Monophysitism is the doctrine that Jesus Christ had only one nature, rather than two - divine and human. This belief is sometimes known as Eutychianism, after Eutyches, a mid - 5th - century archimandrite of a Constantinople monastery. 基督一性的理论，是耶稣基督只有一个本质，而不是2 -神和人。这种信念有时也被称为Eutychianism，欧迪奇后，一中- 5 -君士坦丁堡世纪修道院的修士。Eutyches taught that in Jesus Christ the humanity was absorbed by the divinity, "dissolved like a drop of honey in the sea."欧迪奇告诉我们，在耶稣基督是神的人类所吸收，“解散像大海中的一滴蜂蜜。” Eutyches fought against the Nestorian doctrine that the two natures of Christ represented two distinct persons.欧迪奇斗景教教义性质基督的两个代表两个不同的人。His doctrine was condemned as heretical, however, at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.他的学说被谴责为异端邪说，然而，在安理会的卡尔西在451。
Strict Monophysitism, or Eutychianism, explains the one nature in Christ in one of four ways:严格的基督一性，或Eutychianism，解释了四种方式之一的基督1性质：
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Agnes Cunningham艾格尼丝坎宁安
Bibliography
书目
RC Chesnut, Three
Monophysite Christologies (1976); WHC Freud, The Rise of the Monophysitic
Movement
(1972).区局切斯纳特，三基督一Christologies（1976年），西隧弗洛伊德的）的兴起Monophysitic运动（1972年。
Derived from monos, "single," and physis, "nature," monophysitism is the doctrine which holds that the incarnate Christ had only a single, divine nature, clad in human flesh.来自莫诺，“单”和physis之，“自然”，一元神是学说认为，肉身的基督只有一个单一的，神性，人肉穿着。It is sometimes called Eutychianism, after Eutyches (d.454), one of its leading defenders. Since the Council of Chalcedon, which confirmed as orthodox the doctrine of two natures, divine and human, monophysitism has been considered heretical. Its roots probably go back to Apollinaris (c. 370), who laid tremendous stress on the fusion of the divine and human.它有时被称为Eutychianism后欧迪奇（d.454），其领先的后卫之一。 由于安理会的chalcedon邪教，证实为正统，这个学说的两个性质，神和人的基督一性的考虑。其根源可能去回到亚坡理纳（公元前370），谁奠定了巨大的压力和人类神圣的融合了。 Alexandria (as opposed to Antioch) became the citadel of this doctrine, and Cyril, although deemed orthodox, furnished fuel for the fire kindled by his successor, Dioscorus, and Eutyches, who denied that Christ's body was the same in essence as the bodies of men.亚历山大（相对于安提阿）成为学说城堡的这一点，西里尔，虽然被视为正统的，在本质上提供相同的是燃料的火点燃了他的继任者，Dioscorus和欧迪奇，谁否认身体基督作为机构男子。 Their chief opponent was Leo I of Rome, whose formulation of the doctrine of two natures in one person triumphed at Chalcedon.他们的主要对手是罗马利奥卡尔西本人，二其制定的原则之一性质的人获胜。
Monophysites tended to divide into two main groups: Julianists, who held to the immortality and incorruptibility of Christ's incarnate body, and the more orthodox Severians, who rejected the Eutychian view that the human and divine were completely mingled in the incarnation.基督一性往往分为两大类：Julianists，谁举行的不朽和身体廉洁基督的化身，越正统Severians，谁拒绝Eutychian认为，人类和神圣的化身完全混在一起了。 In the remnant of Syrian Jacobites and in the Coptic and Ethiopian churches (and to a limited extent in the Armenian) it survives to the present day.在詹姆斯党残余叙利亚和科普特教会和埃塞俄比亚（和一个亚美尼亚有限的范围内）有存活至今。
DA
Hubbard多巴胺哈伯德
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)
（埃尔韦尔福音字典）
Bibliography
书目
AA Luce,
Monophysitism Past and Present; RV Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies and The
Council of Chalcedon; ER Hardy, Christian Egypt: Church and People; WHC Frend,
The Rise of the Monophysite Movement; WA Wigram, The Separation of the
Monophysites.机管局卢斯，基督一性的历史与现状;房车卖家，两部古代Christologies和理事会的迦克墩;雌哈代，埃及基督教：教会和人民;西隧弗洛伊德，不结盟运动的兴起基督一性;西澳威格拉姆，该monophysites分离的。
The history of this sect and of its ramifications has been summarized under EUTYCHIANISM (the nickname somewhat unfairly given by Catholic controversialists).在本节的历史及其后果已EUTYCHIANISM总结下（昵称有点不公平controversialists给予天主教徒）。 The theology of Monophysitism has also been described under the same heading.神学的基督一性的，也被描述在同一标题下。Two points are discussed in the following article: first, the literary activity of the Monophysites both in Greek and Syriac; secondly, the question whether they can be exculpated from material heresy in their Christology.有两点讨论下面的文章：第一，叙利亚和文学活动的该monophysites无论在希腊，第二，基督教神学的怀疑，他们是否可以成为开脱的物质从他们的异端。
LITERARY HISTORY文学史
From many points of view the Monophysites are the most important of early heresies, and no heresy or related group of heresies until the sixteenth century has produced so vast and important a literature.从很多观点该monophysites是最重要的早期邪说，没有异端或16世纪到集团内相关的歪理邪说产生了如此巨大和重要的文献。 A large portion of this is lost; some remains in manuscript, and of late years important publications have brought much of this material to the light of day. A是失去了很大一部分本，有的仍然在手稿和重要出版物的晚年带来了大量材料的这一天光的。Nearly all the Greek literature has perished in its original form, but much of it survives in early Syriac translations, and the Syriac literature itself is extant in yet greater amount.几乎所有的希腊文学已变坏在其原来的形式，但大部分是翻译的生存年初叙利亚，叙利亚和文学本身却是在更大的现存数量。 The scientific, philosophical, and grammatical writings of Monophysites must for the most part be passed over here.，哲学，和语法的基督一性的科学著作，必须在很大程度上通过在这里。Ecclesiastical history and biography, as well as dogmatic and polemical writings will be described for the fifth and sixth centuries, together with a few of the chief works of the centuries immediately following.教会历史和传记，以及教条主义和论辩文章描述了几个世纪将是第五和第六位，再加上一世纪工程的几个主要紧随。
Dioscurus has left us but a few fragments.Dioscurus离开了我们，但一些碎片。The most important is in the "Hist. Misc.", III, i, from a letter written in exile at Gangra, in which the banished patriarch declares the reality and completeness of our Lord's Human Body, intending evidently to deny that he had approved the refusal of Eutyches to admit Christ's consubstantiality with us.最重要的是在“历史。杂项。”，三，我身体，流亡在信的书面在冈格拉，其中放逐元老宣布的现实世界和完整性，我们的主的，企图显然否认，他已批准在欧迪奇拒绝承认基督与我们同体的。
Timothy Ælurus (d. 477) who had been ordained priest by St. Cyril himself, and preserved a profound attachment to that saint, published an edition of some of his works.蒂莫西Ælurus（草477）谁曾自封祭司圣西里尔，并保留了深刻的依恋的圣人，发表了他的一些作品版的。He accompanied Dioscurus to the robber Council of Ephesus in 449, as he says himself "together with my brother the blessed priest Anatolius" (the secretary of Dioscurus, promoted by him to the See of Constantinople).他陪同Dioscurus到以弗所强盗会在449，他说自己“我和我的兄弟的祝福神父Anatolius”（即Dioscurus书记，他提拔到君士坦丁堡见）。 It is not necessary to infer that Timothy and Anatolius were brothers.这是没有必要的推断提摩太和Anatolius是兄弟。 When the death in exile of Dioscurus (September 454) was known, Timothy assumed the leadership of those who did not acknowledge the orthodox Patriarch Proterius, and demanded a new bishop.当已知的死亡是在流亡的Dioscurus（9 454），霍震霆出任Proterius领导者谁不承认东正教大主教，并要求新的主教。He had with him four or five deprived bishops.他与他的4或5剥夺主教。The riots which followed were renewed at the death of the Emperor Marcian, and Proterius was murdered.遵循的暴动，再次在马尔奇安死亡天皇，并Proterius被杀害。Even before this, Timothy had been consecrated patriarch by two bishops.即使在此之前，霍震霆一直由两位主教祝圣元老。Eusebius of Pelsium and the famous Peter the Iberian, Bishop of Maïuma, the latter not even an Egyptian.尤西比乌斯的Pelsium和著名的彼得伊比利亚，Maïuma主教，后者甚至没有一名埃及人。At Constantinople Anatolius was scarcely his enemy; the minister Aspar was probably his friend; but the Emperor Leo certainly desired to acquiesce in the demands for Timothy's deposition addressed to him by the orthodox bishops of Egypt and by Pope St. Leo, and he punished the murderers of Proterius at once.在君士坦丁堡Anatolius几乎是他的敌人;部长阿斯帕尔很可能是他的朋友，但皇帝利奥当然渴望默许的沉积的要求为霍震霆给埃及的东正教会主教和他的教皇圣里奥，他惩罚Proterius杀人犯的一次。 Meanwhile Ælurus was expelling from their sees all bishops who accepted the Council of Chalcedon.与此同时Ælurus被驱逐出自己的所有主教看到谁接受安理会的卡尔西。It was not, however, till Anatolius was dead (3 July, 458) and had been succeeded by St. Gennadius, that the Emperor put into effect the opinion he had elicited from all the bishops of the East in the "Encyclia", by exiling Ælurus first to Gangrus in Paphlagonia, and then in 460 to the Cheronesus.这是没有，不过，直到Anatolius死（7月3日，458），并已成功地由圣烟粉虱，即皇帝落实到了解决的意见，他已引起了所有的主教“东Encyclia”，由流放Ælurus首先Gangrus在帕夫拉戈尼亚，然后在460至Cheronesus。 During the reign of Basilicus he was restored, at the end of 475, and Zeno spared his old age from molestation.在Basilicus统治的他恢复，在475年底，和芝诺不遗余力年龄从他的老骚扰。
Under EUTYCHIANISM something has been said of his theology, and more will be found below.根据EUTYCHIANISM东西已经说了他的神学，更会被发现如下。Of his works a fragment on the Two Natures, is in Migne (PG, LXXXVI, 273).他的作品一个性质上的两个片段，是米涅（在编号，捌拾，273）。The unpublished Syriac collection of his works (in British Mus., manuscript Addit. 12156, sixth cent.) contains未发表的叙利亚收集他的作品（在英国亩。，添加剂的手稿。12156，百分之六。）包含
a treatise against the "Dyophysites" (Catholics) which consists mainly of a collection of extracts from the Fathers against the Two Natures, the last of the citations being from letters of Dioscurus.对论文的“Dyophysites”（天主教徒）主要包括一物收集来自两个性质的父亲反对，最后的Dioscurus的信件，从被引用。 This is, however, but a summary of a larger work, which has recently been published entire in an Armenian translation under the title of "Refutation of the Council of Chalcedon".然而这是，而是一个“更大的工作总结，并于近期公布了亚美尼亚在整个翻译的标题下，安理会的”驳的chalcedon。 We learn from Justinian that the original was written in exile.我们从查士丁尼，原来是流亡书面。
Extracts from a letter written to the city of Constantinople against the Eutychianizers Isaias of Hermopolis and Theophilus, followed by another florigeium from "the Fathers" (almost entirely from Apollinarian forgeries). This letter is preserved entire by Zacharias (in Hist. Misc., IV, xii, where it is followed by the second letter) and also in the "Chronicle" of Michael the Syrian.父亲提取物“从信荷莫波里斯书面向Eutychianizers伊萨亚斯城市君士坦丁堡和对从西奥菲勒斯florigeium，其次是另一个”（几乎全部来自Apollinarian伪造的）。这封信是保存完整的撒迦利亚（在组织胺。杂项。，四，第十二，它是信之后第二个），并在“纪事”迈克尔叙利亚。
A second letter against the same.一对同第二个字母。
Extracts from two letters to all Egypt, the Thebaid, and Pentapolis on the treatment of Catholic bishops, priests, and monks who should join the Monophysites.从两个字母提取物对所有埃及，Thebaid，和五城的祭司治疗的天主教主教，和僧侣谁应该参加该monophysites。
A refutation of the Synod of Chalcedon and of the Tome of Leo, written between 454 and 460, in two parts, according to the title, and concluding with extracts from the "Acts" of the Robber Synod and four documents connected with it.一个主教的chalcedon和圣多美和普林西比之间的狮子座，书面和460 454 2，部分地区驳斥，根据标题，它的结论与提取物的连接“行为”四个文件和强盗主教。
A short prayer which Blessed Timothy used to make over those who returned from the communion of the Dyophysites.一个简短的祈祷祝福提摩太用于制造对这些谁Dyophysites返回从共融的。
Exposition of the faith of Timothy, sent to the Emperor Leo by Count Rusticus, and an abridged narration of what subsequently happened to him.霍震霆博览会的信仰，送到皇帝利奥伯爵天牛，并给他简略叙述后来发生什么。A similar supplication of Ælurus to Leo, sent by the silentiary Diomede, is mentioned by Anastasius Sin.类似的Ælurus恳求利奥，迪奥梅德派出由silentiary，就是罪提到阿纳斯塔修斯。The contents of this manuscript are largely cited by Lebon.这一手稿的内容都是由莱引用。
A translation into Latin of patristic testimonies collected by Ælurus was made by Gennadius Massil, and is to be identified with the Armenian collection.阿Ælurus翻译由收集到的证词教父拉丁美洲是由烟粉虱Massil，并确定要收集与亚美尼亚。A Coptic list of Timothy's works mentions one on the Canticle of Canticles. A的作品科普特名单霍震霆提到canticle的一对颂歌。The "Plerophoria" (33, 36) speak of his book of "Narrations", from which Crum (p. 71) deduces an ecclesiastical history by Timothy in twelve books.该“Plerophoria”（33，36）说他的书的书“叙事”，从中克拉姆（第71页）历史上12所推导出一个教会的提摩太。 Lebon does not accept the attribution to Timothy of the Coptic fragments by which Crum established the existence of such a work, but he finds (p. 110) another reference to a historical work by the patriarch in manuscript Addit.莱不接受归于工作蒂莫西这种科普特片段，其中设立的克拉姆的存在，但他认为（第110页）另一个元老手稿参考添加剂的工作由一个历史。 14602 (Chabot, "Documenta", 225 sqq.).14602（夏波，“文献展”，225时12 sqq。）。
Peter Mongus of Alexandria was not a writer.彼得亚历山大蒙古斯不是一个作家。His letters in Coptic are not genuine; though a complete Armenian text of them has been published, which is said to be more probably authentic.在科普特他的信是不是真的，虽然没有一个完整的，其中亚美尼亚文本已经出版，据说这是更可能是真实的。Peter Fullo of Alexandria similarly left no writings.彼得亚历山大Fullo的同样没有留下任何著作。Letter addressed to him exist, but are certainly spurious. Timothy IV, Patriarch of Alexandria (517-535), composed "Antirrhetica" in many books.他信的存在，但肯定是虚假的。蒂莫西四，亚历山大的主教（517-535），由“Antirrhetica”在很多书籍。 This polemical work of his was lost; but a homily of his remains and a few fragments.这是他失去了争论的工作，但仍然是一个讲道，他和几个片段。Theodosius, Patriarch of Alexandria (10-11 February, 535, and again July, 535- 537 or 538) has left us a few fragments and two letters.狄奥多西，亚历山大牧首（2月10日至11日，535，并再次7月，535 - 537或538）给我们留下了几个片段和两个字母。The Severians of Alexandria were called Theodosians after him, to distinguish them from the Gaianites who followed his Incorruptibilist rival Gaianus.亚历山大Severians的人叫他Theodosians后，以区别于Gaianus他们从Gaianites谁追随他Incorruptibilist对手。 The latter left no writings.后者没有留下任何著作。
Severus: The most famous and the most fertile of all the Monophysite writers was Severus, who was Patriarch of Antioch (512-518), and died in 538.塞维鲁：最有名的作家和最肥沃的基督一所有被塞维鲁，谁是安提阿宗主教（512-518），及538名贫困中死去。We have his early life written by his friend Zacharias Scholasticus; a complete biography was composed soon after his death by John, the superior of the monastery where Severus had first embraced the monastic life.我们有他早期的生活Scholasticus写的他的朋友撒迦利亚，一个完整的传记组成后不久，他死后由约翰的生活优越的修道院的僧侣塞维鲁已率先加入了。 he was born at Sozopolis in Pisidia, his father being a senator of the city, and descended from the Bishop of Sozopolis who had attended the Council of Ephesus in 431.他出生在皮西迪亚Sozopolis，他的父亲是一个城市的参议员，以及后代的Sozopolis主教谁出席了在安理会431以弗所。 After his father's death he was sent to study rhetoric at Alexandria, being yet a catechumen, as it was the custom in Pisidia to delay baptism until a beard should appear.在他父亲去世，他被送往亚历山大修辞学的研究，但作为一个初学者，因为它是皮西迪亚习俗拖延胡子的洗礼，直到应该会出现。
Zacharias, who was his fellow-student, testifies to his brilliant talents and the great progress he made in the study of rhetoric.撒迦利亚，谁是他的同事和学生，证明了他出色的人才，伟大的进步，他的言论作出研究。He was enthusiastic over the ancient orators, and also over Libanius.他是在古老的演说家的热情，也超过巴尼乌斯。Zacharias induced him to read the correspondence of Libanius with St. Basil, and the works of the latter and of St.撒迦利亚促使他阅读巴西尔通讯巴尼乌斯与圣和圣的作品，后者与Gregory of Nazianzus, and he was conquered by the power of Christian oratory.格雷戈里的nazianzus，他演讲征服了基督教的权力。Severus went to study law at Berytus about the autumn of 486, and he was followed thither by Zacharias a year later.塞维鲁去研究486法在贝来图斯秋天有关，而他随后撒迦利亚上去了一年以后。Severus was alter accused of having been in youth a worshiper of idols and a dealer in magical arts (so the libellus of the Palestinian monks at the council of 536), and Zacharias is at pains to refute this calumny indirectly, though at great length, by relating interesting stories of the discovery of a hoard of idols in Menuthis in Egypt and of the routing of necromancers and enchanters at Berytus; in both these exploits the friends of Severus took a leading part, and Zacharias asks triumphantly whether they would have consorted with Severus had he not agreed with them in the hatred of paganism and sorcery.塞维鲁是改变被控在一个青年偶像崇拜者和经销商的长度在伟大神奇的巴勒斯坦沙弥，艺术（libellus因此，安理会536）撒迦利亚，并极力向间接地驳斥这种诽谤，不过，在贝来图斯由有关的有趣的故事法术囤积在一个偶像的Menuthis发现在埃及和路由巫师和，既利用了塞维鲁了这些朋友中处于领先的一部分，胜利撒迦利亚问他们是否会与团成员塞维鲁他不是他们同意在异教巫术和仇恨。 Zacharias continued to influence him, by his own account, and induced him to devote the free time which the students had at their disposal on Saturday afternoons and Sundays to the study of the Fathers.撒迦利亚继续影响他，由他自己的帐户，并促使他投入自由时间，学生曾在星期日及处置，周六下午到父亲的研究。Other students joined the pious company of which an ascetic student named Evagrius became leader, and every evening they prayed together in the Church of the Resurrection.其他学生加入了虔诚的公司，其中一名叫Evagrius苦行学生成为领导者，每天晚上，他们一起在祈祷复活的教会。 Severus was persuaded to be baptized.塞维鲁被说服接受洗礼。Zacharias refused to be his godfather, for he declared that he did not communicate with the bishops of Phoenicia, so Evagrius stood sponsor, and Severus was baptized in the church of the martyr, Leontius, at Tripolis. After his baptism Severus renounced the use of baths and betook himself to fasting and vigils.撒迦利亚拒绝被他的教父，因为他宣称，他没有沟通与腓尼基主教，所以Evagrius站在赞助商，并于特里波利斯塞维鲁在教堂受洗的烈士，Leontius。洗礼后，他放弃了使用塞维鲁浴室和betook自己空腹和守夜。 Two of his companions departed to become monks under Peter the Iberian.他的两个同伴离开成为伊比利亚僧侣根据彼得的。When the news of the death of that famous monk (488) arrived, Zacharias and several others entered his monastery of Beith-Aphthonia, at the native place of Zacharias, the port of Gaza (known also as Maïuma), where Peter had been bishop.当和尚的消息说著名的死亡（488）抵达，撒迦利亚和其他几个人进入，对本土撒迦利亚在他的寺院，Aphthonia的贝斯的）加沙港口（如众所周知的，也Maïuma，彼得一直在主教。 Zacharias did not persevere, but returned to the practice of the law.撒迦利亚没有坚持，而是回到了法律实践中。Severus intended to practise in his own country, but he first visited the shrine of St. Leontius of Tripolis, the head of St. John Baptist at Emea, and then the holy places of Jerusalem, with the result that he joined Evagrius who was already a monk at Maïuma, the great austerities there did not suffice for Severus, and he preferred the life of a solitary in the desert of Eleutheropolis.塞维鲁为了实践自己的国家，但他首先参观了特里波利斯圣地圣Leontius，圣约翰浸信会在EMEA的头，然后在耶路撒冷的神圣的地方，结果，他已经加入Evagrius谁1 Maïuma和尚在，伟大的苦行有没有足够的塞维鲁，他倾向于Eleutheropolis生活的孤独的沙漠中。Having reduced himself to great weakness he was obliged to pass some time in the monastery founded by Romanus, after which he returned to the laura of the port of Gaza, in which was the convent of Peter the Iberian.经减少自己巨大的弱点，他不得不通过一些罗曼努斯时间创立的修道院，之后，他回到加沙劳拉的港口，这是彼得在修道院的伊比利亚。 Here he spent what his charities had left of his patrimony in building a monastery for the ascetics who wished to live under his direction.他在这里度过了他的慈善什么遗产留下了他的寺院建设的方向，他的修行谁希望生活在。 His quiet was rudely disturbed by Nephalius, a former leader of the Acephali, who was said to have once had 30,000 monks ready to march on Alexandria when, at the end of 482, Peter Mongus accepted the Henoticon and became patriarch.他的安静被粗暴地有不安Nephalius说，一名前领导人的Acephali，谁是曾经准备30,000僧侣游行时，亚历山德里亚，在482年底，彼得蒙古斯接受Henoticon，成为元老。 Later on Nephalius joined the more moderate Monophysites, and finally the Catholics, accepting the council of Chalcedon.后来Nephalius加入了较温和的基督一性，最后是天主教徒，接受卡尔西理事会。About 507-8 he came to Maïuma, preached against Severus, and obtained the expulsion of the monks from their convents.关于507-8他来到Maïuma，塞维鲁鼓吹反对，并获得驱逐出自己的修道院的僧侣。Severus betook himself to Constantinople with 200 monks, and remained there three years, influencing the Emperor Anastasius as far as he could in the support of the Henoticon, against the Catholics on the one hand and the irreconcilable Acephali on the other.塞维鲁betook自己君士坦丁堡200和尚，在那里停留三年，影响皇帝阿纳斯塔修斯，据他可以在Henoticon支持，对天主教徒一方面和不可调和的Acephali为另一方。 He was spoken of as successor to the Patriarch Macedonius who died in August 511.他说，作为继任者的主教Macedonius 8月死于谁511。The new patriarch, Timotheus, entered into the views of Severus, who returned to his cloister.新的元老，提摩太，回廊进入塞维鲁的意见，谁归还他。In the following year he was consecrated Patriarch of Antioch, 6 November 512, in succession to Flavian, who was banished by the emperor to Arabia for the half-heartedness of his concessions to Monophysitism. Elias of Jerusalem refused to recognized Severus as Patriarch, and many other bishops were equally hostile.次年，他被祝圣，宗主教安提512 11月6日，在继承弗拉维安，谁被流放到沙特的皇帝为半让步，他诚心向基督一。耶路撒冷埃利亚斯的拒绝承认塞维鲁为祖师，并其他许多主教同样敌意。 However, at Constantinople and Alexandria he was supported, and Elias was deposed.然而，在君士坦丁堡和亚历山大，他的支持，埃利亚斯被废黜。Severus exercised a most active episcopacy, living still like a monk, having destroyed the baths in his palace, and having dismissed the cooks.塞维鲁行使最活跃的主教，生活仍然像一个和尚后，销毁了他的宫殿的浴池，并有被解雇的厨师。He was deposed in September, 518, on the accession of Justin, as a preparation for reunion with the West.被废黜，他在9月，518，在贾斯汀的加入，作为一个西方的编制与团聚。He fled to Alexandria.他逃到亚历山大。
In the reign of Justinian the patronage accorded to the Monophysites by Theodora raised their hopes.在西奥多拉查士丁尼统治的乘客量由该monophysites提出给予他们的希望。Severus went to Constantinople where he fraternized with the ascetical Patriarch Anthimus, who had already exchanged friendly letters with him and with Theodosius of Alexandria.塞维鲁去君士坦丁堡在亚历山大友好地与他的ascetical主教Anthimus，谁已经狄奥多西友好交换的信件，和他一起。 The latter was deposed for heresy by Pope Agapetus on his arrival in Constantinople in 536.后者被废黜抵达君士坦丁堡在536个异端阿加佩图斯由教皇对他的。His successor Mennas held a great council of sixty-nine bishops in the same year after the pope;s departure in the presence of the papal legates, solemnly heard the case of Anthimus and reiterated his deposition.他的继任者Mennas同年举行的60个主教在一个伟大的理事会后，教皇，教皇在离开的legates存在的，庄严地听到Anthimus案件，并重申他的沉积。 Mennas knew Justinian's mind as was determined to be orthodox: "We, as you know", said he to the council, "follow and obey the Apostolic See, and those with whom it communicates we have in our communion, and those whom it condemns, we condemn." Mennas知道查士丁尼安心，被确定为正统的：“我们，你知道”，说他向安理会提出，“遵循和服从圣座，和那些与他们沟通，我们有我们的共融，和那些谁谴责我们谴责。“ The Easterns were consequently emboldened to present petitions against Severus and Peter of Apamea.因此在东方的人大胆提出阿帕米亚请愿反对塞维鲁和彼得。It is from these documents that we have our main knowledge of Severus from the point of view of his orthodox opponents.正是从这些文件，我们认为我们的正统的对手，他的主要知识点的塞维鲁从。One petition is from seven bishops of Syria Secunda, two others are from ninety-seven monasteries of Palestine and Syria Secunda to the emperor and to the council.请愿塞康达是一个从叙利亚7主教的，另外两个是从97塞康达寺院巴勒斯坦和叙利亚的皇帝和安理会。Former petitions of 518 were recited.518前请愿背诵。The charges are somewhat vague (or the facts are supposed known) of murders, imprisonments, and chains, as well as of heresy.这些指控是有点模糊（或理应知道的事实是监禁）的谋杀，以及连锁店，以及异端。Mennas pronounced the condemnation of these heretics for contemning the succession from the Apostles in the Apostolic See, for setting at nought the patriarchal see of the royal city and its council, the Apostolic succession from our Lord in the holy places (Jerusalem), and the sentence of the whole Diocese of Oriens. Mennas宣判见谴责这些使徒使徒在异教徒从该contemning的继承，对安理会定于化为乌有，而且该计划的皇家宗法看到城市，我们的主从使徒在耶路撒冷继承）圣地（和一句的Oriens整个教区。 Severus retired to Egypt once more and to his eremitical life.塞维鲁退休埃及再次和他eremitical生活。He died, 8 February, 538, refusing to take a bath even to save his life, though he was persuaded to allow himself to be bathed with his clothes on.他死了，2月8日，538，拒绝洗澡，甚至挽救他的生命，虽然他被说服，让自己被沐浴在他的衣服。Wonders are said to have followed his death, and miracles to have been worked by his relics.奇迹据说已跟随他的死亡，以及能够创造奇迹，文物工作一直由他的。He has always been venerated by the Jacobite Church as one of its principal doctors.他一直崇敬的詹姆士派教会作为其主要的医生之一。
His literary output was enormous.他的文学输出是巨大的。A long catalogue of works is given by Assemani.一个长期的工程目录是给予Assemani。Only a few fragments survive in the original Greek, but a great quantity exists in Syriac translations, some of which has been printed.只有少数片段生存在原来的希腊，但大量存在于叙利亚文翻译，其中一些已被打印出来。 The early works against Nephalius are lost.对Nephalius早期作品都将丢失。A dialogue, "Philalethes", against the supporters of the Council of Chalcedon was composed during the first stay of Severus at Constantinople, 509-11.相声“Philalethes”，反对卡尔西的支持者会的组成时，509-11第一逗留塞维鲁在君士坦丁堡。It was a reply to an orthodox collection of 250 extracts from the works of St. Cyril.这是一个250摘录圣西里尔工程答辩收集到一个正统。An answer seems to have been written by John the Grammarian of Caesarea, and Severus retorted with an "Apology for Philalethes" (remains of the attack and retort in Cod. Vat. Syr. 140 and Cod. Venet. Marc. 165).答案似乎已经撒利亚书面约翰的文法，并Philalethes为塞维鲁反驳“道歉与一”（仍然是攻击和鳕鱼蒸煮英寸增值税。锡尔河。140和鳕鱼。展品包括。马克。165）。 A work "Contra Joannem Grammaticum" which had a great success, and seems to have long been regarded by the Monophysites as a triumph, was probably written in exile after 519.一个工作“魂斗罗Joannem Grammaticum”，这有一个伟大的成功，似乎早已被视为一个胜利的基督一性，可能是流亡国外后写的519。Severus was not an original theologian. He had studied the Cappadocians and he depended much on the Apollinarian forgeries; but in the main he follows St. Cyril in every point without conscious variation.塞维鲁不是原来的神学家。他曾研究迦帕多家三教父，他非常依赖伪造的Apollinarian，但在他的主要变化如下自觉圣西里尔在每一点没有。
A controversy with Sergius the Grammarian, who went too far in his zeal for the "One Nature", and whom Severus consequently styles a Eutychian, is preserved in manuscript Addit.阿“之争与谢尔盖的语法学家，谁在他走得太远热情的”一个自然，与谁塞维鲁添加剂的风格一Eutychian因此，在保留的手稿。 17154.17154。This polemic enabled Severus to define more precisely the Monophysite position, and to guard himself against the exaggerations which were liable to result from the habit of restricting theology to attacks on Chalcedon.这争论使塞维鲁更准确的定义的基督一位置，以防范卡尔西本人对其中的夸张而可能产生的习惯，限制攻击神学。In his Egyptian exile Severus was occupied with his controversy with Julian of Halicarnassus.在埃及的流亡塞维鲁被占领了他的哈利卡那苏斯争议与朱利安。We also hear of works on the two natures "against Felicissimus", and "Against the Codicils of Alexander".我们还听到工程对两个性质Felicissimus“反对”和“反对亚历山大的执行人。”Like all Monophysites his theology is limited to the controversial questions.像所有的基督一性说他的神学仅限于有争议的问题。 Beyond these he has no outlook.除了这些，他已经没有前景。Of the numerous sermons of Severus, those which he preached at Antioch are quoted as "Homilae cathedrales".对cathedrales“的无数说教塞维鲁，那些鼓吹他的”安提阿是引述Homilae。They have come down to us in two Syriac translations; one was probably made by Paul, Bishop of Callinicus, at the beginning of the sixth century, the other by Jacob Barandai, was completed in 701.他们来，我们在两个叙利亚文译本，一个很可能是由保罗，主教加利尼，在本世纪初的第六位，其他的Barandai由雅各，是701年完工。 Those which have been printed are of astonishing eloquence.至于那些已印有惊人的口才。A diatribe against he Hippodrome may be especially noted, for it is very modern in its denunciation of the cruelty to the horses which was involved in the chariot races.阿他抨击反对赛马场可能会特别注意到它，是非常残酷的现代谴责在其对本场比赛马匹战车参与了。A fine exhortation to frequent communion is in the same sermon.阿细经常告诫共融在同一讲道。The letters of Severus were collected in twenty-three books, and numbered no less than 3759.塞维鲁这些信件的收集在2003年的书，比人数不低于3759。The sixth book is extant.第六本书是现存的。It contains theological letters besides many proofs of the varied activities of the patriarch in his episcopal functions.它包含的功能神学主教在信中的元老，除了许多活动证明了多种多样的。He also composed hymns for the people of Antioch, since he perceived that they were fond of singing.他还组成安提阿赞美诗人的，因为他认为，他们喜欢唱歌。His correspondence with Anthimus of Constantinople is found in "Hist. Misc.", IX, xxi-xxii.他的书信与Anthimus君士坦丁堡发现在“历史。杂项。”第九，21 - 22。
Julian, Bishop of Halicarnassus, joined with Severus in the intrigue by which Macedonius was deposed from the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 511.朱利安，哈利卡那苏斯主教，511君士坦丁堡一起与塞维鲁的阴谋由被废黜的Macedonius从东正教的。He was exiled on the accession of Justin in 518, and retired to the monastery of Enaton, nine miles from Alexandria.他被流放的518在加入了贾斯汀，和退休的Enaton寺院的，由亚历山大9英里。He was already of advanced age.他已经年事已高。Here he wrote a work "Against the Diphysites" in which he spoke incorrectly according to Severus, who nevertheless did not reply.在这里，他写了不答复工作“反对Diphysites”中，他根据塞维鲁发言不当，但没有谁。But Julian himself commenced a correspondence with him (it is preserved in the Syriac translation made in 528 by Paul of Callinicus, and also partially in the "Hist. Misc.", IX, x-xiv) in which he begged his opinion on the question of the incorruptibility of the Body of Christ.但是，他开始了自己朱利安与对应（它是由保罗加利尼保留叙利亚的翻译在528，也有部分的“历史。杂项。”，九，十至十四），其中他就恳求他的意见廉洁问题上的基督的身体。 Severus replied, enclosing an opinion which is lost, and in answer to a second letter from Julian wrote a long epistle which Julian considered to be wanting in respect, especially as he had been obliged to wait for it for a year and a month.塞维鲁回答说，内附认为这是一个损失，并在回答第二个字母从朱利安写了一篇长的书信的朱利安认为是希望在尊重，尤其是他不得不等待这一年和一个月。 Parties were formed.缔约方组成。The Julianists upheld the incorruptibility of the Body of Christ, meaning that Christ was not naturally subject to the ordinary wants of hunger, thirst, weariness, etc., nor to pain, but that He assumed them of His free will for our sakes.该Julianists坚持廉洁的基督的身体，即基督不是自然受一般要等饥饿，干渴，疲劳，也不是疼痛，但他以为他的缘故，他们为我们的自由意志。 They admitted that He is "consubstantial with us", against Eutyches, yet they were accused by the Severians of Eutychianism, Manichaeism, and Docetism, and were nicknamed Phantasiasts, Aphthartodocetae, or Incorrupticolae.他们承认，他是“我们同质同”，反对欧迪奇，但他们幻影说指责和Severians的Eutychianism，摩尼教，并绰号Phantasiasts，Aphthartodocetae，或Incorrupticolae。 They retorted by calling the Severians Phthartolotrae (Corrupticolae), or Ktistolatrae, for Severus taught that our Lord's Body was "corruptible" by its own nature; that was scarcely consistent, as it can only be of itself "corruptible" when considered apart from the union, and the Monophysites refused to consider the Human Nature of Christ apart from the union.他们反驳致电Severians Phthartolotrae（Corrupticolae），或Ktistolatrae塞维鲁，为教导我们的主的身体是“坏的”按自己的性质，这是几乎一致的，因为它只能是自己“腐朽”时认为，除了联盟和该monophysites拒绝考虑从基督除了工会人性。 Justinian, who in his old age turned more than ever to the desire of conciliating the Monophysites (in spite of his failure to please them by condemning the "three chapters"), was probably led to favour Julian because he was the opponent of Severus, who was universally regarded as the great foe of orthodoxy.查士丁尼，谁在他的晚年比以往任何时候都更加的“愿望”三个章节调解了该monophysites（尽管在谴责他没有请他们按），很可能是导致朱赞成，因为他是塞维鲁的对手，谁被普遍看作是正统的伟大敌人。 The emperor issued in edict in 565 making the "incorruptibility" an obligatory doctrine, in spite of the fact that Julian had been anathematized by a council of Constantinople in 536, at which date he had probably been dead for some years.强制性学说在皇帝诏书发出565把“廉洁”的，尽管一些多年来的事实已经朱利安诅咒会由君士坦丁堡在536，在该日，他可能已经死了。
A commentary by Julian on the Book of Job, in a Latin version, was printed in an old Paris edition of Origen (ed. Genebrardus, 1574).阿约伯记评论由朱利安的版本，在拉丁美洲，是印在一版的老巴黎奥利（编辑Genebrardus，1574）。A manuscript of the original Greek is mentioned by Mai.希腊手稿原提到的麦。It is largely quoted in the catena on Job of Nicetas of Heraclea.这主要是引述了赫刺克勒斯连锁对Nicetas工作的。The great work of Julian against Severus seems to be lost. Ten anathematisms remain.反对塞维鲁伟大的工作朱利安似乎丢失。10 anathematisms依然存在。Of his commentaries, one on Matthew is cited by Moses Barkepha (PG, CXI, 551).他的评论，马修1所列举的是摩西Barkepha公司（PG，CXI号，第551页）。It is to be hoped that some of Julian's works will be recovered in Syriac or Coptic translations.这是希望工程的一些朱利安的恢复将在叙利亚文翻译或科普特。An anti-Julianist catena in the British Museum (manuscript Addit. 12155) makes mention of Julian's writings.一个博物馆（手稿添加剂的反Julianist系列在英国。12155）使著作提到朱利安的。We hear of a treatise by him, "Against the Eutychianists and Manichaens", which shows that Julian, like his great opponent Severus, had to be on his guard against extravagant Monophysites.我们听到了他的论文，“反对Eutychianists和Manichaens”，这表明朱利安，像他的伟大的对手塞维鲁，不得不对他的警惕奢侈的基督一性。 Part of the treatise which Peter of Callinicus, Patriarch of Antioch (578-591), wrote against the Damianists is extant in Syriac manuscripts (See Assemani's and Wright's catalogues). The writers of the Tritheist sect next demand our attention. Damianists部分论文578-591的彼得大主教加利尼，安提（）的，说反对的是）现存在叙利亚文手稿（见Assemani的和赖特的目录。我们关注的作家节的Tritheist未来的需求。 The chief among them John Philoponus, of Caesarea, was Patriarch of the Tritheists at Alexandria at the beginning of the sixth century, and was the principal writer of his party.其中最主要的约翰菲洛波努斯约翰撒利亚，对，是Tritheists在亚历山大的主教在本世纪初的第六位，是他的党的主要作家。 He was a grammarian, a philosopher, and an astronomer as well as a theologian.他是一个语法学家，哲学家，一个天文学家以及神学家。 His principal theological work, Diaitetes e peri henoseos, in ten books, is lost.他的主要神学工作，Diaitetes é围henoseos，在10书籍，都将丢失。It dealt with the Christological and Trinitarian controversies of his age, and fragments of it are found in Leontius (De sectis, Oct. 5) in St. John Damascene (De haer., I, 101-107, ed. Le Quien) and in Niceph.它涉及争议的三位一体的基督和他的年龄，它是Leontius片段的发现（德sectis，10月5哈尔）在圣约翰大马士革（德。，我，101-107，编辑。乐Quien）和在Niceph。 Call., XCIII (see Mansi, XI, 301).呼叫。，XCIII（见曼西，十一，301）。A complete Syriac translation is in Brit.一个完整的叙利亚文翻译是在英国人。Mus.亩。and Vat. manuscripts.和增值税。手稿。Another lost theological work, peri anastaseos, described the writer's theory of a creation of new bodies at the general resurrection; it is mentioned by Photius (cod. 21-23), by Timotheus Presbyter and Nicephorus.另一个失去的神学工作，近郊anastaseos，描述了一个新的创造复活机构一般在笔者的理论，它是21-23提到由photius（cod.），由提摩太长老和Nicephorus。 As a philosopher Philoponus was an Aristotelian, and a disciple of the Aristotelian commentator Ammonius, son of Hermeas.作为一个哲学家亚里士多德约翰菲洛波努斯是一个，一个Hermeas弟子亚里士多德评论员Ammonius的儿子。 His own commentaries on Aristotle were printed by Aldus at Venice (on "De generatione et interitu", 1527; "Analytica posteriora", 1534; "Analytica priora", 1536; "De nat. auscult.", I-IV, and "De anima", 1535; "Meteorologica", I, 1551; "Metaphysica", 1583).评论亚里士多德印制了由他自己在威尼斯奥尔德斯（关于“德generatione等interitu”，1527年，“生化分析posteriora”，1534年，“生化分析priora”，1536年，“德的NAT。auscult。”第一至第四，而“德灵气“，1535，”Meteorologica“，我，1551年，”周易“，1583）。 He also wrote much against the Epicheiremata of Proclus, the last great Neoplatonist: eighteen books on the eternity of the world (Venice, 1535), composed in 529, and peri kosmopoitas (printed by Corderius, Vienna, 1630, and in Gallandi, XII; new ed. by Reichert, 1897), on the Hexaemeron, in which he follows St. Basil and other Fathers, and shows a vast knowledge of all the literature and science accessible in his day.他还写道，更反对普罗克洛的Epicheiremata最后伟大柏拉图：18书籍世界永恒的（威尼斯，1535），529组成的，和周围kosmopoitas（1630印刷Corderius，维也纳，并在Gallandi，第十二章，新的1897年版。按赖克特），在Hexaemeron，他在如下圣巴索和其他父亲，显示了一种巨大的知识，把他所有的文学和科学知识。 The latter work is dedicated to a certain Sergius, who may perhaps be identified with Sergius the Grammarian, the Eutychianizing correspondent of Severus.后者的工作是致力于在一定谢尔盖，谁可能是塞维鲁确定了谢尔盖的语法学家，通讯员Eutychianizing。 The work was possibly written as early as 517 (for 617 in the editions is evidently a clerical error).这项工作很可能是写早在517 617（在版本显然是一项文书错误）。A "Computatio de Pascha", printed after this work, argues that the Last Supper was on the 13th of Nizan, and was not a real passover.一个“计算中的德复活节”，这后打印工作，论证，最后的晚餐尼赞是在第13，而不是一个真正的逾越节。 A lost theological work (entitled tmemata is summarized by Michael the Syrian (Chronicle, II, 69). A book against the Council of Chalcedon is mentioned by Photius (cod. 55). A work "Contra Andream" is preserved in a Syriac manuscript. Another work "Against the Acephali" exists in manuscript, and may be the work Philoponus is known to have written in controversy with Severus. In grammar his master was Romanus, and his extant writings on the subject are based upon the katholike of Herodian (tonika paraggelmata, ed. Dindorf, 1825; peri ton diaphoros tonoumenon, ed. Egenolff, 1880).失去的神学工作（题为tmemata是）总结迈克尔叙利亚（纪事，二，69。卡尔西书违背了安理会（提及由photius cod. 55）。一项工作“魂斗罗Andream”的手稿保存在一个叙利亚。另一个Acephali“工作”的存在对手稿，可能是工作约翰菲洛波努斯是已知有塞维鲁书面争议。在他的主人是罗曼努斯语法，关于这个问题，他现存的著作赫迪安依据的katholike（托尼卡paraggelmata，教育署。丁多夫，1825;近郊吨diaphoros tonoumenon，编辑。Egenolff，1880年）。
This sixth century Monophysite is to be distinguished from an earlier grammarian, also called Philoponus, who flourished under Augustus and Tiberius. Of his life little is known.这六世纪基督一性，是有别于早期语法学家，也称为约翰菲洛波努斯，谁提庇留在奥古斯都和已知的蓬勃发展。少是他的生命。 On account of his Tritheistic opinions he was summoned to Constantinople by Justinian, but he excused himself on account of his age and infirmity.关于他的意见占Tritheistic他被传唤到君士坦丁堡的查士丁尼，但他辩解自己和体弱占他的年龄。He addressed to the emperor a treatise "De divisione, differentia, et numero", which seems to be the same as a treatise spoken of as "De differentia quae manere creditur in Christo post unionem"; but it is lost. He addressed an essay on Tritheism to Athanasius Monachus, and was condemned on this account at Alexandria.他给皇帝的论文“德divisione，差异化，等numero”，这似乎是“同一克里斯托后作为一个发言的论文作为manere creditur”德差异化quae unionem，但它会丢失。他谈到一篇文章关于Tritheism到亚他那修秃鹫，并在此帐户谴责亚历山大。 At a disputation held by the emperor's order before the Patriarch of Constantinople John Scholasticus, Conon, and Eugenius represented the Tritheists; John condemned Philoponus, and the emperor issued an edict against the sect (Photius, cod. 24).在皇帝和叶夫根尼举行的一个争论的命令，在君士坦丁堡牧首约翰Scholasticus，科农代表Tritheists;约翰谴责约翰菲洛波努斯，皇帝发布了一项法令，反对邪教（Photius，鳕鱼。24）。 In 568 Philoponus was still alive, for he published a pamphlet against John, which Photius describes with great severity (cod. 75).在568约翰菲洛波努斯还活着，为他出版了75本小册子对约翰，这cod. Photius描述了极严重的一种（）。The style of Philoponus, he says, is always clear, but without dignity, and his argumentation is puerile.约翰菲洛波努斯风格的，他说，总是清晰的，但没有尊严，他的论证是极为愚蠢的。(For the theological views of the sect, see TRITHEISTS).（有关该教派的神学观点，见TRITHEISTS）。
Conon, Bishop of Tarsus, though a Tritheist and, with Eugenius, a supporter of John Philoponus before the emperor, disagreed with that writer about the equality of the three Persons of the Holy Trinity (see TRITHEISTS), and together with Eugenius and Themistius wrote a book, kata Ioannou, against his views on the Resurrection.科农，塔尔苏斯主教，虽然是Tritheist，并与叶夫根尼，一个皇帝的支持者约翰约翰菲洛波努斯之前，圣三一不同意该作家的约3人在平等的（见TRITHEISTS），连同叶夫根尼和Themistius说一书，卡塔约安努，反对复活了自己的意见。 Eugenius is called a Cilician bishop by John of Ephesus, but Bar Habraeus makes him Bishop of Selucia in Isauria (see TRITHEISTS). Themistius, surnamed Calonymus, was a deacon of Alexandria, who separated from his patriarch, Timothy IV (517-535), and founded the sect of Agnoetae.叶夫根尼被称为以弗所奇里乞亚由约翰主教，但酒吧Habraeus使他Selucia主教在Isauria（见TRITHEISTS）。Themistius姓Calonymus，是517-535执事的亚历山德里亚，（谁脱离他的元老，蒂莫西四） ，并创办了Agnoetae节。He wrote against Severus a book called "Apology for the late Theophobius", to which a Severian monk named Theodore replied; the answer of Themistus was again refuted by Theodore in three books (Photius, cod. 108).他说对塞维鲁“一书末所谓的”道歉的Theophobius到一名塞韦里安和尚名叫西奥多回答，回答的Themistus西奥多再次驳斥了三个图书（Photius，鳕鱼。108）。 Other works of Themistius are referred to by St. Maximus Confessor, and some fragments are cited in Mansi, X, 981 and 1117.其他工程的Themistius被称为圣鲆忏悔，并列举一些片断是1117年在曼西，第十，第981和。Stephen Gobarus the Tritheist is known only by the elaborate analysis of his book given by Photius (cod. 232); it was a "Sic et Non" like that of Abelard, giving authorities for a proposition and then for the contrary opinion.斯蒂芬Gobarus已知的Tritheist只能由cod. 232精心Photius（通过分析他的书给出），它是一个“骰等非”像阿贝拉尔认为，当局给予一个主张和意见然后相反。At the end was were some remarks on curious views of a number of Fathers.在结束了对父亲是一个数字上发表上述讲话的一些好奇的意见。 It was evidently, as Photius remarks, a performance of more labour than usefulness.这是很明显，作为Photius言论，一个有用的性能比更多的劳动。
HISTORY历史
We now turn to the historians.我们现在的历史学家。Zacharias of Gaza, brother of Procopius of Gaza, the rhetorician, Zacharias Scholasticus, Zacharias the Rhetorician, Zacharias of Mitylene, are all apparently the same person (so Kugener's latest view, Kruger, and Brooks).撒迦利亚的加沙地带，在兄弟米蒂伦娜的普罗科匹厄斯的加沙，修辞学家，撒迦利亚Scholasticus，撒迦利亚在撒迦利亚修辞学家，都明显的是同一人（所以Kugener的最新观点，克鲁格和布鲁克斯）。 Of his early life we have a vivid picture in his memoirs of Severus, with whom he studied at Alexandria and at Berytus.他早期的生活中，我们有一个生动的塞维鲁照片在他的回忆录，与他贝来图斯曾在亚历山大和。His home was at the port of Iberian.他的家是在伊比利亚半岛的港口。To the latter he was greatly devoted, and believed that Peter had prophesied his unfitness for the monastic life.对于后者，他感到十分投入，并认为彼得预言他的修道生活不适宜的。He in fact did not become a monk, when his friends Evagrius, Severus, and others did so, but practised law at Constantinople, and reached eminence in his profession.他其实并没有成为和尚，当他的朋友Evagrius，塞维鲁等这样做，但从事法律在君士坦丁堡，并达成了隆起在他的职业。 Of his writings, a dialogue "that the world did not exist from eternity" was probably composed in youth while he lived at Berytus.他的著作，一对话“，世界没有永恒的存在，”可能是在青年组成的，而他住在贝来图斯。His "Ecclesiastical History" is extant only in a Syriac epitome which forms four books (III-VI) of the "Historia Miscellanea". It begins with a short account from a Monophysite point of view of he Council of Chalcedon, and continues the history, mainly of Palestine and Alexandria, until the death of Zeno (491).他的“教会史”是现存唯一的一个缩影叙利亚构成四书（三，六）“史记杂记”。它从一个短期的chalcedon，他会考虑从A点基督一性的观点，并继续历史，主要是巴勒斯坦和亚历山大，直到芝诺死亡（491）。 From the same history is derived a curious statistical description of Rome in "Hist. Misc.", X, xvi.从相同的历史，是派生的描述“历史的罗马一个奇怪的统计。杂项。”十，十六。The very interesting life of Severus carries the author's recollections up to the accession of his hero to the See of Antioch in 512.塞维鲁的生活非常有趣携带撰文回忆到他的英雄加入到安提阿见512。It was written subsequently to the history, as the cubicularius Eupraxius, to whom that work was dedicated, was already dead.后来有人写的历史，作为cubicularius Eupraxius，谁没有工作敬业，已经死亡。His recollections of Peter the Iberian and of Theodore, Bishop of Antinoe, are lost, but his biography of Isaias, an Egyptian ascetic, is preserved in Syriac.彼得他回忆伊比利亚和西奥多，Antinoe主教，都将丢失，但他的苦行传记伊萨亚斯，埃及，叙利亚是保存了下来。 A disputation against the Manichæans, published by Cardinal Pitra in Greek, was probably written after the edict of Justinian against the Manichæans in 527.希腊争论中枢机皮特拉，对摩尼教徒发表的，可能是书面的法令后，查士丁尼的摩尼教派反对在527。He seems to have been still a layman.他似乎已经仍然是一个门外汉。Up to the time he wrote the life of Severus he was a follower of the Henoticon; this was the easy course under Zeno and Anastasius.最多的时候，他说他生活的塞维鲁是Henoticon追随者的，这是相对容易的球场和阿纳斯塔修斯根据芝诺。 It would seem that he found it paid to revert to orthodoxy under Justin and Justinian, for he was present as Bishop of Mitylene at the Council of Mennas at Constantinople in 536, where he was one of the three metropolitans who were sent to summon Anthimus to appear.看来，他发现它支付恢复和查士丁尼以正统下贝贝，因为他的身份出席米蒂伦娜主教在Mennas在安理会君士坦丁堡在536，他在那里Anthimus是一个召唤三个大都市谁被送往出现。 His name does not appear in the incomplete printed list of subscriptions to that patriarch's deposition, but Labbe testifies that it is found in some manuscripts (Mansi, VIII, 975); it is absent from the condemnation of Severus in a later session.他的名字没有出现在名单不完整的印刷订阅该元老的沉积，但拉贝证明，它是）发现在一些手稿（曼西，八，975，它是缺席塞维鲁谴责在以后的会议。 Zacharias was dead before the ecumenical council of 553.撒迦利亚死之前，553大公会议。
An important historical work in anecdotal form in the "Plerophoria" of John of Maïuma, composed about 515; it contains stories of Monophysite worthies up to date, especially of Peter the Iberian, whose life was also written by Zacharias, but is now lost.一个重要的历史著作中撒迦利亚轶事形式组成的“Plerophoria”的，Maïuma约翰约515;故事它包含了书面基督一贤人迄今为止，特别是彼得的伊比利亚，他们也生活，但现在已经丢失。 A later life of Peter has been printed, which contains curious information about the Iberian princes from whom the Monophysite bishop descended.彼得以后的生活已经印制，其中包含的信息主教下降好奇伊比利亚王子从他们的基督一性。The life of the ascetic Isaias by Zacharias accompanies it.由撒迦利亚的苦行生活伊萨亚斯随之而来。
The interesting "Historia Miscellanea", often referred to as Pseudo-Zacharias, was composed in Syriac in twelve books by an unknown author who seems to have lived at Amida.有趣的“史记杂记”，通常被称为伪撒迦利亚，在阿弥陀组成12个书籍在叙利亚由一位不知名的作家，似乎谁住有。Though the work was completed in 569, he seems to have used part of the history of John of Ephesus, which was finished only in 571.虽然工作完成569，他似乎已经使用，部分以弗所的历史约翰是571只完成了研究。Certain parts were written earlier (or are borrowed from older writers), VII, xv before 523; X, xii in 545; XII, vii in 555; XII, iv in 561.刚才写的某些部分（或作家借用以上），十五前523，十，十二大第十二545;，七，十二中555，561第四，第七。The first book contains a quantity of legendary matter form Greek sources which are still extant; a few words are added on the Syriac doctors Isaac and Dodo.第一本书包含表单数量传奇现存的问题仍然是希腊的来源，一个医生说几句话是对叙利亚以撒和渡渡鸟。Book II has the story of the Seven Sleepers.第二册有枕木故事七。History begins in II, ii, with an account of Eutyches, and the letter of Proclus to the Armenians follows.史始于二占欧迪奇，二一，与及普罗克洛信向亚美尼亚如下。The next four books are an epitome of the lost work of Zacharias Rhetor.接下来的四本书是修辞缩影撒迦利亚失去工作。The seventh book continues the story from the accession of Anastasius (491), and together with general ecclesiastical history it combines some interesting details of wars with the Persians in Mesopotamia.第七本书继续在美索不达米亚的故事加入从阿纳斯塔修斯（491），连同一般教会历史波斯人它结合了一些有趣的细节与战争。
A curious chapter gives the Prologue of Moro, or Mara, Bishop of Amida (a Syriac writer whose works appear to have been lost), to his edition of the four Gospels in Greek, to which the writers appends as a curiosity the pericope of the woman taken in adultery (John 8) which Moro had inserted in the 89th canon; "it is not founded in other manuscripts" Book VIII, iii, gives the letter of Simeon of Beit-Arsham on the martyrs of Yemen, perhaps an apocryphal document.一位好奇的章节给出了丢失的摩洛序幕，或马拉的，主教阿弥陀（1叙利亚作家的作品似乎已经），而他的版本四福音中的希腊，以该作家的好奇心作为追加的pericope通奸的女子采取（约翰8），其中有佳能摩洛插在第89，“这不是建立在其他手稿”书第八，三，赋予- Arsham也门烈士的信拜特哈西缅，或许是杜撰的文件。Book XI is lost, with most of X and XII.第十一丢失图书，以X和第十二大部分。Some of X has been restored by Brooks from the "Chronicle" of Michael the Syrian (died 1199). X部分已恢复1199）由布鲁克斯从“纪事”迈克尔叙利亚（死亡。It is necessary to mention the "Chronicle of Edessa", from 495 to 506, which is embedded in the "chronicle" attributed to Joshua the Stylite (who seems to have been a Catholic); this latter is included in the second book of the "Chronicle" attributed to the Patriarch of Antioch, Dionysius of Tell-Mahre, a compilation which has a fourth book (from the end of the sixth century to 775) which is an original work by the compiler, who was in reality a monk of Zonkenin (north of Amida), possibly Joshua the Stylite himself.要提到的edessa“通鉴”495，从到506，这是嵌入于“纪事”由于约书亚Stylite（谁似乎一直是天主教），这本书后者是第二部分包括在“通鉴”归因于775宗主教安提到，狄奥尼修斯的告诉-马赫尔，其中有一个汇编第四书（从六世纪结束），这是一个和尚的原创作品是由编译器，谁在现实Zonkenin（北阿弥陀），可能约书亚Stylite自己。
Some small chronicles of the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries have been published as "Chronica minora" in the "Corpus Script. Or."有些小编年史的第六，第七，第八，第九和世纪出版了剧本“Chronica阴唇语料库”中的“。或者。”Of later histories, those of Bar Hebraeus (died 1286) must be noted.后来的历史，（那些酒吧Hebraeus死于1286年）必须引起注意。His "Chronicon Syriacum" is an abridgment of Michael with a continuation; the "Chronicon ecclesiasticum" contains the ecclesiastical history first of Western Syria and then of Eastern Syria, with lives of the patriarchs of Antioch, of the Jacobite missionary bishops (called maphrians) and of the Nestorian patriarchs.他的“Chronicon Syriacum”是一个延续删节迈克尔用;的“Chronicon ecclesiasticum”教会史载第一个西方叙利亚和叙利亚当时的东区，生活与安提阿的maphrians的元老，在詹姆斯（称为传教士主教）和景教元老。 The "Chronicle" of Elias of Nisibis to 1008 is important because it mentions its sources, but it is very defective in the early period through the loss of some pages of the manuscript.在“纪事”的尼西比斯埃利亚斯向1008很重要，因为它提到其来源，但它是非常时期缺陷在早期通过手稿遗失了一些网页。 Masil the Cilician and John of Ægea are counted as Monophysite writers by Ehrhard (in Krumbacher, p. 53), but Photius clearly makes them out Nestorians (cod. 41, 55, 107), and it is by a slip that he conjectures Basil to be the author of a work against Nestorius. Masil的奇里乞亚和Ægea约翰是计算在Ehrhard基督一作家（在克伦巴赫尔，第53页），但显然让他们出去Photius景教（cod. 41，55，107），它是由巴西尔滑，他猜想是聂斯脱里的一对作品的作者。
Syriac Writers叙利亚作家
Of the Syriac Monophysite writers none is more important than Philoxenus, otherwise Xenaias, who was Bishop of Mabug (Hierapolis) from 485.在叙利亚作家没有一个是基督一比Philoxenus更重要，否则Xenaias，谁是485 Mabug（希拉波利斯）由主教。 For his life and the version of Scripture which was made by his order, see PHILOXENUS.对于他的生活和，他的圣经版本是由为了见PHILOXENUS。His dogmatic writings alone concern us here.教条式的著作，他独自在这里我们关注。His letter to the Emperor Zeno, published by Vaschalde (1902) is of 485, the date of his episcopal consecration and of his acceptance of the Henoticon.他写信给皇帝芝诺，Vaschalde出版（1902）485是，在他的主教祝圣日期和他Henoticon接受的。 His treatises on the Incarnation date perhaps before 500; to the same period belong two short works, "A Confession of Faith" and "Against Every Nestorian".他的论文就可能化身日期前500;在同一时期属于两个短的作品“，一种信仰的自白”和“反对一切景教”。He wrote also on the Trinity.他说还三位一体。A letter to Marco, lector of Anazarbus, is attributed to 515-518.甲马信，Anazarbus讲师的，是由于515-518。After he had been exiled by Justin to Philippolis in Thrace in 518, he attacked the orthodox patriarch, Paul of Antioch, in a letter to the monks of Teleda, and wrote another letter of which fragments are found in manuscript Addit.之后他一直流亡在色雷斯由Justin在518到菲利普波利斯，他在信中攻击的僧侣Teleda正统，元老安提，保罗，又写一封信添加剂的片段在其中发现的手稿。 14533, in which he argues that it is sometimes wise to admit baptisms and ordinations by heretics for the sake of peace; the question of sacramental validity does not seem to have occurred to him.14533，其中他认为这是明智的承认，有时为了和平的洗礼和祝为异端;圣事的有效性的问题似乎并没有发生他。Fragments of his commentaries on the Gospel are found in manuscripts Thirteen homilies on religious life have been published by Budge.福音碎片对他的评论是在生活中发现的手稿宗教颂歌的13个已公布的财政预算案的。They scarcely touch upon dogma.他们几乎没有触及的教条。Of his three liturgies two are given by Renaudot.他的三个礼仪两个给予勒诺多。Out of the great mass of his works in manuscript at Rome, Paris, Oxford, Cambridge, London, only a fraction has been published.在罗马进行的伟大的群众在他的著作手稿，巴黎，牛津，剑桥，伦敦，只有一小部分已经出版。He was an eager controversialist, a scholar, and an accomplished writer.他是一个渴望controversialist，一个学者，一个成功的作家。His Syriac style is much admired.叙利亚是他的风格非常赞赏。His sect had no more energetic leader until Jacob Baradaeus himself.他的教派领袖也没有更多的精力充沛，直到雅各布baradaeus自己。 He was president of the synod which elevated Severus to the See of Antioch, and he had been the chief agent in the extrusion of Flavian.他是安提阿主教会议的主席，以提升塞维鲁的看见，他一直是弗拉维安总代理挤压的。He was an energetic foe of Catholicism, and his works stand next in importance to those of Severus as witnesses to the tenets of their party.他是一个精力充沛的天主教敌人，他的作品站在塞维鲁未来的重要性向那些为党的证人的原则。 He was exiled by Justin in 519 to Philippolis and then to Gangra, where he died of suffocation by smoke in the room in which he was confined.他被流放由Justin在519至菲利普波利斯，然后冈格拉，在那里他死于窒息的密闭房间内吸烟，是他在其中。
James of Sarugh(451-521) became periodeutes, or visitor, of Haura in that district about 505, and bishop of its capital, Batnan, in 519. Sarugh詹姆斯（451-521）成为periodeutes，或访客豪拉，在该地区大约505，而且其资本主教，Batnan在519。Nearly all his numerous writings are metrical.几乎所有他的许多著作都是韵律。We are told that seventy amanuenses were employed to copy his 760 metrical homilies, which are in Wright's opinion more readable than those of Ephraem or Isaac of Antioch.我们被告知，70 amanuenses模仿他被聘用到760格律颂歌，这是在安提阿赖特认为更比以撒可读或Ephraem。A good many have been published at various times.一个好许多已发表在不同的时间。In the Vatican are 233 in manuscripts, in London 140, in Paris, 100.在梵蒂冈的手稿是233，140在伦敦，巴黎，100。They are much cited in the Syriac Liturgy, and a liturgy and baptismal rite are ascribed to him.他们中提到的许多礼仪叙利亚，以及礼仪和洗礼仪式是归因于他。Numerous letters of his are extant in Brit. Mus., manuscripts Addit.无数的信件，他是英国人现存英寸亩。，添加剂的手稿。14587 and 17163. 14587和17163。Though his feast is kept by Maronites and even by some Nestorians, there is no doubt that he accepted the Henoticon, and was afterwards in relation with the leading Monophysites, rejecting the Council of Chalcedon to the end of his life.虽然他的盛宴，是由马龙派教徒保持，甚至一些景教，毫无疑问，他接受了Henoticon，并在事后的关系与领先的基督一性，拒绝了安理会的卡尔西的生命结束了。 Stephen bar Soudaili was an Edessene Monophysite who fell into Pantheism and Origenism.斯蒂芬酒吧Soudaili是谁Origenism基督一Edessene陷入泛神论和。He was attacked by Philoxenus and James of Sarugh, and retired to Jerusalem.他曾遭到了Philoxenus和James Sarugh，和退休耶路撒冷。The confession of faith of John of Tella (483-538; bishop, 519-521) is extant, and so is his commentary on the Trisagion, and his canons for the clergy and replies to the questions of the priest Sergius - all in manuscripts in the British Museum.在特拉招供的信仰的约翰（483-538;主教，519-521）是现存的，所以是他Trisagion评注，他的大炮和神职人员的神父谢尔盖和答复的问题-所有的手稿在大英博物馆。 The great James Baradaeus, the eponymous hero of the Jacobites, who supplied bishops and clergy for the Monophysites when they were definitively divided from the Eastern Catholics in 543, wrote but little; a liturgy, a few letters, a sermon, and a confession of faith are extant.伟大的詹姆斯Baradaeus，在543同名英雄的詹姆斯党，东部天主教徒谁提供的主教和神职人员从为被该monophysites时明确划分，但很少说，一个礼仪，几个字母，讲道，和忏悔的信仰是现存。 Of Syriac translators it is not necessary to speak, nor is there need to treat of the Monophysite scientist Sergius of Reschaina, the writer on philosophy, Ahoudemmeh, and many others.叙利亚语翻译的，没有必要说话，也没有需要治疗的谢尔盖的Reschaina基督一科学家，作家的Ahoudemmeh哲学，等等。
John of Ephesus, called also John of Asia, was a Syrian of Amida, where he became a deacon in 529.以弗所约翰，也称为亚洲的约翰，是一个529叙利亚阿弥陀，在那里他成为一个执事。On account of the persecution of his sect he departed, and was made administrator of the temporal affairs of the Monophysites in Constantinople by Justinian, who sent him in the following year as a missionary bishop to the pagans of Asia Minor.他对离开户口的迫害他的教派，并提出在君士坦丁堡查士丁尼事务由该monophysites管理员的时间，谁送他以下未成年人一年的传教主教向亚洲异教徒。 He relates of himself that he converted 60,000, and had 96 churches built.他叙述了自己，他皈依60,000，并已建成96个教堂。 He returned to the capital in 546, to destroy idol worship there also.他在返回首都546，摧毁偶像崇拜也有。But on the death of Justinian he suffered a continual persecution, which he described in his "History", as an excuse for its confusion and repetitions.但在死亡查士丁尼他遭受他的“历史”，作为和借口为一个不断重复的混乱中受迫害，他形容。What remains of that work is of great value as a contemporary record.什么工作仍然是一个伟大的纪录当代价值。The style is florid and full of Greek expressions.是华丽的风格和希腊充分表达。The lives of blessed Easterns were put together by John about 565-566, and have been published by Land.东方的祝福的人的生命放在一起由约翰约565-566，并已出版的土地。They include great men like Severus, Baradæus Theodosius, etc. (For an account of these works and for bibliography see JOHN OF EPHESUS.)它们包括狄奥多西等（如需到这些作品伟人Baradæus像塞维鲁，和参考书目见以弗所约翰。）
George, bishop of the Arabians (b. about 640; d. 724) was one of the chief writers of the Assyrian Jacobites.乔治，詹姆斯党主教阿拉伯人（生于约640，四724）亚述人是在一个作家的首领。He was a personal follower of James of Edessa, whose poem on the Hexameron he completed after the death of James in 708.他是在708个人詹姆斯詹姆斯的edessa追随者，他的诗对Hexameron死亡后，他完成了。In this work he teaches the Apocatastasis, or restoration of all things, including the destruction of hell, which so many Greek Fathers learned from Origen.在这项工作中，他教Apocatastasis，或从希腊教父学渊源恢复所有的东西很多，包括破坏地狱的话，哪个。 George was born in the Tehouma in the Diocese of Antioch, and was ordained bishop of the wandering Arabs in November, 686; his see was at Akoula. He was a man of considerable learning.乔治是出生在Tehouma在安提阿教区，主教和被祝圣的流浪686阿拉伯人在11月，他当时看到Akoula。他是一个学习的人相当。 His translation, with introduction and commentary, of part of the "Organon" of Aristotle ("Catagories", "De Interpretatione", and "Prior Analytics") is extant (Brit. Mus., manuscript Addit. 14659), as is the collection he made of scholia on St. Gregory of Nazianzus, and an explanation of the three Sacraments (Baptism, Holy Communion, and consecration of chrism, following Pseudo-Dionysius).他的翻译，介绍和评论与分析，在此之前部分的“欧加农”的亚里士多德（“类别”，“德解释篇”和“”）是现存的（Brit.亩。，添加剂的手稿。14659），这也是他收集的scholia圣托马Nazianzus格雷戈里，和修斯解释三个圣礼（洗礼，圣餐，奉献和痛苦中，下面的伪）。 His letters of 714 till 718 are extant in the same manuscript as this last work (Brit. Mus., manuscript Addit. 12154).直到718他的信是现存在714亩的Brit.相同手稿，因为这最后的工作（。，添加剂的手稿。12154）。They deal with many things; astronomical, exegetical, liturgical questions, explanations of Greek proverbs and fables, dogma and polemics, and contain historical matter about Aphraates and Gregory the Illuminator.他们处理很多事情，天文，训诂，礼仪问题，争论的解释希腊谚语和寓言，教条和，以及控制照明灯的历史问题，关于Aphraates和格雷戈里。 His poems included one in dodecasyllables on the unpromising subject of the calculations of movable feasts and the correction of the solar and lunar cycles, another on the monastic life, and two on the consecration of the holy chrism.他的诗包括一个主题的算盘了调整的动产盛宴月球和太阳和生命周期，又在寺院中dodecasyllables对前景不乐观的，并从痛苦中两个神圣的奉献的。 His works are important for our knowledge of Syriac Church and literature.他的作品是文学的重要的和我们的知识叙利亚教会。 His reading was vast, including the chief Greek Fathers, with whom he classes Severus and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite; he knows the Pseudo-Clementines and Josephus, and of Syriac writers he knows Bardesanes, Aphraates, and St. Ephraem.他的理解是巨大的，包括行政希腊的父亲，同他的类塞维鲁和伪狄奥尼修斯的Areopagite，他知道伪橘和约瑟夫，与叙利亚的作家，他知道Bardesanes，Aphraates和圣Ephraem。 His correspondence is addressed to literary monks of his sect.他的信件是写给他的文学节的僧侣。The canons attributed to George in the "Nomocanon" of Bar Hebraeus are apparently extracts from his writings reduced to the form of canons.该炮由于乔治在“Nomocanon”的酒吧Hebraeus显然从他的著作中提取大炮减少到窗体的。
James of Edessa (about 633-708) was the chief Syriac writer of his time, and the last that need be mentioned here.）詹姆斯的edessa（约633-708是叙利亚的主要作家，他的时间，最后，需要在此提及。 His works are sufficiently described in a separate article.他的作品充分说明在一个单独的文章。The Syriac literature of the Monophysites, however, continued throughout the middle ages.在该monophysites叙利亚文学，但是，年龄持续整个中东。Their Coptic, Arabic, and Armenian literature is large, but cannot be treated in an article like the present one.他们的科普特文，阿拉伯文，亚美尼亚和文学是很大，但不能是对待目前的一篇文章像。
ORTHODOXY正统派
Were the Monophysites really heretics or were they only schismatics?被该monophysites异端，还是他们真的只是schismatics与罗马？This question was answered in the affirmative by Assemani, more recently by the Oriental scholar Nau, and last of all by Lebon, who has devoted an important work, full of evidence from unpublished sources, to the establishment of this thesis.回答这个问题是在最近由Assemani肯定，更由瑙东方学者，最后来源，全部由莱，谁花了一个重要的证据的工作，充分未发表的论文中建立的。 It is urged that the Monophysites taught that there is but one Nature of Christ, mia physis, because they identify the words physis and hypostasis.这是敦促该monophysites教导，即只有一个自然的基督，米娅physis之，因为他们认同的话自然与hypostasis。 But in just the same way the Nestorians have lately been justified.但是，在用同样的方法的nestorians，最近是合理的。A simple scheme will make the matter plain:一个简单的计划，使问题简单：
Nestorians: One person, two hypostases, two natures.景教：一人两hypostases，两个性质。
Catholics: One person, one hypostasis, two natures.天主教徒：一个人，一个本质，特性，两种性质。
Monophysites: One person, one hypostasis, one nature.基督一性说：一个人，一个本质，特性，一个性质。
It is urged by Bethune-Baker that Nestorius and his friends took the word hypostasis in the sense of nature, and by Lebon that the Monophysites took nature in the sense of hypostasis, so that both parties really intended the Catholic doctrine.这是敦促由白求恩-贝克说nestorius和他的朋友自然的感觉了一句话hypostasis的，由莱认为该monophysites了hypostasis自然的意识，使双方真正意图天主教教义。 There is a prima facie argument against both these pleas. Granted that for centuries controversialists full of odium theologicum might misunderstand one another and fight about words while agreeing as to the underlying doctrines, yet it remains that the words person, hypostasis, nature (prosopon, hypostasis, physis) had received in the second half of the fourth century a perfectly definite meaning, as to which the whole Church was at one. All agreed that in the Holy Trinity there is one Nature (physia or physis) having three Hypostases of Persons.有这两个请求参数对表面。就算数百年controversialists theologicum充满了憎恨可能彼此误解和文字争吵虽然同意以基础理论，但它仍然是人的话，本质，特性，性质（prosopon，本质，特性，physis之）已收到了一定的意义下半年的第四个世纪一个完美的，至于其中之一是在整个教会。大家一致认为，在圣三一有一个自然（或physia physis之）有3人Hypostases的。If in Christology the Nestorians used hypostasis and the Monophysites physis in a new sense, not only does it follow that their use of words was singularly inconsistent and inexcusable, but (what is far more important) that they can have had no difficulty in seeing what was the true meaning of Catholic councils, popes, and theologians, who consistently used the words in one and the same sense with regard both to the Trinity and the Incarnation.如果基督的nestorians physis之用在一个新的意义hypostasis和基督一性，它不仅遵循其词的使用是奇不一致的和不可原谅的，但（这是什么更为重要），他们没有看到有什么困难是的，教皇的真正含义天主教会和神学家，谁坚持使用一个字和与化身同样的意义上，关于既要三位一体。 There would be every excuse for Catholics if they misunderstood such a strange "derangement of epitaphs" on the part of the schismatics, but the schismatics must have easily grasped the Catholic position.每一个天主教徒将有借口，因为如果他们误解墓志“关于对部分schismatics与罗马这样一个奇怪的”错乱，但必须具有容易掌握schismatics与罗马天主教会的立场。 As a fact the Antiochene party had no difficulty in coming to terms with St. Leo; they understood him well enough, and declared that they had always meant what he meant.作为一个事实的安提阿学派党没有在未来的圣利奥困难妥协的，他们了解他不够好，并宣布他们一向意味着他的意思。How far this was a fact must be discussed under NESTORIANISM.，这到底是事实，必须根据景教讨论。But the Monophysites always withstood the Catholic doctrine, declaring it to be Nestorian, or half Nestorian, and that it divided Christ into two.但该monophysites始终经受住了天主教教义，宣称它是景教，或半景教，并把它分为两个基督。
Lebon urges that Severus himself more than once explains that there is a difference in the use of words in "theology" (doctrine of the Trinity) and in "the economy" (Incarnation): "admittedly hypostasis and ousia or physis are not the same in theology; however, in the economy they are the same" (PG, LXXXVI, 1921), and he alleges the example of Gregory of Nazianzus to show that in a new mystery the terms must take new significations.莱促请塞维鲁自己不止一次解释说，有一physis之差异或使用文字的“神学”（教义三位一体）和“经济”（化身）：“诚然hypostasis和ousia是不一样在神学，但是，在经济它们是相同的“公司（PG，捌拾陆，1921年），他声称的Nazianzus的格雷戈里的例子表明，在一个新的神秘的条款必须采取新的意蕴。 But surely these very passages make it evident that Severus distinguished between physis and hypostasis. Putting aside the Trinity and the Incarnation, every physis is a hypostasis, and every hypostasis is a physis -- in this statement all Catholics and Monophysites agree.但我肯定这些通道非常明显，使塞维鲁hypostasis自然与区分。撇开三位一体的化身，每一个自然的生成是一个本质，特性，是每hypostasis physis之基督一-在本次发言，并同意所有天主教徒。But this means that the denotation of the words is the same, not that there is no difference of connotation.但是，这意味着词的外延是相同的，而不是没有内涵的差异。Physis is an abstraction, and cannot exist except as a concrete, that is to say, as a hypostasis.自然的生成是一个抽象的，不能存在，除非是作为具体的，即本质，特性，为。But "admittedly" in the Trinity the denotation as well as the connotation of the words is diverse, it is still true that each of the three Hypostases is identified with the Divine Nature (that is, each Person is God); but if each Hypostasis is therefore still a physis (the one physis) yet the physis is not one by three Hypostases.但是，“固然”的三位一体的外延和内涵的词是不同的，它仍然是事实Hypostases每三是标识与神性（即，每个人是神），但如果每个Hypostasis因此，仍然是一个physis之（一physis之）但自然的生成是一个由三个不Hypostases。 The words retain their old sense (connotation) yet have received a new sense in a new relation.保留旧的话语意义（内涵）尚未收到了新的关系的新观念研究。It is obvious that this is the phenomenon to which Severus referred.很明显，这是塞维鲁提到的现象。Catholics would add that in the Incarnation conversely two natures are one hypostasis.天主教会增加，在两个性质相反的化身是一个hypostasis。Thus the meanings of physis (abstract=ousia) and hypostasis (subsistent physis, physis hyphestosa or enhypostatos) in the Holy Trinity were a common possession; and all agreed further that in the created universe there cannot exist a nature which does not subsist, there is no such thing as a physis anhypostatos.因此，physis之意蕴（摘要= ousia）和hypostasis（温饱physis之，physis之hyphestosa或enhypostatos三位一体）在圣地是一个共同拥有，而所有同意进一步，在创造宇宙就不可能存在的性质不存在，但是有没有这样的事情physis之anhypostatos作为。
But Catholics hold the Human Nature of Christ considered in itself to be anhypostatos, but that the second Person of the Holy Trinity is its hypostasis.但是天主教徒举行基督人性本身考虑是anhypostatos，但圣灵三位一体的第二人称是其hypostasis。 As the infinity of the Divine Nature is capable of a threefold subsistence, so the infinity of the Hypostasis of the Word is able to be the Hypostasis of the Human Nature assumed as well as of the Divine.由于大自然无限的神圣是生活能力的三倍，所以改为了无限的Hypostasis的是能够被人性论Hypostasis的假设，以及神圣的。 The union in Christ is not a union of two natures directly with one another, but a union of the two in one hypostasis; thus they are distinct yet inseparable, and each acts in communion with the other.基督联盟是不是另一个工会的性质直接与二分之一，但hypostasis联盟中的两个之一，因此，他们是不同而不可分割的，和其他交流与每个行为研究。
The Nestorians argued thus: There are, according to the Fathers, two natures in Christ; but since every nature is a hypostasis, the Human Nature in Christ is a hypostasis.这样的nestorians说：有，根据父亲，两个性质在基督里，但因为各种性质是本质，特性，在基督的人性是hypostasis。 In order to make one Christ, they tried (in vain) to explain how two hypostases could be united in one person (prosopon).为了使一个基督，他们试图（白）解释如何可以prosopon两个hypostases团结在一个人（）。 They did not mean to divide Christ, but their prosopic union leaked at every seam; it was difficult to express it or argue about it without falling into heresy.他们并不意味着分裂基督，但他们的prosopic工会在每个煤层泄漏，它是很难表达出来，或落入异端争辩没有它。 The Antiochenes were glad to drop such inadequate formulae, for it was certain that "person" in the Holy Trinity was only another name for "hypostasis".该Antiochenes高兴地下降等不足的公式，因为它确信“人三位一体”的神圣只是一个“名称”hypostasis。 The Cyrillians were shocked, and could not be induced to believe (though St. Cyril himself did) that the Nestorianizers did not really mean two Christs, two Sons.该Cyrillians感到震惊，并不能诱导相信（尽管他自己没有圣西里尔）表示，Nestorianizers并不真正意味着两个基督，两个儿子。
Conversely, starting from the same proposition that every physis is a hypostasis, the Monophysites argued that a Christ is one Person, one Hypostasis, so He is one Nature, and they preferred "is one nature" to the equivalent "has one nature".相反，hypostasis起价相同的命题，每一个自然的生成是一个，该monophysites争辩说，基督是一个人，一个本质，特性，所以他是一个自然，和他们喜欢的“，是一个自然”到相当于“有一个性质”。 They alleged high authority for their formula, not only St. Cyril, but behind him St. Athanasius, Pope St. Julius, and St. Gregory the Wonderworker.他们声称他们的计算公式为高权威，不仅圣济利禄，但他身后的圣亚他那修，教皇朱利叶圣和圣格雷戈里的神奇露。 These authorities, however, were but Apollinarian forgeries; the favourite formula of St. Cyril, the mia physis sesarkomene, had been borrowed unwitting from an Apollinarian source, and had been meant by its original inventor in a heretical sense.这些当局，但是，他们却Apollinarian伪造的;的sesarkomene，最喜欢的公式圣济利禄，该协会已借用不知情的physis之从Apollinarian源，并已感意味着原来由一邪教发明研究。 Nay, the "one nature" went back to the Arians, and had been used by Eudoxius himself to express the incompleteness of the Human Nature of Christ.不仅如此，“一性”回到了白羊座，并已Eudoxius利用自己来表达基督不完善自然人类。
Yet the Monophysites were far from being Apollinarians, still less were they Arians; they were careful from the beginning that Christ is perfect Man, and that He assumed a complete Human Nature like ours.然而，该monophysites远未Apollinarians，更是他们白羊座，他们非常谨慎，从一开始，基督是完美的人，而且他的人性假设像我们这样一个完整的。 Dioscurus is emphatic on this point in his letter to Secundinus (Hist. Misc., III, i) and with need, since he had acquitted Eutyches who had denied our Lord's "consubstantiality with us". Ælurus is just as clear in the letters by which he refuted and excommunicated Isaias of Hermopolis and Theophilus as "Eutychians" (hist. Misc., IV, xii), and Severus had an acute controversy with Sergius the Grammarian on this very point. They al declared with one voice that Christ is mia physis, but ek duo physeon, that His Divine Nature is combined with a complete Human Nature in one hypostasis, and hence the two have become together the One Nature of that one hypostasis, howbeit without mixture or confusion or diminution. Dioscurus有力，这一点是在他信Secundinus（Hist.杂项。，三，i）和必要性，无罪释放以来，他已同体Ælurus欧迪奇谁与我们“。否认我们的主的”明确的是同样的信件中所他驳斥和驱逐杂Eutychians“（hist.伊萨亚斯的荷莫波里斯和西奥菲勒斯为”。，四，十二），并有一个非常塞维鲁点激烈的争论与此谢尔盖的文法上。话音一人宣布，他们与基督是米娅physis之，但两人physeon克朗，他的神性，是一个完整的结合在一个人性本质，特性，因而成为了两个共同的一个自然的一个本质，特性，缩减土人没有混合物或混淆或。 Ælurus insists that after union the properties of each nature remain unchanged; but they spoke of "the divine and human things", divina et humana, not natures; each nature remains in its natural state with its own characteristics (en idioteti te kata physin) yet not as a unity but as a part, a quality (poiotes physike), nor as a physis. Ælurus坚持工会的性质后，每个属性不变，但他们天性谈到“神和人的东西”，迪维纳等Humana公司，而不是，每个自然状态仍处于自然有自己的特性（ZH idioteti德卡塔physin）但不是作为一个整体，而是一个部分，一个质量（poiotes physike），也不是physis之。 All the qualities of the two natures are combined into one hypostasis synthetos and form the one nature of that one hypostasis.所有的性质本色两者合并成一hypostasis synthetos，形成自然的，一个一个hypostasis。 So far there is no heresy in intention, but only a wrong definition: that one hypostasis can have only one nature.到目前为止，没有打算在异端，但只有一个错误的定义：即一hypostasis只能有一个性质。
But however harmless the formula "one nature" might look at first sight, it led in fact immediately to serious and disastrous consequences.但是，无论无害公式“一性”看起来可能会一见钟情，它在事实上立即严重的灾难性后果。The Divine Nature of the Word is not merely specifically but numerically one with the Divine Nature of the Son and the Holy Ghost.该字神性的不只是一个具体数值，但与神性的圣灵的儿子和。This is the meaning of the word homoousios applied to the Three Persons, and if Harnack were right in supposing that at the Council of Constantinople in 384 the word was taken to imply only three Persons of one species, then that Council accepted three Gods, and not three distinct but inseparable Persons in one God.这是这个词的含义的homoousios应用到三个人，如果哈纳克是正确的假设和安理会在君士坦丁堡384字被送往意味着只有3个人的一个物种，那会接受三神，但不是三个不同的人在一个不可分割的上帝。 Now if the Divine and Human Natures are united in the Word into one Nature, it is impossible to avoid one of two conclusions, either that the whole Divine Nature became man and suffered and died, or else that each of the three Persons had a Divine Nature of His own.现在，如果神和人的天性是Word团结成一个性质，它是一个无法避免的两个结论，要么是整个神成为人与自然遭受死亡，否则，任何人士每三个有一个神圣的他自己的性质。 In fact the Monophysites split upon this question.事实上该monophysites分裂后，这一问题。Ælurus and Severus seem to have avoided the difficulty, but it was not long before those who refused the latter alternative were taunted with the necessity of embracing the former, and were nicknamed Theopaschites, as making God to suffer. Ælurus和塞维鲁似乎已经避免了困难，但它不是谁的替代前不久拒绝了后者与前者嘲弄的必要性拥抱，并绰号Theopaschites，为使神受害。 Vehemently Severus and his school declared that they made the Divinity to suffer not as God, but only as man; but this was insufficient as a reply.强烈塞维鲁和他的学校宣布，他们遭受的神不是上帝，但只是作为男人，但这是不够的一个答复。Their formula was not "The Word made flesh", "the Son of God made man", but "one Nature of the Word made flesh";-the Nature became flesh, that is the whole Divine Nature.他们的公式是不是“字了肉”，“上帝的儿子造人”，而是“一个Word的性质作出肉”，自然成了肉身，这是整个神性。 They did not reply: "we mean hypostasis when we say nature, we do not mean the Divine Nature (which the Word has in common with the Father and the Holy Ghost) but His Divine Person, which in the present case we call His physis", for the physis tou Theou Logou, before the word sesarkomene has been added, is in the sphere of "theology" not of "the economy", and its signification could not be doubted.他们并没有回答：“我们的意思hypostasis当我们说的性质，我们不意味着神性（这字幽灵在共同与父亲和圣灵），但他的神人，这在目前情况下，我们呼吁他的physis之“洛古，为physis之头Theou，sesarkomene一词之前增加了，在”领域的“神学经济”不是“的，其意义可能是毋庸置疑的。
Just as there were many "Eutychians" among the Monophysites who denied that Christ is consubstantial with us, so there were found many to embrace boldly the paradox that the Divine Nature has become incarnate.正如有许多“Eutychians我们”之间该monophysites谁否认基督是同质的，所以被发现有很多大胆的拥抱体现矛盾的神性已经成为。 Peter Fullo added to the praise of the Trinity the words "who was crucified for us", and refused to allow the natural inference to be explained away.彼得Fullo添加到三位一体的赞美的话：“谁被钉在十字架上为我们”，并拒绝让自然的推论被解释。Stephen Niobes and the Niobites expressly denied all distinction between the Human and the Divine Natures after the union.斯蒂芬Niobes和Niobites明确否认人权和工会的神圣性质后，所有的区别。The Actistetae declared that the Human Nature became "uncreated" by the union.该Actistetae宣布人性变成了“非受造联盟”的。 If the greatest theologians of the sect, Severus and Philoxenus, avoided these excesses, it was by a refusal to be logically Monophysite. It was not only the orthodox who were scandalized by these extreme views.如果该教派最大的神学家，塞维鲁和Philoxenus，避免了这些暴行，它是由一个在逻辑上拒绝基督一性。它不仅是正统谁是这些极端反感的意见。 An influential and very learned section of the schism rebelled, and chose the second of the two alternatives - that of making the Divine Nature threefold, in order to ensure that the Human Nature in Christ was made one with the Nature of the Son alone and not with the whole Divine Nature.据悉第一个有影响力的分裂和非常反叛，并选择了第二种选择两-三倍是使神性，以确保在基督的人性写了不带有与自然的儿子独自与整个神性。 John Philoponus, the Aristotelian commentator, therefore taught that there are in the Trinity three partial substances (merikai ousiai) and one common substance (mia koine), thus falling into Polytheism, with three, or rather four gods.约翰约翰菲洛波努斯，亚里士多德的评论员，因此教导说，有在三一三部分物质（merikai ousiai）和一个共同的物质（米娅koine）多神教，因此下跌四成，有3个，或者说神。This Tritheistic party was treated with leniency.这是党Tritheistic从宽处理。It split into sections.它分成部分。Though they were excommunicated at Alexandria, the Patriarch Damian held a view not far different.虽然他们在亚历山大驱逐，牧首达米安举行了不远处的看法不同。He so distinguished between the Divine ousia and the three Hypostases which partake (metechousin) in it, that he conceded the ousia to be existent of Itself (enyparktos), and his followers were nicknamed Tetradatites.他这样杰出的追随者之间的神圣ousia和三个Hypostases的分享（metechousin）也说，他承认向enyparktos的ousia是存在的本身（），和他的绰号Tetradatites。 Thus Peter Fullo, the Actistetae, and the Niobites on the one hand, and the Tritheists and Damianists on the other, developed the Monophysite formulae in the only two possible directions.因此彼得Fullo的Actistetae，并一方面Niobites上，和Tritheists和Damianists另一方面，开发了两个可能的方向只有基督一公式。 It is obvious that formulae which involved such alternatives were heretical in fact as well as in origin.很明显，公式等替代品，涉及邪教的事实，以及在原籍。Severus tried to be orthodox, but at the expense of consistency.塞维鲁努力做到正统，但牺牲的一致性。His "corruptibilist" view is true enough, if the Human Nature is considered in the abstract apart from the union (see EUTYCHIANISM), but to consider it thus as an entity was certainly an admission of the Two Natures.他的“corruptibilist”观点虽没错，如果人类自然被认为是抽象的工会除了（见EUTYCHIANISM），但考虑它因此作为一个实体的当然是两个性质入场。 All change and suffering in Christ must be (as the Julianists and Justinian rightly saw) strictly voluntary, in so far as the union gives to the Sacred Humanity a right and claim to beatification and (in a sense) to deification.所有变化和基督苦难必须（视Julianists和查士丁尼正确锯）严格自愿远，在这样的工会给予人类的神圣权利，并声称在封圣和（在一定意义上），以神化。 But Severus was willing to divide the Natures not merely "before" the union (that is, logically previous to it) but even after the union "theoretically", and he went so far in his controversy with the orthodox John the Grammarian as to concede duo physeis en theoria.但塞维鲁愿意性质划分不只是“在”工会（即，以前它在逻辑上），但即使在工会“理论上”，他去的语法学家约翰至今在他的争议与正统的让步恩theoria两人physeis。 This was indeed an immense concession, but considering how much more orthodox were the intentions of Severus than his words, it is scarcely astonishing, for St. Cyril had conceded much more.这的确是一个巨大的让步，但考虑到如何更正统的是他的话，而不是意图的塞维鲁，它几乎是惊人的，因为圣西里尔已经承认等等。
But though Severus went so far as this, it is shown elsewhere (see EUTYCHIANISM, MAXIMUS CONFESSOR, and especially MONOTHELITISM) that he did not avoid the error of giving one activity to our Lord, one will, and one knowledge.但是，尽管塞维鲁竟然这一点，就显示在其他地方（见EUTYCHIANISM，大菱鲆忏悔，特别是MONOTHELITISM）他没有避免错误的主给予我们的一项活动，一会，一个知识。 It is true enough that he had no intention of admitting any incompleteness in the Humanity of Christ, and that he and all the Monophysites started merely from the proposition that all activity, all will, and intelligence proceed from the person, as ultimate principle, and on this ground alone they asserted the unity of each in Christ.这是真的，他没有足够的基督意图承认人性中的任何不完整的，他和所有的基督一开始只是从命题的所有活动，所有的意志和智慧的人的出发点，作为最终的原则，基于这个理由，他们声称单靠基督团结每英寸 But it was on this ground that Monothelitism was condemned. It was not supposed by the best Catholic theologians who attacked the doctrine that the Monophysites denied Christ to have exercised human activities, human acts of the will, human acts of cognition; the error was clearly recognized as lying in the failure to distinguish between the human or the mixed (theandric) activity of Christ as Man, and the purely Divine activity, will, knowledge, which the Son has in common with the Father and the Holy Spirit, and which are in fact the Divine Nature.但正是在这谴责理由是Monothelitism了。这不是基督应该由该monophysites否认天主教神学家谁最好攻击的理论，对已行使人类活动，将人类行为，人类的认知行为，显然是错误的确认为男子倒卧在没有区分人类或混合（theandric的）活动基督，而纯粹是神圣的活动，将知识，而儿子已在共同与父亲和圣灵，并其实神性。 In speaking of one activity, one will, one knowledge in Christ, Severus was reducing Monophysitism to pure heresy just as much as did the Niobites or the Tritheists whom he certainly held in horror; for he refused to distinguish between the human faculties of Christ-activity, will, intellect-and the Divine Nature itself.在活动上说一个人，一会，知识在一个基督，基督一塞维鲁是减少纯异端邪说一样多一样的Niobites或恐怖Tritheists人，他在肯定举行，因为他拒绝区分人类能力的基督活动，意志，智慧和神性本身。 This is no Apollinarianism, but is so like it that the distinction is theoretical rather than real.这不是亚波里拿留派，但如此喜欢，这种区别是理论上的，而不是真实的。It is the direct consequence of the use of Apollinarian formulae.这是Apollinarian公式直接后果的使用。St. Cyril did not go so far, and in this Monothelite error we may see the essence of the heresy of the Monophysites; for all fell into this snare, except the Tritheists, since it was the logical result of their mistaken point of view.圣西里尔没有走那么远，在这Monothelite错误我们可以看到该monophysites的本质是异端邪说，对所有属于这一圈套Tritheists，除，因为它是合乎逻辑的结果看他们的错误点。
Publication information Written by John Chapman.出版信息写由约翰查普曼。Transcribed by Michael T. Barrett.转录由迈克尔巴雷特。Dedicated to Fr. Michael Sprauer on his 25th anniversary of ordination The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume X. Published 1911.专用神父。迈克尔施普劳尔对他的配合25周年的天主教百科全书，体积十，1911年出版。New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat，1911年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort，性病，检查员。Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York认可。+约翰法利枢机主教，约克大主教新
Bibliography书目
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On TIMOTHY ÆLURUS see CRUM, Eusebius and Coptic Church Hist.评提摩太ÆLURUS见克拉姆，尤西比乌斯和科普特教会历史。in Proc.在进程内。of Soc.SoC的。of Bibl.对Bibl。Arch.拱桥。(London, 1902); TER-MEKERTTSCHIAN and TER-MINASSIANTZ, Tim.（伦敦，1902年）;的TER - MEKERTTSCHIAN和之三，MINASSIANTZ，蒂姆。AElurus' des Patriarchen von Alexandrien, Widerlegung der auf der Synode zu Chalcedon festgesetzten Lehre, Armenian text (Leipzig, 1908); LEBON, La Christologie de Tim. AElurus'德Patriarchen冯Alexandrien，Widerlegung明镜奥夫明镜Synode祖卡尔西festgesetzten莱勒，亚美尼亚文本（莱比锡，1908年）;莱，喇Christologie德添。 Ælure in Revue d'hist. Ælure在现代史和历史。ecc. ECC的。(Oct. 1908); IDEM, Le Monophysisme severien (Louvain, 1909), 93-111. （08年10月），同上，乐Monophysisme塞韦（鲁汶，1909），93-111。
For French tr.对于法国的文。of the letters of PETER FULLO se REVILLOUT in Revue des Questions Hist., XXII (1877), 83, and (in Coptic and French) AMELINEAU, Mon pour servir a l'hist.视界问题的信件彼得FULLO本身勒维尤在歌剧德。，22（1877年），83，和（在科普特和法文）阿姆利诺，周一倒服务报1 l'历史。de l'Egypte chret.德l' Egypte chret。(Paris, 18888); the Armenian text in ISMEREANZ, The book of Letters, Armenian only (Tiflis, 1901); the letters to Peter Mongus are in Mansi, VII, 1109 sqq.; in favour of their genuineness see PAGI's notes to BARONIUS, ad ann. （巴黎，18888）;在ISMEREANZ亚美尼亚文字，字母书，亚美尼亚只（第比利斯，1901年）;的蒙古斯信彼得时12 sqq在曼西，七，1109。;赞成看到其真实性在晨报的笔记巴若尼，广告安。485, No. 15; against, VALESIUS, Observ.485，第15条;反对，VALESIUS，变化的观察。eccles., 4 (in his edition of EVAGRIUS, Paris, 1673; PG, LXXXVI), and TILLEMONT, XVI.埃克尔斯。，4，（他在巴黎版EVAGRIUS，1673年，前列腺素，捌拾）和蒂耶蒙，十六。Greek fragments from the homilies of TIMOTHY IV in Cosmas Indicopleustes (PG, LXXXVII), an entire homily in MAI, Script.，脚本希腊一麦整个讲道讲道词中的碎片从霍震霆在科斯马斯indicopleustes四），公司（PG，第八十七号。 vet.兽医。nova coll., V (1831), and PG LXXXVI.新星科尔。，五（1831年），和PG捌拾。Fragments of THEODOSIUS in Cosmas (ibid.), and of letters to Severus in PG, LXXXVI; se also Mansi, X, 1117 and 1121.科斯马斯片段在狄奥多西（同上），PG的信件到塞维鲁，捌拾;本身也曼西，十，1117和1121。A letter from Theodosius to Severus and one to Anthimus in Hist.阿狄奥多西信到塞维鲁和一个组织胺到Anthimus。Misc., IX, 24, 26.杂项。，第九，24，26。
On SEVERUS see ASSEMANI; KRUGER in Realencycl.关于塞维鲁见ASSEMANI，在Realencycl克鲁格。 sv; VENABLES in Dict.希沃特;维纳布尔斯在快译通。Christ. Biog.; SPANUTH, Zacharias Rhetor, Das Leben des Severus (Syr. text, Gottingen, 1893); lives by ZACHARIAS and JOHN OF BEITH-APHTHONIA, followed by a collection of documents concerning Severus, edited by KUGENER in Patrol.基督。Biog。;施帕努特，撒迦利亚修辞，达斯Leben德塞维鲁（Syr.文本，哥廷根，1893年）;永生命的撒迦利亚和作者比斯- APHTHONIA，随后巡逻收集有关的文件编辑塞维鲁，由KUGENER。Orient., II; The Conflict of Severus, by ATHANASIUS, Ethiopic text with English transl., ed.东方。，二;塞维鲁冲突译，由亚他那修，衣索比亚英文文本。编。by GOODSPEED, together with Coptic fragments of the same work, edited by CRUM, in Patrol.由古德斯皮德，连同科普特片段同样的工作，克拉姆编辑的巡逻，研究。Orient., III; DUVAL, Homelies cathedrales de Severe, 52-7, Syriac and French, in Patr.东方。，三;杜瓦尔，Homelies cathedrales德强，52-7，叙利亚和法国，在Patr。Orient., II; BROOKS, Sixth book of select letters of Severus in the Syriac version of Athanasius of Nisibis (Text and Transl. Soc., London, 1904); EUSTRATIOS, Seuneos ho Monophysites (Leipzig, 1894); PEISKER, Severus von Antiochien, ein Kritischer Quellenbetrag zur Geschichte des Monophysismus (Halle, 1903); and especially LEBON, Le Monophysisme severien, largely founded on the study of unpublished Syriac MSS.东方。，二;小溪，第六届塞维鲁书的信中选择和叙利亚文字版译的尼西比斯的亚他那修（。片上系统。，伦敦，1904年）; EUSTRATIOS，Seuneos浩基督一性（莱比锡，1894年）;派斯克，塞维鲁冯Antiochien，艾因Kritischer Quellenbetrag祖尔历史馆万Monophysismus（哈雷，1903年）;，尤其是莱，乐Monophysisme塞韦，主要是建立在MSS的研究未发表的叙利亚。 in the Brit.在英国人。Mus.亩。(Louvain, 1909). （卢万，1909年）。
On JULIAN see FABRICIUS, CAVE, GIESELER, DORNER, HARNACK; also DAVIDS in Dict. Christ.作者：朱见法氏囊，洞穴，吉泽勒，多纳，哈纳克，在快译通也大卫。基督。Biog.Biog。(1882); KRUGER in Realencycl. （1882年），在Realencycl克鲁格。(1901); LIETZMANN, Catenen (Freiburg, 1897); IDEM, Aus Julian von Hal. （1901年）;利茨曼，Catenen（弗赖堡，1897年）;同上，澳元朱利安冯哈尔。in Rheinisch.在莱茵。Mus., LV (1900), 321. ON JOHN PHILOPONUS see CAVE, FABRICIUS, ASSEMANI, DORNER, etc.; SCHARFENBERG, Dissert.亩。，低压（1900），321。约翰约翰菲洛波努斯见洞，法氏囊，ASSEMANI，多纳等;沙芬贝格，金玉子。 de Joanne Philop.德乔安妮Philop。(Leipzig, 1768); DAVIDS in Dict. （莱比锡，1768年），在快译通大卫。Christ.基督。Biog.; NAUCK in Allgemeine Encycl.; STOCKL in Kirchenlex., sv Joannes Philoponus; GASS and MEYER in Realencyckl.; RITTER, Gesch.Biog。; Encycl瑙克的汇报。; Kirchenlex克尔英寸，希沃特乔安妮斯约翰菲洛波努斯;加斯和Realencyckl迈耶英寸;的73格希。der Philos., VI; KRUMBACHER, Gesch.德菲洛斯。，六;克伦巴赫尔，格希。der byz.德byz。Litt.利特。(2nd ed., 1897), 53 and 581, etc.; LUDWICH, De Joanne Philopono grammatico (Konigsberg, 1888-9). （第二版。，1897年），53和581等; LUDWICH，德乔安妮Philopono格拉马蒂科（科尼斯伯格，1888-9）。On ZACHARIAS see KUGENER, La compilation historique de Ps.-Zach.撒迦利亚见KUGENER，腊扎克汇编historique德诗篇。le rheteur in Revue de l'Orient Chret., V (1900), 201; IDEM, Observations sur la vie de l'ascete Isaie et sur les vies de Pierre l'Iv. et de Theodore d'Antinoe par Zach.乐Chret rheteur在音响杂志里特。，五（1900年），201;同上，观察河畔拉争夺德l' ascete伊萨耶等争夺河畔莱代皮埃尔l'四。西奥多德Antinoe等代杆扎克。le Schol.黎朔尔。in Byzant.在Byzant。Zeitschr., IX (1900), 464; in these articles KUGENER distinguishes the Rhetor from the Scholastic, whom he identifies with the bishop; but he has changed his mind acc. Zeitschr。，第九章（1900年），464，在这些文章KUGENER区分主教从学术的修辞，与他确定了，但他已经改变了主意行政协调会。 to KRUGER, Zach.对克鲁格，扎克。 Schol., in Realencycl.朔尔。在Realencycl。(1908).（1908年）。See also below under Historia Miscellanea. The Plerophoria of JOHN OF MAIUMA are preserved in an abridgement in the Chronicle of MICHAEL SYR.又见下文史记杂记。约翰的MAIUMA的Plerophoria保存在一个锡尔河删节在迈克尔纪事。A French translation by NAU, Les Plerophories de Jean, eveque de Maiouma in Revue de l'Orient chret.一个由南京农业大学的法文译本，莱斯Plerophories德让，chret泰韦克东方德Maiouma在音响杂志l'。 (1898-9, and separately, Paris, 1899).（1898-9，并分别，巴黎，1899年）。The life of PETER THE IBERIAN, RAABE, Petrus der Iberer (Leipzig, 1895); BROOKS, Vitae virorum apud Monophysitas celeberrimorum in Corp. Script.该）生活彼得伊比利亚，拉贝，佩特鲁斯明镜Iberer（莱比锡，1895年，布鲁克斯，简历virorum apud Monophysitas脚本celeberrimorum的公司。Orient., Script.东方。，脚本。 Syri, 3rd series, 25, including the life of Isaias, which is also in LAND, III (Paris, 1907); a Georgian version of the biography publ. Syri，第三系列，25，包括土地生活伊萨亚斯，这也是在，三（巴黎，1907年），一个传记publ格鲁吉亚的版本。by MARR (St. Petersburg, 1896); KUGENER in Byzant.按基准收益率（圣彼得堡，1896年）; Byzant KUGENER研究。Zeitschr., IX (Leipzig, 1900), 464; CHABOT, Pierre l'Iberien d'apres une recente publication in Revue de l'Orient latin, III (1895), 3.Zeitschr。，第九章（莱比锡，1900），464;塞波特，皮埃尔l' Iberien德新英格兰recente午后出版音响杂志里特拉丁，三（1895年），3。
The Historia Miscellanea of PSEUDO-ZACHARIAS was published by LAND, loc.该伪撒迦利亚史记杂记出版了土地，同上。cit., III, in Syriac; German tr.同前。，三叙利亚文，在;德国文。by AHRENS and KUGLER, Die sogennante Kirchengeschichte von Zach.由阿伦斯和库格勒，模具sogennante Kirchengeschichte冯扎克。Rh.铑。(Leipzig, 1899); HAMILTON and BROOKS, The Syriac chronicle known as that of Zach. （莱比锡，1899年）;汉密尔顿和布鲁克斯，叙利亚纪事扎克知道，因为那样做。of Mitylene (London, 1899, English only); See KUGENER, op.对米蒂伦娜（伦敦，1899年，仅英文），见KUGENER，同前。cit.同前。For MICHAEL THE SYRIAN, CHABOT, Chronique de Michel le Syrien (Paris, 1901-2, in progress).为迈克尔叙利亚，夏波，德纪事报Syrien米歇尔（巴黎，1901-2进展，）。THere is an abridged Latin translation of the Chronicle of JOSHUA in ASSEMANI, loc.有一节拉丁文翻译，约书亚纪事在ASSEMANI，同上。cit., I, 262-283; Syriac and French by MARTIN, Chronique de Josue le St. in Abhandlungen fur die kunde des Morgenlandes, VI (Leipzig, 1876), 1; in Syriac and English by WRIGHT, The Chronicle of J. the St. (Cambridge, 1882); Syriac and Latin (Chronicle of Edessa only) in Corpus Script.同前。，我，262-283;叙利亚和法国的马丁，纪事报德圣若苏埃在Abhandlungen毛皮死于库德德Morgenlandes，第六章（莱比锡，1876年），1，在叙利亚文和英语的赖特j的纪事圣（剑桥，1882年）;叙利亚和拉丁美洲（埃德萨纪事只）在语料库脚本。 Orient., Chronica minora (Paris, 1902); HALLIER, Untersuchungen uber die Edessenische Chreonik in Texte und Unters., IX (Leipzig, 1892), 1; NAU in Bulletin critique, 25 Jan., 1897; IDEM, Analyse des parties inedites de la chronique attribuee a Denys de Tell-mahre in Suppl.东方。，Chronica阴唇（巴黎，1902年）; HALLIER，Untersuchungen尤伯杯死于北达科Unters Edessenische Chreonik在Texte。，第九章（莱比锡，1892），1;南京农业大学1897年在通报批评，1月25日;同上，分析德各方inedites德拉纪事attribuee一去告诉丹尼斯，马赫尔的补编。 to Revue de l'Orient chret.到音响杂志里特chret。(1897); TULLBERG, Dionysii Tellmahrensis chronici lib.（1897年）; TULLBERG，Dionysii Tellmahrensis chronici lib中。I (Upsala, 1851); CHABOT, Chronique de Denys de T., quatreme partie (Paris, 1895); BEDJAN, Barhebraei Chronicon syriacum (with Latin tr., Paris, 1890); ABBELOOS and LAMY, Barhebraei Chron.我（乌普萨拉，1851年）;塞波特，德纪事丹尼斯德吨，quatreme partie（巴黎，1895年）; BEDJAN，Barhebraei Chronicon syriacum（与拉美文。，巴黎，1890年）; ABBELOOS和拉米Barhebraei慢性。eccles.埃克尔斯。(With Latin tr., Louvain, 1872-7); LAMY, Elie de Misibe, sa chronologie (earlier portion, with French tr., Brussels, 1888). （与拉丁美洲文。，鲁汶，1872-7）;拉米埃利德Misibe山chronologie（前半部章，与法国。，布鲁塞尔，1888年）。
On PHILOXENUS see ASSEMANI, WRIGHT, DUVAL; KRUGER's good article in Realencycl.; BUDGE, The Discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh, Syriac and English, with introduction containing many short dogmatic writings, and a list of the works of Philoxenus, in vol.关于PHILOXENUS见ASSEMANI，赖特，杜瓦尔，克鲁格在Realencycl好文章。;让步，这，叙利亚文和英文教条，与引进含有许多短期著作话语Mabbogh的Philoxenus，主教，以及Philoxenus清单工程的，在第一卷。 2 (London, 1894); VASCHALDE, Three letters of Philoxenus Bishop of M., Syr.2（伦敦，1894年）; VASCHALDE，三锡尔河字母，Philoxenus主教米。and Eng.和英文。(Rome, 1902); IDEM, Philoxeni Mabbugensis tractatus de Trinitate et Incarnatione in Corpus Script. （罗马，1902年），同上，Philoxeni Mabbugensis维特根斯坦德Trinitate等Incarnatione语料库脚本。 Or., Scriptores Syri, XXVII (Paris and Rome, 1907); DUVAL, Hist.或。，Scriptores Syri，二十七（巴黎和罗马，1907年）;杜瓦尔，组织胺。politique, religieuse et litteraire d'Edesse (Paris, 1892); GUIDI, La lettera de Filosseno ai Monaci di Tell Adda in Mem.现代政治，德Edesse的宗教和litteraire（巴黎，1892年）;圭迪，拉莱泰拉德Filosseno爱莫纳奇迪告诉纪念阿达研究。 dell' Acad.戴尔ACAD的。dei Lincei (1886); see especially LEBON, op.代学院（1886年），见特别是莱，同前。cit., 111-118, and passim.同前。，111-118，并各处。On JAMES OF SARUG see ABBELOOS, De vita et scriptis S. Jacobi (with three ancient Syriac biographies, Louvain, 1867); ASSEMANI, WRIGHT, DUVAL, loc. cit.; Acta SS., 29 Oct.; BARDENHEWER in Kirchenlex.; NESTLE in Realencycl.; MARTIN, Un eveque poete au xxx et xxxx siecles in Revue des Sciences eccl. (Oct., Nov., 1876); IDEM, Correspondance de Jacques de Saroug avec les moines de Mar Bassus in Zeitschr.作者：詹姆斯SARUG看到三古叙利亚文传记，鲁汶，1867年ABBELOOS，代维他等scriptis南雅可比（）; ASSEMANI，赖特，杜瓦尔，同上。同上。;学报的SS。，10月29日; Kirchenlex巴登黑韦尔英寸;雀巢在Realencycl。;鲍，元泰韦克poete坳极限特工等XXXX的siecles在科学杂志传道书。（10月，11月，1876年）;同上，雅克的对应得莱得梅因去Saroug avec de Mar的Bassus在Zeitschr。der deutschen Morganlandl.德deutschen Morganlandl。Gesellsch., XXX (1876), 217; Liturgy in Latin in RENAUDOT, Liturg. Gesellsch。，三十（1876年），217;礼仪在拉美勒诺多，Liturg。Or.或。coll., II, 356; ZINGERLR, Sechs homilien des h.科尔。，二，356; ZINGERLR，Sechs homilien德小时Jacob von S. (Bonn, 1867); BEDJAN, 70 Homiliae selectae Mar Jacobi S. (Paris and Leipzig, 1905-6); single homilies are found in various publications; several in CURETON, Ancient Syriac Documents (1864). FROTHINGHAM, Stephen Bar Sudaili, the Syrian mystic, and the book of Hierotheos (Leyden, 1886).雅各布冯南（波恩，1867）; BEDJAN，3月70 Homiliae selectae雅可比南（巴黎和莱比锡，1905-6）;单颂歌是发现在不同的出版物;多次库里顿，古叙利亚文文件（1864年）。弗罗厄姆，斯蒂芬酒吧Sudaili，叙利亚神秘和Hierotheos书（莱顿，1886年）。 On JOHN OF TELLA, KLEYN, Het leven van Johannes van Tella (Leyden, 1882); another life in BROOKS, Vitae virorum, loc.安）约翰特拉，KLEYN，乌特勒利文面包车约翰内斯面包车特拉（莱顿，1882年，另一个禄生活在小溪，简历virorum。 cit.; his confession of faith is cited by LEBON, loc.同前。，他供认的信仰是引用莱，同上。cit.同前。On GEORGE THE ARABIAN see ASSEMANI, WRIGHT, DUVAL, a good article by RYSSEL in Realencycl.作者：乔治阿拉伯见ASSEMANI，赖特，杜瓦尔，在Realencycl好文章，RYSSEL。(1899); IDEM, Ein Brief Georgs, Bischop der Ar.（1899年）;同上，艾因摘要格奥尔格斯，Bischop德氩。an den Presb.一巢穴Presb。 Josua aus dem Syrischen ubersetzt and erlautert, mit einer Einleitung uber sein Leben und seine Schriften (Gotha, 1888); IDEM, Georges des Araberbischofs Gedichte und Briefe (Leipzig, 1891), this work gives a German translation of all George's authentic works, apart from the commentaries; Syriac of the letter to Josua in LAGARDE, Analecta; part of poem on chrism in CARDAHI, Liber thesauri de arte poetica Syrorum (1875); the whole, with that on the monastic life, ed.约祖亚澳大利亚DEM的Syrischen ubersetzt和erlautert，麻省理工学院einer导论尤伯杯盛Leben北达科塞纳Schriften（哥达，1888年），同上，乔治德Araberbischofs Gedichte北达科书信（莱比锡，1891年），这项工作提供了一个，除了德语翻译所有乔治的真迹从评注;卡尔达希叙利亚向约祖亚在信中拉嘉德，Analecta的部分诗的痛苦中，或函叙词表的诗性艺术博物馆Syrorum（1875），全是，与寺院的生活，教育署。 by RYSSEL in Atti della R. Acad.由RYSSEL在阿季德拉河ACAD的。dei Lincei, IX (Rome, 1892), 1, who edited the astronomical letters also, ibi d., VIII, 1.代学院，第九章（罗马，1892年），1，谁信还编辑了天文，揖斐四，第八条，1。
On the question of orthodoxy, see ASSEMANI, II; NAU, Dans quelle mesure les Jacobites sont-ils Monophysites?在正统的问题，见ASSEMANI，二;南京农业大学，丹斯奎尔自动化公司莱斯詹姆斯党SONT的，离子液体基督一性？ in Revue de L'Orient chretien, 1905, no.在东方歌剧团酒店协会克雷蒂安，1905年，没有。2, p. 113; LEBON, op. 2，第113页;莱，同前。cit., passim.同前。，各处。
Eutychianism and Monophysitism are usually identified as a single heresy. Eutychianism和基督一性，通常认定为一个单一的异端邪说。But as some Monophysites condemned Eutyches, the name Eutychians is given by some writers only to those in Armenia.但是，正如一些基督一性谴责欧迪奇，是作家的名字Eutychians只给予一些亚美尼亚的研究。It seems best to use the words indifferently, as no party of the sect looked to Eutychius as a founder or a leader and Eutychian is but a nickname for all those who, like Eutyches, rejected the orthodox expression "two natures" of Christ.看来最好使用单词漠然节，因为任何一方的期待和Eutychian到Eutychius作为创始人或领导者，是一个基督的昵称，但所有这些谁像欧迪奇，拒绝正统的表达“两种性质”。 The tenet "one nature" was common to all Monophysites and Eutychians, and they affected to call Catholics Diphysites or Dyophysites.特尼特“一性”是共同的基督一性和Eutychians，他们受影响的呼吁天主教徒Diphysites或Dyophysites。 The error took its rise in a reaction against Nestorianism, which taught that in Christ there is a human hypostasis or person as well as a Divine.该错误导致了其神圣的一对景教的反应，它告诉我们，在基督里有一个人hypostasis或个人以及。This was interpreted to imply a want of reality in the union of the Word with the assumed Humanity, and even to result in two Christs, two Sons, though this was far from the intention of Nestorius himself in giving his incorrect explanation of the union.这被解释为意味着工会Word中的一个希望的现实与人性的假设，甚至导致两个基督，两个儿子，虽然这是他自己远离聂斯脱里打算在给他的工会不正确的解释。 He was ready to admit one prósopon, but not one hypostasis, a "prosopic" union, though not a "hypostatic" union, which is the Catholic expression.他愿意承认一个prósopon，但不是一个本质，特性，一个“prosopic”联盟，虽然不是“本质的”联盟，这是天主教表达。 He so far exaggerated the distinction of the Humanity from the Divine Person Who assumed it, that he denied that the Blessed Virgin could be called Mother of God, Theotókos.到目前为止，他夸张的母亲圣母的神，区分从人性假设它神圣的人谁，他否认了所谓圣母可能。His views were for a time interpreted in a benign sense by Theodoret, and also by John, Bishop of Antioch, but they all eventually concurred in his condemnation, when he showed his heretical spirit by refusing all submission and explanation.他的意见，供Theodoret意义上的一次良性的解释，也由约翰，安提阿主教，但他们都最终同意在他的谴责时，他表明他的意见和解释，拒绝一切邪教的精神。 His great antagonist, St. Cyril of Alexandria, was at first vehemently attacked by Theodoret, John, and their party, as denying the completeness of the Sacred Humanity after the manner of the heretic Apollinarius.他的伟大的拮抗剂，圣西里尔亚历山大的，他们是在党的第一次猛烈攻击Theodoret，约翰，而且，正如否认Apollinarius方式邪教的完整性后，神圣的人性。
The fiery Cyril curbed his natural impetuosity; mutual explanations followed; and in 434, three years after the Council of Ephesus which had condemned Nestorius, peace was made between Alexandria and Antioch.火热的西里尔遏制他的自然冲动，相互的解释之后，以及在434 3年后的以弗所议会的谴责聂斯脱里，和平是安提阿和亚历山大之间作出。Cyril proclaimed it in a letter to John beginning Lætentur cœli, in which he clearly condemned beforehand the Monothelite, if not the Monophysite, views, which were to be unfortunately based on certain ambiguities in his earlier expressions.西里尔宣布了它在其中的一封信给约翰开始Lætentur cœli，其中明确谴责他事先Monothelite，如果不是基督一，意见，是不幸的基础上较早表达他的某些含糊不清的地方。If he did not arrive quite at the exactness of the language in which St. Leo was soon to formulate the doctrine of the Church, yet the following words, drawn up by the Antiochian party and fully accepted by Cyril in his letter, are clear enough:如果他没有达到相当精确的信中的语言圣利奥很快制订了教会的教义，但下面的话，他制订的党在充分安蒂奥克西里尔和接受，已经相当清楚了：
Before the worlds begotten of the Father according to the Godhead, but in the last days and for our salvation of the Virgin Mary according to the Manhood; consubstantial with the Father in the Godhead, consubstantial with us in the Manhood; for a union of two natures took place, wherefore we confess one Christ, one Son, one Lord.前世界独生子的按照神的源头，但在最后的日子和我们的圣母玛利亚救赎根据长大成人同质同父亲的神性，同质同我们在长大成人的两个联盟性质发生了，人哪，我们得承认一个基督，一个儿子，一个主。 According to the understanding of this unconfused union, we confess the Blessed Virgin to be Theotokos, because the Word of God was incarnate and made man, and through her conception united to Himself the temple He received from her.据了解，这unconfused工会，我们承认圣母是圣母，因为神的话语是体现和造人，并通过她的团结，以自己的观念寺庙，他收到了她。 And we are aware that the words of the Gospels, and of the Apostles, concerning the Lord are, by theologians, looked upon some as applying in common [to the two natures] as belonging to the one Person; others as attributed to one of the two natures; and that they tell us by tradition that some are of divine import, to suit the Divinity of Christ, others of humble nature belonging to His humanity.而我们都知道，福音的话，和使徒，是关于主，由神学家，一个人看后在一些常见的应用[向两个性质]属于;他人归因于一个两个性质，并认为他们告诉我们的一些传统是神圣的进口，以适应基督神性的，性质属于他人的谦虚，他的人性。
In this "creed of the union" between John and Cyril, it is at least implied that the two natures remain after the union (against Monophysitism), and it is quite clearly enunciated that some expressions belong to the Person, others to each of the Natures, as, eg it was later defined that activities (-enérgeiai) and will are of the Natures (against Monothelites), while Sonship (against the Adoptionists), is of the Person.在这方面和西里尔“信条约翰之间的联盟”，至少是暗示，基督一两个性质后继续（对联盟），这是相当明确的阐述，有些表情属于人，人的每一性质，因为，例如它后来被定义的活动（- enérgeiai），将是（对Monothelites的性质），而儿子名分Adoptionists（对），人是。There is no doubt that Cyril would have understood rightly and have accepted (even apart from papal authority) the famous words of St. Leo's tome: "Agit enim ultraque forma cum alterius communione quod proprium est" (Ep. xxviii, 4).毫无疑问，正确地理解和西里尔会接受（即使当局除了教皇）名言的圣利奥的巨著：“地理信息技术应用enim ultraque预计暨alterius communione狴proprium预测”（插曲二十八，4）。The famous formula of St. Cyril mía ph&úsis toû Theoû Lógou sesarkoméne, "one nature incarnate of God the Word" (or "of the Word of God"), derived from a treatise which Cyril believed to be by St.著名的洛古sesarkoméne公式圣西里尔血症pH值和0.20头Theoû，“上帝的本质体现之一字”（或“上帝的话语”），来自一个论文的西里尔相信是由圣 Athanasius, the greatest of his predecessors, was intended by him in a right sense, and has been formally adopted by the Church.亚他那修，他的前任最大的，他的目的是通过在正确的观念，并已正式通过了教会。In the eighth canon of the Fifth General Council, those are anathematized who say "one Nature incarnate of God the Word", unless they "accept it as the Fathers taught, that by a hypostatic union of the Divine nature and the human, one Christ was effected". In the Lateran Council of 649, we find: "Si quis secundum sanctos Patres non confitetur proprie et secundum veritatem unam naturam Dei verbi incarnatum … anathema sit."在总理事会第八次佳能第五，那些是谁诅咒说“上帝的本质体现一个字”，除非他们“接受它作为父亲教导，即由一个基督本质的工会的神圣性质和人力，开始生效“。在649拉特兰会，我们发现：”四quis孔型sanctos Patres非confitetur proprie等孔型veritatem墨西哥国立自治大学naturam棣verbi榆 诅咒坐。“ Nevertheless this formula, frequently used by Cyril (in Epp. i, ii, Ad Successum; Contra Nest. ii; Ad eulogium, etc.; see Petavius "De Incarn.", IV, 6), was the starting point of the Monophysites, some of whom understood it rightly, whereas others pushed it into a denial of the reality of the human nature, while all equally used it as a proof that the formula "two natures" must be rejected as heretical, and therefore also the letter of St. Leo and the decree of Chalcedon.不过这个公式，经常使用的西里尔埃普（英寸一，二，广告Successum;孔特拉巢。二;广告eulogium等;见Petavius“德Incarn。”，四，六），是该monophysites起点，其中一些人的理解是正确的，而另一些人推到一个性质，它否定了现实，而所有的邪教一样使用它作为一个证明，该公式“两个性质”拒绝必须的，因此也是信圣里奥和卡尔西法令。
The word ph&úsis was ambiguous.这个词是含糊的pH值和0.20。Just as the earlier writings of Theodoret against Cyril contained passages which naturally permitted a Nestorian interpretation–they were in this sense condemned by the Fifth General Council–so the earlier writings of Cyril against Nestorius gave colour to the charge of Apollinarianism brought against him by Theodoret, John, Ibas, and their party. The word ph&úsis produced just the same difficulties that the word 'upóstasis had aroused in the preceeding century.正如先前的著作对西里尔通道中的theodoret这自然允许的景教的解释，他们都在这个意义上说Theodoret他第五次普遍谴责这样的著作会，早期西里尔反对聂斯脱给了颜色亚波里拿留派负责提起约翰，律师协会，他们的党。一词0.20 pH值和上个世纪就产生同样的困难，这个词'的upóstasis引起了研究。For 'upóstasis, as St. Jerome rightly declared, was the equivalent of ousía in the mouths of all philosophers, yet it was eventually used theologically, from Didymus onwards, as the equivalent of the Latin persona, that is, a subsistent essence.对于'upóstasis，作为圣杰罗姆正确地宣称，是哲学家相当于ousía中所有的嘴，但它最终用神学，从迪代以后，这个人物相当于拉丁美洲，即温饱的本质。 Similarly ph&úsis was an especially Alexandrian word for ousía and 'upóstasis, and was naturally used of a subsistent ousía, not of abstract ousía, both by Cyril often (as in the formula in question), and by the more moderate Monophysites.同样是pH值和0.20和'upóstasis尤其是亚历山大字ousía，和自然使用的温饱ousía，而不是抽象的ousía西里尔，既要经常（如问题公式），由较温和的基督一性。 The Cyrillian formula, in its genesis and in its rationale, has been explained by Newman in an essay of astounding learning and perfect clearness (Tracts Theol. and Eccl., iv, 1874).该Cyrillian公式，其成因，并在其理由，已经解释了纽曼在Theol文章的惊人学习和完善的清晰度（大港。和传道书。，四，1874年）。 He points out that the word 'upóstasis could be used (by St. Athanasius, for example), without change of meaning, both of the one Godhead, and of the three Persons.他指出，这个词'upóstasis可以使用（例如圣亚他那修，对），没有一个人改变的意思，这两个神的源头，和三位。 In the former case it did not mean the Divine Essence in the abstract, but considered as subsistent, without defining whether that subsistence is threefold or single, just as we say "one God" in the concrete, without denying a triple Personality.在前者情况下，它并不意味着在抽象的神的本质，而是视为温饱界定，没有基本的生活是否有三个或单一的，就像我们说“一神”在具体的，不否认三重人格。 Just the same twofold use without change of meaning might be made of the words ousía, eîdos, and ph&úsis.只是相同的含义不使用双重变化可能作出的字眼ousía，Eidos和pH值和0.20。Again, ph&úsis was not applied, as a rule, in the fourth century, to the Humanity of Christ, because that Humanity is not "natural" in the sense of "wholly like to our nature", since it is sinless, and free from all the imperfections which arise from original sin (not pura natura but integra natura), it has no human personality of its own, and it is ineffably graced and glorified by its union with the Word.同样，pH值和0.20不适用，作为一项规则，在第四世纪，基督人性的，因为人类是不是“自然”中的“感”完全像我们的性质，因为它是无罪的，且无所有的不完善而产生的Natura原罪（不普拉的Natura但IP互通），它没有自己的人的个性的，它是ineffably增光和工会歌颂其与Word。 From this point of view it is clear that Christ is not so fully "consubstantial with us" as He is "consubstantial with the Father".从这个角度来看，它显然是不那么充分基督“，”同质同我们，因为他是“”同质同父亲。Yet again, in these two phrases the word consubstantial appears in different senses; for the Father and the Son have one substance numero, whereas the Incarnate Son is of one substance with us specie (not numero, of course).再次，这两个词组的字同质出现在不同的感官，为父亲和儿子有一个物质numero，而降生的儿子，是我们的一个实质内容与实物（不numero当然，）。 It is therefore not to be wondered at, if the expression "consubstantial with us" was avoided in the fourth century.因此，这并不是要问，在，如果“我们同质同”是避免在第四世纪。In like manner the word ph&úsis has its full meaning when applied to the Divine Nature of Christ, but a restricted meaning (as has been just explained) when applied to His Human Nature.在这样的方式及pH值0.20一词有其充分的意义应用到基督的神性，但有限制的含义（如刚才已解释）当应用到他的人性。
In St. Cyril's use of the formula its signification is plain.在圣西里尔的公式使用其意义显而易见。 "It means", says Newman (loc. cit., p. 316), "(a), that when the Divine word became man, He remained one and the same in essence, attributes and personality; in all respects the same as before, and therefore mía ph&úsis. It means (b), that the manhood, on the contrary, which He assumed, was not in all respects the same nature as that massa, usia, physis, etc., out of which it was taken; (1) from the very circumstance that it was only an addition or supplement to what He was already, not a being complete in itself; (2) because in the act of assuming it, He changed it in its qualities. This added nature, then, was best expressed, not by a second substantive, as if collateral in its position, but by an adjective or participle, as sesarkoméne. The three words answered to St. John's 'o lógos sárks -egéneto, ie sesarkoménos ên." “这意味着”说，纽曼（如上。，第316页），“（1），当神圣的字眼成为人，他仍然之一，在相同的本质，属性和个性，在各方面均相同之前，因此米亚pH值和0.20。这意味着（二），即成年，相反，其中他假设，并没有在各方面等相同性质，马萨，美国新闻署，physis之，其中有被（1）从一情况下，这只是一个附加或补充什么，他已经不是一个被自己完成;（2）行为，因为在它的假设，他改变了它在素质。这项补充性质那么，是最好的表达，而不是第二个实质性的，因为如果抵押自己的立场，而是由一个形容词或过去分词sesarkoméne，为。这三个词来回答圣约翰澳标识斯帕克斯- egéneto，即sesarkoménos恩。“Thus St. Cyril intended to safeguard the teaching of the Council of Antioch (against Paul of Samosata, 264-72) that the Word is unchanged by the Incarnation, "that He is 'én kaì tò a-utò tê o-usía from first to last, on earth and in heaven" (p. 317).因此，圣西里尔旨在保障264-72教学的安理会安提（对保萨莫萨塔）这个词是不变的化身，“他是'给特岛德邻美国新闻署首次偕恩去年，在地球上和在天堂“（第317页）。 He intended by his one nature of God, "with the council of Antioch, a protest against that unalterableness and imperfection, which the anti-Catholic schools affixed to their notion of the Word. The council says 'one and the same in usia'; it is not speaking of a human usia in Christ, but of the divine. The case is the same in Cyril's Formula; he speaks of a mía theía ph&úsis in the Word. He has in like manner written a treatise entitled 'quod unus sit Christus'; and, in one of his Paschal Epistles, he enlarges on the text 'Jesus Christ, yesterday, and today, the same, and for ever.'他打算由他的一个神的性质，“改为议会的安提阿，在一个抗议的unalterableness和缺陷，而反天主教学校贴向自己的概念。安理会说'之一，并同美国新闻署在';它不是讲在基督人美国新闻署，而是神。案件是一级方程式一样的钱的，他的Word谈到了米亚忒伊亚pH值和0.20英寸，他的态度也像写了题为'一论文狴联合国大学坐在克里斯特斯';和书信，在他的一个复活节，他加大对文字'耶稣基督，昨天，今天，同样的，直到永远。 His great theme in these words is not the coalescing of the two natures into one, but the error of making two sons, one before and one upon the Incarnation, one divine, one human, or again of degrading the divine usia by making it subject to the humanity" (pp. 321-2).他的这些话，是伟大的主题，不是一两个性质凝聚成的，而是错误的化身，使两个儿子，一前一后，一神，一个人，美国新闻署再次或有辱人格的神的通过使主题对人类“（第321-2）。 It has been necessary thus to explain at length St. Cyril's meaning in order to be able to enumerate the more briefly and clearly, the various phases of the Eutychian doctrine. 1.它的含义是必要的解释，从而在长圣西里尔的，以便能够更简单枚举和清楚，Eutychian学说的各个阶段。1。The Cyrillian party before Chalcedon did not put forward any doctrine of their own; they only denounced as Nestorians any who taught d&úo ph&úseis, two natures, which they made equal to two hypostases, and two Sons.党的Cyrillian前卡尔西没有提出任何自己的学说的，他们只是谴责景教任何谁教的D＆二氧化铀pH值和úseis，两个性质，这是他们取得相当于两个hypostases，和两个儿子。 They usually admitted that Christ was -ek d&úo ph&úseon "of two natures", but this meant that the Humanity before (that is, logically before) it was assumed was a complete ph&úsis; it was no longer a ph&úsis (subsistent) after its union to the Divine nature.他们通常承认基督是，绽出的D＆二氧化铀pH值和úseon“的”两个性质，但是这意味着，人类之前（即逻辑之前）这是假设是一个完整的pH值和0.20，它已不再是pH值和）后，其工会0.20（温饱以神圣的性质。 It was natural that those of them who were consistent should reject the teaching of St. Leo, that there were two natures: "Tenet enim sine defectu proprietatem suam utraque natura", "Assumpsit formam servi sine sorde peccati, humana augens, divina non minuens", and if they chose to understand "nature" to mean a subsistent nature, they were even bound to reject such language as Nestorian.这是自然的他们那些谁是一致的，应拒绝圣利奥教学，有两个性质：“特尼特enim正弦defectu proprietatem苏阿姆utraque的Natura”，“Assumpsit formam servi正弦索尔德拉peccati，Humana公司augens，迪维纳非minuens “，如果他们选择了解”性“是指一个温饱的性质，他们甚至拒绝景教约束这种语言。Their fault in itself was not necessarily that they were Monophysites at heart, but that they would not stop to listen to the six hundred bishops of Chalcedon, to the pope, and to the entire Western Church.他们本身的故障不一定是他们的心在基督一性，但他们不会停下来听100主教的chalcedon六，向教宗，和整个西方教会。 Those who were ready to hear explanations and to realize that words may have more than one meaning (following the admirable example set by St. Cyril himself), were able to remain in the unity of the Church.这些谁准备听解释，并认识到的话，可能有一个以上的含义（下面的例子自己定下的令人钦佩圣西里尔），都能够留在教会的团结。 The rest were rebels, and whether orthodox in belief or not, well deserved to find themselves in the same ranks as the real heretics.其余的叛乱分子，以及是否在信仰或不正统，当之无愧找到自己是真正的异端在同一行列。
(2) Eutyches himself was not a Cyrillian.（2）欧迪奇自己是不是Cyrillian。He was not a Eutychian in the ordinary sense of that word.他不是一个字Eutychian在一般意义上的。His mind was not clear enough to be definitely Monophysite, and St. Leo was apparently right in thinking him ignorant.他的心是不够清晰模式一定monophysite，并圣里奥显然是他的看法正确的无知。He was with the Cyrillians in denouncing as Nestorians all who spoke of two natures.他对景教Cyrillians谴责所有谁在谈到两个性质。But he had never adopted the "consubstantial with us" of the "creed of union", nor St. Cyril's admissions, in accepting that creed, as to the two natures.但他从来没有通过的联盟“的”信条同质的“我们”的，也没有圣西里尔的招生，在接受这一信条，以两个性质。He was willing to accept St. Cyril's letters and the decisions of Ephesus and Nicæa only in a general way, in so far as they contained no error.他愿意接受的决定方式的以弗所和一般只有在尼西亚圣西里尔的来信，只要在他们中没有错误。His disciple, the monk Constantine, at the revision, in April, 449, of the condemnation of Eutyches, explained that he did not accept the Fathers as a canon of faith.他的弟子，和尚君士坦丁，在修订，今年4月，449欧迪奇，有关的谴责，解释说，他没有接受父亲的信仰佳能为。In fact Eutyches simply upheld the ultra-Protestant view that nothing can be imposed as of faith which is not verbally to be found in Scripture.事实上欧迪奇只是坚持超新教认为，没有任何东西可以作为信仰强加这不是口头上要找到圣经研究。This, together with an exaggerated horror of Nestorianism, appears to describe his whole theological position.这一点，加上夸张的景教恐怖，似乎说明他的整个神学的立场。
3. 3。Dioscorus and the party which followed him seem to have been pure Cyrillians, who by an excessive dislike of Nestorianism, fell into excess in minimizing the completeness of the Humanity, and exaggerating the effects upon it of the union. We have not documents enough to tell us how far their error went. Dioscorus和党的跟随他似乎已经纯粹Cyrillians，由一个景教谁不喜欢过多，过量陷入在减少人类的完整性，工会和夸大它的影响时。我们没有足够的文件告诉我们多远了他们的错误。 A fragment of Dioscorus is preserved in the "Antirrhetica" of Nicephorus (Spicil. Solesm., IV, 380) which asks: "If the Blood of Christ is not by nature (katà ph&úsin) God's and not a man's, how does it differ from the blood of goats and bulls and the ashes of a heifer? For this is earthly and corruptible, and the blood of man according to nature is earthly and corruptible. But God forbid that we should say the Blood of Christ is consubstantial with one of those things which are according to nature ('enos tôn katà ph&úsin 'omoousíon)."阿Dioscorus片段是保存在“Antirrhetica”的Nicephorus（Spicil. Solesm。，四，380），其中问道：“如果基督的血是不自然（字pH值和全光照）神的，而不是一个人的，有何不同从山羊血的小母牛和公牛的一个，而骨灰？因为这是俗世和腐朽，而该男子血液根据自然是俗世和腐朽。但神禁止，我们应该说，在基督的血是同质一项这些事情都是根据自然（'埃诺斯吨卡塔pH值和全光照'omoousíon）。“ If this is really, as it purports to be, from a letter written by Dioscorus from his exile at Gangra, we shall have to class him with the extreme Monophysite "Incorrupticolæ", in that he rejects the "consubstantial with us" and makes the Blood of Christ incorruptible of its own nature.如果这是真的，因为它看来是冈格拉，流亡在信中写的，他从一个从Dioscorus，我们将不得不与他类的极端基督一性“Incorrupticolæ”，在他拒绝同质同我们的“”和使基督的血廉洁自身的性质。 But the passage may conceivably be a Julianist forgery.但可以想象，可能通过伪造一个Julianist。
4. 4。Timothy Ælurus, the first Monophysite Patriarch of Alexandria, was on the contrary nearly orthodox in his views, as has been clearly shown by the extracts published by Lebon from his works, extant in Syriac in a manuscript in the British Museum (Addit. 12156).蒂莫西Ælurus，第一基督一宗主教亚历山德里亚，几乎是相反的意见在他的正统，正如已经清楚显示12156（Addit.提取物的出版莱从英国博物馆在他的作品，在现存在叙利亚文的手稿） 。He denies that ph&úsis, nature, can be taken in an abstract sense.他否认与pH值0.20，性质，可采取在一个抽象的感觉。Hence he makes extracts from St. Leo, and mocks the pope as a pure Nestorian.因此，他让利奥提取街和嘲笑的景教教皇作为一个纯粹的。 He does not even accept -ek d&úo ph&úseon, and declares there can be no question of two natures, either before or after the Incarnation. "There is no nature which is not a hypostasis, nor hypostasis which is not a person."他甚至不接受，绽出的D＆二氧化铀pH值和úseon，并宣布不可能有本质的问题2，之前或之后的化身。“没有任何性质的不是一个本质，特性，也不hypostasis这是不是一个人。” So far we have, not heresy, but only a term defined contrary to the Chalcedonian and Western usage.到目前为止，我们已不是异端，但只有一个名词定义违背迦克和西方使用。A second point is the way Ælurus understands ph&úsis to mean that which is "by nature".第二点是道路Ælurus了解pH值和0.20意味着它是自然“由”。Christ, he says, is by nature God, not man; He became man only by "oikonomía" (economy or Incarnation); consequently His Humanity is not His ph&úsis.基督，他说，是由自然神，不是人，他成为）的人只有“oikonomía”（经济或化身，因此他的人性，是不是他的pH值和0.20。 Taken thus, the formula mía ph&úsis was intended by Ælurus in an orthodox sense.两者因此，该公式血症及pH值0.20的目的是通过Ælurus在正统的感觉。Thirdly, the actions of Christ are attributed to His Divine Person, to the one Christ.第三，基督的行动是由于他的神人，一个基督。Here Ælurus seems to be unorthodox.这里Ælurus似乎非正统。For the essence of Monothelism is the refusal to apportion the actions (-enérgeiai) between the two natures, but to insist that they are all the actions of the one Personality.对于Monothelism本质是拒绝摊派的行为（- enérgeiai性质）两地，但坚持认为他们都是人格的一个行动。How far Ælurus was in reality a Monothelite cannot be judged until his works are before us in full.多远Ælurus在现实中Monothelite不能判断，直到他的作品全部是摆在我们面前英寸He is, at all events in the main, a schismatic, full of hatred and contempt for the Catholic Church outside Egypt, for the 600 bishops of Chalcedon, for the 1600 of the Encyclia, for Rome and the whole West.他是在埃及之外的所有主要事件，一个教会分裂的，充满仇恨的天主教和蔑视，对主教的chalcedon 600，为1600 Encyclia的，罗马和整个西方。But he consistently anathematized Eutyches for his denial that Christ is consubstantial with us.但他始终否认欧迪奇诅咒他说，基督是同质与我们联系。
5. 5。In the next generation Severus, Bishop of Antioch (511-39), was the great Monophysite leader.在下一代塞维鲁，主教安提（511-39），是伟大的基督一性的领导者。In his earlier days, he rejected the Henoticon of Zeno, but when a patriarch he accepted it.在他的早期，他拒绝了芝诺Henoticon的，但是当一个元老，他接受了。His contemporaries accused him of contradicting himself in the attempt, it seems, to be comprehensive.他同时代的指责他试图在自己的矛盾，似乎是全面的。He did not, however, conciliate the Incorrupticolæ, but maintained the corruptibility of the Body of Christ.他没有，但是，调解的Incorrupticolæ，但保持清廉的基督的身体。He seems to have admitted the expression -ek d&úo ph&úseon.他似乎已承认的表达，绽出的D＆二氧化铀pH值和úseon。 Chalcedon and Pope Leo he treated as Nestorian, as Ælurus did, on the ground that two natures mean two persons.卡尔西和教皇利奥他当作景教，作为Ælurus一样，理由是两个性质意味着两个人。He did not allow the Humanity to be a distinct monad; but this is no more than the view of many modern Catholic theologians that it has no esse of its own.他没有让人类成为一个独特的单子，但这并没有超过其本身的看法Esse的许多现代天主教神学家，它已没有。(So St. Thomas, III, Q. xvii, a. 2; see Janssens, De Deo homine, pars prior, p. 607, Freiburg, 1901.) It need not be understood that by thus making a composite hypostasis Severus renounced the Cyrillian doctrine of the unchanged nature of the Word after the unconfused union. （苏圣托马斯，三，问：十七，答二，见詹森斯，德迪奥homine，标准杆前，第607，弗赖堡，1901年。）它不需要被理解，通过使复合hypostasis塞维鲁放弃Cyrillian学说的性质不变的话语后unconfused工会。 Where he is most certainly heretical is in his conception of one nature not Divine (so Cyril and Ælurus) but theandric, and thus a composition, though not a mixture–ph&úsis theandriké.在那里他肯定是在他的邪教本质的概念是一个没有神（所以西里尔和Ælurus），但theandric，从而组成一个，虽然不是一种混合物，pH值和0.20 theandriké。To this one nature are attributed all the activities of Christ, and they are called "theandric" (-enérgeiai theandrikaí), instead of being separated into Divine activities and human activities as by the Catholic doctrine.为了这个性质是由于所有的基督活动，他们被称为“theandric”（- enérgeiai theandrikaí），而不是被分隔成神活动和天主教教义人类活动所。The undivided Word, he said, must have an undivided activity.Word中的分割，他说，必须有一个不可分割的活动。Thus even if Severus could be defended from the charge of strict Monophysitism, in that he affirmed the full reality of the Human Nature of Christ, though he refused to it the name of nature, yet at least he appears as a dogmatic Monothelite.因此，即使塞维鲁可以从基督一负责保卫严格，因为他充分肯定了基督人性的现实，但他拒绝给它的性质，名称，但至少他显示为一个教条Monothelite。 This is the more clear, in that on the crucial question of one or two wills, he pronounces for one theandric will.这是更清楚，在对theandric意愿的关键问题，一个或两个遗嘱之一，他的发音。On the other hand utterances of Severus which make Christ's sufferings voluntarily permitted, rather than naturally necessitated by the treatment inflicted on His Body, might perhaps be defended by the consideration that from the union and consequent Beatific Vision in the Soul of Christ, would congruously ensue a beatification of the Soul and a spiritualizing of the Body, as was actually the case after the Resurrection; from this point of view it is true that the possibility of the Humanity is voluntary (that is, decreed by the Divine will) and not due to it in the state which is connatural to it after the union; although the Human Nature is of its own nature passible apart from the union (St. Thomas, III, Q. xiv, a. 1, ad 2).关于他的身体另一方面话语的塞维鲁这使得基督的苦难自愿许可，造成相当的治疗比自然有必要，或许可以辩解的考虑，从工会和随之而来的至福直观的基督的灵魂，将congruously接踵而来一个灵魂封圣的身体和精神化的，因为实际上是复活的情况后，从这个角度来看，的确是人性的可能性是自愿的（即，神颁布的意愿），而不是由于它在该州是它固有的联盟后，虽然人的本质是它自己的性质passible）除了联盟（圣托马斯，三，问：十四，答：1，广告2。 It is important to recollect that the same distinction has to be made in considering whether the Body of Christ is to be called corruptible or incorruptible, and consequently whether Catholic doctrine on this point is in favour of Severus or of his adversary Julian.重要的是要记得，同样的区别，必须指出在考虑是否基督的身体是这个被称为坏的或廉洁，因此无论是在天主教教义的朱利安赞成塞维鲁或他的对手。 The words of St. Thomas may be borne in mind: "Corruptio et mors non competit Christo ratione suppositi, secundum quod attenditur unitas, sed ratione naturæ, secundam quam invenitur differentia mortis et vitæ" (III, Q. 1, a. 5, ad 2).圣托马斯的词语可能会铭记：“羡腐等非竞赛克里斯托莫斯岛的理由suppositi，孔型狴attenditur安盟，中美战略经济对话的理由naturæ，secundam华富invenitur僵直等差异化的简历”（三，问：1，答：5广告2）。 As the Monophysites discussed the question ratione suppositi (since they took nature to mean hypostasis, and to imply a suppositum) they were bound to consider the Body of Christ incorruptible.由于该monophysites理由suppositi讨论的问题（因为他们把自然意味着本质，特性，并暗示suppositum），他们必然要考虑的廉洁身体基督。 We must therefore consider the Julianists more consistent than the Severians.因此，我们必须考虑Julianists比更Severians一致。
6. 6。Julian, Bishop of Halicarnassus, was the leader of those who held the incorruptibility, as Severus was of those who held the corruptibility.朱利安，哈利卡那苏斯主教，是廉洁的领导人举行了谁，因为塞维鲁清廉是那些谁举行。The question arose in Alexandria, and created great excitement, when the two bishops had taken refuge in that city, soon after the accession of the orthodox Emperor Justin, in 518.在亚历山大的问题出现了，创造了极大的热情，当两位主教已在该城市避难，不久后加入了贾斯汀正统皇帝，在518。The Julianists called the Severians phthartolátrai or Corrupticolæ, and the latter retorted by entitling the Julians -Aphthartodokêtai and Phantasiasts, as renewing the Docetic heresies of the second century.该Julianists称为Severians phthartolátrai或Corrupticolæ，并和Phantasiasts Aphthartodokêtai后者反唇相讥，有权的朱利昂，作为更新的第二个世纪的Docetic异端邪说的影响。In 537, the two parties elected rival patriarchs of Alexandria, Theodosius and Gaianas, after whom the Corrupticolæ were known as Theodosians, and the Incorrupticolæ as Gaianites.在537，双方当选Gaianas，对手元老亚历山大，狄奥多西后谁的Corrupticolæ被称为Theodosians和Gaianites Incorrupticolæ作为。Julian considered, with some show of reason, that the doctrine of Severus necessitated the admission of two natures, and he was unjustly accused of Docetism and Manichæanism, for he taught the reality of the Humanity of Christ, and made it incorruptible not formaliter quâ human, but as united to the Word.朱利安认为，有些原因显示，该塞维鲁学说的性质有必要入场2，他是不公正和善恶二元指责幻影说，因为他教导基督现实的人性，并使其不清廉条件人类formaliter ，但团结的话。His followers, however, split upon this question.他的追随者，然而，在这个问题上分裂出去。One party admitted a potential corruptibility.一方承认一个潜在的清廉。Another party taught an absolute incorruptibility katà pánta trópon, as flowing from the union itself.另一个党的教导绝对廉洁卡塔潘塔trópon，作为自己流动的联盟。A third sect declared that by the union the Humanity obtained the prerogative of being uncreate; they were called Actistetæ, and replied by denominating their opponents "Ctistolaters", or worshippers of a creature.第三个节宣布，由该联盟的人性得到暂时的uncreate特权，他们被称为Actistetæ，反对者回答了他们的定名“Ctistolaters”，或动物的崇拜者。 Heresies, after the analogy of low forms of physical life, tend to propagate by division.歪理邪说，在生活的比喻形式的身体低，往往会宣传，通过分。So Monophysitism showed its nature, once it was separated from the Catholic body. The Emperor Justinian, in 565, adopted the incorruptibilist view, and made it a law for all bishops.因此，基督一性表明其性质，一旦它的体内分离出来的天主教徒。查士丁尼皇帝，在565，通过了incorruptibilist看法，并提出了全体主教它的法律。 The troubles that arose in consequence, both in East and West, were calmed by his death in November of that year.结果出现的麻烦是在，无论在东方和西方，被平息了他的死亡，在今年11月。
7. 7。The famous Philoxenus or Xenaias (d. soon after 518), Bishop of Mabug (Mabbogh, Mambuce, or Hierapolis in Syria Euphratensis), is best known today by his Syriac version of the New Testament, which was revised by Thomas of Harkel, and is known as the Harkleian or Philoxonian text.著名Philoxenus或Xenaias（草后518）不久，主教Mabug（Mabbogh，Mambuce，或Euphratensis希拉波利斯在叙利亚），今天是他最有名的叙利亚和版本的新约，这是修订了托马斯Harkel是被称为Harkleian或Philoxonian文本。 It is unfair of Hefele (Councils, tr. III, 459-60) to treat him as almost a Docetist.这是不公平的黑弗勒（市政局，文。三，459-60）治疗Docetist他，几乎一个。From what can be learned of his doctrines they were very like those of Severus and of Ælurus.从什么可以学习他的学说，他们Ælurus非常像那些塞维鲁和。He was a Monophysite in words and a Monothelite in reality, for he taught that Christ had one will, an error which it was almost impossible for any Monophysite to avoid.他是在和基督一性的话在现实中一Monothelite，因为他告诉我们，基督一会，一个错误，这是任何monophysite几乎不可能避免的。 But this mía ph&úsis s&únthetos was no doubt meant by him as equivalent to the hypostasis composita taught by St. Thomas.但是，这血症pH值和0.20 s和únthetos是圣托马斯意味着他无疑等同于以hypostasis composita授课。As Philoxenus taught that Christ's sufferings were by choice, he must be placed on the side of the Julianists.由于Philoxenus告诉我们，基督的苦难的选择是由他必须放在Julianists端的。He was careful to deny all confusion in the union, and all transformation of the Word.他谨慎地拒绝所有工会的混乱，和所有Word转化的。
8. 8。Peter Fullo, Patriarch of Antioch (471-88), is chiefly famed in the realm of dogma for his addition to the Trisagion or Tersanctus, "Agios o Theos, Agios Ischyros, Agios Athanatos", of the words "who wast crucified for us".彼得Fullo，安提阿牧首（471-88），主要是著名的教条领域为他除了Trisagion或Tersanctus，“贴水Ø西奥斯，贴水Ischyros，贴水Athanatos”的字眼：“谁废为我们钉在十字架上“。 This is plain Patripassianism, so far as words go.这是平原Patripassianism，只要字去。It was employed by Peter as a test, and he excommunicated all who refused it.这是受雇于彼得作为一个测试，他驱逐所有谁拒绝它。 There is no possibility of explaining away this assertion of the suffering of the Divine Nature by the communicatio idiomatum, for it is not merely the Divine Nature (in the sense of hypostasis) of the Son which is said to have been crucified, but the words are attached to a three-fold invocation of the Trinity.没有idiomatum可能解释这一论断的距离通信中的痛苦的神性的，因为它不仅是神性（在hypostasis感）的钉在十字架上的儿子据说已经消失，语言附加到一个调用的三位一体3倍。 Peter may therefore be considered as a full-blooded Monophysite, who carried the heresy to its extreme, so that it involved error as to the Trinity (Sabellianism) as well as with regard to the Incarnation.彼得因此，可以视为一个完整的热血基督一，谁进行其极端的异端，因此它涉及的化身，以错误的三位一体（形态论）以及有关的。 He did not admit the addition of the words "Christ our King" which his orthodox rival Calandio added to his formula.他不承认的话还有的“基督我们的王”他的正统的对手Calandio添加到他的公式。Some Scythian monks of Constantinople, led by John Maxentius, before the reconciliation with the West in 519, upheld the formula "one of the Trinity was crucified" as a test to exclude the heresy of Peter Fullo on the one hand and Nestorianism on the other. They were orthodox adherents of the Council of Chalcedon.有些僧侣的君士坦丁堡西徐亚，马克森提约翰率领519之前，在和解与西方，坚持公式“三位一体之一，被钉在十字架测试”，以排除景教一方面与异端的彼得Fullo关于其他。他们的chalcedon正统信徒会的。 Pope Hormisdas thought very badly of the monks, and would do nothing in approval of their formula.教皇卡尔米斯达斯认为非常严重的僧侣，并将他们在做什么公式批准。But it was approved by John II, in 534, and imposed under anathema by the Second Council of Constantinople in 553, which closed the so-called "Theopaschite" controversy.但它是由约翰二世批准，在534，和诅咒所施加的由第二届理事会君士坦丁堡在553，其中关闭了所谓的“Theopaschite”之争。
9. 9。We have further to catalogue a number of subdivisions of Monophysitism which pullulated in the sixth century.我们必须进一步目录一世纪数字六届下属的pullulated的基督一性研究。The Agnoetæ were Corrupticolæ, who denied completeness of knowledge to the Human Nature of Christ; they were sometimes called Themistians, from Themistus Calonymus, an Alexandrian deacon, their chief writer.该Agnoetæ是Corrupticolæ，谁否认知识的完整性向基督的人性，他们有时被称为首席作家Themistians，从Themistus Calonymus，一亚历山大执事，他们的。They were excommunicated by the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Timotheus (d. 527) and Theodosius.他们被驱逐了亚历山大的始祖，提摩太（四527）和狄奥多西。Their views resemble the "Kenotic" theories of our own day. The Tritheists, or Tritheites, or Condobaudites, were founded by a Constantinopolitan philosopher, John Asconagus, or Ascunaghes, at the beginning of the sixth century, but their principal teacher was John Philopomus, an Alexandrian philosopher, who died probably towards the end of that century. These heretics taught that there were three natures in the Holy Trinity, the three Persons being individuals of a species.他们的观点类似的“虚己”每天我们自己的理论。该Tritheists，或Tritheites，或Condobaudites，成立了由君士坦丁堡Ascunaghes哲学家，约翰Asconagus，或在本世纪初的第六位，但他们的主要老师是约翰Philopomus ，一个哲学家亚历山大，谁死可能实现这一世纪的结束。这些异端教导有3种性质的三位一体，三人一个被个人的。A zealot of the sect was a monk Athanasius, grandson of the Empress Theodora, wife of Justinian.一个邪教痴迷者的是一个和尚亚他那修，查士丁尼孙子的皇后西奥多拉的妻子。He followed the view of Theodosius, that the bodies to be given in the resurrection are new creations.他跟着狄奥多西查看，该机构将刊载于复活的新创作。Stephen Gobaras was another writer of this sect.斯蒂芬Gobaras本节又是作家。Their followers were called Athanasians or Philoponiaci.他们的追随者被称为Athanasians或Philoponiaci。Athanasius was opposed by Conon, Bishop of Tarsus (c. 600), who eventually anathematized his teacher Philoponus.亚他那修是反对科农，600主教塔尔苏斯（角），诅咒他的老师谁最终约翰菲洛波努斯。The Cononites are said to have urged that, though the matter of the body is corruptible, its form is not.该Cononites据说曾呼吁，虽然身体是坏的事情了，它的形式是不是。The Tritheites were excommunicated by the Jacobite Patriarch of Alexandria, Damian (577), who found the unity of God in a '&úparksis distinct from the three Persons, which he called autótheos.该Tritheites被亚历山大的主教逐出教会由詹姆士，达米安（577），谁发现这autótheos他所谓的上帝的统一，一'＆úparksis有别于三人。 His disciples were taunted with believing in four Gods, and were nicknamed Tetradites, or Tetratheites, and also Damianists and Angelites.他的弟子们奚落与神相信在四，被称为Tetradites，或Tetratheites，也Damianists和Angelites。 Peter Callinicus, Patriarch of Antioch (578-91), opposed them, and both he and Damian attacked the Alexandrian philosopher Stephen Niobes, founder of the Niobites, who taught that there was no distinction whatever between the Divine Nature and the Human after the Incarnation, and characterized the distinctions made by those who admitted only one nature as half-hearted.彼得加利尼，安提阿牧首（578-91），反对他们，他和达米安攻击亚历山大哲学家斯蒂芬Niobes，化身创始人Niobites，谁教之间有什么神圣的自然与人类后并没有区别，并表征心肠一半的区别所决定谁是承认只有一个性质。 Many of his followers joined the Catholics, when they found themselves excommunicated by the Monophysites.他的许多追随者参加了天主教徒，当他们发现自己被逐出教会的基督一性。
HISTORY历史
Of the origin of Eutychianism among the Cyrillian party a few words were said above.在上述起源Eutychianism党之间的Cyrillian几句话是说。The controversy between Cyril and Theodoret was revived with violence in the attacks made in 444-8, after Cyril's death, by his party on Irenæus of Tyre, Ibas of Edessa, and others (see DIOSCURUS).西里尔之间的Theodoret争议，并恢复与444-8在暴力袭击中，西里尔后去世，由他的党对他人的爱任纽的轮胎，IBAS的埃德萨，以及（见DIOSCURUS）。 The trial of Eutyches, by St. Flavian at Constantinople, brought matters to a head (see EUTYCHES).该欧迪奇审判，弗拉维安在君士坦丁堡圣，使事情发展到1头（见欧迪奇）。Theodosius II convened an œcumenical council at Ephesus, in 449, over which Dioscurus, the real founder of Monophysitism as a sect, presided (see ROBBER COUNCIL OF EPHESUS).狄奥多西二世乃众人在以弗所召开议会，在449，超过该Dioscurus，创办了一节真正的基督一性的，主持（见以弗所强盗会）。 St. Leo had already condemned the teaching of one nature in his letter to Flavian called the tome, a masterpiece of exact terminology, unsurpassed for clearness of thought, which condemns Nestorius on the one hand, and Eutyches on the other (see LEO I, POPE).圣里奥已经弗拉维安谴责他的信的教学性质的一个名为巨著，一个确切的术语杰作，手无与伦比的清晰思路，其中一个谴责聂斯脱里的，就和其他欧迪奇（见利奥一世，教皇）。 After the council had acquitted Eutyches, St. Leo insisted on the signing of this letter by the Eastern bishops, especially by those who had taken part in the disgraceful scenes at Ephesus.安理会已被宣告无罪后欧迪奇，圣主教利奥坚持签署东本函，特别是那些谁已以弗所部分不光彩的场面，在。In 451, six hundred bishops assembled at Chalcedon, under the presidency of the papal legates (see CHALCEDON, COUNCIL OF).在451，600主教聚集在卡尔西，根据总统的教皇使节（见卡尔西，委员会）。The pope's view was assured of success before-hand by the support of the new Emperor Marcian.教宗的看法是保证成功的前手的马尔奇安支持新的皇帝。Dioscurus of Alexandria was deposed.亚历山大Dioscurus的被废黜。The tome was acclaimed by all, save by thirteen out of the seventeen Egyptian bishops present, for these declared their lives would not be safe, if they returned to Egypt after signing, unless a new patriarch had been appointed.秘闻，誉为所有，节省了13本出埃及主教17，这些宣称他们的生活不会是安全的，如果他们返回埃及签署后，除非新的元老已经任命。 The real difficulty lay in drawing up a definition of faith.真正的困难在于制定一个信仰的定义。There was now no Patriarch of Alexandria; those of Antioch and Constantinople had been nominees of Dioscurus, though they had now accepted the tome; Juvenal of Jerusalem had been one of the leaders of the Robber Council, but like the rest had submitted to St. Leo.目前有没有牧Dioscurus亚历山大;那些安提阿和君士坦丁堡被提名，但他们现在已经接受了书本;耶路撒冷韦纳尔了安理会的强盗之一的领导人，但像其他已提交给圣利奥。 It is consequently not surprising that the committee, appointed to draw up a definition of faith, produced a colourless document (no longer extant), using the words -ek d&úo ph&úseon, which Dioscurus and Eutyches might have signed without difficulty.因此这是毫不奇怪的是，委员会任命制订一种信仰的定义，产生了无色文件（不再现存），使用的话，绽出的D＆二氧化铀pH值和úseon，其中Dioscurus和欧迪奇没有可能难以签署。 It was excitedly applauded in the fifth session of the council, but the papal legates, supported by the imperial commissioners, would not agree to it, and declared they would break up the council and return to Italy, if it were pressed.这是兴奋地拍掌理事会第五次会议，但教皇使节，委员支持的帝国，也不会同意这样做，并宣布他们将打破了议会，重新回到意大利，如果它被按下。
The few bishops who stood by the legates were of the Antiochian party and suspected of Nestorianism by many.在少数的使节站在谁的主教都是党和景教的安蒂奥克疑受许多。The emperor's personal intervention was invoked.皇帝的亲自干预被调用。It was demonstrated to the bishops that to refuse to assert "two natures" (not merely "of" two) was to agree with Dioscurus and not with the pope, and they yielded with a very bad grace.它被证明是主教拒绝断言“两个性质”（不只是“”两）是不同意Dioscurus与教皇，他们取得了一个非常优雅坏。 They had accepted the pope's letter with enthusiasm, and they had deposed Dioscurus, not indeed for heresy (as Austolius of Constantinople had the courage, or the impudence, to point out), but for violation of the canons.他们已经接受了教皇的热情的信件，他们也被废黜Dioscurus，不确实异端（如君士坦丁堡Austolius的有胆量，或厚颜无耻，指出），但违反了大炮。 To side with him meant punishment.他站在一边意味着惩罚。The result was the drawing up by a new committee of the famous Chalcedonian definition of faith.其结果是制定信仰由定义一个新的委员会著名迦克的。It condemns Monophysitism in the following words: "Following the holy Fathers, we acknowledge one and the same Son, one Lord Jesus Christ; and in accordance with this we all teach that He is perfect in Godhead, perfect also in Manhood, truly God and truly Man, of a rational soul and body, consubstantial with His Father as regards his Godhead, and consubstantial with us as regards His Manhood, in all things like unto us save for sin; begotten of His Father before the worlds as to His Godhead, and in the last days for us and for our salvation [born] of Mary the Virgin Theotokos as to His Manhood; one and the same Christ, Son, Lord, Only-begotten, made known as in two natures [the Greek text now has "of two natures", but the history of the definition shows that the Latin "in" is correct] without confusion or change, indivisibly, inseparably [-en d&úo ph&úsesin -asugch&útos, -atréptos, -adiairétos, -achorístos gnorizómenon]; the distinction of the two natures being in no wise removed by the union, but the properties of each nature being rather preserved and concurring in one Person and one Hypostasis, not as divided or separated into two Persons, but one and the same Son and Only-begotten, God the Word, the Lord Jesus Christ; even as the Prophets taught aforetime about Him, and as the Lord Jesus Christ Himself taught us, and as the symbol of the Fathers has handed down to us."它谴责的话基督一在以下方面：“继圣教父，我们承认同一个儿子，一主耶稣基督，并按照本教大家都认为他是完美的神性，也完美的男子汉，真正的上帝和真正的男子的父亲，一个理性的灵魂和身体他，同质同他的神性方面，与同质同我们就节省了罪，他给我们大人，凡事喜欢，他的独生子在他的世界，以神体，在最后的日子对我们和我们的拯救[出生圣母]圣母玛利亚对他长大成人同一个基督，圣子，主，只有-遗物，使现在被称为两个性质[希腊文本已“的两个性质”，但定义历史上表明，拉丁美洲“的”是正确的]没有混乱或更改，不可分割，相辅相成[恩的D＆二氧化铀pH值和úsesin - asugch＆UTOS跟，- atréptos，- adiairétos，- achorístos gnorizómenon];的区分这两个联盟的性质是由任何明智删除，但作为每个属性的性质颇为保留，并表示同意在一人一Hypostasis不是分裂或人员分为两个部分，但同一个儿子和只有-造物主，上帝的话语，主耶稣基督，连教他的先知素常约，并作为主耶稣基督亲自教我们，作为父亲的象征，已经传给我们。“
So Monophysitism was exorcised; but the unwillingness of the larger number of the six hundred Fathers to make so definite a declaration is important.因此，基督一被除掉，但父亲不愿意的600大数目的作出如此明确的声明是重要的。"The historical account of the Council is this, that a doctrine which the Creed did not declare, which the Fathers did not unanimously witness, and which some eminent Saints had almost in set terms opposed, which the whole East refused as a symbol, not once, but twice, patriarch by patriarch, metropolitan by metropolitan, first by the mouth of above a hundred, then by the mouth of above six hundred of its bishops, and refused upon the grounds of its being an addition to the Creed, was forced upon the Council, not indeed as a Creed, yet, on the other hand, not for subscription merely, but for its acceptance as a definition of faith under the sanction of an anathema, forced on the Council by the resolution of the Pope of the day, acting through his Legates and supported by the civil power" (Newman, "Development", v, §3, 1st ed., p. 307).说：“安理会的历史记录的情况是，一个学说的信条没有申报，而父亲并没有一致的见证，和一些著名的圣徒几乎在设置方面的反对，而整个东没有拒绝作为一种象征，一次，而是两次，元老的元老，第一大城市的都市，由1 100口以上，然后由被强迫600口以上的主教，并要求其拒绝的理由，以作为一个另外的信条，呼吁安理会，而不是作为一个信条的确，然而，另一方面，不只是认购，但它的信仰接受，作为一个定义下的一个诅咒制裁，安理会被迫通过该决议的教宗一天，通过他的legates和代理的支持下，民间的力量“（新民”发展“，五，§ 3，第1版。，第307页）。Theodosius issued edicts against the Eutychians, in March and July, 452, forbidding them to have priests, or assemblies, to make wills or inherit property, or to do military service.狄奥多西发出Eutychians法令反对，3月和7月，452，不让他们有祭司，或集会，使遗嘱或继承财产，或服兵役。 Priests who were obstinate in error were to be banished beyond the limits of the empire.牧师谁是顽固的错误是帝国放逐，超越极限。Troubles began almost immediately the council was over.故障几乎立即开始在安理会结束了。A monk named Theodosius, who had been punished at Alexandria for blaming Dioscurus, now on the contrary opposed the decision of the council, and going to Palestine persuaded the many thousands of monks there that the council had taught plain Nestorianism.一个和尚名叫狄奥多西，谁曾在亚历山德里亚的指责Dioscurus处罚，现在反而反对安理会的决定，并要说服巴勒斯坦平原景教僧人有成千上万，安理会有教过。 They made a raid upon Jerusalem and drove out Juvenal, the bishop, who would not renounce the Chalcedonian definition, although he had been before one of the heads of the Robber Council.他们突袭了在耶路撒冷和赶走韦纳尔，主教，谁也不会放弃迦克定义，虽然他会被强盗前，其中一个负责人。Houses were set on fire, and some of the orthodox were slain.房屋被放火烧毁，和正统的一些人被杀。Theodosius made himself bishop, and throughout Palestine the bishops were expelled and new ones set up. The Bishop of Scythopolis lost his life; violence and riots were the order of the day.狄奥多西使自己的主教，主教和整个巴勒斯坦被驱逐，并成立新的。主教的锡索波利斯失去了生命;暴力和骚乱是家常便饭了。Eudocia, widow of the Emperor Theodosius II, had retired to Palestine, and gave some support to the insurgent monks.欧多西亚，二寡妇的皇帝狄奥多西，退休了巴勒斯坦，并给一些支持起义僧侣。Marcian and Pulcheria took mild measures to restore peace, and sent repeated letters in which the real character of the decrees of Chalcedon was carefully explained.马尔奇安和Pulcheria采取温和的措施，以恢复和平，并多次发出的信件中解释法令的真正性质卡尔西进行了仔细的。 St. Euthymius and his community were almost the only monks who upheld the council, but this influence, together with a long letter from St. Leo to the excited monks, had no doubt great weight in obtaining peace.圣Euthymius和他的社会几乎是唯一的和尚会坚持谁，但这种影响力，连同一封长信从圣利奥的兴奋僧侣，在获得和平的体重无疑很大。 In 453, large numbers acknowledged their error, when Theodosius was driven out and took refuge on Mount Sinai, after a tyranny of twenty months.在453，大批承认其错误，当狄奥多西被赶出了西奈半岛和避难山，经过20个月的暴政。Others held out on the ground that it was uncertain whether the pope had ratified the council.别人伸出的理由，它是不确定是否教皇批准了议会。It was true that he had annulled its disciplinary canons.的确，他已取消其学科门炮。The emperor therefore wrote to St. Leo asking for an explicit confirmation, which the pope sent at once, at the same time thanking Marcian for his acquiescence in the condemnation of the twenty-eighth canon, as to the precedence of the See of Constantinople, and for repressing the religious riots in Palestine.因此，说皇帝圣利奥佳能要求明确确认，而在教皇派遣第八一次，在- 21同时感谢马尔奇安为他默许的谴责，向君士坦丁堡作为优先的见的，为镇压暴动和巴勒斯坦的宗教。
In Egypt the results of the council were far more serious, for nearly the whole patriarchate eventually sided with Dioscurus, and has remained in heresy to the present day.在埃及议会的结果严重得多，几乎整个东正教与最终Dioscurus片面，并留在异端到今天。Out of seventeen bishops who represented, at Chalcedon, the hundred Egyptian bishops, only four had the courage to sign the decree.谁出17主教代表，在卡尔西，百埃及主教只有4个有胆量签署了这项法令。 These four returned to Alexandria, and peacably ordained the archdeacon, Proterius, a man of good character and venerable by his age, in the place of Dioscurus.这四个回到亚历山大，并peacably受戒的副主教，Proterius，一岁男子良好品格和令人尊敬他Dioscurus，在这个地方。 But the deposed patriarch was popular, and the thirteen bishops, who had been allowed to defer signing the tome of St. Leo, misrepresented the teaching of the council as contrary to that of Cyril.但是，被推翻的元老流行，而13主教，谁被允许推迟签署利奥巨著圣，歪曲了西里尔教学的安理会因为这违背。A riot was the result.阿暴乱结果。The soldiers who attempted to quell it were driven into the ancient temple of Serapis, which was now a church, and it was burnt over their heads.士兵们谁试图平息它被赶进了教堂，古老的寺庙塞拉皮斯，这是现在，它被烧毁了他们的头。Marcian retaliated by depriving the city of the usual largess of corn, of public shows, and of privileges.马尔奇安报复，剥夺玉米城市一般赠品的节目，对市民和特权。Two thousand soldiers reinforced the garrison, and committed scandalous violence.两千名士兵加强了驻军，并承诺可耻的暴力。 The people were obliged to submit, but the patriarch was safe only under military protection.人们不得不提出，但老人家是只有在军事安全保障。Schism began through the retirement from his communion of the priest Timothy, called Ælurus, "the cat", and Peter, called Mongus, "the hoarse", a deacon, and these were joined by four or five bishops.分裂就通过他的牧师提摩太退休从共融的Ælurus，叫做“猫”和彼得，叫蒙古斯，“嘶哑”，一个执事，并得到了这些主教加入了4或5。 When the death of Dioscurus (September, 454) in exile at Gangra was known, two bishops consecrated Timothy Ælurus as his successor.当Dioscurus死亡）在流亡冈格拉（454年9月，被称为，两位主教祝圣为他的继任者蒂莫西Ælurus。 Henceforward almost the whole of Egypt acknowledged the Monophysite patriarch.从此以后几乎整个埃及承认基督一元老。On the arrival of the news of the death of Marcian (February, 457), Proterius was murdered in a riot, and Catholic bishops were everywhere replaced by Monophysites.在马尔奇安到达死亡的消息在（2月，457），Proterius被谋杀在暴动，和天主教主教是基督一处处所取代。 The new emperor, Leo, put down force by force, but Ælurus was protected by his minister Aspar.新皇帝利奥，放下武力，武力，但Ælurus是阿斯帕尔保护他的部长。Leo wished for a council, but gave way before the objections made by the pope his namesake, and the difficulties of assembling so many bishops.利奥祝愿一局，但他给了同名的方式教宗之前作出的反对，许多主教的困难和装配等。 He therefore sent queries throughout the Eastern Empire to be answered by the bishops, as to the veneration due to the Council of Chalcedon and as to the ordination and the conduct of Ælurus.因此，他被送到主教回答查询整个帝国的东部，以敬仰由于安理会的chalcedon及所作的协调和Ælurus进行。 As only Catholic bishops were consulted, the replies were unanimous.由于只有天主教主教进行了磋商，一致的答复。One or two of the provincial councils, in expressing their indignation against Timothy, add the proviso "if the reports are accurate", and the bishops of Pamphylia point out that the decree of Chalcedon is not a creed for the people, but a test for bishops.一个或两个省议会提摩太，表达对他们的愤怒，加上但书：“如果报道是准确的”，和潘菲利亚主教指出，卡尔西法令的信条是不是一个人的，而是一个测试主教。 The letters, still preserved (in Latin only) under the name of Encyclia, or Codex Encyclius, bear the signatures of about 260 bishops, but Nicephorus Callistus says, that there were altogether more than a thousand, while Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria in the days of St. Gregory the Great, puts the number at 1600.这些信，仍然保留（在拉美只有Encyclius）根据食品法典委员会的名称Encyclia，或承担260主教的签名约，但Nicephorus卡利斯图斯说，有一共有超过1万，而Eulogius，亚历山大宗主教在格雷戈里天圣大，在1600年提出的数字。 He says that only one bishop, the aged Amphilochius of Side, dissented from the rest, but he soon changed his mind (quoted by Photius, Bibl., CCXXX, p. 283).他说，只有一主教，Amphilochius侧老人，其余的异议，但他很快就改变了主意（Bibl引述由photius。，CCXXX，第283页）。 This tremendous body of testimonies to the Council of Chalcedon is little remembered today, but in controvresies with the Monophysites it was in those times of equal importance with the council itself, as its solemn ratification.这巨大的证词身体向卡尔西很少会记住今天，但安理会本身controvresies与该monophysites倍，具有同等的重要性正是在这些，因为它的庄严批准。
Oriental
Orthodox Churches东方东正教教堂
Chalcedon
迦克墩
This subject presentation in the original English language这在原来的主题演讲， 英语