valens, however, allowed every one else to worship any way they
would and to honour their various objects of adoration. Against the
champions of the Apostolic decrees alone he persisted in waging war.
Accordingly during the whole period of his reign the altar fire was
lit, libations and sacrifices were offered to idols, public feasts
were celebrated in the forum, and votaries initiated in the orgies of
Dionysus ran about in goat-skins, mangling hounds in Bacchic frenzy,
and generally behaving in such a way as to show the iniquity of their
master. When the right faithful Theodosius found all these evils he
pulled them up by the roots, and consigned them to oblivion. 
 "Extat oratio Libanii ad imperatorem Theodosium pro templis in
qua docet quomodo se gesserint imperatores Christiani erga paganos. Et
Constantinum quidem Magnum ait duntaxat spoliasse templa, Constantium
vero ejus filium prohibuisse Sacrificia: ejusque legem a secutis
imperatoribus et ab ipsomet Theodosio esse observatam; reliqua vera
permissa fuisse paganis, id est turificationem et publicas epulas."
Chapter XXI.--Of Marcellus, bishop of Apamea, and the idols' temples
destroyed by him.
The first of the bishops to put the edict in force and destroy the
shrines in the city committed to his care was Marcellus, trusting
rather in God than in the hands of a multitude. The occurrence is
remarkable, and I shall proceed to narrate it. On the death of John,
bishop of Apamea, whom I have already mentioned, the divine Marcellus,
fervent in spirit,  according to the apostolic law, was appointed
in his stead.
Now there had arrived at Apamea the prefect of the East  with two
tribunes and their troops. Fear of the troops kept the people quiet.
An attempt was made to destroy the vast and magnificent shrine of
Jupiter, but the building was so firm and solid that to break up its
closely compacted stones seemed beyond the power of man; for they were
huge and well and truly laid, and moreover clamped fast with iron and
When the divine Marcellus saw that the prefect was afraid to begin the
attack, he sent him on to the rest of the towns; while he himself
prayed to God to aid him in the work of destruction. Next morning
there came uninvited to the bishop a man who was no builder, or mason,
or artificer of any kind, but only a labourer who carried stones and
timber on his back. "Give me," said he, "two workmen's pay; and I
promise you I will easily destroy the temple." The holy bishop did as
he was asked, and the following was the fellow's contrivance. Round
the four sides of the temple went a portico united to it, and on which
its upper story rested.  The columns were of great bulk,
commensurate with the temple, each being sixteen cubits in
circumference. The quality of the stone was exceptionally hard, and
offering great resistance to the masons' tools. In each of these the
man made an opening all round, propping up the superstructure with
olive timber before he went on to another. After he had hollowed out
three of the columns, he set fire to the timbers. But a black demon
appeared and would not suffer the wood to be consumed, as it naturally
would be, by the fire, and stayed the force of the flame. After the
attempt had been made several times, and the plan was proved
ineffectual, news of the failure was brought to the bishop, who was
taking his noontide sleep. Marcellus forthwith hurried to the church,
ordered water to be poured into a pail, and placed the water upon the
divine altar. Then, bending his head to the ground, he besought the
loving Lord in no way to give in to the usurped power of the demon,
but to lay bare its weakness and exhibit His own strength, lest
unbelievers should henceforth find excuse for greater wrong. With
these and other like words he made the sign of the cross over the
water, and ordered Equitius, one of his deacons, who was armed with
faith and enthusiasm, to take the water and sprinkle it in faith, and
then apply the flame. His orders were obeyed, and the demon, unable to
endure the approach of the water, fled. Then the fire, affected by its
foe the water as though it had been oil, caught the wood, and consumed
it in an instant. When their support had vanished the columns
themselves fell down, and dragged other twelve with them. The side of
the temple which was connected with the columns was dragged down by
the violence of their fall, and carried away with them. The crash,
which was tremendous, was heard throughout the town, and all ran to
see the sight. No sooner did the multitude hear of the flight of the
hostile demon than they broke out into a hymn of praise to God.
Other shrines were destroyed in like manner by this holy bishop.
Though I have many other most admirable doings of this holy man to
relate,--for he wrote letters to the victorious martyrs, and received
replies from them, and himself won the martyr's crown,--for the
present I hesitate to narrate them, lest by over prolixity I weary the
patience of those into whose hands my history may fall.
I will therefore now pass to another subject.
 Romans xii. 11
 Valesius points out that this was Cynegius, prefect of the East,
who was sent by Theodosius to effect the closing of the idol's
temples. cf. Zos. iv.
 kai sidero kai molibdo prosdedemenoi. We are reminded of the
huge cramps which must at one time have bound the stones of the
Colosseum,--the ruins being pitted all over by the holes made by the
middle-age pillagers who tore them away.
 I do not understand the description of this temple and its
destruction precisely as Gibbon does. "diorutton" does not seem to
mean "undermining the foundations"; St. Matthew and St. Luke use it of
the thieves who "dig through" or "break in." The word = dig through,
and so into.
Chapter XXII.--Of Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, and what happened
at the demolition of the idols in that city.
The illustrious Athanasius was succeeded by the admirable Petrus,
Petrus by Timotheus, and Timotheus by Theophilus, a man of sound
wisdom and of a lofty courage.  By him Alexandria was set free
from the error of idolatry; for, not content with razing the idols'
temples to the ground, he exposed the tricks of the priests to the
victims of their wiles. For they had constructed statues of bronze and
wood hollow within, and fastened the backs of them to the temple
walls, leaving in these walls certain invisible openings. Then coming
up from their secret chambers they got inside the statues, and through
them gave any order they liked and the hearers, tricked and cheated,
obeyed.  These tricks the wise Theophilus exposed to the people.
Moreover he went up into the temple of Serapis, which has been
described by some as excelling in size and beauty all the temples in
the world.  There he saw a huge image of which the bulk struck
beholders with terror, increased by a lying report which got abroad
that if any one approached it, there would be a great earthquake, and
that all the people would be destroyed. The bishop looked on all these
tales as the mere drivelling of tipsy old women, and in utter derision
of the lifeless monster's enormous size, he told a man who had an axe
to give Serapis a good blow with it.  No sooner had the man
struck, than all the folk cried out, for they were afraid of the
threatened catastrophe. Serapis however, who had received the blow,
felt no pain, inasmuch as he was made of wood, and uttered never a
word, since he was a lifeless block. His head was cut off, and
forthwith out ran multitudes of mice, for the Egyptian god was a
dwelling place for mice. Serapis was broken into small pieces of which
some were committed to the flames, but his head was carried through
all the town in sight of his worshippers, who mocked the weakness of
him to whom they had bowed the knee.
Thus all over the world the shrines of the idols were destroyed. 
 "The perpetual enemy of peace and virtue." Gibbon. High office
deteriorated his character. cf. Newman. Hist. Sketches iii.
 In the museum at Naples is shewn part of the statue of Diana,
found near the Forum at Pompeii. In the back of the head is a hole by
means of a tube in connexion with which,--the image standing against a
wall,--the priests were supposed to deliver the oracles of the
Huntress-Maid. It is curious to note that just at this period when the
pagan idols were destroyed, faint traces of image worship begin to
appear in the Church. In another two centuries and a half it was
becoming common, and in this particular point, Christianity relapsed
into paganism. Littledale Plain Reasons, p. 47.
 "A great number of plates of different metals, artificially
joined together, composed the majestic figure of the deity who touched
on either side of the walls of the sanctuary. Serapis was
distinguished from Jupiter by the basket or bushel which was placed on
his head, and by the emblematic monster which he held in his right
hand; the head and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which
were again terminated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a
wolf." Gibbon, on the authority of Macrobius Sat. i. 20.
 Gibbon quotes the story of Augustus in Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxiii.
24. "Is it true," said the emperor to a veteran at whose home he
supped, "that the man who gave the first blow to the golden statue of
Anaitis was instantly deprived of his eyes and of his life?" "I want
that man," replied the clear sighted veteran, "and you now sup on one
of the legs of the goddess." cf. the account in Bede of the
destruction by the priest Coify of the great image of the Saxon God at
the Goodmanham in Yorkshire.
 "Some twenty years before the Roman armies withdrew from Britain
the triumph of Christianity was completed. Then a question occurs
whether archæology casts any light on the discomfiture of Roman
paganism in Britain. In proof of the affirmative a curious fact has
been adduced, that the statues of pagan divinities discovered in
Britain are always or mostly broken. At Binchester, for instance, the
Roman Vinovium, not far from Durham, there was found among the remains
of an important Roman building a stone statue of the goddess Flora,
with its legs broken, lying face downward across a drain as a support
to the masonry above. It would certainly not be wise to press
archæological facts too far; but the broken gods in Britain curiously
tally with the edicts of Theodosius and the shattered Serapis at
Alexandria." Hole Early Missions, p. 24.
Chapter XXIII.--Of Flavianus bishop of Antioch and of the sedition
which arose in the western Church on account of Paulinus.
At Antioch the great Meletius had been succeeded by Flavianus who,
together with Diodorus, had undergone great struggles for the
salvation of the sheep. Paulinus had indeed desired to receive the
bishopric, but he was withstood by the clergy on the ground that it
was not right that Meletius at his death should be succeeded by one
who did not share his opinions, and that to the care of the flock
ought to be advanced he who was conspicuous for many toils, and had
run the risk of many perils for the sheeps' sake. Thus a lasting
hostility arose among the Romans and the Egyptians against the East,
and the ill feeling was not even destroyed on the death of Paulinus.
After him when Evagrius had occupied his see, hostility was still
shewn to the great Flavianus, notwithstanding the fact that the
promotion of Evagrius was a violation of the law of the Church, for he
had been promoted by Paulinus alone in disregard of many canons. For a
dying bishop is not permitted to ordain another to take his place, and
all the bishops of a province are ordered to be convened; again no
ordination of a bishop is permitted to take place without three
bishops. Nevertheless they refused to take cognizance of any of these
laws, embraced the communion of Evagrius, and filled the ears of the
emperor with complaints against Flavianus, so that, being frequently
importuned, he summoned him to Constantinople, and ordered him to
repair to Rome.
Flavianus, however, urged in reply that it was now winter, and
promised to obey the command in spring. He then returned home. But
when the bishops of Rome, not only the admirable Damasus, but also
Siricius his successor and Anastasius the successor of Siricius,
importuned the emperor more vehemently and represented that, while he
put down the rivals against his own authority, he suffered bold rebels
against the laws of Christ to maintain their usurped authority, then
he sent for him again and tried to force him to undertake the journey
to Rome. On this Flavianus in his great wisdom spoke very boldly, and
said, "If, sir, there are some who accuse me of being unsound in the
faith, or of life and conversation unworthy of the priesthood, I will
accept my accusers themselves for judges, and will submit to whatever
sentence they may give. But if they are contending about see and
primacy I will not contest the point; I will not oppose those who wish
to take them; I will give way and resign my bishopric. So, sir, give
the episcopal throne of Antioch to whom you will."
The emperor admired his manliness and wisdom, and bade him go home
again, and tend the church committed to his care.
After a considerable time had elapsed the emperor arrived at Rome, and
once more encountered the charges advanced by the bishops on the
ground that he was making no attempt to put down the tyranny of
Flavianus. The emperor ordered them to set forth the nature of the
tyranny, saying that he himself was Flavianus and had become his
protector. The bishops rejoined that it was impossible for them to
dispute with the emperor. He then exhorted them in future to join the
churches in concord, put an end to the quarrel, and quench the fires
of an useless controversy. Paulinus, he pointed out, had long since
departed this life; Evagrius had been irregularly promoted; the
eastern churches accepted Flavianus as their bishop. Not only the east
but all Asia, Pontus, and Thrace were united in communion with him,
and all Illyricum recognised his authority over the oriental bishops.
In submission to these counsels the western bishops promised to bring
their hostility to a close and to receive the envoys who should be
When Flavianus had been informed of this decision he despatched to
Rome certain worthy bishops with presbyters and deacons of Antioch,
giving the chief authority among them to Acacius bishop of Beroea, who
was famous throughout the world. On the arrival of Acacius and his
party at Rome they put an end to the protracted quarrel, and after a
war of seventeen years  gave peace to the churches. When the
Egyptians were informed of the reconciliation they too gave up their
opposition, and gladly accepted the agreement which was made.
At that time Anastasius had been succeeded in the primacy of the Roman
Church by Innocent, a man of prudence and ready wit. Theophilus, whom
I have previously mentioned, held the see of Alexandria. 
 i.e. from 381, when Flavianus was appointed to the see of
Antioch, to 398, the date of the mission of Acacius.
 vide Chap. xxii. He succeeded in July, 385.
Chapter XXIV.--Of the tyranny of Eugenius and the victory won through
faith by the Emperor Theodosius.
In this manner the peace of the churches was secured by the most
religious emperor. Before the establishment of peace he had heard of
the death of Valentinianus and of the usurpation of Eugenius and had
marched for Europe. 
At this time there lived in Egypt  a man of the name of John, who
had embraced the ascetic life. Being full of spiritual grace, he
foretold many future events to persons who from time to time came to
consult him. To him the Christ-loving emperor sent, in his anxiety to
know whether he ought to make war against the tyrants. In the case of
the former war he foretold a bloodless victory. In that of the second
he predicted that the emperor would only win after a great slaughter.
With this expectation the emperor set out, and, while drawing up his
forces, shot down many of his opponents, but lost many of his
barbarian allies. 
When his generals represented that the forces on their side were few
and recommended him to allow some pause in the campaign, so as to
muster an army at the beginning of spring and out-number the enemy,
Theodosius refused to listen to their advice. "For it is wrong," said
he, "to charge the Cross of Salvation with such infirmity, for it is
the cross which leads our troops, and attribute such power to the
image of Hercules which is at the head of the forces of our foe." Thus
in right faith he spoke, though the men left him were few in number
and much discouraged. Then when he had found a little oratory, on the
top of the hill where his camp was pitched, he spent the whole night
in prayer to the God of all.
About cock-crow sleep overcame him, and as he lay upon the ground he
thought he saw two men in white raiment riding upon white horses, who
bade him be of good cheer, drive away his fear, and at dawn arm and
marshal his men for battle. "For," said they, "we have been sent to
fight for you," and one said, "I am John the evangelist," and the
other, "I am Philip the apostle."
After he had seen this vision the emperor ceased not his supplication,
but pursued it with still greater eagerness. The vision was also seen
by a soldier in the ranks who reported it to his centurion. The
centurion brought him to the tribune, and the tribune to the general.
The general supposed that he was relating something new, and reported
the story to the emperor. Then said Theodosius, "Not for my sake has
this vision been seen by this man, for I have put my trust in them
that promised me the victory. But that none may have supposed me to
have invented this vision, because of my eagerness for the battle, the
protector of my empire has given the information to this man too, that
he may bear witness to the truth of what I say when I tell you that
first to me did our Lord vouchsafe this vision. Let us then fling
aside our fear. Let us follow our front rank and our generals. Let
none weigh the chance of victory by the number of the men engaged, but
let every man bethink him of the power of the leaders."
He spoke in similar terms to his men, and after thus inspiring all his
host with high hope, led them down from the crest of the hill. The
tyrant saw the army coming to attack him from a distance, and then
armed his forces and drew them up for battle. He himself remained on
some elevated ground, and said that the emperor was desirous of death,
and was coming into battle because he wished to be released from this
present life: so he ordered his generals to bring him alive and in
chains. When the forces were drawn up in battle array those of the
enemy appeared by far the more numerous, and the tale of the emperor's
troops might be easily told. But when both sides had begun to
discharge their weapons the front rank proved their promises true. A
violent wind blew right in the faces of the foe, and diverted their
arrows and javelins and spears, so that no missile was of any use to
them, and neither trooper nor archer nor spearman was able to inflict
any damage upon the emperor's army. Vast clouds of dust, too, were
carried into their faces, compelling them to shut their eyes and
protect them from attack. The imperial forces on the other hand did
not receive the slightest injury from the storm, and vigorously
attacked and slew the foe. The vanquished then recognised the divine
help given to their conquerors, flung away their arms, and begged the
emperor for quarter. Theodosius then yielded to their entreaty and had
compassion on them, and ordered them to bring the tyrant immediately
before him. Eugenius was ignorant of how the day had gone, and when he
saw his men running up the hillock where he sat, all out of breath,
and shewing their eagerness by their panting, he took them for
messengers of victory, and asked if they had brought Theodosius in
chains, as he had ordered. "No," said they, "we are not bringing him
to you, but we are come to carry you off to him, for so the great
Ruler has ordained." Even as they spoke they lifted him from his
chariot, put chains upon him, and carried him off thus fettered, and
led away the vain boaster of a short hour ago, now a prisoner of war.
The emperor reminded him of the wrongs he had done Valentinianus, of
his usurped authority, and of the wars which he had waged against the
rightful emperor. He ridiculed also the figure of Hercules and the
foolish confidence it had inspired and at last pronounced the sentence
of right and lawful punishment.
Such was Theodosius in peace and in war, ever asking and never refused
the help of God. 
 Valentinian II. was strangled while bathing in the Rhine at
Vienne, May 15, 392. Philost. xi. 1. cf. Soc. v. 25; Soz. vii. 22.
Arbogastes, his Frankish Master of the Horse, who had instigated his
murder, set up the pagan professor Eugenius to succeed him. Theodosius
did not march to meet the murderer of his young brother-in-law till
June, 394, and meanwhile his Empress Galla died, leaving a little
daughter, Galla Placidia.
 i.e. at Lycopolis, the modern Siut, in the Thebaid. The envoy
was the Eunuch Eutropius. Soz. vii. 22. Claud. i. 312.
 "Theodosius marched north-westwards, as before, up the valley of
the Save, and to the city of ∆mona." (Laybach.) "Not there did he meet
his foes, but at a place thirty miles off, half-way between ∆mona and
Aquileia, where the Julian Alps are crossed, and where a little stream
called the Frigidus, (now the Wipbach, or Vipao) bursts suddenly from
a limestone hill. Here the battle was joined between Eugenius and his
Frankish patron and Theodosius with his 20,000 Gothic foederati and
the rest of the army of the East. Gainas, Saul, Bacurius, Alaric, were
the chief leaders of the Teutonic troops. The first day of battle fell
heavily on the foederati of Theodosius, half of whom were left dead
upon the field." Hodgkin Dynasty of Theodosius, p. 131. This was Sept.
 Here was a crucial contest between paganism and Christianity,
which might seem a "nodus dignus vindice Deo." On the part played by
storms in history vide note on page 103. Claudian, a pagan, was
content to acknowledge the finger of providence in the rout of
Eugenius, and apostrophizing Honorius, exclaims "Te propter gelidis
Aquilo de monte procellis Obruit adversas actes, revolutaque tela
Vertit in auctores, et turbine repulit hastas. O nimium dilecte Deo,
cui fundit ab antris ∆olus armatas hyemes; cui militat æther Et
conjurati veniunt ad classica venti."--vii. 93 Augustine says he heard
of the "revoluta tela" from a soldier engaged in the battle. The
appearance of St. John and St. Philip finds a pagan parallel in that
of the "great twin brethren" at Lake Regillus. "So like they were, no
mortal Might one from other know: White as snow their armour was,
Their steeds were white as snow." According to Spanish story St. James
the Great fought on a milk-white charger, waving a white flag, at the
battle of Clavijo, in 939. cf. Mrs. Jameson Sacred and Legendary Art,
i. 234. Sozomen (vii. 24) relates how at the very hour of the fight,
at the church which Theodosius had built near Constantinople to
enshrine the head of John the Baptist (cf. note on p. 96), a demoniac
insulted the saint, taunting him with having had his head cut off, and
said "you conquer me and ensnare my army." On this Jortin remarks
"either the devil and Sozomen, or else Theodoret, seem to have made a
mistake, for the two first ascribe the victory to John the Baptist and
the third to John the Evangelist." Remarks ii. 165.
Chapter XXV.--Of the death of the Emperor Theodosius. 
After this victory Theodosius fell sick and divided his empire between
his sons, assigning to the elder the sovereignty which he had wielded
himself and to the younger the throne of Europe. 
He charged both to hold fast to the true religion, "for by its means,"
said he, "peace is preserved, war is stopped, foes are routed,
trophies are set up and victory is proclaimed." After giving this
charge to his sons he died, leaving behind him imperishable fame.
His successors in the empire were also inheritors of his piety.
 Theodosius died of dropsy at Milan, Jan. 17, 395. "The character
of Theodosius is one of the most perplexing in history. The church
historians have hardly a word of blame for him except in the matter of
the massacre of Thessalonica, and that seems to be almost atoned for
in their eyes by its perpetrator's penitent submission to
ecclesiastical censure. On the other hand the heathen historians,
represented by Zosimus, condemn in the most unmeasured terms his
insolence, his love of pleasure, his pride, and hint at the scandalous
immorality of his life." "It is the fashion to call him the Great, and
we may admit that he has as good a right to that title as Lewis XIV.,
a monarch whom in some respects he pretty closely resembles. But it
seems to me that it would be safer to withhold this title from both
sovereigns, and to call them not the Great, but the Magnificent."
Hodgkin, Dynasty of Theodosius. 133. The great champion of orthodoxy,
he was no violent persecutor, and received at his death from a
grateful paganism the official honours of apotheosis.
 Arcadius was now eighteen, and Honorius eleven. Arcadius reigned
at Constantinople, the puppet of Rufinus, the Eunuch Eutropius, and
his Empress, Eudoxia. Honorius was established at Milan, till the
approach of Alaric drove him to Ravenna. (402.)
Chapter XXVI.--Of Honorius the emperor and Telemachus the monk.
Honorius, who inherited the empire of Europe, put a stop to the
gladiatorial combats which had long been held at Rome. The occasion of
his doing so arose from the following circumstance. A certain man of
the name of Telemachus had embraced the ascetic life. He had set out
from the East and for this reason had repaired to Rome. There, when
the abominable spectacle was being exhibited, he went himself into the
stadium, and, stepping down into the arena, endeavoured to stop the
men who were wielding their weapons against one another. The
spectators of the slaughter were indignant, and inspired by the mad
fury of the demon who delights in those bloody deeds, stoned the
peacemaker to death.
When the admirable emperor was informed of this he numbered Telemachus
in the array of victorious martyrs, and put an end to that impious
Chapter XXVII.--Of the piety of the emperor Arcadius and the
ordination of John Chrysostom.
On the death at Constantinople of Nectarius, bishop of that see,
Arcadius, who had succeeded to the Eastern empire, summoned John, the
great luminary of the world. He had heard that he was numbered in the
ranks of the presbyterate, and now issued orders to the assembled
bishops to confer on him divine grace, and appoint him shepherd of
that mighty city. 
This fact is alone sufficient to show the emperor's care for divine
things. At the same time the see of Antioch was held by Flavianus, and
that of Laodicea by Elpidius, who had formerly been the comrade of the
great Meletius, and had received the impress of his life and
conversation more plainly than wax takes the impression of a seal
He succeeded the great Pelagius;  and the divine Marcellus 
was followed by the illustrious Agapetus  whom I have already
described as conspicuous for high ascetic virtue. In the time of the
tempest of heresy, of Seleucia ad Taurum, Maximus,  the companion
of the great John, was bishop, and of Mopsuestia Theodorus,  both
illustrious teachers. Conspicuous, too, in wisdom and character was
the holy Acacius,  bishop of Beroea.
Leontius,  a shining example of many virtues, tended the flock of
 Nectarius died in Sept. 397, and John Chrysostom was appointed
in Feb. 398. cf. Soc. vi. 2 and Soz. viii. 2. "The only difficulty lay
with Chrysostom himself and the people of Antioch. The double danger
of a decided `nolo episcopari' on Chrysostom's part, and of a public
commotion when the Antiocheans heard of the intention of robbing them
of their favourite preacher was overcome by stratagem. Asterius, the
Comes Orientis, in accordance with instructions received from
Eutropius, induced Chrysostom to accompany him to a martyr's chapel
outside the city walls. There he was apprehended by the officers of
the government, and conveyed to Papae, the first post station on the
road to Constantinople. His remonstrances were unheeded; his enquiries
met with obstinate silence. Placed in a public chariot, and hurried on
under a military escort from stage to stage, the 800 miles traversed
with the utmost dispatch, the future bishop reached his imperial see a
closely guarded prisoner. However unwelcome the dignity thrust on him
was, Chrysostom, knowing that resistance was useless, felt it more
dignified to submit without further struggle." "Chrysostom was
consecrated February 26th a.d. 398, in the presence of a vast
multitude assembled not only to witness the ceremony but also to
listen to the inaugural sermon of one of whose eloquence they had
heard so much. This `sermo enthronisticus' is lost." Dict. Christ.
Biog. s.v. "Chrysostom."
 Elpidius, possibly a kind of domestic chaplain (suskenos) to
Meletius, was afterwards a warm friend and advocate of Chrysostom. In
406 he was deposed and imprisoned for three years, and not restored
 Vide note on p. 115.
 Marcellus was bishop of Apamea.
 Succeeded his brother Marcellus in 398. cf. note on p. 128 and
Relig. Hist. 3.
 Soc. vi. 3; Soz. viii, 2.
 Vide p. 159.
 Vide p. 128.
 Of Ancyra cf. Soz. vi, 18; and viii, 30.
Chapter XXVIII.--Of John's boldness for God.
When the great John had received the tiller of the Church, he boldly
convicted certain wrong doers, made seasonable exhortations to the
emperor and empress, and admonished the clergy to live according to
the laws laid down. Transgressors against these laws he forbade to
approach the churches, urging that they who shewed no desire to live
the life of true priests ought not to enjoy priestly honour. He acted
with this care for the church not only in Constantinople, but
throughout the whole of Thrace, which is divided into six provinces,
and likewise of Asia, which is governed by eleven governors. Pontica
too, which has a like number of rulers with Asia, was happily brought
by him under the same discipline. 
 Valesius points out that those commentators have been in error
who have supposed Theodoretus to be referring here to ecclesiastical
divisions and officers. Chrysostom is here distinctly described as
asserting and exercising a jurisdiction over the civil "dioeceses" of
Pontica, Asia, and Thrace. But the quasi patriarchate was at this time
only honorary. Only so late as at the recent council at Constantinople
(381) had its bishop, previously under the metropolitan of Perinthus,
been declared to rank next after the bishop of Rome, the metropolitans
of Alexandria and Antioch standing next, but it was not till the
Council of Chalcedon that the "dioeceses" of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace
were formally subjected to the see of Constantinople.
Chapter XXIX.--Of the idol temples which were destroyed by John in
On receiving information that Phoenicia was still suffering from the
madness of the demons' rites, John got together certain monks who were
fired with divine zeal, armed them with imperial edicts and despatched
them against the idols' shrines. The money which was required to pay
the craftsmen and their assistants who were engaged in the work of
destruction was not taken by John from imperial resources, but he
persuaded certain wealthy and faithful women to make liberal
contributions, pointing out to them how great would be the blessing
their generosity would win.
Thus the remaining shrines of the demons were utterly destroyed. 
 The imperial edict for the destruction of the Phoenician Temples
was obtained in 399.
Chapter XXX.--Of the church of the Goths.
It was perceived by John that the Scythians were involved in the Arian
net; he therefore devised counter contrivances and discovered a means
of winning them over. Appointing presbyters and deacons and readers of
the divine oracles who spoke the Scythian tongue, he assigned a church
to them,  and by their means won many from their error. He used
frequently himself to visit it and preach there, using an interpreter
who was skilled in both languages, and he got other good speakers to
do the same. This was his constant practice in the city, and many of
those who had been deceived he rescued by pointing out to them the
truth of the apostolic preaching.
 The Church of St. Paul. Hom. xii. pp. 512-526.
Chapter XXXI.--Of his care for the Scythians and his zeal against the
On learning that some of the Nomads encamped along the Danube were
thirsty for salvation, but had none to bring them the stream, John
sought out men who were filled with a love of labour like that which
had distinguished the apostles, and gave them charge of the work. I
have myself seen a letter written by him to Leontius, bishop of
Ancyra, in which he described the conversion of the Scythians, and
begged that fit men for their instruction might be sent.
On hearing that in our district  some men were infected with the
plague of Marcion he wrote to the then bishop charging him to drive
out the plague, and proffering him the aid of the imperial edicts. I
have said enough to show how, to use the words of the divine apostle,
he carried in his heart "the care of all the churches." 
His boldness may also be learnt from other sources.
 i.e.at Cyrus.
 2 Cor. xi. 28
Chapter XXXII.--Of the demand made by Gainas and of John Chrysostom's
One Gainas, a Scythian, but still more barbarous in character, and of
cruel and violent disposition, was at that time a military commander.
He had under him many of his own fellow-countrymen, and with them
commanded the Roman cavalry and infantry. He was an object of terror
not only to all the rest but even to the emperor himself, who
suspected him of aiming at usurpation.
He was a participator in the Arian pest, and requested the emperor to
grant him the use of one of the churches. Arcadius replied that he
would see to it and have it done. He then sent for the divine John,
told him of the request that had been made, reminded him of the power
of Gainas, hinted at the usurpation which was being aimed at, and
besought him to bridle the anger of the barbarian by this concession.
 "But," said that noble man, "attempt, sir, no such promise, nor
order what is holy to be given to the dogs.  I will never suffer
the worshippers and praisers of the Divine Word to be expelled and
their church to be given to them that blaspheme Him. Have no fear,
sir, of that barbarian; call us both, me and him, before you; listen
in silence to what is said, and I will both curb his tongue and
persuade him not to ask what it is wrong to grant."
The emperor was delighted with what Chrysostom said, and on the next
day summoned both the bishop and the general before him. Gainas began
to request the fulfilment of the promise, but the great John said in
reply that the emperor, who professed the true religion, had no right
to venture on any act against it. Gainas rejoined that he also must
have a place to pray in. "Why," said the great John, "every church is
open to you, and nobody prevents you from praying there when you are
so disposed." "But I," said Gainas, "belong to another sect, and I ask
to have one church with them, and surely I who undergo so many toils
in war for Romans may fairly make such a request." "But," said the
bishop, "you have greater rewards for your labours, you are a general;
you are vested in the consular robe, and you must consider what you
were formerly and what you are now--your indigence in the past and
your present prosperity; what kind of raiment you wore before you
crossed the Ister, and what you are robed in now. Consider, I say, the
littleness of your labours and the greatness of your rewards, and be
not unthankful to them who have shewn you honour." With these words
the teacher of the world silenced Gainas, and compelled him to stand
dumb. In process of time, however, he made known the rebellion which
he had long had at heart, gathered his forces in Thrace, and went out
ravaging and plundering in very many directions. At news of this there
arose an universal panic among both princes and subjects, and no one
was found willing to march against him; no one thought it safe to
approach him with an ambassage, for every one suspected his barbarous
 The three great officials, Aurelianus, Saturninus, and the Count
John had already surrendered themselves to the arrogant Goth, and
their lives had only been spared at the entreaty of Chrysostom.
 Matt. vii. 6
Chapter XXXIII.--Of the ambassage of Chrysostom to Gainas.
Then when every one else was passed over because of the universal
panic, this great chief was persuaded to undertake the ambassage. He
took no heed of the dispute which has been related, nor of the ill
feeling which it had engendered, and readily set out for Thrace. No
sooner did Gainas hear of the arrival of the envoy than he bethought
him of the bold utterance which he had made on behalf of true
religion. He came eagerly from a great distance to meet him, placed
his right hand upon his eyes, and brought his children to his saintly
knees. So is it the nature of goodness to put even those who are most
opposed to it to the blush and vanquish them. But envy could not
endure the bright rays of his philosophy. It put in practice its
wonted wiles and deprived of his eloquence and his wisdom the imperial
city--aye indeed the whole world. 
 It is not clear where the mission of Chrysostom to Gainas should
be placed. Gainas attacked the capital by sea and by land, but his
Goths were massacred in their own church, and he was repulsed. He was
finally defeated and slain in Jan. 401.
Chapter XXXIV.--Of the events which happened on account of Chrysostom.
At this part of my history I know not what sentiments to entertain;
wishful as I am to relate the wrong inflicted on Chrysostom, I yet
regard in other respects the high character of those who wronged him.
I shall therefore do my best to conceal even their names.  These
persons had different reasons for their hostility, and were unwilling
to contemplate his brilliant virtue. They found certain wretches who
accused him, and, perceiving the openness of the calumny, held a
meeting at a distance from the city and pronounced their sentence.
The emperor, who had confidence in the clergy, ordered him to be
banished. So Chrysostom, without having heard the charges brought
against him, or brought forward his defence, was forced as though
convicted on the accusations advanced against him to quit
Constantinople,  and departed to Hieron at the mouth of the
Euxine, for so the naval station is named.
In the night there was a great earthquake and the empress  was
struck with terror. Envoys were accordingly sent at daybreak to the
banished bishop beseeching him to return without delay to
Constantinople, and avert the peril from the town. After these another
party was sent and yet again others after them and the Bosphorus was
crowded with the couriers. When the faithful people learned what was
going on they covered the mouth of the Propontis with their boats, and
the whole population lighted up waxen torches and came forth to meet
him. For the time indeed his banded foes were scattered. 
But after the interval of a few months they endeavoured to enact
punishment, not for the forged indictment, but for his taking part in
divine service after his deposition. The bishop represented that he
had not pleaded, that he had not heard the indictment, that he had
made no defence, that he had been condemned in his absence, that he
had been exiled by the emperor, and by the emperor again recalled.
Then another Synod met, and his opponents did not ask for a trial, but
persuaded the emperor that the sentence was lawful and right.
Chrysostom was then not merely banished, but relegated to a petty and
lonely town in Armenia of the name of Cucusus. Even from thence he was
removed and deported to Pityus, a place at the extremity of the Euxine
and on the marches of the Roman Empire, in the near neighbourhood of
the wildest savages. But the loving Lord did not suffer the victorious
athlete to be carried off to this islet, for when he had reached
Comana he was removed to the life that knows nor age nor pain. 
The body that had struggled so bravely was buried by the side of the
coffin of the martyred Basiliscus, for so the martyr had ordained in a
I think it needless to prolong my narrative by relating how many
bishops were expelled from the church on Chrysostom's account, and
sent to live in the ends of the earth, or how many ascetic
philosophers were involved in the same calamities, and all the more
because I think it needful to curtail these hideous details, and to
throw a veil over the ill deeds of men of the same faith as our own.
Punishment however did fall on most of the guilty, and their
sufferings were a means of good to the rest. This great wrong was
regarded with special detestation by the bishops of Europe, who
separated themselves from communion with the guilty parties. In this
action they were joined by all the bishops of Illyria. In the East
most of the cities shrank from participation in the wrong, but did not
make a rent in the body of the church.
On the death of the great teacher of the world, the bishops of the
West refused to embrace the communion of the bishops of Egypt, of the
East, of the Bosphorus, and in Thrace, until the name of that holy man
had been inserted among those of deceased bishops. Arsacius his
immediate successor they declined to acknowledge, but Atticus the
successor of Arsacius, after he had frequently solicited the boon of
peace, was after a time received when he had inserted the name in the
 The foes of Chrysostom were (i) The empress Eudoxia, jealous of
his power; (ii) The great ladies on whose toilettes of artifice and
extravagant licentiousness he had poured his scorn; among them being
Marsa, Castricia, and Eugraphia; (iii) The baser clergy whom his
simplicity of life shamed, notably Acacius of Beroea, whose hostility
is traced by Palladius to the meagre hospitality of the archiepiscopal
palace at Constantinople, when the hungry guest exclaimed "ego auto
artuo chutran"--"I'll pepper a pot for him!" (Pall. 49.) and
Theophilus of Alexandria, who had never forgiven his elevation to the
see, and Gerontius of Nicomedia whom he had deposed.
 i.e. at the suburb of Chalcedon known as "the Oak." The charges
included his calling the Empress Jezebel, and eating a lozenge after
the Holy Communion. Pallad. 66.
 For three days the people withstood his removal. At last he
slipped out by a postern, and, when a nod would have roused rebellion,
submitted to exile. But he was only deported a very little way.
 Eudoxia was the daughter of Banto, a Frankish general.
Philostorgius (xi. 6), says that she "ou kata ten tou andros diekeito
notheian, all' enen aute tou barbarikou thrasous ouk oligon."
 The proceedings of "the Oak" were declared null and void, and
the bishop was formally reinstated. 403.
 Theodoret omits the second offence to Eudoxia--his invectives on
the dedication of her silver statue in front of St. Sophia in Sept.
403. (Soc. vi. 18. Soz. viii. 20) "Once again Herodias runs wild; once
again she dances; once again she is in a hurry to get the head of John
on a charger." Or does the description of Herodias, and not Salome, as
dancing, indicate that the calumnious sentence was not really uttered
by Chrysostom, but said to have been uttered by informers whose
knowledge of the Gospels was incomplete? The discourse "in
decollationem Baptistæ Joannis" is in Migne Vol. viii. 485, but it is
generally rejected as spurious. The circumstances of the deposition
will be found in Palladius, and in Chrysostom's Ep. ad Innocent. The
edict was issued June 5, 404. Cucusus (cf. p. ii. 4) is on the borders
of Cilicia and Armenia Minor. Gibbon says the three years spent here
were the "most glorious of his life," so great was the influence he
wielded. In the winter of 405 he was driven with other fugitives from
Cucusus through fear of Isaurian banditti, and fled some 60 miles to
Arabissus. Early in 406 he returned. Eudoxia was dead (/-Oct. 4, 404)
but other enemies were impatient at the old man's resistance to
hardship. An Edict was procured transferring the exile to Pityus, in
the N.E. corner of the Black Sea (now Soukoum in Transcaucasia) but
Chrysostom's strength was unequal to the cruel hardships of the
journey. Some five miles from Comana in Pontus (Tokat), clothed in
white robes, he expired in the chapel of the martyred bishop
Basiliskus, Sept. 14, 407. Basiliskus was martyred in 312.
 Atticus (Bp. of Constantinople 405-426) was forced by fear alike
of the mob and the Emperor to consent to the restitution. His letters
to Peter and ∆desius, deacon of Cyril of Alexandria, and Cyril's
reply, (Niceph. xiv. 26-27) are interesting. Cyril "would as soon put
the name of Judas on the rolls as that of Chrysostom." Dict. Christ.
Biog. i. 209.
Chapter XXXV.--Of Alexander, bishop of Antioch.
At this time the see of Alexandria was held by Cyril,  brother's
son to Theophilus whom he succeeded; at the same time Jerusalem was
occupied by John  in succession to Cyril whom we have formerly
mentioned. The Antiochenes were under the care of Alexander 
whose life and conversation were of a piece with his episcopate.
Before his consecration he passed his time in ascetic training and in
hard bodily exercise. He was known as a noble champion, teaching by
word and confirming the word by deed. His predecessor was Porphyrius
who guided that church after Flavianus, and left behind him many
memorials of his loving character.  He was also distinguished by
intellectual power. The holy Alexander was specially rich in self
discipline and philosophy; his life was one of poverty and self
denial; his eloquence was copious and his other gifts were
innumerable; by his advice and exhortation, the following of the great
Eustathius which Paulinus, and after him Evagrius, had not permitted
to be restored, was united to the rest of the body, and a festival was
celebrated the like of which none had ever seen before. The bishop
gathered all the faithful together, both clergy and laity, and marched
with them to the assembly. The procession was accompanied by
musicians; one hymn was sung by all in harmony, and thus he and his
company went in procession from the western postern to the great
church, filling the whole forum with people, and constituting a stream
of thinking living beings like the Orontes in its course.
When this was seen by the Jews, by the victims of the Arian plague,
and by the insignificant remnant of Pagans, they set up a groaning and
wailing, and were distressed at seeing the rest of the rivers
discharging their waters into the Church. By Alexander the name of the
great John was first inscribed in the records  of the Church.
 Cyril occupied the Episcopal throne of Alexandria from 412 to
444. Theodoretus could not be expected to allude to the withdrawal of
the Roman legions from Britain in 401, or the release of Britoins from
their allegiance by Honorius in 410. The sack of Rome by the Goths in
the latter year might have however claimed a passing notice.
 Of the five Johns more or less well known as bishop of Jerusalem
this was the second--from 386 to 417. He is chiefly known to us from
the severe criticisms of Jerome.
 Bp. from 413 to 421.
 Palladius (Dial. 143 et Seqq.) describes Porphyrius as a monster
of frivolity, iniquity, and bitterness. It is interesting to hear both
 Theodoret here uses the word diptuchon. Other words in use were
hierai, deltoi and katalogoi. The names engraved on these tablets were
recited during the celebration of the Holy Eucharist. e.g. at Carthage
in 411 we find it said of Cæcilianus: "In ecclesia sumus in qua
episcopatum gessit et diem obiit. Ejus nomen ad altare recitamus ejus
memoriæ communicamus tanquam memoriæ fratris." (Dict. Christ. Ant. i.
561. Labbe ii. 1490.) Names were sometimes erased from unworthy
motives. A survival of the use obtains in the English Church in the
Prayer for the Church Militant, and more specifically in the
recitation of names in the Bidding Prayer.
Chapter XXXVI.--Of the removal of the remains of John and of the faith
of Theodosius and his sisters.
At a later time the actual remains of the great doctor were conveyed
to the imperial city, and once again the faithful crowd turning the
sea as it were into land by their close packed boats, covered the
mouth of the Bosphorus towards the Propontis with their torches. The
precious possession was brought into Constantinople by the present
emperor,  who received the name of his grandfather and preserved
his piety undefiled. After first gazing upon the bier he laid his head
against it, and prayed for his parents and for pardon on them who had
ignorantly sinned, for his parents had long ago been dead, leaving him
an orphan in extreme youth, but the God of his fathers and of his
forefathers permitted him not to suffer trial from his orphanhood, but
provided for his nurture in piety, protected his empire from the
assaults of sedition, and bridled rebellious hearts. Ever mindful of
these blessings he honours his benefactor with hymns of praise.
Associated with him in this divine worship are his sisters,  who
have maintained virginity throughout their lives, thinking the study
of the divine oracles  the greatest delight, and reckoning that
riches beyond robbers' reach are to be found in ministering to the
poor. The emperor himself was adorned by many graces, and not least by
his kindness and clemency, an unruffled calm of soul and a faith as
undefiled as it is notorious. Of this I will give an undeniable proof.
A certain ascetic somewhat rough of temper came to the emperor with a
petition. He came several times without attaining his object, and at
last excommunicated the emperor and left him under his ban. The
faithful emperor returned to his palace, and as it was the time for
the banquet, and his guests were assembled, he said that he could not
partake of the entertainment before the interdict was taken off. On
this account he sent the most intimate of his suite to the bishop,
beseeching him to order the imposer of the interdict to remove it. The
bishop replied that an interdict ought not to be accepted from every
one, and pronounced it not binding, but the emperor refused to accept
this remission until the imposer of it had after much difficulty been
discovered, and had restored the communion withdrawn. So obedient was
he to divine laws.
In accordance with the same principles he ordered a complete
destruction of the remains of the idolatrous shrines, that our
posterity might be saved from the sight of even a trace of the ancient
error, this being the motive which he expressed in the edict published
on the subject. Of this good seed sown he is ever reaping the fruits,
for he has the Lord of all on his side. So when Rhoïlas,  Prince
of the Scythian Nomads, had crossed the Danube with a vast host and
was ravaging and plundering Thrace, and was threatening to besiege the
imperial city, and summarily seize it and deliver it to destruction,
God smote him from on high with thunderbolt and storm, burning up the
invader and destroying all his host. A similar providence was shewn,
too, in the Persian war. The Persians received information that the
Romans were occupied elsewhere, and so in violation of the treaty of
Peace, marched against their neighbours, who found none to aid them
under the attack, because, in reliance on the Peace, the emperor had
despatched his generals and his men to other wars. Then the further
march of the Persians was stayed by a very violent storm of rain and
hail; their horses refused to advance; in twenty days they had not
succeeded in advancing as many furlongs. Meanwhile the generals
returned and mustered their troops.
In the former war, too, these same Persians, when besieging the
emperor's eponymous city,  were providentially rendered
ridiculous. For after Vararanes  had beset the aforesaid city for
more than thirty days with all his forces, and had brought up many
helepoles, and employed innumerable engines, and built up lofty towers
outside the wall, resistance was offered, and the assault of the
attacking engines repelled, by the bishop Eunomius alone. Our men had
refused to fight against the foe, and were shrinking from bringing aid
to the besieged, when the bishop, by opposing himself to them,
preserved the city from being taken. When one of the barbarian
chieftains ventured on his wonted blasphemy, and with words like those
of Rabshakeh and Sennacherib, madly threatened to burn the temple of
God, the holy bishop could not endure his furious wrath, but himself
commanded a balista,  which went by the name of the Apostle
Thomas, to be set up upon the battlements, and a mighty stone to be
adjusted to it. Then, in the name of the Lord who had been blasphemed,
he gave the word to let go,--down crashed the stone on that impious
chief and hit him on his wicked mouth, and crushed in his face, and
broke his head in pieces, and sprinkled his brains upon the ground.
When the commander of the army who had hoped to take the city saw what
was done, he confessed himself beaten and withdrew, and in his alarm
Thus the universal sovereign protects the faithful emperor, for he
clearly acknowledges whose slave he is, and performs fitting service
to his Master. 
 Theodosius II. succeeded his father May 1, 408, at the age of
eight. The translation of the remains of Chrysostom took place at the
beginning of 438. Theodosius died in 450, and the phrase "ho nun
basileuon" thus limits the composition of the History. As however
Theodoret does not continue his list of bishops of Rome after
Cælestinus, who died in 440, we may conclude that the History was
written in 438-439. But the mention of Isdigirdes II. in Chap.
xxxviii. carries us somewhat further. Possibly the portions of the
work were jotted down from time to time.
 Theodosius II. had four sisters, Flaccilla, Pulcheria, Arcadia,
and Marina. Pulcheria was practically empress-regnant for a
considerable period. She was only two years older than her brother,
but was declared Augusta and empress July 14, 414, at the age of 15Ĺ.
On his death in 450 she married Marcianus a general. Besides the
relics of Chrysostom she translated in 446 those of the martyrs of
Sebaste. Soz. ix. 2.
 "ta theia logia." This is the common phrase in our author for
the Holy Scriptures. According to the interpretation given by
Schleiermacher and like theologians to the title of the work of
Papias, "logion kuriakon exegeseis" and to the passage of Eusebius
(Ecc. Hist. iii. 39) in which Papias is quoted as saying that Matthew
";;Ebraidi dialekto ta logia sunegrapsato." Pulcheria and her sisters
did not study the Scriptures, but only "the divine discourses," to the
exclusion of anything that was not a discourse. cf. Salmon
Introduction to the N. T. 4th Ed. pp. 95, 96, and Bp. Lightfoot's
Essays in reply to the anonymous author of "Supernatural Religion."
cf. Rom. iii. 21, Heb. v. 12, 1 Pet. iv. 11, and Clem. ad Cor. liii.
"For beloved you know, aye, and well know, the sacred Scriptures, and
have pored over the oracles of God."
 Supposed to be identified with Rogas, Rugilas, or Roas, a prince
said by Priscus in his Hist. Goth. to have preceded Attila in the
sovereignty of the Huns. cf. Soc. vii, 43.
 i.e. Rhoesina, or Theodosiopolis in Osrhoena, now Erzeroum.
 Vararanes V. son of Isdigirdes I. persecuted Christians in the
beginning of the 5th c. cf. Soc. vii. 18, 20. Sapor III. 385-390. |
__________________________ | | Vararanes IV. Isdigirdes I. 399-420.
390-399. Vararanes V. 420-440. Isdigirdes II. 440-457.
 It is interesting to find in the fifth century an instance of
the sacred nomenclature with which we have familiar instances in the
"San Josef" and the "Salvador del mundo" of Cape St. Vincent, and the
"Santa Anna" and "Santissima Trinidad" of Trafalgar. (Southey, Life of
Nelson, Chap iv. and ix.) On the north side of Sebastopol there was an
earthwork called "The Twelve Apostles." (Kinglake, Crimea, Vol. iv. p.
48.) St. Thomas was the supposed founder of the church of Edessa.
 This might have been written before the weaker elements in the
character of Theodosius II. produced their most disastrous results.
But he was not a satisfactory sovereign, nor a desirable champion of
Christendom. In some respects like our Edward the Confessor and Henry
VI. he had, in the words of Leo, "the heart of a priest as well as of
an emperor." "He had fifteen prime ministers in twenty-five years, the
last of whom, the Eunuch Chrysaphius, retained his power for the
longest period. a.d. 443-450. During that time the empire was rapidly
hurrying to destruction. The Vandals in Africa and the Huns under
Attila in Europe were ravaging some of his fairest provinces while the
emperor was attending to palace intrigues....Chrysaphius made him
favourable to Eutyches, and thus largely contributed to the
establishment of the monophysite heresy." Dr. Stokes in Dict. Christ.
Biog. iv. 966.
Chapter XXXVII.--Of Theodotus bishop of Antioch.
Theodosius restored the relics of the great luminary of the world to
the city which deeply regretted his loss. These events however
happened later. 
Innocent the excellent bishop of Rome was succeeded by Bonifacius,
Bonifacius by Zosimus and Zosimus by Cælestinus. 
At Jerusalem after the admirable John the charge of the church was
committed to Praylius, a man worthy of his name. 
At Antioch after the divine Alexander Theodotus, the pearl of purity,
succeeded to the supremacy of the church, a man of conspicuous
meekness and of exact regularity of life. By him the sect of
Apollinarius was admitted to fellowship with the rest of the sheep on
the earnest request of its members to be united with the flock. Many
of them however continued marked by their former unsoundness. 
 This paragraph belongs more appropriately to the preceding
Chapter. The relics of Chrysostom were translated in 438.
 The accepted order is Innocent I. 402-417; Zosimus 417-418;
Boniface I. 418-422; Cælestinus 422-432. The decision of Honorius in
favour of Bonifacius as against Eulalius, both elected by their
respective supporters on the death of Zosimus in 418, marks an
important point in the interference of temporal princes in the
appointments of bishops of Rome. cf. Robertson, i. 498.
 Praus = meek, gentle.
 Apollinarians survived the condemnation of Apollinarius at
Constantinople in 381. The unsoundness, i.e. the denial of the
rational soul, and so of the perfect manhood of the Saviour, is
discussed in Dial. I.
Chapter XXXVIII.--Of the persecutions in Persia and of them that were
At this time Isdigirdes,  King of the Persians, began to wage war
against the churches and the circumstances which caused him so to do
were as follows. A certain bishop, Abdas by name,  adorned with
many virtues, was stirred with undue zeal and destroyed a Pyreum,
Pyreum being the name given by the Persians to the temples of the fire
which they regarded as their God. 
On being informed of this by the Magi Isdigirdes sent for Abdas and
first in moderate language complained of what had taken place and
ordered him to rebuild the Pyreum.
This the bishop, in reply, positively refused to do, and thereupon the
king threatened to destroy all the churches, and in the end carried
out all his threats, for first he gave orders for the execution of
that holy man and then commanded the destruction of the churches. Now
I am of opinion that to destroy the Pyreum was wrong and inexpedient,
for not even the divine Apostle, when he came to Athens and saw the
city wholly given to idolatry, destroyed any one of the altars which
the Athenians honoured, but convicted them of their ignorance by his
arguments, and made manifest the truth. But the refusal to rebuild the
fallen temple, and the determination to choose death rather than so
do, I greatly praise and honour, and count to be a deed worthy of the
martyr's crown; for building a shrine in honour of the fire seems to
me to be equivalent to adoring it.
From this beginning arose a tempest which stirred fierce and cruel
waves against the nurslings of the true faith, and when thirty years
had gone by the agitation still remained kept up by the Magi, as the
sea is kept in commotion by the blasts of furious winds. Magi is the
name given by the Persians to the worshippers of the sun and moon
 but I have exposed their fabulous system in another treatise and
have adduced solutions of their difficulties.
On the death of Isdigirdes, Vararanes, his son, inherited at once the
kingdom and the war against the faith, and dying in his turn left them
both together to his son.  To relate the various kinds of
tortures and cruelties inflicted on the saints is no easy task. In
some cases the hands were flayed, in others the back; of others they
stripped the heads of skin from brow to beard; others were enveloped
in split reeds with the cut part turned inwards and were surrounded
with tight bandages from head to foot; then each of the reeds was
dragged out by force, and, tearing away the adjacent portions of the
skin, caused severe agony; pits were dug and carefully greased in
which quantities of mice were put; then they let down the martyrs,
bound hand and foot, so as not to be able to protect themselves from
the animals, to be food for the mice, and the mice, under stress of
hunger, little by little devoured the flesh of the victims, causing
them long and terrible suffering. By others sufferings were endured
even more terrible than these, invented by the enemy of humanity and
the opponent of the truth, but the courage of the martyrs was
unbroken, and they hastened unbidden in their eagerness to win that
death which ushers men into indestructible life.
Of these I will cite one or two to serve as examples of the courage of
the rest. Among the noblest of the Persians was one called Hormisdas,
by race an Achæmenid  and the son of a Prefect. On receiving
information that he was a Christian the king summoned him and ordered
him to abjure God his Saviour. He replied that the royal orders were
neither right nor reasonable, "for he," so he went on, "who is taught
to find no difficulty in spurning and denying the God of all, will
haply the more easily despise a king who is a man of mortal nature;
and if, sir, he who denies thy sovereignty is deserving of the
severest punishment, how much more terrible a chastisement is not due
to him who denies the Creator of the world?" The king ought to have
admired the wisdom of what was said, but, instead of this, he stripped
the noble athlete of his wealth and rank, and ordered him to go clad
in nothing save a loin cloth, and drive the camels of the army. After
some days had gone by, as he looked out of his chamber, he saw the
excellent man scorched by the rays of the sun, and covered with dust,
and he bethought him of his father's illustrious rank, and sent for
him, and told him to put on a tunic of linen. Then thinking the toil
he had suffered, and the kindness shewn him, had softened his heart,
"Now at least," said he "give over your opposition, and deny the
carpenter's son." Full of holy zeal Hormisdas tore the tunic and flung
it away saying, "If you think that this will make one give up the true
faith, keep your present with your false belief." When the king saw
how bold he was he drove him naked from the palace.
One Suenes, who owned a thousand slaves, resisted the King, and
refused to deny his master. The King therefore asked him which of his
slaves was the vilest, and to this slave handed over the ownership of
all the rest, and gave him Suenes to be his slave. He also gave him in
marriage Suenes' wife, supposing that thus he could bend the will of
the champion of the truth. But he was disappointed, for he had built
his house upon the rock. 
The king also seized and imprisoned a deacon of the name of Benjamin.
After two years there came an envoy from Rome, to treat of other
matters, who, when he was informed of this imprisonment, petitioned
the king to release the deacon. The king ordered Benjamin to promise
that he would not attempt to teach the Christian religion to any of
the Magi, and the envoy exhorted Benjamin to obey, but Benjamin, after
he heard what the envoy had to say, replied, "It is impossible for me
not to impart the light which I have received; for how great a penalty
is due for the hiding of our talent is taught in the history of the
holy gospels."  Up to this time the King had not been informed of
this refusal and ordered him to be set free. Benjamin continued as he
was wont seeking to catch them that were held down by the darkness of
ignorance, and bringing them to the light of knowledge. After a year
information of his conduct was given to the king, and he was summoned
and ordered to deny Him whom he worshipped. He then asked the king
"What punishment should be assigned to one who should desert his
allegiance and prefer another?" "Death and torture," said the king.
"How then" continued the wise deacon "should he be treated who
abandons his Maker and Creator, makes a God of one of his fellow
slaves, and offers to him the honour due to his Lord?" Then the king
was moved with wrath, and had twenty reeds pointed, and driven into
the nails of his hands and feet. When he saw that Benjamin took this
torture for child's play, he pointed another reed and drove it into
his privy part and by working it up and down caused unspeakable agony.
After this torture the impious and savage tyrant ordered him to be
impaled upon a stout knotted staff, and so the noble sufferer gave up
Innumerable other similar deeds of violence were committed by these
impious men, but we must not be astonished that the Lord of all
endures their savagery and impiety, for indeed before the reign of
Constantine the Great all the Roman emperors wreaked their wrath on
the friends of the truth, and Diocletian, on the day of the Saviour's
passion, destroyed the churches throughout the Roman Empire, but after
nine years had gone by they rose again in bloom and beauty many times
larger and more splendid than before, and he and his iniquity
These wars and the victory of the church had been predicted by the
Lord, and the event teaches us that war brings us more blessing than
peace. Peace makes us delicate, easy and cowardly. War whets our
courage and makes us despise this present world as passing away. But
these are observations which we have often made in other writings.
 Yezdegerd I. son of Sapor III. Vide note on p. 156.
 Abdas was bishop of Susa. In Soc. vii. 8 he is "bishop of
 The second of the six supreme councillors of Ahuramazda in the
scheme of Zarathustra Spitama (Zoroaster) is Ardebehesht, light or
lightness of any kind and representing the omnipresence of the good
power. Hence sun, moon and stars are symbols of deity and the believer
is enjoined to face fire or light in his worship. Temples and altars
must be fed with holy fire. In their reverence for fire orthodox
Parsees abstained from smoking, but alike of old and today they would
deny the charge of worshipping fire in any other sense than as an
 The word in the original is stoicheia; on this Valesius
annotates "This does not mean the four elements, for the Persian Magi
did not worship the four elements but only fire and the sun and moon."
In illustration of this use of the word he quotes Chrysostom. Hom. 58
in Matth. ho gar daimon epi diabole tou stoicheiou kai epitithetai
tois alousi, kai aniesin autous kata tous tes selenes dromous; and St.
Jerome Ep. ad Hedyb. 4 where he speaks of the days of the week as
being described by the heathen "Idolorum et elementorum nominibus."
 i.e. Isdigirdes II. 440-457.
 Achæmenes was the name of the Grandfather of Cambyses, father of
Cyrus, and also of a son of Darius, son of Hystaspes. Hence the
Achæmenidæ were the noblest stock of Persia.
 Matt. vii. 24
 Matt. xxv. 25
 The edict of Diocletian against the Christians was issued on the
feast of the Terminalia, Feb. 23, 303. Good Friday, here he tou
soteriou pathous hemera, was commonly known as hemera tou staurou,
pascha staurosimon, and paraskeue Tertullian speaks of its early
observance as a general fast, and Eusebius confirms his testimony.
Chapter XXXIX.--Of Theodorus, bishop of Mopsuestia.
When the divine Theodorus was ruling the church of Antioch, Theodorus,
bishop of Mopsuestia, a doctor of the whole church and successful
combatant against every heretical phalanx, ended this life. He had
enjoyed the teaching of the great Diodorus, and was the friend and
fellow-worker of the holy John, for they both together benefited by
the spiritual draughts given by Diodorus. Six-and-thirty years he had
spent in his bishopric, fighting against the forces of Arius and
Eunomius, struggling against the piratical band of Apollinarius, and
finding the best pasture for God's sheep.  His brother
Polychronius  was the excellent bishop of Apamea, a man gifted
with great eloquence and of illustrious character.
I shall now make an end of my history, and shall entreat those who
meet with it to requite my labour with their prayers. The narrative
now embraces a period of 105 years, beginning from the Arian madness
and ending with the death of the admirable Theodorus and Theodotus.
 I will give a list of the bishops of great cities after the
List of the bishops of great cities.
Miltiades... [Melchiades. 311-314]
Julius [337-352. Mark Jan. to Oct., 336]
Bonifacius...  [418-422]
Vitalius (Orthodox)..... [312-318]
Philogonius (Orthodox). [318-323]
Eustathius (Orthodox).....  [325-328]
Eulalius (Arians)....  [328-330]
Euphronius (Arians)......  [330-332]
Placidus (Arians). [332-342]
Stephanus (Arians)...... [342-348]
Leontius (Arians). [348-357]
Eudoxius (Arians) [357-359]
Meletius (Orthodox).... [360 (died) 381]
Flavianus (Orthodox).. [381-404]
Porphyrius (Orthodox).. [404-413]
Alexander (Orthodox)... [413-419]
Theodotus (Orthodox).. [419-429]
Paulinus III.(Eustathians)..... [362-388]
Evagrius (Eustathians)..... [388- ]
Gregory (Arian).. [341-347]
Peter (disciple of Athanasius) [373-373]
John ... [388-416]
Eusebius of Nicomedia
Macedonius the enemy of the Holy Ghost......[342-360]
The impious Eudoxius.... [360-370]
Demophilus of Beroea in Thrace (heretic)... [370- ]
Gregory of Nazianzus....  [380-381]
John Chrysostom [398-404]
 Theodorus was born at Antioch in 350, consecrated bishop of
Mopsuestia in 392, and died in 428 in Cilicia.
 The evidence is in favour of distinguishing this Polychronius
from the monk described in the Religious History.
 "The date of the death of Theodotus is fixed for a.d. 429 by a
passage of Theodoret's letter to Dioscorus, where, when speaking of
his having taught for six years under him at Antioch, he refers to his
blessed and holy memory, combined with one in his history, stating
that the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia took place in the episcopate
of Theodotus." Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 983. The last event referred to
by Theodoretus seems to be the accession of Isdigirdes II. in 440.
Vide pp. 155, 156.
 cf. note on p. 156.
 Paulinus I. intervenes, 321-325.
 Paulinus II., 328-329, intervenes.
 On the difficulty of the Paulini, cf. Dict. of Christ. Biog. iv.
232 and ii. 322.
 Evagrius intervenes 370.
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