Saint Thomas Aquinas, a Dominican theologian, met the challenge posed to Christian faith by the philosophical achievements of the Greeks and Arabs.圣托马斯阿奎那，多米尼加神学家，会见和阿拉伯人的希腊人的哲学成果带来的挑战基督教信仰的。He effected a philosophical synthesis of faith and reason that is one of the greatest achievements of medieval times.他实现了中世纪时代的信仰和哲学的综合原因，最大的成就是其中之一。
Humans know something when its truth is either immediately evident to them or can be made evident by appeal to immediately evident truths.人类知道它的真相是什么东西，而不是立即可见他们或可立即提出上诉，可见明显的真理。They believe something when they accept its truth on authority.他们相信的东西时，他们接受其权威的真理。Religious faith is the acceptance of truths on the authority of God's Revelation of them.宗教信仰是他们接受的真理对上帝启示的权威的。Despite the fact that this seems to make knowledge and faith two utterly distinct realms, Thomas held that some of the things God has revealed are in fact knowable.尽管这似乎使知识和信仰两个完全不同的境界，托马斯认为，发现有一些事情其实是可知的上帝。He called these "preambles of faith," including among them the existence of God and certain of his attributes, the immortality of the human soul, and some moral principles.他呼吁这些“信仰的序言，”他们的属性存在，包括在他和上帝的某些，灵魂不朽的人，和一些道德原则。The rest of what has been revealed he called "mysteries of faith," for example, the Trinity, the incarnation of God in Jesus Christ, the resurrection, and so on.其余的是什么透露他所谓的“信仰之谜”，例如，三位一体，对神的化身，在耶稣基督的复活，等等。He then argued that, if some of the things God has revealed can be known to be true, it is reasonable to accept the mysteries as true.然后，他认为，如果被发现有一些事情可以被称为神是真实的，它是合理的接受真正的奥秘。
| BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息来源 |
| BELIEVE Religious Information Source相信宗教信息来源 Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects 我们2300 宗教科目名单 |
| E-mail电子邮件 |
Thomas was critical of the Platonic conception of humans as rational souls inhabiting powerless, material bodies that had been incorporated into the traditional Augustinianism.托马斯是奥古斯丁批评了传统的概念被纳入到柏拉图在作为人类理性的灵魂栖息机构无能为力，材料。Like Aristotle, he saw the human being as a complete union of soul and body.亚里士多德一样，他看到了人体作为一个完整的灵魂和工会的影响。Thus, in addition to the survival of the soul after death, the resurrection of the body seemed philosophically appropriate as well as religiously true to Thomas.因此，除了生存的灵魂死后，身体复活，似哲学以及宗教适当真实的托马斯。His Aristotelianism also led to his defense of sense perception and the view that intellectual knowledge is derived by way of abstraction (concept formation) from sense data.他的亚里士多德也导致了他的意识和国防观念认为，知识产权知识推导出抽象方式）由感数据（概念的形成。Plato's doctrine of Forms, or Ideas, had become part of a traditional Realism with regard to Universals, part of a theory of knowledge that held that humans have direct knowledge of immaterial entities.柏拉图的思想学说的形式，或已成为现实主义传统的一部分，对于普遍性，实体部分的非物质的理论知识，认为人类有直接的知识。
Thomas reinterpreted Ideas as divine creative patterns and Saint Augustine's theory of illumination, or the attainment of knowledge of the immaterial through intellectual insight, as a version of the Aristotelian active intellect, which he understood as the faculty of abstracting universal meanings from particular empirical data. Thomas argued that the existence of God can be proved by such reasoning from sense data. He further argued that human concepts and language can be extrapolated, by way of analogy, to speak of God's nature.托马斯重新诠释的洞察力和圣奥古斯丁的理论光照，达到或知识智力非物质通过思想作为神圣的创作模式，作为一项数据版本亚里士多德积极理智，而经验，他理解特别是含义从教师的抽象普遍性。 托马斯认为，上帝存在的数据证明，可从这种意义上的推理。他又认为，人的概念和语言可以推断，通过类比方式，谈论上帝的性质。This, however, is a difficult task, and it is fitting that revelation provides humans with that knowledge. Thomas also held that there are first principles of moral reasoning (Natural Law) that all humans grasp; many of them, however, have been revealed in the Ten Commandments.然而，这是一项艰巨的任务，而且是恰当的启示托马斯人类提供与该知识。也认为，人类有把握第一的原则，道德推理（自然法）所有;他们很多，但是，已经发现在十诫。
Ralph Mcinerny拉尔夫麦金尔尼
Bibliography
书目
VJ Bourke,
Aquinas' Search for Wisdom (1965); MD Chenu, Toward Understanding Saint Thomas
(1964); FC Copleston, Aquinas (1955); R McInerny, Saint Thomas Aquinas (1977)
and, as ed., Thomism in an Age of Renewal (1966); J Maritain, The Angelic Doctor
(1958); J Pieper, Guide to Saint Thomas Aquinas
(1962).南军伯克，阿奎那的智慧搜寻（1965年）;医师切努，对理解1964）圣托马斯（;界别科普尔斯顿，阿奎那（1955）与r麦金尔尼，圣托马斯阿奎那（1977年），作为版。，托马斯主义在一个时代对重建（1966年）;
J旦，天使般的医生（1958年）; j•皮佩尔，指南圣1962）托马斯阿奎那（。
Thomism is the school of philosophy and theology following the thought of Thomas Aquinas.托马斯主义是哲学和神学学校后，托马斯阿奎那思想。It developed in various phases and has experienced periods of support and neglect.它开发的各个阶段，经历了时间的支持和忽视。
When Aquinas died he left no direct successor, but his system was adopted by various individuals, most notably by many of his confreres in the dominican order and by his own original teacher, the eclectic Albertus Magnus.他去世时没有留下阿奎那的直接继承者，但他的系统是个人通过多方面的，最显着的兄弟，他的很多在多米尼加秩序和自己原来的教师，折衷阿尔伯特。 Nonetheless there was still much opposition to his Aristotelianism on the part of church authorities, and in 1277 in Paris and Oxford several propositions derived from Thomas's teachings were condemned.尽管如此，仍有很多人反对教会当局对他的部分亚里士多德，和的教义在1277年获得在巴黎和牛津托马斯几个命题被谴责。 It was primarily due to Dominican efforts that the system of Aquinas was not only eventually rehabilitated, but that he himself was canonized in 1323.这主要是由于多米尼加努力的阿奎那系统不仅最终平反，但他本人是1323册封的研究。
From this time period on, Thomism became one of the several competing schools of medieval philosophy.从这个时期起，托马斯主义哲学成为一个竞争的几个中世纪的学校。In particular, it set itself off against classical Augustinianism with its reliance on Aristotle, most eminently by insisting on a unified anthropology whereby the soul is the form of the body.特别是，它最突出的一套自行关闭对古典奥古斯丁与亚里士多德的依赖，以身体坚持一个统一的人类学，让灵魂是形式的。What St. Thomas was to the Dominicans, Duns Scotus became to the Franciscans, and Scotism debated with Thomism on such issues as freedom of the will and the analogy of being.什么是圣托马斯的多米尼加人，邓司各脱加入了济会，辩论和Scotism与托马斯主义等问题被作为自由的意志和比喻。 Finally, Thomism, along with the other two schools mentioned, maintained a moderate realism in contrast to nominalism.最后，托马斯主义，以及与其他两所学校中提到，要维持一个温和的唯名论现实主义的对比。At the same time, the followers of St. Thomas did not remain uniform, but took on individual traits with particular commentators and in terms of national movements.同时，圣托马斯的信徒仍然没有统一，但发生在个别的民族运动的特质，特别评论员和条件。This tendency is illustrated most interestingly by the Dominican Meister Eckhart (c. 1260 - 1328), who developed a mysticism that was to become characteristic of German theological life for more than a century.这种趋势说明了最有趣的是多米尼加艾克哈（公元前1260年至1328年），谁开发了一种神秘主义，就是要成为一个多世纪的德国神学特征寿命。
A central figure of developing Thomism was Thomas de Vio Cardinal Cajetan (1469 - 1534).一1534年）的核心人物是托马斯托马斯主义的发展德07:21枢机cajetan（1469 - 。His high ecclesiastical standing contributed to the authoritativeness of his expositions of Aquinas.站在他的高教会作出贡献的阿奎那的权威性论述，对他的。Cajetan's brand of thomism bears several distinctives.卡耶坦的托马斯主义牌熊数distinctives。Among these is his analysis of analogy; he argues that this concept is best understood as the proportionality of an attribute to two essences rather than as the predication of an attribute primary in one essence derived in a second.其中，他比喻分析，他认为，这个概念理解为是最好的属性相称的一到两个本质，而不是作为第二预测得出的一个属性在本质上小学之一。 Further, Cajetan thought more in terms of abstract essences than his predecessors, who majored on existing substances. Third, he raised doubt concerning the provability of both God's existence and the immortality of the soul.此外，卡耶坦思想更在现有的物质条件比他的抽象本质主修前辈，谁。第三，他提出的有关疑问可证明性的灵魂都神的存在和对不朽的。
Thomism became the leading school of Catholic thought in the sixteenth century.托马斯主义成为天主教学校领导在16世纪的思想。Several factors contributed to its ascendancy. The Jesuit order (approved in 1540), known for its aggressive teaching, aligned itself with Aquinas; also, the Council of Trent (first convened in 1545), swhich self - consciosly styled many of its pronouncements in Thomistic phraseology.有几个因素促成了其优势。耶稣会（1540批准），教学以其积极，不结盟阿奎那自己处理;此外，安理会的遄达的（1545年召开的第一次），swhich自我- consciosly式的声明在许多托马斯的用语。
Thomism entered the seventeenth century triumphantly, but exited void of power and originality.进入17世纪的托马斯主义胜利，但和原创退出无效的权力。John of St. Thomas (1589 - 1644) is a good representative of the early century.托马斯约翰圣（1589 - 1644）是一个世纪初，具有一定代表性的。He was a creative teacher and interpreter of Aquinas's thought; he was a careful and compassionate official of the Spanish Inquisition; and he was an intimate advisor to King Philip IV.他是一个创造性的教师和思想翻译阿奎那的，他是一个细心的西班牙宗教裁判所和同情官员;和亲密的顾问，他是一个国王腓力四世。 Thus in him the intellectual, theological, and political machinations of Thomism are brought to a focus.因此，在他，神学和政治阴谋的托马斯主义的知识分子被带到一个焦点。But Thomism's primacy bore the seeds of its own demise. Due to lack of competition Thomism became too self - contained to cope with the rise of rationalism and empirical science on their own ground.但托马斯主义的首要承担自己灭亡的种子的。由于托马斯主义缺乏竞争变得过于自我-中，以配合地面上升的理性主义和实证科学本身。 Thomism would not adapt itself; and so the alternatives left were obscurantism or non - Thomistic philosophy. Consequently, though Thomism was still alive, primarily in Dominican circles, in the eighteenth century, it was essentially a spent force.托马斯主义不会适应，所以选择左边是蒙昧主义或非-托马斯主义哲学。因此，虽然还活着界托马斯主义，主要是在多米尼加世纪，十八，它基本上是强弩之末。
But the early nineteenth century saw another abrupt change in the fortunes of Thomism.但是，19世纪初突然看到了另一个托马斯主义的命运变迁。Catholic thinkers increasingly began to see that in Thomashs works there were viable responses to topical questions not answered elsewhere.天主教思想家开始越来越多地看到，在Thomashs作品有其他可行的问题回答不回应的话题。 Particularly the questions of human dignity in the face of rising industrialism revived Thomism. Dramatically the schools returned to the authority of Aquinas.特别是托马斯主义上升的问题，面对工业化恢复人的尊严的。大幅阿奎那返回学校的权力。By the time of Vatican I (1869 / 70), Thomistic principles were again in vogue.截至）时间梵蒂冈我（1869至1870年，托马斯的原则再次流行。And Thomism triumphed in 1879 when Pope Leo XIII in Aeterni Patris recalled the church to St. Thomas.而在1879年取得胜利时，托马斯主义教皇利奥十三世在Aeterni祖国报回顾了教堂圣托马斯。The result was the movement known as neo - Thomism which has persisted well past the middle of the twentieth century.其结果是众所周知的新运动-托马斯主义的坚持和过去的二十世纪中叶。
W Corduan
W科尔迪昂
(Elwell
Evangelical Dictionary)（埃尔韦尔福音字典）
Bibliography
书目
VJ Bourke,
Thomistic Bibliography: 1920 - 1940; E Gilson, The Christian Philosophy of St.
Thomas Aquinas; H John, Thomist Spectrum; TL Miethe and VJ Bourke, Thomistic
Bibliography: 1940 -
1978.南军伯克，托马斯主义参考书目：二零年至1940年，电子商务吉尔森，基督教哲学的托马斯主义谱圣托马斯阿奎那;
Ĥ约翰;热释光Miethe和VJ伯克，托马斯主义参考书目：40年至78年。
In a broad sense, Thomism is the name given to the system which follows the teaching of St. Thomas Aquinas in philosophical and theological questions.从广义上讲，托马斯主义是神学问题的名称给予制度和遵循教学圣托马斯阿奎那的哲学。In a restricted sense the term is applied to a group of opinions held by a school called Thomistic, composed principally, but not exclusively, of members of the Order of St. Dominic, these same opinions being attacked by other philosophers or theologians, many of whom profess to be followers of St. Thomas.在一个受限制的意义上来说，主要是应用到组组成，由一个叫托马斯的意见，举办学校，但不完全，对许多成员的命令圣或神学家，哲学家多米尼克，这些相同的意见被攻击其他他们自称是圣托马斯的追随者。
To Thomism in the first sense are opposed, eg, the Scotists, who deny that satisfaction is a part of the proximate matter (materia proxima) of the Sacrament of Penance.为了在第一感托马斯主义反对，例如的Scotists，谁否认满意是忏悔部分型材（中药的近端）圣事的。Anti-Thomists, in this sense of the word, reject opinions admittedly taught by St. Thomas.反Thomists字，在这个意义上说的，拒绝意见诚然圣托马斯教授。
To Thomism in the second sense are opposed, eg the Molinists, as well as all who defend the moral instrumental causality of the sacraments in producing grace against the system of physical instrumental causality, the latter being a doctrine of the Thomistic School.为了感托马斯主义在第二反对，如Molinists，以及所有谁抵御工具因果关系系统的物理因果关系的道德宽限期工具生产圣礼中，后者是一个学校的托马斯主义学说。
Anti-Thomism in such cases does not necessarily imply opposition to St. Thomas: It means opposition to tenets of the Thomistic School.反托马斯主义在这种情况下并不一定意味着反对圣托马斯：这意味着学校的信条反对的托马斯主义。Cardinal Billot, for instance, would not admit that he opposed St. Thomas by rejecting the Thomistic theory on the causality of the sacraments.红衣主教比约，例如，将不会承认，他反对通过圣礼圣托马斯拒绝因果关系的托马斯主义理论。In the Thomistic School, also, we do not always find absolute unanimity.在托马斯的学校，同时，我们并不总能找到绝对的一致。Baflez and Billuart do not always agree with Cajetan, though all belong to the Thomistic School. Baflez和Billuart并不总是同意卡耶坦，虽然都属于托马斯主义学校。It does not come within the scope of this article to determine who have the best right to be considered the true exponents of St. Thomas.它不属于这个范围的文章，以确定谁拥有最好的权利被视为圣托马斯的真实指数。
The subject may be treated under the following headings:这个题目可视为按下列标题：
I. Thomism in general, from the thirteenth century down to the nineteenth;一，托马斯主义在一般情况下，从13世纪到19世纪;
II.二。The Thomistic School;在托马斯的学校;
III.三。Neo-Thomism and the revival of Scholasticism.新托马斯主义和经院哲学的复兴。
IV.四。Eminent Thomists知名人士Thomists
I. THE DOCTRINE IN GENERAL一，一般学说
A. Early Opposition Overcome答：早期的反对派克服
Although St. Thomas (d. 1274) was highly esteemed by all classes, his opinions did not at once gain the ascendancy and influence which they acquired during the first half of the fourteenth century and which they have since maintained. Strange as it may appear, the first serious opposition came from Paris, of which he was such an ornament, and from some of his own monastic brethren.虽然圣托马斯（草1274）高度尊敬所有的类，他的意见并没有立即获得优势和影响力，他们在14世纪获得上半年的和他们所起维护。奇怪，因为它可能会出现，第一次严重的反对意见，来自巴黎，他就是这样一个装饰品，从他自己的弟兄一些寺院。 In the year 1277 Stephen Tempier, Bishop of Paris, censured certain philosophical propositions, embodying doctrines taught by St. Thomas, relating especially to the principle of individuation and to the possibility of creating several angels of the same species.在1277年斯蒂芬Tempier，巴黎主教，谴责某些哲学命题，体现教义教圣托马斯，特别是对有关原则和个性化的物种的可能性同时创造了几个天使。 In the same year Robert Kilwardby, a Dominican, Archbishop of Canterbury, in conjunction with some doctors of Oxford, condemned those same propositions and moreover attacked St. Thomas's doctrine of the unity of the substantial form in man.同年罗伯特基尔沃比，多米尼加，坎特伯雷大主教牛津，在与一些医生一起，谴责这些攻击而且同样主张的学说的人的团结，形成的大量圣托马斯。 Kilwardby and his associates pretended to see in the condemned propositions something of Averroistic Aristoteleanism, whilst the secular doctors of Paris had not fully forgiven one who had triumphed over them in the controversy as to the rights of the mendicant friars.基尔沃比和他的同伙假装在巴黎看到的东西谴责命题的Averroistic Aristoteleanism世俗的医生，虽然还没有完全原谅一个谁也战胜了他们在修士争议作为乞讨的权利。The storm excited by these condemnations was of short duration.这些谴责的风暴兴奋是短暂的。Blessed Albertus Magnus, in his old age, hastened to Paris to defend his beloved disciple.有福Albertus思时代，他的老，赶紧到巴黎捍卫自己心爱的弟子。The Dominican Order, assembled in general chapter at Milan in 1278 and at Paris in 1279, adopted severe measures against the members who had spoken injuriously of the venerable Brother Thomas.多米尼加秩序，聚集在米兰章一般在1278年和1279年，在巴黎通过的兄弟托马斯严厉的措施对老的成员谁曾发言的损害性的。 When William de la Mare, OSF, wrote a "Correptorium fratris Thom~", an English Dominican, Richard Clapwell (or Clapole), replied in a treatise "Contra corruptorium fratris Thomae".当威廉代拉马雷，OSF，写了“Correptorium fratris托姆〜”，英语多米尼加，理查德Clapwell（或Clapole），论文回答了一个“魂斗罗corruptorium fratris托马”。About the same time there appeared a work, which was afterwards printed at Venice (1516) under the title, "Correctorium corruptorii S. Thomae", attributed by some to Ægidius Romanus, by others to Clapwell, by others to Father John of Paris.大约在同一时间出现了一个工作，这是事后的标题印在威尼斯（1516）根据“Correctorium corruptorii南托马”，有些人归咎于埃吉迪乌斯罗曼努斯，由他人Clapwell，由他人巴黎父约翰。St. Thomas was solemnly vindicated when the Council of Vienna (1311-12) defined, against Peter John Olivi, that the rational soul is the substantial form of the human body (on this definition see Zigliara, "De mente Conc. Vicnn.", Rome, 1878).圣托马斯隆重平反时，维也纳理事会（1311年至1312年）的定义，对彼得约翰奥利维，即理性的灵魂，是这一定义的实质构成对人体（见齐利亚拉，“德门特浓。Vicnn。” ，罗马，1878年）。The canonization of St. Thomas by John XXII, in 1323, was a death-blow to his detractors.由，在1323封圣托马斯约翰二十二，是一个死亡的打击，他批评。In 1324 Stephen de Bourret, Bishop of Paris, revoked the censure pronounced by his predecessor, declaring that "that blessed confessor and excellent doctor, Thomas Aquinas, had never believed, taught, or written anything contrary to the Faith or good morals".在1324斯蒂芬代Bourret，巴黎主教，撤销他的前任所谴责明显，宣称“忏悔的祝福和良好的医生，托马斯阿奎那，从来没有相信，教，或书面的任何违背信仰或道德”。 It is doubtful whether Tempier and his associates acted in the name of the University of Paris, which had always been loyal to St. Thomas.这是令人怀疑是否Tempier和圣托马斯同伙的名义行事的巴黎大学，这一直是忠实的。 When this university, in 1378, wrote a letter condemning the errors of John de Montesono, it was explicitly declared that the condemnation was not aimed at St. Thomas: "We have said a thousand times, and yet, it would seem, not often enough, that we by no means include the doctrine of St. Thomas in our condemnation."当这个大学在1378年，写了一封信，谴责德Montesono错误的约翰，它被明确宣布谴责不是针对圣托马斯说：“我们已经说过一千遍，但是，看来，不经常不够，我们决不包括谴责学说的圣托马斯在我们心中。“ An account of these attacks and defences will be found in the following works: Echard, "Script. ord. prad.", I, 279 (Paris, 1719); De Rubeis, "Diss. crit.", Diss.一个防御到这些攻击，将会发现以下工作：埃查德，“脚本。条例。prad。”我，279（巴黎，1719）;德鲁贝伊斯，“迪斯。致命一击。”迪斯。 xxv, xxvi, I, p. cclxviii; Leonine edit.二十五，二十六，我第cclxviii;莱奥妮恩编辑。Works of St. Thomas; Denifle, "Chart. univ. Paris" (Paris, 1890-91), I, 543, 558, 566; II, 6, 280; Duplessis d'Argentré, "Collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus" (3 vols., Paris, 1733-36), 1, 175 sqq.; Du Boulay, "Hist. univ. Par.", IV, 205, 436, 618, 622, 627; Jourdain, "La phil. de S. Thomas d'Aquin" (Paris, 1858), II, i; Douais, "Essai sur l'organization des études dans l'ordre des ff. prêcheurs" (Paris and Toulouse, 1884), 87 sqq.; Mortier, "Hist. des maîtres gén. de l'ordre des ff. prêch.", II, 115142, 571; "Acta cap. gen. ord. praed.", ed.圣托马斯的作品;德尼夫勒，“图表。大学。巴黎”（巴黎，1890年至1891年），我，543，558，566;二，6，280;迪普勒西斯德阿让，“托收judiciorum德诺维斯erroribus”（ 3卷。巴黎，1733年至1736年），1，175时12 sqq。;都博利，“历史。大学。帕。”四，205，436，618，622，627;茹尔丹，“香格里拉菲尔。代南托马斯阿奎那德“（巴黎，1858年），二，一; Douais，”Essai大事纪组织德高等研究丹斯l'公共秩序德法郎。prêcheurs“（巴黎和图卢兹，1884年），87时12 sqq。;莫蒂尔，”组织胺。德maîtres根。勋章德几段。普雷希。“第一，二，115142，571，”文献上限。将军。条例。普拉德。“版。 Reichert (9 vols., Rome, 1893-1904, II; Turner, "Hist. of Phil." (Boston, 1903), xxxix.赖克特（9卷。，罗马，1893年至〇四年，二;特纳，“历史菲尔。的。”（波士顿，1903年），第39届。
B. Progress of Thomism二，不断托马斯主义
The general chapter of the Dominican Order, held at Carcassonne in 1342, declared that the doctrine of St. Thomas had been received as sound and solid throughout the world (Douais, op. cit., 106).多米尼加订购总章，在1342年举行的卡尔卡松，宣布圣托马斯学说已收到良好和稳固的世界各地（Douais，同前。前。，106）。 His works were consulted from the time they became known, and by the middle of the fourteenth century his "Summa Theologica" had supplanted the "Libri quatuor sententiarum", of Peter Lombard as the text-book of theology in the Dominican schools.从他的作品进行了磋商，他们成为众所周知的时间，以及本世纪中叶的14他的“神学大全”已取代了“利博利quatuor sententiarum”的彼得伦巴作为文本的神学书在多米尼加学校。With the growth of the order and the widening of its influence Thomism spread throughout the world; St. Thomas became the great master in the universities and in the studia of the religious orders (see Encyc. "Aeterni Patris" of Leo XIII).随着订单的增长和托马斯主义扩大其影响力遍布世界，圣托马斯大学成为大师并在订单studia的宗教（见Encyc。“Aeterni祖国报”的利奥十三）。 The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries saw Thomism in a triumphal march which led to the crowning of St. Thomas as the Prince of Theologians, when his "Summa was laid beside the Sacred Scriptures at the Council of Trent, and St. Pius V, in 1567, proclaimed him a Doctor of the Universal Church. The publication of the "Piana" edition of his works, in 1570, and the multiplication of editions of the "Opera omnia" and of the "Summa" during the seventeenth century and part of the eighteenth show that Thomism flourished during that period. In fact it was during that period that some of the great commentators (for example, Francisco Suárez, Sylvius, and Billuart) adapted his works to the needs of the times. 15和16世纪出现在1567年托马斯主义的胜利进军，而导致在圣托马斯加冕王子作为神学家，当他的“总结奠定了旁边的神圣经文理事会的遄达，和圣，庇护五世，医生宣布他的教会的通用。工程出版的“皮亚纳他的”版，在1570年和乘法的Omnia歌剧版本的“”和“总结”在17世纪的一部分第十八表明，托马斯主义在这一时期蓬勃发展。事实上，在这一时期是一些伟大的评论家（例如对弗朗西斯科苏亚雷斯，西尔维于斯，和Billuart）改编他的作品与时代的需要。
C. Decline of Scholasticism and of Thomism三衰落士林和托马斯主义
Gradually, however, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, there came a decline in the study of the works of the great Scholastics.渐渐地，然而，在17和18世纪，出现了一院哲学家下降大的研究工程。Scholars believed that there was need of a new system of studies, and, instead of building upon and around Scholasticism, they drifted away from it.学者们认为有需要研究的一个新的系统，建设，而不是在靠近士林，他们疏远了。The chief causes which brought about the change were Protestantism, Humanism, the study of nature, and the French Revolution.主要的变化带来了约原因，其中包括基督教，人文，自然研究，与法国大革命。Positive theology was considered more necessary in discussions with the Protestants than Scholastic definitions and divisions.被认为是更积极的神学分歧必要和定义的讨论与新教徒比学业。Elegance of dietion was sought by the Humanists in the Greek and Latin classics, rather than in the works of the Scholastics, many of whom were far from being masters of style. dietion高雅的人文主义者所寻求的是在希腊和拉丁经典，而不是风格的作品的scholastics，其中许多人是被主人远离。The discoveries of Copernicus (d. 1543), Kepler (d. 1631), Galileo (d. 1642), and Newton (d. 1727) were not favourably received by the Scholastics.四1543年哥白尼的发现（），开普勒（草1631），伽利略（草1642），牛顿（死于1727年）没有收到积极院哲学家。 The experimental sciences were in honour; the Scholastics including St. Thomas, were neglected (cf. Turner, op cit., 433). Finally, the French Revolution disorganized all ecclesiastical studies, dealing to Thomisn a blow from which it did not fully recover until the last quarter of the nineteenth century.在实验科学荣誉的包括圣托马斯院哲学，被忽略（参见特纳，同前。，433）。最后，法国大革命混乱所有的教会的研究，涉及到Thomisn打击从它并没有完全恢复直到19世纪最后四分之一。 At the time when Billuart (d. 1757) published his "Summa Sancti Thoma hodiernis academiarum moribus accomodata" Thomism still held an important place in all theological discussion.当时当Billuart（草1757）出版了他的“总结桑克蒂索玛hodiernis academiarum moribus accomodata”托马斯主义神学的讨论仍然举行了在所有重要的地方。The tremendous upheaval which disturbed Europe from 1798 to 1815 affected the Church as well as the State.它的巨大动荡困扰欧洲从1798年到1815年受影响的教会以及国家。The University of Louvain, which had been largely Thomistic, was compelled to close its doors, and other important institutions of learning were either closed or seriously hampered in their work.鲁汶大学的托马斯主义，这在很大程度上是被迫关闭其门，和其他重要机构的学习要么关闭或严重妨碍了他们的工作。The Dominican Order, which naturally had supplied the most ardent Thomists, was crushed in France, Germany, Switzerland, and Belgium.多米尼加秩序，这自然也提供了最热烈的Thomists，被镇压在法国，德国，瑞士和比利时。The province of Holland was almost destroyed, whilst the provinces of Austria and Italy were left to struggle for their very existence.荷兰省几乎被摧毁，而奥地利和意大利等省份留给他们的生存斗争。The University of Manila (1645) continued to teach the doctrines of St. Thomas and in due time gave to the world Cardinal Zephyrinus González, OP, who contributed in no small degree to the revival of Thomism under Leo XIII.利奥十三世大学马尼拉（1645年）继续教教义的圣托马斯和在适当的时候给世界枢机Zephyrinus冈萨雷斯任择议定书，谁贡献没有根据托马斯主义的复活小的程度。
D. Distinctive Doctrines of Thomism in General四独特的托马斯主义学说在一般
(1) In Philosophy（1）在哲学
The angels and human souls are without matter, but every material composite being (compositum) has two parts, prime matter and substantial form.天使和人的灵魂是没有问题，但每一个材料复合被（compositum）有两个部分，首要的问题，实质的形式。In a composite being which has substantial unity and is not merely an aggregate of distinct units, there can be but one substantial form.在拥有丰厚的复合正团结不仅是一个单位计算的不同，但可以有一个实质的形式。 The substantial form of man is his soul (anima rationalis) to the exclusion of any other soul and of any other substantial form.人的实质的形式是他的灵魂（灵魂rationalis）的形式排斥任何其他的灵魂和任何其他重大。 The principle of individuation, for material composites, is matter with its dimensions: without this there can be no merely numerical multiplication: distinction in the form makes specific distinction: hence there cannot be two angels of the same species. The essences of things do not depend on the free will of God, but on His intellect, and ultimately on His essence, which is immutable.该个性化原则，对材料复合材料，是尺寸的问题与它的：没有这个就没有只算乘法：形式的区别在作出具体的区分：因此不可能有2种天使一样的。事物的本质不依靠神的自由意志，但他的智慧，并最终在他的本质，这是不可改变的。 The natural law, being derived from the eternal law, depends on the mind of God, ultimately on the essence of God; hence it is intrinsically immutable.自然法，是来自永恒的法律，神依赖于心灵，最终在上帝的本质，因此它在本质上是不可改变的。Some actions are forbidden by God because they are bad: they are not bad simply because He forbids them [see Zigliara, "Sum. phil."有些行动是禁止的上帝，因为他们是坏：他们不是坏是因为他禁止他们[见齐利亚拉，“萨姆。菲尔。”(3 vols., Paris, 1889), ccx, xi, II, M. 23, 24, 25].（3卷。巴黎，1889年），芝加哥气候交易所，十一，二，米23，24，25]。
The will moves the intellect quoad exercitium, ie in its actual operation: the intellect moves the will quoad specificationem, ie by presenting objects to it: nil volitum nisi praecognitum.在将移动智能quoad exercitium，在实际操作即：智力移动将quoad specificationem，它通过提出反对，即：无volitum暂准praecognitum。The beginning of all our acts is the apprehension and desire of good in general (bonum in communi).开始的行为是对我们所有的忧虑和普遍愿望的好（通信博纳姆中）。We desire happiness (bonum in communi) naturally and necessarily, not by a free deliberate act.我们渴望幸福（通信博纳姆中）自然和必然，而不是一个自由的蓄意行为。Particular goods (bona particularia) we choose freely; and the will is a blind faculty, always following the last practical judgment of the intellect (Zigliara, 51).特定货物（真正particularia），我们自由选择，以及教师会是一条走不通的，总是沿着最后的理智实际判决（齐利亚拉，51）。
The senses and the intellect are passive, ie recipient, faculties; they do not create, but receive (ie perceive) their objects (St. Thomas, I, Q. lxxviii, a. 3; Q. lxxix, a. 2; Zigliara, 26, 27).感官和理智是被动的，即受援国，院系，他们并不制作，但接收（即感知）的对象（圣托马斯，我问：lxxviii，甲3;问：第七十九号法令，答：2;齐利亚拉，26，27）。 If this principle is borne in mind there is no reason for Kant's "Critique of Pure Reason".如果这个原则是牢记没有任何理由康德的“纯粹理性批判”。On the other hand those faculties are not like wax, or the sensitive plate used by photog raphers, in the sense that they are inert and receive impressions unconsciously.另一方面，这些能力都raphers不喜欢蜡，或使用敏感的摄片的感觉，在他们的印象是惰性和不自觉地接受。 The will controls the exercise of the faculties, and the process of acquiring knowledge is a vital process: the moving cause is always within the living agent.意志控制系行使，以及获取知识的过程是一个重要的过程：移动事业始终是在生活的代理人。
The Peripatetic axiom: "Nihil est in intellectu quod non prius in sensu" (Nothing is in the intellect that was not first in the senses), is admitted; but St. Thomas modifies it by saying: first, that, once the sense objects have been perceived, the intellect ascends to the knowledge of higher things, even of God; and, secondly, that the soul knows its own existence by itself (ie by its own act), although it knows its own nature only by refiection on its acts.在逍遥公理：“Nihil预测在intellectu狴在意义上的非普锐斯”（没有什么感觉，是在不理智这是第一次），是承认，但圣托马斯说，它的修改：第一，一旦感觉对象一直认为，智登高的事物的知识，更高，甚至上帝，其次是灵魂知道自己的行为，由它自己的存在本身（即），虽然它知道只有自己的学说的反思就其性质行为。 Knowledge begins by sense perception, but the range of the intellect is far beyond that of the senses.认识开始由感官知觉，但理智的范围远远超出感官，该。In the soul as soon as it begins to act are found the first principles (prima principia) of all knowledge, not in the form of an objective illumination, but in the form of a subjective inclination to admit them on account of their evidence.在灵魂尽快采取行动，因为它开始被发现的第一原则（表面原理知识）所有，而不是在一个客观的照明形式，但在主观倾向形式承认他们的证据就考虑。 As soon as they are proposed we see that they are true; there is no more reason for doubting them than there is for denying the existence of the sun when we see it shining (see Zigliara, op. cit., pp. 32-42).只要他们提出，要看到他们是真正的，没有，同更多的理由怀疑他们看到有比我们的否定存在的太阳升起时，它的光辉（见齐利亚拉。同上。页。32-42 ）。
The direct and primary object of the intellect is the universal, which is prepared and presented to the passive intellect (intellectus possibilis) by the active intellect (intellectus agens) which illuminates the phantasmata, or mental images, received through the senses, and divests them of all individuating conditions.该对象的直接和主要的智力是普遍的，这是准备并提交给被动智（智洋possibilis感官）的活跃的智力（智洋动力因），其中阐明了phantasmata，或精神形象，得到通过，他们和剥离所有个性化的条件。 This is called abstracting the universal idea from the phantasmata, but the term must not be taken in a matrialistic sense. Abstraction is not a transferring of something from one place to another; the illumination causes all material and individuating conditions to disappear, then the universal alone shines out and is perceived by the vital action of the intellect (Q. lxxxiv, a. 4; Q. lxxxv, a. 1, ad lum, 3um, 4um). The process throughout is so vital, and so far elevated above material conditions and modes of action, that the nature of the acts and of the objects apprehended proves the soul to be immaterial and spiritual. The soul, by its very nature, is immortal.这就是所谓的phantasmata抽象的普遍想法，但长期不能采取一matrialistic意义。抽象不是一个地方转移到另一个的东西从，导致所有的照明材料和个性化的条件消失，那么普遍单照出来，是4知觉由智力的重要行动（问：lxxxiv，答;问lxxxv，甲1，广告绥，3um，4um）。整个过程是如此的重要，迄今以上升高物质条件和行动的模式，即行为的性质和对象被捕证明是无关紧要的灵魂和精神。灵魂的性质，其本身是不朽的。 Not only is it true that God will not annihilate the soul, but from its very nature it will always continue to exist, there being in it no principle of disintegration (Zigliara, p. 9). Hence human reason can prove the incorruptibility (ie immortality) of the soul.它不仅是真正的上帝不会消灭的灵魂，而是来自其本身的性质，它会永远继续存在，但它没有被解体的原则（齐利亚拉，第9页）。因此，人类理性可以证明的廉洁（即永生）的灵魂。
The existence of God is not known by an innate idea, it cannot be proved by arguments a priori or a simultaneo; but it can be demonstrated by a posteriori arguments.这个想法存在先天不知道上帝是由一，不能证明论点先天或simultaneo，但它可以在事后证明论点。Ontologism was never taught by St. Thomas or by Thomists (see Lepidi, "Exam. phil. theol. de ontologismo", Louvain, 1874, c. 19; Zigliara, Theses I, VIII). Ontologism从来没有教圣托马斯或Thomists（见勒皮迪，“考试。菲尔。theol。德ontologismo”，鲁汶，1874年角19;齐利亚拉，论文一，八）。
There are no human (ie deliberate) acts indifferent in individuo.有没有人（即故意）行为individuo无动于衷。
(2) In Theology（2）在神学
Faith and science, ie knowledge by demonstration, cannot co-exist in the same subject with regard to the same object (Zigliara, O, 32, VII); and the same is true of knowledge and opinion.信仰与科学，即由示范知识，不能共存于同一主题的关于同一个对象（齐利亚拉，澳，32，七）;和相同的是真正的知识和见解。
The metaphysical essence of God consists, according to some Thomists, in the intelligere actualissimum, ie fulness of pure intellection, according to others in the perfection of aseitas, ie in dependent existence (Zigliara, Th. VIII, IX).神的形而上学的实质在于，根据一些Thomists，在intelligere actualissimum，即充满了纯粹的思维的，根据其他人的aseitas完美的，即在存在依赖（齐利亚拉，钍。八，九）。
The happiness of heaven, formally and in the ultimate analysis, consists in the vision, not in the fruition, of God.来自天堂的快乐，并在最终的正式分析，包括在视觉，成果不是在，上帝。
The Divine attributes are distinguished from the Divine nature and from each other by a virtual distinction, ie by a distinctio rationis cum fundamento a parte rei.神的属性是有别于神圣的性质和相互被虚拟的区别，即由一distinctio迪雷rationis暨fundamento一个单方面。 The distinctio actualis formalis of Scotus is rejected. In attempting to explain the mystery of the Trinity -- in as far as man can conceive it -- the relations must be considered perfectiones simpliciter simplices, ie excluding all imperfection.该distinctio actualis司各脱formalis的将被拒绝。在试图解释三位一体的奥秘-在尽可能人能想象它-的关系，必须考虑perfectiones擅用单形的，即不包括所有缺陷。 The Holy Ghost would not be distinct from the Son if He did not proceed from the Son as well as from the Father.圣灵不会儿子有别于如果他没有儿子要从以及来自父亲。
The angels, being pure spirits, are not, properly speaking, in any place; they are said to be in the place, or in the places, where they exercise their activity (Summa, I, Q. lii, a. 1).天使，是纯粹的精神，不，正确地说，任何一个，他们都表示要在这个地方，还是在地方，在那里他们行使他们的活动（总结，我问吕，答：1）。 Strictly speaking, there is no such thing as an angel passing from place to place; but if an angel wishes to exercise its activity first in Japan and afterwards in America, it can do so in two instants (of angelic time), and need not pass through the intervening space (Q. liii).严格来说，没有任何地方发生这样的事情作为一个合格的天使，但如果天使要行使其活动首次在日本和美国之后，它可以这样做，两个瞬间（天使般的时间），而无须五十三，通过中间的空间（问）。 St. Thomas does not discuss the question "How many angels can dance on the point of a needle?"圣托马斯不讨论这个问题：“能有多少天使在针尖上跳舞的？”He reminds us that we must not think of angels as if they were corporeal, and that, for an angel, it makes no difference whether the sphere of his activity be the point of a needle or a continent (Q. lii, a. 2).他提醒我们，不要以为我们的天使，好像他们是有形的，而天使，为一，并没有区别是否对他的活动范围是二点一针或大陆（吕问，答）。 Many angels cannot be said to be in the same place at the same time, for this would mean that whilst one angel is producing an effect others could be producing the same effect at the same time.很多天使不能说是在同一个地方在同一时间，这将意味着，虽然是一个天使他人产生的效果可能会产生同样的效果同时在。There can be but one angel in the same place at the same time (Q. lii, a. 3).但可以有一个天使在同一个地方在同一时间（问：吕，答：3）。The knowledge of the angels comes through ideas (species) infused by God (QQ. lv, a.2, lvii, a.2, lviii, a.7).天使的知识来A.7节），通过观念（种）注入神（QQ.吕，A.2节，第五十七号，第A.2，第五十八号。They do not naturally know future contingents, the secrets of souls, or the mysteries of grace (Q. lvii, aa. 3, 45).他们不知道未来的队伍，自然，灵魂的秘密，或优雅的奥秘（问：第五十七，机管局。三，45）。The angels choose either good or evil instantly, and with full knowledge; hence their judgment is naturally final and irrevocable (Q. lxiv, a. 2).天使选择是好或邪恶的即刻，以及全面的知识，因此他们的判决是最终及不可撤销的自然（问：lxiv，答：2）。
Man was created in the state of sanctifying grace.男子创造的神圣恩典的状态。Grace was not due to his nature, but God granted it to him from the beginning (I, Q. xcv, a. 1).恩是不是因为他的天性，但上帝给予甲1）他从一开始（一，问：xcv。So great was the per fection of man in the state of original justice, and so perfect the subjection of his lower faculties to the higher, that his first sin could not have been a venia] sin (I-II, Q. lxxxix, a. 3).如此之大，是正义的每fection男子原来的状态，因此完善学院隶属他低级到高级，他的第一宗罪不可能是一个venia]罪（第一和第二，问：lxxxix，一。3）。
It is more probable that the Incarnation would not have taken place had man not sinned (III, Q. i, a. 3).这是更可能的化身就不会发生了罪的人不会（三，问：我答：3）。In Christ there were three kinds of knowledge: the scientia beata, ie the knowledge of things in the Divine Essence; the scientia infusa, ie the knowledge of things through infused ideas (species), and the scientia acquisita, ie acquired or experimental knowledge, which was nothing more than the actual experience of things which he already knew.在基督里有三种知识：物理学贝阿塔，即在神圣的知识本质的东西，在物理学infusa，即注入种想法（事物的知识通过），以及物理学acquisita，即收购或实验的知识，不过是知道他已经超过了实际经验的东西。 On this last point St. Thomas, in the "Summa" (Q. ix, a. 4), explicitly retracts an opinion which he had once held (III Sent., d. 14, Q. iii, a. 3).关于最后一点圣托马斯，在“总结”（问九，答：4），明确地缩回一发送意见，他曾举行（三。，四十四，问：三，答：3）。
All sacraments of the New Law, including confirmation and extreme unction, were instituted immediately by Christ.极端油膏所有圣礼的新税法，包括确认，并立即被提起基督。Circumcision was a sacrament of the Old Law and conferred grace which removed the stain of original sin.割礼是一个法律圣礼的旧的和赋予的恩典而取消了原来的罪恶污点。The children of Jews or of other unbelievers may not be baptized without the consent of their parents (III, Q. lxviii, a. 10; 11-Il, Q. x, a. 12; Denzinger-Bannwart, n. 1481).其他不信的犹太人的子女或可能不洗不同意他们的父母10（三，问：lxviii，答; 11金正日，问十，答：12;登青格，Bannwart，翻译，1481）。Contrition, confession, and satisfaction are the proximate matter (materia proxima) of the Sacrament of Penance.悔悟，认罪，和满意度是型材（中药比邻）的忏悔圣事的。Thomists hold, against the Scotists, that when Transubstantiation takes place in the Mass the Body of Christ is not made present per modum adduclionis, ie is not brought to the altar, but they do not agree in selecting the term which should be used to express this action (cf. Billuart, "De Euchar.", Diss. i, a. 7). Thomists认为，对的Scotists，当把基督放在陷于群众的身体是没有莫杜目前每adduclionis，即不仅带来了祭坛，但他们不同意在选择快递任期应该用来这一行动（参见Billuart，“德奥伊夏尔。”迪斯。我答7）。 Cardinal Billot holds ("Dc cccl. sacr.", Rome, 1900, Th. XI, "Dc euchar.", p. 379) that the best, and the only possible, explanation is the one given by St. Thomas himself: Christ becomes present by transubstantiation, ie by the conversion of the substance of bread into the substance of His body (III, Q. lxxv, a. 4; Sent., d. XI, Q. i, a. 1, q. 1).红衣主教比约持有（“直流成为花旗。sacr。”，罗马，1900年，钍。席，“直流奥伊夏尔。”，第379页），最好的，唯一可能的解释是他自己圣托马斯在一个给定的：目前由基督成为质变，即由面包的物质转化成物质，他的4个机构（三，问：lxxv，答;发送。，四席，问我答：1，问：1 ）。After the consecration the accidents (accidentia) of the bread and wine are preserved by Almighty God without a subject (Q. lxxxvii, a. 1).奉献后的意外（accidentia酒）的面包，并保留由全能的上帝没有主题（问：第八十七号，甲1）。It was on this question that the doctors of Paris sought enlightenment from St. Thomas (see Vaughan, "Life and Labours of St. Thomas", London, 1872, II, p. 544).正是在解决这个问题，巴黎的医生寻求启示圣托马斯（见沃恩，“生命和圣托马斯劳动力”，伦敦，1872年，二，页544）。 The earlier Thomists, following St. Thomas (Suppl., Q. xxxvii, a. 2), taught that the sub-diaconate and the four minor orders were partial sacraments.越早Thomists，以下圣托马斯（补编，问：三十七，答：2），告诉我们，分diaconate和四个小部分订单圣礼。 Some recent Thomists -- eg, Billot (op. cit., p. 282) and Tanquerey (De ordine, n. 16) -- defend this opinion as more probable and more in conformity with the definitions of the councils.最近的一些Thomists -例如，比约（同前。，第282页）和Tanquerey（德秩序报，注16） -捍卫议会的这一意见的定义可能更符合和更多信息。The giving of the chalice with wine and of the paten with bread Thomists generally held to be an essential part of ordination to the priesthood.这给圣杯的神职人员，并与葡萄酒的帕滕的协调与面包Thomists被普遍持有的重要组成部分。Some, however, taught that the imposition of hands was at least necessary.然而，有些教导说手中征收至少是必要的。 On the question of divorce under the Mosaic Law the disciples of St. Thomas, like the saint himself (Suppl., Q. lxvii, a. 3), wavered, some holding that a dispensation was granted, others teaching that divorce was merely tolerated in order to avoid greater evils.关于离婚的法律问题，根据镶嵌的门徒圣托马斯动摇，就像圣人自己（补编，问：lxvii，甲3），一些获认为是一个免除，其他教学，离婚只是容忍为了避免更大的罪恶。
THE THOMISTIC SCHOOL学校的托马斯主义
The chief doctrines distinctive of this school, composed principally of Dominican writers, are the following:学校的主要学说这鲜明，主要是多米尼加作家组成，如下：
A. In Philosophy答：在哲学
The unity of substantial form in composite beings, applied to man, requires that the soul be the substantial form of the man, so as to exclude even the forma corporeitatis, admitted by Henry of Ghent, Scotus, and others (cf. Zigliara, P. 13; Denzinger-Bannwart, in note to n. 1655).在复合的形式大量人口的统一，应用到人，要求该人的灵魂是形式的实质，以便排除即使是形式上的corporeitatis，别人承认和根特的亨利，司各脱，（参见齐利亚拉，磷。13;登青格，Bannwart，附注为n 1655）。
In created beings there is a real distinction between the essentia (essence) and the existentia (existence); between the essentia and the subsistentia; between the real relation and its foundation; between the soul and its faculties; between the several faculties.在创造的人有一个（真正的本质区别的essentia）和existentia（存在）;之间essentia和subsistentia;之间的真正关系，其基础;之间的灵魂和它的院系，院系之间的数。 There can be no medium between a distinctio realis and a distinctio rationis, or conceptual distinction; hence the distinctio formalis a parte rei of Scotus cannot be admitted.不可能有任何区别之间distinctio直陈中和distinctio rationis，或概念，因此单方面的distinctio formalis 1司各脱迪雷不能承认的。For Thomistic doctrines on free will, God's knowledge, etc., see below.对于托马斯主义主义的自由意志，上帝的知识等，见下文。
B. In TheologyB.在神学
In the beatific vision God's essence takes the place not only of the species impressa, but also of the species expressa.在幸福的远景上帝的本质需要的地方不仅是物种impressa，但特快也是种。
All moral virtues, the acquired as well as the infused, in their perfect state, are interconneted.所有的美德，被收购以及注入，在他们的完善的国家，是interconneted。
According to Billuart (De pecc., diss. vii, a. 6), it has been a matter of controversy between Thomists whether the malice of a mortal sin is absolutely infinite.据Billuart（德议会。，迪斯。七，答：6），它一直是Thomists之间的争议问题是否恶意的一个致命的罪过是绝对无限的。
In choosing a medium between Rigorism and Laxism, the Thomistic school has been Antiprobabilistic and generally has adopted Probabiliorism.在选择学校和媒体之间Rigorism Laxism，已Antiprobabilistic的托马斯主义和普遍采用Probabiliorism。Some defended Equiprobabilism, or Probabilism cum compensatione.一些辩护Equiprobabilism，或然论暨compensatione。Medina and St. Antoninus are claimed by the Probabilists.麦地那和圣安东尼声称是由Probabilists。
Thomistic theologians generally, whilst they defended the infallibility of the Roman pontiff, denied that the pope had the power to dissolve a matrimonium ratum or to dispense from a solemn vow made to God.一般神学家托马斯主义，而他们辩护的罗马教皇犯错误，否认教宗的权力，解散matrimonium ratum或免除从支付给上帝的庄严誓言。When it was urged that some popes had granted such favours, they cited other pontiffs who declared that they could not grant them (cf. Billuart, "De matrim.", Diss. v, a. 2), and said, with Dominic Soto, "Factum pontificium non facit articulum fidei" (The action of a pope does not constitute an article of faith, in 4 dist., 27, Q. i, a. 4).当人们呼吁，一些教皇曾发出这样的主张，他们引用德matrim其他教宗宣布，他们谁也不会给予他们（参见Billuart，“。”迪斯。五，答：2），并说，与多米尼克索托“呈文pontificium非法西特articulum信德奥迹”（教皇的行动不构成一个信念条县，4。，27，问我，答：4）。 Thomists of today are of a different mind, owing to the practice of the Church.今天Thomists的是一个不同的态度，因为教会实践中。
The hypostatic union, without any additional grace, rendered Christ impeccable.工会的本质的，没有任何额外的恩典，基督提供无可挑剔的。The Word was hypostatically united to the blood of Christ and remained united to it, even during the interval between His death and resurrection (Denzinger-Bannwart, n. 718).这个词是hypostatically团结，以基督的血，它仍然团结一致，即使在）间隔他的死亡和复活（登青格，Bannwart，注718。 During that same interval the Body of Christ had a transitory form, called forma cadaverica (Zigliara, P. 16, 17, IV).在同一区间的基督身体有一个过渡形式，称为试算cadaverica（齐利亚拉，第16，17，四）。
The sacraments of the New Law cause grace not only as instrumental moral causes, but by a mode of causality which should be called instrumental and physical.优雅的圣礼事业的新税法不仅有助于道德原因，而是由物理模式的因果关系，应称为工具和。In the attrition required in the Sacrament of Penance there should be at least a beginning of the love of God; sorrow for sin springing solely from the fear of hell will not suffice.在忏悔圣事的自然减员的需要，应至少一开始的神的爱;足够悲伤，恐怕不只是单雨后春笋般的从地狱的意志。
Many theologians of the Thomistic School, especially before the Council of Trent, opposed the doctrine of Mary's Immaculate Conception, claiming that in this they were following St. Thomas.许多神学家托马斯主义学校的遄达，尤其在立法会，反对概念主义圣母无玷，声称他们是在这之后圣托马斯。This, however, has not been the opinion either of the entire school or of the Dominican Order as a body. Father Rouard de Card, in his book "L'ordre des freres precheurs et l'Immaculée Conception "(Brussels, 1864), called attention to the fact that ten thousand professors of the order defended Mary's great privilege.然而，这却并非）的意见或整个学校或，1864年多米尼加秩序的机构。父亲鲁阿尔德卡，在他的著作“L'公共秩序德兄弟公司precheurs等l'伊玛库莱构想”（布鲁塞尔，提请注意这一事实，即万秩序教授的辩护玛丽的伟大特权。 At the Council of Trent twenty-five Dominican bishops signed a petition for the definition of the dogma.遄达5 21主教在安理会多米尼加签署了一份请愿书的教条的定义。Thousands of Dominicans, in taking degrees at the University of Paris, solemnly pledged themselves to defend the Immaculate Conception.多米尼加成千上万的巴黎，在大学学位的同时，郑重承诺要捍卫无原罪。
The Thomistic School is distinguished from other schools of theology chiefly by its doctrines on the difficult questions relating to God's action on the free will of man, God's foreknowledge, grace, and predestination.在托马斯的学校是杰出的，宿命和恩典，从其他处分的学校上帝的神学教义主要是通过其有关困难问题的人的自由意志，上帝的预知。 In the articles on these subjects will be found an exposition of the different theories advanced by the different schools in their effort to explain these mysteries, for such they are in reality.在这些学科的文章，会发现一个神秘的论述来解释这些努力，他们的学校在不同的理论，先进的不同，他们对这种现实的研究。 As to the value of these theories the following points should be borne in mind:至于在这些思想的价值理论应当承担以下几点：
No theory has as yet been proposed which avoids all difficulties and solves all doubts;没有理论尚未被提出，避免一切困难，解决了所有的疑虑;
on the main and most difficult of these questions some who are at times listed as Molinists -- notably Bellarmine, Francisco Suárez, Francis de Lugo, and, in our own days, Cardinal Billot ("De deo uno et trino", Rome, 1902, Th. XXXII) -- agree with the Thomists in defending predestination ante praevisa merita.对主要的和最困难的问题，其中有些是由于上市谁Molinists有时-尤其贝拉明，弗朗西斯科苏亚雷斯，弗朗西斯德卢戈，并在我们自己的日子，红衣主教比约（“德宇野等特里诺迪奥”，罗马，1902年，钍。三十二） -同意praevisa梅里塔的Thomists捍卫宿命筹码。Bossuet, after a long study of the question of physical premotion, adapted the Thomistic opinion ("Du libre arbitre", c. viii).波舒哀premotion，经过长期的物理问题的研究，适应了托马斯的意见（“都自由报arbitre”角八）。
Thomists do not claim to be able to explain, except by a general reference to God's omnipotence, how man remains free under the action of God, which they consider necessary in order to preserve and explain the universality of God's causality and the independent certainty of His foreknowledge. Thomists不声称能够解释，除非由一般性地提及上帝的全能，如何人仍然自由下行动的上帝，因为他们认为必要的，以保存和解释的普遍性神因果关系和独立肯定他预知。 No man can explain, except by a reference to God's infinite power, how the world was created out of nothing, yet we do not on this account deny creation, for we know that it must be admitted.没有人能解释，除非是没有提及上帝的无限的力量，世界是如何创造出来的，但我们在这个帐户没有否认创作，因为我们知道，它必须承认。 In like manner the main question put to Thomists in this controversy should be not "How will you explain man's liberty?"在这样的方式把这个问题的主要争论Thomists中不应“你将如何解释人的自由？”but "What are your reasons for claiming so much for God's action?"但“你有什么理由这么多自称为神的行动？”If the reasons assigned are insufficient, then one great difficulty is removed, but there remains to be solved the problem of God's foreknowledge of man's free acts.如果分配不足的原因，然后一大困难是拆除，但仍有待解决的问题，神的预知了人的自由的行为。If they are valid, then we must accept them with their necessary consequences and humbly confess our inability fully to explain how wisdom "reacheth . . . from end to end mightily, and ordereth all things sweetly" (Wisdom 8:1).如果他们是有效的，那么我们必须接受的后果他们用自己的必要和虚心承认我们无法充分解释如何智慧“reacheth。。。从端到端千差万别的责任，所有的东西和ordereth甜甜”（智8:1）。
Most important of all, it must be clearly understood and remembered that the Thomistic system on predestination neither saves fewer nor sends to perdition more souls than any other system held by Catholic theologians. In regard to the number of the elect there is no unanimity on either side; this is not the question in dispute between the Molinists and the Thomists.最重要的，它必须清楚理解和记忆，关于宿命托马斯主义体制，既不节约，也不减少发送到灭亡天主教神学家更系统持有比任何其他的灵魂。至于选举的编号一致，没有任何关于方，这是不是Thomists问题的争议与Molinists和。 The discussions, too often animated and needlessly sharp, turned on this point: How does it happen that, although God sincerely desires the salvation of all men, some are to be saved, and must thank God for whatever merits they may have amassed, whilst others will be lost, and will know that they themselves, and not God, are to be blamed?的讨论，往往毫无必要的动画和夏普，点打开这样的：它是如何发生的，虽然上帝真诚愿望拯救所有的人，有些是被保存，同时要感谢上帝，不管是非曲直，他们可能已经积累了其他人将被丢失，就知道他们自己，而不是神，是被指责？ -- The facts in the case are admitted by all Catholic theologians.-该案件的事实，是天主教神学家承认所有。The Thomists, appealing to the authority of St. Augustine and St. Thomas, defend a system which follows the admitted facts to their logical conclusions.该Thomists，呼吁，权威的圣奥古斯丁和圣托马斯捍卫一个制度，遵循以事实承认其合乎逻辑的结论。 The elect are saved by the grace of God, which operates on their wills efficaciously and infallibly without detriment to their liberty; and since God sincerely desires the salvation of all men, He is prepared to grant that same grace to others, if they do not, by a free act, render themselves unworthy of it.该选举是自由的恩典得救的上帝，经营着他们的意志灵验和infallibly不损害其和真诚的愿望，因为上帝拯救所有的男人，他愿意给予他人同样的宽限期，如果他们不，一个自由的行为，使自己不值得的。 The faculty of placing obstacles to Divine grace is the unhappy faculty of sinning; and the existence of moral evil in the world is a problem to be solved by all, not by the Thomists alone. The fundamental difficulties in this mysterious question are the existence of evil and the non-salvation of some, be they few or be they many, under the rule of an omnipotent, all-wise, and all-merciful God, and they miss the point of the controversy who suppose that these difficulties exist only for the Thomists.宽限期学院设置障碍，以神圣的，是犯罪，不愉快的教师，以及道德上的邪恶世界存在的所有问题是要解决，不单单由Thomists。这个神秘问题的根本困难是存在的邪恶和非一些救赎，无论是少数还是被他们许多人来说，统治下的一个万能的，全智，全仁慈的神，他们错过了谁的争议点假设，这些困难只存在在Thomists。 The truth is known to lie somewhere between Calvinism and Jansenism on the one hand, and Semipelagianism on the other. The efforts made by theologians and the various explanations offered by Augustinians, Thomists, Molinists, and Congruists show how difficult of solution are the questions involved.事实是众所周知的詹森主义和加尔文主义介于之间，一方面，和Semipelagianism另一方。，Molinists Thomists奥古斯丁所作的努力，所提供的各种解释和神学家，和Congruists展示如何难以解决的问题是涉及。Perhaps we shall never know, in this world, how a just and merciful God provides in some special manner for the elect and yet sincerely loves all men.也许我们永远不会知道，在这个世界上，如何公正和仁慈的上帝提供了一些特殊的方式选出的，但真诚地爱所有的人。The celebrated Congregatio de Auxiliis did not forever put an end to the controversies, and the question is not yet settled.著名congregatio德Auxiliis永远没有结束的争论，问题尚未解决。
III.三。NEO-THOMISM AND THE REVIVAL OF SCHOLASTICISM新托马斯主义和经院哲学的复兴
When the world in the first part of the nineteenth century began to enjoy a period of peace and rest after the disturbances caused by the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, closer attention was given to ecclesiastical studies and Scholasticism was revived.当在19世纪的世界第一部分开始享受拿破仑战争的关注，更接近了法国大革命时期和和平和休息后，所造成的干扰给予了研究和士林教会了恢复。 This movement eventually caused a revival of Thomism, because the great master and model proposed by Leo XIII in the encyclical "Aeterni Patris" (4 Aug., 1879) was St. Thomas Aquinas.这场运动最终导致托马斯主义的复兴，因为伟大的船长和祖国报利奥十三模型提出在通谕“aeterni”（1879年8月4日）是圣托马斯阿奎那。 .。.。.。The Thomistic doctrine had received strong support from the older universities.在托马斯主义学说已经收到老年大学的大力支持从。 Among these the Encyclical "Aeterni Patris" mentions Paris, Salamanca, Alcalá Douai, Toulouse, Louvain, Padua, Bologna, Naples, and Coimbra as "the homes of human wisdom where Thomas reigned supreme, and the minds of all, teachers as well as taught, rested in wonderful harmony under the shield and authority of the Angelic Doctor".其中的通谕“aeterni祖国报”中提到巴黎，萨拉曼卡，阿尔卡拉杜埃，图卢兹，鲁汶，帕多瓦，博洛尼亚，那不勒斯和科英布拉为“最高统治的家园，人类智慧在托马斯，和所有的头脑，教师以及教导，在休息奇妙的和谐下，盾牌和权威的天使医生“。 In the universities established by the Dominicans at Lima (1551) and Manila (1645) St. Thomas always held sway.在利马大学成立了由多米尼加人（1551）和马尼拉（1645）圣托马斯总是支配。The same is true of the Minerva school at Rome (1255), which ranked as a university from the year 1580, and is now the international Collegio Angelico.同样是罗马真正的学校在密涅瓦（1255），其中1580年被列为大学的，现在是国际科莱安吉利哥。Coming down to our own times and the results of the Encyclical, which gave a new impetus to the study of St. Thomas's works, the most important centres of activity are Rome, Louvain, Fribourg (Switzerland), and Washington.即将到我们自己的时间和活动的结果的通谕，这给了新的动力研究中心，圣托马斯，最重要的作品是罗马，鲁汶，弗里堡（瑞士），和华盛顿。 At Louvain the chair of Thomistic philosophy, established in 1880, became, in 1889-90, the "Institut supérieur de philosophie" or "Ecole St. Thomas d'Aquin," where Professor Mercier, now Cardinal Archbishop of Mechlin, ably and wisely directed the new Thomistic movement (see De Wulf, "Scholasticism Old and New", tr. Coffey, New York, 1907, append., p. 261; "Irish Ecel. Record", Jan. 1906).在比利时鲁汶主持托马斯主义的哲学，成立于1880年，成为在1889年至1890年的“高等教育研究所哲学评论”或“巴黎高等圣托马斯阿奎那德”，其中教授梅谢尔，现在的枢机主教梅克林，干练和明智地新托马斯主义运动的指示（见德沃尔夫，“士林旧与新”，文。科菲，纽约，1907年追加。，第261页;“爱尔兰Ecel。记录”，1906年1月）。 The theological department of the University of Fribourg, Switzerland, established in 1889, has been entrusted to the Dominicans.在1889年神学系设立的大学，瑞士弗里堡，已委托多米尼加。By the publication of the "Revue thomiste" the professors of that university have contributed greatly to a new knowledge and appreciation of St. Thomas.由大学出版的“歌剧thomiste的说，”教授们大大促进了一个新的知识和圣托马斯表示赞赏。The Constitution of the Catholic University of America at Washington enjoins special veneration for St. Thomas; the School of Sacred Sciences must follow his leadership ("Const. Cath. Univ. Amer.", Rome, 1889, pp. 38, 43). The University of Ottawa and Laval University are the centres of Thomism in Canada.华盛顿大学的宪法在美国的天主教责成圣托马斯特别崇拜的;神圣的科学学院必须按照他的领导（“常量。蛋白酶。大学。阿米尔。”，罗马，1889年，页。38，43）。渥太华大学和拉瓦尔大学是加拿大托马斯主义的中心。 The appreciation of St. Thomas in our days, in Europe and in America, is well set forth in Perrier's excellent "Revival of Scholastic Philosophy in the Nineteenth Century" (New York, 1909).在我们这个时代的托马斯赞赏圣美，在欧洲和热烈，提出了在佩里耶的优良“的哲学复兴的学术19世纪”（纽约，1909年）。
IV.四。EMINENT THOMISTS著名THOMISTS
After the middle of the fourteenth century the vast majority of philosophical and theological writers either wrote commentaries on the works of St. Thomas or based their teachings on his writings.后作家中的14世纪，神学，哲学绝大多数不是说圣托马斯评论的作品或基于他们的教导他的著作。It is impossible, therefore, to give here a complete list of the Thomists: only the more important names can be given.这是不可能的，因此，给这里的Thomists完整列表：只有较重要的名字可以给出。Unless otherwise noted, the authors belonged to the Order of St. Dominic.除非另有说明，作者属于多米尼克命令圣。Those marked (*) were devoted to Thomism in general, but were not of the Thomistic School.这些标记（*）专门在一般的托马斯主义，但学校不是托马斯主义。A more complete list will be found in the works cited at the end of this article.一个较完整的名单将在作品中引用在文章结尾的这一点。
Thirteenth Century13世纪
Thomas de Cantimpré (1270); Hugh of St. Cher (1263); Vincent of Bauvais (1264); St. Raymond de Pennafort (1275); Peter of Tarentaise (Pope Innocent V -- 1276); Giles de Lassines (1278); Reginald de Piperno (1279); William de Moerbeka (1286); Raymond Marti (1286); Bernard de Trilia (1292); Bernard of Hotun, Bishop of Dublin (1298); Theodoric of Apoldia (1299); Thomas Sutton (1300).托马斯德Cantimpré（1270）;）休圣雪儿（1263年，文森特的博韦（1264）;圣泰德彭纳福特（1275）;塔朗泰斯彼得（教皇无辜第五- 1276年）;贾尔斯德Lassines（1278） ; Reginald德皮佩尔诺（1279）;威廉德Moerbeka（1286）;何塞马蒂（1286）; Trilia伯纳德德（1292），伯纳德的Hotun，都柏林主教（1298）;狄奥多里克的Apoldia（1299），托马斯萨顿（1300 ）。
Fourteenth Century14世纪
Peter of Auvergne (1301); Nicholas Boccasini, Benedict XI (1304); Godfrey of Fontaines (1304); Walter of Winterburn (1305); Ægidius Colonna (Aigidius Romanus), OSA (1243-1316); William of Paris (1314); Gerard of Bologna, Carmelite (1317); four biographers, viz Peter Calo (1310); William de Tocco (1324); Bartolommeo of Lucca (1327); Bernard Guidonis* (1331); Dante (1321); Natalis Hervieus (1323); Petrus de Palude (Paludanusi -- 1342); Thomas Bradwardin, Archbishop of Canterbury (1349); Robert Holkott (1349); John Tauler (1361); Bl.彼得奥弗涅（1301）; 1304）尼古拉斯博卡西尼，本笃十一（;戈弗雷的方丹（1304）;沃尔特的温特（1305）;埃吉迪乌斯科隆纳（Aigidius罗曼努斯），露天茶座（1243年至1316年），巴黎的威廉（1314） ;杰拉德博洛尼亚，加尔默罗（1317）; 4传记作者，即彼得卡洛（1310）;威廉德托科（1324）;卢卡Bartolommeo的（1327）;伯纳德Guidonis *（1331），但丁（1321）; Natalis Hervieus（1323 ）;佩特鲁斯德Palude（Paludanusi - 1342年），托马斯Bradwardin，坎特伯雷大主教（1349）;罗伯特Holkott（1349），约翰陶勒尔（1361）; Bl中。 Henry Suso (1365); Thomas of Strasburg, OSA (1357); Jacobus Passavante (1357); Nicholas Roselli (1362); Durandus of Aurillac (1382), sometimes called Durandulus, because he wrote against Durandus a S. Portiano*, who was first a Thomist, afterwards an independent writer, attacking many of St. Thomas's doctrines; John Bromyard (1390); Nicholas Eymeric (1399).亨利苏索（1365）;斯特拉斯堡托马斯，露天茶座（1357）;杰科布斯Passavante（1357）;尼古拉斯罗塞利（1362）;欧里亚克Durandus的（1382），有时也被称为Durandulus，因为他Durandus说对一个南Portiano *，谁首先一个托马斯主义，后来独立的作家，许多攻击教义圣托马斯，约翰布罗姆亚德（1390）;尼古拉斯Eymeric（1399）。
Fifteenth Century15世纪
Manuel Calecas (1410); St. Vincent Ferrer (1415); Bl.曼努埃尔Calecas（1410），圣文森特费雷尔（1415）; Bl中。John Dominici (1419); John Gerson*, chancellor of the University of Paris (1429); Luis of Valladolid (1436); Raymond Sabunde (1437); John Nieder (1437); Capreolus (1444), called the "Prince of Thomists"; John de Montenegro (1445); Fra Angelico (1455); St. Antoninus (1459); Nicholas of Cusa*, of the Brothers of the Common Life (1464); John of Torquemada (de Turrecrematai, 1468); Bessarion, Basilian (1472); Alanus de Rupe (1475); John Faber (1477); Petrus Niger (1471); Peter of Bergamo (1482); Jerome Savonarola (1498).约翰多米尼奇（1419）（1429）约翰巴黎格尔松*的，大学的校长;巴利亚多利德路易斯的（1436），雷蒙德Sabunde（1437），约翰尼德（1437），狍（1444），被称为“王子Thomists “约翰去黑山（1445）;弗拉安吉利科（1455），圣安东尼（1459）; *尼古拉斯的库萨，对1464年）的兄弟共同生活（;约翰托克玛达（德Turrecrematai，1468）;贝萨利昂， Basilian（1472）; Alanus德鲁佩（1475），约翰法贝尔（1477）;佩特鲁斯尼日尔（1471）;贝加莫彼得（1482），杰罗姆萨沃纳罗拉（1498）。
Sixteenth Century16世纪
Felix Faber (1502); Vincent Bandelli (1506); John Tetzel (1519); Diego de Deza (1523); Sylvester Mazzolini (1523); Francesco Silvestro di Ferrara (1528); Thomas de Vio Cajetan (1534) (commentaries by these two are published in the Leonine edition of the works of St. Thomas); Conrad Koellin (1536); Chrysostom Javelli (1538); Santes Pagnino (1541); Francisco de Vitoria (1546); Franc. Romseus (1552); Ambrosius Catherinus* (Lancelot Politi, 1553); St. Ignatius of Loyola (1556) enjoined devotion to St. Thomas; Matthew Ory (1557); Dominic Soto (1560); Melchior Cano (1560); Ambrose Pelargus (1561); Peter Soto (1563); Sixtus of Siena (1569); John Faber (1570); St. Pius V (1572); Bartholomew Medina (1581); Vincent Justiniani (1582); Maldonatus* (Juan Maldonado, 1583); St.费利克斯法贝尔（1502）;文班德利（1506）;约翰特策尔（1519）;圣地亚哥德德扎（1523）;西尔维斯特马佐利尼（1523）;迪弗朗切斯科西尔韦斯特罗费拉拉（1528），托马斯德07:21卡耶坦（1534）（由这些评注两个是发表在圣托马斯莱奥妮恩工程版的）;林钜成koellin（1536）;金口Javelli（1538年）;桑特斯Pagnino（1541），弗朗西斯德维多利亚（1546）;瑞士法郎。Romseus（1552）;安布罗西斯Catherinus *（兰斯洛特波利蒂，1553）;圣依纳爵罗耀拉的（1556）责成奉献圣托马斯;马太奥赖（1557）;多米尼克索托（1560年）;梅尔基奥尔卡诺（1560），刘汉铨Pelargus（1561），彼得索托（ 1563年）;锡耶纳西斯的（1569年）;约翰法贝尔（1570）;圣庇护五世（1572）;缪麦地那（1581）; 1582）文森特斯蒂尼亚尼（; Maldonatus *（胡安马尔多纳多，1583年）;街Charles Borromeo* (1584); Salmerón* (1585); Ven.查尔斯博罗密欧*（1584）;萨尔梅龙*（1585）;法师。Louis of Granada (1588); Bartholomew of Braga (1590); Toletus* (1596); Bl.路易格拉纳达（1588）;布拉加巴塞洛缪的（1590）; Toletus *（1596）; Bl中。Peter Canisius* (1597); Thomas Stapleton*, Doctor of Louvain (1598); Fonseca (1599); Molina* (1600).彼得卡尼西斯*（1597），托马斯斯泰普尔顿*，鲁汶博士（1598）;丰塞卡（1599年）;莫利纳*（1600）。
Seventeenth Century17世纪
Valentia* (1603); Domingo Baflez (1604); Vásquez* (1604); Bart.瓦伦西亚*（1603）;多明戈Baflez（1604）;巴斯克斯*（1604）;巴特。Ledesma (1604); Sánchez* (1610); Baronius * (1607); Capponi a Porrecta (1614); Aur. Menochio * (1615); Petr.莱德斯马（1604），桑切斯*（1610）;巴若尼*（1607）; Capponi 1 Porrecta（1614）;奥尔。Menochio *（1615）;切赫。Ledesma (1616); Francisco Suárez* (1617); Du Perron, a converted Calvinist, cardinal (1618); Bellarmine* (1621); St. Francis de Sales* (1622); Hieronymus Medices (1622); Lessius* (1623); Becanus* (1624); Malvenda (1628); Thomas de Lemos (1629); Alvarez; Laymann* (1635); Joann. Wiggers*, doctor of Louvain (1639); Gravina (1643); John of St. Thomas (1644); Serra (1647); Ripalda*, SJ (1648); Sylvius (Du Bois), doctor of Douai (1649); Petavius* (1652); Goar (1625); Steph.莱德斯马（1616），弗朗西斯科苏亚雷斯*（1617）;都佩隆，一辆经过改装的加尔文主义，枢机主教（1618）;贝拉明*（1621）;圣弗朗西斯德销售*（1622）;海欧纳莫斯Medices（1622）;莱修斯*（1623年）; Becanus *（1624）; Malvenda（1628年），托马斯德莱蒙斯（1629），阿尔瓦雷斯; Laymann *（1635）;乔安。威格斯*，鲁汶博士（1639）;格拉维纳（1643）;圣约翰托马斯（1644年），塞拉（1647）;里帕尔达*，律政司司长（1648）;西尔维于斯（杜波依斯），杜埃博士（1649）; Petavius *（1652）;戈尔（1625）;斯蒂芬。Menochio, SJ* (1655); Franc. Pignatelli* (1656); De Lugo* (1660); Bollandus* (1665); Jammy (1665); Vallgornera (1665); Labbe* (1667); Pallavicini* (1667); Busenbaum* (1668); Nicolni* (1673); Contenson (1674); Jac. Menochio，律政司司长*（1655）;瑞士法郎。皮尼亚泰利*（1656年）;德卢戈*（1660）; Bollandus *（1665）;祥（1665）; Vallgornera（1665）;拉贝*（1667）;帕拉维奇尼*（1667） ; Busenbaum *（1668）; Nicolni *（1673）;唐松（1674）;联招中心。Pignatelli* (1675); Passerini* (1677); Gonet (1681); Bancel (1685); Thomassin* (1695); Goudin (1695); Sfrondati* (1696); Quetif (1698); Rocaberti (1699); Casanate (1700).皮尼亚泰利*（1675）;帕塞里尼*（1677）;戈内特（1681）;邦塞尔（1685）;汤玛森*（1695）;古丹（1695）; Sfrondati *（1696）;克蒂夫（1698）;罗卡韦蒂（1699年）; Casanate （1700）。To this period belong the Carmelite Salmanticenses, authors of the "Cursus theologicus" (1631-72).这一时期，属于该加尔默罗Salmanticenses，theologicus作词的“Cursus”（1631年至1672年）。
Eighteenth Century18世纪
Guerinois (1703); Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux; Norisins, OSA (1704); Diana (1705); Thyrsus González* (1705); Massoulié (1706); Du hamel* (1706); Wigandt (1708); Piny (1709); Lacroix* (1714); Carrières* (1717); Natalis Alexander (1724); Echard (1724); Tourney*, doctor of the Sorbonne (1729); Livarius de Meyer* (1730); Benedict XIII* (1730); Graveson (1733); Th.Guerinois（1703）;波舒哀，莫城主教; Norisins，露天茶座（1704），黛安娜（1705）; Thyrsus冈萨雷斯*（1705）; Massoulié（1706）;都哈梅尔*（1706）; Wigandt（1708）;松香（1709 ）;拉克鲁瓦*（1714）;莱卡里耶尔*（1717）; Natalis亚历山大（1724年）;埃查德（1724）;图尔*）医生的索邦大学（1729年; Livarius德迈耶*（1730）;本笃十三*（1730） ;格雷夫森（1733）;钍。du Jardin (1733); Hyacintha Serry (1738); Duplessis d'Argentré* (1740); Gotti (1742); Drouin* (1742); Antoine* (1743); Lallemant* (1748); Milante* (1749); Preingue (1752); Concina (1759); Billuart (1757); Benedict XIV* (1758); Cuiliati (1759); Orsi (1761); Charlevoix* (1761); Reuter* (1762); Baumgartner* (1764); Berti* (1766); Patuzzi (1769); De Rubeis (1775); Touron (1775); Thomas de Burgo (1776); Gener* (1781); Roselli (1783); St. Aiphonsus Liguori (1787); Mamachi (1792); Richard (1794).杜渣甸山花园（1733）; Hyacintha塞里（1738）;迪普勒西斯德阿让*（1740）;戈蒂（1742）;德劳因*（1742）;安托万*（1743）;莱利曼特*（1748）; Milante *（1749）; Preingue（1752）;孔奇纳（1759）; Billuart（1757年）;本笃十四*（1758）; Cuiliati（1759），奥西（1761）;夏利华*（1761）;路透社*（1762）;鲍姆加特纳*（1764）;贝尔蒂*（1766）;帕图齐（1769）;代鲁贝伊斯（1775年）; Touron（1775年），托马斯德布尔戈（1776）;赫内尔*（1781）;罗塞利（1783）;圣Aiphonsus利古里（1787）; Mamachi（ 1792年），理查德（1794）。
Nineteenth Century19世纪
In this century there are few names to be recorded outside of those who were connected with the Thomistic revival either as the forerunners, the promoters, or the writers of the Neo-Scholastic period.在这个世纪有几个名字，托马斯的复苏将记录外人士的谁是连接要么作为先驱，发起人或学业期间，作家的理学。
Publication information Written by DJ Kennedy.出版信息肯尼迪写的DJ。Transcribed by Kevin Cawley. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.转录由凯文考利。天主教百科全书，体积十四。Published 1912.1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat，1912年7月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort，性病，检查员。Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York认可。+约翰法利枢机主教，约克大主教新
This subject presentation in the original English language这在原来的主题演讲， 英语