Book of Ecclesiastes, Qoheleth传道书 书 中文 - Zhong Wen

General Information一般资料

Ecclesiastes is a book of wisdom writing in the Old Testament of the Bible.传道书是一种智慧书写在圣经旧约书。Its title is a Greek form of the Hebrew Koheleth ("preacher" or "speaker").它的标题是希伯来文Koheleth(“牧师”或“喇叭”)希腊形式。The author poses as Solomon, the archetype of the biblical wise man, but the book was not written before 350 - 250 BC.笔者冒充所罗门,对圣经智者原型,但书前不写350 - 公元前250年。

Ecclesiastes is a philosophical essay on the meaning of human life.传道书是对人类生命意义的哲学论文。 The author rejects all religious and ethical theories known to him, because they are contradicted by experience.作者拒绝所有已知的宗教和道德对他的理论,因为它们是由经验相矛盾。He sees no divine plan in history, nature, or personal existence and argues that only relative satisfactions can be found in wealth, pleasure, family, friends, or work.他认为在历史,自然,没有神的存在或个人的计划,并认为,只有相对的满足感,可以在财富,快乐,家庭,朋友或工作中发现。 The sole meaning of life is in living it fully by making the wisest possible choices.生命的唯一意义是通过使生活最明智的选择,它完全可能的。The few religious consolations expressed are widely attributed to a pious commentator.少数对宗教慰藉广泛归因于一个虔诚的评论员。

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Book of Ecclesiastes传道书

Brief Outline简述

  1. The futility of life生命的徒劳
  2. The answer of practical Faith实践信仰的答案

Book of Ecclesiastes传道书

General Information一般资料

Ecclesiastes is a book of the Old Testament, in Hebrew called Qoheleth.传道书是在希伯来文旧约书,叫Qoheleth。The English name is derived from a Greek term, roughly defined as "one who participates in or addresses an assembly," which appears in the title verse of the book in the earliest important Greek version of the Old Testament, the Septuagint.英文名称源自希腊词大致为“一个谁参与或地址集会”,这在中最早的重要的旧约,希腊文版的译本书名诗句出现定义。 The Greek term is a rendering of the word Qoheleth, generally translated "preacher," although the precise meaning is not clear.希腊词是一个词Qoheleth渲染,一般译为“传道”,虽然确切含义不明确。Because Qoheleth identifies himself as "the son of David, king in Jerusalem" (1:1), by implication the Book of Ecclesiastes has been traditionally ascribed to the Israelite king Solomon.由于Qoheleth标识为“大卫的儿子,在耶路撒冷作王”(1:1),暗示了传道书图书历来归因于以色列王所罗门自己。

Ecclesiastes consists of 12 chapters containing a series of generally pessimistic reflections on the purpose and nature of life.传道书由12个载有关于人生的目的和性质普遍悲观反射系列篇章。 The conclusion, stated at the very beginning of the work, is that "all is vanity" (1:2).结论,在工作一开始说,是“所有的虚荣”(1:2)。Pursue wisdom and wealth, cultivate pleasure, labor faithfully, deplore injustice and wickedness; the end is always the same, "vanity and a striving after wind" (4:4).追求智慧和财富,培养乐趣,劳动忠实地谴责不公正和邪恶;最终总是相同的,“虚荣和努力之后风”(4:4)。The coupling of this recurrent theme with assumptions that natural phenomena are cyclic (1:4-7, 3:1-8), and even preordained (3:15), leads the author to hedonistic, cynical doctrines (8:15-9:10, 12:1-8) so antithetical to the spirit of the earlier Old Testament books that the rabbis originally sought to suppress the book.这种经常性的主题与假设的自然现象是周期性(1:4-7,3:1-8),甚至钦点(3:15)耦合,导致对享乐主义,(8:15-9愤世嫉俗的学说作者:10,12:1-8),所以对立的早期旧的拉比原本试图压制书约书的精神。 Its popularity and its ascription to Solomon, however, eventually secured Ecclesiastes a place in the third section, the Writings, of the Hebrew canon.它的普及和其归属所罗门,然而,最终担保传道书在第三部分中,写作的希伯来语佳能,地点。

Modern scholarship now attributes the book to the 3rd century BC, at a time when the Jews were under the influence of various Greek philosophic systems, such as Epicureanism and Stoicism.现在属性的现代学术书公元前3世纪,在这个时候,犹太人在各种希腊的哲学系统,如享乐主义和淡泊,影响人。Ecclesiastes is part of the Wisdom literature of the Old Testament, which includes the Books of Job and Proverbs.传道书是在旧约,其中包括就业和谚语的书籍智慧文学的一部分。


Advanced Information先进的信息

Ecclesiastes is the Greek rendering of the Hebrew Koheleth, which means "Preacher."传道书是希伯来文Koheleth,这意味着希腊渲染“布道者”。The old and traditional view of the authorship of this book attributes it to Solomon.而这本书的作者旧的,传统视图属性到所罗门。This view can be satisfactorily maintained, though others date it from the Captivity.这种观点可以得到圆满的维护,虽然其他日期从圈养的。The writer represents himself implicitly as Solomon (1:12).作者含蓄地表示自己作为所罗门(1:12)。It has been appropriately styled The Confession of King Solomon.它已被妥善风格所罗门王的自白。"The writer is a man who has sinned in giving way to selfishness and sensuality, who has paid the penalty of that sin in satiety and weariness of life, but who has through all this been under the discipline of a divine education, and has learned from it the lesson which God meant to teach him." “作者是谁在让位给自私和感性,谁付出了,在饱感和生活厌倦罪的刑罚犯了罪的人,但谁经历了这一切在一个神圣的教育学科以来,并了解到从它的教训,上帝为了教他。“ "The writer concludes by pointing out that the secret of a true life is that a man should consecrate the vigour of his youth of God."“笔者说。地指出,一个真正的生命的秘密,是一个男人应该奉献了他对上帝的青春活力”The key-note of the book is sounded in ch.该书的主旨是在CH响起。1:2, "Vanity of vanities! saith the Preacher, Vanity of vanities! all is vanity!" 1:2,“浮华的虚荣!仰传道者,对虚荣浮华!都是虚荣!”ie, all man's efforts to find happiness apart from God are without result.也就是说,一切人为的努力,找到幸福,除了上帝是无果而终。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Catholic Information天主教信息

(Septuagint èkklesiastés, in St. Jerome also CONCIONATOR, "Preacher"). (七十èkklesiastés,在圣杰罗姆也CONCIONATOR,“布道者”)。

General survey一般调查

Ecclesiastes is the name given to the book of Holy Scripture which usually follows the Proverbs; the Hebrew Qoheleth probably has the same meaning.传道书是考虑到对圣经的书,通常遵循谚语名称;希伯来文Qoheleth可能具有相同的含义。The word preacher, however, is not meant to suggest a congregation nor a public speech, but only the solemn announcement of sublime truths [hqhyl, passive nqhl, Lat.牧师这个词,但并不意味着建议一众,也不是公开演讲,但只有真理的崇高庄严宣布[hqhyl,被动nqhl,纬度。congregare, I (III) K., viii, 1, 2; bqhl, in publico, palam, Prov., v, 14; xxvi, 26; qhlh to be taken either as a feminine participle, and would then be either a simple abstract noun, præconium, or in a poetic sense, tuba clangens, or must be taken as the name of a person, like the proper nouns of similar formation, Esd., ii, 55, 57; corresponding to its use, the word is always used as masculine, except vii, 27]. congregare,我(三)K,八,1,2; bqhl,在检察署,palam,省,V,14;二十六,26; qhlh要采取的任何作为一个女性participle,和然后是简单抽象名词,præconium,或在诗意的感觉,大号clangens,或者必须被视为一个人的名字,像类似形成的专有名词,防静电,二,55,57;对应其使用,这个词总是作为男性,除七,27]。 Solomon, as the herald of wisdom, proclaims the most serious truths.所罗门,作为先驱的智慧,宣布最严重的真理。His teaching may be divided as follows.他的教学可划分如下。


Everything human is vain (i, 1-11); for man, during his life on earth, is more transient than all things in nature (i, 1-7), whose unchangeable course he admires, but does not comprehend (i, 8-11).人类的一切是徒劳的(I,1月11日),对于男人,在他的地球上的生命,超过所有自然的东西(I,1-7),其改变的过程中,他钦佩短暂的,但不理解(我, 8-11)。

Part I第一部分

Vanity in man's private life (i, 12-iii, 15): vain is human wisdom (i, 12-18); vain are pleasures and pomp (ii, 1-23).虚荣在人的私人生活(I,12 - 三,15):白白是人类智慧的(I,12-18);都是徒劳的乐趣和排场(二,1-23)。Then, rhetorically exaggerating, he draws the conclusion: "Is it not better to enjoy life's blessings which God has given, than to waste your strength uselessly?"然后,修辞夸张,他得出结论:“这难道不是更好的享受生活的,上帝给了,你的实力,而不是白白浪费祝福?” (ii, 24-26).(二,24-26)。 As epilogue to this part is added the proof that all things are immutably predestined and are not subject to the will of man (iii, 1-15).由于这部分是尾声添加了所有的东西都是一成不变的证明,是注定不会受人的意志(三1-15)。 In this first part, the reference to the excessive luxury described in 1 Kings 10 is placed in the foreground.在第一部分,对过度豪华1国王10描述参考放置在前台。Afterwards, the author usually prefaces his meditations with an "I saw", and explains what he has learned either by personal observation or by other means, and on what he has meditated.随后,笔者通常前言的反省与“我看见”,并解释他所学到的个人观察或通过其他方式之一,并在他的沉思。Thus he saw:–因此,他认为: -

Part II第二部分

Sheer vanity also in civil life (iii, 16-vi, 6).纯粹的虚荣心也是民间生活(三,16六,6)。Vain and cheerless is life because of the iniquity which reigns in the halls of justice (iii, 16-22) as well as in the intercourse of men (iv, 1-3).冷冷清清是徒劳和生活,因为这是不公正的司法(三,16-22),以及在男人性交(四,1-3)的大厅统治。The strong expressions in iii, 18 sqq., and iv, 2 sq., must be explained by the writer's tragic vein, and thus does credit to the writer, who, speaking as Solomon, deplores bitterly what has often enough happened in his kingdom also, whether through his fault or without his knowledge.在三,18 SQQ,和IV,2平方米的强烈表达,必须解释作家的悲惨静脉,因而不信用的作家,谁,作为所罗门说,遗憾悻悻什么经常发生在他的王国足够同时,无论是通过他的过失或不知情。 The despotic rule of the kings was described in advance by Samuel and Solomon cannot be cleared of all guilt (see below).国王的专制统治描述塞缪尔和索罗门无法清除所有有罪(见下文)提前。But even the best prince will, to his grief, find by experience that countless wrongs cannot be prevented in a large empire.但即使是最好的王子的意志,他的悲痛,找到经验,无数的委屈,不能在一个大帝国预防。Qoheleth does not speak of the wrongs which he himself has suffered, but of those which others sustained. Qoheleth不说话的,他本人也受到委屈,但持续的那些人。Another of life's vanities consists in the fact that mad competition leads many to fall into idleness (iv, 4-6); a third causes many a man through greed to shun society, or even to lose a throne because his unwisdom forbids him to seek the help of other men (iv, 7-16).人生的面盆组成的另一个事实是,在疯狂的竞争导致许多人无所事事下降到(四,4-6);第三个原因,通过贪婪许多人逃避社会,甚至失去了王位,因为他的unwisdom禁止他寻求其他人的帮助(四,7-16)。 Qoheleth then turns once more to the three classes of men named: to those who groan under the weight of injustice, in order to exhort them not to sin against God by murmuring against Providence, for this would be tantamount to dishonouring God in His temple, or to breaking a sacred vow, or to denying Providence (iv, 17-v, 8); in the same way he gives a few salutary counsels to the miser (v, 9-19) and describes the misery of the supposed foolish king (vi, 1-6). Qoheleth然后轮流再次向名为男性三类:那些谁下的不公正的重量呻吟,为了告诫他们不要对上帝犯罪的打击普罗维登斯淙淙这一点,就等于是在他的圣殿dishonouring神,或打破一种神圣的誓言,或否定普罗维登斯(四,17 V,8);以同样的方式,他给出了一些有益的律师向守财奴(V,9-19),并介绍了所谓愚蠢的国王痛苦(六,1-6)。A long oratorical amplification closes the second part (vi, 7-vii, 30).长演说放大关闭第二部分(六,七七,30)。The immutable predestination of all things by God must teach man contentment and modesty (vi, 7-vii, 1, Vulg.).由神万物不变的宿命必须教人知足和谦虚(六,七七,1,Vulg)。A serious life, free from all frivolity, is best (vii, 2-7, Vulg.).严重的生活,从所有轻浮自由,是最好的(七,2-7,Vulg)。Instead of passionate outbreaks (vii, 8-15), he recommends a golden mean (vii, 16-23).相反的激情爆发(七,8月15日),他建议中庸(七,16-23)。Finally, Qoheleth inquires into the deepest and last reason of "vanity" and finds it in the sinfulness of woman; he evidently thinks also of the sin of the first woman, through which, against the will of God (30), misery entered the world (vii, 24-30).最后,Qoheleth查询到的“虚荣心”最深,最后一个原因,并认为在这罪恶的女人,他显然认为也是罪的第一位女性,通过它,反对神的旨意,(30),苦难进入世界(七,24-30)。 In this part, also, Qoheleth returns to his admonition to enjoy in peace and modesty the blessings granted by God, instead of giving oneself up to anger on account of wrongs endured, or to avarice, or to other vices (iii, 22; v, 17 sq.; vii, 15).在这一部分,也Qoheleth回到他告诫在和平和谦虚享受上帝给予的祝福,而不是给自己帐户上的是非曲直忍着愤怒,或贪婪,或其他罪恶(三,22,V 17平方米;七,15)。

Part III第三部分

Part III begins with the question: "Who is as the wise man?"第三部分开始的问题:“谁的智者吗?” (In the Vulg. these words have been wrongly placed in chap. vii.) Qoheleth here gives seven or eight important rules for life as the quintessence of true wisdom.(在Vulg 这些话被错误地放置在第七章。)Qoheleth这里给出了作为真正的智慧精髓,七,八生活中的重要规则。Submit to God's ("the king's") will (viii, 1-8).提交神的(“国王的”)将(八,1-8)。If you observe that there is no justice on earth, contain yourself, "eat and drink" (viii, 9-15).如果你观察,有没有正义在地球上,包含自己,“吃喝”(八,9-15)。Do not attempt to solve all the riddles of life by human wisdom; it is better to enjoy modestly the blessings of life and to work according to one's strength, but always within the narrow limits set by God (viii, 16-ix, 12.–In the Vulgate ad aliud must be dropped).不要试图解决所有的人类智慧生命的灯谜,是更好地享受温和的生活的祝福,并努力根据自己的实力,但在神(八,16九,12集的窄限始终。 - 在武加大广告aliud必须被丢弃)。In this "siege" of your city (by God) seek help in true wisdom (ix, 13-x, 3).在这种“包围”你的城市(神)寻求真正的智慧帮助(九,13 - X,​​3)。It is always most important not to lose your temper because of wrongs done to you (x, 4-15).它始终是最重要的是不要输,因为你所做的(x,4-15)错自己的脾气。Then follows the repetition of the adivce not to give oneself up to idleness; sloth destroys countries and nations, therefore work diligently, but leave the success to God without murmuring (x, 16-xi, 6).然后遵循的adivce不给自己最多闲置的重复;懒惰破坏国家和民族,因此勤奋工作,但离开淙淙成功神(X,16席,6)。 Even amid the pleasures of life do not forget the Lord, but think of death and judgment (xi, 7-xii, 8).即使是生活中的乐趣别忘了主,但死亡和判断认为(十一,七十二,8)。

In the epilogue Qoheleth again lays stress upon his authority as the teacher of wisdom, and declares that the pith of his teaching is: Fear God and keep the Commandments; for that is the whole man.在尾声Qoheleth再次奠定了他的权力时强调教师的智慧,并宣布了他的教学精髓是:恐惧上帝,遵守诫命,因为​​这是整个人类。

In the above analysis, as must be expected, the writer of this article has been guided in some particulars by his conception of the difficult text before him, which he has set forth more completely in his commentary on the same.在上面的分析,必须预期,本文作者一直指导他的一些细节文本概念的困难在他面前,他已提出在他的评论更完全一样。Many critics do not admit a close connection of ideas at all.许多批评者不承认的思想紧密联系的。Zapletal regards the book as a collection of separate aphorisms which form a whole only exteriorly; Bickell thought that the arrangement of the parts had been totally destroyed at an early date; Siegfried supposes that the book had been supplemented and enlarged in strata; Luther assumed several authors.Zapletal视为形成一个整体,其中只有外表独立警句收集书; Bickell想到的是,部分安排已经完全早日销毁;齐格弗里德设,该书已在地层补充和扩大;路德假设数作者。Most commentators do not expect that they can show a regular connection of all the "sayings" and an orderly arrangement of the entire book.大多数评论家并不指望他们能显示出所有的“说法”和整个书的有序安排定期联系。In the above analysis an attempt has been made to do this, and we have pointed out what means may lead to success.在上面的分析,企图已做到这一点,我们已指出了什么手段可能导致成功。Several parts must be taken in the sense of parables, eg what is said in ix, 14 sqq., of the siege of a city by a king.有几个部分,必须在采取的比喻意义,例如在九说什么,14 SQQ,对一个城市由一个国王围困。And in viii, 2, and x, 20, "king" means God.而在八,2,X,20,“国王”是指神。It appears to me that iv, 17, is not to be taken literally; and the same is true of x, 8 sqq.在我看来,这四,17,是不是按字面,和同样是X,8 SQQ如此。Few will hestitate to take xi, 1 sqq., figuratively.很少人会毫不犹豫采取十一,1 SQQ。,比喻。Chap.CHAP。xii must convince every one that bold allegories are quite in Qoheleth's style.第十二必须说服每一个大胆的寓言相当Qoheleth的风格。Chap.CHAP。iii would by very flat if the proposition, "There is a time for everything", carried no deeper meaning than the words disclose at first sight.三,将通过非常平坦,如果命题,“有一个适用于所有时间”,没有进行更深层次的含义比文字透露一见钟情。The strongest guarantee of the unity and sequence of thoughts in the book is the theme, "Vanitas vanitatum", which emphatically opens it and is repeated again and again, and (xii, 8) with which it ends.而思想的统一和序列中最强的保证书的主题是,“Vanitas vanitatum”,它强调打开它,重复一遍又一遍,和(十二,8)与它结束。Furthermore, the constant repetition of vidi or of similar expressions, which connect the arguments for the same truth; finally, the sameness of verbal and rhetorical turns and of the writer's tragic vein, with its hyperbolical language, from beginning to end.此外,在VIDI或类似的表述不断重复的,它连接在同一真理的争论,最后,在口头和修辞轮流和作家的悲惨静脉雷同,以其夸张的语言,从开始到结束。

In order to reconcile the apparently conflicting statements in the same book or what seem contradictions of manifest truths of the religious or moral order, ancient commentators assumed that Qoheleth expresses varying views in the form of a dialogue.为了调和在同一本书或什么似乎对宗教或道德秩序的明显体现真理的矛盾冲突的声明,古代评论家认为Qoheleth表达了一个对话的形式不同的意见。 Many modern commentators, on the other hand, have sought to remove these discrepancies by omitting parts of the text, in this way to obtain a harmonious collection of maxims, or even affirmed that the author had no clear ideas, and, eg, was not convinced of the spirituality and immortality of the soul.许多现代评论家,另一方面,都力求消除省略的文字部分,用这种方式来获得和谐的格言集,甚至明确表示,作者并没有明确的思路,并且,如这些差异,不确信精神和不朽的灵魂。 But, apart from the fact that we cannot admit erroneous or varying views of life and faith in an inspired writer, we regard frequent alterations in the text or the proposed form of a dialogue as poor makeshifts.但是,除了这一事实,我们不能承认的生活和信仰的作家的启发错误或不同看法,我们认为在文本或作为权宜之计差对话建议的形式频繁改变。 It suffices, in my opinion, to explain certain hyperbolical and somewhat paradoxical turns as results of the bold style and the tragic vein of the writer.这就够了,在我看来,解释作为大胆的风格和作家的悲惨静脉结果一定夸张,有点矛盾圈。If our explanation is correct, the chief reproach against Qoheleth–viz.如果我们的解释是正确的,对Qoheleth,即首席非议。 that against his orthodoxy–falls to the ground.这对他的正统,落在了地上。For if iii, 17; xi, 9; xii, 7, 14, point to another life as distinctly as can be desired, we cannot take iii, 18-21, as a denial of immortality.因为如果三,17;十一,9;十二,7,14,点到另一个明显的可预期的生活,我们不能以此为不朽的否定三,18-21。 Besides, it is evident that in his whole book the author deplores only the vanity of the mortal or earthly life; but to this may be truly applied (if the hyperbolical language of the tragical mood is taken into consideration) whatever is said there by Qoheleth.此外,显而易见的是,在整部书的作者感到遗憾只有凡人尘世生活或虚荣,但到这可能是真正的应用(如果悲剧情绪夸张的语言是考虑)说,无论是由Qoheleth 。We cannot find fault with his comparing the mortal life of man and his death to the life and death of the beast (in vv. 19 and 21 rwh must always be taken as "breath of life").我们无法找到与他对比的男子和他的死亡凡人生活的生命和死亡的野兽(在维维19和21 RWH必须始终被视为“生命的气息”采取的)故障。Again, iv, 2 sq., is only a hyperbolical expression; in like manner Job (iii, 3) curses in his grief the day of his birth.同样,四,2平,只是一个夸张的表达,在喜欢的方式工作(三,3)在他的悲痛诅咒他的生日。True, some allege that the doctrine of immortality was altogether unknown to early intiquity; but even the Saviour (Luke 20:37) adduced the testimony of Moses for the resurrection of the dead and was not contradicted by his adversaries.诚然,一些声称不朽的学说是完全未知的早期intiquity,但即使是救世主(路加福音20:37)援引为死人复活的摩西证词,并没有因他的对手相矛盾。 And ix, 5 sq. and 10, must be taken in a similar sense.和第九,5平方米和10,必须采取类似的感觉。Now, in dooming all things earthly to destruction, but attributing another life to the soul, Qoheleth admits the spirituality of the soul; this follows especially from xii, 7, where the body is returned to the earth, but the soul to God.现在,在地上所有的东西注定失败毁灭,而是归于另一生命的灵魂,Qoheleth承认灵魂的灵性,这特别是从十二,7,在身体返回到地球如下,但上帝的灵魂。

Sometimes Qoheleth also seems to be given to fatalism; for in his peculiar manner he lays great stress on the immutability of the laws of nature and of the universe.有时Qoheleth似乎也给予宿命论,在他独特的方式,他平躺在对自然和宇宙的规律不可改变的巨大压力。But he considers this immutability as dependent on God's will (iii, 14; vi, 2; vii, 14 sq.).但他认为于上帝的意志而定(三,14;六,2,七,14平方米)这个不变性。Nor does he deny the freedom of man within the limits set by God; otherwise his admonitions to fear God, to work, etc. would be meaningless, and man would not have brought evil into the world through his own fault (vii, 29, Heb.) Just as little does he contest the freedom of God's decrees, for God is spoken of as the source of all wisdom (ii, 26; v, 5).他也没有否认神内设置的限制人类的自由,否则他告诫害怕上帝,工作等将是毫无意义的,人也不会带来邪恶通过他自己的过错走向世界(七,29,希伯来书)正如他比赛不会少了上帝的法令,自由,上帝是口语作为一切智慧的源泉(二,26,V,5)。 His views of life do not lead Qoheleth to stoical indifference or to blind hatred; on the contrary he shows the deepest sympathy with the misery of the suffering and earnestly deprecates opposition against God.生活不会导致他的意见,以坚忍Qoheleth盲目仇恨或冷漠,相反,他显示了遭受苦难的最深切的同情和认真不赞成使用对上帝的反对。 In contentment with one's lot, in the quiet enjoyment of the blessings given by God, he discerns the golden mean, by which man prevents the vagaries of passion.在与一个人的很多知足,在神所赋予的祝福安静的享受,他洞察中庸,其中男子阻止变幻莫测的激情。Neither does he thereby recommend a kind of epicurism.他因此建议也没有一个epicurism样。For the ever-recurring phrase, "Eat and drink, for that is the best in this life", evidently is only a typical formula by which he recalls man from all kinds of excesses.为不断重复一句,“吃,喝,因为这是这辈子最好的”,显然只是一种典型的公式,他回忆说,从各种人的过激行为。 He recommends not idle, but moderate enjoyment, accompanyied by incessant labour.他建议没有闲着,而是适度的享受,通过持续不断的劳动accompanyied。Many persist in laying one charge at Qoheleth's door, viz., that of pessimism.许多坚持在铺设Qoheleth的大门,即每充一次电的悲观。He seems to call all man's efforts vain and empty, his life aimless and futile, and his lot deplorable.他似乎呼吁一切人为的努力白费而空,他的生活漫无目的和徒劳的,他的很多遗憾。It is true that a sombre mood prevails in the book, that the author chose as his theme the description of the sad and serious sides of life but is it pessimism to recognize the evils of life and to be impressed with them?诚然,一片沉郁的气氛在书中盛行,那笔者作为他的主题是生命的悲伤和严肃双方选择的描述,但它的悲观认识到生活中的丑恶现象,并与他们留下深刻的印象? Is it not rather the mark of a great and profound mind to deplore bitterly the imperfection of what is earthly, and, on the aother hand, the peculiarity of the frivolous to ignore the truth?这难道不是而是一个伟大而深刻的心灵痛苦感到遗憾的标志是什么尘世缺陷,并且,在aother手,轻浮的特殊性忽视的真相? The colours with which Qoheleth paints these evils are indeed glaring, but they naturally flow from the poetical-oratorical style of his book and from his inward agitation, which likewise gives rise to the hyperbolical language in the Book of Job and in certain psalms.它的颜色与油漆Qoheleth这些罪恶的确明显,但他们自然流从他的书诗,从他的演说风格和外来鼓动,这也给在约伯记和某些诗篇上升到夸张的语言。 However, Qoheleth, unlike the pessimists, does not inveigh against God and the order of the universe, but only man.然而,Qoheleth,不像悲观主义者,不漫骂对上帝和宇宙的秩序,但只有人类。Chap.CHAP。vii, in which he inquires into the last cause of evil, closes with the words, "Only this I have found, that God made man right, and he hath entangled himself with an infinity of questions [or phantasms]".七,在他进入最后导致邪恶的查询,关闭的话说,“只有这样我发现,上帝造人的权利,他祂所纠缠与自己无穷的问题[或phantasms]”。 His philosophy shows us also the way in which man can find a modest happiness.他的哲学为我们展示的方式,也可以找到一个温和的人幸福。 While severely condemning exceptional pleasures and luxury (chap. ii), it counsels the enjoyment of those pleasures which God prepares for every man (viii, 15; ix, 7 sqq.; xi, 9).虽然严厉谴责特殊的乐趣和豪华(第二章),它劝告那些快乐,上帝为每个人(八15;九,7 SQQ;十一,9)准备享受。It does not paralyze, but incites activity (ix, 10; x, 18 sq.; xi, 1 sq.).它不会瘫痪,但煽动活动(九,10,X,18平方米;十一,1平方米)。It stays him in his afflictions (v, 7 sqq.; viii, 5; x, 4); it consoles him in death (iii, 17; xii, 7); it discovers at every step how necessary is the fear of God.它停留在他的痛苦他(V,7 SQQ;第八,5,X,4),它的控制台他在死亡(三,17;十二,7),它的每一步发现是多么必要对上帝的敬畏。But Qoheleth's greatest trouble seems to be his inability to find a direct, smooth answer to life's riddles; hence he so frequently deplores the insufficiency of his wisdom; on the other hand, besides wisdom, commonly so called, ie the wisdom resulting from man's investigations, he knows another kind of wisdom which soothes, and which he therefore recommends again and again (vii, 12, 20; Heb. viii, 1; ix, 17; xii, 9-14).但Qoheleth最大的麻烦似乎是他无法找到直接的,平稳的答案生命的灯谜,因此他如此频繁地谴责他的智慧不足;另一方面,除了智慧,通常所谓的,即智慧从人的调查结果,他知道另一种智慧的抚慰,而他因此建议连连(七,12,20;希伯来书八,1,九,17;十二,9-14)。 It is true, we feel how the author wrestles with the difficulties which beset his inquiries into the riddles of life; but he overcomes them and offers us an effective consolation even in extraordinary trials.诚然,我们觉得作者是如何与这些困扰到他生命的灯谜查询困难搏斗,但他克服了他们,为我们提供了一个更有效的安慰在特殊试验。 Extraordinary also must have been the occasion which led him to compose the book.还必须有非凡的场合,而导致了他撰写的书。 He introduces himself from the beginning and repeatedly as Solomon, and this forcibly recalls Solomon shortly before the downfall of the empire; but we know from the Scriptures that this had been prepared by various rebellions and had been foretold by the infallible word of the prophet (see below).他介绍,从一开始,并多次作为所罗门自己,这强制召回前不久所罗门帝国灭亡,但我们从圣经知道,这已经准备了各种叛乱,并已通过先知犯错字(预言见下文)。 We must picture to ourselves Solomon in these critical times, how he seeks to strengthen himself and his subjects in this sore trial by the true wisdom which is a relief at all times; submission to the immutable will of God, the true fear of the Lord, undoubtedly must now appear to him the essence of human wisdom.我们必须对自己的图片在这些关键时刻所罗门,他是如何设法加强这疮审讯的真正的智慧,是一个在任何时候救济自己和他的臣民,将提交给一成不变的上帝,主的真实恐惧毫无疑问现在看来他必须对人类智慧的本质。

As the inspired character of Ecclesiastes was not settled in the Fifth Œcumenical Council but only solemnly reaffirmed against Theodore of Mopsuestia, the faithful have always found edification and consolation in this book.正如传道书启发性格没有得到解决在第五Œcumenical会,但只是庄严重申对西奥多的摩普绥提亚,忠实一直发现在这本书的熏陶和安慰。 Already in the third century, St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, in his metaphrase, then Gregory of Nyssa, in eight homilies, later Hugh of St. Victor, in nineteen homilies, set forth the wisdom of Qoheleth as truly celestial and Divine.早在公元三世纪,圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus,在他的直译,然后格雷戈里的nyssa,在八个颂歌,后来休圣维克多在nineteen颂歌,提出了Qoheleth作为真正的天体和神圣智慧。 Every age may learn from his teaching that man's true happiness must not be looked for on earth, not in human wisdom, not in luxury, not in royal splendour; that many afflictions await everybody, in consequence either of the iniquity of others, or of his own passions; that God has shut him up within narrow limits, lest he become overweening, but that He does not deny him a small measure of happiness if he does not "seek things that are above him" (vii, 1, Vulg.), if he enjoys what God has bestowed on him in the fear of the Lord and in salutary labour.每个时代可能会学习他的教学说,人的真正的幸福不能寻找地球上,而不是在人类的智慧,而不是在豪华不是皇室的辉煌;很多苦难等待着大家,在后果对他人的罪孽之一,或他自己的激情,上帝让他闭嘴狭窄范围内,以免他成为唯我独尊,但他不否认他是幸福的小措施,如果他不“求事情上面他是”(七,1,Vulg。 ),如果他喜欢什么上帝赐予他在主的恐惧和有益的劳动。The hope of a better life to come grows all the stronger the less this life can satisfy man, especially the man of high endeavour.对美好生活的希望来越强的增长都少这辈子能满足的人,尤其是高努力的人。Now Qoheleth does not intend this doctrine for an individual or for one people, but for mankind, and he does not prove it from supernatural revelation, but from pure reason.现在Qoheleth不打算这为个人或一个人,而是为人类的学说,他并不能证明它从超自然的启示,而是从单纯的原因。 This is his cosmopolitan standpoint, which Kuenen rightly recognized; unfortunately, this commentator wished to conclude from this that the book originated in Hellenistic times.这是他国际化的角度来看,这Kuenen正确地认识到,不幸的是,这个评论员希望从这一结论是在希腊化时代的书起源。 Nowack refuted him, but the universal application of the meditations contained therein, to every man who is guided by reason, is unmistakable.Nowack驳斥他,但普遍应用的沉思中所载,每一个谁是理性引导人,是明白无误的。

The Author of the Book该书的作者

Most modern commentators are of the opinion that Qoheleth's style points not to Solomon, but to a later writer.大多数现代评论家认为Qoheleth的作风点不所罗门,但到以后的作家。About this the following may be said:–关于本以下,可以说: -

(1) As a matter of fact, the language of this book differs widely from the language of the Proverbs.(1)事实上,这本书的语言不同,广从谚语的语言。Some think that they have discovered many Aramaisms in it.有些人认为他们已经发现了它的许多Aramaisms。What can we say on this point?–It cannot be gainsaid that Solomon and a great, if not the greatest part of his people understood Aramaic.我们可以说在这一点上?,它不能gainsaid所罗门,一个伟大的,如果不是他的人最大的一部分理解阿拉姆语。 (We take the word here as the common name of the dialects closely related to the Biblical Hebrew.) Abraham and Sara, as well as the wives of Isaac and Jacob, had come from Chaldea; it is therefore probable that the language of that country was preserved, beside the language of Palestine, in the family of the Patriarchs; at any rate, in Moses' time the people still used Aramaic expressions. (我们这里取词作为密切相关的希伯来文圣经的方言共同的名字。)亚伯拉罕和萨拉,以及以撒和雅各的妻子,从迦勒底来了,它是可能的,因此该国语言被保留下来,旁边的巴勒斯坦语言,在家族的始祖,无论如何,在摩西时代的人仍然使用阿拉姆语的表达。 They exclaim (Exodus 16:15) mn hwa while Moses himself once substituted the Hebrew mh-hwa; the name of the miraculous food, however, remained mn.他们惊叹(出埃及记16:15)万华,而一旦自己取代摩西的希伯来文MH -华,化腐朽为神奇食品的名称,但是,仍然分钟。A large portion of David's and Solomon's empire was peopled by Arameans, so that Solomon reigned from the Euphrates to Gaza [I (III) K., v, 4, Heb.; II Sam.的大卫和所罗门的帝国大部份是由阿拉曼人有人居住,使所罗门统治了从幼发拉底河向加沙[I(三)K,V,4,HEB;二山姆。 (K.), x, 19; cf Gen., xv, 18]. (K.),X,19,CF将军,十五,18]。He was conversant with the science of the "sons of the East" and exchanged with them his wisdom (1 Samuel 5:10-14, Hebrew).他是熟悉的“东方儿女”科学,并与他们交换了他的智慧(撒母耳记上5:10-14,希伯来文)。But, as Palestine lay along the commercial routes between the Euphrates and Phœnecia, the Israelites, at least in the north of the country, must have been well acquainted with Aramaic.但是,正如巴勒斯坦奠定沿幼发拉底河之间和Phœnecia,以色列人的商业路线,至少在该国北部,一定是非常熟悉阿拉姆。 At the time of King Ezechias even the officials of Jerusalem understood Aramaic (Isaiah 36:11; 2 Samuel 18:26, Hebrew).在国王埃泽希亚什时间甚至耶路撒冷官员理解阿拉姆(以赛亚书36:11;撒下18:26,希伯来文)。Solomon could therefore assume, without hesitation, a somewhat Aramaic speech, if reason or mere inclination moved him.所罗门因此可以假设,如果没有犹豫,有点阿拉姆语讲话,如果原因仅仅是倾斜或移动他。As a skilful writer, he may have intended, especially in his old age, and in a book whose style is partly oratorical, partly philosophical, partly poetical, to enrich the language by new turns.作为一个熟练的作家,他可能打算,特别是在晚年,并在书的风格是部分演说,部分哲学,诗歌部分,以丰富新打开的语言。 Goethe's language in the second part of "Faust" differs greatly from the first, and introduces many neologisms.歌德在“浮士德”的第二部分语言大不相同第一,并引入了许多新词。Now Solomon seems to have had a more important reason for it.现在所罗门似乎有一个更重要的原因。As it lay in his very character to remove the barriers between pagans and Israelites, he may have had the conscious intention to address in this book, one of his last, not only the Israelites but his whole people; the Aramaic colouring of his language, then, served as a means to introduce himself to Aramaic readers, who, in their turn, understood Hebrew sufficiently.由于他的性格非常奠定清除异教徒和以色列人之间的障碍,他可能有意识的意图,以解决在这本书中,他最后的,不仅以色列人,但他整个人之一,他的语言阿拉姆着色,然后,服务为手段,以介绍自己阿拉姆语的读者,谁,在轮到自己,充分了解希伯来文。 It is remarkable that the name of God, Jahweh, never occurs in Ecclesiastes, while Elohim is found thirty-seven times; it is more remarkable still that the name Jahweh has been omitted in a quotation (5:3; cf. Deuteronomy 23:22).值得注意的是,以上帝的名义,亚威,从来没有发生在传道书,而罗欣发现37倍,它仍然是较为显着的名称亚威一直处于报价省略(5时03;比照申命记23: 22)。Besides, nothing is found in the book that could not be known through natural religion, without the aid of revelation.此外,没有什么发现,在被称为无法通过自然宗教未经启示援助,书。

(2) The Aramaisms may perhaps be explained in still another way. (2)Aramaisms也许可以解释仍然另一种方式。We probably possess the Old Testament, not in the original wording and orthography, but in a form which is slightly revised.我们可能拥有的旧约,而不是在原来的用词和拼写法,但在形式略有修改。We must unquestionably distinguish, it seems, between Biblical Hebrew as an unchanging literary language and the conversational Hebrew, which underwent constant changes.毫无疑问,我们必须区分圣经希伯来文,看来,作为一个不变的文学语言和对话希伯来语,其中经历了不断的变化。For there is no instance anywhere that a spoken language has been preserved for some nine hundred years so little changed in its grammar and vocabulary as the language of our extant canonical books.对于没有任何一个口语一直是这么少在其语法和词汇变化作为我们现存的一些典型的书籍语言900年保留一个实例。Let us, for an instance, compare the English, French, or German of nine hundred years ago with those languages in their present form.让我们为实例,比较其目前的形式与这些语言的英语,法语或德语的900年前。Hence it seems exceedingly daring to infer from the written Hebrew the character of the spoken language, and from the style of the book to infer the date of its composition.因此,它似乎非常大胆的推断从希伯来文写的口语特色,并从书的风格来推断其组成日期。In the case of a literary language, on the other hand, which is a dead language and as such essentially unchangeable, it is reasonable to suppose that in the course of time its orthography, as well as single words and phrases, and, perhaps, here and there, some formal elements, have been subjected to change in order to be more intelligible to later readers.在文学语言的情况下,另一方面,这是一种死语言,因此基本上是不变的,是合理的假设,在时间its正字法,以及单一的单词和短语,并且,也许过程中,在这里和那里,一些正规的元素都受到变革,以更清晰到后来的读者。 It is possible that Ecclesiastes was received into the canon in some such later edition.它是可能的传道书进了一些较后版佳能收到。The Aramaisms, therefore, may also be explained in this manner; at any rate, the supposition that the time of the composition of a Biblical book may be deduced from its language is wholly questionable.该Aramaisms,因此,也可能解释了这种方式,无论如何,认为对圣经的书组成的时间可能会从它的语言推导的假设是完全值得怀疑。

(3) This is a fact admitted by all those critics who ascribe Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, portions of Isaias and of the Pentateuch, etc., to a later period, without troubling themselves about the difference of style in these books. (3)这是所有那些批评谁归于传道书中,canticle的canticles,对伊萨亚斯和五经等部分,在后期没有令人不安的关于这些书籍的不同风格的自己,承认一个事实。

(4) The eagerness to find Aramaisms in Ecclesiastes is also excessive. (4)渴望找到传道书Aramaisms也过多。Expressions which are commonly regarded as such are found now and then in many other books.这是普遍这样认为表达式是现在发现,然后在其他许多书籍。Hirzel thinks that he has found ten Aramaisms in Genesis, eight in Exodus, five in Leviticus, four in Numbers, nine in Deuteronomy, two in Josue, nine in Judges, five in Ruth, sixteen in Samuel, sixteen in the Psalms, and several in Proverbs.Hirzel认为他已经找到ten Aramaisms在创世记,出埃及记八,在利未记五,在数字四,在申命记九,在若苏埃二,在法官九,在露丝五,在塞缪尔十六岁,在诗篇十六岁,和几个在箴言。 For this there may be a twofold explanation: Either the descendants of Abraham, a Chaldean, and of Jacob, who dwelt twenty years in the Land of Laban, and whose sons were almost all born there, have retained numerous Aramaisms in the newly acquired Hebrew tongue, or the peculiarities pointed out by Hitzig and others are no Aramaisms.对于这种可能存在两方面的解释:要么是亚伯拉罕,一个迦勒底,和雅各的,谁住二十多年的拉班的土地,而其几乎都是在那里出生的儿子,后人保留了新收购的希伯来语在众多Aramaisms舌头,或特殊性指出希齐格和其他人没有Aramaisms。 It is indeed astonishing how accurately certain critics claim to know the linguistic peculiarities of each of the numerous authors and of every period of a language of which but little literature is left to us.这实在是令人惊讶的一些批评者认为,如何准确地知道每个的众多作者和每一个,但其中很少文学是留给我们的语言时期的语言特点。 Zöckler affirms that almost every verse of Qoheleth contains some Aramaisms (Komm., p. 115); Grotius found only four in the whole book; Hengstenberg admits ten; the opinions on this point are so much at variance that one cannot help noticing how varying men's conception of an Aramaism is. Zöckler申明,几乎每一个Qoheleth节包含了一些Aramaisms(Komm.,第115页);格劳秀斯发现,在整本书只有四个;韩斯坦堡接纳10个,在这一点上意见有差异,以至于人们不禁注意到如何变男子的Aramaism立意。 Peculiar or strange expressions are at once called Aramaisms; but, according to Hävernick, the Book of Proverbs, also, contains forty words and phrases which are often repeated and which are found in no other book; the Canticle of Canticles has still more peculiarities.奇特或奇怪的表情是在一次称为Aramaisms,但是,根据Hävernick,谚语的书,也包含forty的话,哪些是经常重复的,哪些是在没有其他书的短语;的canticle的canticles仍然更多的特殊性。 On the contrary the Prophecies of Aggeus, Zacharias, and Malachias are without any of those peculiarities which are supposed to indicate so late a period.相反的Aggeus,撒迦利亚,和玛拉基亚亚的预言是没有这些,这是为了表明这么晚一个时期任何特殊性。There is much truth in Griesinger's words: "We have no history of the Hebrew language".有在Griesinger的话很有道理:“我们没有对希伯来语的历史”。

(5) Even prominent authorities adduce Aramaisms which are shown to be Hebraic by clear proofs or manifest analogies from other books. (5)即使突出当局援引这些证明是由明确的证据或其他书籍清单类比希伯来Aramaisms。There are hardly any unquestionable Aramaisms which can neither be found in other books nor regarded as Hebraisms, which perchance have survived only in Ecclesiastes (for a detailed demonstration cf. the present writer's Commentary, pp. 23-31).有几乎没有任何既不能在其他的书籍也如Hebraisms,这或许只有在传道书存活视为不容置疑Aramaisms(对于详细的示范比照本作家的评注,第23-31)。 We repeat here Welte's words: "Only the language remains as the principal argument that it was written after Solomon; but how fallacious in such cases is the merely linguistic proof, need not be mentioned after what has been said."我们在这里重复Welte的话:“只有语言作为主要论据,这是写在所罗门依然,但如何在这种情况下谬误是仅仅语言证明,不必说了些什么之后提到。”

It is alleged that the conditions as described in Ecclesiastes do not agree with the time and person of Solomon.据称,在传道书中描述的条件不同意的时间和所罗门的人。True, the author, who is supposed to be Solomon, speaks of the oppression of the weak by the stronger, or one official by another, of the denial of right in the courts of justice (iii, 16; iv, 1; v, 7 sqq.; viii, 9 sq.; x, 4 sqq.).诚然,作者,谁应该是所罗门,谈到弱的另一更强,或一个正式的司法权在法院拒绝(三,16,压迫;四,1,V, 7 SQQ;第八,九平方米; X,4 SQQ)。Now many think that such things could not have happened in Solomon's realm.现在许多人认为这样的事情不可能在所罗门的境界发生了。But it surely did not escape the wisdom of Solomon that oppression occurs at all times and with every people; the glaring colours, however, in which he describes them originate in the tragic time of the whole book.但它肯定没有逃脱所罗门智慧,在任何时候,压迫与每个人的出现;刺目的颜色,然而,他在描述他们起源于全书悲惨的时间。 Besides, Solomon himself was accused, after his death, of oppressing his people, and his son confirms the charge [I (III) K., xii, 4 and 14]; moreover, long before him, Samuel spoke of the despotism of the future kings [I Sam.此外,所罗门自己被指控,在他死后,压迫他的人,和他的儿子证实了费[I(三)K,第十二章,第4和14],而且,只要在他面前,塞缪尔的专制主义的发言未来的国王[我心。 (K.), viii, 11 sq.]. (K.),第八章,11平方米。Many miss in the book an indication of the past sins and the subsequent repentance of the king or, on the other hand, wonder that he discloses the mistakes of his life so openly.许多在书中对过去的罪孽指示和王后来悔改或错过,另一方面,难怪他透露他的生活如此公然的错误。But if these readers considered vii, 27-29, they could not help sharing Solomon's disgust at women's intrigues and their consequences; if obedience towards God is inculcated in various ways, and if this (xii, 13) is regarded as man's sole destination, the readers saw that the converted king feared the Lord; in chap.但是,如果这些读者认为七,27-29,他们不能帮助共享所罗门在妇女阴谋及其后果厌恶,如果对上帝的顺服是通过各种方式灌输,如果这(十二,13)是作为人的唯一目标视为,读者看到,转换国王担心主,在第一章。 ii sensuality and luxury are condemned so vigorously that we may regard this passage as a sufficient expression of repentance.二,性感和奢华的大力谴责这样,我们可以认为这是悔改的这段话充分表达。The openness, however, with which Solomon accuses himself only heightens the impression.的开放性,但是,与所罗门指责自己只是加剧的印象。This impression has at all times been so strong, precisely because it is the experienced, rich, and wise Solomon who brands the sinful aspirations of man as "vanity of vanities".这种印象已经在任何时候都如此强大,正是因为它是经验丰富,丰富,智慧的所罗门谁品牌为“虚荣浮华”的人的罪恶愿望。 Again, what Qoheleth says of himself and his wisdom in xii, 9 sqq., cannot sound strange if it comes from Solomon, especially since in this passage he makes the fear of the Lord the essence of wisdom.再次,什么Qoheleth他自己和他的十二大智慧说,9 SQQ,不能听起来很奇怪,如果是从所罗门来,特别是在这一段话,他使耶和华的智慧精髓的恐惧。The passages iv, 13; viii, 10; ix, 13; x, 4, are considered by some as referring to historical persons, which seems to me incorrect; at any rate, indications of so general a nature do not necessarily point to definite events and persons.该通道四,13;第八,十,九,13,X,4,被有些人认为指的是历史人物,这对我来说不正确,在任何速度,所以一般性质的迹象并不一定指向明确事件和人。 Other commentators think they have discovered traces of Greek philosophy in the book; Qoheleth appears to be now a sceptic, now a stoic, now an epicurean; but these traces of Hellenism, if existing at all, are nothing more than remote resemblances too weak to serve as arguments.其他评论家认为他们已经发现书中希腊哲学的痕迹; Qoheleth现在看来是持怀疑态度,现在是坚忍的,现在是一个享乐主义者,但希腊的这些痕迹,如果现有的一切,都无非是远程相似之处太弱作为论据。 Cheyne (Job and Solomon) sufficiently refuted Tyler and Plumptre.进益(就业和所罗门)足以反驳Tyler和Plumptre。That iii, 12, is a linguistic Græcism, has not been proved, because the common meaning of 'sh twb is retained by many commentators; moreover, in II Sam.这三,12,是一种语言Græcism,还没有得到证实,因为“SH TWB共同的意思是保留许多评论家,而且在二山姆。(K.), xii, 18, 'sh r'h means "to be sorry"; the verb, therefore, has about the same force as if we translated 'sh twb by eû práttein.(K.),第十二章,18,“SH r'h意思是”后悔“,动词,因此,对具有同等效力,犹如我们译为”欧盟práttein SH TWB。

As all the other internal proofs against the authorship of Solomon are not more convincing, we must listen to the voice of tradition, which has always attributed Ecclesiastes to him.由于所有其他作者对所罗门内部证据并不更有说服力,我们一定要听的传统,一直归因于他传道书的声音。The Jews doubted not its composition by Solomon, but objected to the reception, or rather retention, of the book in the canon; Hillel's School decided definitely for its canonicity and inspiration.犹太人所罗门不怀疑它的成分,但反对的接待,或者说保留在佳能书;希勒尔的学校决定了其正规和灵感肯定。 In the Christian Church Theodore of Mopsuestia and some others for a time obscured the tradition; all other witnesses previous to the sixteenth century favour the Solomonic authorship and the inspiration.在基督教教会西奥多的摩普绥提亚等人,一时间遮蔽的传统,所有之前的十六世纪其他证人有利于所罗门作者和灵感。 The book itself bears testimony for Solomon, not only by the title, but by the whole tone of the discussion, as well as in i, 12; moreover, in xii, 9, Qoheleth is expressly called the author of many proverbs.这本书本身见证了所罗门,不仅标题,但讨论的整个基调,以及在我,12;此外,在十二,9,Qoheleth是明确所谓的许多谚语的作者。 The ancients never so much as suspected that here, as in the Book of Wisdom, Solomon only played a fictitious part.古人从来没有这么多的怀疑,在这里,如在智慧之书,所罗门只打了一个虚构的一部分。On the other hand, the attempt is made to prove that the details do not fit Solomon, and to contest his authorship with this single internal argument.在另一方面,试图证明的细节不适合所罗门,并与这个单一的内部较量论证他的著作权。The reasons adduced, however, are based upon textual explanations which are justly repudiated by others.举出的理由,但是,根据这些理直气壮地否定他人的文字说明。Thus Hengstenberg sees (x, 16) in the king, "who is a child", an allusion to the King of Persia; Grätz, to Herod the Idumæan; Reusch rightly maintains that the writer speaks of human experiences in general.因此,韩斯坦堡看到的(x,16)中的王者,“谁是孩子”,向波斯王典故,格拉茨,到希律Idumæan; Reusch正确地认为,作家一般人的经验谈。From ix, 13-15, Hitzig concludes that the author lived about the year 200; Bernstein thinks this ridiculous and opines that some other historical event is alluded to.从九,13-15,希齐格的结论是,作者对生活200年,伯恩斯坦认为这是荒谬的和师认为其他一些历史事件是一笔带过。Hengstenberg regards this passage as nothing more than a parable; on this last view, also, the translation of the Septuagint is based (it has the subjunctive; -élthe basile&ús, "there may come a king").韩斯坦堡认为这只不过是一个比喻更这段话,在这最后的看法,同时,该译本翻译的(它有虚拟语气; - élthe巴西莱和我们“,有可能出现一个国王”)。As a matter of fact, Qoheleth describes only what has happened or may happen somewhere "under the sun" or at some time; he does not speak of political situations, but of the experience of the individual; he has in view not his people alone, but mankind in general.由于事实上,Qoheleth仅描述发生了什么事或可能发生的地方“阳光下”,或在一段时间内,他不说话的政治局势,但个人的经验,他在他的人认为没有单独但人类一般。 If internal reasons are to decide the question of authorship, it seems to me that we might more justly prove this authorship of Solomon with more right from the remarkable passage about the snares of woman (vii, 27), a passage the bitterness of which is not surpassed by the warning of any ascetic; or from the insatiable thirst of Qoheleth for wisdom; or from his deep knowledge of men and the unusual force of his style.如果内部原因决定的著作权问题,在我看来,我们可能更公正地证明更多的权利这个所罗门作者从有关女人的圈套显着通道(七,27),一个通道是其中的辛酸不超过受任何苦行警告,或从Qoheleth智慧贪得无厌的渴求,或者从他的深刻了解男人和他的风格不同寻常的力量。 Considering everything we see no decisive reason to look for another author; on the contrary, the reasons which have been advanced against this view are for the greatest part so weak that in this question the influence of fashion is clearly discernible.考虑一切我们认为没有决定性的原因,寻找另一位作者,相反,在已对这一观点的理由是为先进的最薄弱的一部分,所以在这个问题上的时尚的影响清晰可见。

The time of the composition of our book is variously set down by the critics who deny the authorship of Solomon.而在我们的书组成的时间是不同地定下了批评谁否认作者所罗门。Every period from Solomon to 200 has been suggested by them; there are even authorities for a later time; Grätz thinks that he has discovered clear proof that the book was written under King Herod (40-4 BC).每天从所罗门到200期已建议他们,甚至有以后当局;格拉茨认为他已经发现明确证据,该书是根据希律王(公元前40-4)编写的。 This shows clearly how little likely the linguistic criterion and the other internal arguments are to lead to an agreement of opinion.这清楚地说明一点可能是语言标准和其他内部参数导致的意见一致。If Solomon wrote Ecclesiastes towards the end of his life, the sombre tone of the book is easily explained; for the judgments of God (1 Kings 11) which then came upon him would naturally move him to sorrow and repentance, especially as the breaking up of his kingdom and the accompanying misery were then distinctly before his eyes (see vv. 29 sqq.; 40).所罗门说,如果对他的生命结束传道书,书的暗淡色调很容易解释,对神(王11),然后根据他的判断自然会来到他的悲哀和移动悔改,特别是作为分手,他的王国,并伴随有明显的苦难在他眼前则(见VV 29 SQQ; 40)。Amid the sudden ruin of his power and splendour, he might well exclaim, "Vanity of vanities!".绵绵他的力量和辉煌的突然毁灭,他很可能会惊呼,“浮华的虚荣!”But as God had promised to correct him "in mercy" (2 Samuel 7:14 sq.), the supposition of many ancient writers that Solomon was converted to God becomes highly probable.但正如上帝曾许诺纠正他“慈悲”(撒下7点14平方米),许多古代作家推测说,所罗门转化为极有可能成为上帝。 Then we also understand why his last book, or one of his last, consists of three thoughts: the vanity of earthly things, self-accusation, and emphatic admonition to obey the immutable decrees of Providence.然后,我们也明白为什么他的最后一部著作,或他的最后一个,三个思想组成:地上的事虚荣,自我指责,并言之凿凿告诫服从不变的上帝的法令。 The last was well suited to save the Israelites from despair, who were soon to behold the downfall of their power.最后,很适合拯救绝望,谁是即将看哪,他们的权力的倒台以色列人。

There is an unmistakable similarity between Ecclesiastes and the Canticle of Canticles, not only in the pithy shortness of the composition, but also in the emphatic repetition of words and phrases, in the boldness of the language, in the obscure construction of the whole, and in certain linguistic peculiarities (eg the use of the relative s).之间存在着传道书和canticle的canticles无误的相似性,不仅在构图简洁短促,而且在有力的单词和短语的重复,在语言的勇气,在整个晦涩建设,在某些语言特性(如相对s使用)。 The loose succession of sententious thoughts, however, reminds us of the Book of Proverbs, whence the epilogue (xii, 9 sqq.) expressly refers to Qoheleth's skill in parables.而简洁的思想松动继承,然而,让我想起了我们的箴言书,从那里的尾声(十二,9 SQQ)明确提到Qoheleth在比喻技能。In the old lists of Biblical books, the place of Ecclesiastes is between Proverbs and the Canticle of Canticles: Sept., Talmud (Baba Bathra, xiv, 2), Orig., Mel., Concil.在圣经的旧书籍列表,地方之间的箴言传道书和canticle的canticles:9月,塔木德(巴巴Bathra,十四,2),原价,梅尔,Concil。 Laodic., etc., also in the Vulgate.Laodic。等,亦在武加大。Its position is different only in the Masoretic Bible, but, as is generally admitted, for liturgical reasons.它的位置是不同的只是在马所拉圣经,但是,正如普遍承认的礼仪原因。

As to the contents, the critics attack the passages referring to the judgment and immortality: iii, 17; xi, 9; xii, 7; furthermore the epilogue, xii, 9 sqq., especially verses 13, 14; also some other passages.至于内容,批评者攻击的通道指的是判断和不朽:三,17;十一,9;十二,7;此外尾声,十二,9 SQQ,特别是13节,14;也有一些其他段落。Bickell expressed the opinion that the folios of the original, while being stitched, were deranged and completely confused; his hypothesis found few advocates, and Euringer (Masorahtext des Qoheleth, Leipzig, 1890) maintains, in opposition to him, that books had not at that early date taken the place of rolls. Bickell表示,原来的对开纸,而被缝合,被错乱,完全混淆的意见,他的假说找到一些主张,并Euringer(Masorahtext DES Qoheleth,莱比锡,1890)坚持认为,在反对他,那书没有在该早日采取了卷的地方。There is not sufficient evidence to assume that the text was written in verse, as Zapletal does.没有足够的证据认为文字是写在诗,作为Zapletal一样。

Owing to its literalism, the translation of the Septuagint is frequently unintelligible, and it seems that the translators used a corrupt Hebraic text.由于其拘泥于字句,该译本翻译常常不知所云,它似乎是一个腐败的翻译使用希伯来文。The Itala and the Coptic translation follow the Septuagint.该伊泰莱和科普特翻译按照译本。The Peshito, though translated from the Hebrew, is evidently also dependent on the text of the Septuagint.该Peshito,虽然从希伯来文翻译,显然还对相关文字的译本。This text, with the notes of Origen, partly forms the Greek and Syriac Hexapla.这段文字,与俄的音符,部分形成了希腊和叙利亚Hexapla。The Vulgate is a skilful translation made by Jerome from the Hebrew and far superior to his translation from the Greek (in his commentary).武加大是一个熟练的翻译由Jerome制成的希伯来文和远优于他的翻译从希腊(在他的评论)。Sometimes we cannot accept his opinion (in vi, 9, he most likely wrote quid cupias, and in viii, 12, ex eo quod peccator).有时,我们不能接受他的意见(在第六,九,他极有可能写镑cupias,并在第八,12,前EO狴peccator)。 (See the remnants of the Hexapla of Origen in Field, Oxford, 1875; a paraphrase of the Greek text in St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Migne, X, 987.) The Chaldean paraphrast is useful for controlling the Masoretic text; the Midrash Qoheleth is without value. (见的奥利在现场,牛津,1875 Hexapla的残余;一个在圣格雷戈里Thaumaturgus,米涅,X,987希腊文意译)的迦勒底paraphrast负责控制马所拉文本有用的;米德拉士Qoheleth是没有价值。 The commentary of Olympiodorus is also serviceable (seventh century, M., XCIII, 477) and Œcumenius, "Catena" (Verona, 1532).该Olympiodorus评论也是维修(七世纪,M.,XCIII,477)和Œcumenius,“卡泰纳”(维罗纳,1532)。 A careful translation from the Hebrew was made about 1400 in the "Græca Veneta" (ed. Gebhardt, Leipzig, 1875).从希伯来文翻译作了仔细约1400中的“Græca Veneta的”(编辑Gebhardt,莱比锡,1875)。

Publication information Written by G. Gietmann.出版信息书面由G. Gietmann。Transcribed by WGKofron.转录由WGKofron。With thanks to St. Mary's Church, Akron, Ohio The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume V. Published 1909.由于对圣玛丽教堂,美国俄亥俄州阿克伦城天主教百科全书,体积五发布1909感谢。New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, May 1, 1909.Nihil Obstat,1909年5月1日。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约


In the Latin Church important commentaries were written, after the time of Jerome on whom many depend, by BONAVENTURA, NICOL, LYRANUS, DENYS THE CARTHUSIAN, and above all by PINEDA (seventeenth cent.), by MALDONATUS, CORNELIUS A LAPIDE, and BOSSUET.在拉丁教会重要的评论被写,杰罗姆时间后,其中许多人依赖于由波纳文图拉,尼科尔,LYRANUS,丹尼斯​​由MALDONATUS,科尼利厄斯阿LAPIDE,以及波舒哀的CARTHUSIAN,及以上帕尼达(百分之十七)所有, 。

Modern Catholic commentaries: SCHÄFER (Freiburg im Br., 1870); MOTAIS (Paris, 1876); RAMBOUILLET (Paris, 1877); GIETMANN (Paris, 1890); ZAPLETAL (Fribourg, Switzerland, 1905).现代天主教评论:谢弗(IM溴弗赖堡,1870年); MOTAIS(巴黎,1876年);朗布依埃(巴黎,1877); GIETMANN(巴黎,1890年); ZAPLETAL(瑞士弗里堡,1905年)。

Protestant commentaries: ZÖCKLER, tr.新教评论:ZÖCKLER,TR。TAYLOR (Edinburgh, 1872); BULLOCK, in Speaker's Comment.TAYLOR(爱丁堡,1872年);布洛克,在议长的评论。(London, 1883); Cambridge Bible (1881); WRIGHT, (London, 1883); LEIMDÖRFER, (Hamburg, 1892); SIEGFRIED (Göttingen, 1898); WILDEBOER (Freiburg im Br., 1898).(伦敦,1883年);剑桥圣经(1881); WRIGHT,(伦敦,1883年); LEIMDÖRFER,(汉堡,1892年);齐格弗里德(德国哥廷根,1898年); Wildeboer的(弗赖堡IM溴,1898年)。

Book of Ecclesiastes传道书

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息


Name and Authorship.名称和作者署名。



Name and Authorship.名称和作者署名。

The name "Ecclesiastes"-literally, "Member of an Assembly," often thought to mean (after Jerome) "Preacher"-is the Septuagint rendering of the Hebrew "Ḳohelet," apparently as an intensive formation from the root "ḳahal," with which such forms as the Arabic "rawiyyah" (professional reciter) have been compared.命名为“传道书”,从字面上看,“一个议会议员,”通常被认为是指(后杰罗姆)“布道者”,是希伯来文译本渲染“Ḳohelet,”作为一个从根密集的形成显然是“ḳahal”用它作为阿拉伯语“rawiyyah”(专业朗诵者)等形式进行了比较。 The Hebrew word is given by the author of the book as his name, sometimes with the article (xii. 8, and probably vii. 27), but ordinarily without it: similar license is allowed in Arabic in the case of some common nouns used as proper names.希伯来文是赋予的,作为他的名字一书的作者,有时与文章(xii. 8,大概七27),但通常没有它:类似的许可证允许在阿拉伯语中的常用的一些名词的情况下作为专有名称。The author represents himself as the son of David, and king over Israel in Jerusalem (i. 1, 12, 16; ii. 7, 9).作者表示为大卫的儿子,国王在耶路撒冷(一1,12,16;二7,9)以色列自己。The work consists of personal or autobiographic matter, with reflections on the purpose of life and the best method of conducting it.这项工作由个人或自传的事,与人生的目的和它的最佳方法进行反思。These, the author declares, were composed by him as he increased in wisdom, were "weighed," studied" corrected, expressed in carefully chosen phrases, and correctly written out (xii. 9, 10), to be taught to the people.这些,作者宣称,他们组成了他,因为他增加智慧,是“重”研究“纠正,慎重选择词组表达,并正确地写出(xii. 9,10),要教给人民。

The fact of the author describing himself in the foregoing style, together with his statements concerning the brilliancy of his court and his studies in philosophy (i. 13-17, ii. 4-11), led the ancients to identify him with Solomon; and this identification, which appears in the Peshiṭta, Targum, and Talmud (compare 'Er. 21b; Shab. 30a), passed unquestioned till comparatively recent times.而在上述的描述自己的风格,与他有关他的法庭和他的研究在哲学(。13-17一,二4-11)辉煌报表连同作者的事实,导致古人以确定他与所罗门;而这个鉴定,这在培熹托,Targum和塔木德(比较'呃21B。。沙巴30A)时,通过比较,直到近代毋庸置疑的。 The order of the Solomonic writings in the canon suggested that Ecclesiastes was written before Canticles (Rashi on BB 14b); whereas another tradition made their composition simultaneous, or put Ecclesiastes last (Seder 'Olam Rabbah, ed. Ratner, p. 66, with the editor's notes).在佳能的所罗门著作顺序建议之前canticle的传道书(在BB 14B Rashi)书面;而另一传统,同时使他们的成分,或把传道书昨(家宴“奥兰拉巴,拉特纳版,第66页,用。编辑器的笔记)。The fact that Kohelet speaks of his reign in the past tense (i. 12) suggested that the book was written on Solomon's death-bed (ib.).事实上,Kohelet他在过去式(一12)在位讲建议书是在所罗门的死亡床(同上)编写的。Another way of accounting for it was to suppose that Solomon composed it during the period in which he was driven from his throne (Giṭ. 68b), a legend which may have originated from this passage.另一个占它的方式是假设在所罗门组成,他是从他的王位(Giṭ.68B),一个可有这一段时期起源的传说驱使它。 The canonicity of the book was, however, long doubtful (Yad. iii. 5; Meg. 7a), and was one of the matters on which the school of Shammai took a more stringent view than the school of Hillel; it was finally settled "on the day whereon R. Eleazar b. Azariah was appointed head of the assembly."该书的正规的,但是,长期呆账(Yad.三5;梅格7A),并且是事务上的沙麦学校采取了比希勒尔学校更严格的观点之一,它终于尘埃落定“当天whereon R.埃莱亚萨B.亚撒利雅被任命为大会的头。”Endeavors were made to render it apocryphal on the ground of its not being inspired (Tosef., Yad. ii. 14; ed. Zuckermandel, p. 683), or of its internal contradictions (Shab. 30b), or of a tendency which it displayed toward heresy-that is, Epicureanism (Pesiḳ., ed. Buber, viii. 68b); but these objections were satisfactorily answered (see S. Schiffer, "Das Buch Ḳohelet," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1884).努力使其作了关于其不被启发(Tosef.,亚得二14。; Zuckermandel版,第683)地猜测,或它的(Shab. 30B)的内部矛盾,​​或其中的一种倾向它显示对异端,也就是说,享乐主义(Pesiḳ.,编辑布伯,八68B。),但这些反对意见,满意的答复(见S.希弗,“资本布赫Ḳohelet,”法兰克福发表了主,1884年) 。It was assumed that Solomon had taken the name "Ḳohelet," just as he had taken the name "Agur" (Prov. xxx. 1), as a collector (see, further, Eppenstein, "Aus dem Ḳohelet-Kommentar des Tanchum Jeruschalmi," Berlin, 1888); and probably the Septuagint rendering represents a theory that the name contained an allusion to I Kings viii.有人认为所罗门采取了名称为“Ḳohelet,”只是因为他采取了命名为“Agur”(箴XXX 1)作为一个收藏家,(另见Eppenstein,“澳大利亚DEMḲohelet- Kommentar DES Tanchum Jeruschalmi “柏林,1888年),以及可能的译本呈现代表理论,即名称中包含对我国王第八典故。1, where Solomon is said to have gathered an assembly.1,其中所罗门据说已经聚集集会。


As to the age of the work, there is an indication of the latest date at which it could have been written in the fact that Ben Sira repeatedly quotes or imitates it (Ecclus. [Sirach] xxvii. 26, from Eccl. x. 8, verbatim [comp. LXX.]; xviii. 5, from Eccl. iii. 14, inverted, probably for metrical reasons; xxx. 21, from Eccl. xi. 10; xxxiv. 5b, from Eccl. v. 9; xiii. 21, 22, after Eccl. ix. 16; xxxvii. 14, after Eccl. vii. 19; xxxiv. 1, after Eccl. v. 11; comp. "The Wisdom of Ben Sira," ed. Schechter and Taylor, Introduction, pp. 13 et seq., and p. 26, note 2).至于工作的年龄,有一个最新的日期,在它本来是一个事实,即本西拉多次报价或模仿它(Ecclus. [西拉奇]二十七26,从传道书。十,8书面指示,逐字[COMP LXX。]十八5,从传道书三14,倒可能为格律原因;。XXX 21,从传道书十一10;。XXXIV 5B,从传道书9节;十三21,22,后传道书九16;。XXXVII 14后传道书七19;。XXXIV 1,诉后传道书11;。排版“的本西拉的智慧,”埃德谢克特和泰勒,导言,第13页起,和第26页,注2)。Since Ben Sira declares himself a compiler from the Old Testament (xxiv. 28), whereas Ecclesiastes claims originality (xii. 9, 10), it seems certain, in the case of close agreement between the two books, that Ben Sira must be the borrower.由于本西拉自称从旧约(xxiv. 28)编译器,而传道书索赔独创性(xii. 9,10),似乎可以肯定,在两书之间的紧密协议的情况下,即必须是本西拉借款人。This fact gives some date about 250 or 300 BC as the latest possible for the composition of the book in its present form; for this repeated borrowing implies that Ben Sira regarded it as part of his canon, which would scarcely contain any works that had been produced in his lifetime.这一事实使约公元前250或300的一些最新的日期可能是在其目前的形式书组成;这意味着重复借贷本西拉认为他的教会的一部分,这几乎包含任何它已被工程在他的一生产生。 With this fact the nature of Ben Sira's language, as preserved in Talmudic quotations, agrees; for such decided Neo-Hebraisms as ("business"), ("lest"), and ("authorize") are not found in Ecclesiastes, though, had they been in vogue in the author's time, he would have had constant occasion to employ them.随着这一事实的本西拉的语言,在talmudic报价保存,自然同意;这种决定理学Hebraisms为(“业务”)(“以免”),和(“授权”)都没有出现在传道书,虽然,他们曾在笔者的时间流行以来,他将不得不不断之际聘请他们。 He uses instead (vii. 16, 17; also used in the Phenician Eshmunazar inscription), and .他使​​用,而不是(vii. 16,17;也是在Phenician Eshmunazar题词使用),和。Though allusions to Ecclesiastes arenot common in the New Testament, Matt.虽然以传道书arenot典故在新约中,马特常见。xxiii.二十三。23, RV, "These ye ought to have done, and not to have left the other undone," seems clearly a reminiscence of Eccl.23,风疹病毒,“这些你们应该做,而不是已经离开了其他的百废待兴”,似乎显然是传道书回忆。vii.七。18.18。It is therefore necessary to reject all theories that bring the book down to a date later than 250 BC, including that of Graetz, who regarded it as Herodian - in which he is followed by Leimdörfer (Erlangen, 1891), who makes Simeon ben Shetaḥ the author - and that of Renan, who places it somewhere before 100 BC These theories are largely based on conjectural interpretations of historical allusions, which, though often attractive, are not convincing.因此,有必要拒绝所有的理论,把书放下的日期晚于公元前250年,包括格雷茨,谁视为希律一世它的 - 在他获Leimdörfer(埃尔兰根,1891年),谁使Simeon本随后Shetaḥ作者 - 和雷南,谁的地方某处前100 BC这些理论,在很大程度上是基于对历史典故,其中,虽然经常有吸引力的,是没有说服力的推测解释。The Grecisms supposed to be found in the book are all imaginary (for instance, has no connection with应该是在书中发现的Grecisms都是虚构的(例如,没有与连接the phrase "under the sun," which occurs so frequently, is also found in the Eshmunazar and Tabnith inscriptions, not later than 300 BC, as the equivalent of "on earth"), and the suppositions as to borrowings from Greek philosophy which some have professed to detect are all fallacious (See Ad. Lods; "L'Ecclésiaste et la Philosophie Grecque," 1890).在“阳光下”,这句话出现得如此频繁,也发现在Eshmunazar和Tabnith题字,不晚于公元前300年,作为“地球上的”等价),以及来自希腊哲学的推测这部分借款有自称检测都是谬误(见广告LODS;。“L' Ecclésiaste ET LA哲学的Grecque,”1890年)。On the other hand, there is much in the language which, with the present knowledge of Hebrew, one should be disposed to regard as characteristic of a comparatively late period.另一方面,有许多在其中,在希伯来文目前的知识,应该予以处置视为一个相对晚期特征的语言。H. Grotius, in the sixteenth century, collected about a hundred words and phrases of this sort occurring in the book; but several apparent modernisms may represent usages which must have been introduced into Palestine at an early period (eg, H.格劳秀斯,在十六世纪,收集了约一百字和本在书中出现的这类短语,但几个明显的现代主义可能代表必须已在早期阶段引入到巴勒斯坦(如用途,for , and the abstracts in , both from Assyrian), or words which may have been largely used in ancient times (eg,为,并在从亚述两者)摘要,或可能已基本上采用古代(如话, "to correct," also Assyrian); and even in the case of some idioms which seem especially characteristic of late Hebrew, the likeliest account is that they were preserved through long ages in remote dialects (so "kebar," "already," occurring only in this book-apparently an old verb, "kabur," "it is great"; ie, "it is a long time since"; comp. the Arabic "ṭalama"); certain Persisms, however (, "account" [viii. 11], Persian "payghām"; , "park" [ii. 5], Zend "pairidaeza," Armenian "partez"), seem to provide a more certain clue; and that the book is post-exilic may be asserted with confidence, though how near the latest possible limit the date can be brought down can not be fixed with precision. “纠正”,也亚述),甚至在一些成语这似乎希伯来语的特点,尤其是后期的情况下,最有可能考虑的是,他们保留通过长期在边远方言年龄(所以“kebar”,“已经”发生只在这个书显然是旧的动词,“kabur”,“这是伟大的”,也就是说,“这是一个很长时间以来”;比赛的阿拉伯语。“ṭalama”);一定Persisms,但是(“帐户”[八,11],波斯语“payghām”; “公园”[II 5],Zend的“pairidaeza,”亚美尼亚“partez”),似乎提供了更明确的线索,并认为该书是后放逐可以主张有信心,但如何接近最新的可能限制日期可以放倒,不能固定的精度。 Hence the Solomonic authorship (which few now hold) may be dismissed; nor indeed could the second king of the dynasty have spoken of "all which were in Jerusalem before me."因此,所罗门作者(这几个现在持有)可能被解雇,也确能对王朝第二个国王有说:“所有这之前我在耶路撒冷。”

Beyond the fact that Ḳohelet was uncritically identified with Solomon, it seems impossible to discover any connection between the two names.除了这Ḳohelet是不加批判地与所罗门认定的事实,这似乎是不可能发现任何两个名字之间的连接。The interpretation of the word "Ḳohelet" as a substantive is purely conjectural; and though the phrase rendered "masters of assemblies," but more probably signifying "authors of collections," lends some color to the rendering "collector," it is not free from grave difficulty.这个词的“Ḳohelet”作为一个实质性的解释是纯属臆测,并且,虽然这句话呈现“主人集会”,但更可能标志着“集合作家,”借给一些色彩渲染“收藏家”,它不是免费的从严重的困难。 As a proper name, however, it might be derived from "ḳahal" in one of the Arabic senses of that root, though its use with the article would in that case constitute a difficulty; finally, it might be a foreign word.作为一个适当的名称,但是,它可能是来自“ḳahal”在该根阿拉伯语的感官之一,但它与文章的使用将在这种情况下,构成了困难,最后,它可能是一个外来词。 The Talmud seems rightly to call attention to the importance of the past tense in i.犹太法典似乎正确地调用注意在一,过去紧张的重要性12; for one who says "I was king" implies that his reign is over: he must be speaking either as a dead man or as one who has abdicated. 12,对于一个谁说:“我是国王”,意味着他的统治结束了:他必须是一个死的人或作为一个谁也放弃发言。Ḳohelet is then either a fictitious person or an adaptation of some monarch, like Al-Nu'man of Arabic mythology (Ṭabari, i. 853), who, becoming conscious of the instability of the world, abandons his throne and takes to devotion.Ḳohelet是然后是一个虚构的人或一些君主适应类似基地 - 努曼阿拉伯神话(塔芭丽岛853),谁,成为世界不稳定的意识,放弃他的王位,并采取以奉献。Similarly, Ḳohelet appears to pass from king to preacher, though it is not actually stated that he abandons his throne.同样,Ḳohelet似乎传递从王牧师,虽然它实际上不是说,他放弃他的王位。The references to kings in all but the earliest chapters rather imply that the author is a subject; but this may be unintentional.在所有引用的国王,但最早的章节,而暗示,作者是一个主题,但是这可能是无意的。The author's idea of a king would seem to be modeled on the monarchs of Persia, with kings and provinces subject to them (ii. 8); and the gardens with exotics (ii. 5) and irrigated parks (ii. 6) are likely to belong to the same region.笔者的一位国王的想法似乎是仿照波斯君主与国王和各省受他们(白介素8),以及与外来(白介素5)和灌溉公园(白介素6)花园是可能属于同一区域。

The Israelitish name for God is nowhere employed, nor does there appear to be any reference to Judaic matters; hence there seems to be a possibility that the book is an adaptation of a work in some other language.对上帝Israelitish名称是无处就业,也不存在出现任何对犹太问题的参考,因此似乎有一种可能性,这本书是在一些其他语言的工作适应。 This supposition would agree with the fact that certain of the idioms found in it are not so much late Hebrew as foreign Hebrew (eg, vii. 24, viii. 17, xii. 9); with the frequent use of the participial present (eg, viii. 14); with the unintelligible character of several phrases which are apparently not corrupt (eg, iv. 17, x. 15, much of xii. 4-6); and with the want of sharpness that characterizes some of the aphorisms (eg, x. 9).这种假设会同意的事实,在它发现某些成语不作为外国希伯来语(例如,七24,八17,十二9。)这么多晚希伯来语,与目前的分词频繁使用(如,八14);与其中显然没有损坏(例如,四17,十15,大部分十二4-6)几个词组不知所云字符;。并与清晰度要为特征的一些警句(例如,十9)。 Further, the verb (xii. 9), which describes a process to which the author says he subjected his proverbs, should, on the analogy of the Arabic "wazan," refer to the numbering of syllables; and the following phrases, apparently meaning "searched out and corrected" or "carefully straightened," have the appearance of referring to metrical correctness, though their exact import is not easy to fix.此外,动词(xii. 9),描述一个过程,而笔者说,他受到他的谚语,应该在比喻的阿拉伯语“wazan”,指的是音节的编号;及以下词组,显然意义“搜查出和纠正”或“精心拉直,”有正确的指的是格律的外观,但其确切的进口是不容易解决。 Of any such formal technicality the verses of Ḳohelet bear no trace in their existing form; yet there are places where the introduction of words would be more intelligible if the author had a fixed number of syllables to make up (eg, xii. 2, "while the sun or the light or the moon or the stars be not darkened").任何此类正式的技术性的Ḳohelet的诗句中没有承担其现有的形式跟踪,但有些地方引进的话会更理解如果作者有一个固定数量的音节,以弥补(例如,十二2,“。而太阳或轻或月亮或星星会不会变暗“)。 If this be so, the character of the idioms noticed (eg, xii. 9, "the wiser Ḳohelet became, the more did he teach") renders it probable that the language of the model was Indo-Germanic; and the introduction of the names "David," "Israel," and "Jerusalem," as well as the concealment of all names in the case of the anecdotes which the author introduces (eg, iv. 13-15, ix. 14-16), is with the view of accommodating the work to Jewish taste. (。例如,十二9“的明智Ḳohelet成了,他更没教”)如果是这样,对成语的性格呈现它可能注意到了该模型的语言是印度 - 日耳曼;以及引进名“大卫”,“以色列”和“耶路撒冷”,以及在其中的轶事作者介绍(例如,四,13-15,九14-16)的情况下所有名称隐蔽,与把建筑的工作,以犹太口味。


In Ecclesiastes there are some continuous sections of considerable length: (1) Ḳohelet's autobiography, i.在传道书有一些相当长的连续部分:(1)Ḳohelet的自传岛12-ii.12 - II。26; (2) a statement of the doctrines of determinism and Epicureanism, ix.26(2)的决定和享乐主义,IX的教义声明。1-12; (3) a description of death, xii.1-12(3)描述死亡,十二。1-8.1-8。The rest of the book is in short paragraphs or isolated aphorisms; and the author in xii.该书的其余部分是在小段或孤立的警句,以及在第十二作者。11, 12 declares that the aphoristic style is superior to the continuous discourse-a doctrine which in modern times has been associated with the name of Bacon.11日,12宣布,格言式优于连续话语- A这在近代已与培根名称关联的学说。In the autobiography the author states that he experimented with various forms of study, pleasure, and enterprise, in the hope of finding the meaning of the endless chain of phenomena, but that heabandoned them in disgust.在自传的作者说,他尝试了各种形式的学习,快乐,企业在寻找的现象层出不穷链意义的希望,但heabandoned厌恶他们。 The morals that he draws, however, appear to be inconsistent; since, while some verses encourage the theory that pleasure is the summum bonum, others seem to warn youth against any such view.他画的道德,但是,似乎是不一致的;因为,有些诗句鼓励理论,快乐是summum bonum,别人看来,警惕任何此类观点的青年。This inconsistency, which could probably be paralleled from the works of Oriental pessimists like Omar Khayyam and Abu al-'Ala of Ma'arrah, attracted attention, as has been stated, in early times; but the various attempts that have been made to bring the author into harmony with himself are too subjective to be convincing.这种不一致,这也许可以从像奥马尔亚姆和阿布阿俩的Ma'arrah东方悲观主义者的作品并联,引起人们的重视,正如已经指出,早期;但已经作出各种尝试,使将与自己的和谐作者过于主观令人信服。 Thus some would regard all the edifying passages as interpolations (so Haupt, "Oriental Studies," pp. 243 et seq.); others would regard the Epicurean passages as to be read with interrogations (so some rabbis), while it has also been suggested (by Bickell, "Der Prediger") that the sheets of the book have been displaced.因此,有些人会认为插值(所以豪普特,“东方学”,第243页起)所有通道的启发,其他方面的伊壁鸠鲁通道会为与盘问(所以有些拉比)阅读,同时它也被建议(由Bickell,“明镜Prediger”)的书的床单已经流离失所。 None of these opinions can be received without external evidence.这些意见都不能接受,无需外部的证据。It seems more probable, therefore, that the author expresses the varying sentiments of different moods, just as the second of the writers mentioned above alternates between orthodoxy and blasphemy.它似乎更可能的,因此,笔者表达了不同的心情的不同情绪,就像上面的正统和亵渎之间的交替中提到的作家第二。

After his personal history the author proceeds to give illustrations of more general experiences.在他的个人历史作者的收益,让更多的一般经验插图。In these he speaks as a subject rather than as a king; he cites the prevalence of injustice in the world, for which he had some tentative solutions (iii. 17, 18); later, however, he relapsed into the Epicurean conclusion (iii. 22), accentuated by further observation into pessimism (iv. 1-4).在这些他说,作为,而不是作为一个国王的主题,他列举了在世界上普遍存在的不公正,为此他有一些(III. 17,18)的初步方案;但是,后来他到伊壁鸠鲁的结论复发(三22),加剧了悲观情绪进一步观察到(iv. 1-4)。At this point he proceeds to introduce a variety of maxims, illustrated by anecdotes, leading up to the conclusion (vii. 17) that the plan of the universe is incomprehensible.此时,他的收益,介绍了各种格言,由轶事说明,导致的结论(vii. 17)认为,宇宙的计划是不可理解的。Chapter ix.第九章。formulates the doctrine that men's actions and motives are all foreordained, and advises gaiety on the ground that whatever is to happen is already fixed, and that there will be no room for activity in the grave.制定的原则,男人的行为和动机都是注定,并建议在地面上,无论是发生喜气洋洋已经固定,而不会在重大活动室。This is emphasized by anecdotes of the unexpected happening (11-16).这是强调由意外发生(11-16)轶事。There follows another series of maxims leading up to a poetical description of death, and, after some observations on the value of the aphorism, to the assertion that the substance of the whole matter is "Fear God and keep his commandments, . . . for God shall bring every work into judgment" (xii. 13-14).有如下的另一个导致了死亡的诗意描述格言系列,并在之后的警句部分价值观察,断言的是,整个问题的实质是“恐惧上帝,保持他的诫命,。对于神必使判决“(xii. 13-14)各项工作。

The felicity, wisdom, and profundity of many of the aphorisms probably endeared the book to many who might have been displeased with the Epicurean and pessimistic passages.而幸福,智慧,和许多深刻的警句可能心爱的许多书谁可能已与伊壁鸠鲁和悲观通道不满。Yet without the idea that Ḳohelet was Solomon one could scarcely imagine the work ever having been included in the canon; and had it not been adopted before the doctrine of the Resurrection became popular, it is probable that the author's views on that subject would have caused his book to be excluded therefrom.然而,如果没有的想法,Ḳohelet是所罗门人们可以几乎想象的工作不断有被佳能内;及如果不是之前的复活学说通过走红,很可能就这一问题笔者的意见,也会造成他的书,由此被排除在外。 Mystical interpretation of the book began fairly early (see Ned. 32b); and the work was a favorite source of citation with those rabbis who, like Saadia, were philosophers as well as theologians.书很早就开始了神秘的解释(见奈德32B);和工作是与那些拉比谁,像萨蒂娅,被哲学家以及神学家的喜爱引用来源。

Morris Jastrow Jr., David Samuel Margoliouth莫里斯贾斯特罗小,大卫塞缪尔马戈柳思

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901-1906之间。


See, besides the commentaries of Hitzig, Delitzsch, Volck-Oettli, Siegfried, and Wildeboer, the following: Ewald, Poetische Schriften des Alten, Testaments, iv.; Renan, L'Ecclésiaste, Paris, 1882; Graetz, Koheleth, Breslau, 1871; CHH Wright, The Book of Kohelet, London, 1883; Bickell, Kohelet, 1886; Plumptre, Ecclesiastes, Cambridge, 1881; Tyler, Ecclesiastes, London, 1874; Wünsche, Bibliotheca Rabbinica, Midrash, Koheleth, 1880; Cheyne, Job and Solomon, London, 1887; also the following monographs on special points: Haupt, The Book of Ecclesiastes (Oriental Studies of the Philadelphia Oriental Club), 1894; Euringer, Der Masoratext des Kohelet, Leipsic, 1890; Köhler, Ueber die Grundanschauungen des Buches Kohelet, Erlangen, 1885; Bickell, Der Prediger über den Wert des Daseins, Innsbruck, 1884; Schiffer, Das Buch Kohelet Nach der Auffassung der Weisen des Talmuds und Midrasch, 1884; Renan, Histoire du Peuple d'Israel, vol.见,除了希齐格,Delitzsch,Volck -欧特列,齐格弗里德和Wildeboer的,下面的评论:埃瓦尔德,Poetische Schriften DES Alten,圣经,四,雷南,L' Ecclésiaste,巴黎,1882年;格雷茨,Koheleth,布雷斯劳。 1871年,CHH,而Kohelet,伦敦,1883年图书赖特; Bickell,Kohelet,1886年; Plumptre,传道书,剑桥,1881年,泰勒,传道书,伦敦,1874年; Wünsche,书目Rabbinica,米德拉士,Koheleth,1880;进益,工作和所罗门,伦敦,1887年,还对特殊点以下专着:豪普特,而传道书书(费城东方俱乐部东方学),1894; Euringer,DER Masoratext DES Kohelet,Leipsic,1890年,科勒,Ueber死Grundanschauungen DES Buches Kohelet,埃尔兰根,1885年; Bickell,DER Prediger黚巢穴Wert DES Daseins,因斯布鲁克,1884年;希弗,达斯布赫Kohelet Nach DER Auffassung DER威森DES Talmuds UND Midrasch,1884年,任南,Histoire杜人民报德以色列,第一卷v., ch.五,CH。xv.; Piepenbring, Histoire du Peuple d'Israel.十五; Piepenbring,Histoire杜人民报德以色列。For further bibliography consult Palm, Die Qoheleth Litteratur, Tübingen, 1888; and Siegfried, Commentary, pp. 25-27.J.如需进一步书目咨询棕榈,模具Qoheleth Litteratur,蒂宾根大学,1888年和齐格弗里德,评论,第25 27.J。Jr. DSM小帝斯曼

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