Epistle to the Galatians加拉太书 书信 中文 - Zhong Wen

General Information一般资料

The Epistle to the Galatians is one of the books of the New Testament.到加拉太书信是新约的书籍之一。It was written by Saint Paul in answer to opponents who were trying to convince the Galatian Christians that circumcision was necessary for salvation.它的作者是圣保罗在回答谁是对手试图说服认为割礼是必要的救赎加拉太基督徒。The letter, written about AD 54 - 55, is the fourth epistle in the collection of Pauline letters in the Bible.信中,约公元54写 - 55,是在圣经中的宝莲书信集第四书信。

The Galatians lived in north central Anatolia.加拉太人住在北安纳托利亚中部。Their faith evidently had been disturbed by the insistence of some Jewish Christians on close ties to Judaism even for gentile converts to Christianity.他们的信仰显然已经感到不安的是一些犹太基督徒的密切关系,甚至对外邦人转换为基督教犹太教坚持。Paul replied by developing the theme of the efficacy of salvation in Jesus Christ.保罗回答了发展的救赎在耶稣基督疗效的主题。 In the first two chapters, he defends his apostleship and authority. He then presents arguments from Scripture for the primacy of faith in Jesus as alone essential for salvation (chapters 3 - 4) and continues with an exhortation to true Christian life and freedom (chapters 5 - 6). This epistle and the Epistle to the Romans served as prime sources for the Reformation teaching on justification by faith.在头两章,他维护他的使徒和权威随后,他提出的论据,从圣经的信仰至上作为单独的耶稣得救(章3 - 4)必要的与对真正的基督徒生命和自由(章劝告继续5 - 6)这书信和书信向罗马人担任了关于因信称义教学改革的主要来源。

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Bibliography 参考书目
J Bligh, Galatians (1969); JD Dunn, Jesus, Paul, and the Law (1990). J布莱,加拉太书(1969年); JD邓恩,耶稣,保罗和法律(1990年)。

Epistle to the Galatians书信向加拉太

Brief Outline简述

  1. Introduction (1:1-10)简介(1:1-10)
  2. Paul attempted to vindicate his apostolic authority (1:11-2:21)保罗试图以维护他的使徒管理局(1:11-2:21)
  3. Explanation of the meaning of Justification by Faith (3:1-4:31)对因信称义的意思解释(3:1-4:31)
  4. Nature of the Christian life of liberty (5:1-6:10)自然的自由基督徒的生活(5:1-6:10)
  5. Conclusion, appeal to Galatians to return to their initial Faith (6:11-17)结论,呼吁加拉太返回其最初的信仰(6:11-17)
  6. Benediction (6:18)祈福(6:18)

Epistle to the Galatians书信向加拉太

Advanced Information先进的信息

The genuineness of this epistle is not called in question.这种书信的真实性不叫问题。Its Pauline origin is universally acknowledged.它的起源是举世公认的宝莲。Occasion of.场合。The churches of Galatia were founded by Paul himself (Acts 16:6; Gal. 1:8; 4:13, 19).加拉太教会的成立是由保罗自己(使徒16时06;加拉太1:8; 4点13,19)。They seem to have been composed mainly of converts from heathenism (4:8), but partly also of Jewish converts, who probably, under the influence of Judaizing teachers, sought to incorporate the rites of Judaism with Christianity, and by their active zeal had succeeded in inducing the majority of the churches to adopt their views (1:6; 3:1).他们似乎已经由来自异教(4:8)转换为主,但部分犹太人的转换,谁可能是下,犹太化的教师的影响,寻求合并与基督教,犹太教的仪式也和他们的积极热情了成功地诱导了教会大多数采用他们的意见(1:6,3:1)。 This epistle was written for the purpose of counteracting this Judaizing tendency, and of recalling the Galatians to the simplicity of the gospel, and at the same time also of vindicating Paul's claim to be a divinely-commissioned apostle.这书信是写给在抵制这个犹太化倾向的目的,并回顾加拉太的福音简单,并在同一时间平反保罗的说法是一个神圣委托使徒也。

Time and place of writing.写作的时间和地点。The epistle was probably written very soon after Paul's second visit to Galatia (Acts 18:23).可能是写的书信后不久保罗的第二次访问加拉提亚(使徒18时23分)。The references of the epistle appear to agree with this conclusion.在书信的引用似乎同意这一结论。The visit to Jerusalem, mentioned in Gal.到耶路撒冷访问,提到在GAL。2:1-10, was identical with that of Acts 15, and it is spoken of as a thing of the past, and consequently the epistle was written subsequently to the council of Jerusalem. 2:1-10,是与15个相同的行为,它是讲一个过去的事了,因此写的书信后来到耶路撒冷议会。The similarity between this epistle and that to the Romans has led to the conclusion that they were both written at the same time, namely, in the winter of AD 57-8, during Paul's stay in Corinth (Acts 20:2, 3).这之间的书信和相似的罗马人,​​导致了它们都是写在同一时间,即在冬季期间的AD 57-8保罗在科林斯(使徒20点02分,3)留,结论。

This to the Galatians is written on the urgency of the occasion, tidings having reached him of the state of matters; and that to the Romans in a more deliberate and systematic way, in exposition of the same great doctrines of the gospel.这是在向加拉太之际写的紧迫性,音信已达到了他的状态问题,并认为到罗马人更蓄意和有系统的方式,在相同的福音伟大学说的论述。 Contents of.的内容。The great question discussed is, Was the Jewish law binding on Christians?伟大的问题讨论的,是犹太法律约束力的基督徒?The epistle is designed to prove against the Jews that men are justified by faith without the works of the law of Moses.在书信的目的是证明对男人是因信称义未经摩西律法犹太人的作品。After an introductory address (Gal. 1:1-10) the apostle discusses the subjects which had occasioned the epistle.经过介绍地址(加拉太书1:1-10)使徒讨论了哪些议题所引致的书信。(1) He defends his apostolic authority (1:11-19; 2:1-14); (2) shows the evil influence of the Judaizers in destroying the very essence of the gospel (3 and 4); (3) exhorts the Galatian believers to stand fast in the faith as it is in Jesus, and to abound in the fruits of the Spirit, and in a right use of their Christian freedom (5-6:1-10); (4) and then concludes with a summary of the topics discussed, and with the benediction.(1)他辩护,他的使徒权威(1:11-19; 2:1-14),(2)显示了Judaizers消灭的福音(3和4)的本质邪恶的影响;(3)劝告在加拉太信徒坚守在信仰,因为它是耶稣,并以丰富的精神成果,并在他们的基督教自由(5-6:1-10)使用权;(4),然后得出结论与所讨论的议题总结,并与祝福。

The Epistle to the Galatians and that to the Romans taken together "form a complete proof that justification is not to be obtained meritoriously either by works of morality or by rites and ceremonies, though of divine appointment; but that it is a free gift, proceeding entirely from the mercy of God, to those who receive it by faith in Jesus our Lord."到加拉太书信,要综合考虑,并“形成一个完整的证明,理由是不能获得meritoriously无论是道德工程或仪式和典礼虽然神圣的任命,罗马人,但它是一个免费的礼物,出发完全从神的怜悯,对那些谁收到我们的主耶稣的信仰它。“ In the conclusion of the epistle (6:11) Paul says, "Ye see how large a letter I have written with mine own hand."在书信(6:11)保罗的结论说,“你们看到大的信我有我自己手写的。”It is implied that this was different from his ordinary usage, which was simply to write the concluding salutation with his own hand, indicating that the rest of the epistle was written by another hand.这是隐含的,这是从他的普通使用,这只是写他自己的手结束称呼,表明了书信其余由其他手写不同。

Regarding this conclusion, Lightfoot, in his Commentary on the epistle, says: "At this point the apostle takes the pen from his amanuensis, and the concluding paragraph is written with his own hand. From the time when letters began to be forged in his name (2 Thess. 2:2; 3:17) it seems to have been his practice to close with a few words in his own handwriting, as a precaution against such forgeries. In the present case he writes a whole paragraph, summing up the main lessons of the epistle in terse, eager, disjointed sentences. He writes it, too, in large, bold characters (Gr. pelikois grammasin), that his hand-writing may reflect the energy and determination of his soul."对于这一结论,莱特富特,在他的书信评论说:“在这一点从他的使徒需要amanuensis笔,和最后一段是他自己手写的信件时起就开始在他伪造的。名称(帖后2:2;。3:17)似乎是他的做法,密切与在他自己的笔迹几句话,作为对这些伪造的预防措施 在目前情况下,他写了全段,总结在简洁,渴望,相互脱节的句子书信的主要经验教训,他写到,也大,粗体字(希腊语pelikois grammasin),他的手写作可能反映了他的能量和决心灵魂。“(See Justification.) (见理由。)

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

Epistle to the Galatians书信向加拉太

Catholic Information天主教信息


In the course of centuries, gallic tribes, related to those that invaded Italy and sacked Rome, wandered east through Illyricum and Pannonia.在几个世纪的过程中,没食子部落,与那些入侵意大利和解雇罗马,漫步通过伊利里库姆和潘诺尼亚东部。At length they penetrated through Macedonia (279 BC), and assembled in great numbers under a prince entitled Brennus, for the purpose of invading Greece and plundering the rich temple of Delphi.他们通过详细深入马其顿(279年),并组装大批题为布伦努斯下王子的入侵希腊和掠夺的德尔福庙富的目的。The leaders disagreed and the host soon divided, one portion, under Brennus, marching south on Delphi: the other division, under Leonorius and Luterius, turned eastward and overran Thrace, the country round Byzantium.领导不同意,并很快分为主机,一个部分,在布伦努斯,踏着德尔福南:其他部门,根据Leonorius和Luterius,转身向东和占领色雷斯,国轮拜占庭。 Shortly afterwards they were joined by the small remnants of the army of Brennus, who was repulsed by the Greeks, and killed himself in despair.不久之后,他们也加入了对布伦努斯,谁是由希腊人击退军队残余的小,和自己在绝望中死亡。In 278 BC, 20,000 Gauls, under Leonorius, Luterius, and fifteen other chieftains, crossed over to Asia Minor, in two divisions.在公元前278年,20000高卢人,在Leonorius,Luterius和15其他头目,越过小亚细亚,在两个组别。 On reuniting they assisted Nicomedes I, King of Bithynia, to defeat his younger brother; and as a reward for their services he gave them a large tract of country, in the heart of Asia Minor, henceforward to be known as Galatia.在他们的协助Nicomedes团聚我的庇推尼国王,打败他的弟弟,并作为其服务的报酬,他给了他们一个大国道,在小亚细亚的心,从今以后将作为加拉太闻名。

The Galatians consisted of three tribes:加拉太包括三个部落:

the Tolistboboii, on the west, with Pessinus as their chief town;对西部Tolistboboii,作为他们的主要城市Pessinus;

the Tectosages, in the centre, with their capital Ancyra; and在中心Tectosages,与他们的资本安该拉;和

the Trocmi, on the east, round their chief town Tavium.在Trocmi,在东部,圆他们的主要城市Tavium。

Each tribal territory was divided into four cantons or tetrarchies.每个部落的领土被划分为四个州或tetrarchies。Each of the twelve tetrarchs had under him a judge and a general.这十二个tetrarchs每个人都有他的下一个法官和一般。A council of the nation consisting of the tetararchs and three hundred senators was periodically held at a place called Drynemeton, twenty miles southwest of Ancyra.一个民族议会的tetararchs和300名参议员组成的定期举行所谓Drynemeton,20英里西南安该拉的地方。

That these people were Gauls (and not Germans as has sometimes been suggested) is proved by the testimony of Greek and Latin writers, by their retention of the Gallic language till the fifth century, and by their personal and place names.这些人是高卢人(而不是有时有人建议德国人)是证明了希腊和拉丁作家的证词,他们的直到五世纪,和他们的个人和高卢语地名保留。 A tribe in the west of Gaul in the time of Caesar (Bell. Gall., VI, xxiv) was called Tectosages.一个在高卢西部的凯撒(Bell.胆。,六,二十四)时间部落被称为Tectosages。In Tolistoboii we have the root of the word Toulouse, and in Boii the well known Gallic tribe.在Tolistoboii我们有这个词图卢兹根,并在Boii著名高卢部落。Brennus probably meant prince; and Strabo says he was called Prausus, which in Celtic means terrible.布伦努斯可能意味着王子和斯特拉波说,他被称为Prausus,这意味着在凯尔特可怕。Luterius is the same as the Celtic Lucterius, and there was a British saint called Leonorius. Luterius是一样的凯尔特Lucterius一样,有一位英国的圣人称为Leonorius。Other names of chieftains are of undoubted Gallic origin, eg Belgius, Achichorius, Gaezatio-Diastus.其他名称的头领是不容置疑的高卢血统,如Belgius,Achichorius,Gaezatio - Diastus。Brogoris (same root as Brogitarus, Allobroges), Bitovitus, Eposognatus (compare Caesar's Boduognatus, etc.), Combolomarus (Caesar has Virdomarus, Indutionmarus), Adiorix, Albiorix, Ateporix (like Caresar's Dumnorix, ambbiorix, Vercingetorix), Brogitarus, Deiotarus, etc. Place names are of a similar character, eg Drynemeton, the "temple of the oaks" or The Temple, from nemed, "temple" (compare Augustonemetum in Auvergene, and Vernemeton, "the great temple", near Bordeaux), Eccobriga, Rosologiacum, Teutobodiacum, etc. (For a detailed discussion of the question see Lightfoot's "Galatians", dissertation i, 4th ed., London, 1874, 235.) Brogoris(如Brogitarus,Allobroges同根),Bitovitus,Eposognatus(比较凯撒Boduognatus等),Combolomarus(凯撒已经Virdomarus,Indutionmarus),Adiorix,Albiorix,Ateporix(如Caresar的Dumnorix,ambbiorix,Vercingetorix),Brogitarus,Deiotarus,等地名是一个类似的字符,如Drynemeton中,“奥克斯庙”或寺庙,从nemed,“庙”(比较Auvergene Augustonemetum和Vernemeton,“伟大的寺庙”,波尔多附近),Eccobriga ,Rosologiacum,Teutobodiacum等(有关的问题进行详细讨论,见娜莱的“加拉太书”,我的论文,第4版,伦敦,1874年,235。)

As soon as these Gauls, or Galatians, had gained a firm footing in the country assigned to them, they began to send out marauding expeditions in all directions.只要这些高卢人,或加拉太书,曾获得了分配给他们的国家站稳脚跟,他们开始发出劫掠全方位考察。They became the terror of their neighbours, and levied contributions on the whole of Asia Minor west of the Taurus.他们成为了他们的邻居恐怖,征收小亚细亚西部的金牛座整体贡献。They fought with varying success against Antiochus, King of Syria, who was called Soter from his having saved his country from them.他们打了不同的对安提阿哥,国王叙利亚,谁被称为从他有救他们自己的国家梭特尔成功。At length Attlaus I, King of Pergamun, a friend of the Romans, drove them back and confined them to Galatia about 235-232 BC After this many of them became mercenary soldiers; and in the great battle of Magnesia, 180 BC, a body of such Galatian troops fought against the Romans, on the side of Antiochus the Great, King of Syria.在长度Attlaus我的Pergamun国王,罗马人的朋友,开车回并限制他们加拉提亚约235-232 BC在此之后,其中许多成为雇佣兵,并在氧化镁,180 BC,体大决战这种加拉太部队作战反对罗马人,对安提阿哥大,国王叙利亚一侧。He was utterly defeated by the Romans, under Scipio Asiaticus, and lost 50,000 of his men.他被彻底击败了罗马人,在西皮奥亚洲通,失去了他手下的5万元。Next year the Consul Manlius entered Galatia, and defeated the Galatians in two battles graphically described by Livy, XXXVIII, xvi.明年进入加拉提亚领事曼利厄斯,并击败了生动李维,三十八,十六描述了两个战役加拉太。These events are referred to in I Mach., viii.这些事件被称为在我马赫。,八。On account of ill-treatment received at the hands of Mithradates I King of Pontus, the Galatians took the side of Pompey in the Mitradatic wars (64 BC).关于在Mithradates我王庞,加拉太人参加了Mitradatic战争(公元前64年)的庞培方手中收到虐待帐户。 As a reward for their services, Deiotarus, their chief tetrarch, received the title of king, and his dominions were greatly extended.作为回报他们的服务,Deiotarus,他们的主要分封,得到了王的称号,他的领地被大大延长。Henceword the Galatians were under the protection of the Romans, and were involved in all the troubles of the civil wars that followed.Henceword加拉太人都是在罗马人的保护,并在所有的跟随内战的困扰有关。They supported Pompey against Julius Caesar at the battle of Pharsalia (48 BC).他们支持对凯撒大帝在Pharsalia战役(公元前48年)庞培。Amyntas, their last king was set up by Mark Antony, 39 BC His kingdom finally included not only Galatia Proper but also the great plains to the south, together with parts of Lyesonia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, and Phrygia, ie the country containing the towns Antioch, Iconium, Lystra and Derbe.Amyntas,他们的最后一个国王是由马克安东尼,39 BC了他的王国最后不仅包括加拉提亚正确的,但也到南部的大平原,连同Lyesonia,潘菲利亚,皮西迪亚零件,弗里吉亚,即含有国家城镇安提阿,伊康,路司得和Derbe。 Amyntas went to Actium, 31 BC, to support Mark Antony; but like many others he went over, at the critical moment, to the side of Octavianus, afterwards called Augustus. Amyntas去亚克兴,公元前31年,支持马克安东尼,但许多人一样,他走过去,在关键时刻,对Octavianus一边,后来称为奥古斯都。 Augustus confirmed him in his kingdom, which he retained until he was slain in ambush, 25 BC After the death of Amyntas, Augustus made this kingdom into the Roman province of Galatia, so that this province had ben in existence more than 75 years when St. Paul wrote to the Galatians.奥古斯都证实了他的王国他,他保留,直到他被埋伏,后Amyntas死亡公元前25年杀害,奥古斯都进入了罗马的加拉太省的这个王国,使这个省已存在75年多本时,圣保罗写信给加拉太书。


St. Paul addresses his letter to the churches of Galatia (Galatians 1:2) and calls them Galatians (Galatians 3:1); and in I Cor., vi, 1, he speaks of the collections which he ordered to be made in the churches of Galatia.圣保罗地址的信给加拉太(加拉太书1:2)教会并呼吁他们加拉太(加拉太书3:1),以及在我肺心病,六,1,他的藏品,他下令在说话。加拉太教会。 But there are two theories as to the meaning of these terms.但也有两个对这些术语的含义理论。It is the opinion of Lipsius, Lightfoot, Davidson, Chase, Findlay, etc., that the Epistle was addressed to the people of Galatia Proper, situated in the centre of Asia Minor, towards the north (North Galatian Theory).它是Lipsius,莱特富特,戴维森,大通,芬德利等的意见,认为书信是写给加拉太正确的人,位于小亚细亚中心向北(北加拉太理论)。

Others, such as Renan, Perrot, Weizsacker, Hausrath, Zahn, Pfleiderer, Gifford, Rendell, Holtzmann, Clemen, Ramsay, Cornely, Page, Knowling, etc., hold that it was addressed to the southern portion of the Roman province of Galatia, containing Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, which were visited by Saints Paul and Barnabas, during their first missionary journey (South Galatian Theory).如赫南,佩罗特,魏茨泽克,Hausrath,赞恩,弗莱德尔,吉福德,伦德尔,HOLTZMANN,柯蕾曼,拉姆齐,Cornely,页面,Knowling等其他,认为这​​是给罗马的加拉太省南部的部分含有Pisidian安提阿,伊康,路司得和Derbe,这是由圣徒保罗和巴拿巴,在参观了他们的第一个传教之旅(南加拉太理论)。

Lightfoot was the chief upholder of the North-Galatian theory; but a great deal has become known about the geography of Asia Minor since he wrote in the eighteenth century, and the South-Galatian Theory has proportionately gained ground.莱特富特是北加拉太理论的主要维护者,但已经成为了很多对地理小亚细亚,因为他知道在十八世纪中写道,与南方加拉太理论的比例抬头。 A German Catholic professor, Stinmann (Der Liserkreis des Galaterbriefes), has, however, recently (1908) given Lightfoot his strong support, though it must be admitted that he has done little more than emphasize and expand the arguments of Chase.一位德国天主教教授,Stinmann(DER Liserkreis DES Galaterbriefes),有,但是,最近(1908年)鉴于娜莱他大力支持,但必须承认,他做多一点的强调和扩大大通的论点。The great coryphaeus of the South-Galatian theory is Prof. Sire WM Ramsay.南,加拉太理论伟大合唱团的主唱是父系WM拉姆齐教授。The following is a brief summary of the principal arguments on both sides.下面是一个主要论据双方简要介绍。

(1) The fact that the Galatians were being changed so soon to another gospel is taken by Lightfoot as evidence of the characteristic fickleness of the Gauls. (1)该加拉太正在改变这么快就到另一个福音其实是采取娜莱作为高卢人的特点的浮躁的证据。Ramsay replies that tenacity in matters of religion has ever been characteristic of the Celts.拉姆齐回答说,在宗教事务坚韧曾经一直是凯尔特人的特点。Besides, it is precarious to argue from the political mobility of the Gauls, in the time of Caesar, to the religious inconsistency of Galatians, whose ancestors left the West four hundred years before.此外,它是不稳定的争论从高卢人的政治行动,在凯撒的时间,给加拉太书,他们的祖先离开西方400年前宗教矛盾。The Galatians received St. Paul as an angel from heaven (Galatians 4:14).加拉太收到一个天使从天上(加拉太书4:14)圣保罗。 Lightfoot sees in this enthusiastic reception proof of Celtic fickleness of character.莱特富特说这是凯尔特人的性格浮躁热情的接待证明。In the same way it may be proved that the 5000 converted by St. Peter at Jerusalem, and, in fact, that, nearly all the converts of St. Paul were Celts.以同样的方式也可能是证明,5000转换的圣彼得在耶路撒冷,并在事实上是,几乎所有的圣保禄皈依者凯尔特人。Acts (xiii-xiv) gives sufficient indications of fickleness in South Galatia.行为(十三至十四)为南加拉太的浮躁足够的迹象。 To take but one instance: at Lystra the multitude could scarcely be restrained from sacrificing to St. Paul; shortly afterwards they stoned him and left him for dead.仅举一个实例:在路司得众人几乎无法克制从牺牲到圣保罗,不久之后,他们用石头打死他,他离开了死。

(2) St. Paul warns the Galatians not to abuse their liberty from the obligations of the Law of Moses, by following the works of the flesh. (2)圣保罗警告加拉太人不要滥用从摩西的法律义务按照其自由的肉体的作品。He then gives a long catalogue of vices.然后,他给出了一个长目录的恶习。From this Lightfoot selects two (methai, komoi) as evidently pointing to Celtic failings.从这个娜莱选择两个(methai,komoi)作为显然指向凯尔特失败。Against this it may be urged that St. Paul, writing to the Romans (xiii, 13), exhorts them to avoid these two very vices.对于这一点,可能是敦促圣保禄,书面向罗马人(十三13),劝告他们避免这两个非常恶习。St. Paul, in giving such an enumeratio here and elsewhere, evidently does not intend to paint the peculiar failings of any race, but simply to reprobate the works of the flesh, of the carnal or lower man; "they who do such things shall not obtain the kingdom of God" (Galatians 5:21).圣保罗,在做出这样的enumeratio这里和其他地方,显然不打算画任何种族特有的失败,而仅仅是堕落的肉体作品的肉体或更低的人,“他们谁做这样的事情应得不到神的“(加拉太书5:21)王国。

(3) Witchcraft is also mentioned in this list.(3)巫术也提到了这个名单。The extravagant devotion of Deiotarus, says Lightfoot, "fully bears out the character ascribed to the parent race."奢侈的Deiotarus奉献,莱特富特说,“完全证实了冲高到父比赛的性格。”But the Emperor Tiberius and many officials in the empire were ardent devotees of augury.但皇帝提庇留在帝国的很多官员都是占卜热心奉献。Sorcery is coupled by St. Paul with idolatry, and it was its habitual ally not only amongst the Gauls but throughout the pagan world.巫术是耦合与偶像崇拜的圣保罗,它不仅在高卢人之中,而且在异教世界的习惯性的盟友。

(4) Lightfoot says that the Galatians were drawn to Jewish observances; and he takes this as evidence of the innate Celtic propensity to external ceremonial, "appealing rather to the senses and passions than the heart and mind." (4)莱特富特说,加拉太人提请犹太纪念活动,以及他以凯尔特人的先天倾向对外礼仪证据这一点,“有吸引力,而对感官,比心和心的激情。”This so-called racial characteristic may be questioned, and it is a well-known fact that the whole of the aboriginal inhabitants of Asia Minor were given over heart and soul to gross pagan cermonial.这种所谓的种族特性可能会受到质疑,这是一个众所周知的事实是,小亚细亚的原住民居民已超过整个心脏和灵魂给毛异教cermonial。 We do not gather from the Epistle that the Galatians were naturally attracted to Jewish ceremonies.我们不收集认为加拉太人自然吸引犹太仪式书信。They were only puzzled or rather dazed (iii, 1) by the specious arguments of the Judaizers, who endeavoured to persuade them that they were not as perfect Christians as if they adopted circumcision and the Law of Moses.他们只是疑惑或相当茫然(三,1)由Judaizers,谁努力说服他们,他们并不像基督徒那样完美,如果他们通过割礼和摩西法似是而非的论调。

(5) On the South-Galatian theory it is supposed that the Epistle was written soon after St. Paul's second visit to Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, etc. (Acts 16).(5)在南 - 加拉太理论是应该的书信后不久,圣保罗的第二次访问Derbe,路司得,伊康等(徒16)写的。Lightfoot makes use of a strong argument against this early date.娜莱使得对这种早日有力的论据使用。He shows, by a detailed examination, that the Epistle bears a close resemblance, both in argument and language, to parts of the Epistle to the Romans.他表示,通过详细的检查,即书信近似熊,无论是在论证和语言,向罗马人的书信部分。This he thinks can be accounted for only on the supposition that both were written about the same time, and, therefore, several years later than the date required for the South-Galatian view.他认为这可占仅在这两个分别大约在同一时间写的假设,并因此,数年后比南方加拉太查看所需的日期。To this date required for the South-Galatian view.为了这一天所需的南加拉太观点。To this Rendell (Expositor's Greek Test., London, 1903.p. 144) replies that the coincidence is not due to any similarity in the circumstances of the two communities.为了达到这个伦德尔(解释者的希腊试验。,伦敦,1903.p. 144)回答说巧合的是不是由于任何两个社区的情况相似。"Still less can the identity of language be fairly urged to prove an approximation of the two epistles. For these fundamental truths formed without doubt the staple of the Apostle's teaching throughout the years of continuous transition from Jewish to Christian doctrine, and his language in regard to them could not fail to become in some measure stereotyped." “更不能对语言的身份相当敦促证明了这两种书信近似。对于这些基本道理无疑形成了使徒的教学贯穿从犹太基督教教义的连续过渡期短,而他在关于语言他们不能不在一定程度上变得千篇一律。“

(6) The controversy has raged most fiercely round the two verses in Acts, xvi, 6 and xviii, 23, the only places where there is any reference to Galatia in Acts:(6)争议激烈争论最激烈的一轮行为,十六,十八6,23,哪里有任何法令只提到加拉太地方的两个诗句:

"And they went through the Phrygian and Galatian region" (ten phrygian kai Galatiken choran);“他们经历了弗里吉亚和加拉太地区”(十弗里吉亚偕Galatiken choran);

"he departed and went through the Galatian region and Phrygia" (or "Phrygian") (ten Galatiken choran kai phyrgian).“他离开,并通过加拉太地区和弗里吉亚去”(或“弗里吉亚”)(十Galatiken choran偕phyrgian)。

Lightfoot held that Galatia Proper was meant in the second.莱特富特认为,在适当的加拉太第二的意思。 Other supporters of the North-Galatian theory think that the countries of North Galatia and Phrygia are meant in both cases.在北加拉太理论的其他支持者认为,北加拉太和弗里吉亚的国家在这两种情况下的意思。Their opponents, relying on the expression of contemporary writers, maintain that South Galatia was intended in both places.他们的对手,对当代作家的表达依赖,认为南加拉太在两地之意。The former also interpret the second part of xvi, 6 (Greek text) as meaning that the travellers went through Phrygia and Galatia after they had passed through South Galatia, because they were forbidden to preach in Asia.前者还解释为意味着旅客通过佛里吉亚和加拉太去后,他们已通过南加拉太通过了十六,6(希腊文)的第二部分,因为他们被禁止宣扬在亚洲。 Ramsey, on the other hand, maintains that after they had passed through the portion of Phrygia which had been added to the southern part of the province of Galatia (and which could be called indifferently Galatian or Phrygian) they passed to the north because they were forbidden to preach in Asia.拉姆齐,另一方面,主张通过后,他们的Phrygia部分已被添加到了加拉太省(并可以称为漠然加拉太或弗里吉亚),他们通过对北部南部通过,因为他们禁止鼓吹在亚洲。 He holds that the order of the verbs in the passage is in the order of time, and he gives examples of similar use of the aorist participle (St. Paul The Traveller, London, 1900, pp. ix, 211, 212).他认为,在通过的动词顺序的时间顺序是,他给出的不定过去过去分词(圣保罗的旅行者,伦敦,1900年,页九,211,212)类似用途的例子。

The arguments on both sides are too technical to be given in a short article.在双方的论据太技术将在很短的文章中给出。The reader may be referred to the following: North-Galatian: Chase, "Expositor", Dec. 1893.读者可到以下简称:北加拉太:大通,“解释者”,1893年12月。p.401, May, 1894, p.331; Steinmann, "Der Leserkreis des Galaterbriefes" (Münster, 1908), p. p.401,五月,1894年,p.331;斯氏,“明镜Leserkreis DES Galaterbriefes”(明斯特,1908年),第 191.191。On the South-Galatian side: Ramsey, "Expositor", Jan., 1894, p.在南方加拉太方面:拉姆齐,“解释者”,1月,1894年,第42, Feb., p.42 2月,第 137, Apr., p.137 4月,第 288, "St. Paul The Traveller", etc; Knowling, "Acts of the Apostles", Additional note to ch.288,“圣保罗旅行者”等; Knowling,“使徒行传”,附加说明,以CH。xviii (Expositor's Greek Test., London, 1900, p. 399); Gifford, "Expositor", July, 1894, p.十八(解释者的希腊试验,伦敦,1900年,第399页);吉福德,“解释者”,7月,1894年,第I.

(7) The Galatian churches were evidently important ones.(7)加拉太教会显然重要的。On the North-Galatian theory, St. Luke dismissed their conversion in a single sentence: "They went through the Phrygian and Galatian region" (Acts 16:6).在北加拉太理论,圣卢克驳回单句的转换:“他们经历了弗里吉亚和加拉太地区”(使徒16点06)。This is strange, as his plan throughout is to give an account of the establishment of Christianity by St. Paul in each new region.这是奇怪的,因为他的整个计划是给每一个新的区域,由圣保罗基督教建立帐户。Lightfoot fully admits the force of this, but tries to evade it by asking the question: "Can it be that the historian gladly drew a veil over the infancy of a church which swerved so soon and so widely from the purity of the Gospel?"娜莱充分承认了这股力量,而是试图回避这个问题问它:“难道说,历史学家高兴地吸引了一个教堂的急转从福音纯度这么快和如此广泛的婴儿面纱” But the subsequent failings of the Corinthians did not prevent St. Luke from giving an account of their conversion.但随后的科林蒂安失败并没有阻止他们的转化提供一个帐户圣卢克。Besides, the Galatians had not swerved so widely from the purity of the Gospel.此外,加拉太没有越过如此广泛,从福音的纯洁性。 The arguments of the judaizers made some of them waver, but they had not accepted circumcision; and this Epistle confirmed them in the Faith, so that a few years later St. Paul writes of them to the Corinthians (1 Corinthians 16:1): "Now concerning the collections that are made for the saints, as I have given order to the churches of Galatia, so do ye also."在judaizers的论据,其中有些动摇,但他们没有接受割礼,这书信证实他们的信仰,因此,几年后圣保罗其中写入科林蒂安(哥林多前书16:1): “现在有关所做的圣人,因为我已经为加拉太教会集合,所以你们也。”It was long after the time that St. Paul could thus confidently command the Galatians that Acts was written.这是很久以后的时间,因此可以自信地圣保罗命令的行为写加拉太书。

(8) St. Paul makes no mention of this collection in our Epistle. (8)圣保罗内没有收集在我们的书信提及。According to the North-Galatian theory, the Epistle was written several years before the collection was made.据北加拉太理论,写书信几年前作出的收集。In Acts 20:4, etc., a list is given of those who carried the collections to Jerusalem.在使徒行传20点04分,等等,名单见那些谁进行集合到耶路撒冷。There are representatives from South Galatia, Achaia, Macedonia, and Asia; but there is no deputy from North Galatia -- from the towns of Jerusalem on occasion, the majority probably meeting at Corinth, St. Paul, St. Luke, and Sopater of Berea (probably representing Philippi and Achaia; see 2 Corinthians 8:18-22); Aristarchus and Secundus of Macedonia; Gaius of Derbe, and Timothyof Lystra (S. Galatia); and Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia.有从南方加拉提亚,亚该亚,马其顿,和亚洲的代表,但没有从北加拉太副 - 从城镇耶路撒冷之际,多数可能会在科林斯,圣保罗,圣路加,和Sopater的伯里亚(可能代表腓和亚该亚,见林后8:18-22);阿里斯塔克斯和马其顿Secundus;的Derbe盖尤斯和Timothyof路司得(S.加拉太)和Tychicus和特罗亚洲。 There is not a word about anybody from North Galatia, the most probable reason being that St. Paul had never been there (see Rendall, Expositor, 1893, vol. II, p.321).没有一个关于北加拉提亚,最可能的原因是圣保罗从未有(见伦德尔,解释者,1893年,第二卷,p.321)人字。

(9) St. Paul, the Roman citizen, invariably employs the names of the roman provincces, such as Achaia, Macedonia, Asia; and it is not probable that he departed from this practice in his use of "Galatia". (9)圣保罗,罗马公民,不约而同地采用了罗马provincces如亚该亚,马其顿,亚洲,名字,以及它是不是有可能,他从这个他的“加拉太”用实践离去。 The people of South Galatia could with propriety be styled Galatians.南加拉太的人可能会以礼风格加拉太。Two of the towns, Antioch and Lystra, were Roman colonies; and the other two boasted of the Roman names, Claudio-Iconium, and Claudio-Derbe.在城镇二,安提阿和路司得,是罗马的殖民地,以及其他两个罗马名称,克劳迪奥 - 伊康和克劳迪奥 - Derbe吹嘘。"Galatians" was an honourable title when applied to them; but they would be insulted if they were called Phrygians or Lycaonians. “加拉太书”是一个光荣的称号时,适用于他们,但他们将被侮辱,如果他们被称为Phrygians或Lycaonians。All admit that St. Peter named the Roman provinces when he wrote "to the elect strangers dispersed throught Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia" (1 Peter 1:1).都承认,圣彼得省命名为罗马时,他写道:“陌生人的选举分散思想庞,加拉提亚,卡帕多西亚,亚洲和庇推尼”(彼前1:1)。

(10) The manner in which St. Paul mentions St. Barnabas in the Epistle indicates that the latter was known to those for whom the Epistle was primarily intended. (10)以何种方式圣保禄的书信中提到圣巴纳巴斯表明,后者是众所周知的那些人的书信主要目的。St. Barnabas had visited South Galatia with St. Paul (Acts 13:14), but he was unknown in North Galatia.圣巴拿巴访问了与圣保罗(徒13:14)南加拉太,但他在北加拉提亚不明。

(11) St. Paul states (ii, 5) that the reason for his course of action at Jerusalem was that the truth of the gospel might continue with the Galatians. (11)圣保罗州(二,五),将他的行动在耶路撒冷的原因是福音的真理可能继续加拉太书。This seems to imply that they were already converted.这似乎意味着他们已经转换。He had visited the southern part of the Galatian province before the council, but not northern.他已经访问了安理会面前的加拉太省南部的一部分,而不是北方。The view favoured above receives confirmation from a consideration, as appended, of the persons addressed.上面的意见是赞同收到来自考虑确认,作为追加的人,处理。


The country of South Galatia answers the conditions of the Epistle admirably; but this cannot be said of North Galatia.南加拉太国家回答了极好的条件的书信,但是这不能成为北加拉太说。From the Epistle we gather that the majority were Gentile converts, that many were probably Jewish proselytes from their acquaintance with the Old Testament, that Jews who persecuted them from the first were living amongst them; that St. Paul had visited them twice, and that the few Judaziers appeared amongst them only after his last visit.从我们收集的书信,多数是詹蒂莱转换,很多人可能是与旧约,谁迫害犹太人从第一个被生活在他们之中他们从他们的相识犹太proselytes,也就是说圣保罗访问了他们两次,而少数Judaziers出现在他们之中只有在他最后一次访问。 We know from Acts, iii, xiv (and early history), that Jews were settled in South Galatia.我们知道,从行为,三,第十四条(和早期历史),即犹太人在南非加拉提亚解决。During the first missionary journey unbelieving Jews made their presence felt everywhere.在第一次宣教旅程不信的犹太人处处感受到了他们的存在。As soon as Paul and Barnabas returned to Syrian Antioch, some Jewish converts came from Judea and taught that the circumcision was necessary for them, and went up to the council, where it was decreed that circumcision and the Law of Moses were not necessary for the Gentiles; but nothing was determined as to the attitude of Jewish converts regarding them, following the example of St. James, though it was implied in the decree that they were matters of indifference.当保罗和巴拿巴返回叙利亚安提阿,一些犹太转换来自朱迪亚和教导说,割礼是他们必要的,上升到议会,它被下旨割礼和摩西的法律并没有进行必要的外邦人,但没有被认定为对犹太人的转换对于他们的态度,继圣雅各福群为例,虽然它是在法令,他们是冷漠的问题暗示。

This was shown, soon after, by St. Peter's eating with the Gentiles.这表明,不久之后,由圣彼得与外邦人吃饭。On his withdrawing from them, and when many others followed his example, St. Paul publicly vindicated the equality of the Gentile Christians.在他退出他们,当许多人跟随他的榜样,圣保罗公开平反的外邦基督徒平等。The majority agreed; but there must have been "false brethren" amongst them (Galatians 2:4) who were Christians only in name, and who hated St. Paul.多数人同意,但一定有“假弟兄”在他们之间(加拉太书2:4)谁是基督徒只是名义上的,谁讨厌圣保罗。Some of these, in all probability, followed him to South Galatia, soon after his second visit.其中一些,在所有的可能性,跟着他到南加拉提亚,不久后,他第二次访问。But they could no longer teach the necessity of circumcision, as the Apostolic decrees had been already delivered there by St. Paul (Acts 16:4).但是,他们不能再教了割礼的必要性,因为使徒法令已经交付了由圣保罗(徒16:4)那里。These decrees are not mentioned in the Epistle by the Judaizers, the advisability of the Galatians accepting circumcision and the Law of Moses, for their greater perfection.这些法令没有在书信中提到的Judaizers,在加拉太接受割礼的可取性和摩西的律法为他们精益求精。On the other hand, there is no evidence that there were any Jews settled at this time in North Galatia (see Ramsay, "St. Paul The Traveller").另一方面,没有证据表明有在这个北加拉太及时解决任何犹太人(见拉姆齐,“圣保罗旅行者”)。 It was not the kind of country to attract them.这是不是一种国家吸引他们。The Gauls were a dominant class, living in castles, and leading a half pastoral, half nomadic life, and speaking their own Gallic language.高卢人是一个统治阶级,住在城堡,并领导一个半牧区,半游牧的生活,讲自己的高卢语言。 The country was very sparsley populated by the subjugated agricultural inhabitants.该国非常sparsley由征服农业居民人口。 During the long winter the ground was covered with snow; in summer the heat was intense and the ground parched; and one might travel many miles without meeting a human being.在漫长的冬季,地上覆盖着雪,在夏天热得激烈,地面干裂;和一个可能的旅行一个人没有满足许多英里。There was some fertile tracts; but the greater part was either poor pasture land, or barren undulating hilly ground.有一些肥沃的大片,但更大的部分是不是穷牧场,或贫瘠的丘陵起伏地。The bulk of the inhabitants in the few towns were not Gauls.该居民在少数城镇大部分是不高卢人。Trade was small, and that mainly in wool.贸易是小的,而且在羊毛为主。A decree of Augustus in favour of Jews was supposed to be framed for those at Ancyra, in Galatia.奥古斯都在一个犹太人的青睐法令应该是诬陷为在安该拉那些在加拉太。It is now known that it was addressed to quite a different region.现在已经知道,这是给很多不同的区域。


The Epistle was written to conteract the influence of a few Judaizers who had come amongst the Galatians, and were endeavouring to persuade them that in order to be perfect Christians it was necessary to be circumcised and observe the Law of Moses.写的书信,以conteract一个加拉太之间谁曾来几个Judaizers影响力,并努力说服他们,以完美的基督徒,有必要行割礼和遵守摩西的律法。 Their arguments were sufficiently specious to puzzle the Galatians, and their object was likely to gain the approval of unbelieving Jews.他们的论据充分似是而非的困扰加拉太人,他们的目标很可能获得批准的不信的犹太人。They said what St. Paul taught was good as far as it went; but that he had not taught the full perfection of Christianity.他们说什么是好圣保罗教尽可能去了,但他没有教基督教的全面完善。And this was not surprising, as he was not one of the great Apostles who had been taught by Christ Himself, and received their commission from Him.而这并不奇怪,因为他不是谁是由基督自己教的伟大使徒之一,并得到他的佣金。Whatever St. Paul knew he learned from others, and he had received his commission to preach not from Christ, but from men at Antioch (Acts 13).无论圣保禄知道他学会从别人,他收到了他的委员会,以宣扬基督,而是来自于安提阿(徒13)男子。Circumcision and the Law, it is true, were not necessary to salvation; but they were essential to the full perfection of Christianity.割礼和法律,这是事实,没有必要拯救,但他们是必不可少的基督教的全面完善。This was proved by the example of St. James, of the other Apostles, and of the first disciples, at Jerusalem.这证明了由圣雅各福群为例,其他使徒,和第一弟子在耶路撒冷。On this very point this Paul, the Apostle, placed himself in direct opposition to Cephas, the Prince of the Apostles, at Antioch.在这点这个保罗,使徒,置于自己的直接对立矶法,王子的使徒,在安提阿。His own action in circumcising Timothy showed what he expected of a personal companion, and he was now probably teaching the good of circumcision in other places.他在自己的行动表明割礼提摩太他的个人伴侣的预期,他现在可能在其他地方教学的割礼好。These statements puzzles the Galatians, and made them waver.这些陈述困惑加拉太,并让他们动摇。They felt aggrieved that he had left them, as they thought, in an inferior position; they began to observe Jewish festivals, but they had not yet accepted circumcision.他们感到不满,他离开了他们,因为他们认为,处于劣势地位,他们开始观察犹太节日,但他们还没有接受割礼。 The Apostle refutes these arguments so effectively that the question never again arose.使徒反驳这些参数,以便有效地,这个问题不会再出现了。Henceforth his enemies confined themselves to personal attacks (see II Corinthians).从此他的敌人局限于自己的人身攻击(见哥林多后书)。


The six chapters naturally fall into three divisions, consisting of two chapters each.这六个章节自然分为三个部门,每两章组成。

In the first two chapters, after the general introduction, he shows that he is an Apostle not from men, nor through the teaching of any man, but from Christ; and the gospel he taught is in harmony with the teaching of the great Apostles, who gave him the right hand of fellowship.在头两章,后一般介绍,他表明他是一个不从人,也没有通过任何人的教学,而是来自基督使徒和福音教他在与伟大的使徒教学的和谐,谁给了他奖学金右手。

He next (iii, iv) shows the inefficacy of circumcision and the Law, and that we owe our redemption to Christ alone.他接着(III,IV)显示了割礼和法律无效的,而且我们欠我们的救赎基督孤单。He appeals to the experience of the Galatian converts, and brings forward proofs from Scripture.他呼吁在加拉太转换的经验,并带来了前进的经文证明。

He exhorts them (v, vi) not to abuse their freedom from the Law to indulge in crimes, "for they who do such things shall not obtain the kingdom of God."他告诫他们(五,六)不滥用自己的自由从法律沉迷于罪,“因为他们做这种事情谁不得获得神的国。”It is not for love of them he admonishes, that the Judaizers wish the Galatians to be circumcised.这不是对他们的爱,他告诫,该Judaizers希望加拉太被割礼。If there is virtue in the mere cutting of the flesh, the inference from the argument is that the Judaizers could become still more perfect by making themselves eunuchs -- mutilating themselves like the priests of Cybele.如果是在肉体仅仅凭借切割,从论证推理是,Judaizers仍可能成为使自己更完美太监 - 残害自己喜欢的Cybele的祭司。He writes the epilogue in large letters with his own hand.他写大字用他自己的手尾声。


As it is admitted on all hands that St. Paul wrote the Epistle, and as its authenticity has never been seriously called in question, it is important not only for its biographical data and direct teaching, but also for the teaching implies in it as being known at the time.由于它是在所有的手,圣保罗写的书信,并作为其真实性从来没有认真质疑承认,重要的是不仅其履历资料和直接教学,同时也为教学意味着它作为是在在已知的时间。 He claims, at least indirectly, to have worked miracles amongst the Galatians, and that they received the Holy Ghost (iii, 5), almost in the words of St. Luke as to the events at Iconium (Acts 14:3).他声称,至少有间接,有工作之一加拉太奇迹,而且他们几乎是在收到的圣路加的话,以在伊康事件(徒14:3)圣灵(三,五)。 It is the Catholic doctrine that faith is a gratuitous gift of God; but is is the teaching of the Church, as it is of St. Paul, that the faith that is of any avail is "faith that worketh by charity" (Galatians 5:6); and he states most emphatically that a good life is necessary for salvation; for, after enumeration the works of the flesh, he writes (v, 21), "Of the which I foretell you, as I have foretold to you, that they who do such things shall obtain the kingdom of God."这是天主教教义,信仰是神的无偿赠与,但就是教会教学,因为它是圣保罗,即信念,任何利用的是“信仰,worketh由慈善机构”(加拉太书5 :6);和他国最强调,一个良好的生活是必要的救赎,因为,之后列举了情欲的事,他写道(五,21),“在我预言你,正如我预言你,他们做这种事情谁应获得神的国。“ In vi, 8, he writes: "For what things a man shall sow, those also shall he reap. For he that soweth in his flesh, of the flesh, also shall reap corruption. But he that soweth in the spirit, of the spirit shall reap life everlasting."在vi中,8日,他写道:“对于什么事情,人要播种,收获的也应他因为他在他的肉soweth,肉体的,也应获得的腐败,但他在精神soweth的,精神应获得永生。“ The same teaching is found in others of his Epistles, and is in perfect agreement with St. James: "For even as the body without the spirit is dead; so also faith without works is dead" (James 2:2).同样的教学是发现在他的书信等,并与圣雅各福群完美的协议是:“对于即使是在身体没有灵魂是死的,所以也没有工作的信心是死的”(雅各书2:2)。 The Epistle implies that the Galatians were well acquainted with the doctrines of the Trinity, the Divinity of Christ, Incarnation, Redemption, Baptism, Grace, etc. As he had never to defend his teaching to these points against Judaizers, and as the Epistle is so early, it is clear that his teaching was identical with that of the Twelve, and did not, even in appearance, lend itself to attack.书信意味着加拉太人以及与三位一体,基督的神,道成肉身,赎回,洗礼,格雷斯,等熟悉的教义,他从来没有作为抵御Judaizers他的这些教学点,并作为书信是这么早,很显然,他的教学是与十二完全一样,并没有,甚至在外观上,借给自己的攻击。


(1)Marcion asserted that it was the first of St. Paul's Epistles. (1)马吉安断言,这是圣保禄的书信第一。Prof. Sir W. Ramsay (Expositor, Aug., 1895, etc.) and a Catholic professor, Dr. Valentin Weber (see below), maintain that it was written from Antioch, before the council (AD 49-50). W.拉姆齐爵士教授(解释者,8月,1895等)和天主教教授,博士瓦伦丁韦伯(见下文),认为它是从安提阿书面提交安理会,(公元49-50)。 Weber's arguments are very plausible, but not quite convincing.韦伯的论点是非常合理的,但并不完全令人信服。There is a good summary of them in a review by Gayford, "Journal of Theological Studies", July, 1902.有一个很好的总结,他们在审查盖福德,“神学研究杂志”,7月,1902年。The two visits to Galatia are the double journey to Derbe and back.这两个访问加拉提亚是双重旅程Derbe和背部。This solution is offered to obviate apparent discrepancies between Gal., ii, and Acts, xv.这个解决方案是提供以避免与镀锌,二,和行为,十五明显的差异。

(2) Cornel and the majority of the upholders of the South-Galatian theory suppose, with much greater probability, that it was written about AD 53, 54. (2)山茱萸和对南方加拉太理论李家多数假设,与更大的可能性,这是约公元53,54写的。

(3) Those who defend the North-Galatian theory place it as late as AD 57 or 58. (3)那些谁保卫北加拉太理论的地方如公元57或58晚。


(a) "I went up . . . and communicated to them the gospel . . . lest perhaps I should run, or had run in vain."(一)“我去了 并且传达给他们的福音。以免也许我应该运行,或已白白运行。”This does not imply any doubt about the truth of his teaching, but he wanted to neutralize the oppostion of the Judaizers by proving he was at one one with the others.这并不意味着任何对他的教学真理怀疑,但他希望以中,证明他在一个与别人之一是该Judaizers oppostion。

(b) The following have the appearance of being ironical: "I communicated . . . to them who seemed to be some thing" (ii, 2); But of them who seemed to be something . (b)下列有被讽刺的外观:“我传达给他们谁似乎有些事情 ”(二,2),但他们谁似乎被什么东西。..for to me they that seemed to be something added to nothing" (ii, 6): "But contrawise .对于我,他们似乎被什么东西加什么“(二,六):”不过contrawise。..James and Cephas and John, who seemed to be pillars." Here we have three expressions tois dokousin in verse 2; ton dokounton einai ti, and oi dokountes in verse 6; and oi dokountes styloi einai in verse 9. Non-Catholic scholars agree with St. John Chrystostom that there is nothing ironical in the original context. As the verbs are in the present tense, the translations should be: "those who are in repute"; "who are (rightly) regarded as pillars". It is better to understand, with Rendall, that two classes of persons are meant: first, the leading men at Jerusalem; secondly, the three apostles. St. Paul's argument was to show that his teaching had the approval of the great men. St. James is mentioned first because the Judaizers made the greatest use of his name and example. "But of them who are in repute (what they were some time, it is nothing to me. God accepteth not the person of man)", verse 6. St. Augustine is almost alone in his interpretation that it made no matter to St. Paul that the Apostles were once poor ignorant men. Others hold that St. Paul was referring to the privilege of being personal disciples of our Lord. He said that did not alter the fact of his Apostolate, as God does not regard the person of men. Most probably this verse does not refer to the Apostles at all; and Cornerly supposes that St. Paul is speaking of the elevated position held by the presbyters at the council, and insists that it did not derogate from his Apostolate.詹姆斯和矶法,约翰,谁似乎支柱“我们这里有三个表达式tois dokousin在第2节,在第9节及爱dokountes styloi einai的非天主教学者同意;吨dokounton einai的TI,在第6节及爱dokountes。与圣约翰Chrystostom有没有在原有范围内讽刺作为动词在目前紧张的,翻译应该是:“谁是在声誉”,“谁是(正确)作为支柱认为”这是。更好地理解,与伦德尔,两个人类是指:第一,男子在耶路撒冷的领导;第​​二,三使徒圣保罗的说法是为了显示他的教学有批准的伟人圣雅各福群。首先提到的是,因为Judaizers作出了自己的名字和榜样最大的利用。“但他们的声誉是谁(什么他们一些时间,这是对我没有什么神accepteth不是人的人)”,第6节。圣奥古斯丁几乎是独自在他的解释,它并没有给圣保罗事项的使徒曾经贫穷无知的人。其他人认为圣保罗指的是被我们的主个人的弟子特权,他说没有不改变他的使徒事实上,上帝并没有把男人的人最大的可能是这节经文并不是指在所有的使徒;和Cornerly设的圣保罗是由在该长老举行高架立场发言理事会,并坚持认为,它并没有从他的使徒减损。

(c) "I withstood Cephas."(三)“我顶住矶法。”-- "But when Cephas was come to Antioch, I withstood him to the face, because he was blamed [kategnosmenos, perf. part. -- not, "to be blamed", as in the Vulgate]. For before that some came from James, he did eat with the Gentiles; but when they were done, he withdrew and separated himself, fearing them who were of circumcision. And to his dissimulation the rest of the Jews consented, so that Barnabas also was led by them into that dissimulation. But when I saw that they walked not uprightly unto the truth of the gospel, I said to Cephas before them all: if thou, being a Jew, livest after the manner of the Gentiles, and not as the Jews do, how dost thou compel the Gentiles to live as do the Jews?"- “但是,当矶法是来到安提阿,我经受住他的脸,因为他被指责[kategnosmenos,PERF的一部分 - 不,”被指责“在武加大,]对于在此之前,一些来了。从詹姆斯,他吃的外邦人;但是当他们完成后,他撤回和失散的自己,担心他们的割礼是谁和他掩饰犹太人的休息同意,让巴拿巴也被他们领进的。掩饰但是当我看到他们走不祂的福音真理的正直,我说他们之前所有矶法:如果你作为一个犹太人,livest后外邦人的方式,而不是犹太人吗,怎么多斯特你迫使外邦人生活一样犹太人?“ (ii, 11-14).(二,11-14)。

Here St. Peter was found fault with probably by the Greek converts.圣彼得在这里被发现可能是由希腊转换故障。He did not withdraw on account of bodily fear, says St. John Chrystostom; but as his special mission was at this time to the Jews, he was afraid of shocking them who were still weak in the Faith.他没有撤回的身体担心帐户,说圣约翰Chrystostom,但因为他的特殊使命的犹太人在这个时间,他是令人震惊的他们谁仍然在信仰薄弱害怕。 His ususal manner of acting, to which he was led by his vision many years previously, shows that his exceptional withdrawal was not due to any error of doctrine.他的演技ususal的方式,向他由他的远见以前多年领导,说明他出色的撤离不是因为任何主义的错误。He had motives like those which induced St. Paul to circumcise Timothy, etc.; and there is no proof that in acting upon them he committed the slightest sin.他喜欢那些诱导圣保罗到割礼霍震霆等动机,也没有证据证明他们在采取行动后,他犯有丝毫的罪。Those who came from James probably came for no evil purpose; nor does it follow they were sent by him.从詹姆斯来到那些谁可能来无邪恶目的,也没有按照他们由他发出。The Apostles in their letter (Acts 15:24) say: "Forasmuch as we have heard, that some going out from us have troubled you . . . to whom we gave no commandment."在信中(徒15:24)使徒们说:“Forasmuch我们听到,有些会从我们这里出了困扰我们给你给谁不诫。” We need not suppose that St. Peter foresaw the effect of his example.我们不需要假设圣彼得预见到了他的榜样作用。The whole thing must have taken some time.整个事情必须已经采取了一些时间。St. Paul did not at first object.圣保罗没有在第一个对象。It was only when he saw the result that he spoke.只有当他看到结果,他讲了话。The silence of St. Peter shows that he must have agreed with St. Paul; and, indeed, the argument to the Galatians required that this was the case.圣彼得的沉默表明,他必须与圣保罗同意;,事实上,对加拉太参数要求,这是如此。St. Peter's exalted position is indicated by the manner in which St. Paul says (i, 18) that he went to behold Peter, as people go to view some remarkable sight; and by the fact that in spite of the preaching of St. Paul and Barnabas for a long time at Antioch, his mere withdrawal was sufficient to draw all after him, and in a manner compel the Gentiles to be circumcised.圣彼得表示崇高的地位是通过何种方式圣保罗说,(我18),他到看哪彼得,因为人们去查看一些显着的景象,以及由这一事实,在说教的圣尽管保罗和一个长的时间巴拿巴在安提阿,他只是退出后,足以吸引他所有,并在方式迫使外邦人要受割礼。 In the expression "when I saw that they walked not uprightly", they does not necessarily include St. Peter.在表达“当我看到他们走不正直”,他们并不一定包括圣彼得。The incident is not mentioned in the Acts, as it was only transitory.这起事件中没有提到的行为,因为它是唯一暂时的。Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., I, xii) says that St. Clement of Alexandria, in the fifth book of the Hypotyposeis (Outlines), asserts that this Cephas was not the Apostle, but one of the seventy disciples.尤西比乌斯(Hist.传道书。,我十二)说,圣克莱门特的亚历山德里亚在Hypotyposeis(纲要)第五册,矶法说,这不是使徒,但七十门徒之一。 Clement here has few followers.克莱门特在这里有一些追随者。

A very spirited controversy was carried on between St. Jerome and St. Augustine about the interpretation of this passage.一个很热心的争议进行圣杰罗姆之间和圣奥古斯丁就对这段话的解释。 In his "Commentary on the Galatians", St. Jerome, following earlier writers such as Origen and St. Chrysostom, supposed that the matter was arranged beforehand between St. Peter and St. Paul.他在“述评加拉太书”,圣杰罗姆,以下如奥利和圣金口早期作家,应该说,无论被安排在圣彼得和圣保罗事前。They agreed that St. Peter should withdraw and that St. Paul should publicly reprehend him, for the instruction of all.他们一致认为,应撤销圣彼得和圣保罗应当公开申斥对他的所有指令。Hence St. Paul says that he withstood him in appearance (kata prosopon).因此,圣保罗说,他经受了外观(卡塔成虫)他。Otherwise, says St. Jerome, with what face could St. Paul, who became all things to all men, who became a Jew that he might gain the Jews, who circumcised Timothy, who shaved his head, and was ready to offer sacrifice at Jerusalem, blame St. Peter for acting in a similar manner?否则,圣杰罗姆说,用什么脸可以圣保罗,谁成为万物所有的人,谁成为一个犹太人,他可能获得的犹太人,谁割礼霍震霆,谁剃了头,并准备在祭耶路撒冷,圣彼得指责为以类似的方式行事? St. Augustine, laying stress on the words "when I saw that they walked not uprightly", etc., maintained that such an interpretation would be subversive of the truth of Holy Scripture.圣奥古斯丁,铺设上的话强调:“当我看到他们走不正直”等,认为这样的解释将是对圣经真理的颠覆。But against this it may be said that it is not so very clear that St. Peter was included in this sentence.但是,对于这一点,可以说,这不是非常清楚,圣彼得在这句话中。The whole controversy can be read in the first volume of the Venetian edition of St. Jerome's works, Epp., lvi, lxvii, civ, cv, cxii, cxv, cxvi.整个争议可以读取的圣杰罗姆的作品威尼斯版,EPP首卷。,LVI,LXVII,CIV,CV,cxii,第一百一十五,cxvi。

(d) Apparent Discrepancies between the Epistle and Acts.(D)之间的书信和行为明显的差异。 -- (1) St. Paul says that three years after his conversion (after having visited Arabia and returned to Damascus) he went up to Jerusalem (i, 17, 18) Acts states that after his baptism "he was with the disciples that were at Damascus, for some days" (ix, 19).- (1)圣保禄说,三年后他的转换(沙特阿拉伯访问后,回到大马士革)他走到耶路撒冷(I,17,18)使徒洗礼后,他指出,“他的门徒,被分别在大马士革,对一些天“(九,19)。 "He immediately began to preach in the synagogues" (ix, 20).“他立即开始在会堂里宣讲”(九,20)。"He increased more in strength, and confounded the Jews" (ix, 22).“他更增加了力量,并混淆了犹太人”(九,22)。"And when many days were passed, the Jews consulted together to kill him" (ix, 23); he then escaped and went to Jerusalem.“当许多日子过去了,犹太人协商共同杀死他”(九,23),他当时逃脱,前往耶路撒冷。These accounts here are not contradictory, as has been sometimes objected; but were written from different points of view and for different purposes.这些帐户在这里并不矛盾,因为一直有时反对,但都从不同的角度和不同的目的编写的。The time for the visit to Arabia may be placed between Acts, ix, 22 and 23; or between "some days" and "many days".为向沙特阿拉伯访问的时间可能会放在行为之间,九,22和23;或是“一些天”和“多天”。St. Luke's "many days" (hemerai ikanai) may mean as much as three years.圣卢克“多少天”(hemerai ikanai)可能意味着多达三年。 (See 1 Kings 2:38; so Paley, Lightfoot, Knowling, Lewin.) The adjective ikanos is a favourite one with St. Luke, and is used by him with great elasticity, but generally in the sense of largeness, eg "a widow: and a great multitude of the city" (Luke 7:12); "there met him a certain man who had a devil now a very long time" (Luke 8:27); "a herd of many swine feeding" (Luke 8:32); "and he was abroad for a long time" (Luke 20:9); "for a long time, he had bewitched them" (Acts 8:11). (见列王纪上2:38,所以佩利,娜莱,Knowling,列文)的形容词Ikanos公司是一个圣卢克最爱之一,是由他以极大的使用弹性,但一般意义上的襟怀坦白,如“一遗孀:和许多伟大的城市“(路加福音7:12),”有一定认识他的人谁了魔鬼现在很长的时间“(路加福音8:27);”的饲养许多猪群“(路加福音8:32)“,以及他在国外很长一段时间”(路20:9);“很长一段时间,他蛊惑他们”(徒8:11)。 See also Acts 14:3, 21 (Greek text); 18:18, 19:19, 26; 20:37.另见徒14:3,21(希腊文)18:18,19:19,26; 20:37。

(2) We read in Acts 9:27, that St. Barnabas took St. Paul "to the apostles". (2)我们阅读行为9时27分,即圣巴拿巴了圣保禄“的使徒”。St. Paul states (Galatians 1:19) that on this occasion, besides St. Peter, "other of the apostles I saw one, saving James the brother of the Lord".圣保罗州(加拉太书1:19),在这个场合,除了圣彼得,“其他的使徒我看到一个,节省詹姆斯主的兄弟”。Those who find a contradiction here are hard to satisfy.这些谁在这里找到一个矛盾难以满足。St. Luke employs the word Apostles sometimes in a broader, sometimes in a narrower sense.圣卢克员工使徒一词有时在更广泛,有时在狭义。Here it meant the Apostles who happened to be at Jerusalem (Peter and James), or the assembly over which they presided.这里指的是使徒谁正好是在耶路撒冷(彼得和詹姆斯),或在他们主持大会。The objection can be pressed with any force only against those who deny that St. James was an Apostle in any of the senses used by St. Luke (see BRETHREN OF THE LORD).反对意见可以按下任何只对那些谁否认圣雅各福群是在由圣路加(见耶和华的弟兄们)所使用的感官任何使徒力量。

Publication information Written by Cornelius Aherne.出版信息科尼利厄斯Aherne写。Transcribed by Beth Ste-Marie.转录由贝丝STE - 玛丽。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI.天主教百科全书,第六卷。Published 1909.1909年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. Nihil Obstat,1909年9月1日。Remy Lafort, Censor.人头马lafort,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰米farley,大主教纽约


One of the best critical commentaries on Galatians is CORNELY, commentarius in S. Pauli Epistolam ad Galatas in the Cursus Scriptura Sacrae (Paris, 1892).在加拉太书的评论最好的关键之一是CORNELY,在S.泡利Epistolam广告Galatas在Cursus圣经Sacrae commentarius(巴黎,1892年)。Other useful Catholic commentaries are the well-known works of A LAPIDE, ESTIUS, BISPING, PALMIERI, MACEVILLY.其他有用的天主教的评论是一个LAPIDE,ESTIUS,比斯平,帕尔米耶里,MACEVILLY的著名作品。

PATRISTIC LITERATURE; There are commentaries on the Epistle by AMBROSIASTER, ST.教父文学,上有由AMBROSIASTER,ST书信评论。AUGUSTINE, ST.奥古斯丁,ST。 CHRYSOSTOM, ST.金口,ST。 JEROME, (ECUMENIUS, PELAGIUS, PRIMASIUS, THEODORET, THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA (a fragment), and THEOPHYLACT (all in Migne), and by ST. THOMA AQUINAS (many editions of St. Paul's Epistles).杰罗姆(ECUMENIUS,伯拉纠,PRIMASIUS,THEODORET,西奥多的摩普绥提亚(片段),并THEOPHYLACT(在米涅所有),以及ST。托马阿奎那(圣保禄的书信许多版本)。

CRITICAL EDITIONS IN ENGLISH: LIGHTFOOT, Galatians (4th ed., London, 1874); RAMSAY, Historical Commentary on Galatians (London, 1900): RENDALL, Galatians in Expositor's Greek Test., III (London, 1903).关键版本(英文):娜莱,加拉太书(第4版,伦敦,1874年);,在加拉太历史评论(伦敦,1900年)拉姆齐:伦德尔,在解释者的希腊试验加拉太,三(伦敦,1903年)。

FOR NORTH-GALATIAN THEORY: LIGHTFOOT (supra); CHASE in Expositor, Dec., 1893, May, 1894; FINDLAY in Expository Times, VII; CHEETHAM in Classical Review, vol.北 - 加拉太理论:娜莱(同上);大通在解释者,12月,1893年,五月,1894;芬德利在说明性时报,七;奇塔姆在古典审查,第一卷。III (London, 1894): SCHMIEDEL, Galatia in Encyc.三(伦敦,1894年):SCHMIEDEL,在百科全书加拉太。Bibl.; BELSER, Die Selbstvertheidigung des heiligen Paulus (Freiburg, 1896); STEINMANN, Der Leserkreis des Galaterbriefes (Munster, 1908) contains a very full biblography. Bibl;贝尔瑟,模具Selbstvertheidigung DES heiligen保卢斯(弗赖堡,1896年),斯氏,德Leserkreis DES Galaterbriefes(明斯特,1908年)包含一个非常全面biblography。

FOR SOUTH-GALATIAN THEORY: RAMSAY in Expositor, Jan., Feb., Apr., Aug., 1894, July 1895; IDEM in Expository Times, VII; IDEM, The Church in the Roman Empire (London, 1900); IDEM, St. Paul the Traveller ( London, 1900); IDEM in HAST., Dict.南南合作加拉太理论:解释者拉姆齐,一月,二月,四月,八月,1894年,1895年7月,同上在说明性时报,七;同上,在罗马帝国的教会(伦敦,1900年),同上,圣保罗旅行者(伦敦,1900年),在HAST同上,快译通。 of the Bible; KNOWLING, Acts of the Apostles (additional note to ch. xviii) in Expositor's Greek Test.圣经的;在解释者的希腊测试使徒(。补充说明,以CH十八)KNOWLING,行为。(London, 1900); RENDALL, op. (伦敦,1900年),伦德尔,OP。cit.CIT。above; IDEM in Expositor, Nov., 1893, Apr., 1894; GIFFORD in Expositor, July, 1894; BACON in Expositor, 1898, 1899; WOODHOUSE, Galatia in Encyc.以上; IDEM在解释者,11月,1893年04月,1894年,在解释者吉福德月,1894年,在解释者培根,1898年,1899年胡学思,在百科全书加拉太。 Bibl,; WEBER, Die Abfassung des Galaterbriefes von dem Apostelkonzil (Ratisbon, 1900); IDEM, Die Adressaten des Galaterbriefes (Ratisbon, 1900); IDEM, Das Datum des Galaterbriefes (Passau, 1900); IDEM in Katholik (1898-99), Die theol.-praki.Bibl;韦伯,模具Abfassung DES Galaterbriefes冯DEM Apostelkonzil(拉蒂斯邦,1900年),同上,模具Adressaten DES Galaterbriefes(拉蒂斯邦,1900年),同上,达斯基准DES Galaterbriefes(帕绍,1900年),在Katholik同上(1898年至1899年) ,模具theol. - praki。 Monatsschrift, and Die Zeitschrift fur kath.月刊,及模具(杂志)毛皮凯丝。Theolgie.Theolgie。

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