The Septuagint, commonly designated LXX, is the oldest Greek version of the Old Testament of the Bible , the title "seventy" referring to the tradition that it was the work of 70 translators (or 72 in some traditions). 在七十，通常指定LXX的，是历史最悠久的圣经旧约的希腊文版本的旧 ，标题是“70”指的是传统，这是传统的工作70译员（部分或72）。 The translation was made from the Hebrew Bible by Hellenistic Jews during the period 275 - 100 BC at Alexandria.翻译是从希伯来文圣经希腊犹太人在此期间275 -公元前100年亚历山大。Initially the Septuagint was widely used by Greek - speaking Jews, but its adoption by the Christians, who used it in preference to the Hebrew original, aroused hostility among the Jews, who ceased to use it after about 70 AD. It is still used by the Greek Orthodox church.最初的译本是广泛使用的希腊-讲犹太人，但其通过的基督徒，谁使用偏好它在原来的希伯来文，引起犹太人之间的敌意，谁停止使用它后，约公元70。 它仍然使用希腊东正教教堂。
The Septuagint contains the books of the Hebrew Bible, the deuterocanonical books - that is, those not in the Hebrew version but accepted by the Christian church - and the Apocrypha. Ancient manuscripts from Qumran suggest that the Septuagint often followed a Hebrew text different from the present authoritative Hebrew text. Thus its value for textual criticism has been enhanced.在七十载有书籍书籍的希伯来文圣经，次经-也就是说，那些没有在希伯来文版本，但所接受的基督教教堂-和伪经。 来自库姆兰古代手稿显示，七十往往按不同的希伯来文目前权威的希伯来文。因此其批评价值的文字得到了加强。The Septuagint provides an understanding of the cultural and intellectual settings of Hellenistic Judaism.该译本的认识提供了一个犹太教和智力设置的希腊的文化。
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Bibliography
书目
CH Dodd, The
Bible and the Greeks (1935); S Jellicoe, The LXX and Modern Studies
(1968).CH多德，圣经和希腊（1935年）中，S杰利科，和1968年的lxx）现代研究（。
Septuagint is the name given the ancient Greek translation of the Hebrew Old Testament.七十是旧约希伯来文的名字赋予了古希腊翻译。The term is derived from the Latin word septuaginta ("seventy"; hence, the customary abbreviation LXX), which refers to the 70 (or 72) translators who were once believed to have been appointed by the Jewish high priest of the time to render the Hebrew Bible into Greek at the behest of the Hellenistic emperor Ptolemy II.一词源于拉丁文septuaginta（“70”，因此，习惯LXX的缩写），它指的是70（或72）提供笔译谁曾经被认为是要被任命当时的犹太大祭司的到希腊希伯来文圣经在第二遗志的希腊托勒密皇帝。
The legend of the 70 translators contains an element of truth, for the Torah (the five books of Moses-Genesis to Deuteronomy) probably had been translated into Greek by the 3rd century BC to serve the needs of Greek-speaking Jews outside Palestine who were no longer able to read their Scriptures in the original Hebrew.译员传说70包含一个真理element的，因为圣经（摩西五书创世记向申命记）可能已被翻译成希腊文谁是由公元前3世纪巴勒斯坦之外的讲希腊语的犹太人服务的需要不再能够读取其原始希伯来圣经中。 The translation of the remaining books of the Hebrew Old Testament, the addition to it of books and parts of books (the Apocrypha), and the final production of the Greek Old Testament as the Bible of the early Christian church form a very complicated history. Because the Septuagint, rather than the Hebrew text, became the Bible of the early church, other Jewish translations of the Hebrew Bible into Greek were made by the 3rd century; these are extant only in fragments, and their history is even more obscure than that of the Septuagint.在希伯来文圣经翻译的旧书籍，其余的）除了伪经向它的书籍和部分书籍（，最终生产的希腊旧约圣经作为历史的早期基督教教会形成一个非常复杂的。由于七十，而不是希伯来文，成为教会圣经早期，其他犹太翻译的第三世纪的希伯来文圣经作出了到希腊，这些是现存唯一的片段，和他们的历史更是模糊不清比该译本。
Rev. Bruce Vawter布鲁斯瓦特牧师
Vulgate (Latin vulgata editio, "popular edition") is the edition of the Latin Bible that was pronounced "authentic" by the Council of Trent.武加大（拉丁语vulgata埃迪蒂奥，“大众版”）是圣经版本的拉丁这是明显的“正宗”的安理会的遄达的。The name originally was given to the "common edition" of the Greek Septuagint used by the early Fathers of the Church.这个名字最初是考虑到“共同版教会”教父早期所使用的希腊译本。It was then transferred to the Old Latin version (the Itala) of both the Old Testament and the New Testament that was used extensively during the first centuries in the Western church.据然后转移到旧拉丁美洲版本的西方教会（即伊泰莱）双方的旧约和新世纪约在第一，是广泛使用。The present composite Vulgate is basically the work of St.目前复合武加大，基本上是圣工作Jerome, a Doctor of the Church.杰罗姆，一个医生的教会。
At first St. Jerome used the Greek Septuagint for his Old Testament translation, including parts of the Apocrypha; later he consulted the original Hebrew texts. He produced three versions of the Psalms, called the Roman, the Gallican, and the Hebrew. The Gallican Psalter, based on a Greek transliteration of a Hebrew text, is now read in the Vulgate.起初圣杰罗姆使用旧约希腊译本翻译为他的，包括外传部分的，后来他咨询了原来的希伯来文。 他制作了3版本的诗篇，被称为罗马的高卢和希伯来文。的高卢罗莉的基础上，希伯来文希腊文的音译，现在读的武加大。At the request of Pope Damasus I in 382, Jerome had previously undertaken a revision of the New Testament.在382请求教皇达玛斯我，杰罗姆曾进行了修订新约。He corrected the Gospels thoroughly; it is disputed whether the slight revisions made in the remainder of the New Testament are his work.他彻底改正了福音，它是有争议的，是否新约的轻微修订在其余的是他的工作。
Through the next 12 centuries, the text of the Vulgate was transmitted with less and less accuracy.在接下来的12世纪，是拉丁文圣经文本的传播越来越少的准确性。The Council of Trent (around 1550) recognized the need for an authentic Latin text and authorized a revision of the extant corrupt editions. This revision is the basic Latin text still used by scholars. A modern reworking of it, called for by Pope Paul VI as a result of the Second Vatican Council, was largely completed in 1977.本）理事会的遄达（约1550承认拉丁文字需要一个真实的，并授权一个版本的修订提供了现存的腐败。 这项修订是基本的拉丁文本仍学者使用。一个现代化的改造它，被称为教皇保罗六世作为安理会的第二次梵蒂冈结果，主要是在1977年完成。 It was used in making up the new liturgical texts in Latin that were basic to the vernacular liturgies mandated by the council.它被用来在作出了新的礼仪拉丁文本在这是基本由安理会授权的白话礼仪。
A Version is a
translation of the holy Scriptures.一个版本是一个神圣的圣经翻译。This word is not found in the Bible;
nevertheless, as frequent references are made in this work to various ancient as
well as modern versions, it is fitting that some brief account should be given
of the most important of
these.这个词是没有发现在圣经，然而，由于经常提到的工作在这种种古老和现代的版本，它是恰当的一些简短的帐户应该给予这些最重要的。
These versions are important helps to
the right interpretation of the Word. (See Samaritan Pentateuch article,
below.)这些版本的帮助是很重要的话语权的解释。（见撒玛利亚五经的文章，下文。）
.
This version,
with all its defects, must be of the greatest
interest:这个版本，其所有缺陷，必须是最感兴趣的：
Only five
manuscripts of the New Testament approaching to completeness are more
ancient than this dividing date.只有5手稿的新约接近完整无缺，以古比这更日期划分。
(See Syriac article, below.)（见叙利亚的文章，下文。）
A Latin version made in Italy, and called the Itala, was reckoned the most accurate.一个在意大利拉丁版本，并呼吁该伊泰莱，是最精确的计算。This translation of the Old Testament seems to have been made not from the original Hebrew but from the LXX.这旧约译本旧似乎已不是从原来的希伯来文，而是来自LXX的。This version became greatly corrupted by repeated transcription, and to remedy the evil, Jerome (AD 329-420) was requested by Damasus, the bishop of Rome, to undertake a complete revision of it.此版本已大大转录损坏的重复，并纠正了邪恶， 杰罗姆 （公元329-420）的要求达玛斯，罗马主教，进行了全面修改它。By 384 AD, Jerome had completed the task.公元384，杰罗姆已经完成了任务。It met with opposition at first, but was at length, in the seventh century, recognized as the "Vulgate" version. The word Vulgate means common or popular.它第一次会见了反对派，但在长度，在第七世纪的版本 ，确认为“武加大。”武加大一词意味着共同或流行。More than 10,000 manuscript copies of the Vulgate exist today.超过10000份的vulgate手稿今天存在。
The Vulgate Bible appeared in a printed from about AD 1455, the first book that ever issued from the printing press. The Council of Trent (1546) declared it "authentic." 武加大圣经出现在印刷大约从公元1455年，第一本书是有史以来新闻界发出的印刷。理事会的遄达（1546）宣布其“正宗”。 It subsequently underwent various revisions, but that which was executed (1592) under the sanction of Pope Clement VIII was adopted as the basis of all subsequent editions. It is regarded as the sacred original in the Roman Catholic Church.它随后经历了多次修订，但其中被处决教皇克莱门特八世（1592）下的制裁是随后的版本采用为基础的。 它是罗马天主教教会视为神圣的原在。
All modern European versions have been more or less influenced by the Vulgate. This version reads ipsa instead of ipse in Gen. 所有现代欧洲版本已或多或少影响了拉丁文圣经。这个版本ipse读取IPSA指数，而不是在创3:15, "She shall bruise thy head."3:15，“她要伤你的头。”
Other Latin Versions其他拉丁美洲版本
Portions of the Scriptures were rendered into Saxon (as the Gospel according to John, by Bede, AD 735), (much improved quality) and also into English (by Orme, called the "Ormulum," a portion of the Gospels and of the Acts in the form of a metrical paraphrase, toward the close of the seventh century), long before Wyckliffe; but it is to him that the honour belongs of having first rendered the whole Bible into English (AD 1384). This version was made from the Vulgate, and renders Gen. 3:15 after that Version, "She shall trede thy head."圣经的部分内容作出了到撒克逊人（如根据约翰福音，由比德，公元735），（大有改善品质），并译成英文（由奥玛，被称为“Ormulum，”1的部分的福音和复述行为的格律形式，对本世纪即将结束的第七位），很久以前威克利夫，但它是有他的荣誉属于首次提供的1384年）整个圣经译成英文（公元。这个版本是从武加大，并使你的头创3:15之后的版本，“她应特雷德。” This translation was very stilted and mechanical in style.这种转换是非常棚屋和风格的机械研究。It is likely that only a few hundred copies were ever made, because the printing press had not yet been invented.这是可能只有几百份做过，因为印刷机尚未发明。Each copy was laboriously and meticulously copied by hand.每个副本的辛苦和精心手工复制的。There are presently one hundred and seventy copies still in existence.目前有170份仍然存在研究。
In 1454, Johann Gutenberg developed the movable type printing press. This allowed all of the following Bible versions to be printed in much larger quantity.在1454年，约翰古腾堡发展了活字印刷记者。这使得以下所有版本的圣经印刷量将更大。It seems no coincidence that Martin Luther and the Protestant Revolution began soon after (1517), since a much larger number of scholars now had easy access to Biblical texts.看来并非巧合，马丁路德和新教革命开始后不久（1517），因为一个数字的学者现在有更大的方便，以圣经的文本。
This was followed by Tyndale's translation (1525-1531) (this translation was based on the original Greek of the New Testament, and was translated in a free idiomatic English; when the KJAV was produced almost a century later (1611), one-third of it retained Tyndale's wording and the remainder retained his general literary structure); Miles Coverdale's (1535-1553); Thomas Matthew's (1537), really, however, the work of John Rogers, the first martyr under the reign of Queen Mary. This was properly the first Authorized Version, Henry VIII, having ordered a copy of it to be got for every church. This took place in less than a year after Tyndale was martyred for the crime of translating the Scriptures. In 1539 Richard Taverner published a revised edition of Matthew's Bible.其次是丁道尔的翻译 （1525年至1531年）（这个翻译是基于新旧约原希腊，被译成英文在一个自由的地道;当KJAV制作了近一个世纪之后（1611年），三分之一它保留廷达勒的措辞，而其余的保留他的一般的文学结构）; 迈尔斯代尔公司 （1535年至1553年）， 托马斯马修 （1537），真的，但是，玛丽的工作约翰罗杰斯，皇后首次统治烈士下。 这首先是正确的授权版本，亨利八世，有下令将它复制教会了每个。 这发生在一年不到的地方后，丁道尔圣经是烈属为犯罪的翻译。理查德塔弗纳在1539年出版了修订马修版的圣经。The Great Bible, so called from its great size, called also Cranmer's Bible, was published in 1539 and 1568. In the strict sense, the "Great Bible" is "the only authorized version; for the Bishops' Bible and the present Bible [the AV] never had the formal sanction of royal authority." Next in order was the Geneva version (1557-1560) (the first version to recognize the division of the text into verses); the Bishops' Bible (1568); the Rheims and Douai versions, under Roman Catholic auspices (1582, 1609) (still the standard Roman Catholic Bible); the Authorized Version (1611) (the most broadly distributed version, also called King James Authorized Version [KJAV]; the work of fifty-four scholars from Oxford, Cambridge and Westminster; a number of revisions were soon made, in 1613, 1629, 1638, 1762, and 1769); and the Revised Version of the New Testament in 1880 and of the Old Testament in 1884. 伟大的圣经，所谓从大尺寸，所谓的还克兰默的圣经，出版于1539年和1568年。 在严格意义上说，“伟大的圣经”是“唯一授权的版本，为主教团圣经和本圣经[在AV]从未有过的王室的权威正式制裁。“订单下一步是日内瓦的版本 （1557年至1560年）（第一个版本承认诗句分工到文本）; 主教团圣经 （1568年）;的兰斯和杜埃版本，根据罗马天主教主持（1582年，1609年）（仍然是标准的罗马天主教圣经）; 授权版 （1611年）（最广泛分布的版本，也称为国王詹姆斯授权版本[KJAV];工作五十四位学者从牛津，剑桥和威斯敏斯特，一个修订数很快就作出了1613年，中，1629，1638，1762和1769年），以及和修订版本的新约圣经旧约于1880年在1884年。 The two were combined and called the English Revised Version (1885).这两个相结合，并呼吁英国修订版 （1885年）。
The American Standard Version (1901, 1946, 1957); The Holy Bible; Revised Standard Version (1946 [NT], 1952 [OT], 1971); the Living Bible (1971); the New International Version (NIV) (1973, 1978, 1984); the Simple English Version (1978, 1980); the New King James Version (1982); and the Micro Bible (1988), have all developed broad acceptance by various Christian Denominations and groups.美国标准版 （1901年，1946年，1957年）; 的圣经;修订标准版 （1946年[新台币]，1952 [催产素]，1971年）;的生活圣经 （1971年）; 新的国际版本（和合本）（1973年， 1978年，1984年）; 简单中文版 （1978年，1980年）; 新国王詹姆斯版本 （1982年）和微圣经 （1988年），教派和团体都制定广泛接受各基督教。
Additionally, the Literal Translation of the Holy Bible (Young, 1887, reprinted 1953); The Twentieth Century New Testament (1901); The Historical New Testament (Moffatt, 1901); The New Testament in Modern Speech (Weymouth, 1903); The Holy Bible - An Improved Edition (Amer. Baptist Publication Society, 1913); The Bible - A New Translation (Moffatt, 1922); The New Testament, an American Translation (Goodspeed, 1923); The Bible, an American Translation (Goodspeed, 1931); The New Testament (Williams, 1937); Letters to Young Churches (Phillips, 1948) (paraphrases the New Testament Epistles); The Gospels (Phillips, 1953) (popular paraphrases among young people); The Berkeley Version of the Bible (Verkuyl, 1959); have popularity for various reasons, usually either common vocabulary or extremely careful translation.此外，1953年） 直译的圣经 （杨，1887年，重印; 20世纪新约 （1901年）; 的历史新约 （莫法特，1901年）; 1903年） 新约中的现代语音 （韦茅斯; 的圣经-一种改进版 （Amer.浸信会出版协会，1913年）; 圣经-新翻译 （莫法特，1922）; 新约，美国翻译 （古德斯皮德，1923年）， 圣经，美国翻译 （古德斯皮德， 1931年）; 新约 （威廉姆斯，1937年）; 家书年轻教会 （菲利普斯，1948年）（释义新约书信）; 福音 （菲利普斯，1953年）（年轻人中流行的释义）; 的伯克利版本的圣经 （Verkuyl，1959年）;有声望的原因多种多样，通常是共同的词汇或极其小心翻译。
On the return from the Exile, the Jews refused the Samaritans participation with them in the worship at Jerusalem, and the latter separated from all fellowship with them, and built a temple for themselves on Mount Gerizim.在流亡返回的，犹太人在耶路撒冷拒绝参加与撒马利亚人崇拜他们，并与他们相交，后者所有分离，建成基利心山寺院为自己的。 This temple was razed to the ground more than one hundred years BC Then a system of worship was instituted similar to that of the temple at Jerusalem.这庙被夷为平地的地面超过百年前那一个礼拜制度是建立类似于在耶路撒冷的圣殿。It was founded on the Law, copies of which had been multiplied in Israel as well as in Judah.它是建立在法律，副本已被以色列成倍增加，以及在犹大。
Thus the Pentateuch was preserved among the Samaritans, although they never called it by this name, but always "the Law," which they read as one book.因此，五经被保留其中撒玛利亚，但他们从来没有叫这个名字它，但都是“法”，他们阅读的一本书。The division into five books, as we now have it, however, was adopted by the Samaritans, as it was by the Jews, in all their priests' copies of "the Law," for the sake of convenience.这些书划分为5个，我们现在有了它，但是，通过了撒玛利亚，因为它是由犹太人法，'份“在所有的神父，”为方便起见的。 This was the only portion of the Old Testament which was accepted by the Samaritans as of divine authority.这是唯一的旧约部分是接受了神圣的权力由撒玛利亚的。
The form of the letters in the manuscript copies of the Samaritan Pentateuch is different from that of the Hebrew copies, and is probably the same as that which was in general use before the Captivity.撒玛利亚五经形成的手稿副本信件的副本不同的是从希伯来文的，并且可能是圈养的相同，而在之前使用一般。There are other peculiarities in the writing which need not here be specified.有规定的其他特点是在写作不需要在这里。There are important differences between the Hebrew and the Samaritan copies of the Pentateuch in the readings of many sentences.有许多句子之间的重要分歧的希伯来文和撒玛利亚副本的读数摩西五英寸In about two thousand instances in which the Samaritan and the Jewish texts differ, the LXX agrees with the former.在大约2000实例中，撒玛利亚和犹太文不同，LXX的同意前者。The New Testament also, when quoting from the Old Testament, agrees as a rule with the Samaritan text, where that differs from the Jewish.新约也，当圣经引述老，同意作为一个犹太规则与撒玛利亚文本，其中的不同。Thus Ex. 12:40 in the Samaritan reads, "Now the sojourning of the children of Israel and of their fathers which they had dwelt in the land of Canaan and in Egypt was four hundred and thirty years" (comp. Gal. 3: 17).因此前。撒玛利亚12:40在读取，“现在旅居以色列的儿童和他们的埃及父亲，他们已经住在迦南的土地和被四百三十○年”（comp.的半乳糖。三： 17）。It may be noted that the LXX has the same reading of this text.值得注意的是，它可能具有的lxx阅读这个文本相同。
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)（伊斯顿图解词典）
Sinaiticus codex, usually designated by the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, is one of the most valuable of ancient MSS of the Greek New Testament.西奈抄本法典，通常指定由希伯来文字母表的第一个字母，是一个新旧约最有价值的古希腊MSS的研究。On the occasion of a third visit to the convent of St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, in 1859, it was discovered by Dr. Tischendorf.在凯瑟琳场合的第三次访问该修道院的圣，在西奈山，在1859年，它是提申多夫发现博士。He had on a previous visit in 1844 obtained forty-three parchment leaves of the LXX, which he deposited in the university library of Leipsic, under the title of the Codex Frederico-Augustanus, after his royal patron the king of Saxony.他对1844年以前的访问取得43羊皮纸叶的lxx，他存放在莱比锡大学图书馆，在Augustanus标题法典弗雷德里科-，在他的萨克森国王王室赞助的。 In the year referred to (1859) the emperor of Russia sent him to prosecute his search for MSS, which he was convinced were still to be found in the Sinai convent.在提到今年（1859年）俄罗斯皇帝派他去起诉他相信MSS的搜索，而他仍然是修道院发现在西奈。
The story of his finding the manuscript of the New Testament has all the interest of a romance.在旧约的故事，他找到了新的手稿一直一个浪漫的利益。He reached the convent on 31st January; but his inquiries appeared to be fruitless.他到达修道院1月31日上，但其调查似乎是徒劳的。On the 4th February he had resolved to return home without having gained his object.在2月4日，他决心回到家里有没有取得他的对象。"On that day, when walking with the provisor of the convent, he spoke with much regret of his ill-success. Returning from their promenade, Tischendorf accompanied the monk to his room, and there had displayed to him what his companion called a copy of the LXX, which he, the ghostly brother, owned. The MS was wrapped up in a piece of cloth, and on its being unrolled, to the surprise and delight of the critic the very document presented itself which he had given up all hope of seeing. “在这一天，当修道院行走的provisor的与他说话时，他的成功，很遗憾生病。长廊从他们的选举，同时提申多夫和尚到他的房间，并有向他展示了他的同伴叫什么副本的lxx，他的幽灵般的兄弟，拥有。在MS被包裹在一块布，并在它被摊开，到惊奇和欣喜的文件非常提出批评，他本身已经放弃了所有的希望看到。
His object had been to complete the fragmentary LXX of 1844, which he had declared to be the most ancient of all Greek codices on vellum that are extant; but he found not only that, but a copy of the Greek New Testament attached, of the same age, and perfectly complete, not wanting a single page or paragraph." This precious fragment, after some negotiations, he obtained possession of, and conveyed it to the Emperor Alexander, who fully appreciated its importance, and caused it to be published as nearly as possible in facsimile, so as to exhibit correctly the ancient handwriting.他的目的已经完成零散LXX的1844年，他已被宣布为牛皮纸上最古老的所有希腊古抄本是现存的，但他发现不仅如此，一本新约希腊重视，在同样的年龄，完全彻底，不想要一个单页或段落。“这珍贵的片段，经过谈判，他获得的占有，并转达给亚历山大皇帝，谁充分认识其重要性，并造成了其予以公布近尽可能传真，以便正确地展示古老的笔迹。
The entire codex consists of 346 1/2 folios.整个食品法典委员会由346 1 / 2开本。Of these 199 belong to the Old Testament and 147 1/2 to the New, along with two ancient documents called the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas.其中199个属于旧约和147 1 / 2到新的，随着两个古老的hermas文件书信称为巴拿巴和牧人。The books of the New Testament stand thus:, the four Gospels, the epistles of Paul, the Acts of the Apostles, the Catholic Epistles, the Apocalypse of John.展台的书籍的新约圣经这样的：，4个福音，保罗的书信，使徒行传的，天主教书信，约翰的启示。
It is shown by Tischendorf that this codex was written in the fourth century, and is thus of about the same age as the Vatican codex; but while the latter wants the greater part of Matthew and sundry leaves here and there besides, the Sinaiticus is the only copy of the New Testament in uncial characters which is complete.它是表现在提申多夫，这是世纪的手抄本写在第四，因此，食品法典委员会关于梵蒂冈同年龄的，但后者则希望更多的杂叶的一部分，马修和在这里和那里此外，西奈抄本是只复制新的字符约在uncial手稿是完整的。 Thus it is the oldest extant MS copy of the New Testament.因此，它是现存最古老的MS约复制新的。Both the Vatican and the Sinai codices were probably written in Egypt.无论是梵蒂冈和西奈半岛的古抄本可能写在埃及。(See Vaticanus article, below.) （见Vaticanus文章，下文。）
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)（伊斯顿图解词典）
Syriac, (2 Kings 18:26; Ezra 4:7; Dan. 2:4), more correctly rendered "Aramaic," including both the Syriac and the Chaldee languages.叙利亚文，（2国王18:26;以斯拉4:7;丹。2:4），更正确地呈现“阿拉姆沙尔语言”包括叙利亚文和。 In the New Testament there are several Syriac words, such as "Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani?"在新约圣经有几个单词如叙利亚，这种“埃洛伊，埃洛伊，喇嘛sabachthani？”(Mark 15:34; Matt. 27:46 gives the Heb. form, "Eli, Eli"), "Raca" (Matt. 5:22), "Ehtmlhatha" (Mark 7:34), "Maran-atha" (1 Cor. 16:22). （马克15点34分，马特。27:46给出了河北。形式，“礼，礼”），“拉贾”（太5:22），“Ehtmlhatha”（马可福音7:34），“马兰，阿萨” （1肺心病。16:22）。
A Syriac version of the Old Testament, containing all the canonical books, along with some apocryphal books (called the Peshitto, ie, simple translation, and not a paraphrase), was made early in the second century, and is therefore the first Christian translation of the Old Testament.阿叙利亚文版本的旧约，包含所有典型的书籍，以及一些简单的翻译猜测书籍（称为Peshitto，即，而不是意译），有人早在公元二世纪，因此是第一个基督教翻译旧约的。 It was made directly from the original, and not from the LXX Version.这是直接从原始的，而不是从LXX的版本。The New Testament was also translated from Greek into Syriac about the same time.新约也从希腊翻译成叙利亚大约在同一时间。 It is noticeable that this version does not contain the Second and Third Epistles of John, 2 Peter, Jude, and the Apocalypse.值得注意的是，这个版本不包含第二次和第三次书信启示约翰，彼得，裘德和。These were, however, translated subsequently and placed in the version.这些人，但是，后来翻译和版本放置在。(See Version article, above.) （见版本的文章，以上。）
The Codex Vaticanus is said to be the oldest extant vellum manuscript.食品Vaticanus被认为是现存最古老的羊皮纸手稿。It and the Codex Sinaiticus are the two oldest uncial manuscripts.它和法典西奈抄本是两个最古老的uncial手稿手稿。They were probably written in the fourth century.他们很可能是写在第四世纪。The Vaticanus was placed in the Vatican Library at Rome by Pope Nicolas V. in 1448, its previous history being unknown.该Vaticanus被安排在梵蒂冈图书馆Nicolas诉在罗马教皇在1448年，其以往的历史是未知之数。
It originally consisted in all probability of a complete copy of the Septuagint and of the New Testament.它原先由所有的新约圣经的概率一个完整的副本及译本。It is now imperfect, and consists of 759 thin, delicate leaves, of which the New Testament fills 142.现在是不完善的，包括759和142薄，微妙的树叶，其中新约填充。Like the Sinaiticus, it is of the greatest value to Biblical scholars in aiding in the formation of a correct text of the New Testament.像西奈抄本，这是最大的价值圣经旧约学者协助新形成的一个正确的文本。It is referred to by critics as Codex B.它是指作为法典乙批评
(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)（伊斯顿图解词典）
| .。 | Mar3月 cion接穗 c.140c.140 |
Iren-伊伦- aeusaeus 130-202130-202 |
Old老 Latin拉丁 150-70150-70 |
Murat-穆拉特- orian奥里安 c.170c.170 |
TertullTertull .。 150-220150-220 |
Old老 Syriac叙利亚 200200 |
Origen奥利 .。 185-254185-254 |
Hippo-河马， lytuslytus 200-25200-25 |
Euse-Euse - biusbius 325-40325-40 |
Codex法典 Vatic瓦蒂奇 325-50325-50 |
Codex法典 Sinai西乃山 325-425325-425 |
Athan森 asiusasius 367367 |
AmphiAmphi lociuslocius 380380 |
Pesh-Pesh - itta热带木材协定 375-400375-400 |
Cart-推车 hage3hage3 c.397c.397 |
Codex法典 Alex亚历 425-75425-75 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Matthew马修 | oØ | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| Mark标志 | oØ | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| Luke卢克 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| John约翰 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| Acts行为 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
|
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| Romans罗马书 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 1 Cor1肺心病 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 2 Cor2肺心病 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| Galat加拉特 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| EphesEphes | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| Philip菲利普 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| ColossColoss | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 1 Thess一帖 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 2 Thess2帖 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 1 Tim1添 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 2 Tim2添 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| Titus蒂图斯 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| PhilemPhilem | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 |
|
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| Hebrew希伯来语 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | d Ð | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| James詹姆斯 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | d Ð | o Ø | d Ð | m米 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 1 Pet1宠物 | o Ø | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | m米 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 2 Pet2宠物 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | d Ð | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 |
| 1 John约翰一书 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 |
| 2 John约翰二书 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | d Ð | o Ø | d Ð | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 |
| 3 John约翰三 | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | d Ð | o Ø | d Ð | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 |
| Jude裘德 | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | d Ð | o Ø | d Ð | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 |
| Revel陶醉 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 | i我 | m米 | i我 | i我 | i我 | o Ø | i我 | i我 |
|
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| Hermas黑马 | o Ø | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | o Ø | r ṛ | m米 | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø |
| Barnabas巴拿巴 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | o Ø | r ṛ | m米 | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø |
| Didache十二使徒遗训 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | o Ø | r ṛ | m米 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø |
| ApocPetApocPet | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | m米 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø |
| 1Clement1Clement | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | m米 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 |
| 2Clement2Clement | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | m米 | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | o Ø | i我 |
|
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i=included
(canonicity definitely accepted)包括我=（接受正规肯定）
o=omitted (canonicity doubted or
denied)Ø =省略 （正规质疑或拒绝）
m=missing (the codex omits the
Pastorals and ends at Heb. 9:13)米=失踪
（食品法典委员会忽略了田园诗和希伯来结束于。9:13）
d=disputed (canonicity mentioned
as being in doubt)Ð =争议 （怀疑被提到正规）
r=rejected (canonicity
specifically denied)ṛ=驳回 （正规具体被拒绝）
The first translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, made into popular Greek before the Christian era.第一次翻译旧约的希伯来文，希腊文制作成流行的前基督教时代。This article will treat of:本文将治疗：
I. Its Importance;一，具有重要意义;
II.二。Its Origin:它的起源：
A. According to tradition;答：按照传统习俗;
B. According to the commonly accepted view;B.根据普遍接受的观点;
III.三。Its subsequent history, recensions, manuscripts, and editions;以后的历史，校订本，手稿，和版本;
IV.四。Its critical value; Language.其临界值;语言。
I. HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE SEPTUAGINT一，历史重要性的septuagint
The importance of the Septuagint Version is shown by the following considerations:该版本的重要性的译本是表现在以下考虑：
A. The Septuagint is the most ancient translation of the Old Testament and consequently is invaluable to critics for understanding and correcting the Hebrew text (Massorah), the latter, such as it has come down to us, being the text established by the Massoretes in the sixth century AD Many textual corruptions, additions, omissions, or transpositions must have crept into the Hebrew text between the third and second centuries BC and the sixth and seventh centuries of our era; the manuscripts therefore which the Seventy had at their disposal, may in places have been better than the Massoretic manuscripts.答：七十是最古老的翻译旧约，因此是非常宝贵的批评和纠正了解希伯来文（Massorah），后者，如它已回落到我们，在被马所拉学士文本建立公元六世纪的许多文字腐败，增补，遗漏或换位必须具有时代悄悄进入我们的希伯来文之间的第三和第二的第六和第七世纪公元前数百年，因此，该手稿曾在其70处理，可在地方，均高于massoretic手稿更好。
B. The Septuagint Version accepted first by the Alexandrian Jews, and afterwards by all the Greek-speaking countries, helped to spread among the Gentiles the idea and the expectation of the Messias, and to introduce into Greek the theological terminology that made it a most suitable instrument for the propagation of the Gospel of Christ.二，接受七十版本首先由亚历山大犹太人，后来由希腊所有葡语国家，有助于在外邦人中的传播理念与弥赛亚的期望，并引入希腊的神学术语，使得它最适当工具为传播基督的福音。
C. The Jews made use of it long before the Christian Era, and in the time of Christ it was recognised as a legitimate text, and was employed in Palestine even by the rabbis.C的犹太人用它早在基督教时代，在基督时间是文本确认为合法的，甚至是巴勒斯坦受雇于由拉比。The Apostles and Evangelists utilised it also and borrowed Old Testament citations from it, especially in regard to the prophecies.福音的使徒和利用它也和借来的旧约引用到它，尤其是在关于预言。The Fathers and the other ecclesiastical writers of the early Church drew upon it, either directly, as in the case of the Greek Fathers, or indirectly, like the Latin Fathers and writers and others who employed Latin, Syriac, Ethiopian, Arabic and Gothic versions.父亲和借鉴了其他的教会作家早期的教会，无论是直接，如版本案件的希腊教父，或哥特式间接，如拉丁美洲和作家，父亲和其他人谁雇拉丁文，叙利亚，埃塞俄比亚，阿拉伯语。 It was held tin high esteem by all, some even believed it inspired.它是由所有的尊敬锡高，有的甚至认为它的启发。Consequently, a knowledge of the Septuagint helps to a perfect understanding of these literatures.因此，一个七十知识的帮助一个完美的理解这些文献。
D. At the present time, the Septuagint is the official text in the Greek Church, and the ancient Latin Versions used in the western church were made from it; the earliest translation adopted in the Latin Church, the Vetus Itala, was directly from the Septuagint: the meanings adopted in it, the Greek names and words employed (such as: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers [Arithmoi], Deuteronomy), and finally, the pronunciation given to the Hebrew text, passed very frequently into the Itala, and from it, at times, into the Vulgate, which not rarely gives signs of the influence of the Vetus Itala; this is especially so in the Psalms, the Vulgate translation being merely the Vetus Itala corrected by St. Jerome according to the hexaplar text of the Septuagint.时间D.在目前，七十是希腊教会的正式文本中，古拉丁语版本中使用的西方教会了它制成的，最早的翻译教会通过在拉丁美洲，在Vetus伊泰莱，是直接从七十：在通过了意义，希腊名字和单词受聘为（如：创世记，出埃及记，利未记，民数记[Arithmoi]，申命记），最后，希伯来文的发音给予，通过经常到伊泰莱，从它，有时到武加大，这不是很少给伊泰莱迹象Vetus影响的，这是尤其是在诗篇，武加大译本被杰罗姆仅仅是Vetus伊泰莱纠正圣根据hexaplar文本该译本。
II.二。ORIGIN OF THE SEPTUAGINT原产地的septuagint
A. According to Tradition答：按照传统习俗
The Septuagint Version is first mentioned in a letter of Aristeas to his brother Philocrates.七十版本是第一次提到在一个Aristeas的信给他的弟弟Philocrates。Here, in substance, is what we read of the origin of the version. Ptolemy II Philadelphus, King of Egypt (287-47 BC) had recently established a valuable library at Alexandria.在这里，实质上是我们的亚历山德里亚的起源阅读的版本。托勒密二世时，埃及国王（公元前287-47）最近成立了一个宝贵的图书馆。 He was persuaded by Demetrius of Phalarus, chief librarian, to enrich it with a copy of the sacred books of the Jews.他被说服，馆员德米特里的Phalarus首席，丰富它与一个犹太人神圣的书籍的副本。To win the good graces of this people, Ptolemy, by the advice of Aristeas, an officer of the royal guard, an Egyptian by birth and a pagan by religion, emancipated 100,000 slaves in different parts of his kingdom.为了赢得宗教，这个异教徒青睐的人才，托勒密，由和咨询Aristeas的，是皇家警卫人员，由他的王国，埃及出生解放奴隶的10万件不同。 He then sent delegates, among whom was Aristeas, to Jerusalem, to ask Eleazar, the Jewish high-priest, to provide him with a copy of the Law, and Jews capable of translating it into Greek.然后，他派代表，其中被Aristeas的，以耶路撒冷，要求以利亚撒，犹太大祭司，为他提供法律的一个副本，和犹太人能够成为希腊翻译它。 The embassy was successful: a richly ornamented copy of the Law was sent to him and seventy-two Israelites, six from each tribe, were deputed to go to Egypt and carry out the wish of the king.大使馆是成功的：一个装饰华丽的法律副本送交他和72以色列人，六各部落，是写给前往埃及和贯彻王祝。They were received with great honor and during seven days astonished everyone by the wisdom they displayed in answering seventy-two questions which they were asked; then they were led into the solitary island of Pharos, where they began their work, translating the Law, helping one another and comparing translations in proportion as they finished them.他们收到了巨大的荣誉和被要求在7天，他们每个人都感到惊讶，其中的智慧，他们显示在回答问题72，然后他们被领进了他们的工作孤岛的灯塔，他们在那里开始，法律翻译，帮助互相比较，按比例为他们完成他们的翻译。 At the end of seventy-two days, their work was completed, The translation was read in presence of the Jewish priests, princes, and people assembled at Alexandria, who all recognized and praised its perfect conformity with the Hebrew original.在天结束72，他们的工作已经完成，该翻译是在读王子存在的犹太祭司，和民族的原聚集在亚历山大，谁所有认可和希伯来文称赞其完美的整合。 The king was greatly pleased with the work and had it placed in the library.国王非常高兴与工作，把它放置在图书馆。
Despite its legendary character, Aristeas' account gained credence; Aristobulus (170-50 BC), in a passage preserved by Eusebius, says that "through the efforts of Demetrius of Phalerus a complete translation of the Jewish legislation was executed in the days of Ptolemy"; Aristeas's story is repeated almost verbatim by Flavius Josephus (Ant. Jud., XII, ii) and substantially, with the omission of Aristeas' name, by Philo of Alexandria (De vita Moysis, II, vi). the letter and the story were accepted as genuine by many Fathers and ecclesiastical writers till the beginning of the sixteenth century; other details serving to emphasize the extraordinary origin of the version were added to Aristeas's account" The seventy-two interpreters were inspired by God (Tertullian, St. Augustine, the author of the "Cohortatio ad Graecos" [Justin?], and others); in translating they did not consult with one another, they had even been shut up in separate cells, either singly, or in pairs, and their translations when compared were found to agree entirely both as to the sense and the expressions employed with the original text and with each other (Cohortatio ad Graecos, St. Irenæus, St. Clement of Alexandria). St. Jerome rejected the story of the cells as fabulous and untrue ("Praef. in Pentateuchum";"Adv. Rufinum", II, xxv). likewise the alleged inspiration of the Septuagint. Finally the seventy two interpreters translated, not only the five books of the Pentateuch, but the entire Hebrew Old Testament. The authenticity of the letter, called in question first by Louis Vivès (1492-1540), professor at Louvain (Ad S. August. Civ. Dei, XVIII, xlii), then by Jos. Scaliger (d. 1609), and especially by H. Hody (d. 1705) and Dupin (d. 1719) is now universally denied.尽管它的传奇人物，Aristeas的帐户取得信任;阿里斯托布鲁斯（公元前170-50），由尤西比乌斯保留了过去，说：“通过Phalerus德米特里努力的一个犹太法律翻译完成的是托勒密在执行天“阿里斯铁阿斯的故事重复士。几乎逐字由弗拉菲乌斯约瑟夫（Ant.，第十二，二），并大幅的名称遗漏Aristeas的六，由亚历山大斐罗（德简历Moysis，二）。信和故事被接受为真正的许多神父和教会作家的16世纪，直到年初，该版本的其他细节服务，以非凡的原产地强调被添加到Aristeas的帐户“的72圣传译员的灵感来自上帝（良，奥古斯丁，Graecos提交的“Cohortatio广告”[贾斯汀？]，及其他），在没有翻译，他们相互协商，他们甚至被关在单独的细胞，单独或成对，他们的翻译比较结果发现完全同意双方以意识和克莱门特的亚历山德里亚的表达原文的聘用与对方（Cohortatio广告Graecos，圣圣爱任纽）。圣杰罗姆拒绝作为故事的细胞神话般的和不真实的（“Praef。在Pentateuchum”，“搜寻。Rufinum”，第二章，25）。同样的指控七十灵感。最后72口译翻译，不仅是五摩西五书的，而是整个希伯来文旧约。信的真实性，质疑中）最早由路易比韦斯（1492年至1540年）时，教授鲁汶（广告南八月。持续输注。棣，十八，四十二，然后由乔斯斯卡利杰尔（草1609） ，特别是由H.霍迪（草1705）和杜平（草1719）现在普遍被拒绝。
Criticism批评
(1) The letter of Aristeas is certainly apocryphal.（1）Aristeas的信肯定是杜撰的。The writer, who calls himself Aristeas and says he is a Greek and a pagan, shows by his whole work that he is a pious, zealous Jew: he recognizes the God of the Jews as the one true God; he declares that God is the author of the Mosaic law; he is an enthusiastic admirer of the Temple of Jerusalem, the Jewish land and people, and its holy laws and learned men.作家，谁自称Aristeas的，并说他是希腊和异教徒，他的整个工作表明，他是一个虔诚，热心的犹太人：他承认上帝的一个真正的上帝的犹太人，他宣称，上帝是笔者的镶嵌法，他是一个热情崇拜者耶路撒冷的圣殿，犹太人的土地和人民，其神圣的法律和有学问的人。
(2) The account as given in the letter must be regarded as fabulous and legendary, at least in several parts.（2）信中所给的帐户必须被视为精彩和传奇，至少在几个地方。Some of the details, such as the official intervention of the king and the high priest, the number of the seventy-two translators, the seventy-two questions they had to answer, the seventy-two days they took for their work, are clearly arbitrary assertions; it is difficult, moreover, to admit that the Alexandrian Jews adopted for their public worship a translation of the Law, made at the request of a pagan king; lastly, the very language of the Septuagint Version betrays in places a rather imperfect knowledge both of Hebrew and of the topography of Palestine, and corresponds more closely with the vulgar idiom of Alexandria.有些细节翻译，如- 2的官方干预的国王和祭司高70，其数量的，由72他们回答问题，第七两天内花了他们的工作，显然任意断言，它是困难的，而且，必须承认，国王亚历山大犹太人通过他们的公众礼拜翻译异教一法，是在请求;最后，在七十语言的版本非常背叛相当不完善的地方知识都希伯来语和巴勒斯坦地形，并对应亚历山大更加紧密地与庸俗的成语。 Yet it is not certain that everything contained in the letter is legendary, and scholars ask if there is not a historic foundation underneath the legendary details.然而，不能肯定一切的信中是有口皆碑的，而且学者问如果没有历史的传奇details基础下方。Indeed it is likely -- as appears from the peculiar character of the language, as well as from what we know of the origin and history of the version -- that the Pentateuch was translated at Alexandria.事实上，它很可能-因为似乎从特殊的语言特征，以及从我们所知道的版本的来源和历史-即摩西五是亚历山大折算。 It seems true also that it dates from the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and therefore from the middle of the third century BC For if, as is commonly believed, Aristeas's letter was written about 200 BC, fifty years after the death of Philadelphus, and with a view to increase the authority of the Greek version of the Law, would it have been accepted so easily and spread broadcast, if it had been fictitious, and if the time of the composition did not correspond with the reality?这似乎也是如此，它的日期从梅花时间托勒密，并认为因此从第三中间的常用世纪因为，如果，正如，阿里斯铁阿斯的信函200份约公元前50年之后，梅花死亡，并与以提高法律的权威在希腊的版本，它会这么容易被接受和传播广播，如果它已被虚构的，如果组成的时间不符合现实？ Moreover, it is possible that Ptolemy had something to do with the preparation or publishing of the translation, though how and why cannot be determined now.此外，它有可能托勒密曾是与编写或翻译出版的，但如何和为什么现在不能确定。Was it for the purpose of enriching his library as Pseudo-Aristeas states?它是国家为Aristeas的目的，丰富他的图书馆为伪？ This is possible, but is not proven, while, as will be shown below, we can very well account for the origin of the version independently of the king.这是可能的，但没有得到证明，同时，也将在这里显示出来，我们可以很清楚的版本占了独立起源的国王。
(3) The few details which during the course of ages have been added to Aristeas's account cannot be accepted; such are the story of the cells (St. Jerome explicitly rejects this); the inspiration of the translators, an opinion certainly based on the legend of the cells; the number of the translators, seventy-two (see below); the assertion that all the Hebrew books were translated at the same time. （3）的帐户一些细节的过程中的年龄已加入Aristeas的是不能接受的，这样是拒绝的故事细胞（圣杰罗姆明确这一点）;的灵感的翻译，在一项民意当然是根据传说中的细胞;译者的编号，72（见下文）;的时间，所有的说法同样被译成希伯来书在。 Aristeas speaks of the translation of the law (nomos), of the legislation (nomothesia), of the books of the legislator; now these expressions especially the last two, certainly mean the Pentateuch, exclusive of the other Old Testament books: and St. Jerome (Comment. in Mich.) says: "Josephus writes, and the Hebrews inform us, that only the five books of Moses were translated by them (seventy-two), and given to King Ptolemy."阿里斯铁阿斯谈到了州的翻译法（），法例（nomothesia），对立法者的书籍，现在这些表情特别是近两年，当然指的是摩西五，书籍独家其他旧约：和圣杰罗姆（Comment.在密歇根州）说：“约瑟夫写道，和希伯来人告诉我们，只有摩西五书的分别为（翻译了他们72），并考虑到国王托勒密。” Besides, the versions of the various books of the Old Testament differ so much in vocabulary, style, form, and character, sometimes free and sometimes extremely literal, that they could not be the work of the same translators.此外，旧约书籍的各种不同版本的这么多的词汇，风格，形式和性质，有时免费，有时是极为文字，他们不可能是相同的翻译工作。 Nevertheless, in spite of these divergencies the name of the Septuagint Version is universally given to the entire collection of the Old Testament books in the Greek Bible adopted by the Eastern Church.然而，尽管这些分歧版译本的名称是普遍给予希腊圣经旧约书籍在向整个集合教会通过由东区。
B. Origin according to the commonly accepted view.乙地根据普遍接受的观点。
As to the Pentateuch the following view seems plausible, and is now commonly accepted in its broad lines: The Jews in the last two centuries BC were so numerous in Egypt, especially at Alexandria, that at a certain time they formed two-fifths of the entire population.至于摩西五以下观点似乎有道理，现在普遍接受的线条在其广泛的：几个世纪以来犹太人在过去两年多前是如此埃及亚历山大，特别是在一个特定的时间，在他们成立两年的五分之四的全部人口。 Little by little most of them ceased to use and even forgot the Hebrew language in great part, and there was a danger of their forgetting the Law.他们小的小最停止使用，甚至忘了很大一部分的希伯莱语，并有一个法律的遗忘的危险。 Consequently it became customary to interpret in Greek the Law which was read in the synagogues, and it was quite natural that, after a time, some men zealous for the Law should have undertaken to compile a Greek Translation of the Pentateuch.因此它成为习惯来解释法律，希腊会堂里读的是，它是很自然的，经过一段时间，有些人热衷的法律应进行编译的摩西五希腊翻译。 This happened about the middle of the third century BC As to the other Hebrew books -- the prophetical and historical -- it was natural that the Alexandrian Jews, making use of the translated Pentateuch in their liturgical reunions, should desire to read the remaining books also and hence should gradually have translated all of them into Greek, which had become their maternal language; this would be so much the more likely as their knowledge of Hebrew was diminishing daily.这事有关的第三个世纪中叶公元前至于其他希伯莱文书籍-的预言和历史-这是自然的亚历山大犹太人，使他们的礼仪使用团聚的翻译五经中，应读的愿望，其余的书籍也因此应该逐步都已经翻译成希腊文的他们，这已成为他们的母语，这将是他们的知识，那么很可能是希伯来文更是每天递减。 It is not possible to determine accurately the precise time or the occasions on which these different translations were made; but it is certain that the Law, the Prophets, and at least part of the other books, that is, the hagiographies, existed in Greek before the year 130 BC, as appears from the prologue of Ecclesiasticus, which does not date later than that year.这是不可能准确地确定精确的时间或场合上所提出的这些不同的译本，但可以确定的是，这项法律，先知，和至少其他书籍的内容，即hagiographies，存在于希腊公元前130年之前，因为从今年出现的ecclesiasticus序幕，不晚于该日期。 It is difficult also to say where the various translations were made, the data being so scanty.这也很难说哪些地方各种翻译了言，如此少的数据。Judging by the Egyptian words and expressions occurring in the version, most of the books must have been translated in Egypt and most likely in Alexandria; Esther however was translated in Jerusalem (XI, i).版本来看，埃及文字和表达发生，大部分的书籍已被翻译必须在埃及和最有可能在亚历山大，不过是耶路撒冷以斯帖翻译（十一，我）。
Who were the translators and how many?谁是翻译，有多少？Is there any foundation for their number, seventy or seventy-two, as given in the legendary account (Brassac-Vigouroux, n. 105)?是否有）为基础的数字，70或70 - 105 2注，为给定的传奇帐户（布拉萨克- Vigouroux，？It seems impossible to decide definitely; the Talmudists tell us that the Pentateuch was translated by five interpreters (Sopherim, ci).这似乎是不可能决定肯定;的Talmudists告诉我们，是摩西五）翻译5个口译员（Sopherim，词。History gives us no details; but an examination of the text shows that in general that the authors were not Palestinian Jews called to Egypt; and differences of terminology, method, etc. prove clearly that the translators were not the same for the different books.历史给了我们没有任何细节，但一文本审查表明，在一般的，提交不巴勒斯坦犹太人呼吁埃及和术语的差异，方法等证明明确指出，翻译并不是为不同的书籍一样。 It is impossible also to say whether the work was carried out officially or was merely a private undertaking, as seems to have been the case with Ecclesiasticus; but the different books when translated were soon put together -- the author of Ecclesiasticus knew the collection -- and were received as official by the Greek-speaking Jews.这是不可能也说的工作是否进行了正式或仅仅是一个私人的事业，因为似乎一直是与案件需要ecclesiasticus，但翻译时，不同的书籍很快被放在一起-在需要ecclesiasticus的作者知道收集- -并收到由希腊犹太人官方讲。
III.三。SUBSEQUENT HISTORY后来的历史
Recensions校订本
The Greek version, known as the Septuagint, welcomed by the Alexandrian Jews, spread quickly throughout the countries in which Greek was spoken; it was utilized by different writers, and supplanted the original text in liturgical services.希腊的版本，译本被称为，犹太人欢迎亚历山大，迅速蔓延整个国家发言，其中希腊是，它是利用不同的作家，并取代了礼仪服务的原始文字研究。 Philo of Alexandria used it in his writings and looked on the translators as inspired Prophets; it was finally received even by the Jews of Palestine, and was employed notably by Josephus, the Palestinian Jewish historian.亚历山大的斐洛用在他的著作和先知视为灵感的翻译，它甚至是终于收到了巴勒斯坦的犹太人，并聘请历史学家，特别是由约瑟夫，巴勒斯坦犹太人。 We know also that the writers of the New Testament made use of it, borrowing from it most of their citations; it became the Old Testament of the Church and was so highly esteemed by the early Christians that several writers and Fathers declared it to be inspired.我们还知道，它的作家的新约圣经所作的使用，借用最能引文;它成为旧约中的教会的，是一位非常鼓舞推崇的是早期基督教徒的一些作家和父亲宣布它。 The Christians had recourse to it constantly in their controversies with the Jews, who soon recognized its imperfections, and finally rejected it in favour of the Hebrew text or of more literal translations (Aquila, Theodotion).基督徒求助于它不断地在其不完善的争议与犹太人，谁很快承认，最后拒绝）有Theodotion赞成希伯来文或雕，更多的字面翻译（。
Critical corrections of Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius奥利，吕西安和赫西基奥斯临界更正
On account of its diffusion alone the hellenizing Jews and early Christians, copies of the Septuagint were multiplied; and as might be expected, many changes, deliberate as well as involuntary, crept in. The necessity of restoring the text as far as possible to its pristine purity was felt.作者就占了其扩散的希腊化犹太人和早期基督徒，七十份的人成倍增加，以及可以预料，许多变化，蓄意以及非自愿，可能要爬进来的必要性恢复文本就其原始纯度的感觉。 The following is a brief account of the attempted corrections:下面是一个简短的帐户试图改正的：
A. Origen reproduced the Septuagint text in the fifth column of his Hexapla; marking with obeli the texts that occurred in the Septuagint without being in the original; adding according to Theodotion's version, and distinguishing with asterisks and metobeli the texts of the original which were not in the Septuagint; adopting from the variants of the Greek Version the texts which were closest to the Hebrew; and, finally, transposing the text where the order of the Septuagint did not correspond with the Hebrew order.答：奥利转载了他的Hexapla七十文本列在第五;与obeli原始标记的文本发生在七十的无被，加入根据Theodotion的版本，并以星号区分哪些metobeli和原始的文本七十不在;采用从希腊版本的变种，其中的文本最接近希伯来文，以及最后，移调文本在七十秩序的不符合希伯来秩序。 His recension, copied by Pamphilus and Eusebius, is called the hexaplar, to distinguish it from the version previously employed and which is called the common, vulgate, koine, or ante-hexaplar.他的recension，尤西比乌斯照抄Pamphilus，并称为hexaplar，以区别于以前的版本采用它的，哪些是所谓的共同，武加大，koine，或产前hexaplar。 It was adopted in Palestine.它通过了巴勒斯坦。
B. St. Lucien, priest of Antioch and martyr, in the beginning of the fourth century, published an edition corrected in accordance with the hebrew; this retained the name of koine, vulgate edition, and is sometimes called Loukianos, after its author.二圣。吕西安，烈士牧师安提阿和希伯来语，在四分之一世纪的开始按照一，发表版本纠正，这保留了koine名称，拉丁文版，有时也被称为Loukianos后，它的作者。 In the time of St. Jerome it was in use at Constantinople and Antioch.在圣杰罗姆时间它是安提阿和使用在君士坦丁堡。C. Finally, Hesychius, an Egyptian bishop, published about the same time, a new recension, employed chiefly in Egypt.三最后，赫西基奥斯，埃及主教，发表在同一时间，一个新的recension，埃及主要雇佣英寸
Manuscripts手稿
The three most celebrated manuscripts of the Septuagint known are the Vatican, "Codex Vaticanus" (fourth century); the Alexandrian, "Codex Alexandrinus" (fifth century), now in the British Museum, London; and that of Sinai, "Codex Sinaiticus" (fourth century), found by Tischendorf in the convent of St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, in 1844 and 1849, now part at Leipzig and in part in St.已知的最有名的三个译本手稿的是梵蒂冈，“法典Vaticanus”（第四世纪）;亚历山大，“法典颈”（5世纪），现在在大英博物馆，伦敦;和西奈认为，“法典西奈抄本“（四世纪），发现提申多夫在圣凯瑟琳修道院，在西奈山，在1844年和1849年，现在莱比锡一部分，一部分在圣 Petersburg; they are all written in uncials.圣彼得堡，他们都写在uncials。
The "Codex Vaticanus" is the purest of the three; it generally gives the more ancient text, while the "Codex Alexandrinus" borrows much from the hexaplar text and is changed according to the Massoretic text (The "Codex Vaticanus" is referred to by the letter B; the "Codex Alexandrinus" by the letter A, and the "Codex Sinaiticus" by the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet Aleph or by S). The Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris possesses also an important palimpsest manuscript of the Septuagint, the "Codex Ephraemi rescriptus" (designated by the letter C), and two manuscripts of less value (64 and 114), in cursives, one belonging to the tenth or eleventh century and the other to the thirteenth (Bacuez and Vigouroux, 12th ed., n. 109).该“法典Vaticanus”是三个最纯洁的，它一般给人的更古老的文字，而“法典颈”借用文字多大的hexaplar和更改根据massoretic文本（该“法典Vaticanus”是指由字母b;的“法典颈”的字母A，和“法典西奈抄本”由S）的首字母的希伯来文字母表麻原彰晃或。巴黎的国家图书馆拥有也是七十，重要重写本的手稿“法典Ephraemi rescriptus”（指定的字母C）和两名）手稿的价值不大（64和114，在cursives，一个属于第十次或11世纪和其他的对外债务为13（Bacuez和Vigouroux，第12位。 ，注109）。
Printed Editions印刷版
All the printed editions of the Septuagint are derived from the three recensions mentioned above.所有的印刷版的七十是来自上述三个校订本。
The editio princeps is the Complutensian or that of Alcalá.该埃迪蒂奥princeps是Complutensian或阿尔卡拉的。It was from Origen's hexaplar text; printer in 1514-18, it was not published till it appeared in the Polyglot of Cardinal Ximenes in 1520.这是从奥利的hexaplar文本; 1514年至1518年打印机，它没有公布，直到它出现在枢机主教希梅内斯的多语种的1520年。
The Aldine edition (begun by Aldus Manucius) appeared at Venice in 1518.在奥尔代版（由奥尔德斯Manucius开始）在1518年出现在威尼斯。The text is purer than that of the Complutensian edition, and is closer to Codex B.该文本是纯洁Complutensian版比对，并接近法典乙The editor says he collated ancient manuscripts but does not specify them. It has been reprinted several times.编辑说，他整理古代手稿，但并没有说明他们。它已重印多次。
The most important edition is the Roman or Sixtine, which reproduces the "Codex Vaticanus" almost exclusively.最重要的版本是罗马或Sixtine，其中转载了“法典Vaticanus”几乎完全。It was published under the direction of Cardinal Caraffa, with the help of various savants, in 1586, by the authority of Sixtus V, to assist the revisers who were preparing the Latin Vulgate edition ordered by the Council of Trent.这是出版的加拉法方向枢机，与称之为天才帮助各1586，中，由V权威的西斯，协助审校谁正准备拉武加大版的遄达下令由理事会。 It has become the textus receptus of the Greek Old Testament and has had many new editions, such as that of Holmes and Pearsons (Oxford, 1798-1827), the seven editions of Tischendorf, which appeared at Leipzig between 1850 and 1887, the last two, published after the death of the author and revised by Nestle, the four editions of Swete (Cambridge, 1887-95, 1901, 1909), etc.它已成为），Web网站receptus希腊旧约，并有许多新的版本，诸如霍姆斯和佩尔森（牛津，1798年至1827年和1887年，这7个版本，其中提申多夫，似乎在莱比锡与1850年的最后二，作者死亡后刊登和修订了雀巢公司，四个版本的斯威特（剑桥，1887年至1895年，1901年，1909年）等
Grabe's edition was published at Oxford, from 1707 to 1720, and reproduced, but imperfectly, the "Codex Alexandrinus" of London.格雷贝的版本是在牛津大学出版，1707至20年，并繁殖，但不完美的“法典颈”的伦敦。For partial editions, see Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", 1643 sqq.对于部分版本，见Vigouroux，“快译通。德拉圣经”，1643年时12 sqq。
IV.四。CRITICAL VALUE AND LANGUAGE临界值和语言
Critical Value临界值
The Septuagint Version, while giving exactly as to the form and substance the true sense of the Sacred Books, differs nevertheless considerably from our present Hebrew text.版本的译本，同时给予完全一样的形式和内容的真正意义上的圣书的，但差别很大从我们目前的希伯来文。These discrepancies, however, are not of great importance and are only matters of interpretation.这些差异，然而，是不是非常重要，是唯一的解释事项。They may be thus classified: Some result from the translators having had at their disposal Hebrew recensions differing from those which were know to the Massoretes; sometimes the texts varied, at others the texts were identical, but they were read in different order.他们可能是这样划分：有些翻译结果由有马所拉学士曾在其掌握的希伯来语校订本不同于那些人们知道，有时不同的文本，在别人的文本是一样的，但他们在不同的阅读顺序。 Other discrepancies are due to the translators personally; not to speak of the influence exerted on their work by their methods of interpretation, the inherent difficulties of the work, their greater or less knowledge of Greek and Hebrew, they now and then translated differently from the Massoretes, because they read the texts differently; that was natural, for, Hebrew being written in square characters, and certain consonants being very similar in form, it was easy to confound them occasionally and so give an erroneous translation; moreover, their Hebrew text being written without any spacing between the various words, they could easily make a mistake in the separation of the words; finally, as the Hebrew text at their disposal contained no vowels, they might supply different vowels from those used later by the Massoretes.其他的差异是由于译者本人是不说话的解释对他们施加影响，他们的方法工作，从不同的固有困难的工作，他们或大或小知识希腊和希伯来文，现在他们翻译，然后马所拉学士，因为他们阅读的文本不同，这是自然的，因为，希伯来文写在方的人物，在形式和某些辅音被非常相似，很容易混淆，所以他们偶尔给一个错误的翻译，而且，他们的希伯来文正说话的书面without various任何间距之间的对象，它们可以很容易的话一mistake在分离，最后，由于处置希伯来语text at中没有元音，他们可能会提供不一样的，元音的马所拉学士后来从那些使用。Again, we must not think that we have at present the Greek text exactly as it was written by the translators; the frequent transcriptions during the early centuries, as well as the corrections and editions of Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius impaired the purity of the text: voluntarily or involuntarily the copyists allowed many textual corruptions, transpositions, additions, and omissions to creep into the primitive text of the Septuagint.同样，我们绝不能认为我们目前已翻译希腊文完全一样的是书面的;世纪初的频繁抄录期间，以及更正和卢西安版本的渊源，以及赫西基奥斯损害了纯度文字：自愿或不自愿的抄写使许多文字腐败，对换，添加和遗漏悄悄进入了原始文字的译本。 In particular we may note the addition of parallel passages, explanatory notes, or double translations caused by marginal notes.特别是，我们可以看到另外的说明中的平行通道，解释性说明中，边缘造成或双翻译。On this consult Dict.在此咨询快译通。de la Bible, art.德拉圣经，艺术。 cit., and Swete, "An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek".同前。，和斯威特“，一个”简介约在古希腊语。
Language语
Everyone admits that the Septuagint Version was made in popular Greek, the koine dislektos.每个人都承认，是希腊七十版本在流行，koine dislektos。But is the Greek of the Old Testament a special idiom?不过是一个特殊的成语旧约希腊？Many authorities assert that it is, though they disagree as to its real character. The "Dict. de la Bible", sv Grec biblique, asserts that it was "the hebraicizing Greek spoken by the Jewish community at Alexandria", the popular Greek of Alexandria "with a very large admixture of Hebraicisms".许多权威人士断言，它是，尽管他们不同意就其真正性质。“快译通。德拉圣经”，希沃特Grec biblique，声称它是“hebraicizing所讲希腊语的犹太人社区在亚历山大”，流行的希腊亚历山大“的一个非常大的Hebraicisms混合物”。 The same dictionary, sv Septante, mentions the more recent opinion of Deissmann that the Greek of the Septuagint is merely the ordinary vernacular Greek, the pure koine of the time.同样的字典，希沃特Septante，提到最近的民意的戴斯曼希腊的译本只是普通的白话希腊语中，纯koine的时间。 Deissmann bases his theory on the perfect resemblance of the language of the Septuagint and that of the papyri and the inscriptions of the same age; he believes that the syntactical peculiarities of the Septuagint, which at first sight seem to favour the theory of a special language, a hebraicizing Greek, are sufficiently explained by the fact that the Septuagint is a Greek translation of Hebrew books.戴斯曼基地，他的理论语言的译本对完美的相似和纸莎草纸，该和同龄的题字，他认为，一种特殊的语言的语法特点的译本，这乍一看似乎赞成的理论，一hebraicizing希腊，足以书籍解释一个事实，即七十是希伯来文希腊翻译。
Publication information Written by A. Vander Heeren.出版信息赫伦书面由A.范德。Transcribed by Nick Austriaco.转录由尼克Austriaco。Dedicated with gratitude to God to the Catholic Fellowship of MIT The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.专用的感谢上帝给麻省理工学院天主教团契的天主教百科全书，体积十三。Published 1912.1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat，1912年2月1日。Remy Lafort, DD, Censor. Imprimatur.人头马lafort，副署长，检查员。认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教，大主教纽约
Name given to the English translation of the Bible produced by the Commission appointed by James I, and in consequence often spoken of as "King James's Bible".名称给予詹姆斯一世英译本由委任了委员会的圣经生产的，因此而常常谈到的“国王詹姆斯的圣经”。It is in general use among English-speaking non-Catholics.这是在中英文为母语非天主教徒一般用途。In order to understand its origin and history, a brief survey is necessary of the earlier English translations of the Scriptures.为了了解它的起源和历史，一个简短的调查是必要的圣经翻译的早期英语。From very early times portions of the Bible have been translated into English.从很早就倍圣经部分工作已被翻译成英文。It is well known that Venerable Bede was finishing a translation of St. John's Gospel on his deathbed.大家都知道，圣严法师比德是整理临终约翰福音在他翻译的。But the history of the English Bible as a whole does not go back nearly so far; it dates from the so-called Wyclif Version, believed to have been completed about the year 1380.但据历史的英文圣经作为一个整体不回去了近所以，它的日期从所谓的威克里夫版本，相信已完成约1380年。The translation was made from the Vulgate as it then existed, that is before the Sixtine and Clementine revisions, and was well and accurately done. Abbot Gasquet contends confidently (The Old English Bible, 102 sqq.) that it was in reality of Catholic origin, and not due to Wyclif at all; at any rate it seems fairly certain that he had no share in any part of it except the Gospels, even if he had in these; and there is evidence that copies of the whole were in the hands of good Catholics, and were read by them.翻译是从当时的拉丁文圣经，因为它存在，这是克莱门汀前Sixtine和修订，并于良好，准确地完成。住持加斯凯争辩满怀信心（旧英文圣经，102时12 sqq。）表示，天主教会是在现实的起源，而不是由于在所有威克里夫;在任何速度似乎相当肯定，他的福音，没有分享任何部分，除非它，即使他在这些以及有证据表明，整个副本的手在良好的天主教徒，被他们读。 The version, however, undoubtedly derived its chief importance from the use made of it by Wyclif and the Lollards, and it is in this connection that it is chiefly remembered.该版本，但是，毫无疑问其推导的Lollards由威克里夫从行政的重要性，提出了使用它，记住它是在这方面，它主要是。 During the progress of the Reformation a number of English versions appeared, translated for the most part not from the Vulgate, but from the original Hebrew and Greek.在武加大改革的进展，一个数字的英文版本出现，翻译了部分最不从，而是从原来的希伯来文和希腊文。Of these the most famous were Tyndale's Bible (1525); Coverdale's Bible (1535); Matthews' Bible (1537); Cromwell's, or the "Great Bible" (1539), the second and subsequent editions of which were known as Cranmer's Bible; the Geneva Bible (1557-60); and the Bishop's Bible (1568).其中最有名的是丁道尔的圣经（1525年）;代尔的圣经（1535）;马修斯'圣经（1537）;克伦威尔的，或“大圣经”（1539年），第二个和随后的圣经版本，其中的被称为克兰默;日内瓦圣经（1557年至1560年）和主教的圣经（1568年）。 The art of printing being by this time known, copies of all these circulated freely among the people.已知这种艺术的时间由目前的印刷，复制所有这些人的自由流通之间。That there was much good and patient work in them, none will deny; but they were marred by the perversion of many passages, due to the theological bias of the translators; and they were used on all sides to serve the cause of Protestantism.这有很多好他们的工作和耐心，没有人会否认，但美中不足的是他们堕落的许多段落，因为他们的翻译神学偏见的，他们就双方用在所有的新教服务事业。
In order to counteract the evil effects of these versions, the Catholics determined to produce one of their own.为了抵消这些版本的邪恶影响，决心生产自己的天主教徒之一的。Many of them were then living at various centres on the Continent, having been forced to leave England on account of the Penal Laws, and the work was undertaken by the members of Allen's College, at Douai, in Flanders, which was for a time transferred to Reims.其中很多当时生活在大陆各中心的，而被迫离开法律英国刑法有关帐户的，工作是杜埃进行的成员艾伦在高校，在佛兰德，其中移送的时间一到兰斯。 The result was the Reims New Testament (1582) and the Douay Bible (1609-10).其结果是兰斯新约（1582年）和Douay圣经（一六○九年至1610年）。The translation was made from the Vulgate, and although accurate, was sadly deficient in literary form, and so full of Latinisms as to be in places hardly intelligible. Indeed, a few years later, Dr. William Fulke, a well-known Puritan controversialist, brought out a book in which the text of the Bishops' Bible and the Reims Testament were printed in parallel columns, with the sole purpose of discrediting the latter.翻译是从武加大，虽然准确，是可悲的文学形式不足，因此Latinisms充分的地方，作为在很难理解。事实上，几年之后，威廉Fulke博士，著名的清教徒controversialist ，带出了一个'圣经和圣经的兰斯印制了平行的柱子，唯一的目的抹黑后者书文本，其中的主教。In this he did not altogether succeed, and it is now generally conceded that the Douay Bible contained much excellent and scholarly work, its very faults being due to over-anxiety not to sacrifice accuracy.在这一点，他并没有完全成功，但现在人们普遍承认，Douay圣经载有许多优秀的和学术的工作，它是非常错误由于过度焦虑不牺牲精度。 In the meantime the Protestants were becoming dissatisfied with their own versions, and soon after his accession King James I appointed a commission of revision--the only practical outcome of the celebrated Hampton Court Conferences.在此期间，新教徒成为不满意自己的版本，不久后，他加入国王詹姆斯一世任命了一个委员会修订-唯一的法院会议的实际成果庆祝汉普顿。 The commissioners, who numbered forty-seven, were divided into six companies, two of which sat at Oxford, Cambridge, and Westminster, respectively; each company undertook a definite portion of the Bible, and its work was afterwards revised by a select committee chosen from the whole body.委员们，谁编号47，分为6家公司，其中两个坐在牛津，剑桥和威斯敏斯特，分别每家公司进行了一定的圣经部分，其工作是事后选择了一个委员会，专责修订从整个身体。 The instructions for their procedure were, to take the Bishops' Bible, which was in use in the churches, as their basis, correcting it by a comparison with the Hebrew and Greek texts.其程序的指示进行，采取圣经，这是在使用他们作为教会的基础上，主教团，纠正案文是由希腊的比较与希伯来文和。They were also given a list of other English versions which they were to consult.他们还给出了一个参考列表，以英文版本，其他他们。The commissioners set to work in 1607, and completed their labours in the short period of two years and nine months, the result being what is now known as the "Authorized Version".委员们在1607年开始工作，完成了他们的劳动在短短9个月的两年，结果是什么，是现在“被称为”授权版本。Although at first somewhat slow in gaining general acceptance, the Authorized Version has since become famous as a masterpiece of English literature.虽然第一次有些缓慢，获得普遍的接受，授权版本已经成为一个著名的英语文学名著。The first edition appeared in 1611, soon after the Douay Bible; and although this latter was not one of the versions named in the instructions to the revisers, it is understood that it had considerable influence on them (see Preface to Revised Version, i, 2. Also, JG Carleton, "Rheims and the English Bible").第一版出现在1611年后不久，Douay圣经;，尽管后者不是审校1到命名的版本中的指示，据了解，这对他们相当大的影响（见前言修订版本，我2。此外，漏电流查尔顿，“兰斯和英文圣经”）。
The Authorized Version was printed in the usual form of chapters and verses, and before each chapter a summary of its contents was prefixed.授权版本是印在形式和诗一般的章节，每章前一个内容摘要的是前缀。No other extraneous matter was permitted, except some marginal explanations of the meaning of certain Hebrew or Greek words, and a number of cross-references to other parts of the Scripture.没有其他不相干的问题是允许的，但一些边缘或希伯来文希腊文解释其意义的肯定，一经数交叉引用的其他部分。At the beginning was placed a dedication to King James and a short "Address to the Reader".一开始被置于一种奉献国王詹姆斯和短期“地址的读者。”Books such as Ecclesiasticus, and Machabees, and Tobias, which are considered by Protestants to be apocryphal, were of course omitted.需要ecclesiasticus书籍，如和machabees，和托比亚斯，这是新教徒认为是杜撰的，当然有遗漏。 Although it was stated on the title-page that the Authorized Version was "appointed to be read in the Churches", in fact it came into use only gradually.虽然是“说在标题页的授权版本是”教会任命为在读，其实它才逐渐开始投入使用。For the Epistles and Gospels, it did not displace the Bishops' Version until the revision of the Liturgy in 1661; and for the Psalms, that version has been retained to the present day; for it was found that the people were so accustomed to singing it that any change was inadvisable, if not impossible.对于书信和福音，它并没有取代礼仪的主教在1661年'版本，直到修改;和诗篇，该版本一直保留到今天，因为它发现，人们已经习以为常的歌声它的任何变化是不可取的，如果不是不可能的。 Considerable changes were made, from time to time, in the successive editions of the Authorized Version, in the notes and references, and some even in the text.作了相当大的变化，不时在授权版本的连续版本的，在说明和参考资料，有的甚至在文本中。A system of chronology based chiefly on the calculations of Archbishop Ussher was first inserted in 1701; but in many later editions both the dates and many, or even all, of the references or verbal notes have been omitted.阿年表系统主要由大主教厄舍尔基础上计算在1701年首次插入，但在许多后来的版本，甚至全部的参考或口头注意到双方的日期和不少已被省略。
It is generally admitted that the Authorized Version was in almost every respect a great improvement on any of its predecessors.人们普遍承认，授权版本的前辈几乎在每一个方面的任何重大改进。So much was this the case that when Bishop Challoner made his revision of the Douay Bible (1749-52), which is now commonly in use among English-speaking Catholics, he did not scruple to borrow largely from it.所以，大部分是这样的情况，当天主教主教查洛纳作了修订Douay圣经（1749年至1752年），这是现在普遍使用的发言中英语，他不惜借它主要来自。 Indeed, Cardinal Newman gives it as his opinion (Tracts Theol. and Eccles., 373) that Challoner's revision was even nearer to the Authorized Version than to the original Douay, "not in grammatical structure, but in phraseology and diction".事实上，红衣主教纽曼赋予Theol它作为他的意见（大港。与埃克尔斯。，373）表示，查洛纳的修订，甚至接近授权版本比原来的Douay“，而不是在语法结构，但在措辞和文辞”。 Nevertheless, there remained in the Authorized Version here and there traces of controversial prejudice, as for example, in the angel's salutation to the Blessed Virgin Mary, the words "highly favoured" being a very imperfect rendering of the original.尽管如此，仍留在授权版本在这里和那里的偏见的痕迹有争议的，例如，在天使的称呼的圣母玛利亚，改为“高度赞同”作为原非常不完善渲染。 In such cases, needless to say, Challoner adhered to the Douay.在这种情况下，不用说，查洛纳坚持Douay。Moreover, while in the Authorized Version the names of persons and places were usually given in an anglicized form already in use, derived from the Hebrew spelling, Challoner nearly always kept the Vulgate names, which come originally from the Septuagint.此外，虽然在授权版本和地方的名字的人通常是在一个英国化的形式给已经在使用中，来自希伯来文的拼写，查洛纳几乎始终保持了武加大名，其中从最初来到七十。 It is partly due to this that the Authorized Version has an unfamiliar sound to Catholic ears.这部分是由于这一授权版本有一个陌生的声音天主教的耳朵。The Authorized Version remained in undisputed possession for the greater part of three centuries, and became part of the life of the people.授权版本仍然拥有无可争议的三个世纪的更大的一部分，并成为一部分人的生命的。 In the latter half of the nineteenth century, however, it began to be considered that the progress of science called for a new version which should embrace the results of modern research.在19世纪后半期的，但是，它开始被认为是研究现代科学的进步要求的新版本的结果，应该拥抱。The work was set on foot by Convocation in 1870, and a Committee was formed, in which the Americans co-operated, resulting in the issue of the Revised Version (1881-84).这项工作由评议会成立于1870年脚，并成立一个委员会，其中美国人共同经营的，）导致1881年至1884年的修订版号的（。 The Revised Version has never received any definite ecclesiastical sanction, nor has it been officially introduced into church use. It has made its way simply on its merits.修订版从未收到任何明确的宗教制裁，也没有被正式使用引进的教堂。它已将其案情的方式简单地。But although at the present day it is much used by students, for the general public (non-Catholic) the Authorized Version still holds its ground, and shows no sign of losing its popularity.但是，尽管它在现今很多学生使用，为广大公众（非天主教）授权版本仍然认为其理由，并说明没有失去它的受欢迎迹象。
Publication information Written by Bernard Ward.出版信息写伯纳德病房。Transcribed by Janet Grayson. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume II.转录由珍格雷森。天主教百科全书，第二卷。Published 1907.1907年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, 1907.Nihil Obstat，1907年。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort，性病，检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley，约克大主教新
By this term are designated handwritten copies and codices of the Hebrew Bible as a whole, or of several books arranged in groups according to a certain order (see Bible Canon), or of single books. Sometimes, though not often, they contain collections of detached prophetic selections (see Hafṭarah), generally in connection with the Pentateuch (see Strack, "Zeitschrift für die Gesammte Lutherische Theologie und Kirche," 1875, p. 594).通过这一长期被指定，或安排团体几本手抄本和古抄本的希伯来圣经作为一个整体按照一定的顺序（见圣经佳能），或单一的图书。有时候，虽然不是经常，它们包含珍藏独立选择（先知见Hafṭarah），一般在摩西五方面的（见施特拉克，“科学杂志Gesammte Lutherische神学与Kirche，”1875年，594页）。A distinction is made between manuscripts intended for use in the synagogue and in public reading and those for private purposes.阿区分手稿供使用的犹太教堂和公共目的的阅读和为私人。Originally both the sacred or public copies and the private or profane were in the shape of scrolls, this being the only style of book-making known to antiquity.本来这两个副本的神圣或公共和私营或亵渎卷轴人的形状，这是对古代风格的书只而著称。After the leaved form of books came into vogue (from the fourth century of the common era), adherence to the ancestral model was insisted on in the case of those reserved for holy uses at public worship.书后生效阔叶形式流行（从四世纪的共同时代的），坚持祖先崇拜模型，坚持在公众预留案件在那些神圣的用途。 While demanded only for the Pentateuch and the Book of Esther, this conformity must, as the name indicates, have been at one time exacted also for the four remaining Megillot, read as lessons on certain festivals.虽然只要求以斯帖和摩西五书，这必须符合，如其名，已在某些节日一时间也付出的经验教训作为阅读其余四个Megillot。 Why they and the collections of the Hafṭarot ceased to conform to the historical model can not be ascertained.为什么他们和Hafṭarot的珍藏不再符合历史模型不能确定。
Rules for Writing.规则的写作。
The Pentateuch and Esther, when designated for synagogal use, are required to be written with scrupulous attention to rules laid down in the Law (see Soferim).五和以斯帖，使用时指定synagogal，都必须严格注意书面法在规则的规定（见Soferim）。They must be written in square characters (, also known as ; see Alphabet), without vowel-points and accents, on parchment made from the hides of "clean" animals, which, when duly prepared, are sewn together by threads of the same origin.他们必须写在方字符（也称为见字母），没有元音点和口音，在同一主题所作的羊皮纸从隐藏的“干净”的动物，当妥为准备，均缝来源。 If four mistakes are found in one column, or a single error is discovered in the "open" and "closed" sections of the Law, or in the arrangements of the metrical portions, the whole copy is rendered unfit for use () and must be buried.如果四个错误是错误发现一列，或一个被发现的“开放”和“封闭”的部分章节的规定，或韵律的安排，整个副本呈现不适合使用（），必须被埋葬。 Great age-through long use, and exposure to climatic and other influences involving decay and other imperfections-is among the causes which render a copy unserviceable; and this circumstance explains why very old copies are not found. The manuscripts intended for private use vary considerably in size, material, and character.伟大的时代，通过长期使用和接触到的气候和其他影响包括衰变和其他缺陷，不能使用的原因，其中之一是使副本;和解释了为什么这种情况很旧副本找不到。手稿为私人用途有很大的不同在大小，材料和性格。 They are in rolls, and in book form-folio, quarto, octavo, and duodecimo.他们是在卷，并在书的形式，对开，四开，八开，和十二开。Some are written on parchment, some on leather, others on paper; some in square characters, others in rabbinical (the latter only in modern times).有些是写在羊皮纸，一些皮革，纸人上，某些字符在广场，犹太教等在（时代后者只在现代）。They are usually provided with vowel-points, written in a different color from the consonants, which-are always in black.他们通常提供元音点，黑色书面总是以不同的颜色从辅音，都是-。Initial words or letters are often in gold and silver; some, indeed, are artistically illuminated.初步字或字母，往往是黄金和白银，有的确实，艺术照明。Sometimes on the inner margins of the columns are given Masoretic notes; the outer ones are reserved for scholia and, in more modern manuscripts, for rabbinical commentaries.有时列的幅度内给予马所拉的说明;外的是保留给scholia和手稿，更现代化，为犹太教评论。Yemenite manuscripts have usually no columns; and each verse is accompanied by the corresponding verse from the Targum Onkelos and the Arabic translation by Saadia.也门手稿通常不列，每间韵文萨阿迪亚陪同翻译由相应的诗句从根昂克劳和阿拉伯语。The space at the bottom of the pages is sometimes occupied by the commentary of Rashi.在空间的网页的底部，有时赖希占领了评注。
Colophons and Inscriptions.题跋和铭文。
Generally, the manuscripts are provided with inscriptions giving the name of the copyist and the dates of writing.一般来说，手稿抄写碑文提供给的名称和写作的日期。Several eras are used in the computation of these dates: that of the creation of the world; that of the Seleucids; that of the destruction of the Temple; and, finally, that of the Babylonian exile (see Era).几个时代都用在这些日期的计算：对世界的创造，这是塞琉;庙，该销毁的，以及最后，流亡在巴比伦（见时代）。The age of undated manuscripts is approximatively determined by the ink, the quality of the parchment, the presence or absence of Masoretic notes, and by paleographic signs (See Paleography).凡是不注日期的手稿是年龄近似油墨取决于，票据质量的羊皮纸，马所拉的存在或缺乏，以及古文字学）岩相古地理标志（见。
As indicated above, extant manuscripts are not of very great antiquity.如上所述，现存的手稿是古代不是很大。In addition to the explanation already given, this phenomenon, all the more curious because, according to Jewish law, every Jew ought to have at least one copy in his house, is very plausibly accounted for on the theory advanced by Brian Walton; namely, that with the definitive settlement of the Masorah in the seventh century, many copies must have been discarded because of their infractions of the established Masoretic rules. If Talmud Yerushalmi (Ta'anit lxviii. 1) is to be credited, while the Temple was still standing, standard codices of the Pentateuch were officially recognized.除了已经作出的解释，这种现象，更奇怪的，因为根据犹太法律，每一个犹太人应该至少有1家在他的复制，是非常有力的理论占沃尔顿先进的布莱恩，这就是，在公元7世纪，随着最后解决的Masorah中，许多副本必须被抛弃，因为他们的违规行为规则的马所拉的established。耶路莎米如果塔木德（Ta'anit lxviii。1）应记，而庙依然站立，标准codices的五经的正式承认。These were deposited in the court of the Temple and served as models for accuracy.这些庙存放在法院和准确性担任的模范。 According to the passage quoted, three were known by the following names respectively: "Sefer Me'on," so called on account of its reading instead of (Deut. xxxiii. 27); "Sefer Za'aṭuṭe," because of its reading instead of (Ex. xxiv. 5); and "Sefer Hi," because of its reading with a yod in nine passages instead of eleven.根据文章引述，3人知道的下列名称分别为：“之书Me'on”，因此所谓申命记三十三对帐户（而不是其阅读。27）;“之书Za'aṭuṭe其阅读，”因为而不是（例如：24。5）和“喜之书”，因为其11阅读中有9个通道，而不是一个yod的。 The Masorites, too, seem to have consulted standard manuscripts celebrated for their accuracy in the redaction of the text and in the compilation of the Masoretic glosses.该Masorites，也似乎已征询标准手稿为庆祝其准确性在文本节录的美化和汇编的马所拉。Though none of these has been preserved, the following are referred to as authorities in almost every manuscript of importance:虽然没有对这些已被保留，以下被称为当局几乎在每一个重要的文献价值：
Codex Muggeh,食品法典委员会Muggeh，
ie, the corrected Codex: Quoted by the Masorites either by its full title () or simply as "Muggeh" ().即纠正法典：Masorites引述或者通过其全名（）或简称为“Muggeh”（）。
Codex Hilleli ():食品法典委员会Hilleli（）：
The origin of its name is not known.它的名称起源尚不清楚。According to Zacuto, this codex was written by a certain Hillel at about 600 of the common era.据Zacuto，这个手抄本的作者是某希勒尔约600时代的普遍。In his Chronicle, compiled about 1500, Zacuto expresses himself as follows:在他的编年史，1500年编制的关于，Zacuto表示自己如下：
"In the year 4957, on the twenty-eighth of Ab (Aug. 14, 1197), there was a great persecution of the Jews in the kingdom of Leon at the hand of the two kingdoms that came to besiege it. At that time they removed thence the twenty-four sacred books which were written about 600 years before. They were written by R. Hillel ben Moses ben Hillel, and hence his name was given to the codex, which was called 'Hilleli.' “（1197年8月14日在4957年，在第二十八届抗体），有一个伟大的莱昂迫害犹太人的王国在手在它的两个王国，来到围攻。当时他们拆除那里的书面约600年才二十四个神圣的书籍。希勒尔他们写的河希勒尔本摩西本，因此他的名字被赋予给了法典，这是所谓'Hilleli。 It was exceedingly correct; and all other codices were revised after it. I saw the remaining two parts of it, containing the Former and Latter Prophets, written in large and beautiful characters; these had been brought by the exiles to Portugal and sold at Bugia in Africa, where they still are, having been written about 900 years ago. Kimḥi in his grammar on Num. x. 4 says that the Pentateuch of the Hillel Codex was extant in Toledo."这是非常正确的，和其他所有古抄本被它修改后。我看到它的其余两部分，其中载有前和后先知，人物写的大而美，这些已经带来的流亡者在出售葡萄牙和布希亚在非洲，在那里他们仍然是，已被写入数量约900年以前。Kimḥi在他的语法。十四表示，食品法典委员会摩西五是托莱多的希勒尔现存的。“
Codex Sanbuki:食品法典委员会Sanbuki：
Frequently quoted in the Masorah Parva, and highly praised for its accuracy by Menahem de Lonzano in his "Or Torah."经常引用的Masorah鱼，并高度赞扬德Lonzano其准确性梅纳昂在他的“或托拉”。 According to Christian D. Ginsburg, the name of this codex is derived from "Zambuki" on the Tigris, to which community it belonged.根据基督教D.金斯伯格，食品名称，这是来自“Zambuki”在底格里斯河，它属于哪些社区。
Codex Yerushalmi:食品法典委员会耶路莎米：
As attested by Ḳimḥi ("Miklol," ed. Fürth, 1793, p. 184b), the codex was for many years in Saragossa, and was extensively used by the grammarian and lexicographer Ibn Janaḥ.作为明证Ḳimḥi（“Miklol，”版。菲尔特，1793年，第184b），食品法典委员会是在萨拉戈萨多年，并广泛使用的焦纳赫语法学家和词典编纂伊本。 It is often quoted in the Masorah as exhibiting a different orthography from that of the Codex Hilleli.人们常常引用的Masorah作为展出食品Hilleli一个从不同的拼写法。
Codex Jericho, also called Jericho Pentateuch ():食品法典委员会杰里科，也称为杰里科五经（）：
The name seems to imply that the manuscript embraced only the Pentateuch.这个名字似乎暗示手稿拥抱只有五。It is mentioned by Elijah Levita, in "Shibre Luḥot," as most reliable for the accents.它是由以利亚莱维塔提到，在“ShibreLuḥot，”是最可靠的口音。
Codex Sinai ():法典西奈（）：
Many opinions exist as to the derivation of its name.许多意见存在，以它的名字的来源。The most plausible is that it was derived from "Mount Sinai," just as the codices Jericho and Yerushalmi denote the places of their origin.最可信的是，这是来自“西奈山”，正如古抄本杰里科和耶路莎米指其来源地的。 It is mentioned in the Masorah, and is also cited by Elijah Levita in his work quoted above.这是提到the Masorah，也是莱维塔列举了以利亚在上面引述他的工作。
Codex Great Maḥzor ():食品法典大Maḥzor（）：
This probably contained the annual or triennial cycle ("Maḥzor") of lessons to be read on week-days, Sabbaths, feasts, and fasts; hence its name.这可能包含年度或三年周期（“Maḥzor”教训）将阅读的为期一周的日子，安息日，节日和斋戒，因此它的名字。
Codex Ezra:食品法典委员会以斯拉：
Quoted in the Masorah Parva.引述Masorah鱼。A manuscript professing to be a copy of this codex is in the possession of Christian D. Ginsburg.一个自称是手稿手抄本拷贝，这是藏在金斯伯格基督教四。
Codex Babylon ():巴比伦法典（）：
Differences (, "ḥillufin") existed between the Western schools (), the chief seat of which was Tiberias, and the Eastern (), the principal centers of which were Nehardea and Sura, in the reading of many passages; this codex gives the Eastern recension (see Masorah). Another standard codex which served as a model at the time of Maimonides was that written in the tenth century by the renowned Masorite Aaron ben Moses ben Asher of Tiberias (compare Maimonides, "Yad," Sefer Torah, viii. 4).差异（“ḥillufin”）之间存在着西方学校（），首席座位的是太巴列，东部（）时，主要的金融中心，其中在读的许多段落Nehardea和苏拉，在，这使法典东区的recension（见Masorah）。另一个标准法典的迈蒙尼德曾担任一个模型的时间是书面舍的太巴列（在10世纪由著名Masorite摩西亚伦笨笨比较迈蒙尼德，“亚得，”律法之书，第八章。4）。 This codex was for a long time believed to be identical with that preserved in the synagogue at Aleppo (Jacob Saphir, , i. 12b; Grätz, in "Monatsschrift," 1871, p. 6; 1887, p. 30; Strack, "Prolegomena Critica," pp. 44-46).这个法典是为岛12B条很长一段时间，相信在与相同保存在阿勒颇的犹太教堂（雅各布Saphir，格拉茨，在“月刊，”1871年，第6页; 1887年，第30页;斯特拉克“绪论评论报“，页。44-46）。[EN Adler ("Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," p. 130) argues that the Aleppo Codex is a copy, not the original; but Wickes ("Hebrew Accentuation," Preface, p. vii., Oxford, 1887) makes it clear that "the statement assigning the codex to (Aaron ben Moses) Ben-Asher is a fabrication." [英文阿德勒（“考夫曼Gedenkbuch”，第130页）认为，阿勒颇法典是一个副本，而不是原来的，但威克斯（“希伯来文重读，”前言，第七页。，牛津，1887年）明确指出“食品法典委员会的发言分配到（阿伦本摩西）本舍是捏造的。“ EGH欧洲加沙医院
Two celebrated manuscripts believed to be very ancient are still extant in Syria.两个著名的手稿认为是非常古老的现存仍在叙利亚研究。One of these, the Damascus Codex, which, according to the inscription on its title-page (added, however, by a later hand), was written in the third century of the common era, belongs to a Jewish family of Damascus named Parḥi, and is exhibited to the inhabitants on feast-days.其中之一的，大马士革法典，而根据其名称后页（添加，但是，通过手的碑文上），是时代写在共同的第三世纪，属于一个犹太家庭大马士革名为Parḥi ，并展示天的居民对节日。The other is kept in a grotto by the inhabitants of Jobar near Damascus.另一种是保存在一个洞穴由大马士革Jobar附近的居民。
Number of MSS.MSS的数目。
The number of Hebrew Bible manuscripts found in European libraries is considerable.在希伯来文圣经手稿数字图书馆找到了在欧洲相当可观。The oldest collection is that in the Imperial Library, St. Petersburg, formerly in the Odessa Biblical Society's library.最古老的收藏是在帝国图书馆，圣彼得堡，以前在敖德萨圣经学会的图书馆。A description of some of these manuscripts was given by Ephraim Moses Pinner in a pamphlet entitled "Prospectus der Alten Hebräischen und Rabbinischen Manuscripte," etc., Odessa, 1845.阿手稿描述这些部分是平纳给予以法莲摩西在一本小册子名为“章程明镜滕Hebräischen北达科Rabbinischen Manuscripte”等等，敖德萨，1845年。A full description by Strack and Harkavy is given in their catalogue. The oldest manuscript of this valuable collection is a Pentateuch brought from Derband (Daghestan), written before 604 of the common era.按斯特拉克充分说明和哈卡维给出其目录。最古老的宝贵收藏的手稿，这是一个时代带来了摩西五从Derband（达吉斯坦共同的）的，书面前604。 It consists of forty-five skins having 226 columns, and is composed of six pieces: (1) Gen. i.-xlvi.它由45列皮肤有226，是由六个部分组成：（1）将军岛，四十六。25, end (9 skins, 52 columns, 51 lines; Taggin by a later hand).25，结束（列，51行; Taggin一个后来手9兽皮，52）。(2) Gen. xlvi. 26-Numbers (24 skins, 134 columns, 50 lines, without Taggin). （2）创四十六。26号（24兽皮，134列，50行Taggin，无）。(3) Deut.（3）申命记。i.-xvii.一，十七。(4 skins, 21 columns, 51 lines, without Taggin).（4兽皮，21列，51行，没有Taggin）。(4) Deut.（4）申命记。xvii.-xxi.xvii. - 21。 4 (1 skin, 3 columns, 51 lines). 4（1皮肤，3列，51行）。(5) Deut. （5）申命记。xxi. 5-xxiii.21。五，二十三。23 (1 skin, 3 columns, 51 lines).23（1皮肤，3列，51行）。(6) Deut.（6）申命记。xxiii.二十三。24-end of Deut.24月底的申命记。 (4 skins, 13 columns, 51 lines). （4兽皮，13列，51行）。
The oldest manuscript in book form at the library of St. Petersburg dates from 916.该书手稿在圣彼得堡最古老的形式在圣库的日期从916。It consists of 225 folios, each folio divided lengthwise into two columns with 21 lines to the column, with the exception of folio 1a and folio 224a-b, which exhibit epigraphs.它由225开本，每到1A和纵向分为对开两列，21行对开的异常柱，开本224a - B，它表现出金石。It contains the Latter Prophets.它包含了后期先知。Two lines of Masorah Magna appear in the lower margin of each page; while the Masorah Parva occupies the center space between the columns.两行Masorah麦格纳出现在每一页的下缘，而Masorah鱼占据了中心的列之间的空间。 The vowel-points are superlinear in the so-called Babylonian system.1560点是超线性在所谓的巴比伦系统。The total number of the Bible manuscripts in the St. Petersburg library is 146.在圣彼得堡的圣库总人数的圣经手稿是146。
In Libraries.在图书馆。
The British Museum possesses 165 Bible manuscripts, the oldest of which is the Masoretic Bible written about 820-850.大英博物馆拥有165圣经手稿，这是最古老的马所拉圣经820-850写。 This contains the Pentateuch and consists of 186 folios, 55 of which were at one time missing, but have been added by a later hand.这包含了摩西五和失踪由186黹，其中55一在时间，但已经添加了一个后来手。The Bodleian Library, Oxford, possesses 146 Bible manuscripts, the oldest of which dates from 1104.在牛津大学图书馆，牛津大学，拥有146圣经手稿，其中最古老的日期从1104。Cambridge counts 32, the oldest believed to be of the tenth century.剑桥罪状32，相信是最古老的10世纪。Bible manuscripts in goodly numbers are also to be found in private libraries in England, the most important collection being that of EN Adler.优美的数字圣经手稿也将在英国发现的私人图书馆，最重要的收藏是该恩阿德勒。This contains about 100 codices, the oldest dating from the ninth century.这包含大约100古抄本，最早的建于第九世纪。The Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, has 132 Bible manuscripts, the oldest with the date 1286.国家图书馆，巴黎，有132个圣经手稿，历史最悠久的1286年的日期。The number of Bible manuscripts in the Vienna Library is 24.数字图书馆的圣经手稿在维也纳24。The oldest (given by Kennicott under No. 126) contains the Latter Prophets and the Hagiographa, written in the tenth century. Steinschneider describes 14 Bible manuscripts in the Royal library of Berlin; none of them is very old.最古老的（第126号给予了肯尼科特下）包含了后期先知和hagiographa，世纪写在第十位。Steinschneider介绍圣经图书馆柏林14日在皇家手稿，他们都不是很老。 De Rossi describes 848 manuscripts (now at Parma), the oldest of which is No. 634, containing Lev.德罗西介绍848手稿（现在在帕尔马），在这最古老的是634号，含有列弗。xxi.21。19-Num.19序号。i.岛50, written in the eighth century. The Vatican Library possesses 39 Bible manuscripts, which have been described by Joseph Simon Assemani and Stephen Ephodius Assemani. 50世纪写在第八位。梵蒂冈图书馆拥有39圣经手稿，已Assemani描述约瑟夫西蒙Assemani和斯蒂芬Ephodius。
Several Bible manuscripts are in the libraries of Leipsic, Munich, and Leyden.几个圣经手稿是在图书馆和莱顿莱比锡市，慕尼黑。
Some Bible manuscripts have been brought from China.有些圣经手稿已经从中国带来的。They are partly synagogue rolls, partly private copies, whose text does not differ from the Masoretic Bibles.他们有部分犹太会堂辊，部分私人复制，其文本不不同于马所拉的圣经。A Pentateuch of the Malabar Jews is now in England.一个犹太人的摩西五马拉巴尔现在在英国。It resembles, on the whole, the usual synagogue rolls, except that it is written on red skin.它类似，总体上，通常的犹太教堂辊皮肤，除了它是写在红色的。
Samaritan manuscripts of the Pentateuch are to be found in the British Museum, the Bodleian, St. Petersburg, Parma, and the Vatican libraries; for a description of them, the respective catalogues may be consulted.撒玛利亚摩西五要手稿图书馆发现在大英博物馆的伯德雷恩，圣彼得堡，帕尔马，与梵蒂冈，为他们描述的，各自的目录可查阅。
As curiosities may be mentioned a Hebrew Pentateuch in Arabic characters, now in the British Museum; the Pentateuch in Latin characters in the Bodleian Library; and, finally, the fragments of the Pentateuch written in inverted alphabet discovered lately in the Cairo genizah.由于好奇心可能会提到一个阿拉伯字在希伯来文摩西五经大英博物馆，目前在;在Bodleian图书馆五经在拉丁字符，以及最后，倒在字母表的书面摩西五书家片段的发现最近在开罗举行。
Emil G. Hirsch,
Isaac Broydé埃米尔克赫希，艾萨克Broydé
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between
1901-1906.犹太百科全书，1901至1906年间出版。
Bibliography:
参考书目：
Kennicott, Dissertatio Generalis;
Walton, Prolegomena to the Polyglot;
S.肯尼科特，Dissertatio知通;沃尔顿，多语种的绪论;南Davidson, Treatise on Biblical
Criticism; Strack, Prolegomena Critica in Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum; Christian
D. Ginsburg, Introduction to the Masoretico-Critical Edition of the Hebrew
Bible, pp. 421 et seq.戴维森，伤寒论圣经批评;
Hebraicum施特拉克，Testamentum绪论评论报在Vetus;基督教D.金斯伯格，介绍了希伯来圣经Masoretico临界版页。421起。
According to Blau ("Einleitung," p. 79) the reference is to a copy written in the Old Hebrew script.根据布劳（“导论”，第79页）所指的是希伯来文写的脚本旧副本的。The Targum is largely a paraphrase, reproducing the rabbinical tradition as regards the meaning of the text.该根主要是意译，音响犹太教的传统，对于文本意义的。For a history of this Targum see Targum. In passing a word should be said about the Samaritan version of the Pentateuch in the West-Aramaic dialect, which the Samaritans at one time spoke.对于历史的根，可见根。顺便讲一个字应该说，大约时间撒玛利亚五经版本在西方，在阿拉姆语方言乐善好施，其中之一。It is as yet not possible to say in which century this version was made.这是迄今无法说在这世纪的这个版本了。Even though the citations under the caption τὸ Σαμαρειτικόυ, which are found in the scholia to Origen's Hexapla, refer to it, Kohn believes that they are drawn from a Greek translation of the Samaritan made in Egypt.即使的Hexapla的引文标题下τὸΣαμαρειτικόυ，奥利这是发现在scholia，提到它，科恩认为，他们是来自不同的撒玛利亚希腊翻译埃及项。 The text has been edited in Samaritan characters by H. Petermann and K. Vollers (Berlin, 1872-91), and in Hebrew characters by A. Brüll (1873-75), from the London Polyglot.该文本已在撒玛利亚字符编辑由H.彼得曼和K.福尔勒斯（柏林，1872年至1891年），并在），希伯来文字符由A. Brüll（1873年至1875年由伦敦的Polyglot。M. Heidenheim's edition in Hebrew characters, of which Genesis only has appeared ("Bibliotheca Samaritana," i., Leipsic, 1884), has been very severely criticized (see Nestle, "Uebersetzungen der Bibel," p. 205).米海登海姆'1884）新版本在希伯来文字符，其中只出现了创世纪（“藏书Samaritana，”一，莱比锡市，一直非常严厉的批评（见雀巢“Uebersetzungen明镜比贝尔”，第205页）。
Influence of Hellenism.希腊文化的影响。
The settlement of large numbers of Jews in various parts of the Greek world, the Hellenization of Palestine, and the presence in Jerusalem of Jews from all countries, especially from those under Greek influence, in course of time forced the Rabbis to treat the question more liberally.世界大型定居点的犹太人数量希腊各地区，巴勒斯坦希腊化的，和犹太人在耶路撒冷存在的所有国家，特别是影响那些在希腊的时间，在校本课程迫使拉比对待的问题更多宽松。 According to Meg.据梅格。 ii.二。1, it was forbidden to read the Megillah in Aramaic or in any other non-Hebrew language, except for the foreign Jews () in Jerusalem (compare the Baraita in Bab. Meg. 18a; Shab. 115b); and that such foreign Jews were in the city in large numbers is seen from Acts ii. 1，它被禁止阅读阿拉姆Megillah或任何其他非希伯来语梅格，除国外）的犹太人（耶路撒冷（Baraita在比较巴布。。18A条;沙巴。115B的），并认为这些外国的犹太人在城市的大量出现是从行为二。 5-11.5-11。So, also, it is found, according to another tradition (Meg. i. 8), that it was permitted to write the Biblical books in any language (); though R. Simon ben Gamaliel would restrict this permission to Greek (Yer. Meg. i. 1): "After careful examination it was found that the Pentateuch could be adequately translated only into Greek").因此，也可以发现，另一种传统（meg.局长一8），它被允许写语言（），圣经中的任何书籍，虽然河西蒙本迦玛限制这种许可希腊语（Yer.梅格。岛1）：“经过仔细检查发现，五经，能充分”只翻译成希腊文）。
Evidence exists of the fact that in the synagogue of the Greek was freely used (Tosef., Meg. iv. 13).有证据显示的梅格事实，即在犹太教堂的希腊是自由使用（Tosef.。四。13）。There is even a tradition that Greek letters were engraven upon the chest in the Temple in which the shekels were kept (Sheḳ. iii. 2); and there is also Christian testimony to this effect (Justin, "Cohortatio ad Græcos," xiii.; Tertullian, "Apologia," xviii.; Frankel, "Vorstudien," p. 56).甚至有一个传统，第三是希腊字母Sheḳ.刻（后保持胸部在寺庙中进行的谢克尔。2）;，还有基督教证明了这一效应（贾斯汀，“Cohortatio广告Græcos，”十三。 ;良，“纵容”，十八。;弗兰克尔，“Vorstudien，”第56页）。It is reported that in Asia Minor R. Meïr was unable to find a Megillah written in Hebrew (Tosef., Meg. ii. 4); and the weekly lessons both from the Law and the Prophets were at an early date read in Greek in Alexandria ("Jew. Quart. Rev." ix. 730).据报道，在小亚细亚河梅尔是无法找到一个Megillah写在希伯来文（Tosef.，梅格。二。四）;和希腊在每周都从法律的教训阅读并早日是在先知亚历山大（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”九。730）。 This makes comprehensible the statement that "the Law can be read in any language" (Soṭah 33a; Meg. 17b).这使得理解的第33A条声明，“律师可以读取任何语言”（Soṭah;梅格。17B条）。The well-known passage in the Mishnah (Yad. iv. 5) which mentions the Levitical impurity occasioned by touching Biblical books, and which especially excepts the Targum from these provisions, has been very properly explained by Blau as referring to different degrees of sanctity only: no translation could, of course, be put upon the same level with the original Hebrew.该米示拿（Yad.四著名通行的。五），其中提到的利未杂质而引起的通过触摸圣经的书籍，尤其是节选的根从这些规定，是非常正确的神圣的布劳解释为是指不同程度的只：没有翻译可以，当然可以提出对原来的水平，与希伯来文。
At a later time-perhaps in the second century of the present era-a different view seems to have prevailed; and it was said that the day on which the Law was translated into Greek was as unfortunate for the Jews as that on which the Golden Calf was made (Soferim i. 8, 9).在A - 1不同的意见以后的时代，也许在第二世纪，似乎占了上风，以及有人说，这一天，该法是被翻译成希腊一样不幸的犹太人为在其上的金小牛了（Soferim岛8，9）。 Even to teach children Greek was forbidden (Soṭah ix. 14); though it was still permitted to teach a girl Greek, as a knowledge of that language was considered to be an accomplishment.即使是教孩子们被禁止希腊（Soṭah九。14），虽然它仍允许一个女孩教希腊文，作为一个知识被认为是一种成就。 Evidently this change of view was occasioned by the rise of the Christian Church, which used the Bible only in the Septuagint Version.显然，这一观点的变化是因版本崛起的基督教教会，其中只有七十所用的圣经研究。It will be seen that in the Middle Ages the desire to please the women during the service and to instruct them led to the introduction of the vernacular, especially for the prophetical lessons.这可以看出，在中世纪的愿望，请服务的妇女在并指示他们所领导的白话引进的经验教训，特别是对预言。The treatise Soferim even makes it a duty "to translate, for the women, the weekly readings from the Pentateuch and the Prophets before the close of the service. The translation was not read verse by verse after the Hebrew, but as one continuous passage" (Abrahams, "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages," p. 345).该论文Soferim甚至使它成为义务“翻译，为妇女，服务每周的阅读从之前的先知摩西五密切。翻译不是逐字逐句读通过后的希伯来文，但作为一个连续的通道” （亚伯拉罕，“中世纪犹太人的生活中，”第345页）。
The Septuagint.该译本。
The oldest and most important of all the versions made by Jews is that called "The Septuagint" ("Interpretatio septuaginta virorum" or "seniorum").犹太人最古老和最重要的是通过的版本，是被称为“七十”（“解读septuaginta virorum”或“seniorum”）。It is a monument of the Greek spoken by the large and important Jewish community of Alexandria; not of classic Greek, nor even of the Hellenistic style affected by Alexandrian writers.这是一个亚历山大纪念碑希腊发言大型和重要的犹太社区的，不是经典的希腊，甚至也不是古希腊风格的作家受亚历山大。 If the account given by Aristeas be true, some traces of Palestinian influence should be found; but a study of the Egyptian papyri, which are abundant for this particular period, is said by both Mahaffy and Deissmann to show a very close similarity between the language they represent and that of the Septuagint, not to mention the Egyptian words already recognized by both Hody and Eichhorn.如果该帐户Aristeas的给予是真实的，一些巴勒斯坦人的影响应该找到痕迹，但一个时期的埃及纸莎草纸的研究，尤其是丰富而这，是戴斯曼说，双方马菲并显示语言之间的相似性非常接近他们代表和七十，该，更不要说好德和艾希霍恩的话都已经认识到埃及。 These papyri have in a measure reinstated Aristeas (about 200 BC) in the opinion of scholars.这些纸莎草纸在一项措施恢复Aristeas的（约公元前200年）在学者的意见。Upon his "Letter to Philocrates" the tradition as to the origin of the Septuagint rests.他的“致Philocrates”的传统，在于以七十起源后。It is now believed that even though he may have been mistaken in some points, his facts in general are worthy of credence (Abrahams, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." xiv. 321).但现在人们相信，即使他可能已被分在一些错误，一般他的事实是值得信任的“犹太人（亚伯拉罕。夸脱。启示录”十四。321）。 According to Aristeas, the Pentateuch was translated at the time of Philadelphus, the second Ptolemy (285-247 BC), which translation was encouraged by the king and welcomed by the Jews of Alexandria.据Aristeas的，是梅花的五经折算的时间，第二托勒密（公元前285-247），该翻译是国王鼓舞和亚历山大的犹太人欢迎。 Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," 3d ed., iii. 615) stands alone in assigning it to the reign of Philometor (181-146 BC). Whatever share the king may have had in the work, it evidently satisfied a pressing need felt by the Jewish community, among whom a knowledge of Hebrew was rapidly waning before the demands of every-day life.格拉茨（“格希。德国犹太人，”三维版。，三。615）独树一帜，分配到）统治的Philometor（公元前181-146。不管份额国王可能在工作了，这显然满足了紧迫需要感受到的犹太社区，其中希伯来生活知识正在迅速减弱，前一天要求每个。
It is not known when the other books of the Bible were rendered into Greek.我们不知道当圣经的其他书籍呈现为希腊。The grandson of Ben Sira (132 BC), in the prologue to his translation of his grandfather's work, speaks of the "Law, Prophets, and the rest of the books" as being already current in his day.本西拉（132年），在开场白的孙子，他的作品翻译本，他的祖父，谈到“法，先知，和其他的书籍的”，因为它已在其目前每天。 A Greek Chronicles is mentioned by Eupolemus (middle of second century BC); Aristeas, the historian, quotes Job; a foot-note to the Greek Esther seems to show that that book was in circulation before the end of the second century BC; and the Septuagint Psalter is quoted in I Macc.希腊编年史提到由Eupolemus（公元前二世纪中叶）; Aristeas的，历史学家，报价工作;一英尺照会希腊埃斯特似乎表明，这本书发行量在年底前的公元前二世纪;及七十psalter是引述一排雷。 vii.七。17.17。It is therefore more than probable that the whole of the Bible was translated into Greek before the beginning of the Christian era (Swete, "An Introduction to the OT in Greek," ch. i.).因此，有可能比这更全的圣经被翻译成希腊文中希腊加时赛开始前的基督教时代（斯威特的“，以导论”通道。岛）。The large number of Greek-speaking Jewish communities in Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, and northern Africa must have facilitated its spread in all these regions.北部非洲的大，小亚细亚，希腊和数量讲犹太社区在巴勒斯坦，叙利亚，美索不达米亚必须有利于这些地区的分布于各个。 The quotations from the Old Testament found in the New are in the main taken from the Septuagint; and even where the citation is indirect the influence of this version is clearly seen.旧约的报价由新发现的是在主要取自七十;及即使是间接的引文影响的版本，这是清晰可见。This will also explain in a measure the undoubted influence of the Septuagint upon the Syriac translation called the "Peshiṭta."这也解释了衡量“Peshiṭta不容置疑的影响后，叙利亚文译本翻译叫。”
Being a composite work, the translation varies in the different books.作为一个综合的工作，不同的翻译在不同的书籍。In the Pentateuch, naturally, it adheres most closely to the original; in Job it varies therefrom most widely.在五，当然，它坚持到原始最密切，在招聘有异，由此最广。In some books (eg, Daniel) the influence of the Jewish Midrash is more apparent than in others.在一些书籍（例如，丹尼尔）的米德拉士影响的犹太更加明显高于其他研究。Where it is literal it is "intolerable as a literary work" (Swete, ib. p. 22).此外，如果文字是“不可容忍的是兴业文学作品”（斯威特。第22页）。The translation, which shows at times a peculiar ignorance of Hebrew usage, was evidently made from a codex which differed widely in places from the text crystallized by the Masorah.翻译，这表明在1倍希伯来语使用特殊无知的，显然是从一个不同Masorah广泛的法典，在结晶由文本的地方从。 Its influence upon the Greek-speaking Jews must have been great.它的影响力呼吁希腊犹太人讲一定是巨大的。In course of time it came to be the canonical Greek Bible, as Luther's translation became the German, and the Authorized Version the English.当然，在时间来是典型的希腊圣经，因为路德的翻译成了德语和英语版本的授权。It is the version used by the Jewish Hellenistic writers, Demetrius, Eupolemus, Artabanus, Aristeas, Ezekiel, and Aristobulus, as well as in the Book of Wisdom, the translation of Ben Sira, and the Jewish Sibyllines.这是智慧的图书版本所使用的犹太希腊作家，德米特里，Eupolemus，阿尔达班，Aristeas的，以西结，并亚里斯多布鲁斯，以及为在中，西拉翻译本，而犹太人的Sibyllines。 Hornemann, Siegfried, and Ryle have shown that Philo bases his citations from the Bible on the Septuagint Version, though he has no scruple about modifying them or citing them with much freedom.奥尔内曼，齐格弗里德和赖尔表明，斐洛基地七十版本从他引用圣经上的，虽然他没有自由不惜有关修改他们或他们的理由很多。 Josephus follows this translation closely (Freudenthal, "Hellenistische Studien," ii. 171; Siegfried, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," iii. 32).约瑟夫此翻译如下密切（弗赖登塔尔“Hellenistische家庭研究，”二。171;齐格弗里德，在体育场的“杂志，”三。32）。 It became part of the Bible of the Christian Church.它成为教会的一部分，在基督教的圣经。
Aquila.雕。
Two things, however, rendered the Septuagint unwelcome in the long run to the Jews.两件事情，但是，提供的七十不受欢迎的运行在长期的犹太人。Its divergence from the accepted text (afterward called the Masoretic) was too evident; and it therefore could not serve as a basis for theological discussion or for homiletic interpretation.它的马所拉的分歧从接受的文字（后来称为）太明显，因此，它不能作为解释的基础神学讨论或homiletic的。 This distrust was accentuated by the fact that it had been adopted as Sacred Scripture by the new faith.这种不信任是加剧信仰神圣的事实，它已被采用为圣经的新的。A revision in the sense of the canonical Jewish text was necessary.在犹太人的文本修订的典型意义上是必要的。This revision was made by a proselyte, Aquila, who lived during the reign of Hadrian (117-138).这一修改是由一个改变信仰，雕，谁）在位期间的生活哈德良（117-138。He is reported to have been a pupil of R. Akiba and to have embodied in his revision the principles of the strictest literal interpretation of the text; certainly his translation is pedantic, and its Greek is uncouth.据报告，他一直是学生的秋叶河，并有文字体现在他对修订的原则是严格的字面解释，肯定他的翻译是学究，其希腊是粗鲁。 It strove only to reproduce the text word for word, and for this reason it grew rapidly in favor in strictly Jewish circles where Hebrew was yet understood.它力图重现仅逐字，基于这个原因，它有利于快速增长，但在严格的理解犹太人圈子在希伯来文。Not only in the days of Origen was it thus popular, but, according to the testimony of Jerome and Augustine, down to the fourth and fifth centuries.只是天不奥利是因此，它在流行，但根据杰罗姆和奥古斯丁的证词，下降至第四和第五世纪。Of this translation a few fragments have come down to us, together with many citations made by Christian writers from Origen's Hexapla.我们翻译的这几个片段已回落到，连同的Hexapla奥利许多作家从引文由基督教。 In the middle of the sixth century a certain section of the Jews in Byzantium wished to read the Sabbath lections in Greek as well as in Hebrew; but the Rabbis and authorities desired that only Hebrew should be read.在中部六世纪犹太人在某条的规定，拜占庭希望阅读的安息日经文希腊以及希伯来文，但拉比和当局的期望，只有希伯来文应予以理解。 The discussion came before the emperor, Justinian, who in the year 553 issued a novella in which it was expressly stated that "the Hebrews are allowed to read the Holy Writ in their synagogues in the Greek language"; and the emperor advised them to use either the Septuagint or the version of Aquila (Grätz, "Gesch. der Juden," v. 435).讨论开始前皇帝查士丁尼，谁在553年发表了“中篇小说，其中明文指出，”希伯来人被允许希腊语阅读圣经犹太教堂在他们以及他们建议皇帝用无论是七十或雕版本（格拉茨，“格希。德国犹太人，”诉435）。
Theodotion and Symmachus.Theodotion和马初斯。
A second revision of the Septuagint was made by one Theodotion, perhaps a native of Ephesus, who may have lived toward the end of the second century. A的第二次修订的译本是由一Theodotion，也许是以弗所本土的，谁可能有对生活的第二个世纪结束的。He is sometimes said to have been a convert to Judaism.他有时说是一个犹太教皈依。His revision, also, is in the nature of a recurrence to the Hebrew text, but he avoids entirely the pedantry of Aquila, and his Greek gives a readable text; the only evidences of pedantry are his transliterations of a number of Hebrew words.他的修订，同时，在复发性的，以希伯来文，但他完全避免了拉奎拉迂腐的，和他的希腊提供一个可读的文本;证据的迂腐的话，他只是希伯来文的译音一个数字。 Strange to say, his version of Daniel entirely displaced that of the Septuagint; and in other portions his translations are occasionally found in ordinary Septuagint manuscripts.说来奇怪，他的丹尼尔版本完全流离失所，该译本;和其他部分，他翻译的手稿是偶尔发现在普通七十。For this fact no sufficient reason has yet been given.对于这个给定的事实没有足够的理由尚未。Fragments of his work are also found in the remains of Origen's Hexapla.他的工作片段，也发现在Hexapla仍然是奥利的。A third translator, Symmachus, whose date is not known, tried to smooth down Aquila's un-Grecian Greek by the use of both the Septuagint and Theodotion.第三个翻译，马初斯，其日期是不知道，试图利用双方的顺利译本和theodotion下来雕的不合作的态度，希腊古希腊的。 He seems to be the best stylist of all.他似乎是所有最好的设计师。According to Epiphanius, he was a Samaritan convert to Judaism; but Eusebius and Jerome make him out an Ebionite.据埃皮法尼乌斯，他是对犹太教撒玛利亚转换，但尤西比乌斯和杰罗姆使他出一Ebionite。Of the three other fragmentary translations into Greek used by Origen in compiling his Hexapla, very little is known.其他三个是已知的零零碎碎的翻译成希腊使用奥利在编制他的Hexapla，非常少。It is not even certain that they are the work of Jews.它甚至不能肯定他们是犹太人的工作。
Toward the end of the fourteenth century or at the beginning of the fifteenth another translation of the Bible into Greek was made, of which the portion covering the Pentateuch, Ruth, Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, Lamentations, and Daniel is still preserved in manuscript (MS. Gr., No. vii.) in the library of St. Mark's, Venice.走向哀歌结束的14世纪或，开始对第十五另一个翻译成希腊文的圣经了，其中一部分涉及五，露丝，谚语，Canticles，传道书，和丹尼尔仍是手稿保存在（硕士学位。石墨。号七。）在图书馆圣马克，威尼斯。 It has been edited in a final form by Oscar von Gebhardt ("Græcus Venetus," Leipsic, 1875), with a preface by Franz Delitzsch.它已被编辑在一个Græcus Venetus最终形成由奥斯卡冯格巴尔（“，”普西克，1875年），与一德里前言弗兰茨。According to Von Gebhardt, Delitzsch, and Freudenthal ("Hellenistische Studien," p. 129), the author was a Jew, who for some reason or other preferred the commentary of David Ḳimḥi to that of Rashi.据冯格巴尔，德里，和弗赖登塔尔（“Hellenistische家庭研究”，第129页），作者是一个犹太人，谁出于某种原因或其他优先评大卫Ḳimḥi以赖希认为。 The author has also used the former Greek versions.笔者还利用前希腊版本。The body of the work is done into Attic Greek; the Aramaic portions of Daniel are rendered into Doric.该机构的工作进行到雅典是希腊;部分丹尼尔的阿拉姆是多立克呈现成。Delitzsch has tried to identify the author with a certain Eliseus, a learned Jew at the court of Murad I.德里试图找出穆拉德一世作者具有一定的法庭Eliseus，教训犹在(see "Theol. Lit. Zeit." i. 107; Swete, lcp 56; Nestle, lcp 84). （见“Theol。里拉。宰特。”岛107;斯威特，LCP的56条;雀巢，LCP的84）。On the other hand, P. Frankl has tried to show that the translator was a Christian and not a Jew ("Monatsschrift," xxiv. 372).另一方面，体育弗兰克尔曾试图表明，翻译是一个基督徒，而不是一个犹太人（“月刊，”二十四。372）。According to Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," vii. 318), Shemariah of Negroponte (1328-46) rendered the Book of Genesis into Greek, in an attempt to bridge over the cleft separating Karaites from Rabbinites.据格拉茨（“格希。德国犹太人，”七。318），尼葛洛庞帝玛利雅的（1328年至1346年）提供的创世记进入希腊，试图弥合在裂分离Rabbinites卡拉从。 But Shemariah's work was a commentary and not a translation (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Bibl." xv. 39).不过玛利雅的工作是一个评论，而不是一个翻译（Steinschneider，“黑布尔。Bibl。”十五。39）。On translations of the Hafṭarot into Greek see "Magazin," ii.论Hafṭarot翻译成希腊文看到的“Magazin的，”二。5.5。
Modern Greek.现代希腊文。
The first attempt to translate the Bible into modern Greek was made by a monk of the island of Crete, Agapiou by name.第一次尝试按名称翻译成现代Agapiou圣经希腊是，由一名僧人的克里特岛。In 1543 he published a rendering of the Psalms which followed closely the Septuagint translation. 1543年他出版了翻译渲染的诗篇会紧随七十。This preceded the first Jewish translation by only a few years.这仅仅几年前第一次犹太译。One column of the Polyglot Pentateuch (Constantinople, 1547) contained a Neo-Greek version in Hebrew characters.一）列的多元五（君士坦丁堡，1547年包含了新版本的希伯来文字符，希腊文。The dialect used is that of Epirus; and no single word of Turkish is to be found in it.方言是伊庇鲁斯的使用;及土耳其没有一个字是要它发现研究。Though full of Hebraisims, it is said to be of importance for the study of Greek linguistics.虽然Hebraisims全面，它的重要性可以说是为语言学研究希腊。The few copies of this edition which are now known to exist do not agree; and it has been suggested that corrections were made in the text during printing.不同意的少数存在副本这个版本是目前已知，并已建议更正文字在印刷过程中。In the "Revue des Etudes Grecques" (iii. 288 et seq.) Belleli has reprinted the first four chapters of Genesis; and a facsimile of the whole has been published by DC Hesseling, "Les Cinq Livres de la Loi" (Leyden, 1897; compare the discussion in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxxv. 132, 314).在“Grecques研究杂志”（iii. 288起。）Belleli已重印了创世纪的前四个章节和一个整体的传真已Hesseling出版直流，“莱斯五首里弗德拉莱”（莱顿， 1897年，比较Juives讨论“致练习曲”，三十五。132，314）。A translation of Jonah into modern Greek is found in a manuscript volume of prayers in the library of the University of Bologna; and it is known, from R. Meïr Katzenellenbogen, that in his day (1470-1565) it was customary in Padua to read the Hafṭarah of the Atonement Day in the vernacular; this was also the case in Candia (Kapsali, ed. Lattes, p. 22).博洛尼亚大学的翻译成现代希腊约拿图书馆在祈祷中发现的手稿货量，它是已知的，从河梅尔Katzenellenbogen，在他的一天（1470年至1565年）是帕多瓦的习惯到经过白话在赎罪日的Hafṭarah的，这也是假丝案（Kapsali，编辑。拉特斯，第22页）。 L. Modena has shown ("Cataloghi dei Codici Orientali," p. 335, Florence, 1876) that this thirteenth-century manuscript, which came originally from Canea, is similar to MS.属摩德纳已经显示（“Cataloghi台达电子Codici Orientali”，页335，佛罗伦萨，1876年），这个13世纪的手稿，其中从最初来到卡内亚，类似于到MS。No. 1144 in the Bodleian collection (Neubauer, "Cat. Bodl. Hebr. MSS." col. 333; "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxiii. 135). 1144号在伯德雷恩收集（纽鲍尔，“猫。Bodl。黑布尔。MSS的。”山口。333;“牧师研究Juives，”二十三。135）。In 1576 Moses ben Elijah Phobian, or Popian, published at Constantinople a Neo-Greek translation of Job for the express purpose of facilitating the teaching of Hebrew (Belleli, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxii. 250; compare ib. xxiii. 136, xxiv. 160, and Güdemann, "Quellen'" pp. 239-289).在1576年摩西本利亚Phobian，或波皮安，发表在君士坦丁堡“Juives，”二十二首练习曲一新牧师，在希腊语翻译的工作目的明确Belleli促进教学的希伯来文（。250;比较兴业。二十三。 136，二十四。160，和Güdemann，“Quellen'”页。239-289）。
The Peshiṭta.该Peshiṭta。
The Syriac translation of the Old Testament was undoubtedly made directly from the Hebrew; though at Antioch, during the third century of the present era and at later periods, it was revised so as to make it conform to the Septuagint.旧约叙利亚文译本，无疑是直接从希伯来文，并在后期，虽然在第三个世纪安提阿，在当今时代，它进行了修订，以使其符合七十。 The history of its origin is obscure; but it was probably made in Mesopotamia during the first century.它的起源历史是模糊的，但它很可能在美索不达米亚在第一世纪。As with most of the older translations, various hands have been at work here.正如翻译最老，各种手一直在这里工作。Perles ("Meletemata Peschittoniana," Breslau, 1859), Prager ("De Veteris, Testamenti Versione Peschitto," Göttingen, 1875), and Bacher (see Aramaic Language) believe it is the work of Jews: but this has not yet been proved; and the view of Dathe, Eichhorn, Hitzig, Nöldeke, and Renan, that it owes its origin to Judæo-Christians, seems more probable.PERLES，有关工具（“Meletemata Peschittoniana，”布雷斯劳，1859），普拉格（“德Veteris，Testamenti Versione Peschitto”，哥廷根，1875），和巴切尔（见亚拉姆语）的人认为这是犹太人的工作：但尚未得到证实以及鉴于达斯，艾希霍恩，希齐格，Nöldeke，和雷南，它欠其原产地为犹太基督徒，似乎更有可能。 Perles, however, has shown that there are unmistakable evidences in the Peshiṭta of the influence of the Targum, especially in Genesis.珍珠，但已表明，有创世纪的Peshiṭta，对根的影响，特别是明白无误的证据研究。 This has been confirmed for Ezekiel by Cornill ("Das Buch Ezekiel," p. 154), for Chronicles by S. Fränkel (in "Jahrb. für Protestantische Theologie," 1879), and for Job by Stenig ("De Syriaca Libri Jobi Interp." Helsingfors, 1887), Mandl ("Peschitto zu Hiob," Leipsic, 1892), and Hauman (in Stade's "Zeitschrift," xix.29).这已被证实为以西结由cornill（“以西结达斯布赫，”第154页），为（方志由S.弗兰克尔在“Jahrb。献给新教神学”，1879年），以及Stenig作业（“德Syriaca利博利苡interp的。“赫尔森福斯，1887年），Mandl（”Peschitto族希布，“普西克，1892年）和豪曼史杂志（在体育场的”，“xix.29）。 The closest agreement between the two versions is found in the Book of Proverbs; but it is now generally held that in this case the Targum reflects the Peshiṭta and not vice versa, as Maybaum contends (Merx, "Archiv," vol. ii.).这两个版本之间的协议是最近发现的箴言书，但现在人们普遍认为，在此情况下，根反映Peshiṭta，而不是相反，因为Maybaum争辩（Merx，“档案馆”，第一卷。二。） 。This view is upheld by a consideration of the general character of the translation (Pinkuss, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," xiv. 101; see also Duval, "Littérature Syriaque," 1899, pp. 31 et seq.).坚持这种观点是由史杂志审议的“一般性质的体育场翻译（Pinkuss，在”十四。101;又见杜瓦尔，“Littérature Syriaque，”1899年，页。31起。）。
Arabic Versions.阿拉伯语版本。
It is impossible to tell at how early a time the Jews commenced to translate the Bible into Arabic.这是不可能告诉如何早期一时间，犹太人开始翻译成阿拉伯文圣经。After the early victories of the Mohammedans, Arabic civilization and Arabic surroundings brought the Jews into very close connection with the Arabic language.经过早期的环境和阿拉伯语胜利的伊斯兰教，阿拉伯文明带来阿拉伯语的犹太人进入非常紧密联系。Even where Hebrew was still kept up, the Hebrew alphabet must at times have gone out of fashion; for there exist some Karaite manuscripts of the tenth century, giving the Hebrew text in Arabic characters and with the letters used as vowel-signs (R. Hörning, "British Museum Karaite MSS." London, 1889; Margoliouth, "Cat. Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." i., Nos. 103, 104).即使仍然保持了希伯来语，希伯来文字母表必须在时代已经不合时宜，对存在的一些卡拉派信徒10世纪的手稿，给阿拉伯字符在希伯来文和（河符号的字母作为元音赫宁，“大英博物馆卡拉派信徒MSS的。”伦敦，1889年;马戈柳思，“猫。黑布尔。撒玛利亚和重置。英国人。亩。”一，第103，104）。 That the Jews had little scruple in reading the Bible in Arabic may be seen from Judah ibn Tibbon's advice to his son to read the Sabbath lections in that tongue ("Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 484).这在阿拉伯语的犹太人很少顾忌圣经阅读可能会看到从犹大伊Tibbon的意见，他的儿子在读这舌头安息日经文（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”第十二。484）。 There are no facts, however, which prove that the early Jews of Arabia possessed any Arabic translation of the Bible.没有事实，然而，这说明早期犹太人的阿拉伯携带的阿拉伯文翻译的圣经。There is a tradition, going back to Abu Huraya, a contemporary of Mohammed, that "The People of the Book used to read the Taurah [Torah] in Hebrew and interpret it in Arabic to the followers of Islam"; which tradition is the basis of the polemics of Abu Mohammed ibn Ḥazm (d. 1064).有一个传统，可以追溯到阿布Huraya，一穆罕默德当代，指出：“”人民对伊斯兰教的图书阅读Taurah [托拉用来]在解释希伯来文和阿拉伯文它的追随者，而传统是基础1064）的论战的阿布穆罕默德伊本哈兹姆（四。Another tradition says that "Ka'ab the rabbi brought a book ["sifr"] to Omar the calif and said, 'Here is the Torah, read it'" (Goldziher, in "ZDMG" xxxii. 344). The evidence is insufficient; and thereis even less warrant for Sprenger's idea that apocryphal writings were current in Arabia during Mohammed's days (see Kuenen, "Volksreligion," p. 297).另一个传统说：“Ka'ab拉比带来了书[”sIFR那样“]到了加州和奥马尔说，'这是圣经，读'”（Goldziher三十二，在“ZDMG”。344）。证据是不足;和thereis更值得为斯普伦杰的想法是天未经著作穆罕默德目前在沙特阿拉伯期间（见Kuenen，“Volksreligion”，页297）。 At a later time, however, such translations must have existed, even though little credence can be placed upon the assurances of the polemical writers that they had "read this in the Torah" or "in the Zabur [Psalms]" (ib. p. 351; compare Stade's "Zeitschrift," xiii. 315).在稍后的时间，然而，这种翻译必须已经存在，即使没有可信可放在为P（ib.第后，保证了论战的作家，他们这“阅读的圣经”或“在Zabur [诗篇]” 。351;比较体育场的“杂志，”十三。315）。The Fihrist (ed. Flügel, i. 22) of Al-Nadim mentions an Aḥmad ibn Abd Allah ibn Salam who translated the Bible into Arabic, at the time of Harun al-Rashid.该Fihrist（编辑佛鲁吉尔岛22）的Al -纳迪姆提到的圣经翻译成阿拉伯文，当时基地的哈伦拉希德艾哈迈德谁是伊本阿卜杜拉伊本萨拉姆。Faḥr al-Din al-Razi mentions a translation of Habbakuk by the son of Rabban al-Ṭabari ("ZDMG" xlii. 645).法赫尔al - Din的基地拉齐拉班塔巴里提到基地翻译的Habbakuk的儿子（“ZDMG”四十二。645）。Many of the Arabic historians, as Al-Ṭabari, Mas'udi, Ḥamza, and Biruni, cite passages and recount the early history of the Jews in a most circumstantial manner.许多阿拉伯历史学家比鲁尼，作为基地塔巴里，Mas'udi，哈姆扎，并列举通道和间接的方式讲述犹太人在最早期的历史上。 Ibn Ḳutaibah, the historian (d. 889), says that he read the Bible; and he even made a collection of Biblical passages in a work which has been preserved by Ibn Jauzi of the twelfth century (see Haupt and Delitzsch, "Beiträge zur Assyriologie," iii. 46; Stade's "Zeitschrift," xv. 138).伊本Ḳutaibah，历史学家（四889）说，他读了圣经;他甚至Jauzi世纪第十二届集合伊本圣经的段落在一个已保存的工作（见豪普特和德里，“文集祖尔Assyriologie，“三。46;体育场的”杂志，“十五。138）。
Saadia Gaon.萨阿迪亚加翁。
The first important Arabic translation is that of Saadia Gaon (892-942).阿拉伯文翻译的第一个重要的是，萨阿迪亚加翁（892-942）。The influence of this translation was in its way as great as that of the gaon's philosophical work.翻译的影响，这是其工作方式为伟大的哲学，该加翁的。It has remained to this day the version for the Jews in Arabic-speaking countries: it is dignified by the name "Targum"; and in many of the South Arabian Bible manuscripts it follows the Aramaic verse by verse, as the Aramaic follows the Hebrew.它仍是这一天的国家版本来说，犹太人在阿拉伯语：它是有尊严的名称是“根”，以及在南方的许多手稿阿拉伯圣经它遵循的阿拉姆语诗诗，由于阿拉姆如下希伯来文。 Saadia in the main takes the Targum as his guide, especially in doing away with all anthropomorphisms.主要萨阿迪亚的需要作为自己的指导根，尤其是在做anthropomorphisms取消所有。 His chief thought, however, is to produce a readable and intelligible translation.他的主要思想，但是，是产生一个可读和可理解的翻译。In this sense his translation may be called free; he was evidently working for a general reading public, both Jewish and Mohammedan, and not for scholars.在这个意义上的自由，可称为他的翻译，他显然是工作了一般阅读大众，无论犹太教和伊斯兰教，而不是学者。Ibn Ezra blames him for the apparent case with which he passes over difficulties.伊本以斯拉指责他的困难情况明显超过他的通行证。But, in calling this translation a "tafsir" (explanation), he meant to indicate that he aimed to present the simple sense ("basiṭ"="peshaṭ") of the Biblical text; and Abu al-Walid looks upon him as the chief representative of this method.但是，在召开这次翻译的“塔费尔”（解释），他的意思，表明他现在的目标是简单意义上（“巴西特”=“peshaṭ”）的圣经文本，以及阿布瓦利德看来他身上这种方法的总代表。 His fervent belief in the verbal inspiration of the Biblical text kept him free, on the one hand, from the influence of his rationalistic philosophy and, on the other, from the allegorical method of the Talmud (Editio Derenbourg, vx; Bacher in Winter and Wünsche, "Jüdische Litteratur," iii. 244).他热切地信仰圣经文本中的灵感使他的言语自由，一方面，从他的理性主义哲学的影响，并另一方面，从，VX的寓言法塔木德（埃迪蒂奥德朗堡;巴切尔冬温舍，“Jüdische Litteratur，”三。244）。When no word in Arabic will exactly express his meaning, he uses the Hebrew word or adopts the Hebrew construction.当没有这个词在阿拉伯语将完全表达他的意思，他使用的希伯来语单词或采用希伯来语建设。In addition, he attempts to reproduce Hebrew words by Arabic words with a similar sound (Munk, in Cahen's "Bible," ix. 127).此外，他试图重现希伯来字阿拉伯字，与类似的声音（芒克圣经，在卡亨的“，”九。127）。Saadia, in the introduction to the commentary on the Pentateuch, states that he translated it twice: once with a diffuse commentary; the second time without the commentary.萨阿迪亚，在评论中介绍弥漫的评注五，翻译说，他是一个两次：一次，至于第二次的评注没有。Of the first translation only a few fragments and citations by Abraham ibn Ezra, Baḥya ben Asher, Abraham Maimonides, etc., have been preserved (Derenbourg's ed. of the Pentateuch, Hebrew part, p. vii.; "Monatsschrift," xli. 205; "Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 536).第一次翻译只有几个片段等引用亚伯拉罕伊本以斯拉，巴希耶本舍，亚伯拉罕迈蒙尼德，也得到了保护（德朗堡的第七版。摩西五，希伯来语部分，第。;“月刊，”四十一。 205，“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”第十二。536）。Of this work, at one time complete, only the Pentateuch, Isaiah, Minor Prophets, portions of Judges, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, and Daniel are now extant.这项工作在同一时间内完成，只有五，以赛亚书，小先知，法官的部分，诗篇，工作，谚语，和丹尼尔现在尚存。
Saadia's translation was first printed in the Polyglot Pentateuch, Constantinople, 1546.萨阿迪亚的翻译第一次印刷的多元五，君士坦丁堡，1546。It was reproduced in Arabic characters in the Paris and London Polyglots (1645-57).这是转载于阿拉伯文的字符在巴黎和伦敦多种语言的人（1645年至1657年）。From time to time more or less critical editions of various portions have been published; a complete list of these editions as well as of the extant manuscripts is given by Steinschneider in the "Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," pp. 153 et seq.不时关键版本的各个部分，或多或少已出版; 1这些版本的完整列表，以及现存的手稿是由Steinschneider给予考夫曼Gedenkbuch在“，”页。153起。(see also "Monatsschrift," xli. 124, and Engelkemper, "De Saadiæ Gaonis Vita, Bibliorum Versione, etc.," Münster, 1897).（另见“月刊，”四十一。124，和Engelkemper，“德Saadiæ Gaonis维塔，Bibliorum Versione等，”明斯特，1897年）。A definite edition of the translation and commentaries was commenced by the late Joseph Derenbourg, "Œuvres Complètes de R. Saadia," Paris, 1893 et seq., and is being carried on by Hartwig Derenbourg and Mayer Lambert; the Pentateuch, Isaiah, Proverbs, and Job have appeared (1902). A和评论一定版的翻译是由已故约瑟夫开始德朗堡“小菜完成德河萨阿迪亚，”巴黎，1893年起。，并正在开展兰伯特就哈特维希德朗堡和梅耶;的五，以赛亚，谚语与工作出现了（1902年）。
Other Arabic Versions.其他阿拉伯语版本。
A number of other translations into Arabic must have existed.其他的一些翻译成阿拉伯文必须已经存在。 Abu al-Walid mentions some of them, though it can hardly be determined to-day to which translations he refers (Bacher, "Leben und Werke des Abulwalid," p. 99).阿布瓦利德提到其中一些，但它很难下决心，日子，他的翻译是指（巴切尔，“Leben北达科Werke公司德Abulwalid”，第99页）。 Some of them, though bearing no direct relation to that of Saadia, show evident traces of his influence.其中有些人，虽然影响没有直接关系的萨阿迪亚认为，显示他的影响力明显痕迹。This is true at least of a translation of the Minor Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, found in Codex Huntington (No. 206 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford).这是真的，至少1以西结书翻译的小先知，以赛亚，耶利米，并在牛津发现亨廷顿法典（第206号的伯德雷恩图书馆）。 From this manuscript Hosea was published by R. Schröter in Merx, "Archiv," i.从这个Merx手稿何西阿出版了Schröter河中，“档案馆，”岛28 et seq.28起。M. Peritz has edited "Zwei Alte Uebersetzungen des Buches Ruth," Berlin, 1900 ("Monatsschrift," 1899, pp. 49 et seq.).米Peritz主编了“Zwei阿尔特Uebersetzungen德Buches露丝，”柏林，1900年（“月刊，”1899年，页。49起。）。 The second of these, from a manuscript in the British Museum, though it shows most of the peculiarities of Saadia's translation, is not by him (see also Poznanski, in "Zeit. für Hebr. Bibl." iv. 167).在这第二个，从手稿在大英博物馆，虽然它显示翻译最萨阿迪亚的的特殊性的，不是由他（又见波兹南斯基，在“宰特。献给黑布尔。Bibl。”四。167）。 Nothing is known of the fragments of the Arabic version of the Pentateuch found in the twelfth-century manuscript, St. Petersburg, Nos. 137 and 138 (Harkavy-Strack, "Catalog," p. 164).没有什么是已知的摩西五的阿拉伯语版本找到的碎片，在12世纪的手稿，圣彼得堡，第137和138（哈卡维-施特拉克，“目录”，第164页）。 Another translation of the Five Scrolls is found in British Museum MSS., Nos. 146, 147 (Poznanski, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xli. 302).另一个卷轴译本五是在大英博物馆找到MSS的。，第146，147（波兹南斯基，在“牧师研究Juives，”四十一。302）。 A rimed version of the Psalms was made by one Ḥafẓ al-Ḳuṭi (tenth century), which is contained in a manuscript of the Ambrosian Library in Milan (Hammer-Purgstall in "Bibl. Ital. di Letteratura," civ. 36), copied in 1625 from a manuscript in the Escurial, which has since been lost.阿rimed版本的诗篇的是由一个Ḥafẓ基地库提（10世纪），这是Bibl载在安布罗图书馆手稿，普格施塔尔在“米兰（锤。需求面实证。迪Letteratura，”持续输注。36），从1625年复制的手稿遗失在埃斯库里亚尔，已被。 It is cited by Moses ibn Ezra in his "Poetics"; but it is evident that this translation was made by one who was not even, as has been supposed, a baptized Jew ("Hebr. Bibl." x. 26).这是伊本以斯拉引用摩西在他的“诗学”，但显而易见的是，这个翻译，甚至由一个谁没有，因为一直以为，一个洗礼的犹太人（“黑布尔。Bibl。”十26）。 Neubauer has pointed out ("Rev. Etudes Juives," xxx. 65) that it contains Christian quotations; and the term "the Goth" (ib. p. 318) would sufficiently indicate that the author was a Christian.纽鲍尔指出（“启示录研究Juives，新的”XXX。65），它包含基督教的报价，以及长期的“哥特”（同上第318页）将足以表明该作者是一个基督徒。 A version of Ecclesiastes by Judah ibn Ghayyat has been published by J. Löwy, Leyden, 1884 (see Rahmer's "Jüdisches Litteratur-Blatt," May 29, 1884, p. 88).阿Ghayyat版本的传道书的犹太伊本已出版（由J.洛伊，莱顿，1884年见Rahmer的“Jüdisches Litteratur -布拉特，”1884年5月29日，第88页）。In the thirteenth century a translation of the Pentateuch was made by an African Jew, who also based his work on that of Saadia.在13世纪五经翻译的是萨阿迪亚由非洲的犹太人，谁也说根据他的工作。It is known as the "Arabs Erpenii" ("Pent. Mosis Arabice," Lug.-Bat. MS., No. 1622).这是被称为“阿拉伯人Erpenii”（“被压抑。莫西斯Arabice，”Lug. -蝙蝠。硕士学位。号1622）。 (On a supposed translation of the Psalms by Saadia ben Levi Azankot see Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." col. 2227.) In modern times several Arabic translations of the Bible have been published in India; eg, by Ezekiel Shem-Ṭob David, Bombay, 1889, and the Apocrypha by Joseph David, Bombay, 1895. （一应该看到翻译的诗篇由萨阿迪亚本列维Azankot在Steinschneider，“猫。Bodl。”山口。2227。）在近代数阿拉伯语圣经翻译工作已发表在印度，如大卫，由以西结闪，陀伯，孟买，1889年和1895年伪经约瑟夫大卫，孟买。
Karaite Versions.卡拉派信徒版本。
It was natural that the Karaites should refuse to make use of the version in Arabic made by their arch-enemy, Saadia.这是自然的卡拉派信徒应拒绝作出萨阿迪亚使用，该版本在阿拉伯敌人作出的拱。 Only two or three of their attempts to replace it have come down; and even these have been preserved in a most fragmentary form only.只有两个或三个他们试图取代它已回落了，连这些都被保存在表格只有一个最零碎。One of the earliest of these attempts was that made by Joshua b.尝试其中一个最早的是由约书亚湾Ari, or, to give him the name by which he is better known, Abu al-Faraj Furḳan ibn Asad, a learned Jerusalem Karaite of the middle of the eleventh century.阿里，或者给他，使他的名字更广为人知，阿布法拉杰Furḳan伊阿萨德一个博学耶路撒冷的11世纪卡拉派信徒中的。 A portion of his Arabic translation of the Pentateuch is to be found in MS.阿摩西五部分，他的阿拉伯文翻译是要找到质谱研究。Or.或。2491 of the British Museum. 2491大英博物馆。It shows occasionally a decided rationalistic tendency, explanatory glosses being introduced here and there into the text (G. Margoliouth, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." xi. 190).这表明偶尔一决定理性的倾向，解释性粉饰被引入到这里，有文字（克马戈柳思，在“犹太人。夸脱。牧师”十一。190）。 Whether Japheth ha-Levi (Ibn Ali al-Baṣri) really translated any parts of the Bible (Margoliouth, "Descriptive List," pp. 25 et seq.), is undetermined; but it is known that he had the ambitious desire to write an extensive commentary upon the whole Bible (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Uebers." p. 941).无论是雅弗公顷，列维（伊本阿里巴斯里）真的翻译“页的任何部分的圣经（马戈柳思，”说明性清单。25起。），未定论，但人人都知道他有雄心勃勃的愿望写一“黑布尔广泛的评论后，整本圣经（Steinschneider。Uebers。”第941页）。 According to Margoliouth ("Cat. Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." p. 71), MS.据马戈柳思（“猫。黑布尔。撒玛利亚和重置。英国人。亩。”第71页），硕士学位。Brit.英国人。Mus.亩。101 (Or. 2481) contains an Arabic translation of the Pentateuch based upon that of Japheth.101（Or. 2481）载有阿拉伯文翻译的pentateuch基于雅弗认为。
Samaritan Revision of Saadia.撒玛利亚修订萨阿迪亚。
The translation of Saadia, as is said above, had become a standard work in Egypt, Palestine, and Syria.该萨阿迪亚翻译，正如上面所说，已成为一个标准的工作和叙利亚在埃及，巴勒斯坦，。But to the Samaritans it was as distasteful (Harkavy, "Ḥadashim," No. 7, p. 22) as it no doubt had been to the Karaites, because of the rabbinical interpretations which it represented.但对撒玛利亚这是令人不齿（哈卡维，“Ḥadashim，”第7号，第22页），因为它毫无疑问已经向卡拉派信徒代表，因为它是犹太教的解释。 At some time, perhaps during the thirteenth century, it was revised by a Samaritan with the express purpose of adapting it to the use of his coreligionists.在一段时间，也许在13世纪，这是修订了一个撒玛利亚的明确目的是适应的教友使用他。This revision is usually held to have been made by Abu Sa'id ibn abu al-Ḥusain ibn abu Sa'id, and has claimed the attention of European scholars such as De Sacy ("Mémoires de l'Académie," 1808, xlix. 1 et seq.), Gesenius ("De Pentateuchi Samaritani Origine, Indole et Auctoritate," p. 120, Halle, 1815), and Juynboll ("Commentatio de Versione Arabico-Samaritana," Amsterdam, 1846).这一修改是通常被认定为赛义德伊本由阿布赛义德阿布侯赛因伊本阿布，并声称第四十九届欧洲学者的注意，如德萨西（“回忆录德l'科学院，”1808。 1起。）格泽纽斯（“德Pentateuchi萨马里塔尼的起源，吲哚等Auctoritate”，第120页，哈雷，1815年），和Juynboll（“Commentatio德Versione Arabico - Samaritana，”阿姆斯特丹，1846）。Of it Genesis, Ezodus, and Leviticus have been edited by A. Kuenen (Leyden, 1851-54; see Kohn, "Zur Sprache der Samaritaner," p. 134; Nestle, lcp 153).它的成因，Ezodus，并已被134编辑利未记由A. Kuenen（莱顿，1851年至1854年，见科恩，“祖尔Sprache明镜Samaritaner”，页;雀巢，LCP的153）。Abu Sa'id was supposed to have lived about the year 1070; but Wreschner ("Samaritanische Tradition," 1888, p. xix.) has shown that he flourished in the thirteenth century.阿布赛义德是应该有生活在大约1070年，但Wreschner（“Samaritanische传统，”1888年，第十九。）已经表明，他在13世纪蓬勃发展。 According to Joseph Bloch, "Die Samaritanisch-Arabische Pentateuch Uebersetzung," p.据约瑟夫布洛赫，“模具Samaritanisch - Arabische五经Uebersetzung，”第16, Berlin, 1901, the real translator is perhaps the Tyrian, Abu al-Ḥasan, and Abu Sa'id is only a scholiast. 16日，柏林，1901年，真正的翻译也许是泰里安，阿布哈桑和阿布赛义德只是一个注解工作。If this be true, it was not the first translation; for one was made in the twelfth century by Ṣadaḳa ibn Munajja of Damascus, a physician in the service of Sultan Malik al-Ashraf (Haji Khalifah, ii. 402; Neubauer, "Chronique Samaritaine," p. 112).如果这是真的，这不是第一次翻译，其中之一是二世在哈利法，第十二届（哈吉伊本世纪由萨达卡阿什拉夫Munajja的大马士革，医生在服务莱苏丹马利克基地。402;纽鲍尔，“纪事莎玛莉丹“，第112页）。
Persian Versions.波斯版本。
It is not known at what time the first translations of the Bible were made into Persian.我们不知道在什么时候圣经的第一个翻译了波斯制成。From quotations in the "Dinkard" and the "Shikand Gumanik Vijar" (theological works of the Sassanian period), James Darmesteter has supposed that one existed in Pahlavi ("Rev. Etudes Juives," xviii. 5); but the supposition is unsupported by any real evidence.从报价期间在“Dinkard”和“Shikand Gumanik Vijar”萨珊王朝（神学作品），詹姆斯达梅斯特泰已经假定存在一个巴列维（“启示录研究Juives，”十八。五），但这样的假设是不受支持任何真正的证据。 Blau also ("Einleitung," p. 95) seems to incline to this opinion, because Bab.布劳还（“导论”，第95页），似乎倾向于这种意见，因为巴布。Meg.梅格。18a speaks of a scroll of Esther in the Elamite and Median languages.18A条谈到了语言滚动以斯帖在埃兰和中位数。According to Maimonides, the Pentạteuch was translated into Persian many hundred years previous to Mohammed (Zunz, "GV" 2d ed., p. 9).据迈蒙尼德，摩西五是埃德翻译成波斯语许多百年前，以穆罕默德（Zunz，“颗粒”2。，第9页）。 This statement also can not be further substantiated.这项声明也不能进一步证实。The earliest version of which we have any knowledge is that made by Jacob ben Joseph Tawus, and printed in Hebrew characters in the Polyglot Pentateuch, Constantinople, 1546. This was transcribed into Persian characters and translated into Latin by Thomas Hyde, in which form it was published in the London Polyglot.最早的版本，我们有知识，是由本约瑟夫雅各布Tawus字符，以及印在希伯来文中的Polyglot五，君士坦丁堡，1546。这是转录成波斯语字符和拉丁化为托马斯海德，在这种形式在伦敦出版了多语种。 Kohut ("Beleuchtung der Persischen Pentateuch-Uebersetzung," 1871) places Tawus in the first half of the sixteenth century (compare also Zunz, "GS" iii. 136). According to Steinschneider ("Jewish Literature," p. 321), Tawus made use of an earlier translation made in the thirteenth century (see Munk, in Cahen's "Bible," vol. ix.), which followed the Targum and the commentary of David Ḳimḥi.科胡特（“Beleuchtung明镜Persischen摩西五，Uebersetzung，”1871年）的地方（Tawus在16世纪上半叶的比较还聪茨，“一般事务”三。136）。根据Steinschneider（“犹太文学”，第321页） Tawus使用了在13世纪由早期的翻译（见“圣经芒克，在卡亨的”第一卷。九。），遵循的根和Ḳimḥi评论大卫。A number of translations into Persian are to be found in the various collections of manuscript, of which the following is a partial list:波斯电话号码将被翻译列表中找到的各种收藏的手稿中，以下是其中部分：
Pentateuch:五经：
Vatican MS.梵蒂冈硕士学位。61 (Guidi, in "Rendiconti . . . dei Lincei," 1885, p. 347). Codex Adler B. 63, written in 1776 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 596). Codex St. Petersburg 141 (not by Tawus; Harkavy-Strack, "Cat." p. 166). 61（圭迪，在“Rendiconti。。。代学院”，1885年，第347页）。法典阿德勒乙63，1776年写的（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”十596）。圣彼得堡法典第141（不是由Tawus;哈卡维-施特拉克，“猫。”第166页）。
Psalms: Vatican MS.诗篇：梵蒂冈硕士学位。37; Bodleian MS. 37;伯德雷恩硕士学位。1830. Vatican MS.1830。梵蒂冈硕士学位。42; Bodleian MS. 42;伯德雷恩硕士学位。1827 (Jewish? Horn, in "ZDMG" li. 7). Codex Adler B. 27 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 592). Brit.1827年（犹太？非洲之角，在“ZDMG”里。7）。法典阿德勒乙27号（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”十592）。英国人。 Mus.亩。MSS.MSS的。159, 160 (transl. about 1740 by Baba b. Nuriel of Ispahan; Margoliouth, "Cat. of Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." p. 120). Brit. 159，160（transl.由约1740巴巴伊斯法罕B的Nuriel;马戈柳思，“猫。的黑布尔。撒玛利亚和重置。英国人。亩。”第120页）。英国人。 Mus.亩。MS.硕士学位。Or.或。4729 (dated 1822; "Jew. Quart. Rev." vii. 119). Proverbs, Canticles, Ruth, Ecclesiastes: Paris MS. 4729（日期为1822年;“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”七。119）。谚语，Canticles，露丝，传道书：巴黎硕士学位。116 ("Cat. des MSS. Héb. de la Bibl. Nat.").116（“猫。德重置。希伯来书。德拉Bibl。纳特。”）。
Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes: Codex Adler B. 46 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 595). Paris MS.谚语，Canticles，传道书：法典阿德勒乙46（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”十595）。巴黎硕士学位。117 ("Cat. des MSS. Héb. de la Bibl. Nat."). Proverbs: On a translation now lost, see Lagarde, "Symmicta," ii. 14.117（“猫。德重置。希伯来书。德拉Bibl。纳特。”）。谚语：丢失的，现在看到翻译拉嘉德，“Symmicta，”二。14。
Job and Lamentations: Codex de Rossi 1093 (Zunz, "GS" iii. 135). Paris MS.就业和悲叹：食品德罗西1093（聪茨，“一般事务”三。135）。巴黎硕士学位。118 ("Cat. des MSS. Hébreux de la Bibl. Nat.").118（“猫。德MSS的。Hébreux德拉Bibl。纳特。”）。
Job: Codex St. Petersburg 142 (Harkavy-Strack, p. 167.). Paris MSS.工作：圣彼得堡法典142（哈卡维-施特拉克，第167页。）。巴黎MSS的。120, 121 ("Catalogue," etc.). Song of Songs: Codex Adler B. 12 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 589). 120，121（“目录”等）。歌歌：食品阿德勒乙12（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”十589）。
Daniel: Paris MSS.丹尼尔：巴黎MSS的。128, 129 ("Catalogue," etc.). 128，129（“目录”等）。
Esther: Codex Adler T. 16 and 27 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 598, 599). Paris MS.以斯帖：食品阿德勒吨16和27（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”十598，599）。巴黎硕士学位。127 ("Catalogue," etc.). 127（“目录”等）。
Tobit, Judith, Bel and Dragon, Antiochus: Codex Bodleian 130. Minor Prophets: Codex St. Petersburg 139 and Codex B. 18 (Harkavy-Strack, pp. 165, 262).托比书，朱迪，贝尔和龙，安条克：法典伯德雷恩130。未成年人的先知：食品法典圣彼得堡139和乙18（哈卡维-施特拉克页。165，262）。
Hafṭarot: Codex St. Petersburg 140 (Harkavy-Strack, p. 166). There are also some quite modern translations into Persian, as , Vienna, 1883 (transl. by Benjamin Cohen of Bokhara; see "Lit.-Blatt für Or. Phil." i. 186); , Jerusalem, 1885; Job, ib.; the latter two also translated by Benjamin Cohen. Hafṭarot：圣彼得堡法典140（哈卡维-施特拉克，第166页）。还有一些现代翻译成波斯语相当，因为，维也纳，1883年（布哈拉transl.由本杰明科恩，见“旁通，布拉特毛皮。菲尔。“岛186），耶路撒冷，1885年，职业，兴业。;后两个还翻译了本杰明科恩。
Tatar Versions.塔塔尔版本。
For the use of the Karaites in the Crimea and Turkey, a translation has been made into the Tshagatai-Tatar dialect.对于翻译的运用，这是卡拉在克里米亚和土耳其已经进入了Tshagatai，塔塔尔语。 The Pentateuch was printed (text and Tshagatai in Hebrew characters) by 'Irab Ozlu & Sons, Constantinople, 1836, with the title ; on the margin are the ; and acrostic poems are added by Abraham ben Samuel, Simḥah ben Joseph (Chages?), Isaac Cohen, and Isaac ben Samuel Cohen of Jerusalem.摩西五是打印（文本字符和Tshagatai在希伯来文）的'儿子，君士坦丁堡，1836年，与标题Irab厄兹吕＆;对保证金是和的acrostic诗？添加亚伯拉罕本萨穆埃尔，Simḥah本约瑟夫（Chages） ，以撒科恩，科恩和艾萨克耶路撒冷本塞缪尔。The whole Bible was printed in Tshagatai by Mordecai Trishkin (4 vols., Goslov, 1841-42; see "Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 686).整个圣经是Tshagatai由末底改特里什金印（4卷。，Goslov，1841年至1842年，见“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”第十二。686）。 Extracts are also to be found in the of Musafia, printed at Ortaköi (Constantinople), 1825, and published by the same firm that edited the Pentateuch of 1836 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." xiii. 549). Manuscripts of such translations exist also in the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg (Nos. 143-146; Harkavy-Strack, "Cat." pp. 167-170).提取物也被发现在穆萨菲亚的，印在Ortaköi（君士坦丁堡），1825年和）由同一家公司出版的1836年编辑的摩西五（“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”十三。549。手稿等翻译也存在着帝国图书馆在圣彼得堡（第143-146段;哈卡维-施特拉克，“猫。”页。167-170）。
Coptic and Hungarian.科普特和匈牙利。
Talmud tradition expressly speaks of a Coptic translation of the Bible (Meg. 18a; Shabbat 115a).塔木德讲传统，明确的科普特18A条;翻译的圣经（meg.局长的安息日115A条）。Cornill, in his examination of the Coptic text of Ezekiel, finds the one published by Tattam to be of composite character and not simply a translation of the Septuagint. Blau believes that it was made directly from the Hebrew text ("Einleitung," p. 91; "Jew. Quart. Rev." ix. 728). Cornill，在他的以西结考试的科普特文字，发现由塔塔姆公布的1至七十是综合性质，而不是简单的一个翻译。布劳认为，写了文字直接从希伯来文（“导论”，页91，“犹太人。夸脱。启示录”九。728）。
No Jewish translation into Hungarian was made until quite recently, the Jews of Hungary making use of the Catholic and Protestant versions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.没有相当直到最近犹太翻译成匈牙利文发表以来，从匈牙利犹太人几百年的使用作出了天主教和新教的版本17和16。 About the middle of the nineteenth century M. Bloch (Ballaghi) attempted such a rendering; but he was not successful.关于Ballaghi中间19世纪米布洛赫（）试图呈现这样的，但他没有成功。His plan has recently (1902) been carried out; and the Pentateuch (by M. Bernstein and M. Blau), Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings (by Julius Fischer, Bánóczi, Bacher, and Krauss) have appeared (see "Rev. Etudes Juives," xliii. 158).他的计划最近（1902年）进行;和五经的M.布劳（由M.伯恩斯坦和），约书亚，法官，萨穆埃尔，和国王（由朱利叶斯菲舍尔，巴诺齐，巴切尔，和Krauss）已经出现（见“致研究Juives，“四十三。158）。
Judæo-German.犹太德。
The translation of the Bible into the German dialect spoken by the Jews of middle Europe was commenced at an early date.欧洲翻译的圣经中犹太人进入德国方言口语是在早期开始的日期。A manuscript in the collection of De Rossi, dated Mantua, 1421, contains a Judæo-German translation of Joshua, Judges, Jonah, and four of the Megillot.一，在罗西的手稿收集德日曼图亚，1421年，包含了四个Megillot犹太，德语翻译约书亚，法官和，乔纳。 De Rossi supposed them to be written in Polish because they were brought to Italy by Polish Jews (Neubauer, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." iv. 703).德罗西假定他们是波兰的书面因为他们带到意大利（纽鲍尔，在“犹太人的波兰犹太人。夸脱。启示录”四。703）。Such translations were technically known as "Teutsch-Ḥummash."这种翻译在技术上被称为“托伊奇-Ḥummash。”A printer had innocently placed the words (Cant. iii. 11) on the title-page of such a translation made by Jacob ben Isaac of Janow (Lublin, 17th century?), from which they became familiarly called "Ze'enah U-re'ennah"; and down to the time of Mendelssohn's translation they were popular reading-books, especially for women on Saturdays.打印机放置了一个无辜的话（Cant.三。11）在产权，这种所谓的亲密页雅各翻译成了本由艾萨克的贾诺（卢布林，17世纪？），他们从“Ze'enah U型re'ennah“，下至翻译时间门德尔松的，他们的书籍，尤其是妇女通俗读物，星期六。They were embellished with all manner of explanations, legends, and moral sayings, which were inserted into the text (Steinschneider, "Volkslitteratur der Juden," p. 17).他们所有的传说与龙凤方式的解释，以及道德格言，其中贾登插入文本（Steinschneider，“Volkslitteratur明镜”，第17页）。 The first rendering of this kind was made by a convert, Michael Adam, the translator of Yosippon into Judæo-German.在这个首次呈现了由一转换，迈克尔亚当，德国翻译成犹太的Yosippon -。It was published by Paulus Fagius, Constance, 1543-44 (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." Nos. 1187, 4333; Perles, in "Monatsschrift," xxv. 361; id. "Aramäische Studien," p. 167; "Rev. Etudes Juives," v. 143, 315), and was reprinted at Basel in 1583 and 1607.这是出版的保卢斯法吉乌斯，康斯坦茨，1543年至1544年（Steinschneider，“猫。Bodl。”第1187，4333;珍珠，在“月刊，”二十五。361;的ID。“Aramäische家庭研究”，第167页;“致研究Juives，“诉143，315），并于1583年重印在巴塞尔和1607年。 It has nothing in common with Luther's translation, as Wolf ("Bibl. Hebr." iv. 198) supposes.它没有任何共同之处与路德的翻译，作为狼（“Bibl。黑布尔。”四。198）设。This Pentateuch was reprinted at Cremona, 1560 (ed. Judah ben Moses Naphtali); Basel, 1583; ib.这五经是在克雷莫纳重印，1560（编犹大本摩西拿弗他利）;巴塞尔，1583年，兴业。1603; Prague, 1608, 1610; Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1687. 1603年，布拉格，1608年，1610年，法兰克福，在职培训，主，1687。A rimed version of it appeared at Fürth, 1692, and Wilmersdorf, 1718; and a second rimed version of Genesis was made by a certain Aaron of Prague during the seventeenth century.它带冠的版本出现在菲尔特，1692年，和威默尔斯多夫，1718;和第二rimed版本的成因是由阿伦布拉格某在17世纪。 In 1543-44 Paulus Æmilius published a similar translation of the Pentateuch (Augsburg, 1544).在1543年至1544年出版了1544米利乌斯保卢斯）类似的翻译五经（奥格斯堡。It is uncertain whether Æmilius simply copied the edition of Adam or not (Steinschneider, in "Zeit. für Gesch. der Juden in Deutschland," i. 286).它是确定是否米利乌斯简单复制亚当“或不（Steinschneider，在宰特的版本的。献给格希。德国犹太人在德国，”一286）。 Æmilius also edited at Ingolstadt (1562) the Judæo-German rimed translation of Samuel in German characters.米利乌斯还编辑在英戈尔斯塔特（1562）的犹太德塞缪尔带冠翻译德语字符。This was a mere copy of the edition in Hebrew characters by Ḥayyim ben David Schwartz, Augsburg, 1544 (ib. i. 285).这是一岛只有285拷贝的版本希伯来语字符由伊姆本大卫施瓦茨，奥格斯堡，1544（ib.第）。It was called the ("Samuel Book").这就是所谓的（“撒母耳书”）。This was reprinted at Mantua about 1562; Cracow, 1593; Prague, 1609; Basel, 1612.这是1562年重印;在曼图亚约克拉科夫，1593年，布拉格，1609年，巴塞尔，1612。Schwartz also published a rimed translation of Kings, , Augsburg, 1543; Prague, 1607.施瓦茨还出版了带冠的国王翻译，奥格斯堡，1543年，布拉格，1607年。A translation of Judges (rimed) appeared at Mantua in 1561; one of Joshua, "derneut in teutscher Sprach, wol gereimt . . . hübsch mit Midraschim," at Cracow in 1588 or 1594; one of Canticles, by Isaac Sulkes, at Cracow in 1579; another by Moses Särtels, Prague, 1604; one of Jeremiah, ib.一个法官的翻译（带冠）在1561年出现在曼图亚;约书亚之一，“teutscher derneut在施普拉赫，网络唤醒gereimt。。。1588年或1594年麻省理工学院Midraschim许布施”，在克拉科夫的;一canticle的，由艾萨克Sulkes在克拉科夫在1579年，另由摩西Särtels，布拉格，1604; 1耶利米，兴业。1602; one of Ezekiel (rimed), ib. 1602; and one of Jonah, " mit viel und alle Midraschim" (rimed), Prague, before 1686. 1602年，以西结一对（带冠），兴业。1602和乔纳之一，“麻省理工维斯北达科阿勒Midraschim”（带冠），布拉格，1686年之前。
The first Judæo-German translation of the Psalms was that of Elijah Levita (Venice, 1545; Zurich, 1558, etc.); it was arranged in the order of the psalms said on each day of the week.第一个犹太德诗篇翻译的是1545年的以利亚莱维塔（威尼斯，以及苏黎世，1558等），它是诗篇中的顺序安排周说，在每一天。 A rimed by Moses Stendal appeared at Cracow in 1586.阿斯滕德尔带冠的摩西在1586年出现在克拉科夫。Proverbs was translated by Mordecai ben (Isaac) Jacob Töplitz, Cracow, 1582 (a version also appeared at Amsterdam, 1735); and Job by the same (?), Prague, 1597. A translation of Kings appeared at Cracow in 1583 (Neubauer, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," v. 144); one of Esther, ib.谚语是版本翻译的末底改本（艾萨克）雅各Töplitz，克拉科夫，1582（1也出现在阿姆斯特丹，1735）;及就业由同一（？），布拉格，1597年。一个国王译本出现（纽鲍尔在1583年在克拉科夫在“致研究Juives，”诉144）; 1以斯帖，兴业。1596; and one of Daniel, " in teutscher Sprach hübsch und bescheidlich, gar kurzweilig darin zu leien Weiber und Meidlich," Cracow, 1588. 1596年，和丹尼尔之一，许布施“的teutscher施普拉赫北达科bescheidlich，加尔kurzweilig达林祖leien韦伯萨特尔北达科Meidlich，”克拉科夫，1588。 These editions of Cracow came from the press of Isaac ben Aaron Prossnitz, whose intention it was to publish the whole Bible in Judæo-German in order that "women and children might be able to read without the help of a teacher" (Perles, in "Monatsschrift," xxv. 353). Isaac Blitz's Bible.这些版本的克拉科夫来自于媒体对伊萨克本阿龙Prossnitz，其意图是为了使德国在“妇女与公布整个犹太圣经，儿童可能能够读取未经帮助教师”（珍珠， “月刊，”二十五。353）。以撒闪电战的圣经。
The first complete Bible in Judæo-German was that of Isaac Blitz, Amsterdam, 1676-78.在第一个完整的犹太圣经德国是以撒闪电战，阿姆斯特丹，1676年至1678年。It was for the use of the Polish Jews who had fled thither a few years previously because of the Chmielnicki persecutions.这是为迫害的波兰犹太人使用谁逃到对岸的Chmielnicki几年前因为。It must have been the intention of the translator to push its sale in Poland also; for letters patent were granted for it by John Sobieski III.这一定是翻译的意图，推动其销售在波兰也;是它的专利证书授予约翰索比斯基三。 This translation exercised very little influence, as the Judæo-German in which itwas written contained many Dutch words and expressions (Wiener, "Yiddish Literature," p. 19).行使这种转换的影响很小，因为犹太德中载有许多荷兰人的脚步的书面词语（维纳，“意第绪文学”第19页）。A second translation, in opposition to that of Blitz, was published in Amsterdam in 1679 by Joseph Witzenhausen, formerly a compositor in the employ of Uri Phoebus, the printer of the former edition. Witzenhausen was able to secure the approbation of the Council of the Four Lands, and his attempt to make the Athias edition supersede that of Phoebus occasioned much bad blood (see Joseph Athias).第二个翻译，在反对突击认为，发表于1679年在阿姆斯特丹由约瑟夫维岑豪森，先前。维岑豪森一排字在乌里菲伯斯雇用的，打印机前版能够确保该理事会的认可四土地，他企图使阿蒂亚斯版取代认为菲比斯引起太多坏血（见约瑟夫阿蒂亚斯）。 A second edition of this last translation was published at Amsterdam in 1687, and a third, in German characters, at Wandsbeck in 1711.最后一个翻译，这是第二版出版于1687年在阿姆斯特丹，第三，在德语字符Wandsbeck，在1711年。A third translation, by Süssman Rödelheim and Menahem Man Levi, under the title , appeared at Amsterdam in 1725-29.第三个翻译，由苏斯曼Rödelheim和梅纳昂人列维的标题下，出现在1725年至1729年在阿姆斯特丹。At the same place in 1735 there was published an edition of Proverbs ("Cat. Rosenthal. Bibl." i. 207).在同一个地方出现在1735年出版了一版的谚语（“猫。罗森塔尔。Bibl。”岛207）。It was more than one hundred years before another complete German translation was published, namely, at Prague, 1833-37; but this was of a composite character, as its editor, W. Meyer, made use of various translations (in general, compare Grünbaum, "Jüdisch-Deutsche Chrestomathie," Leipsic, 1882).这是超过百年前再完成德语翻译出版，即1833年至1837年，在布拉格，但这是一个综合性质，如它的编辑之际，迈耶，利用各种翻译了（在一般情况下，比较Grünbaum，“朱迪西希-德意志Chrestomathie，”普西克，1882年）。
German Translation-Mendelssohn.德语翻译，门德尔松。
The growing acquaintance of the Jews with German literature soon produced a marked discontent with these Judæo-German translations. This discontent was voiced by the rabbis of Berlin, Mecklenburg, and Courland (Zunz, "GV" 2d ed., p. 467).熟人越来越多的德国文学与犹太人很快产生了明显的不满德语翻译与这些犹太-。这是教育署表示不满后并拉比柏林，梅克伦堡，库尔兰（Zunz，“颗粒”2。，第467页）。 To meet this want Mendelssohn stepped into the breach; and his translation of the Pentateuch is worthy of more than a passing notice.为了满足这一需要门德尔松步入违约;和他的翻译五经值得注意的是通过超过1。It had a special importance in that it not only aroused an esthetic interest in literature on the part of those who read it, but also paved the way for a more general use of High German among the Jews of Germany, among whom it may be said to have introduced a new literary era (Kayserling, "Moses Mendelssohn," p. 286; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 320; Auerbach, in "Zeitschrift für Gesch. der Juden in Deutschland," i. 25; Wogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'Exégèse," p. 329).它在这特殊的重要性，它不仅引起了谁一读它的兴趣在文学审美上，而且使用铺平了道路更广泛的高级德国犹太人，德国之间，其中，可以说引入了一项新的文学时代（Kayserling，“摩西门德尔松”第286页;“Literaturblatt之方向”，1840年，第320页;奥尔巴赫，在“科学杂志格希。德国犹太人在德国，”一25; Wogue ，“历史。德拉圣经和De l' Exégèse”，第329页）。Mendelssohn undertook the work for the instruction of his own children; but upon the advice of Solomon Dubno, consented to its publication on condition that Dubno should write a commentary explaining the reasons why Mendelssohn chose his various renderings.门德尔松开展了儿童工作的指示，他自己的，但在所罗门的杜布诺意见，同意在该刊物的条件应该写一篇评论杜布诺解释为何选择了他的各种效果图门德尔松。 A specimen, "'Alim li-Trufah," was edited by Dubno (Amsterdam, 1778), and aroused the liveliest interest on the part of Christians as well as of Jews.一个标本，“'阿利姆立Trufah，”是杜布诺主编（阿姆斯特丹，1778），引起部分最有活力的基督徒的利息以及犹太人。 It was natural that it should also evoke strenuous opposition, especially on the part of those Jews who feared that the reading of High German would cause the Jewish youth to neglect their Hebrew studies.这是自然的，它也应引起犹太人谁害怕艰苦的反对，特别是对那些参与该研究的高地德语阅读会导致犹太青年忽视其希伯来文。 Foremost in this opposition were the rabbis Ezekiel Landau (d. 1793) of Prague, Raphael ha-Kohen (1722-1803), of Hamburg, Altona, and Wandsbeck, Hirsch Janow (1750-85) of Fürth, and Phineas Levi Horwitz (1740-1803) of Frankfort-on-the-Main.最重要的是在这种对立的拉比以西结兰（草1793）的布拉格，拉斐尔公顷，科恩（1822至03年），汉堡，阿尔托纳和Wandsbeck，赫希贾诺（1750至1785年菲尔特）的，和菲尼亚斯列维霍维茨（ 1740至1803年）的法兰克福，在职培训，主要。
In June, 1799, the proposed translation was put under the ban at Fürth.今年6月，1799年，拟议的翻译是置于菲尔特禁止在。It was also forbidden in some cities of Poland, and is said even to have been publicly burned.它还禁止在波兰的一些城市，并说，即使已公开烧毁。An additional ban was laid upon it by Raphael ha-Kohen (July 17, 1781; see Grätz, "Gesch. der Juden," xi. 585, note 1).另一项禁令后，奠定了它的拉斐尔公顷，科恩（1781年7月17日，见格拉茨，“格希。德国犹太人，”十一。585，注1）。 Work on it was, however, continued with the assistance of Solomon Dubno, Hertz Homberg, and Aaron Jaroslav. Dubno became frightened at the continued opposition, and retired, forcing Mendelssohn himself to do an additional share of the work. Though the translation was in High German, it was printed in Hebrew characters under the title , with a Hebrew commentary or "biur," the commentaries of Rashi, etc., and an introduction by Naphtali Hertz Wessely.这方面的工作然而，杜布诺继续。所罗门杜布诺的援助，赫兹霍贝格，亚伦雅罗斯拉夫成为反对派害怕在继续，和退休，迫使门德尔松自己做的工作更多的份额。虽然翻译是在高德，这是希伯来文印刷字符的标题下，用希伯来文评或“biur”等的评述，赖希，威斯利和拿弗他利介绍赫兹。 It appeared in parts-Genesis, Berlin, 1780; Exodus, ib. 1781; Leviticus, ib.它出现在零部件成因，柏林，1780年;出埃及记，兴业。1781年，利未记，兴业。1782; Numbers and Deuteronomy, ib.1782年，数字和申命记，兴业。1783-and has often been republished both in German and in Hebrew characters. An attempt was made in Mendelssohn's time to issue an edition in German characters; but the German Jews at that time looked upon the work as so exceptionally strange that its publication had to be suspended (Bernfeld, "Juden im 19 Jahrhundert," p. 9). 1783年和经常被再版无论是在德国和希伯来文字符。试图时间在门德尔松的发出一个字版在德国，但德国犹太人，为了有时间看出版后，工作如此特别奇怪的是，其暂停（贝恩菲尔德，“贾登免疫19 Jahrhundert，”第9页）。Mendelssohn also published (Berlin, 1783) a translation of the Psalms (which, however, follows closely that of Luther; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 320) and one of the Song of Solomon (ib. 1788). These translations attempted a conscientious reproduction of the text, and sought to make the pathos of the original felt in the German; and they were followed by a large school of translators (see Biurists).门德尔松还出版（柏林，1783年）1）翻译的诗篇（其中，然而，紧依路德“; Literaturblatt之方向”，1840年，第320页）1788年和1 ib.第的雅歌（。这些翻译试图复制一个文本认真的，并设法使原来的德国感到激情的，而且他们是跟一个大学校的翻译（见Biurists）。CEJ Bunsen ("Vollständiges Bibelwerk," I. xvii.) calls these and similar translations "Synagogenbibeln." CEJ本生（“Vollständiges Bibelwerk，”一十七。）调用这些和类似的翻译“Synagogenbibeln。”He says "they do not speak in the historical German language, but in the Hebræo-rabbinical Judæo-German"; a verdict which is wholly one-sided, if one excepts the proper names, where an attempt was made to reproduce the Hebrew originals ("Monatsschrift," ix. 156). Only a few of Mendelssohn's followers can be mentioned here.他说：“他们不会说德语的历史，但在Hebræo，犹太拉比德”，一个判决是完全是片面的，如果一个节选的专有名称，其中有人企图重现希伯来文正本（“月刊，”九。156）。只有少数追随者门德尔松的可以提到这里。 His translation of the Song of Solomon was published after his death by Joel Löwe and Aaron Wolfson.他的所罗门翻译宋代出版后，他沃尔夫森死亡乔尔Lowe和亚伦。The first of these also published a translation of Jonah (Berlin, 1788); while the second translated Lamentations, Esther, and Ruth (Berlin, 1788), Job (ib. 1788; Prague, 1791; Vienna, 1806), and Kings (Breslau, 1809).本）第一项还翻译出版了一约拿（柏林，1788年，而第二个翻译的哀歌，以斯帖，和露丝（柏林，1788），工作（ib.第1788年，布拉格，1791年，维也纳，1806），和国王（布雷斯劳，1809）。 Isaac Euchel translated Proverbs (Berlin, 1790; Dessau, 1804), introducing, however, philosophical expressions into the text, thereby often clouding the meaning.艾萨克Euchel翻译谚语（柏林，1790德绍，1804年），引进，但是，哲学表达成文字，从而常常混浊的意义。 David Friedländer, who translated Ecclesiastes (in German characters, Berlin, 1788), wrote in a belletristic style. Meïr Obernik translated Joshua, Judges, and Samuel, and, together with Samuel Detmold, the Second Book of Samuel (), Vienna, 1792).大卫弗雷兰德，谁翻译传道书（德文字符，柏林，1788），样式写在一个知音。梅尔Obernik翻译约书亚，法官，和Samuel，并连同塞缪尔德特莫尔德，第二本书的塞缪尔（），维也纳，1792年）。 M. Philippson, Joseph Wolf, Gotthold Salomon, Israel Neumann, and J. Löwe were the translators of the Minor Prophets published in Dessau, 1805, under the title (stereotyped as early as 1837). Philippson先生，约瑟夫沃尔夫，戈特霍尔德所罗门，以色列纽曼和J.罗威是，1805年发表在德绍先知翻译的未成年人，根据（定型为标题早在1837年）。 Wolf also published a translation of Daniel (Dessau, 1808); David Ottensosser one of Job (Offenbach, 1807), Isaiah (Fürth, 1807), and Lamentations (ib. 1811), and together with SJ Kohn, of Jeremiah (ib. 1810).沃尔夫还出版了丹尼尔翻译（德绍，1808）;大卫的工作Ottensosser之一（奥芬巴赫，1807），以赛亚（菲尔特，1807年），和哀歌（ib.第1811），连同律政司司长和ib.第科恩，耶利米（ 1810年）。A translation of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles by Ottensosser, Kohn, and Schwabacher appeared at Fürth, 1807-23.阿科恩翻译以赛亚，耶利米，以西结，但以理，以斯拉，尼希米，和历代的Ottensosser，并Schwabacher出现在菲尔特，1807年至1823年。 Isaiah was also translated by Isaiah Hochstetter (Winter and Wünsche, "Die Jüdische Litteratur," iii. 744), Jeremiahby Heinemann (Berlin, 1842), Job by Beer Blumenfeld (Vienna, 1826), and Psalms by Shalom Kohn (Hamburg, 1827).以赛亚还翻译了以赛亚霍克斯泰特（冬季和Wünsche，“模具Jüdische Litteratur，”三。744），Jeremiahby海涅曼（柏林，1842），工作由啤酒门菲尔德（维也纳，1826），和诗篇由沙洛姆科恩（汉堡，1827年）。 The period of the Mendelssohnian biurists may be fittingly said to end with the Bible published by Moses Landau (20 parts, Prague, 1833-37, mentioned above. Of this work the translations of the Pentateuch, Psalms, and Five Scrolls were those of Mendelssohn; the translations of the other books were contributed by Moses Landau, J. Weisse, S. Sachs, A. Benisch, and W. Mayer; and the Minor Prophets were reprinted from the edition of Dessau, 1805 (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 972). It may also be added here that an edition of Proverbs, Job, and the Five Scrolls, with translations by Obernik, Euchel, Wolfson, Mendelssohn, and Friedländer, had already appeared at Vienna in 1817-18; and in Hebrew characters at Basel in 1822-27.该biurists期间的Mendelssohnian可以说是恰当结束上文所述，出版圣经摩西朗道（20件，布拉格，1833年至1837年。这项工作的五个卷轴的翻译五经，诗篇，和那些被门德尔松;其他书籍翻译的贡献了摩西兰，j的魏塞，第萨克斯，甲Benisch和W.迈尔和小先知是Steinschneider重印从（版德绍，1805年，“猫。Bodl 。“第972号）。它也可以在这里说，一个工作版本的谚语，与五卷轴弗雷兰德，并翻译了Obernik，Euchel，欧胜，门德尔松，已经出现在1817年至1818年维也纳;在希伯来文字符在巴塞尔在1822年至1827年。
Other German Versions.德国其他版本。
The translation of Mendelssohn threatened to become canonical: but the German Jews had tasted of modern learning; and toward the latter end of the first half of the nineteenth century various individual attempts were made to provide better translations for the general public, which should reflect the progress then already made in Biblical science.门德尔松翻译的威胁，成为典型：但德国犹太人尝到了学习现代;，面向19世纪后结束了上半场尝试了各种个人提供更好的翻译反映了广大市民，应已经取得进展，然后在圣经科学。 The first in the field was Joseph Johlson (Asher ben Joseph of Fulda), whose attempt, though worthy of notice here, was not successful, notwithstanding the fact that the text was accompanied by learned philological notes (Minor Prophets, Carlsruhe, 1827; Pentateuch, ib. 1831; the historical books, ib. 1836).首次在该领域是约瑟夫Johlson（舍富尔达本约瑟夫），他们的企图，但值得注意的这里，是不是成功的1827年，尽管如此，一个事实，即卡尔斯鲁案文是先知，伴随着学习语言学笔记（未成年人;五经，兴业。1831;的历史书籍，兴业。1836年）。 Bunsen (lcp xvii.) even declares his work to be "geistreich und scharfsinnig" (compare Geiger's "Zeitschrift," 1836, p. 442; 1837, p. 121).本生（液晶十七。）甚至宣称他的作品是“geistreich北达科scharfsinnig”（比较盖格的“杂志，”1836年，第442页; 1837年，第121页）。Mention may also be made of AA Wolff's double translation (word for word and metrical) of Habakkuk; Phœbus Philippsohn's "Hosea, Joel, Jonah, Obadiah und Nahum in Metrisch-Deutscher Uebersetzung," Halle, 1827; A. Rebenstein's (Bernstein's) sentimental translation of the Song of Solomon (Berlin, 1834; compare "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 324); SH Auerbach's Ecclesiastes (Breslau, 1837), into which he reads his own philosophy; and Michael Sachs's Psalms (Berlin, 1835).还可以提到了AA的沃尔夫的双重转换（格律逐字逐句和）的哈巴谷;费巴斯Philippsohn的“何西阿书，约珥，约拿，俄巴底亚北达科Uebersetzung纳赫姆在Metrisch，德意志，”哈雷，1827年的A. Rebenstein的（伯恩斯坦）的感伤翻译的所罗门之歌（柏林，1834年;比较“Literaturblatt之方向，”1840年，第324页）;上海奥尔巴赫的传道书（布雷斯劳，1837年），为他读他自己的哲学和迈克尔萨克斯的诗篇（柏林，1835 ）。The last was a clear protest against previous attempts, which reflected too much the individuality of the translators.最后是一个明确的翻译抗议以前的尝试，这也反映了很多的个性。 Sachs tried to give "a purely scientific and philological" rendering of the original, taking Rückert as his guide, whose translation of Ps.高盛试图给“一个纯粹的科学和语言学的”原始渲染，以聚苯乙烯吕克特作为他的指导，对他们的翻译。lxviii.lxviii。he inserted bodily (see Zunz, in Geiger's "Wiss. Zeit. Jüd. Theol." ii. 499, and in "GS" iii. 116, who characterizes the work as "somewhat stiff and awkward").他插入身体（见“威斯聪茨，在盖格的。宰特。士。Theol。”二。499，并在“一般事务”三。116，谁的尴尬工作的特点是“有点僵硬，”）。 It was reprinted in the edition of the Prophets and the Hagiographa , Fürth, 1842-47 (Zedner, "Cat. Hebr. Books Brit. Mus." p. 119), and was revised for Zunz's Bible ("Monatsschrift," xxxviii. 507).这是在Zedner版重印的先知和hagiographa，菲尔特，1842年至1847年（“猫。黑布尔。图书英国人。亩。”第119页），并修订了聪茨的圣经（“月刊，”三十八。 507）。This protest was carried to excess by Gotthold Salomon, who, in addition to his work on the Dessau edition of the Minor Prophets (see above), translated the Pentateuch (Krotoschin, 1848-49; see the criticism of Hess in "Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1839, p. 80, and of L. Skreinka in "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, pp. 468 et seq.).这次抗议进行过多的戈特霍尔德所罗门，谁，除了他（工作小先知德绍版的见上文），翻译五经（Krotoschin，1848年至1849年，见Allg批评赫斯在“。宰特。德士。“1839年，第80，L的Skreinka在”Literaturblatt之方向“，1840年，页。468起。）。 The translations of Job (Glogau, 1836) and of the Pentateuch (ib. 1840) by Heimann Arnheim, though in Hebrew characters and intended chiefly for use as part of the ritual, show good judgment and philological schooling ("Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 641).就业译本（格洛高，1836年）和摩西五（ib.第1840阿恩海姆）由海曼，拟主要用于作为仪式的一部分，但在希伯来文字符，显示良好的判断力和语言学教育（“Literaturblatt之方向” 1840年，641页）。Only a mere mention can be made of L. Herzberg's Ecclesiastes (Brunswick, 1838; see Zunz, in Jost's "Annalen," 1839, p. 102) and of LH Löwenstein's metrical translation of Proverbs and Lamentations (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1837-38).只有色变，可L的赫兹伯格的传道书（不伦瑞克，1838年，见聪茨，在约斯特的“年鉴”，1839年，第102页）和LH的洛温斯坦的-主要格律翻译的谚语和悲叹（法兰克福发表的，1837年至1838年）。 Gotthold Salomon's "Deutsche Volks- und Schul-Bibel" (Altona, 1837) was the first translation of the entire Old Testament in German characters made by a Jew.戈特霍尔德所罗门的“德意志沃尔克斯-北达科Schul -比贝尔”（阿尔托纳，1837年）是第一个翻译了整个旧旧约犹太人在德国的一个字符。It was stereotyped and was intended to be sold so cheaply that every one could afford to buy it (see the correspondence in Jost's "Annalen," 1839, Nos. 12 et seq.).这是定型，并打算出售如此便宜，每个人能买得起它（见年鉴信件在乔斯特的“，”1839年，第12页起。）。
Zunz's Bible.聪茨的圣经。
More important was the attempt made by L. Zunz to provide a Bible for school and home.更重要的是属聪茨的尝试，提供和家庭圣经学校。As editor, he translated only the books of Chronicles, the rest of the work being done by H. Arnheim, Julius Fürst, and M. Sachs (Berlin, 1838).作为编辑，他翻译的书的编年史只，其余的工作，现正）完成由H.阿恩海姆，朱利叶斯弗斯特，和M.高盛（柏林，1838年。 Zunz succeeded in a large measure in producing a translation which, while it kept strictly to the Masoretic text, was abreast of the scholarship of his day and free from the circumlocutions and idiotisms of previous translators, though it still preserved the transliteration of the Hebrew names (Nestle, "Bibel-Uebersetzungen," p. 142).聪茨成功在很大程度上是生产出的翻译，虽然它一直严格马所拉文本，是免费的了解和奖学金，他每天从circumlocutions和翻译idiotisms以前，虽然它仍保留了名字的音译希伯来文（雀巢“，比贝尔- Uebersetzungen”，第142页）。Mendelssohn had translated neither Prophets nor Hagiographa; and it is therefore no wonder that the Zunz Bible passed through at least six editions up to 1855 and twelve up to 1889 (see Rosin, in "Monatsschrift," xxxviii. 512). Only a few years later another popular translation was produced by Solomon Herxheimer (Berlin, 1841-48; 3d ed. of the Pentateuch, 1865), to which an explanatory and homiletic commentary was added. Though evidently meant to take the place of Mendelssohn's biur, Herxheimer expressly states that his work was done "for Jews and Christians" (Jost's "Annalen," 1839, pp. 312 et seq.; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 513).门德尔松曾翻译没有先知，也不Hagiographa;，因此难怪聪茨圣经通过至少6个版本到1855年，12至1889年（见松香三十八，在“月刊，”。512）。仅在几年后来又流行的翻译是，生产由所罗门赫氏（柏林1841年至1848年;三维版1865年。摩西五，），其中一份解释性和homiletic的评论增加了。显然意味着，虽然采取biur地方门德尔松的，赫氏明确规定他的工作是做“对犹太人和基督徒”（约斯特的“年鉴”，1839年，页。312起。“; Literaturblatt之方向”，1840年，第513页）。
A still more ambitious attempt was that of Ludwig Philippson.一个更加雄心勃勃的尝试是，路德维希Philippson先生。He translated the text anew, aiming to include the latest assured results of criticism and to produce what in every sense might be called a family Bible.他翻译的文本重新，目的是包括批评的最新成果，并保证在任何意义上来说产生什么可以被称为一个家庭圣经。For this reason for the first time illustrations were added, together with introductions and an extensive commentary intended for the intelligent layman.基于这个原因插图首次增加了，再加上引进和广泛的评论旨在为智能门外汉。This work occupied Philippson for eighteen years, and was published at Leipsic, 1839-56; 2d ed., 1858-59; 3d ed., 1862.这项工作被占领的18年Philippson先生，并发表在1839年至1856年莱比锡; 2版。，1858年至1859年，三维版。，1862。His translation was then published, together with the Doré illustrations, by the Israelitische Bibel-Anstalt, revised by W. Landau and SI Kämpf (Stuttgart, 1875).当时他的翻译出版，连同金锭插图，由Israelitische比贝尔- Anstalt）1875年，修订由W.兰和SI的奋斗（斯图加特。Of this translation separate editions of the Pentateuch, the Psalms, and of the Pentateuch together with Isaiah, were published (see M. Philippson, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xlii. 30).本翻译单独版本的五，诗篇，以赛亚书和五经与合作，出版了（见Philippson先生，在“牧师研究Juives，”四十二。30）。 But even the slight concessions made in these translations to the modern exegetical spirit gave offense in some quarters; a rival Bible-house, the Orthodoxe Israelitische Bibel-Anstalt, was established, which, on the basis of JZ Mecklenburg's "Ha-Ketab we-haḲabbalah" (Leipsic, 1839), produced a translation of the Bible strictly on the lines of Jewish traditional exegesis (ib. 1865).但即使是训诂精神有轻微的让步使这些翻译向现代给宿舍罪行一些，一个对手圣经房子，Orthodoxe Israelitische比贝尔- Anstalt，成立，其中，根据我们的基础锦州梅克伦堡的“哈Ketab - haḲabbalah“（莱比锡，1839年），制作注释）（ib.第1865犹太传统翻译圣经严格的路线上。The Pentateuch translation byJ.五经翻译裴勇俊。Kosmann (Königsberg, 1847-52) had a similar end in view.Kosmann（柯尼斯堡，1847年至1852年）有鉴于类似的结束。Still further in this direction, and in evident protest against modern Christian radical exegesis, which he entirely ignores, went Samuel Raphael Hirsch.进一步朝这个方向，并在忽略，明显抗议现代基督教激进的注释，这是他完全去塞缪尔拉斐尔赫希。In his translation of the Pentateuch (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1867; 3d ed., 1899) and of the Psalms (1882), as well as in the translation of the Minor Prophets by his son, M. Hirsch (ib. 1900), a return is seen to the "derash," from which the whole school of Mendelssohn and his followers had tried to free themselves (see "Zeit. für Heb. Bibl." v. 78).在他的（翻译五经法兰克福，在职培训，主，1867年，三维版。，1899年）和诗篇（1882年），以及在翻译的小先知，他的儿子米赫希（兴业。1900），回报是看到了“derash”，从其中全校门德尔松和他的追随者曾试图以释放自己（见“宰特。献给河北。Bibl。”诉78）。 Of LJ Mandelstamm's "Die Bibel Neu Uebersetzt," partly with the assistance of M. Kirchstein, only Genesis and the Song of Solomon seem to have appeared (Berlin, 1862-64).洛伊Mandelstamm的的的“模具比贝尔纽Uebersetzt，”部分与Kirchstein援助米，只有成因和所罗门之歌似乎已经出现（柏林，1862年至1864年）。 In 1901 a new translation by S. Bernfeld was commenced.1901年1南贝恩菲尔德开始了新的翻译了。It keeps strictly to the Masorah and preserves the Hebrew form of the proper names.它保持严格的Masorah，保持正确的名称是希伯来文的形式。
During all this time many translations of individual books appeared, of which the following is a partial list, cited under the names of their respective authors:在这段时间许多个人的书籍翻译的出现，其中以下是部分列表，作者列举根据各自的名称：
Israel ben Abraham, Job, in Hebrew characters, Prague, 1791. Shalom Kohn, Psalms, Hamburg, 1827. Mendel Stern, Proverbs, in Hebrew characters, Presburg, 1833. J.以色列本亚伯拉罕，工作，在希伯来文字符，布拉格，1791年。沙洛姆科恩，诗篇，汉堡，1827年。孟德尔斯特恩，谚语，在希伯来文字符，Presburg，1833年。j的 Wolfson, "Das Buch Hiob. . . . Neu Uebersetzt . . .," Breslau-Leipsic, 1843. EJ Blücher, "Ruth, mit Deutscher Uebersetzung," Lemberg, 1843. M.沃尔夫森，“达斯布赫希奥布。。。。纽Uebersetzt。。。，”布雷斯劳-普西克，1843。Ej为布吕歇尔，“露丝，麻省理工学院的德意志Uebersetzung，”伦贝格，1843。米 Löwenthal, " . . . Nebst Uebersetzung . . . ," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1846. "Das Hohe Lied . . . Neue Deutsche Uebersetzung," Vienna, 1847. Samuel Aschkenazi, (Song of Solomon, in Hebrew characters), Presburg, 1847. (A new translation of the Pentateuch, in Hebrew characters), Königsberg, 1856. "Odiosus," "Das Buch Ijob im Engeren Anschluss an den Mass. Urtext" (see "Hebr. Bibl." vi. 101). S.洛文塔尔，“。。。Nebst Uebersetzung。。。”，法兰克福，在职培训，主，1846年。“达斯霍厄撒谎。。。新德意志Uebersetzung，”维也纳，1847年。塞缪尔Aschkenazi，（所罗门之歌，在希伯来文字符），Presburg，1847年。（阿新的翻译五字，在希伯来文），柯尼斯堡，1856年。“Odiosus”，“达斯布赫Ijob并吞的IM恩厄伦湖位于马萨诸塞州的一个洞穴Urtext”（见“黑布尔。Bibl。”六。第101号）。南 Horwitz, "Das Hohe-Lied, das Aelteste Dramatische Gedicht," Vienna, 1863 (see ib. vi. 62). Adolph Brecher, "Die Psalmen Nebst Uebersetzung," Vienna, 1864. Israel Schwarz, "Tikwat Enosh" (Job, in German characters), Berlin, 1868. Sänger, Maleachi, 1868. Benjamin Holländer, Das Hohelied, Budapest, 1871. Hermann Tietz, Das Hohelied, 1871. M.霍维茨，“达斯霍厄-说谎，达斯Aelteste Dramatische Gedicht，”维也纳，1863年（见兴业。六。62）。阿道夫布雷彻，“模具Psalmen Nebst Uebersetzung，”维也纳，1864年。以色列施瓦茨，“Tikwat挪士”（就业，在德国的字符），柏林，1868。桑格马勒阿希，1868。本杰明霍兰德达斯Hohelied，布达佩斯，1871年。赫尔曼蒂茨，达斯Hohelied，1871年。米 Levin, (with Judæo-German translation), Odessa, 1873. H.莱文（与犹太，德语翻译），敖德萨，1873年。阁下Grätz, "Krit. Commentar zu den Psalmen, Nebst . . . Uebersetzung," Breslau, 1882 (compare his Kohelet, 1871, and Song of Songs, 1871). SI Kämpf, Das Hohelied, Prague, 1877; 3d ed., 1884. K.格拉茨，“Krit。注的祖穴Psalmen，Nebst。。。Uebersetzung，”布雷斯劳，1882年（他Kohelet比较，1871年和1871年的宋歌）。司的奋斗，达斯Hohelied，布拉格，1877年，三维版。，1884 。光Kohler, Das Hohelied, Chicago, 1878. Hermann Tietz, "Das Buch der Elegien Metrisch Uebersetzt," Schrimm, 1881. J.科勒，达斯Hohelied，芝加哥，1878年。赫尔曼蒂茨，“达斯布赫明镜Elegien Metrisch Uebersetzt，”Schrimm，1881年。j的Landsberger, Das Buch Hiob, Darmstadt, 1882. D.兰茨贝格尔，达斯布赫希布，达姆施塔特，1882年。四Leimdörfer, "Kohelet . . . Nebst Uebersetzung," Hamburg, 1892. Herman Rosenthal, "Worte des Sammlers (Kohelet) . . . in Deutsche Reime Gebracht," New York, 1885; 2d ed., 1893. Leimdörfer“Kohelet。。。Nebst Uebersetzung，”汉堡，1892年。赫尔曼罗森塔尔，“沃尔特德Sammlers（Kohelet）。。。在德国赖梅Gebracht，”纽约，1885年，第2版。，1893年。 Idem, "Das Lied der Lieder, in Neue Deutsche Reime Gebracht," New York, 1893. M.同上，“德意志之歌赖梅Gebracht德之歌，在Neue，”纽约，1893年。米Jastrow, "Der Neunzigste Psalm; Uebersetzt," Leipsic, 1893. Salomon Plessner (transl. of Nahum, in his "Biblisches und Rabbinisches," pp. 29 et seq.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1897.贾斯特罗，“明镜Neunzigste诗篇; Uebersetzt，”普西克，1893年。所罗门普勒斯纳（内厄姆transl.的，在他的“Biblisches北达科Rabbinisches，”页。29起。），法兰克福，在职培训，主，1897年。
English Translation.英语翻译。
It was not before the forties of the nineteenth century that the desire made itself really felt among the English Jews for a Bible translation of their own in the vernacular, though David Levi had in 1787 (London) produced an English version of the Pentateuch (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 926).这是19世纪不是40年代之前，这一愿望使自己成为真正感受到中英犹太人为他们自己的方言圣经翻译的，虽然大卫利维曾在1787年（伦敦）制作一（Steinschneider英文版本的五经，“猫。Bodl。”第926号）。 Wherever an English Bible was needed by them, they had freely used the King James Version; as is seen in the Pentateuch (including Hafṭarot and Scrolls) which was published in London, 1824, under the title .无论他们的英文圣经是需要的，他们自由使用国王詹姆斯版本;像卷轴出现在摩西五经（包括Hafṭarot和）于1824年在伦敦出版，标题下。 But the impropriety of the use of this version, with its Christian headings and its Messianic interpretations, did in the end impress itself upon the English Jews (see, for example, S. Bennett, "Critical Remarks on the Authorized Version," London, 1834; Seelig Newman, "Emendations of the Authorized Version of the OT" London, 1839; Benjamin Marcus, " (Fountain of Life): Mistranslations and Difficult Passages of the OT Corrected and Explained," Dublin, 1854).但是，这个版本的使用不当的解释，其标题和基督教的救世主，并最终打动犹太人本身在英语（见，例如，第贝内特，“重要谈话的授权版本，”伦敦， 1834年，塞利格纽曼，“加班Emendations的授权版本的催产素”伦敦，1839年，本杰明马库斯“（喷泉的生命）难易之旅：顺口溜，更正和解释说：”都柏林，1854年）。
The veneration for this masterpiece of English literature had impressed itself upon the Jews also.尊敬的文学名著的英文本已留下深刻印象后，犹太人本身也。When the Revised Version was published (May 17, 1881) it was eagerly seized upon as being much more suitable for Jewish readers, since in it the headings had been removed and the Christology of many passages toned down.当修订版出版（1881年5月17日）这是急切地抓住读者的任何更适合犹太人，因为在它的标题已经被拆除，向下基督通道低调许多。 The Revised Version is used as a basis for such books as CG Montefiore's "Bible for Home Reading," London, 1896, 1901.经修订的版本是用来作为圣经基础的“这类书籍，重心蒙特菲奥里居读，”伦敦，1896年，1901年。That the revision is not complete from the Jewish point of view can be seen from the leaflet issued by the Jewish Religious Education Board, "Appendix to the Revised Version" (London, 1896), which sets forth the "alterations deemed necessary with a view to placing the Revised Version in the hands of members of the Jewish faith."这一修订是不完整的观点从点的犹太人可以看到宗教教育委员会犹太人从单张发行的“附录的修订版”（伦敦，1896年），其中提出了“认为有必要改变，以期为使犹太信仰的成员经修订的版本在手中。“ These alterations were limited to the following sets of cases: viz., "where the RV departs from the Masoretic text," and "where the RV is opposed to Jewish traditional interpretation or dogmatic teaching."这些变化只限于台，案件的以下内容：即。“那里的马所拉文本的房车偏离，”及“房车是反对犹太传统的解释或教条式的教学。” Isa.伊萨。lii.吕氏。13-liii.13 - 53号。12 is there reprinted in full. The first to attempt to produce an independent Jewish translation was DA de Sola of London, who in 1840 issued a "Prospectus of a New Edition of the Sacred Scriptures, with Notes Critical and Explanatory." 12是完全有重印。第一，试图产生一个独立的犹太翻译是，谁和在1840年发表了“招股说明书的一个关键的新票据版，与圣经的神圣的解释性大得胜索拉伦敦。” Morris J. Raphall and JL Lindenthal were associated with him in the work.莫里斯j的Raphall和JL林登索尔都与他的工作。 Only one volume, Genesis, appeared (London, 1841; 2d ed., 1843).只有一册，成因，似乎（伦敦，1841年; 2版。，1843年）。 Of a similar attempt by S. Bennett, "The Hebrew and English Holy Bible," only Gen. i.-xli.一个由南贝内特类似的尝试，“希伯来文和英文圣经”中，只有将军岛，四十一。appeared (1841); though in the same year Francis Barham published "The Hebrew and English Holy Bible," which contained Bennett's revision of the English and a revision of the Hebrew by HA Henry.出现（1841年），虽然在同一年弗朗西斯巴勒姆出版了“希伯来文和英文圣经”，其中载有本内特的英文修订版的修订和亨利的希伯来文房委会。 Another translation was published by A. Benisch, "Jewish School and Family Bible" (1851-56); and still another by M. Friedländer, ", The Jewish Family Bible" (1884).另一种翻译是Benisch出版由A.，“犹太圣经学校和家庭”（1851年至1856年），还有一个由M.德兰德，“犹太家庭圣经”（1884年）。 This last has had the sanction of the chief rabbi of the British Jews.这最后一个犹太人的制裁已在英国的首席拉比。A. Elzas has published translations of Proverbs (Leeds and London, 1871), Job (1872), Hosea and Joel (1873), in an attempt "to put the English reader, at least in some degree, in the position of one able to read the Hebrew text."答：Elzas谚语翻译出版的（利兹和伦敦，1871年），工作（1872年），何西阿和Joel（1873年），企图“把英语的读者，至少在一定程度上，在一个位置能读希伯来文。“ None of these versions, however, can be said to have replaced either the Authorized or the Revised Version in the esteem of the Jewish Bible-reading public.这些版本没有，但是，可以说已经取代任何认可或读经修订的圣经版本公众在自尊的犹太人。
The United States.美国。
In the United States the same feeling as in England had been engendered against the headings of the Authorized Version.在美国同样的感觉在英国已经产生的对授权版本的标题的。Isaac Leeser attempted to rectify this and at the same time so to translate the Bible as to make it represent the best results of modern study.艾萨克利泽试图纠正这一点，在同一时间，使翻译的现代研究圣经，以最好的结果是使代表。 The Prophets, Psalms, and Job are practically new versions.先知，诗篇，与工作几乎新的版本。In the other parts, the Authorized Version is very closely followed; and though in most cases the changes Leeser made bring the translation nearer to the Masoretic text, the beauty of the English was often sacrificed.在其他地区，授权版本是非常密切关注，而且虽然在大多数情况下作出的改变利泽带来的翻译更接近马所拉文本，英国美丽的往往是牺牲。 A quarto edition was published in 1854, and a duodecimo edition in 1856.阿四开版出版于1854年，并在1856年十二开版。Despite its insufficiencies, the smaller edition has had a wide circulation, due especially to the development of Jewish religious school instruction in the United States.尽管它的不足，规模较小的版本已广泛流通，特别是由于美国在联合国发展犹太宗教学校教学。The inadequacy of Leeser's translation has, however, been felt; and the Jewish Publication Society of America in 1898 took in hand the preparation of a complete revision.翻译不足的利泽的了，但一直觉得，以及美国犹太出版协会于1898年发生在手修订编写一个完整的。This is now (1902) being made by a number of scholars, with M. Jastrow, Sr., as editor-in-chief, and K. Kohler and F. de Sola Mendes as associate editors (see Reports of the Jewish Publication Society of America, 1898 et seq.).这是现在（1902年）正在作出一个学者的首席，与M.贾斯特罗，老，作为主编，和K.科勒和F.德索拉门德斯担任副编辑（见犹太人协会的报告出版美国，1898年起。）。
Spanish Versions.西班牙语版本。
Nowhere in Europe is the history of the translation of the Bible into the vernacular so interesting as it is in Spain.在欧洲任何地方是有趣的历史上的圣经翻译成白话文，因为它使西班牙研究。 Translations were here made as early as the thirteenth century, despite the fact that in 1234 Jaime I., by means of secular legislation, prohibited their use (Lea, "History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages," i. 324).翻译在这里，早在13世纪，尽管在1234年海梅一，通过立法手段，世俗的，禁止其使用（利，“宗教裁判所的历史，在中世纪，”一324）。 As Berger has shown, the earliest Castilian renderings, even when made by Christians, stand much closer to the Hebrew original than do those of any other country.由于伯杰表明，最早的卡斯蒂利亚透视图，即使基督徒言，立场更接近原始的希伯来文比任何其他国家的。This seems to have been due to the early and intense influence of the Jews in the peninsula and to the Oriental coloring of its whole culture.这似乎是由于影响半岛的早期和激烈的犹太人和整个东方文化色彩的。 This similarity is seen even in the outward form.这种相似性被认为是即使在外部形式。The Spanish translations follow the Hebrew division of the Bible into three great parts; and it is significant that the first polyglot (Complutensian) saw the light of day in Spain.按照西班牙翻译成三个大的部分圣经希伯来分工和重要的是，第一个多语种（Complutensian）看到了西班牙光天化日英寸 In the production of these translations both Jews and converts took a laudable part.在这些翻译转换生产犹太人和采取了值得称赞的一部分。One of the earliest of such Castilian translations is found in the Aragonese MS.卡斯蒂利亚翻译最早的一个，正是这样的发现在阿拉贡硕士学位。i.岛j, 8 in the Escurial Library, Madrid.j，图书馆8日在埃斯库里亚尔，马德里。The Psalms in this manuscript are distinctly said to be the translation "que fizo Herman el Aleman, segund cuemo esta en el ebraygo."这个手稿的诗篇中有明显的翻译说是“阙fizo赫尔曼埃尔阿莱曼，segund cuemo埃斯塔恩报ebraygo。”Herman must undoubtedly have known Hebrew, though Berger thinks that he made use of Jerome's "Psalterium Hebraicum" and not of the "Psalterium Gallicum."赫尔曼无疑必须知道希伯来文，但伯杰认为，他Hebraicum使用杰罗姆的“Psalterium”和Gallicum不是“Psalterium。” This Herman the German is the well-known Latin translator of Aristotle, and lived between 1240 and 1256.这是赫尔曼德国著名的拉丁翻译亚里士多德，和1256和1240之间的生活。
In the fifteenth century several revisions of these older translations were made, but always according to the Hebrew text. Such a revision is represented by MSS.在15世纪的老翻译几次修改这些发了言，但总是根据希伯来文。这种修改是MSS的代表。i.岛j, 5 and i.j，5和岛j, 3 in the Escurial and MS. j，3个在埃斯库里亚尔和MS。cxxiv. cxxiv。1, 2 (dated 1429) in the Library of Evora. In a number of places these translations ostentatiously follow the Hebrew original and run counter to the usual Church tradition. 1，2（日期1429埃弗拉）在图书馆。在学额，这些翻译夸耀按照原来的希伯来文，有悖于通常的教会传统。MS. i.硕士学位。岛j, 3 of the Escurial is richly illuminated with miniatures, which may perhaps have been the work of Hebrew miniaturists.j，3埃斯库里亚尔是丰富的照明与缩影，这也许一直是miniaturists工作的希伯来文。In this manuscript not only is the order of the books in the Canon the same as in the Hebrew, but the Pentateuch is divided into sections which agree with the parashiyot and sedarim.在这个手稿不仅是为了佳能的图书在希伯来文中的相同，但摩西五是sedarim分成部分并同意parashiyot。 The proper names also follow the Hebrew and not the ordinary Latin version.正确的名字也按照希伯来文，而不是普通的拉丁版本。Berger thinks that this manuscript may be the work of the baptized Jew, Juan Alfonso de Buena, who was in the service of Jaime II.伯杰认为，这可能是第二稿工作的洗礼犹太人，胡安方德布埃纳，海梅谁是在服务。(1416-54).（1416年至1454年）。 An additional interest attaches to these revisions, as they formed the basis for the Spanish of the Constantinople Pentateuch of 1547 and for the Ferrara Bible; the Ferrara Bible, in its turn, was the basis for the Protestant Bible translation by Cassidoro de Reina (1569); for the revision by Cyprian de Valera (1602), the "Psalterio de David Conforme a la Verdad Hebraica" (Lyons, 1550), and the Psaltér of Juan Perez (Venice, 1557; see Samuel Berger, in "Romania," xxviii.). A still further revision, again upon the basis of the Hebrew, was made by Rabbi Moses Arragel (1430) for Don Luis de Guzman, master of the Order of Calatrava.另外一个兴趣十分重视这些修改，因为它们形成了费拉拉圣经摩西五经为基础的君士坦丁堡和西班牙的1547年的，在其打开费拉拉圣经，是1569年的基础上为新教（圣经译本由Cassidoro德雷纳），为塞浦路斯修订通过德瓦莱拉（1602）中，“Psalterio德大卫Conforme一真理报希伯来语”（里昂，1550），以及，普索尔特胡安佩雷斯（威尼斯1557年，见塞缪尔伯杰，在“罗马尼亚”二十八）。。阿还有进一步修改，希伯来文再次呼吁的基础，是由拉比摩西Arragel（1430）为多恩路易斯代古斯曼，卡拉特拉瓦掌握该命令。 According to Berger, this revision was made on MS.据伯杰，本次是在MS。Escurial i.埃斯库里亚尔岛j, 3.j，3。It is provided with a commentary, and profusely illustrated, perhaps by Jewish artists.它提供了一个评注，说明和大汗，也许犹太艺术家。A manuscript of the Prophets, in two languages, in the library of the Academy of History in Lisbon follows Arragel's translation so closely that it may possibly represent the first attempt of Arragel.手稿的一个先知，在两种语言，在Arragel图书馆的历史，试图学院在里斯本如下Arragel的翻译如此密切，它可能是第一个可能代表。
This Castilian translation (or revision) was carried by the Spanish exiles into Italy and Turkey.这卡斯蒂利亚翻译（或修订）是土耳其进行到意大利和西班牙流亡者。It also became the Bible of the Spanish Jews in the Netherlands.它也成为犹太人圣经的西班牙在荷兰。It appears first in Hebrew characters in the Polyglot Pentateuch (Hebrew, Onkelos, Rashi, Neo-Greek, and Spanish), published at Constantinople by Eliezer Bekor Gerson Soncino (see Belleli, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxii. 250; Grünbaum, "Jüd.-Span. Chrestomathie," p. 6).它第一次出现在希伯来文字符在多元五（希伯来语，昂克劳，赖希，新，希腊和西班牙），君士坦丁堡发表在由埃利泽Bekor杰森松奇诺（见“第22 Belleli，在”牧师研究Juives。250; Grünbaum “Jüd.跨度。Chrestomathie，”第6页）。The Neo-Greek represents a different translation from that of the Spanish.理学，希腊，西班牙代表从不同的翻译。From this polyglot it found its way into the celebrated Ferrara Bible of 1553, which bears the title "Biblia en Lengua Española, Traduzida Palabra por Palabra de la Verdad Hebrayca por Muy Excellentes Letrados, Vista y Examinada por el Oficio de la Inquisicion. Con Privilegio del Ylustrissimo Señor Duque de Ferrara."从这个通晓多种语言它发现拉Inquisicion的方式庆祝进入1553年费拉拉圣经，负有德“称号Biblia恩伦古阿埃斯帕诺拉，Traduzida言论报陈健波言论报德真理报Hebrayca陈健波Muy Excellentes Letrados，景色Ÿ Examinada陈健波埃尔Oficio。CON组Privilegio德尔Ylustrissimo阅兵式杜克卡西费拉拉。“Two editions seem to have been published: one, for Jews, signed by Abraham Usque; the other, for Christians, signed by Jerome of Vargas (De los Rios, "Juifs d'Espagne," p. 432). De los Rios (lcp 436) thinks that the author of "Retratos o Tablas de las Historias del Testamento Viejo," Lyons, 1543, a popular exposition of the Bible, was a Marano; but this does not seem to have been proved.两个版本似乎已经公布：一，对犹太人，Usque签署亚伯拉罕;杰罗姆的巴尔加斯的签署，其他基督徒，对（德卢斯里奥斯，“Juifs德埃斯帕涅”，第432页）。德洛斯里奥斯（ LCP的436）认为韦霍的作者“Retratos Ø布拉斯代拉斯Historias德尔Testamento，”里昂，1543年，一个流行的圣经论述，是玛拉诺，但这似乎并没有得到证实。
The Ferrara Bible of 1553 became the basis for the Spanish and Ladino translations which were published at Salonica and Amsterdam. This is seen also in the title, which usually runs "Biblia en Lengua Española, Traduzida Palabra por Palabra de la Verdad Hebrayca."在1553费拉拉圣经成为阿姆斯特丹的基础上为西班牙和萨洛尼卡和拉迪诺翻译出版了在其中。普遍认为这是Hebrayca也在标题，通常运行真理报“Biblia恩伦古阿埃斯帕诺拉，Traduzida言论报陈健波言论报代拉。” This is also true of the " con Ladino y Agora Nos a Parecedo Comenzar de los ," etc., published by Joseph b.这也是德真正的“CON组拉迪诺Ÿ阿戈拉:6221 1 Parecedo Comenzar洛杉矶”等，发表了约瑟夫湾Isaac b.艾萨克湾Joseph Jabez in 1568, as Kayserling (lcp 28) has clearly shown.约瑟夫在1568雅比斯，作为Kayserling（液晶28）已清楚地表明。 In Amsterdam the translation remained substantially the same, though it was often revised ("reformada"): 1611; 1630 and 1646, Gillis Joost; corrected by Samuel de Caceres and printed by Joseph Athias (1661);corrected by Isaac de Abraham Dias and printed by David Fernandes (1726); "con las annotaciones de Or Torah," Proops, 1762.在阿姆斯特丹的翻译仍然大致相同，但它往往是修订（“reformada”）：1611年，1630年和1646年，吉利斯Joost的;卡塞雷斯和纠正塞缪尔德）印刷由约瑟夫阿蒂亚斯（1661年;和纠正由艾萨克德亚伯拉罕迪亚斯）印刷大卫费尔南德斯（1726年，“拉斯维加斯annotaciones CON组de或诵读经文，”Proops，1762。This translation also appeared in Venice, 1730; Constantinople, 1739-43; idem, 1745; Vienna (ed. by Israel Bahor Haim and Aaron Pollak), 1813-16; and Smyrna, 1838.这种转换也出现在威尼斯，1730;君士坦丁堡，1739年至1743年，同上，1745年，维也纳（波拉克编以色列Bahor哈伊姆和Aaron），1813年至1816年;和士麦那，1838年。 A Ladino translation, in Rashi script, was published at Vienna, 1841 (2d ed., 1853), by WS Schauffler for the American Bible Society (see Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the society, 1842, p. 120).阿拉迪诺翻译，在赖希剧本，发表在维也纳，1841年（第2版。，1853年），由社会肖夫勒是为美国圣经（见第二十六届年报社会，1842年，第120页）。 According to Grünbaum, it bears many points of resemblance to the Pentateuch of 1547 and to the Ferrara Bible. Various portions of this translation appeared separately, an edition of the Pentateuch appearing in the same year (1553) and at Ferrara.据Grünbaum，值得许多相似点到1547年的摩西五和费拉拉圣经。这种转换的不同部分分别出现，一摩西五版的费拉拉出现在同一年（1553）和。
To this may be added the following:为了这可能是添加了以下内容：
"Humas de Parasioth y Aftharoth," ed.“Humas德Parasioth Ÿ Aftharoth，”版。Manasseh ben Israel, Amsterdam, 1627; ed.玛拿西本以色列，阿姆斯特丹，1627;版。Ymanuel Benveniste, ib. Ymanuel本维尼斯特，兴业。1643; another edition was published by Manasseh himself, ib.1643年，另一个版本是他自己出版的玛拿西，兴业。1655 (though he says of it, "Obra nueva y de mucha utilidad"); "Parafrasis Comentada sobre el Pentateucho," ed. 1655年（尽管他也说，“奥布拉努埃瓦Ÿ去木栅utilidad”）;“Parafrasis Comentada索布里维埃尔Pentateucho，”版。Isaac da Fonseca Aboab, ib.艾萨克达丰塞卡Aboab，兴业。1681; "Cinco Libros de la Ley Divina . . . de Nuevo Corrigidos," by David Tartas, ib. 1681年，“辛科利布罗斯德拉莱迪维纳。。。德努埃沃Corrigidos，”大卫塔尔塔什，兴业。1691; "Los Cinco Libros . . . Interpretados en Lengua Española," ed. Joseph Franco Serrano, ib. 1691年，“洛杉矶辛科利布罗斯。。。Interpretados恩伦古阿埃斯帕诺拉，”版。佛朗哥约瑟夫塞拉诺，兴业。1695; 1705 and 1724 (Isaac de Cordova); "Cinco Libros," corrected by David de Elisha Pereyra, ib. 1695年，1705年和1724年（艾萨克德科尔多瓦），“辛科利布罗斯，”兴业纠正大卫德以利沙佩雷拉。1733; "El Libro de la Ley," published in Constantinople in 1873, is, according to Grünbaum (lc 12), a different translation. 1733年，“厄尔尼诺利布罗德拉莱”，发表在1873年君士坦丁堡，是根据Grünbaum（立法会12），不同的翻译。
The Psalms were reprinted: Ferrara, 1553; Salonica, 1582; Amsterdam, 1628, 1730; Vienna, 1822; Constantinople, 1836.该诗篇转载：费拉拉，1553;萨洛尼卡，1582年，阿姆斯特丹，1628年，1730年，维也纳，1822年，君士坦丁堡，1836年。 Several other translations of the Psalms were produced during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.对其他几个译本的诗篇中制作了17和18世纪。David Abenatar Melo, a Marano who escaped the Inquisition at Madrid and became a Jew again in 1611, published in 1626 ("En Franquaforte") "Los CL Psalmos de David, en Lengua Española, en Varias Rimas."大卫Abenatar梅洛，一玛拉诺谁逃脱在马德里的宗教裁判所，成为一个犹太人又在1611年，1626年出版的（“恩Franquaforte”）“洛杉矶氯Psalmos德大卫，恩伦古阿埃斯帕诺拉，恩Varias里马斯。” In these Psalms he has inserted, when appropriate, an account of his own and his people's sufferings (De los Rios, lc pp. 468 et seq.; Kayserling, "Bibl. Esp.-Port.-Jud." pp. 67, 68).在这些诗篇，他插入，在适当的时候，一个账户（他自己和他的人民的苦难德洛斯里奥斯，立法会页。468起。; Kayserling，“Bibl。尤其使- Port. -士。”页。67 68）。A prose translation was made by Ephraim Bueno and Jonah Abravanel (Amsterdam, 1650; 2d edition, 1723; see De los Rios, lcp 498).散文翻译是由以法莲布埃诺和约拿阿布拉瓦内尔（阿姆斯特丹，1650年，第2版，1723年，见德洛斯里奥斯，LCP的498）。 A third translation was made by Jacob Judah Leon Templo (, "Las Alabancas de Santidad," Amsterdam, 1671)-a verbatim prose translation of the original (De los Rios, lcp 570; Kayserling, lcp 58).第三个译本是由雅各犹大莱昂坦普洛（“拉斯维加斯Alabancas德Santidad，”阿姆斯特丹，1671年）- 1，LCP的570逐字翻译散文的原始（德洛斯里奥斯; Kayserling，LCP的58）。
Of all the Biblical books, Canticles was most frequently reprinted. A translation was published in Hamburg, 1631, by David Cohen Carlos "de lengua Caldayca"; but the favorite rendering was that of Abraham de Isaac Lañado, published in Hebrew characters at Venice, 1619, 1654, 1655, 1672, 1716, 1721, 1739, 1805; Leghorn, 1769, 1787; Vienna, 1820.在所有的圣经书籍，canticle的是最常见的重印。一个翻译出版了在汉堡，1631“，由大卫科恩卡洛斯”德伦瓜Caldayca，但最喜欢的渲染是亚伯拉罕以撒Lañado去，在希伯来文字符在威尼斯出版， 1619年，1654年，1655年，1672年，1716年，1721年，1739年，1805年，里窝那，1769年，1787年，维也纳，1820。 The Venice edition was published in Roman characters by Moses Belmonte, Amsterdam, 1644, and was reprinted at Amsterdam, 1664, 1683, 1701, 1712, 1724, and 1766.威尼斯版刊登在罗马字符由摩西贝尔蒙特，阿姆斯特丹，1644年，并于1766年在阿姆斯特丹重印，1664，1683，1701，1712，1724和。 An edition of the Megillot appeared at Constantinople in 1813 (see Kayserling, lcp 30); a Megillah in Spanish, dating from the early part of the eighteenth century, exists in the British Museum ("Jewish Chron." March 21, 1902, p. 24); but the provenience of the translation is unknown (on such Megillot see Abrahams, "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages," p. 345).一个Megillot版的出现在1813年君士坦丁堡（见Kayserling，LCP的30）;在西班牙Megillah，建于18世纪初的一部分，存在于英博物馆（“犹太慢性。”1902年3月21日，磷。24），但翻译的种源是未知的（对这种Megillot见亚伯拉罕，“犹太人生活在中世纪，”第345页）。 A Portuguese translation of the Psalms, under the title "Espejo Fiel de Vidas," by Daniel Israel Lopez Laguna, appeared in London, 1720 (Kayserling, lcp 55). A的诗篇葡萄牙语翻译的拉古纳，标题下的“埃斯佩乔感觉去维达斯洛佩兹，”由丹尼尔以色列，出现在伦敦，1720（Kayserling，LCP的55）。
Italian Versions.意大利版本。
Both Zunz ("GV" 2d ed., p. 457) and Güdemann ("Erziehungswesen in Italien," p. 206) refer to early translations of the Bible into Italian; the latter even speaks of their existence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.双方聪茨（“颗粒”2版。，第457页）和Güdemann（“Italien Erziehungswesen中，”第206页）是指早期的圣经翻译成意大利文的，后者甚至谈到了14世纪的存在，并在13 。Steinschneider has shown ("Monatsschrift," xlii. 117) that this is an error. Steinschneider已经显示（“月刊，”四十二。117），这是一个错误。It is true that some of the authorities (such as Zedekiah ben Abraham and Isaiah de Trani, the younger) laid stress upon the necessity of translating the Bible into the speech of the country; but Judah 'Azahel del Bene (Ferrara, c. 1650) advised against the practise of teaching girls Italian, as he feared they would conceive a love for amorous poetry (Vogelstein and Rieger, "Juden in Rom," ii. 300).这是事实（一些机关，如西底家本亚伯拉罕和以赛亚德特拉尼，年轻的）国家规定的必要性时强调讲话的翻译圣经成，但犹大Azahel德尔拜奈（费拉拉角1650 ）表示对实践教学的意大利女孩，因为他担心他们会想像一个多情的诗丽格爱（Vogelstein和“二贾登在ROM中，”。300）。It was not before the sixteenth century that attempts were made to produce versions of portions of the Bible in Italian.这是16世纪之前没有试图进行了部分在意大利生产的圣经版本。Steinschneider (lcp 318) has given a list of the existing manuscript translations. Steinschneider（LCP的318）已作出的翻译清单现有的手稿。It was toward the end of that century that the first translations were published. David de Pomis (died after 1593) brought out an edition of Ecclesiastes with Italian translation at Venice in 1571.这是对1571年年底，在这世纪，第一次翻译出版了。大卫德死亡Pomis（1593年后）意大利威尼斯版的翻译工作带来了一传道书的。 It was dedicated to Cardinal Grimani of Aquileja (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 218).这是献给红衣主教格里马尼的Aquileja（Steinschneider，“猫。Bodl。”第218号）。He also translated Job and Psalms, but never published them ("Monatsschrift," xliii. 32).他还翻译工作和诗篇，但从来没有公布他们（“月刊，”四十三。32）。Hezekiah Rieti published (Venice, 1617) the text of Proverbs with Italian translation ("Cat. Bodl." No. 418); but no reliable account can be found of a translation of Job (Rome, 1773) mentioned by Zunz. The translations made in the nineteenth century were all more or less under the influence of Mendelssohn's biur.希西家瑞耶提出版（威尼斯，1617）的翻译文本与意大利谚语（“猫。Bodl。”第418号），但没有可靠的帐户可以找到工作的翻译（罗马，1773）提到聪茨。的翻译在19世纪都更多或更少biur下的门德尔松的影响。 In 1818 IS Reggio published at Vienna, as a specimen, ten verses of Genesis. 1818年在雷焦是维也纳发表，作为一个标本，创世纪10诗句。He then brought out the whole Pentateuch ( "colla Traduzione Italiana"), Vienna, 1821; and ten years later "Il Libro d'Isaia, Versione Poetica" (Udine, 1831).然后，他带出整个五经（“科拉Traduzione意大利”），维也纳，1821年和10年后，“伊尔利布罗德亚萨娅，Versione诗性”（乌迪内，1831）。 Severe criticism was passed upon this version, because it seemed to weaken the force of many of the Messianic prophecies (see Fürst, "Bibl. Jud." iii. 140).通过严厉的批评后，这个版本，因为它似乎削弱了许多预言力量的救世主（见弗斯特，“Bibl。士。”三。140）。In 1844 there appeared at Leghorn () an Italian translation of Job (Fürst, "Bibl. Jud." ii. 282, says it is by Luzzatto); and in 1872 a "Pentateuch, rev. von Letteris, mit Ital. Uebersetzung von Diodati" (Vienna; perhaps also London, 1836, 1864).在1844年便出现在里窝那（）的工作意大利语翻译（弗斯特，“Bibl。士。”二。282表示，它是由卢扎托）;和1872年的“摩西五，牧师。冯Letteris，麻省理工学院需求面实证。Uebersetzung冯迪奥达蒂“（维也纳，或许也伦敦，1836年，1864年）。 Lelio della Torre of Padua translated the Psalms (Vienna, 1845).Lelio帕多瓦德拉托瑞翻译的诗篇（维也纳，1845年）。But these were completely overshadowed by the exact and careful versions of SD Luzzatto, whose poetical and literary judgment made him an excellent stylist (see "Hebr. Bibl." vi. 99; Elbogen, in "Monatsschrift," xliv. 460).但这些都使他完全盖过了一个很好的设计师和认真的确切版本的SD卢扎托，其诗意与文学的判断（见“黑布尔。Bibl。”六。99埃尔博根，在“月刊，”四十四。460人）。 He translated the greater part of the Old Testament: Isaiah ("Il Profeta Isaia Volgarizzato"), Padua, 1855-63; Pentateuch, Rovigo, 1860, Padua, 1876; Prophets, Rovigo, 1868; Isaiah, Padua, 1867; Job, Triest, 1853; generally with a valuable Hebrew commentary.他翻译的旧约较大部分：以赛亚（“伊尔普罗费塔亚萨娅Volgarizzato”），帕多瓦，1855年至1863年，五，罗维戈，1860年，帕多瓦，1876年，先知，罗维戈，1868;以赛亚，帕多瓦，1867年，职业，的里雅斯特，1853;一般了一个宝贵的希伯来文评注。 Other Italian translations were produced: by Giuseppe Barzilai, "El Cantico dei Cantici" (Triest, 1865) in dramatic form, following Mandelstamm's and Horowitz's German translations; Lamentations (Trieste, 1867); by David Castelli, Ecclesiastes (Pisa, 1866); by Benjamin Consolo, Lamentations, Job, and Psalms (Florence?);by Gino Morpurgo, Ecclesiastes (Padua, 1898), and Esther (1899).其他意大利语翻译制作了：由朱塞佩巴尔齐莱，“厄尔尼诺Cantico台达电子Cantici”（的里雅斯特，1865年）在戏剧形式，以下Mandelstamm的's和霍洛维茨的德语翻译;哀歌（的里雅斯特，1867年），由大卫卡斯泰利，传道书（比萨，1866年）;本杰明康索洛，哀歌，工作，和诗篇（佛罗伦萨？）由吉诺莫尔普戈，传道书（帕多瓦，1898年）和埃斯特（1899年）。
French Translations.法语翻译。
Translations of the Old Testament into French were not made by Jews prior to the first half of the nineteenth century.法语翻译成老的遗嘱没有作出之前，犹太人在19世纪上半叶。In 1831 Samuel Cahen began a monumental work, "La Bible, Traduction Nouvelle" (Paris, 1833-46, in 18 volumes), to which were added many essays by Munk, Zunz, Dukes, and others, and also a somewhat rationalistic commentary. 1831年塞缪尔卡亨开始了不朽的作品“香格里拉圣经，Traduction中篇小说”（巴黎，1833年至1846年卷，18），其中增加了许多论文和其他由芒克，聪茨，公爵，也是一个有点理性的评论。 This work was somewhat severely criticized (Abbé BMB, "Quelques Mots sur la Traduction Nouvelle," etc., Paris, 1835; "Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1839, p. 30; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, pp. 368 et seq.; Wogue, "Hist. de la Bible," p. 342); but it held the field for many years.这项工作是有点严厉批评（BMB神甫，“Quelques的mots河畔拉Traduction中篇小说”等，巴黎，1835年;“Allg。宰特。德士。”1839年，第30页;“Literaturblatt之方向”，1840年，页。368起。; Wogue，“历史。德拉圣经”，第342页），但它多年来举行的领域。A more faithful version of the Pentateuch was published in 1860 by Lazare Wogue.一个更忠实的五版刊登在1860年由圣拉扎尔Wogue。Among other translators may be mentioned A. ben Baruch Créhange (Psalms), and B. Mossé of Avignon (Psalms).在其他翻译可能会提到答：本巴鲁克克勒昂热（诗篇），和B）莫斯阿维尼翁（诗篇。But a popular and cheap Bible in French was sorely needed by the French Jews.但在法国流行的低价圣经，是迫切需要由法国犹太人。 Such a work has been taken in hand by the present chief rabbi of France, Zadok Kahn, and the other members of the French rabbinate.这样的工作已经在手的现任首席拉比拉比法国，撒督卡恩，法国和其他成员。Wogue's translation was employed as the basis for the Pentateuch.Wogue的翻译被聘为五经为基础。The author himself made the necessary corrections; and before his death he was able to finish the translation of the prophetical books down to the First Book of Kings (vol. i., Paris, 1899).作者自己作了必要的改正;他去世之前，他能够完成1899年翻译的预言书到书的第一国王（第一卷岛，巴黎）。At the same time and under the same auspices, a children's Bible ("Bible de la Jeunesse") is being brought out.在同一时间，同一主持下，一个儿童的圣经（“圣经和青少年权益”）被带出。
Dutch Translations.荷兰语翻译。
Few translations have been attempted by the Dutch Jews into their vernacular: the Spanish and Portuguese Jews in Holland made use of Spanish; the Ashkenazic Jews, of the Judæo-German version.翻译已经很少尝试由荷兰犹太人到他们的白话：西班牙和葡萄牙犹太人在荷兰制造的德国犹太人，犹太版本使用西班牙语的德裔。 The version of the Psalms in Dutch printed by Joseph Athias was made by Johann Leusden.荷兰版本的诗篇在阿蒂亚斯印刷由约瑟夫是由约翰勒斯登。During the nineteenth century translations were made by Samuel J. Mulder (see his "Tets over de Vertalingen der Heilige Schrift," Amsterdam, 1859): Pentateuch, 1826-42; Major Prophets, 1827; Five Scrolls, 1835, 3d ed.在19世纪的翻译进行了第三位的马尔德（见明镜Heilige Schrift他的“毒鼠强对德Vertalingen，”阿姆斯特丹，1859）：五，1826年至1842年，主要先知，1827年，五个卷轴，1835年，三维版。 1859; Proverbs, 1836; Psalms, 1838; all published in Amsterdam.1859年，谚语，1836年;诗篇，1838年，所有在阿姆斯特丹出版。He also published a "Bijbel voor de Israel. Jeugd," Leyden, 1843-54.他还出版了“Bijbel的voor去以色列。Jeugd，”莱顿，1843年至1854年。In 1844 Gabriel J. and MS Polak published a Dutch translation of Job, which was to have been followed by a translation of the Prophets and the Hagiographa.加布里埃尔在1844年J.和质谱波拉克发表的hagiographa荷兰翻译工作，这是先知，并一直跟一个翻译的。 This seems never to have been completed.这似乎从来就没有被完成。A translation of Isaiah by GA Parsen also exists; while a new translation of the Pentateuch, together with Targum and Rashi, was brought out by AS Ondervijser in 1901.阿Parsen翻译以赛亚由联大还存在，而新的翻译五经，赖希同根和，被带到Ondervijser了由AS在1901年。
Jewish translations into Russian are of very recent date.犹太翻译成俄文，是很近期的日期。 The writer knows only of LI Mandelstamm's Psalms (Berlin, 1864; 3d ed. 1872), Pentateuch (, 3d ed., Berlin, 1872); Aaron Pumpiansky's Psalms (Warsaw, 1871); J. Cylkow's Psalms (1883); and a version of Esther in German (Hebrew characters) and Russian (Warsaw, 1889).笔者知道，只有李Mandelstamm的的诗篇（柏林1864年，三维版。1872年），五经（三维版。，柏林，1872年）;亚伦Pumpiansky的诗篇（华沙，1871年）的J. Cylkow的诗篇（1883年）和1在德语版的以斯帖（希伯来文字符）和俄罗斯（华沙，1889年）。A Polish translation has been published by D. Neufeld.阿波兰语翻译出版了由D.纽费尔德。
Crawford Howell
Toy, Richard Gottheil克劳福德豪玩具，理查德戈特海尔
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between
1901-1906.犹太百科全书，1901至1906年间出版。
Bibliography:
参考书目：
See especially Steinschneider,
Cat.特别见Steinschneider，猫。Bodl.Bodl。cols.cols的。1-198;1-198;
idem, Jewish Literature, pp. 232 et seq.; Jost, Neuere Gesch.同上，犹太文学，页。232起。;乔斯特，Neuere格希。der Israeliten, iii.德Israeliten，三。37, 139, 161; Kayserling, in Winter and Wünsche, Die Jüdische Literatur, iii.37，139，161; Kayserling，在冬季和Wünsche，模具Jüdische Literatur，三。751 et seq.; Jacobs and Wolf, Bibl.751起。; Jacobs和狼，Bibl。Anglo-Jud.英士。pp. 199 et seq.; Urtext und Uebersetzungen der Bibel, in Real-Encykl.页。199起。; Urtext北达科Uebersetzungen明镜比贝尔，在实时Encykl。für Protest. Theologie und Kirche, vol.献给抗议。神学与Kirche，第一卷。iii., Leipsic, 1897.TG三。，普西克，1897.TG
As an intepretation of the Hebrew text of the Bible the Targum had its place both in the synagogal liturgy and in Biblical instruction, while the reading of the Bible text combined with the Targum in the presence of the congregation assembled for public worship was an ancient institution which dated from the time of the Second Temple, and was traced back to Ezra by Rab when he interpreted the word "meforash" (Neh. viii. 8) as referring to the Targum (Meg. 3a; Ned. 37b; comp. Yer. Meg. 74d, line 48, Gen. R. xxxvi., end).作为根旅游解说圣经的希伯来文圣经的指示了它的位置都在synagogal礼仪和，而崇拜阅读组装公众聚集的联合圣经文本的存在与根是一个古老的机构这给了当时的第二圣殿，并追查以斯拉由RAB返回时，他解释说“meforash”（尼希米记八。8）指的是根（meg.局长3A条;奈德。第37B;可比。也门里亚尔。梅格。74d，第48行，将军河三十六。月底）。 The rules for reading the Targum are formulated in the Halakah (see Meg. iii. and the Talmud ad loc.; Tosef., Meg. iv.).根规则的阅读，制定的Halakah（见梅格。三。塔木德和广告同上。; Tosef。，梅格。四。）。The Targum was to be read after every verse of the parashiyyot of the Pentateuch, and after every third verse of the lesson from the Prophets.这根摩西五是要读的诗句后，每对parashiyyot，经过每一个先知第三诗句从教训。Excepting the Scroll of Esther, which might be read by two persons in turn, only one person might read the Targum, as the Pentateuch or prophetic section also was read by a single person.以斯帖画卷的除外，这可能是把两个人在阅读中，只有一人可能读根，或预言的摩西五节也被人阅读的一个。Even a minor might read the Targum, although it was not fitting for him to do so when an adult had read the text.即使是轻微的可能读取的根，虽然它不适合为他这样做时，一个成年人在阅读的文本。Certain portions of the Bible, although read, were not translated (as Gen. xxxv. 22), while others were neither read nor translated (as Num. vi. 24-26; II Sam. xi.-xiii.). The reader was forbidden to prompt the translator, lest any one should say that the Targum was included in the text of the Bible (Ulla in Meg. 32a).某些部分的圣经，虽然读，没有翻译（如创三十五。22），而其他人既不识字，也不会翻译（如序号。六。24-26;二山姆。xi.，十三）。。读者被禁止提示翻译，否则任何人都不应说，根是梅格包括在乌拉圣经的文本（。32A条）。 With regard to the translation of Biblical passages, Judah ben Ilai, the pupil of Akiba, declared that whosoever rendered a verse of the Bible in its original form was a liar, while he who made additions was a blasphemer (Tosef., Meg., end; Ḳid. 49a; comp. the geonic responsum in Harkavy, "Responsen der Geonim," pp. 124 et seq., and the quotation from Midr. ha-Gadol in "JQR" vi. 425).关于段落翻译圣经，犹大本Ilai，学生的秋叶的宣布，凡提供圣经的形式在其原始的诗句的是一个骗子，而他是谁，所增加的渎神（Tosef.，梅格。，结束;孩子。49A条;可比。responsum在哈卡维若尼克，“Responsen明镜Geonim，”页。124起。以及Midr报价从。公顷，加多尔在“JQR”六。425）。 A passage in Ab.以抗体通过。 RN (Recension B, xii. [ed. Schechter, p. 24]) referring to R. Akiba's early training says that he studied the Bible and the Targum; but allusions to the Targum as a special subject of study in connection with the Bible are excessively rare.注册护士（修改本看乙，十二。[教育署。Schechter已，第24页]）指的是河秋叶的早期训练说，他研究圣经和根，但一专题研究圣经的典故，以在连接的根过分罕见。 It must be assumed, however, that the Targum was an integral part of the Biblical course of study designated as "Miḳra"; and Judah b.它必须假定，然而，有根是一个犹太湾的组成部分;和“米克拉圣经课程的学习定为”Ilai declared that only he who could read and translate the Bible might be regarded as a "ḳaryana," or one thoroughly versed in the Bible (Ḳid. 49a).伊莱宣称，只有他谁可以阅读和翻译圣经可能ḳaryana视为“，”第49A或一个彻底精通圣经（Ḳid.）。In Sifre, Deut.在Sifre，申命记。161 the Targum is mentioned as a branch of study intermediate between the Miḳra and the Mishnah. 161根是提到的一个研究分支之间的中间的米示拿的米克拉和。
Liturgical Use.礼仪使用。
The professional translator of the text of the Bible in the synagogue was called "targeman" ("torgeman," "metorgeman" ; the common pronunciation being Meturgeman; see Meg. iv. 4).该会堂的专业翻译的文本的圣经中被称为“targeman”（“托尔热曼”，“metorgeman”，中常见的发音被Meturgeman见梅格。四。4）。 His duties naturally formed part of the functions of the communal official ("sofer") who bad charge of Biblical instruction (see Yer. Meg. 74d).他的职责自然形成的正式组成部分公用的功能（“圣经，纳米技术指令”）坏谁负责（见也门里亚尔。梅格。74d）。Early in the fourth century Samuel ben Isaac, upon entering asynagogue, once saw a teacher ("sofer") read the Targum from a book, and bade him desist.早在4世纪塞缪尔本艾萨克，进入asynagogue，一旦看到了一名教师（“纳米技术，”）看书的根于，叫他停止。 This anecdote shows that there was a written Targum which was used for public worship in that century in Palestine, although there was no definitely determined and generally recognized Targum, such as existed in Babylonia.这个故事表明，有书面根是用来世纪在巴勒斯坦公众崇拜的，虽然没有明确确定和普遍公认的根，如巴比伦存在的研究。
Disuse.废用。
The story is told (Yer. Ber. 9c) that Jose b.这个故事告诉（Yer.误码率。9c）与何塞湾Abin, an amora of the second half of the fourth century, reprehended those who read a Targum to Lev.阿斌，一个世纪阿莫拉第四届下半年，reprehended那些谁读1根到列弗。xxii.22。28 which laid a biased emphasis on the view that the command contained in that verse was based on God's mercy (this same paraphrase is still found in the Palestinian Targum); see also the statements on the erroneous translation of Ex. 28奠定巴勒斯坦根）有偏见的重点在命令所包含的观点，即在这诗句是基于神的怜悯（此发现在同样的意译仍见也是错误的翻译前的发言在。xii.十二。8, Lev. vi.8，列弗。六。7, and Deut.7，申命记。xxvi.二十六。4 in Yer.4层。Bik.碧。65d; as well as Yer. 65D条，以及也门里亚尔。Kil. viii., end, on Deut.吉。八。月底，在申命记。xiv.十四。5; and Meg.5;和梅格。iii.三。10 on Lev.10列弗。xviii.十八。21.21。In addition to the anecdotes mentioned above, there are earlier indications that the Targum was committed to writing, although for private reading only.除了上述的轶事，有早期迹象表明，根书面承诺，但只作私人阅读。 Thus, the Mishnah states (Yad. iv. 5) that portions of the text of the Bible were "written as a Targum," these doubtless being Biblical passages in an Aramaic translation; and a tannaitic tradition (Shab. 115a; Tosef., Shab. xiv.; Yer. Shab. 15c; Massek. Soferim v. 15) refers to an Aramaic translation of the Book of Job which existed in written form at the time of Gamaliel I., and which, after being withdrawn from use, reappeared in the lifetime of his grandson Gamaliel II.因此，米示拿州（Yad.四。五）圣经部分的案文是“写为根”，这些无疑是一个阿拉姆语翻译的圣经段落，以及一个tannaitic传统（Shab. 115A条; Tosef。，沙巴。十四。;层。沙巴。15C条;马塞克。Soferim诉15），是指一，哪些阿拉姆语翻译书的是工作而存在的书面形式，在时间加马利亚一，使用后退出，重新出现在他的一生二孙子加马利亚。 The Pentateuchal Targum, which was made the official Targum of the Babylonian schools, was at all events committed to writing and redacted as early as the third century, since its Masorah dates from the first half of that century.该Pentateuchal根，这是学校官方的巴比伦根的，是在公元三世纪的所有事件致力于写作和节录早，因为它Masorah日期从这个世纪上半叶。 Two Palestinian amoraim of the same century urged the individual members of the congregation to read the Hebrew text of the weekly parashah twice in private and the Targum once, exactly as was done in public worship: Joshua ben Levi recommended this practise to his sons (Ber. 8b), while Ammi, a pupil of Johanan, made it a rule binding on every one (ib. 8a).两名巴勒斯坦amoraim同一世纪的呼吁众的个别成员阅读parashah两次的根在私人和希伯来文的每周一次，这样做是完全一样的公共崇拜：约书亚本列维推荐这种做法对他的儿子（苏贝。8B条），而阿米，一加利亚的学生，使之成为第8A条约束每一个（ib.第）。 These two dicta were especially instrumental in authorizing the custom of reciting the Targum; and it was considered a religious duty even in later centuries, when Aramaic, the language of the Targum, was no longer the vernacular of the Jews.这两个工具性论述尤为根在授权自定义的朗诵，以及它被认为是犹太人的宗教义务，甚至在以后的几个世纪，当阿拉姆语的，语言的根，没有较长的白话文。 Owing to the obsolescence of the dialect, however, the strict observance of the custom ceased in the days of the first geonim.由于方言过时的，但是，自定义严格遵守停止在第一天的geonim的。About the middle of the ninth century the gaon Naṭronai ben Hilai reproached those who declared that they could dispense with the "Targum of the scholars" because the translation in their mother tongue (Arabic) was sufficient for them (see Müller, "Einleitung in die Responsen der Geonen," p. 106).关于中第九届世纪gaon的Naṭronai本Hilai谴责那些谁宣布，他们可以免除学者“的根”，因为他们的母亲在舌头翻译（阿拉伯语），足以为他们（见穆勒，“死在导论Responsen明镜Geonen“，第106页）。
At the end of the ninth or in the beginning of the tenth century Judah ibn Ḳuraish sent a letter to the community of Fez, in which he reproved the members for neglecting the Targum, saying that he was surprised to hear that some of them did not read the Targum to the Pentateuch and the Prophets, although the custom of such a perusal had always been observed in Babylonia, Egypt, Africa, and Spain, and had never been abrogated.在Ḳuraish结束第九，在伊本一开始的10世纪犹太致函非斯共同体，在责备他的根忽视的成员，他说，他很惊讶地听到他们的一些不阅读根的五和先知，虽然阅读习惯这样一个一直在西班牙发现巴比伦，埃及，非洲和，并没有被废除。 Hai Gaon (d. 1038) was likewise much astonished to hear that the reading of the Targum had been entirely abandoned in Spain, a fact which he had not known before (Müller, lcp 211); and Samuel ha-Nagid (d. 1056) also sharply criticized the scholars who openly advocated the omission of the reading of it, although according to him the Targum was thus neglected only in the northern provinces of that country (see the responsum in Berliner, "Onḳelos," ii. 169).海Gaon（草1038），同样非常惊讶地听到读的根已经完全放弃了在西班牙，1）其实这是他以前不知道（米勒，LCP的211;和塞缪尔公顷，Nagid（逝世1056 ）还尖锐地批评了它的学者谁在公然鼓吹遗漏读，虽然根据他的根就这样被忽视的国内唯一省份，在北部（见柏林responsum在“昂克劳，”二。169）。 As a matter of fact, however, the custom did entirely cease in Spain; and only in southern Arabia has it been observed until the present time (see Jacob Saphir, "Eben Sappir," i. 53b; Berliner, lcp 172), although the Targum to the hafṭarot, together with introductions and poems in Aramaic, long continued to be read in some rituals (see Zunz, "GV" pp. 410, 412; idem, "Literaturgesch." pp. 21 et seq. ; idem, "Ritus," pp. 53, 60 et seq., 81; Bacher, in "Monatsschrift," xxii. 220-223).作为一个事实问题的，但是，自定义没有完全停止在西班牙，只有在阿拉伯南部有没有被观察到现在的时间（见雅各布Saphir，“埃本Sappir，”一53B条，柏林，LCP的172），虽然在hafṭarot根的，连同引进和阿拉姆语诗，长期继续阅读一些仪式（见Zunz，“颗粒”页。410，412;同上，“Literaturgesch。”页。21起。;同上， “Ritus，”页。53，60起。，81;巴切尔，在“月刊，”22。220-223）。In the synagogues of Bokhara the Persian Jews read the Targum, together with the Persian paraphrase of it, to the hafṭarah for the last day of Passover (Isa. x. 32-xii.; see "Zeit. für Hebr. Bibl." iv. 181). The Aramaic translations of the Bible which have survived include all the books excepting Daniel and Ezra (together with Nehemiah), which, being written in great part in Aramaic, have no Targum, although one may have existed in ancient times.犹太人在犹太教堂的布哈拉波斯读根，连同它的波斯意译，到第十二hafṭarah为逾越节的最后一天（以赛亚书十32。见“宰特。献给黑布尔。Bibl。”四。181）。存活的阿拉姆语的翻译圣经已包括所有的书除外丹尼尔和以斯拉（连同尼希米记），其中，笔试部分是阿拉姆在伟大的，没有根，虽然有可能有时间存在于古代。
Targumim to the Pentateuch:Targumim的五：
1. 1。
Targum Onḳelos or Babylonian Targun: The official Targum to the Pentateuch, which subsequently gained currency and general acceptance throughout the Babylonian schools, and was therefore called the "Babylonian Targum" (on the tosafistic name "Targum Babli" see Berliner, lcp 180; "Mordekai" on Giṭ. ix., end, mentions an old "Targum Babli" which was brought from Rome).根Onḳelos或巴比伦塔尔京：官方根的五，随后获得了货币和巴比伦整个学校普遍接受，并因此被称为“巴比伦根”（在tosafistic名称“根Babli”看柏林，LCP的180;“ Mordekai“上的Git。九。月底，提到一老”根Babli“，这是从罗马带来的）。The title "Targum Onḳelos" is derived from the well-known passage in the Babylonian Talmud (Meg. 3a) which discusses the origin of the Targumim: "R. Jeremiah [or, according to another version, R. Ḥyya bar Abba] said: 'The Targum to the Pentateuch was composed by the proselyte Onḳelos at the dictation of R. Eliezer and R. Joshua.'" This statement is undoubtedly due to error or ignorance on the part of the scholars of Babylonia, who applied to the Aramaic translation of the Pentateuch the tradition current in Palestine regarding the Greek version of Aquila.标题“根Onḳelos”是来自河耶利米[或著名的通行巴比伦塔木德（meg.局长3A条的），其中讨论的起源Targumim：“根据另一个版本，河Ḥyya酒吧阿爸]说： ：'在五根的组成和R.约书亚所改变信仰埃利泽昂克劳在听写的河。'“这句话无疑是由于应用到阿拉姆向谁或者出于无知的错误就学者的东风，翻译五经的传统巴勒斯坦目前关于雕希腊版本。 According to Yer.据也门里亚尔。 Meg.梅格。71c, "Aquila the proselyte translated the Pentateuch in the presence of R. Eliezer and R. Joshua, who praised him in the words of Ps. xlv. 3." 71C条，“雕的proselyte翻译五经的PS中存在的河埃利泽和R.约书亚，谁的话都称赞他。第四十五。3。”In this passage, moreover, R. Jeremiah is described as transmitting the tradition on the authority of R. Ḥiyya bar Abba.在此通过，此外，河耶利米被描述为转递酒吧阿爸传统Ḥiyya河上的权威。There is no doubt that these accounts coincide: and the identity of and is also clear, so that Onḳelos and Aḳylas (Aquila) are one and the same person (but see Onḳelos).毫无疑问，这些账户相吻合：与认同，也是明确的，所以昂克劳和Aḳylas（雕）是一个与同一人（但参阅昂克劳）。 In the Babylonian Talmud only the first form of the name occurs; the second alone is found in the Palestinian Talmud; while even the Babylonian Talmud mentions Onḳelos as the author of the Targum only in the passage cited.在巴比伦塔木德只有名称的第一个形式出现，第二个才是举发现在巴勒斯坦塔木德，而即使是在提到昂克劳巴比伦塔木德作为作者的根只有通过。 The statements referring to Onḳelos as the author of the Aramaic translation of the Pentateuch originated in the post-Talmudic period, althoughthey are based entirely on Meg.该声明指塔木德期间昂克劳作为阿拉姆帖子的作者是翻译的五起源于，althoughthey完全是基于梅格。3a.3A条。The first citation of a targumic passage (on Gen. xlv. 27) with the direct statement "Onḳelos has translated" occurs in Pirḳe R. El.第四十五将军首次引用的一项关于targumic通过（27。昂克劳）与直接的声明“已译成”发生在pirḳe传译下午。xxxviii. The gaon Sar Shalom, writing in the ninth century, expressed himself as follows on the Targum Onḳelos: "The Targum of which the sages spoke is the one which we now have in our hands; no sanctity attaches to the other Targumim. We have heard it reported as the tradition of ancient sages that God wrought a great thing [miracle] for Onḳelos when He permitted him to compose the Targum."三十八。gaon的范德萨的沙洛姆，写在第九世纪，表示自己是在根昂克劳如下：“本根圣人发言，其中之一是，我们现在已经在我们的手中，没有神圣的重视，其他Targumim。我们听到有人报告为古代圣人的传统，上帝创造了一个伟大的事情[为昂克劳奇迹]时，他允许他撰写的根。“ In a similar fashion Maimonides speaks of Onḳelos as the bearer of ancient exegetic traditions and as a thorough master of Hebrew and Aramaic (see Bacher, "Die Bibelexegese Moses Maimunis," pp. 38-42). The designation "Targum Onḳelos" was accordingly established in the early portion of the geonic period, and can no longer be effaced from the terminology of Jewish learning.在谈到类似的方式迈蒙尼德昂克劳作为旗手的传统古44-48作为和阿拉姆彻底掌握希伯来文（见巴切尔，“模具Bibelexegese摩西Maimunis，”页。38-42）。指定“根Onḳelos”遂成立于geonic期间的早期部分，可以不再学习抹去从犹太人的术语。
Babylonian Influence.巴比伦的影响。
The accepted Targum to the Pentateuch has a better claim to the title "Targum Babli" (Babylonian Targum), as has already been explained.在接受根的五有较好的声称，题目是“根Babli”（巴比伦根），正如已经解释。It is noteworthy, moreover, that the Jews of Yemen received this Targum, like that to the Prophets, with the Babylonian punctuation (see Merx, "Chrestomathia Targumica"); and the colophon of a De Rossi codex states that a Targum with Babylonian punctuation was brought to Europe (Italy) from Babylon in the twelfth century, a copy with the Tiberian punctuation being made from it (see Berliner, lc ii. 134).值得注意的是，此外，也门犹太人收到此根，这样的先知，与巴比伦标点符号（见Merx，“Chrestomathia Targumica”）和国家跋的德罗西法典，一个标点符号根与巴比伦被带到（意大利）从巴比伦到欧洲在12世纪，一个标点符号复制与泰伯利亚正在从它（见柏林，立法会二。134）。 In the Babylonian Talmud the accepted Targum is called "our Targum," thus connoting the Targum of Babylonia or of the Babylonian academies (Ḳid. 49a, "Targum didan," for which Maimonides, in his "Yad," Ishut, viii. 4, substitutes "Targum Onḳelos").在巴比伦塔木德在接受根被称为“我们的根”，从而connoting院校根的东风或巴比伦（Ḳid.49A条，“根吉詹”等，迈蒙尼德，在他的“屠杀”，伊莎特，八。四，取代“根Onḳelos”）。 Passages from the Targum are cited with great frequency in the Babylonian Talmud with the introductory remark "As we translate" (Berliner lcp 112), and the Babylonian geonim also speak of "our Targum" as contrasted with the Palestinian Targum (see Hai Gaon in Harkavy, lc Nos. 15, 248).根通道，从被引用次数与伟大的巴比伦塔木德在与开场白112“作为我们翻译”（柏林LCP的），以及巴比伦geonim还讲“我们的根”的对比与巴勒斯坦根（见海Gaon在哈卡维，立法会第15，248）。
The Targum Onḳelos, moreover, shows traces of Babylonian influence in its language, since its vocabulary contains: (1) Aramaic words which occur elsewhere in the Babylonian vernacular, eg, the Hebrew ("to see") is always translated by , and not by the Palestinian , while the Hebrew ("round about") is rendered by and not by ; (2) Aramaic words used to render Greek words found in the Palestinian Targum; (3) a few Persian words, including "naḥshirkan" (hunter; Gen. xxv. 27); and "enderun" (ib. xliii. 30) instead of the Greek κοιτών found in the Palestinian Targum.根Onḳelos，此外，显示语言的痕迹，它的巴比伦的影响，因为它的词汇内容包括：（1）阿拉姆字眼其他地方发生的巴比伦白话，例如，希伯来文（“看”）始终是翻译的，而不是由巴勒斯坦，而希伯来文（“轮约”）是由提供的，而不是（2）阿拉姆用字，使巴勒斯坦根希腊字中找到;（3）数波斯话，包括“naḥshirkan”（猎人;创二十五。27）和“enderun”（同上四十三。30），而不是希腊κοιτών根发现在巴勒斯坦人。 These peculiarities, however, justify only the assumption that the final redaction of the Targum Onḳelos was made in Babylonia; for its diction does not resemble in any other respects the Aramaic diction found in the Babylonian Talmud; indeed, as Nöldeke has shown ("Mandäische Grammatik," p. xxvii.), "the official Targum, although redacted in Babylonia, is composed in a dialect fundamentally Palestinian."这些特殊性，但是，理由只有巴比伦根的假设，即最后编辑的昂克劳在了;其辞不象在任何其他方面的阿拉姆语辞中找到巴比伦犹太法典，事实上，作为Nöldeke已经显示（“Mandäische Grammatik“，页二十七。），”这位官员根，虽然在东风节录，组成一个方言根本巴勒斯坦人。“This statement is confirmed by the text of the Targum Onḳelos, by the results of historical investigations of its origin, and by a comparison of it with the Palestinian Targum.这项声明也证实了昂克劳文字的根，其原产地的调查结果的历史，并以根比较它与巴勒斯坦人。These researches into its history show that the Targum which was made the official one was received by the Babylonian authorities from Palestine, whence they had taken the Mishnah, the Tosefta, and the halakic midrashim on the Pentateuch.这些研究把它的历史表明，这是巴勒斯坦根的官员1巴比伦收到当局从，从那里，他们已采取的mishnah，在陀瑟他和摩西五halakic米大示的。 The content of the Targum shows, moreover, that it was composed in Palestine in the second century; for both in its halakic and in its haggadic portions it may be traced in great part to the school of Akiba, and especially to the tannaim of that period (see F. Rosenthal in "Bet Talmud," vols. ii.-iii.; Berliner, lcp 107).的节目内容的根，而且，这是巴勒斯坦组成的第二世纪，为在其halakic并在其haggadic部分它可能是部分追溯到伟大的秋叶在学校的，特别是到了该tannaim期间（见下注楼罗森塔尔在塔木德“，”第一卷和第二卷。白介素- 3。;柏林，LCP的107）。The Targum Onḳelos can not be compared unqualifiedly with the Palestinian Targum, however, since the latter has been preserved only in a much later form; moreover the majority of those fragments which are earliest seem to be later than the redaction of the Targum Onḳelos.根Onḳelos无法比拟unqualifiedly与巴勒斯坦根，但是，因为后者已保存的形式只有在晚得多，而且大多数的昂克劳这些碎片是最早似乎是不迟于根的节录本。 Yet even in this form the Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch furnishes sufficient evidence that the two Targumim were originally identical, as is evident from many verses in which they agree word for word, such as Lev.然而，在这种形式的巴勒斯坦根的五furnishes更充分的证据，这两个Targumim原来相同的，这一点从许多诗句作为列夫在其中，这样的话，他们同意的话。 vi.六。3, 4, 6-7, 9, 11, 18-20, 22-23. 3，4，6-7，9，11，18-20，22-23。The difference between the two is due to two facts: (1) the Pentateuchal Targum of the tannaitic period was subjected to a thorough and systematic revision, which may have taken place in Palestine, this revision of subject-matter being followed by a textual revision to make it conform with the vernacular of the Babylonian Jews; and (2) the version of the Targum resulting from this double revision was accepted and committed to writing by the Babylonian academies.这两个差异是由于两个事实：（1）tannaitic期间pentateuchal的根在遭到了彻底的和系统的修改，这可能已发生在巴勒斯坦，这一问题修订的主题是跟一个文本的修订使其符合白话文的巴比伦的犹太人，以及（2）根的版本造成的这种双重修订被接受，并致力于院校书面巴比伦。
Peculiarities.特殊性。
Despite the fact that the Targum was thus reduced to a fixed form in Babylonia, the Palestinian meturgemanim had full license to revise and amplify it, so that the final redaction as it now exists in the so-called "Targum pseudo-Jonathan" (and this is true in even a greater degree of the "Fragmenten-Targum" mentioned below), though it was made as late as the seventh century, approximates the original Targum much more closely both in diction and in content, and includes many elements earlier than the Targum bearing the name of Onḳelos and belonging in its final form to the third century. The Masorah on the Targum Onḳelos is first mentioned in the "Patshegen," a commentary on this same Targum, written in the thirteenth century; it was edited by Berliner (1877), and reedited in alphabetical order by Landauer ("Letterbode," viii., ix.).尽管东风根是事实，从而降低了在一个固定的组成，巴勒斯坦meturgemanim有充分的许可修订和健全，所以，最后的节录，因为它现在存在于乔纳森所谓的“根伪”（和这是真的甚至在更大程度下面提到的的“Fragmenten”，根），虽然它写了世纪迟至第七，接近原来的根更加密切的内容无论在用词和，并包括许多内容早于昂克劳的根轴承名称和形式属于其最后的第三个世纪。Masorah上的第一次Patshegen根Onḳelos中提到“，”一本同根的评论，写在13世纪，它是由编辑柏林（1877年），和兰道尔在按英文字母顺序辨伪（“Letterbode，”八。，九。）。 This Masorah contains statements concerning the divergencies between the schools of Sura and Nehardea, exactly as the Talmud (Zeb. 54a; Sanh. 99b) alludes to controversies between Rab and Levi over individual words in the Targum.这Masorah包含有关报表和Nehardea之间的分歧苏拉学校Zeb. 54A条，完全一样的塔木德（;倩。99B号）暗示列维之间的争议，并在根饶个别词。The system followed in the revision of the subject-matter which resulted in the Targum Onḳelos becomes clear when the latter is compared with the Palestinian Targum.该系统遵循昂克劳根修订的主题是导致这一问题变得清晰时，后者是根比巴勒斯坦人。The principal object being to conform the Targum as closely as possible to the original text both in diction and in content, explanatory notes were omitted, and the Hebrew words were translated according to their etymological meaning, although the geographical names were retainedin their Hebrew form almost without exception, and the grammatical structure of the Hebrew was closely followed.主要目的是要符合原文的内容都在用字上，在尽可能根，解释性说明被省略，和希伯来文的话被翻译根据其词源意义，虽然他们的地名是希伯来文的形式几乎retainedin没有例外，希伯来文语法结构紧随其后。 The paraphrastic style of translation affected by the Targumim generally, in order to obviate all anthropomorphisms in reference to God, is observed with special care in the Targum Onḳelos, which employs paraphrases also in the poetic sections of the Pentateuch and in many other cases.对神意译参考的风格翻译受Targumim一般来说，在anthropomorphisms为了避免一切，是观察特殊照顾的根Onḳelos，所聘请的释义也诗的五节和许多其他案件。 In some instances the original paraphrase is abbreviated in order that the translation may not exceed the length of the text too greatly; consequently this Targum occasionally fails to represent the original, as is evident from paraphrases preserved in their entirety in the Palestinian Targum, as in the case of Gen. iv.在某些情况下，极大地套用在原来略以便翻译不得超过文本的长度也;因此这根偶尔未能代表原来，这一点从他们的根释义全部保存在巴勒斯坦，如第四案的将军。 7, 10; xlix.7，10;第四十九章。 3, 22; Ex.3，22;前。xiv.十四。15; Num. xxiv.15;序号。24。 4; and Deut.4，和申命记。 xxix.第29届。17.17。An example of an abbreviated paraphrase is found also in the Targum Onḳelos to Deut.套用一个例子缩写昂克劳也发现在根到申命记。 i.岛44, as compared with the paraphrase in Soṭah 48b made by a Babylonian amora of the third century. 44，比本世纪套用在Soṭah第三48B条阿莫拉所提出的由巴比伦。
Supposed Authorship.所谓著作权。
2. 2。
The Palestinian Targum (Targum Yerushalmi): A responsum of Hai Gaon, already cited with reference to the Targumim, answers the question concerning the "Targum of the Land of Israel [Palestine]" in the following words: "We do not know who composed it, nor do we even know this Targum, of which we have heard only a few passages. If there is a tradition among them [the Palestinians] that it has been made the subject of public discourse since the days of the ancient sages [here follow the names of Palestinian amoraim of the third and fourth centuries], it must be held in the same esteem as our Targum; for otherwise they would not have allowed it. But if it is less ancient, it is not authoritative. It is very improbable, however, in our opinion, that it is of later origin" (comp. "REJ" xlii. 235).巴勒斯坦根（根•耶路莎米）：甲加翁responsum海，已经提到参照Targumim，回答了这个问题有关的下列土地在以色列的[巴勒斯坦]“话”的根：“我们不知道谁组成它，我们也不知道这根，我们所听到的只有少数几个通道。如果有一个传统，他们之间[巴勒斯坦]，它已经取得了古代圣贤天以来的公开演讲的题目[这里按照世纪]的第四名巴勒斯坦亚摩兰的第三，它必须被扣押在同一自尊作为我们的根，否则他们也不会允许它。但如果它是那么古老，它是不具有权威性。这是非常不可能的，但是，我们认为，这是后来起源“（comp.的”相互执行判决“四十二。235）。 The following statement is quoted ("Kol Bo," § 37) in the name of R. Meïr of Rothenburg (13th cent.) with reference to the Targum: "Strictly speaking, we should recite the weekly section with the Targum Yerushalmi, since it explains the Hebrew text in fuller detail than does our Targum; but we do not possess it, and we follow, moreover, the custom of the Babylonians."下面的语句是引用（“Kol人柏”，§ 37）的名称（梅尔的罗河的13美分。）参照根：“严格地说，我们要背诵的耶路莎米，每周一节，因为同根它详细地解释了更充分的希伯来文比没有我们的根，但我们不拥有它，我们遵循，而且，巴比伦人的习俗。“ Both these statements indicate that the Palestinian Targum was rarely found in the Middle Ages, although it was frequently quoted after the eleventh century (see Zunz, "GV" pp. 66 et seq.), especially in the "'Aruk" of Nathan b.这两个声明表明，巴勒斯坦根很少发现年龄在中东，虽然它经常被引用11世纪后（见Zunz，“颗粒”页。66起。），特别是在“'Aruk”弥敦道b 。Jehiel, which explains many words found in it.耶歇，这解释了许多话中找到它。Another Italian, Menahem b.另一位意大利，梅纳昂湾Solomon, took the term "Yerushalmi" (which must be interpreted as in the title "Talmud Yerushalmi") literally, and quoted the Palestinian Targum with the prefatory remark, "The Jerusalemites translated," or "The Targum of the People of the Holy City."所罗门，采取了术语“耶路莎米”（这必须被解释为标题中的“塔木德耶路莎米”）字面上看，并引述了前言的说法与巴勒斯坦根说：“耶路撒冷翻译”或“圣根的人民城“。 After the fourteenth century Jonathan b.14世纪后，乔纳森湾Uzziel, author of the Targum to the Prophets, was believed to have been the author of the Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch also, the first to ascribe this work to him being Menahem Recanati in his commentary on the Pentateuch.乌薛，根的作者向先知，被认为已提交的根在巴勒斯坦的摩西五还，首先归因于这一工作，他就被梅纳昂五经在他的评注雷卡纳蒂。 This error was probably due to an incorrect analysis of the abbreviation (= "Targum Yerushalmi"), which was supposed to denote "Targum Jonathan."这个错误可能是由于一个缩写（不正确的分析=“根•耶路莎米”），这是应该表示“根乔纳森。”The statement in the Zohar (i. 89a, on Gen. xv. 1) that Onḳelos translated the Torah, and Jonathan the Miḳra, does not mean, as Ginsburger thinks ("Pseudo-Jonathan," p. viii.), that according to the Zohar Jonathan translated the entire Bible, and thus the Pentateuch; but the word "Miḳra" here refers to the Prophets (see "REJ" xxii. 46).该89A条语句在佐哈尔（岛，在将军十五。1）昂克劳翻译的圣经，和乔纳森的米克拉，这并不意味着，作为金斯布格尔认为（“伪乔纳森，”第8页。）说，根据该佐哈尔乔纳森翻译整个圣经，因此，摩西五，但“米克拉”在这里指的是先知（见“相互执行判决”22。46）。 It is possible, however, that the view, first advanced by Recanati, that Jonathan composed also a Targum on the Pentateuch, was due to a misinterpretation of the passage in the Zohar.这是可能的，但是，该视图，首先雷卡纳蒂先进的，这也是摩西五乔纳森根组成的，是由于误解的佐哈尔的通道研究。Azariah dei Rossi, who lived in the sixteenth century, states ("Me'or 'Enayim," ed. Wilna, p. 127) that he saw two manuscripts of the Palestinian Targum which agreed in every detail, one of which was entitled "Targum Yerushalmi" and the other "Targum Jonathan b. Uzziel."台达电子亚撒利雅罗西，谁住在16世纪，各国（“Me'or'Enayim，”版。威尔娜，第127页），他看到两个手稿的题为巴勒斯坦根同意在每一个细节的，其中之一是“根耶路莎米“和其他”根乔纳森湾乌薛。“ The editio princeps of the complete Palestinian Targum was printed from the latter (Venice, 1591), thus giving currency to the erroneous title.完成巴勒斯坦根的埃迪蒂奥princeps的是从后者印刷（威尼斯，1591），从而使货币的错误标题。
Relation to Onḳelos.昂克劳关系。
In addition to the complete Palestinian Targum (pseudo-Jonathan) there exist fragments of the Palestinian Targum termed "Targum Yerushalmi"; but of these fragments, comprised under the generic term "Fragment-Targum," only those were until recently known which were first published in Bomberg's "Biblia Rabbinica" in 1518 on the basis of Codex Vaticanus No. 440.除了完整的巴勒斯坦根（伪乔纳森）片段存在所谓的巴勒斯坦根在“根•耶路莎米”，但这些碎片，首先由下统称“片段根是，”只有那些已知的，直到最近根据食品法典委员会公布了第440号Vaticanus在邦贝里的“关于Biblia Rabbinica”在1518年。A few years ago, however, Ginsburger edited under the title "Das Fragmententhargum" (Berlin, 1899) a number of other fragments from manuscript sources, especially from Codex Parisiensis No. 110, as well as the quotations from the Targum Yerushalmi found in ancient authors.几年前，但是，金斯布格尔编辑，题目是“达斯Fragmententhargum”（柏林，1899年）一源的数目从110手稿其他碎片，尤其是食品Parisiensis号，以及根的报价从耶路莎米发现古代作家。 This work rendered a large amount of additional material available for the criticism of the Palestinian Targum, even though a considerable advance had already been made by Bassfreund in his "Fragmenten-Targum zum Pentateuch" (see "Monatsschrift," 1896, xl.). The general views concerning the Palestinian Targum and its relation to Onḳelos have been modified but slightly by these new publications.这项工作提供大量的巴勒斯坦根的附加材料可用于批评，即使是一大进步已经Bassfreund言在他的“Fragmenten，根zum五经”（见“月刊，”1896年，xl的影响。）。一般的看法有关巴勒斯坦根及其与昂克劳已被修改，但稍这些新的出版物。 Although the relation of the Targum Yerushalmi to Onḳelos has already been discussed, it may be added here that the complete Palestinian Targum, as it is found in the pseudo-Jonathan, is not earlier than the seventh century; for it mentions Ayeshah ('A'ishah) (or, according to another reading, Khadija [Ḥadijah]) and Fatima, the wife and daughter of Mohammed, as wives of Ishmael, who was regarded as Mohammed's ancestor.虽然耶路莎米关系的根，以昂克劳已经讨论过，可以在这里说，完整的巴勒斯坦根，因为它是乔纳森发现的伪，是不早于公元7世纪，因为它提到Ayeshah（'阿'ishah）（或根据另一阅读，卡蒂嘉[Ḥadijah]）和法蒂玛，穆罕默德的妻子和女儿，作为妻子的祖先以实玛利，谁是被视为穆罕默德。 It originated, moreover, at a period when the Targum Onḳelos was exercising its influence on the Occident; for the redactor of the Palestinian Targum in this form combined many passages of the two translations as they now exist in the Targum Yerushalmi and the Targum.它起源，而且欧美，在一期时的根Onḳelos是在行使其影响，为根修订者的巴勒斯坦根和根耶路莎米在这个结合的形式存在于许多人现在通道两个译本他们。 Onḳelos (see "ZDMG" xxviii. 69 et seq.), besides revealing his dependence on the Onḳelos in other respects as well.昂克劳（见“ZDMG”二十八。69起。），除了暴露了他昂克劳依赖在其他方面也。The fragments of the Targum Yerushalmi are not all contemporaneous; and many passages contain several versions of the same verses, while certain sections are designated as additions ("tosefta").根耶路莎米片段的并不都是同时代的，还有许多同样的经文段落包含多个版本的，而有些部分补充指定为（“陀瑟他”）。 The text of the majority of the fragments is older than the pseudo-Jonathan; and these remnants, which frequently consist of a single word only or of a portion of a verse, have been fused according to a principle which can no longer berecognized; but they may have consisted in part of glosses written by some copyist on the margin of the Onḳelos, although without system and thus without completeness.片段的纯文字的大部分是年纪比伪乔纳森，而这些残余，这往往由一个单一的词或一首诗只有一个部分，融合了根据这个原则，不能再berecognized，但他们可能在昂克劳组成部分的美化保证金抄写写了一些关于因此，虽然没有系统的和不完备性。 Many of these fragments, especially the haggadic paraphrases, agree with the pseudo-Jonathan, which may, on the other hand, be older than some of them.许多这些碎片，尤其是haggadic释义，同意伪乔纳森，这可能，另一方面，一些比他们更老的。In like manner, haggadic additions were made in later centuries to the text of the Targum, so that an African manuscript of the year 1487 alludes to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453.同样，haggadic增加了言在以后的几百年的根文本的，这样，今年非洲手稿1487影射君士坦丁堡由土耳其人在1453年的捕获。 Early in the twelfth century Judah ben Barzillai wrote as follows with regard to these additions: "The Palestinian Targum contains haggadic sayings added by those who led in prayer and who also read the Targum, insisting that these sayings be recited in the synagogue as interpretations of the text of the Bible."早在12世纪犹太本巴西莱说如下这些方面的补充：“巴勒斯坦根包含根读haggadic谚语说的那些谁领导，谁也祈祷，坚持认为这些说法是背诵的犹太教堂作为在解释圣经的文本。“ Despite the numerous additions to the Palestinian Targum, and notwithstanding the fact that the majority of the fragments are of later date than Onḳelos, both pseudo-Jonathan and the fragments contain much that has survived from a very early period; indeed, the nucleus of the Palestinian Targum is older than the Babylonian, which was redacted from it.尽管巴勒斯坦根的众多增补，尽管事实上大多数的碎片是日后比昂克劳，既伪乔纳森和片段包含了许多具有存活期从很早，事实上，原子核的巴根是早于巴比伦，这是由它节录。
Targum to the Prophets:根的预言：
Targum Jonathan.根乔纳森。
1. 1。
The Official Targum to the Prophets: Like the Targum Onḳelos to the Pentateuch the Targum to the Books of the Prophets gained general recognition in Babylonia in the third century; and from the Babylonian academies it was carried throughout the Diaspora.官方根的预言：像根Onḳelos的根的先知摩西五向书本在巴比伦普遍承认，在第三世纪，从院校的散居在整个巴比伦是通过。 It originated, however, in Palestine, and was then adapted to the vernacular of Babylonia; so that it contains the same linguistic peculiarities as the Targum Onḳelos, including sporadic instances of Persian words (eg, "enderun," Judges xv. 1, xvi. 12; Joel ii. 16; "dastaka" = "dastah," Judges iii. 22).它起源，然而，在巴勒斯坦，并适应了当时巴比伦白话的，所以它包含的（例如，同样的语言特点为根波斯文字昂克劳，包括零星的实例“enderun，”法官十五。一，十六。第12条;乔尔二。16，“dastaka”=“dastah，”法官三。22）。 In cases where the Palestinian and Babylonian texts differ, this Targum follows the latter ("madinḥa'e"; see Pinsker, "Einleitung in die Babylonische Punktuation," p. 124).在情况下，巴勒斯坦和巴比伦文字有所不同，这根遵循后者（“madinḥa'e”，见平斯克，Babylonische Punktuation“导论中死了，”第124页）。It originated, like the Targum to the Pentateuch, in the reading, during the service, of a translation from the Prophets, together with the weekly lesson.它起源，像摩西五根的，在阅读，在先知的服务，从翻译，再加上每周一课。It is expressly stated in the Babylonian Talmud that the Targum accepted in Babylonia was Palestinian in origin; and a tannaitic tradition is quoted in the passage already cited from Megillah (3a), which declares that the Targum to the Prophets was composed by Jonathan b. Uzziel "from the mouths of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi," thus implying that it was based on traditions derived from the last prophets.这是明文规定在巴比伦塔木德说，根在接受巴勒斯坦在巴比伦的起源，以及一tannaitic传统是在已经通过引用，引述Megillah（3A）条，宣布该湾由乔纳森根组成的先知是乌薛“从玛拉基书的嘴哈，撒迦利亚，”这就意味着，这是基于去年的先知来自于传统。 The additional statements that on this account the entire land of Israel was shaken and that a voice from heaven cried: "Who hath revealed my secrets to the children of men?"新增的男子声明，这个帐户在整个以色列的土地被动摇，而且从天上有声音叫道：“谁发现我的秘密儿童的？”are simply legendary reflections of the novelty of Jonathan's undertaking, and of the disapprobation which it evoked.是乔纳森的承诺只是传说中的新颖性的反思，以及它所引起的非难。The story adds that Jonathan wished to translate the Hagiographa also, but that a heavenly voice bade him desist.这个故事补充说，乔纳森希望把Hagiographa还，但在天上的声音叫他停止。The Targum to Job, which, as already noted, was withdrawn from circulation by Gamaliel I., may have represented the result of his attempts to translate the Hagiographa (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." i. 23 et seq.; 2d ed., pp. 20 et seq.).一，对工作的根，其中，如前所述，迦玛是由退出流通，可能代表的hagiographa结果他试图翻译（见巴切尔，“银。谈。”岛23起。;二维教育署。页。20起。）。 Jonathan b. Uzziel is named as Hillel's most prominent pupil (comp. Jew. Encyc. vi. 399, sv Hillel); and the reference to his Targum is at all events of historical value, so that there is nothing to controvert the assumption that it served as the foundation for the present Targum to the Prophets.乔纳森湾乌薛命名为希勒尔的最突出的学生（comp.的犹太人。Encyc。六。399，希沃特希勒尔）和根提到他的价值是在所有的历史事件，所以有什么可以controvert假设它充当先知的根基上为目前的根。 It was thoroughly revised, however, before it was redacted in Babylonia.这是彻底修改，但是，后来因为巴比伦节录研究。In the Babylonian Talmud it is quoted with especial frequency by Joseph, head of the Academy of Pumbedita (see Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 103), who says, with reference to two Biblical passages (Isa. viii. 6 and Zech. xii. 11): "If there were no Targum to it we should not know the meaning of these verses" (Sanh. 94b; M. Ḳ. 28b; Meg. 3a).在巴比伦塔木德是引用与Pumbedita特殊频率学院约瑟夫，头（见巴切尔，“银。巴布。奥马尔。”第103页），谁说，关于两个圣经段落（以赛亚八。 6日和撒加利亚。十二。11）：“如果没有这根到我们不应该知道这些诗句的意义”（Sanh. 94b;先生K表。28B款;梅格。3A条）。This shows that as early as the beginning of the fourth century the Targum to the Prophets was recognized as of ancient authority.这表明，早在根开始的第四个世纪的预言被确认为古代的权威。Hai Gaon apparently regarded Joseph as its author, since he cited passages from it with the words "Rab Joseph has translated" (commentary on Ṭohorot, quoted in the "'Aruk"; see Kohut, "Aruch Completum," ii. 293a, 308a).海Gaon显然认为约瑟夫作为其作者，因为他列举Ṭohorot通道从它改为“饶约瑟夫翻译了”关于（评注“中援引的'Aruk”，见胡特，“Aruch Completum，”二。经293A，308A的）。As a whole, this Targum resembles that of Onḳelos, although it does not follow the Hebrew text so closely, and paraphrases more freely, in harmony with the text of the prophetic books.整体而言，这根类似于昂克劳认为，虽然它不遵循希伯来文等密切合作，并释义更加自由和谐，与课本的预言。The Targum to the Prophets is undoubtedly the result of a single redaction.先知们根到的结果无疑是一个单一的节录。
Targum Yerushalmi.根耶路莎米。
2. 2。
A Palestinian Targum (Targum Yerushalmi): This Targum to the prophetic books of the Bible is frequently cited by early authors, especially by Rashi and David Ḳimḥi.一名巴勒斯坦根（根•耶路莎米）：本圣经书籍对根的预言是由早期作家经常引用，尤其是Rashi和大卫Ḳimḥi。The Codex Reuchlinianus, written in 1105 (ed. Lagarde, "Prophetæ Chaldaice," 1872), contains eighty extracts from the Targum Yerushalmi, in addition to many variants given in the margin under different designations, many of them with the note that they were taken from "another copy" of the Targum.食品Reuchlinianus，1105书面（编辑拉嘉德，“Prophetæ Chaldaice，”1872年），载有80根提取物的耶路莎米，除了不同的名称在很多变种保证金刊载于，其中许多人的注意，与他们来自“另一个根复制品”的。 Linguistically they are Palestinian in origin.他们在语言起源的巴勒斯坦人。Most of the quotations given in the Targum Yerushalmi are haggadic additions, frequently traceable to the Babylonian Talmud, so that this Palestinian Targum to the Prophets belongs to a later period, when the Babylonian Talmud had begun to exert an influence upon Palestinian literature.耶路莎米大多数的根在给定的报价是haggadic增加，经常可以追溯到巴比伦犹太法典，使这个巴勒斯坦根的预言属于后期，当巴比伦塔木德已开始发挥影响力呼吁巴勒斯坦文学1。 The relation of the variants of this Targum to the Babylonian Targum to the Prophets is, on the whole, the same as that of the fragments of the Palestinian Targum to the Onḳelos; and they show the changes to which the targumic text was subjected in the course of centuries, and which are shown also both by the earliest editions of the Targum to the Prophets and by their relation to the text of the Codex Reuchlinianus.根关系的这种变体的巴比伦根的预言是，就整体而言，根同巴勒斯坦作为，该片段到昂克劳以及他们的变化，以显示该targumic案文是在受到当然，百年来，这也显示了双方对根的最早版本的先知和他们有关的Reuchlinianus文本的法典。 This question is discussed in detail by Bacher, "Kritische Untersuchungen zum Prophetentargum" ("ZDMG" xxviii. 1-58).这个问题是详细讨论巴切尔，“克里蒂舍Untersuchungen zum Prophetentargum”（“ZDMG”二十八。1-58）。Additions ("tosefta.") to the Targum to the Prophets, similar in most cases to those in the Targum Yerushalmi, are also cited, especially by David Ḳimḥi.加成（“陀瑟他。”）根的案件，以最先知，类似于到那些在根耶路莎米，也提到，尤其是大卫Ḳimḥi。The chief extant portion of this Palestinian Targum is the translation of the hafṭarot (see Zunz, "GV" pp. 79, 412).巴勒斯坦首席根现存的部分，这是hafṭarot的翻译（见Zunz，“颗粒”页。79，412）。
Targum to the Hagiographa:根到hagiographa：
The Babylonian Targumim to the Pentateuch and that to the Prophets were the only ones which enjoyed official recognition; so that even in Babylonia there was no authorized Targum to the Hagiographa, since thisportion of the Bible furnished no sidrot for public worship.巴比伦Targumim的五，并以先知是官方承认的唯一的享受，因此，即使在没有任何授权东风根到hagiographa圣经，这是自thisportion的家具没有崇拜sidrot公众。 This fact is mentioned in the legend, already noted, that Jonathan ben Uzziel was forbidden to translate the Hagiographa. Nevertheless, there are extant Targumim on the hagiographic books; they are, for the most part, Palestinian in origin, although the Babylonian Talmud and its language influenced the Targumim on the Five Megillot.这其实是传说中提到，已经指出的那样，乔纳森本乌薛被禁止把Hagiographa。然而，也有现存Targumim理想化的书籍上，他们都出身，大部分中，巴勒斯坦，虽然巴比伦塔木德和五Megillot影响其语言上的Targumim。
A Separate Group.一个单独的群体。
1. 1。
To the Psalms and to Job: These Targumim form a separate group, and, in view of their entire agreement in diction, hermeneutics, and use of the Haggadah, may have a common origin.对于诗篇和项目：这些Targumim构成一个单独的组，并在诠释学观点用词，他们的整个协议，并哈加达使用，可能有一个共同的起源。 In no other Targum, excepting the Targum Sheni to Esther, does ἄγγελος, the Greek word for "angel," occur.在没有其他根，除根社以斯帖，并ἄγγελος的，“希腊字”天使出现。In rendering Ps.在渲染聚苯乙烯。 xviii., the Targum to Psalms avails itself of the Targum to II Sam.十八。，根的诗篇，以借此根本身对二山姆。xxii., although it does not reproduce the linguistic peculiarities found in the Babylonian recension of the latter.22。，虽然它不照搬后者的recension的语言特点的巴比伦发现研究。The Targum to Psalms contains an interesting dramatization of Ps.根的诗篇，以包含一个有趣的戏剧化的PS。xci., cxviii, and cxxxvii., while both in it and in the Targum to Job the two constant themes are the law of God and its study, and the future life and its retribution. In Ps. xci。，cxviii，和cxxxvii。，而无论是在它的根，并在两到工作不变的主题是学习法律的上帝和其，面向未来的生活，它的报复。在PS。 cviii.cviii。12 the parallel construction in the two sections of the verse is interpreted in such a way as to mention Rome and Constantinople as the two capitals of the Roman empire, thus indicating that the work was composed before the fall of Rome in 476. 12诗的平行的两个部分是建设这样解释的方式提到了罗马帝国的首都罗马和君士坦丁堡两个作为，从而表明，这项工作是由476在今年秋天之前罗马。 The Targum to Job iv.对工作四根。10 (where is read instead of ) also seems to allude to the division of the empire; and this hypothesis is confirmed by the presence of a Greek and a Latin word in the Targum to Job, which in all cases renders "nagid" or "nadib" by ἄρχων (on this word as an official title in the Jewish communities, see Schürer, "Gesch." ii. 518), and translates "ḥanef" by "delator," a term which was applied in the Roman empire to the vilest class of informers. 10（而不是在哪里读）也似乎暗示了帝国分裂的;和这个假设是根证实了在场的希腊字在拉丁文和工作，在所有案件呈现“nagid”或“ nadib“的ἄρχων社区（这个字在犹太人作为一个正式名称，见斯许雷尔，”格希。“二。518），并转化”哈内夫的“由”delator，“帝国的一个词是应用在罗马最卑鄙的告密者类。 Characteristic of both these Targumim is the fact that they contain more variants from the Masoretic text in vowel-points and even in consonants than any other Targum, about fifty of them occurring in the Targum to Psalms, and almost as many being found in the Targum to Job, despite its relative brevity. Targumim这两个特点是，它们包含点多变种在从马所拉文本元音和辅音甚至比任何其他根，大约有50根，其中发生在以诗篇，以及几乎同样多被发现在根对工作，尽管它相对简洁。 A number of these variants occur also in the Septuagint and in the Peshiṭta, thus affording a confirmation of the early date of composition assigned to the two Targumim.一个变种，这些数字也出现在七十和Peshiṭta，从而提供一个Targumim确认两对早日组成分配。Both of these contain, moreover, a number of variants, fifty verses of Job having two, and sometimes three, translations, of which the second is the original, while the later reading is put first (for a confirmation of the statements in "Monatsschrift," xx. 218, see Perles, ib. vii. 147, and "REJ" xxi. 122).这些都包含，而且，一个变种的数量，约伯50诗句有两个，有时三，翻译，其中第二个是原来的，而后者则是把阅读第一月刊（为“1报表中确认的，“× ×。218，见珍珠，兴业。七。147，和”相互执行判决“21。122）。The Targum to Psalms, like that to Job, is quoted by Naḥmanides under the title "Targum Yerushalmi" (Zunz, "GV" p. 80).本，根，以诗篇一样，为了工作，是引述Naḥmanides，题目是“根•耶路莎米”（Zunz，“颗粒”第80页）。
2. 2。
To Proverbs: This Targum differs from all other Judæo-Aramaic translations of the Bible in that it shows Syriac characteristics, and also agrees in other respects with the Peshiṭta, to which, according to Geiger ("Nachgelassene Schriften," iv. 112), one-half of it corresponds word for word.要谚语：这根不同于其他所有犹太-阿拉姆圣经翻译的，因为它显示了叙利亚的特点，还同意在其他方面的Peshiṭta同向，据盖格（“Nachgelassene Schriften，”四。112）， 1，有一半的对应词字。This Targum contains scarcely any haggadic paraphrases.这根几乎包含任何haggadic释义。It may be assumed either that its author used or, rather, revised the Peshiṭta, or, with a greater degree of probability, that the Targum to Proverbs was derived from the same source as the Peshiṭta of that book, the Syriac version itself being based on a translation originally intended for Jews who spoke the Syriac dialect.这可能是假设的是它的作者使用，或者说，修订了Peshiṭta，或以更大程度的概率，即是箴言书根到来自该同一来源的Peshiṭta，叙利亚文版本本身是基于关于叙利亚方言翻译原本打算为一个犹太人谁发言的。 This Targum also is quoted in the "'Aruk" and by Naḥmanides as "Targum Yerushalmi" (Zunz, lc).这根还引述了“'Aruk”和）Naḥmanides为“根•耶路莎米”（聪茨，立法会。
3. 3。
To the Five Megillot: These Targumim are alike in so far as all of them are essentially detailed haggadic paraphrases.为了五Megillot：这些Targumim都是一样的只要他们基本上所有的详细haggadic释义。 This is especially the case in the Targum to Canticles, in which the book is interpreted as an allegory of the relation between God and Israel and of the history of Israel.这是根的情况，特别是在以Canticles，其中的关系解释为该书的一则寓言和以色列之间的上帝和以色列的历史。 In the "'Aruk," the first work to cite these Targumim, the Targum to Canticles is once (sv ) called "Targum Yerushalmi "; and Rashi applies the same name (Targ. Yer. to Deut. iii. 4) to the second Targum on Esther, the so-called "Targum Sheni," which may be termed, in view of its length, and of the fact that it betrays eastern Aramaic influences in its diction, an Aramaic midrash on Esther.在“'Aruk，”第一次工作列举这些Targumim的根，以Canticles是一次（SV）的所谓“根•耶路莎米”;和Rashi适用相同的名称（targ.层。至申命记。三。四）向在埃斯特第二根，所谓的“根社，”这可称为，鉴于其长度，和事实，背叛米德拉士对以斯帖东部阿拉姆在其影响的阿拉姆词，。 This last-named work, which is quoted as early as the Massek.这最后的命名工作，这是马塞克引述早在。Soferim (xiii. 6), has proved extremely popular.Soferim（xiii. 6），已证明非常受欢迎。The Book of Esther is the only one of the hagiographic books which has a Targum noticed by the Halakah, rules for its reading having been formulated as early as the tannaitic period.在以斯帖记的就是它的阅读规则，只有一个理想化的书籍，其中有一个根Halakah注意到了已被时间早制订的tannaitic。 The other "scrolls," however, were also used to a certain extent in the liturgy, being read on festivals and on the Ninth of Ab, which fact explains the discursiveness of their Targumim.其他的“滚动”，然而，也习惯了在一定程度上的礼仪，节日和正在阅读的Targumim第九次抗体，这实际上说明他们的散漫的。
4. 4。
To Chronicles: This Targum follows the Palestinian Targumim both in language and in its haggadic paraphrases, although it shows the influence of the Babylonian Talmud also.为了编年史：这根如下其haggadic释义巴勒斯坦Targumim无论在语言和的，尽管它显示了塔木德也影响了巴比伦。 It remained almost wholly unknown, however, not being cited even in the "'Aruk," nor included in the first editions of the Targumim.它仍然几乎完全未知的，但是，即使在没有被引用的“'Aruk”，也不包括版本的Targumim在第一。 It was first published in 1680 (and 1683) by MF Beck from an Erfurt codex of 1343; and it was again edited, by D. Wilkins in 1715, on the basis of a Cambridge manuscript of 1347, this edition containing a later revision of the targumic text.这是首次出版于1680年（及1683）的中频贝克从1343爱尔福特的法典，它再次编辑，1715年由D.威尔金斯在1347年，在剑桥的手稿的基础上，这个版本包含一个修改后的在targumic文本。
Apocryphal Additions to Esther.猜测添置以斯帖。
Among the apocryphal additions to Esther the "Ḥalom Mordekai" (Dream of Mordecai) has been preserved in a Targum which is designated in a manuscript as an integral portion of the Targum to the Hagiographa. This passage, divided into fifty-one verses in Biblical fashion, has been printed in Lagarde's edition of the Targumim ("Hagiographa Chaldaice," pp. 352-365) and in Merx's "Chrestomathia Targumica," pp.其中猜测增添以斯帖的“豪洛姆Mordekai”（梦末底改）已被保存在一个Hagiographa根，以根是在指定的一个组成部分手稿的。这一段话，经文分成51在圣经时尚，已载入拉嘉德的Chaldaice版的Targumim（“Hagiographa，”页。352-365）和Merx的“Chrestomathia Targumica，”页。154-164 (see Bacher in "Monatsschrift," 1869, xviii. 543 et seq.). 154-164（见月刊巴切尔在“，”1869年，十八。543起。）。On the Targum to the Book of Tobit, known to Jerome, and preserved in a recension published by A. Neubauer ("The Book of Tobit," Oxford, 1878), see Dalman, "Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinensischen Aramäisch," pp. 27-29).在杰罗姆根于向，已知书托比书，并保存在一个预定的托比书校订出版由A.纽鲍尔的（“，”牛津，1878），见达尔曼“Grammatik德朱迪西希- Palästinensischen Aramäisch，”页。 27-29）。It is probable, moreover, that a complete Aramaic translation of Ben Sira once existed (ib. p. 29).这是可能的，而且，一个完整的阿拉姆语翻译本西拉曾经存在（ib.第29页）。
The view prevailed at an early time that the amora Joseph b.普遍的观点在早期时候，阿莫拉约瑟夫湾Ḥama, who had the reputation of being thoroughly versed in the Targumim to the Prophets, was the author of the Targumim to theHagiographa.哈马，谁曾先知的声誉被彻底精通Targumim的，是Targumim的作者对theHagiographa。 In the Masseket Soferim (lc) a quotation from the Targum Sheni to Esth.在Masseket Soferim（立法会）一社妮报价从根到Esth。iii.三。1 is introduced by the words "Tirgem Rab Yosef" (Rab Joseph has translated); and a manuscript of 1238, in the municipal library of Breslau, appends to the "Dream of Mordecai" the statement: "This is the end of the book of the Targum on the Hagiographa, translated by Rab Joseph." 1介绍了词“Tirgem饶约瑟夫”（饶约瑟夫翻译）和一个1238年的手稿，在市立图书馆的布雷斯劳，附加到“梦末底改”声明：“这是书末的根上的hagiographa的，由饶约瑟夫翻译。“ The manuscript from which the copyist of the Breslau codex took the "Dream of Mordecai," together with this colophon, included therefore all the Targumim to the Hagiographa, excepting that to Chronicles, the one to Esther standing last (see "Monatsschrift," xviii. 343).这份手稿抄写员从该法典的布雷斯劳了“梦的末底改，”跋连同本，因此包括所有Targumim的的hagiographa，除外，为方志，一个常设的埃斯特昨（见“月刊，”十八。343）。 In his commentary on Ex.在他的前评注。xv.十五。2 and Lev.2列弗。xx.二十。17, moreover, Samuel ben Meïr, writing in the twelfth century, quoted targumic passages on Job and Proverbs in the name of R. Joseph.17，此外，塞缪尔本密尔，在12世纪写作，引用河约瑟的名称targumic通道，对工作箴言。The belief that Joseph was the translator of the Hagiographa was due to the fact that the phrase frequently found in the Talmud, "as Rab Joseph has translated," was referred to the Targum to the Hagiographa, although it occurred only in passages from the Prophets and, according to one reading (Soṭah 48b), in a single passage of the Pentateuch.相信，约瑟夫是的hagiographa翻译的是由于这样的事实，这句话经常发现在塔木德“，作为饶约瑟夫翻译”，是指到hagiographa根的，虽然它的段落只发生在从先知并根据一读（Soṭah48B条）五，在一个单一的通道。 The Palestinian characteristics of the hagiographic Targumim, and the fact that the translations of the several books are differentiated according to the grouping noted above, prove that the view is historically baseless.理想化的Targumim的巴勒斯坦特色，而事实上，一些书籍的翻译是有区别的按分组如上所述，证明历史上的看法是毫无根据的。 The Tosafot (to Shab. 115a, below), since they ascribed a tannaitic origin to the Targum to the Hagiographa (comp. Tos. to Meg. 21b), naturally refused to accept the theory of Joseph's authorship.该Tosafot（至沙巴。115A条，下），因为它们归因于一tannaitic时期起源的根的Hagiographa（comp.的服务条款。向梅格。21B条），自然拒绝接受作者的理论约瑟夫的。
Bibliography:
参考书目：
Editions-Targum to the Pentateuch:
Onḳelos, editio princeps, Bologna, 1482; Sabbionetta, 1557 (reprinted by
Berliner, Targum Onkelos, Berlin, 1884); pseudo-Jonathan, Venice, 1591;
Fragment-Targum, in Biblia Rabbinica, Appendix,
ib.版本-根的五：昂克劳，埃迪蒂奥princeps，博洛尼亚，1482;
Sabbionetta，1557（1884年重印由柏林，根Onḳelos，柏林）;伪乔纳森，威尼斯，1591;片段根，在Biblia
Rabbinica，附录，兴业。1518. Targum to the Prophets: editio
princeps, Leiria, 1494; Venice, 1518;
1518。根的预言：埃迪蒂奥princeps，莱里亚，1494年，威尼斯，1518;
Lagarde, Prophetœ Chaldaice, Leipsic, 1872.拉嘉德，Prophetœ Chaldaice，莱比锡市，1872年。Prætorius has edited Joshua and Judges on the basis of manuscripts from Yemen with superlinear punctuation (1900, 1901; see Theologische Literaturzeitung, xxv. 164, xxvi. 131); Alfr.普雷托里亚斯了也门与超线性编辑约书亚从标点符号和法官在此基础上手稿（1900年，1901年，见早期神学学文献，二十五。164，26目。131）; Alfr。Levy, Ḳohelet, Breslau, 1905. Targum to the Hagiographa: Venice, 1517; Lagarde, Hagiographa Chaldaice, Leipsic, 1873.利维，Ḳohelet，布雷斯劳，1905年。根到hagiographa：威尼斯，1517;拉嘉德，Hagiographa Chaldaice，普西克，1873年。On the editions of the Targum to Chronicles see above.到方志的版本根的见上面。Targum Sheni, ed.根社，编辑。 L. Munk, Berlin, 1876.属芒克，柏林，1876年。The polyglot and rabbinical Bibles (see Berliner, lc ii. 187-190), as well as numerous other editions.多种语言和犹太教的圣经（见柏林，立法会二。187-190），以及许多其他版本。The three Targumim to the Pentateuch were translated into English by JW Etheridge (London, 1862, 1865);这三个Targumim的五被翻译成英文由JW瑟里奇（伦敦，1862年，1865年）;
and German translations of considerable length are given by Winter and Wünsche, Die Jüdische Litteratur, i.和相当长的德语翻译，给出了冬季和Wünsche，模具Jüdische Litteratur岛63-79. On the Targum in general: the various introductions to the Bible; Zunz, GV pp. 61-83; Z.63-79。关于一般的根在：对圣经的各种介绍;聪茨，货车页。61-83; z的Frankel, Einiges zu den Targumim, in Zeitschrift für die Religiösen Interessen des Judenthums, 1846, iii.弗兰克尔，Einiges Targumim，在史杂志祖穴献给死Religiösen Interessen德Judenthums，1846年，三。110-111; Geiger, Urschrift, pp. 162-167; idem, Nachgelassene Schriften, iv. 110-111;盖革，Urschrift页。162-167;同上，Nachgelassene Schriften，四。98-116; G.98-116;湾Dalman, Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinensischen Aramäisch, pp. 21-27;达尔曼，Grammatik德朱迪西希- Palästinensischen Aramäisch页。21-27;
Hamburger, RBT
ii.汉堡包，彩铃2。1167-1195; E.
1167年至1195年;大肠杆菌Nestle, in Bibeltext und
Bibelübertragungen, pp. 163-170, Leipsic, 1897; Buhl, Kanon und Text des Alten
Testaments, 1891, pp. 168-184. On the Targumim to the Pentateuch: Luzzatto, Oheb
Ger, Vienna, 1830 (see Cracow ed. 1895); Levy, Ueber Onkelos, etc., in Geiger's
Wiss.雀巢Bibelübertragungen，在Bibeltext北达科他，页。163-170，莱比锡市，1897年，布由尔，加隆北达科文本德滕圣经，1891年，页。168-184。论五经Targumim的：卢扎托，Oheb浦江，维也纳，1830（见克拉科夫版。1895年）;征费，Ueber昂克劳等，在盖格的威斯。
Zeit.宰特。Jüd.士。Theol.Theol。1844, vol.1844年，第二卷。
v.; Fürst, in Orient,
Lit.诉;德国Fürst东方，中，点亮。1845; A.1845年的A.Geiger, Das Nach Onkelos Benannte
Babylonische Targum, in his Jüd.盖革，达斯乙酰胆碱昂克劳Benannte
Babylonische根，在他士。Zeit.宰特。ix.九。85-194; A.85-194的A.
Berliner, Das Targum Onkelos, ii.,
Berlin, 1884; Anger, De Onkelo Chaldaico, Leipsic, 1846;
M.柏林，达斯根Onḳelos，二。，柏林，1884年，愤怒，德Onkelo Chaldaico，莱比锡市，1846年;米
Friedmann, Onkelos und Akylas, Vienna,
1896; Schönfelder, Onkelos und Peschitta, Munich, 1864; Maybaum, Die
Anthropomorphien und Anthropopathien bei Onkelos, etc., Breslau, 1870;
S.弗里德曼，昂克劳北达科Akylas，维也纳，1896年; Schönfelder，昂克劳北达科Peschitta，慕尼黑，1864年;
Maybaum，模具Anthropomorphien北达科Anthropopathien北昂克劳等，布雷斯劳，1870年，南Singer, Onkelos und das Verhältniss
Seines Targum zur Halacha, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1881;
H.歌手，昂克劳北达科达斯Verhältniss Seines根祖尔哈拉哈，法兰克福，在职培训，主，1881年阁下;Barnstein, The Targum of Onkelos to
Genesis, London, 1896; E.Barnstein，该昂克劳根的创世纪，伦敦，1896年;大肠杆菌Kautzsch, Mittheilungen über eine Alte
Handschrift des Targum Onkelos, Halle, 1893; A.Kautzsch，Mittheilungen黚er
eine阿尔特Handschrift德根Onḳelos，哈雷，1893年的A.Merx, Anmerkungen über die Vocalisation
der Targume, in Verhandlungen des Fünften Orientalistencongresses, ii.
Merx，Anmerkungen黚er死于Vocalisation明镜Targume，在Verhandlungen德Fünften
Orientalistencongresses，二。1, 145-188; GB Winer, De Jonathanis in
Pentateuchum Paraphrasi Chaldaica, Erlangen, 1823; H.1，145-188;
GB的威纳，德Jonathanis在Pentateuchum Paraphrasi Chaldaica，埃尔兰根，1823年阁下;Petermann, De Indole Paraphraseos Quem
Jonathanis Esse Dicitur, Berlin, 1831;
S.彼得曼，代吲哚Paraphraseos终止日期Jonathanis Esse的Dicitur，柏林，1831年，南Baer, Geist des Yerushalmi, in
Monatsschrift, 1851-52, i. 235-242; Seligsohn and Traub, Ueber den Geist der
Uebersetzung des Jonathan b.巴尔，盖伊斯特德耶路莎米235-242，在月刊，1851年至1852年，岛;
Seligsohn和特拉布，Ueber巢穴盖伊斯特明镜Uebersetzung德乔纳森湾Usiel zum Pentateuch, ib.Usiel
zum五，兴业。1857, vi.
1857年，六。69-114;
Seligsohn, De Duabus Hierosolymitamis Pentateuchi Paraphrasibus, Breslau, 1858;
S.69-114; Seligsohn，德Duabus Hierosolymitamis Pentateuchi
Paraphrasibus，布雷斯劳，1858;南Gronemann, Die Jonathan'sche
Pentateuchübersetzung in Ihrem Verhältnisse zur Halacha, Leipsic, 1879;
W.Gronemann，模具Jonathan'sche 1879 Pentateuchübersetzung在Ihrem
Verhältnisse祖尔哈拉哈，普西克; W.Bacher, Ueber das Gegenseitige
Verhältniss der Pentateuch-Targumim, in ZDMG 1874,
xxviii.巴切尔，Ueber达斯Targumim，在ZDMG 1874年，五经之二十八Gegenseitige Verhältniss
-。59-72; J.
59-72的J.Bassfreund, Das
Fragmenten-Targum zum Pentateuch, in Monatsschrift, 1896, xl.
Bassfreund，达斯Fragmenten，根zum五，在月刊，1896年，xl的影响。1-14, 49, 67, 97-109, 145-163, 241-252,
352-365, 396-405; M.
1-14，49，67，97-109，145-163，241-252，352-365，396-405;米Neumark, Lexikalische Untersuchungen
zur Sprache des Jerusalemischen Pentateuch-Targum, Berlin, 1905. On the Targum
to the Prophets: Z. Frankel, Zu dem Targum der Propheten, Breslau, 1872; HS
Levy, Targum to Isaiah i., with Commentary, London, 1889; Cornill, Das Targum zu
den Propheten, i., in Stade's Zeitschrift, vii.内马克，Lexikalische
Untersuchungen祖尔Sprache德Jerusalemischen摩西五，根，柏林，1905年。论先知根至：z的弗兰克尔，祖根德Propheten数字高程模型，布雷斯劳，1872年，房协征费，对以赛亚岛根，与评论，伦敦，1889;
Cornill，达斯根祖穴Propheten岛，在体育场的杂志，七。731-767; idem, Das Buch des Propheten
Ezechiel, 1886, pp. 110-136; H.
731-767;同上，达斯布赫德Propheten埃策希尔，1886年，页。110-136阁下;Weiss, Die Peschitha zu Deutero-Jesaja
und Ihr Verhältniss zum . .魏斯，模具Peschitha祖氘- Jesaja北达科国际卫生条例Verhältniss
zum。。.。
Targum, Halle, 1893;
M.根，哈雷，1893年;米Sebök (Schönberger), Die Syrische
Uebersetzung der Zwölf Kleinen Propheten und Ihr Verhältniss zum
.塞博克（舍恩贝里耶），模具Syrische Uebersetzung明镜茨沃尔夫Kleinen
Propheten北达科国际卫生条例Verhältniss zum。.。.。Targum, Breslau, 1887. On the Targum to
the Hagiographa: W. Bacher, Das Targum zu den Psalmen, in Monatsschrift, 1872,
xxi.根，布雷斯劳，1887年。论的hagiographa根至：W.巴切尔，达斯根祖穴Psalmen，在月刊，1872，21。
408-416, 462-673; idem, Das Targum zu
Hiob, ib.408-416，462-673;同上，达斯根祖希布，兴业。1871, xx.1871年，二十。208-223, 283 et seq.; S.
208-223，283起。;南Maybaum, Ueber
die Sprache des Targum zu den Sprüchen und Dessen Verhältniss zum Syrer, in
Merx's Archiv, ii.Maybaum，Ueber死Sprache德根祖穴Sprüchen北达科Dessen Verhältniss
zum Syrer，在Merx的档案馆，二。66-93; T.66-93;吨Nöldeke, Das Targum zu den Sprüchen,
ib.Nöldeke，达斯根祖穴Sprüchen，兴业。pp. 246-249;
H.页。246-249阁下;Pinkusz, Die Syrische Uebersetzung der
Proverbien .Pinkusz，模具Syrische Uebersetzung德Proverbien。.。.。und Ihr Verhältniss zum Targum, in
Stade's Zeitschrift, 1894, xiv.北达科国际卫生条例Verhältniss
zum根，在体育场的杂志，1894年，十四。65-141, 161-162; A.
65-141，161-162;答Abelesz, Die Syrische Uebersetzung der
Klagelieder und Ihr Verhältniss zum Targum, Giessen, 1896; A.
Abelesz，模具Syrische Uebersetzung明镜Klagelieder北达科国际卫生条例Verhältniss
zum根，吉森，1896年的A.Weiss, De Libri Job Paraphrasi
Chaldaica, Breslau, 1873; A.魏斯，德利博利工作Paraphrasi
Chaldaica，布雷斯劳，1873年的A.Posner, Das Targum Rischon zu dem
Biblischen Buche Esther, ib. 1896;
S.波斯纳，达斯根Rischon祖马克Biblischen代诺布切以斯帖，兴业。1896年;南Gelbhaus, Das Targum Sheni zum Buche
Esther, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1893; J.
Gelbhaus，达斯根社zum代诺布切以斯帖，法兰克福，在职培训，主，1893年的J.Reis, Das Targum Sheni zu dem Buche
Esther, in Monatsschrift, 1876, xxv.; 1881, xxx.;
P.雷斯，达斯根社祖马克代诺布切以斯帖，在月刊，1876年，二十五。; 1881年，三十。;体育Cassel, Zweites Targum zum Buche
Esther, Leipsic, 1885; M.卡塞尔，茨魏特斯根zum代诺布切以斯帖，莱比锡市，1885年;米Rosenberg and K. Kohler, Das Targum zur
Chronik, in Geiger's Jüd. Zeit.罗森伯格和K.科勒，达斯根祖尔Chronik，在盖格的士。宰特。
1870, viii.1870年，八。
72-80, 135-163, 263-278. Hebrew works
on the Targum: the commentaries Patshegen of the thirteenth century, printed in
the Wilna edition of the Pentateuch, 1874; N.
72-80，135-163，263-278。希伯来语工程对根：评世纪Patshegen第十三，1874年印在五，在威尔娜版的;北路Adler, Netinah la-Ger, in the same
edition; SB Scheftel, Bi'ure Onḳelos,
ed.阿德勒，Netinah腊哲尔，在同一版;保安局Scheftel，Bi'ure昂克劳，编辑。I. Perles, Munich, 1888; Abraham ben
Elijah of Wilna, Targum Abraham, Jerusalem,
1896.一，珍珠，慕尼黑，1888年，以利亚的Wilna亚伯拉罕本，根亚伯拉罕，耶路撒冷，1896年。Other Hebrew works: Isaiah Berlin, Mine
Targima, Breslau, 1831; Wilna, 1836;
H.其他希伯来语作品：以赛亚柏林，矿山Targima，布雷斯劳，1831;威尔娜，1836年阁下;Chajes, Imre Binah, Zolkiev, 1849;
B.沙热，伊姆雷Binah，Zolkiev，1849年;乙Berkowitz, 'Oṭeh Or, Wilna, 1843; idem,
Leḥem we-Simlah, ib.贝尔科维奇，'Oṭeh或者威尔娜，1843年，同上，Leḥem我们- Simlah，兴业。
1850; idem, Ḥalifot u-Semalot,
ib.1850年，同上，Ḥalifot的U - Semalot，兴业。1874; idem, Abne Ḥiyyon, ib.
1874年，同上，Abne希永，兴业。1877; J.1877年的J.Reifmann, Sedeh Aram, Berlin, 1875;
idem, Ma'amar Darke ha-Targumim, St. Petersburg, 1891.WB Wilhelm Bacher
Reifmann，塞代亚兰，柏林，1875年，同上，Ma'amar达克公顷，Targumim，圣彼得堡，1891.WB威廉巴切尔
Jewish
Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书，1901至1906年间出版。
Romanized
Bible Text罗马圣经文本
Literal
Translation直译
Septuagint
and early Manuscriptsseptuagint和早期手稿
Translating
the Bible翻译圣经
Transliteration
of Hebrew音译希伯来语
A
Thorough Presentation of Jewish Genesis 1 text详细介绍了犹太人的成因一文
This subject presentation in the original English language这在原来的主题演讲， 英语