Book of Isaiah, Isaias, ישעיהו (Hebrew)书以赛亚书 章 中文 - Zhong Wen

General Information一般资料

The Book of Isaiah is the first and longest of the books of the Major Prophets in the Old Testament of the Bible.在以赛亚书是第一个和在本圣经旧约大先知书最长的。It derives its name from the prophet Isaiah, who lived in Jerusalem, perhaps of aristocratic origin.它来源于先知以赛亚,谁住在耶路撒冷,贵族出身也许它的名字。His prophetic career spanned half a century, from around 742 BC to at least 701.他的预言生涯横跨半世纪,从公元前约742到至少701。

The book, however, contains the work of more than one man.这本书,但是,包含了一个以上的人的工作。Scholars now generally agree that chapters 1 to 35, known as First Isaiah, can be ascribed either to Isaiah himself or to his disciples; chapters 36 to 39 have been taken directly from 2 Kings 18:13 - 20:18.现在学者们普遍认为,1至35章,作为第一以赛亚称,可以归因要么以赛亚本人或他的弟​​子,36至39章已采取了直接从2国王18点13分 - 20:18。Chapters 40 to 55, known as Second Isaiah, or Deutero - Isaiah, were the work of an anonymous prophet - poet during the latter part (c. 545 - 540 BC) of the Babylonian exile.40至55章,作为第二以赛亚,或称为Deutero - 以赛亚书,是一个匿名的先知工作 - 诗人在后期(公元前545 - 公元前540年)的巴比伦流亡。Chapters 56 to 66, known as Third Isaiah, or Trito - Isaiah, were written by authors unknown in detail but working around the end of the 6th century (525 - 500 BC) or the beginning of the 5th (500 - 475 BC).56至66章,作为第三以赛亚,或Trito已知 - 以赛亚书,是写作者在细节不明,但周围的6世纪末(525 - 公元前500年)工作或第五届开始(500 - 公元前475年)。Some of the material may be derived from a period even later than these times (c. 375 - 250 BC).对有些材料可能来自一个时期比这些更晚的时间(公元前375 - 公元前250年)。

First Isaiah falls roughly into four periods: (1) From 747 to 736 BC the prophet speaks about internal political and economic policy; (2) in 736 - 735 he addresses the crisis caused by the Syro - Ephraimite War, an attempt to force Jerusalem into an anti - Assyrian alliance; (3) after a period of silence, he speaks again, addressing himself to the attempt of King Hezekiah to free himself from the status of a vassal to Assyria (716 - 711); (4) again after a time of silence, Isaiah speaks of Hezekiah's second attempt to establish political independence (705 - 701).首先以赛亚落在大致分为四个时期:(1)从公元前747到736先知有关内部政治和经济政策的讲话(2)在736 - 735,他的地址由Syro造成的危机 - Ephraimite战争,一个企图迫使耶路撒冷成反 - 亚述联盟;(3)经过一段时间的沉寂,他再次发言,针对自己的国王希西家试图摆脱对自己的附庸地位亚述(716 - 711)(4)后,再次沉默的时候,以赛亚谈到希西家的第二次尝试建立政治独立(705 - 701)。The writings from these periods fall into seven collections of sayings on themes of sin, judgment, and deliverance from the judgment.从这些时期的著作分为七个关于罪恶,审判,从判决解脱主题谚语集合。The Immanuel prophecies (chapter 6 - 12) are well known to Christians, who interpret them as references to Christ.以马内利的预言(第6章- 12)是众所周知的基督徒,谁解释为基督引用它们。

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Second Isaiah comprises poems of various genres: oracles of deliverance, hymns, prophetic legal speech designed to show that the God of Israel alone is God, and discussion forms designed to repel opposition.第二以赛亚包括各种体裁的诗:解脱神谕,诗歌,预言法律讲话旨在表明以色列单独的神是神,旨在击退反对派讨论的形式。 In addition, the material of Second Isaiah contains the passages about the Servant of the Lord, also interpreted by Christians as references to Christ (42:1 - 4; 49:1 - 6; 50:4 - 9; 52:13 - 53:12).此外,二以赛亚材料包含有关主的仆人通道,也解释为基督信徒引用(42:1 - 4; 49:1 - 6; 50:4 - 9; 52:13 - 53 :12)。

Third Isaiah includes 14 independent sayings concerning the operation of the restored Temple, with corresponding emphasis on the sabbath and cult.第三赛包括14关于恢复寺操作与在安息日和邪教相应的重视,独立的说法。The material comprises a short prophetic liturgy (56:9 - 47:13), an oracle of promise (57:14 - 21), an exhortation and promise (58:1 - 12), prophetic invective and threat (65:1 - 2), and a promise (65:8 - 25).该材料包括短预言礼仪(56:9 - 47:13),甲骨文的承诺(57:14 - 21),一个告诫和承诺(58:1 - 12),预言谩骂和威胁(65:1 - 2),承诺(65:8 - 25)。The final chapter contains a prophetic denunciation of the Temple and a rejection of the sacrificial cult, as well as three prophetic sayings that announce an imminent end and its results.最后一章包含了先知寺谴责和拒绝邪教的牺牲品,以及三个宣布即将结束,其结果预言说法。Isaiah contains some of the most beautiful and best known passages in the Bible.以赛亚包含在圣经中最美丽,最知名的一些段落。Two manuscripts of the book were found among the Dead Sea Scrolls.两书手稿被发现之间的死海古卷。

George W Coats乔治W科茨

Bibliography 参考书目
JH Hayes and SA Irvine, Isiah (1987); GAF Knight, Prophets of Israel: Isaiah (1962); JR Rosenbloom, The Dead Sea Isaiah Scrolls (1970); JW Whedbee, Isaiah and Wisdom (1971).JH Hayes和SA尔湾,伊塞亚(1987); GAF骑士,以色列的先知:以赛亚(1962年); JR罗森布鲁姆,死海以赛亚古卷(1970年); JW Whedbee,以赛亚和智慧(1971年)。

Book of Isaiah, Isaias以赛亚书,伊萨亚斯

Brief Outline简述

  1. Introduction (1)导言(1)
  2. Denunciation of Jerusalem (2-5)耶路撒冷退出(2-5)
  3. Temple vision (6)寺远景(6)
  4. Book of Immanuel (7-12)伊曼纽尔的书(7-12)
  5. Prophecies against the nations (13-23)对国家的预言(13-23)
  6. Prophecies of judgment and future blessings (24-35)判断和预言(24-35)未来祝福
  7. Historic events (36-39)(36-39)历史事件
  8. Book of Consolation (40-66)安慰书(40-66)


Advanced Information先进的信息

Isaiah, (Heb. Yesh'yahu, ie, "the salvation of Jehovah").以赛亚书(希伯来书Yesh'yahu,即“耶和华的救赎”)。(1.) The son of Amoz (Isa. 1:1; 2:1), who was apparently a man of humble rank.(1)亚摩斯的儿子(以赛亚书1:1; 2:1),谁显然是一个不起眼的排名的人。His wife was called "the prophetess" (8:3), either because she was endowed with the prophetic gift, like Deborah (Judg. 4:4) and Huldah (2 Kings 22:14-20), or simply because she was the wife of "the prophet" (Isa. 38:1).他的妻子被称为“先知”(8:3),或者是因为她与先知恩赐一样德博拉(Judg. 4:4)和户勒大,赋(王下22:14-20),或仅仅是因为她在“先知”(赛38:1)的妻子。He had two sons, who bore symbolical names.他有两个儿子,谁承担象征性的名称。He exercised the functions of his office during the reigns of Uzziah (or Azariah), Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah (1:1).他行使期间乌西雅(或亚撒利雅),约坦,亚哈斯,希西家(1:1)的统治他的办公室的职能。Uzziah reigned fifty-two years (BC 810-759), and Isaiah must have begun his career a few years before Uzziah's death, probably BC 762.乌西雅在位52年(公元前810-759),和以赛亚书必须有几年前开始乌西雅的死,大概公元前762他的职业生涯。He lived till the fourteenth year of Hezekiah, and in all likelihood outlived that monarch (who died BC 698), and may have been contemporary for some years with Manasseh.他住到了希西家十四年,并在所有的可能性寿终正寝的君主(公元前698谁死),并可能已与玛拿西几年当代。Thus Isaiah may have prophesied for the long period of at least sixty-four years.因此,以赛亚预言可能为至少64年长的时间。 His first call to the prophetical office is not recorded.他的第一个打电话给办公室的预言没有记录。

A second call came to him "in the year that King Uzziah died" (Isa. 6:1).第二个电话来找他“在一年之王乌西雅死了”(赛6:1)。He exercised his ministry in a spirit of uncompromising firmness and boldness in regard to all that bore on the interests of religion.他行使了不妥协的坚定和勇气对于所有的宗教精神的利益承担他的部。He conceals nothing and keeps nothing back from fear of man.他隐瞒什么,并不断从人的恐惧无功而返。He was also noted for his spirituality and for his deep-toned reverence toward " the holy One of Israel."他还注意到他的精神和他的深色调向敬畏“以色列的圣者。”In early youth Isaiah must have been moved by the invasion of Israel by the Assyrian monarch Pul (qv), 2 Kings 15:19; and again, twenty years later, when he had already entered on his office, by the invasion of Tiglath-pileser and his career of conquest.早在青年赛一定是打动了以色列入侵亚述君主普勒(QV),2国王15:19;再次,二十年后,当他已经进入他的办公室由入侵,Tiglath - pileser和他的征服事业。Ahaz, king of Judah, at this crisis refused to co-operate with the kings of Israel and Syria in opposition to the Assyrians, and was on that account attacked and defeated by Rezin of Damascus and Pekah of Samaria (2 Kings 16:5; 2 Chr. 28:5, 6).亚哈斯,犹大王,拒绝在这场危机中合作,与以色列和叙利亚反对亚述国王,并袭击和大马士革和比加撒玛利亚利汛(王十六点05分击败了该帐户的; 2人权委员会。28:5,6)。Ahaz, thus humbled, sided with Assyria, and sought the aid of Tiglathpileser against Israel and Syria.亚哈斯,从而谦卑,与亚述片面的,并要求对以色列和叙利亚的Tiglathpileser援助。

The consequence was that Rezin and Pekah were conquered and many of the people carried captive to Assyria (2 Kings 15:29; 16: 9; 1 Chr. 5:26).其后果是利汛和比加人征服和许多人进行圈养,以亚述(王下15:29,16:9; 1 CHR 5:26)。Soon after this Shalmaneser determined wholly to subdue the kingdom of Israel.此后不久撒缦以色决心完全征服了以色列王国。Samaria was taken and destroyed (BC 722).撒玛利亚是采取和破坏(公元前722)。So long as Ahaz reigned, the kingdom of Judah was unmolested by the Assyrian power; but on his accession to the throne, Hezekiah (BC 726), who "rebelled against the king of Assyria" (2 Kings 18:7), in which he was encouraged by Isaiah, who exhorted the people to place all their dependence on Jehovah (Isa. 10:24; 37:6), entered into an alliance with the king of Egypt (Isa. 30:2-4).只要亚哈斯在位时,犹大王国被亚述权力不受干扰,但在他登基,希西家(公元前726),谁“反抗亚述王”(2国王18时07分),其中他感到鼓舞的是以赛亚,谁告诫人们将所有的依赖耶和华(以赛亚书10时24; 37:6),成为与埃及王(赛30:2-4)联盟。

This led the king of Assyria to threaten the king of Judah, and at length to invade the land.这导致了亚述威胁犹大王之王,在长度和入侵的土地。Sennacherib (BC 701) led a powerful army into Palestine.西拿基立(公元前701)巴勒斯坦领进一个强大的军队。Hezekiah was reduced to despair, and submitted to the Assyrians (2 Kings 18:14-16).希西家减少到绝望,并提交给亚述人(王下18:14-16)。But after a brief interval war broke out again, and again Sennacherib (qv) led an army into Palestine, one detachment of which threatened Jerusalem (Isa. 36:2-22; 37:8).但经过短暂的时间间隔爆发战争出来了,并再次西拿基立(QV)率领一支军队进入巴勒斯坦,一个支队,威胁耶路撒冷(赛36:2-22,37:8)。 Isaiah on that occasion encouraged Hezekiah to resist the Assyrians (37:1-7), whereupon Sennacherib sent a threatening letter to Hezekiah, which he "spread before the Lord" (37:14).那次以赛亚鼓励希西家抵御亚述人(37:1-7),于是发出了恐吓信森纳赫里布希西家,这是他(37:14)“在主面前的传播”。 The judgement of God now fell on the Assyrian host.神的审判现在落在亚述主机。"Like Xerxes in Greece, Sennacherib never recovered from the shock of the disaster in Judah. He made no more expeditions against either Southern Palestine or Egypt." “像在希腊薛西斯,森纳赫里布再也没有恢复从犹大灾难震惊,他对任何提出南部巴勒斯坦或埃及没有更多的探险。”The remaining years of Hezekiah's reign were peaceful (2 Chr. 32:23, 27-29).希西家的统治,其余年是和平(2染色体。32:23,27-29)。

Isaiah probably lived to its close, and possibly into the reign of Manasseh, but the time and manner of his death are unknown.以赛亚可能活到其关闭,并可能进入玛拿西统治,但他的死亡时间和方式是未知的。There is a tradition that he suffered martyrdom in the heathen reaction in the time of Manasseh (qv).有一个传统,他遭受了在玛拿西(QV)的反应时间异教徒殉难。(2.) One of the heads of the singers in the time of David (1 Chr. 25:3,15, "Jeshaiah"). (2)一个在大卫的时间元首的歌手(1染色体。25:3,15,“耶筛亚”)。(3.) A Levite (1 Chr. 26:25). (3)一个利未人(1染色体。26:25)。(4.) Ezra 8:7.(4)以斯拉8:7。 (5.) Neh.(5)尼。11:7.11时07分。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

The Book of Isaiah在以赛亚书

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Book of Isaiah consists of prophecies delivered (Isa. 1) in the reign of Uzziah (1-5), (2) of Jotham (6), (3) Ahaz (7-14:28), (4) the first half of Hezekiah's reign (14:28-35), (5) the second half of Hezekiah's reign (36-66).在以赛亚书由交付该乌西雅(1-5)统治时期,(2)约坦(6),(3)亚哈斯(7-14:28),(4)第(以赛亚书1)预言一半希西家的统治(14:28-35),(5)希西家的统治(36-66)下半年。 Thus, counting from the fourth year before Uzziah's death (BC 762) to the last year of Hezekiah (BC 698), Isaiah's ministry extended over a period of sixty-four years.因此,从之前乌西雅去世第四年(公元前762)计数到希西家(公元前698)去年,以赛亚部延伸超过六十四年。He may, however, have survived Hezekiah, and may have perished in the way indicated above.他可能,但是,幸存下来希西家,并可能在上述的方式消灭。The book, as a whole, has been divided into three main parts: (1.) The first thirty-five chapters, almost wholly prophetic, Israel's enemy Assyria, present the Messiah as a mighty Ruler and King.书,作为一个整体,被分为三个主要部分:(1)第一个35​​章,几乎完全预言,以色列的敌人亚述,现在作为一个强大的统治者和国王弥赛亚。 (2.) Four chapters are historical (36-39), relating to the times of Hezekiah. (2)四章是历史(36-39),涉及到希西家时代。(3.) Prophetical (40-66), Israel's enemy Babylon, describing the Messiah as a suffering victim, meek and lowly.(3)预言(40-66),以色列的敌人巴比伦,描述为受害者的痛苦,温顺和卑微的弥赛亚。

The genuineness of the section Isa.本节的伊萨真实性。40-66 has been keenly opposed by able critics.40-66已能敏锐地反对批评。They assert that it must be the production of a deutero-Isaiah, who lived toward the close of the Babylonian captivity.他们断言,它必须是一个第二以赛亚,谁朝巴比伦囚禁生活生产密切。This theory was originated by Koppe, a German writer at the close of the last century.这个理论最初由Koppe,在上个世纪末的德国作家。There are other portions of the book also (eg, ch. 13; 24-27; and certain verses in ch. 14 and 21) which they attribute to some other prophet than Isaiah.有书的其他部分也(如CH 13; 24-27;和某些诗句在CH 14和21),​​他们的一些属性比其他先知以赛亚。Thus they say that some five or seven, or even more, unknown prophets had a hand in the production of this book.因此,他们说,约五,七,甚至更多,未知的先知曾在这本书的生产手。

The considerations which have led to such a result are various:, (1.) They cannot, as some say, conceive it possible that Isaiah, living in BC 700, could foretell the appearance and the exploits of a prince called Cyrus, who would set the Jews free from captivity one hundred and seventy years after.而这些都导致这样的结果考虑是不同的:(1)他们不可能像有些人说,设想它可能是以赛亚书,在公元前700生活,可以预见的外观和所谓的赛勒斯王子的漏洞,谁设置从囚禁170年后的犹太人自由。 (2.) It is alleged that the prophet takes the time of the Captivity as his standpoint, and speaks of it as then present; and (3) that there is such a difference between the style and language of the closing section (40-66) and those of the preceding chapters as to necessitate a different authorship, and lead to the conclusion that there were at least two Isaiahs. (2)它是指先知作为他的立场发生了被关押的时间,和它说,作为当时在场;及(3)有这样的风格和语言之间的最后一节(40的区别 - 66)和前面的章节,以需要一种不同的作者,并导致结论有至少两个Isaiahs的。But even granting the fact of a great diversity of style and language, this will not necessitate the conclusion attempted to be drawn from it.但是,即使发放的一种风格和语言的多样性其实,这不会必要的结论试图从它绘制。

The diversity of subjects treated of and the peculiarities of the prophet's position at the time the prophecies were uttered will sufficiently account for this.经过处理的主体和先知的预言在当时被一声地位的特殊性多样性将充分考虑到这一点。The arguments in favour of the unity of the book are quite conclusive.在书的统一主张的论点是相当确凿。When the LXX.当LXX。version was made (about BC 250) the entire contents of the book were ascribed to Isaiah, the son of Amoz.版本是(约公元前250)一书的全部内容都归因于以赛亚,亚摩斯的儿子。It is not called in question, moreover, that in the time of our Lord the book existed in the form in which we now have it.这不叫问题,此外,在我们的主时间书的形式,使我们现在有它存在。Many prophecies in the disputed portions are quoted in the New Testament as the words of Isaiah (Matt. 3:3; Luke 3:4-6; 4: 16-41; John 12:38; Acts 8:28; Rom. 10:16-21).在有争议的部分,许多预言在新约中引用的以赛亚(太三点03分的话,路加福音3:4-6,4:16-41;约翰12时38分,8时28分行为;罗10。 :16 - 21)。Universal and persistent tradition has ascribed the whole book to one author.通用和持久的传统赋予的一整部书的作者。

Besides this, the internal evidence, the similarity in the language and style, in the thoughts and images and rhetorical ornaments, all points to the same conclusion; and its local colouring and allusions show that it is obviously of Palestinian origin.除此之外,内部证据,在语言和风格的相似性,在思想和图像和修辞饰品,都得出同样的结论点,以及其本地色彩和典故表明,它显然是巴勒斯坦裔。 The theory therefore of a double authorship of the book, much less of a manifold authorship, cannot be maintained.因此,该理论的书,多一个少双多方面作者署名权,不能维持。The book, with all the diversity of its contents, is one, and is, we believe, the production of the great prophet whose name it bears.与所有的内容多样性的书,是一个,就是我们相信,伟大的先知谁的名义承担生产。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Catholic Information天主教信息

Among the writers whom the Hebrew Bible styles the "Latter Prophets" foremost stands "Isaias, the holy prophet . . . the great prophet, and faithful in the sight of God" (Eccliasticus 48:23-25).在希伯来人的圣经作家风格的“后期先知”最重要的代表“伊萨亚斯,神圣先知。伟大的先知,在神面前的忠实”(Eccliasticus 48:23-25​​)。

I. LIFE一,生命

The name Isaias signifies "Yahweh is salvation".名称伊萨亚斯表示“耶和华是拯救”。It assumes two different forms in the Hebrew Bible: for in the text of the Book of Isaias and in the historical writings of the Old Testament, for example in 2 Kings 19:2; 2 Chronicles 26:22; 32:20-32, it is read Yeshá`yahu, whereas the collection of the Prophet's utterances is entitled Yeshá`yah, in Greek `Esaías, and in Latin usually Isaias, but sometimes Esaias.它假定两个希伯来圣经不同的形式:在对伊萨亚斯书文本并在旧约的历史著作,在2国王十九时02例;历代志下26:22; 32:20-32,它是只读夜摄`鸭湖,而先知的话语收集有权夜摄`盐田,在希腊`以赛亚,并在拉丁美洲通常伊萨亚斯,但有时以赛亚。Four other persons of the same name are mentioned in the Old Testament (Ezra 8:7; 8:19; Nehemiah 11:7; 1 Chronicles 26:25); while the names Jesaia (1 Chronicles 25:15), Jeseias (1 Chronicles 3:21; 25:3) may be regarded as mere variants.四同名的其他人都提到在旧约(拉8点○七,八时19分,尼希米11时07分;历代26:25),而该名Jesaia(历代志上25:15),Jeseias(1历代3时21分; 25:3)可能被视为单纯的变种。From the Prophet himself (i, 1; ii, 1) we learn that he was the son of Amos.从先知自己(I,1;二,1)我们知道他是阿摩司的儿子。 Owing to the similarity between Latin and Greek forms of this name and that of the Shepherd-Prophet of Thecue, some Fathers mistook the Prophet Amos for the father of Isaias.由于这个名字和之间的放羊先知的Thecue的拉丁文和希腊文的形式相似,有些父亲误以为父亲为伊萨亚斯先知阿摩司。 St. Jerome in the preface to his "Commentary on Amos" (PL, XXV, 989) points out this error.圣杰罗姆在他的“述评阿莫斯”(PL,XXV,989)指出这个错误的序言。Of Isaias's ancestry we know nothing; but several passages of his prophecies (iii, 1-17, 24; iv, 1; viii, 2; xxxi, 16) lead us to believe that he belonged to one of the best families of Jerusalem.在伊萨亚斯的祖先,我们什么都不知道,但他的预言几个段落(三,1-17,24人;四,1,八,2,三十一,16)使我们相信,他属于最好的耶路撒冷的家族之一。 A Jewish tradition recorded in the Talmud (Tr. Megilla, 10b.) held him to be a nephew of King Amasias.一个犹太传统在塔木德(编辑部Megilla,10B)记录持有他是一个国王Amasias侄子。As to the exact time of the Prophet's birth we lack definite data; yet he is believed to have been about twenty years of age when he began his public ministry.至于先知的诞生,我们缺乏明确的数据的确切时间,但他被认为是二十左右岁了,当他开始了他的公共事务部。He was a citizen, perhaps a native, of Jerusalem.他是一个公民,也许是本地的耶路撒冷。His writings give unmistakable signs of high culture.他的著作给予高度文化的明确无误的迹象。From his prophecies (vii and viii) we learn that he married a woman whom he styles "the prophetess" and that he had two sons, She`ar-Yashub and Maher-shalal-hash-baz.从他的预言(七和八)我们了解到,他娶了一个女人被他的风格“的先知”,他有两个儿子,她`AR - Yashub和马希尔- shalal -散列巴兹。Nothing whatever indicates that he was twice married as some fancy on the gratuitous and indefensible supposition that the `almah of vii, 14, was his wife.毫不相干表示,他曾两次因为一些无端的和站不住脚的假设认为,第七`almah,14,是他的妻子看中结婚。

The prophetical ministry of Isaias lasted wellnigh half a century, from the closing year of Ozias, King of Juda, possibly up to that of Manasses.伊萨亚斯预言部的持续wellnigh从Ozias,犹大王,关闭一年半世纪,可能高达Manasses的。This period was one of great prophetical activity.这一时期是伟大预言活动之一。Israel and Juda indeed were in sore need of guidance.以色列和犹大的确是在指导疮的需要。After the death of Jeroboam II revolution followed upon revolution and the northern kingdom had sunk rapidly into an abject vassalage to the Assyrians.后跟随耶罗波安死亡II革命后革命和英国北部有沉没到一个赤贫的附庸,以亚述人迅速。The petty nations of the West, however, recovering from the severe blows received in the beginning of the eighth century, were again manifesting aspirations of independence.西方的小国,但是,从恢复在八世纪初得到了严厉打击,再次体现了独立的愿望。Soon Theglathphalasar III marched his armies towards Syria; heavy tributes were levied and utter ruin threatened on those who would show any hesitation to pay.不久Theglathphalasar III他的军队对叙利亚游行;沉重悼念被征收和完全毁掉那些谁就会显示出任何犹豫付出的威胁。In 725 Osee, the last King of Samaria, fell miserably under the onslaught of Salmanasar IV, and three years later Samaria succumbed to the hands of the Assyrians.在725 Osee,撒玛利亚的最后一个国王,跌惨下Salmanasar IV猛攻,并在三年后撒马利亚屈服于的亚述人手中。In the meantime the Kingdom of Juda hardly fared better.在此期间的犹大王国​​难以表现更好。

A long period of peace had enervated characters, and the young, inexperienced, and unprincipled Achaz was no match for the Syro-Israelite coalition which confronted him.长期的和平娇贵了字,而年轻,经验不足,和无原则Achaz没有为Syro -以色列人联盟面对他的比赛。Panic-stricken he, in spite of the remonstrances of Isaias, resolved to appeal to Theglathphalasar.惊慌失措的他,在对伊萨亚斯的remonstrances尽管如此,决心呼吁Theglathphalasar。 The help of Assyria was secured, but the independence of Juda was thereby practically forfeited.在亚述的帮助是安全的,但犹大的独立性,从而几乎丧失。In order to explain clearly the political situation to which so many allusions are made in Isaias's writings there is here subjoined a brief chronological sketch of the period: 745, Theglathphalasar III, king of Assyria; Azarias (AV Uzziah), of Juda; Manahem (AV Menahem) of Samaria; and Sua of Egypt; 740, death of Azarias; Joatham (AV Jotham), king of Juda; capture of Arphad (AV Arpad) by Theglathphalasar III (Isaiah 10:9); 738, campaign of Theglathphalasar against Syria; capture of Calano (AV Calno) and Emath (AV Hamath); heavy tribute imposed upon Manahem (2 Kings 15:19-20); victorious wars of Joatham against the Ammonites (2 Chronicles 27:4-6); 736, Manahem succeeded by Phaceia (AV Pekahiah); 735, Joatham succeeded by Achaz (2 Kings 16:1);为了解释清楚的政治局势如此众多的典故是伊萨亚斯的著作提出有此subjoined一个简短的时间顺序草图的时期:745,Theglathphalasar三,亚述王;阿扎里亚斯鲁(AV乌西雅),犹大; Manahem( AV梅纳海姆)撒马利亚和埃及苏阿;,死亡的阿扎里亚斯鲁740; Joatham(AV约坦),犹大王,捕捉Arphad(AV茨)由Theglathphalasar III(以赛亚书10:9),738,对运动的Theglathphalasar叙利亚;的Calano(AV Calno)和Emath(AV哈马)捕获;重致敬后Manahem(王下15:19-20)罚款;胜利的战​​争对亚扪人的Joatham(历代志下27:4-6); 736, Manahem由Phaceia(AV Pekahiah)成功; 735 Joatham接替Achaz(王下16:1);

Phaceia replaced by Phacee (AV Pekah), son of Remelia (AV Remaliah), one of his captains; Jerusalem besieged by Phacee in alliance with Rasin (AV Rezin), king of Syria (2 Kings 16:5; Isaiah 7:1-2); 734, Theglathphalasar, replying to Achaz' request for aid, marches against Syria and Israel, takes several cities of North and East Israel (2 Kings 15:29), and banishes their inhabitants; the Assyrian allies devastate part of the territory of Juda and Jerusalem; Phacee slain during a revolution in Samaria and succeeded by Osee (AV Hoshea); 733, unsuccessful expeditions of Achaz against Edom (2 Chronicles 28:17) and the Philistines (20); 732, campaign of Theglathphalasar against Damascus; Rasin besieged in his capital, captured, and slain; Achaz goes to Damascus to pay homage to the Assyrian ruler (2 Kings 16:10-19); 727, death of Achaz; accession of Ezechias (2 Kings 18:1); in Assyria Salmanasar IV succeeds Theglathphalasar III, 726, campaign of Salmanasar against Osee (2 Kings 17:3); 725, Osee makes alliance with Sua, king of Egypt (2 Kings 17:4); second campaign of Salmanasar IV, resulting in the capture and deportation of Osee (2 Kings 17:4); Phaceia取代Phacee(AV比加),儿子的Remelia(AV利玛利),他的队长之一,由Phacee围困在与拉津(AV利汛),王叙(王下16:5联盟耶路撒冷以赛亚书7:1 - 2); 734 Theglathphalasar,回答Achaz“援助的请求,对叙利亚和以色列,游行注意到以色列北部和东部(2国王15:29)几个城市,和流放的居民;亚述人摧毁盟国的领土的一部分犹大和耶路撒冷; Phacee杀害革命期间,在撒马利亚和Osee(AV何细亚)成功; 733,不成功的Achaz远征打击以东(历代志下28:17)和非利士人(20)732,对大马士革的Theglathphalasar运动;拉津围困在他的资本,捕获,杀死; Achaz去大马士革顶礼膜拜的亚述统治者(王下16:10-19); 727的Achaz死亡;的埃泽希亚什(王下18:1)加入;在亚述Salmanasar IV成功Theglathphalasar三,对Osee的Salmanasar运动(2国王17:3)726,725,Osee使得与苏阿,埃及王(王下17:4)联盟;的Salmanasar IV第二次战役,造成捕获和驱逐出境的Osee(王下17:4);

beginning of the siege of Samaria; 722, Sargon succeeds Salmanasar IV in Assyria; capture of Samaria by Sargon; 720, defeat of Egyptian army at Raphia by Sargon; 717, Charcamis, the Hittite stronghold on the Euphrates, falls into the hands of Sargon (Isaiah 10:8); 713, sickness of Ezechias (2 Kings 20:1-11; Isaiah 38); embassy from Merodach Baladan to Ezechias (2 Kings 20:12-13; Isaiah 39); 711, invasion of Western Palestine by Sargon; siege and capture of Azotus (AV Ashdod; Isaiah 20); 709, Sargon defeats Merodach Baladan, seizes Babylon, and assumes title of king of Babylon; 705, death of Sargon; accession of Sennacherib; 701, expedition of Sennacherib against Egypt; defeat of latter at Elteqeh; capture of Accaron (AV Ekron); siege of Lachis; Ezechias's embasy; the conditions laid down by Sennacherib being found too hard the king of Juda prepares to resist the Assyrians; destruction of part of the Assyrian army; hurried retreat of the rest (2 Kings 18; Isaiah 36:37); 698, Ezechias is succeeded by his son Manasses.在撒玛利亚的围攻开始; 722,萨尔贡成功Salmanasar四中亚述;到萨尔贡手中717 Charcamis,幼发拉底河上的赫梯据点,跌倒;撒玛利亚捕捉萨尔贡;,败在Raphia埃及军队由萨尔贡720 (以赛亚书10:8),713,生病的埃泽希亚什(王下20:1-11;以赛亚书38);大使馆从米罗达巴拉Baladan到埃泽希亚什(王下20:12-13;以赛亚书39)711,西方入侵巴勒斯坦由萨尔贡;围困和捕获Azotus(AV阿什杜德;以赛亚书20); 709,萨尔贡击败米罗达巴拉Baladan,夺取巴比伦,并承担巴比伦王称号; 705的萨尔贡死亡;西拿基立加入; 701,西拿基立远征打击埃及,击败在Elteqeh后者;的Accaron(AV革伦)捕获;的Lachis围困;埃泽希亚什的embasy;所规定的森纳赫里布的条件被发现太硬的犹大王准备抵御亚述人,对亚述军队的一部分破坏,其余(;以赛亚书36:37列王记下18);兵荒马乱698埃泽希亚什是接替他的儿子Manasses。 The wars of the ninth century and the peaceful security following them produced their effects in the latter part of the next century.第九世纪,和平安全生产以下他们的战争在下一世纪后半期的影响。

Cities sprang up; new pursuits, although affording opportunities of easy wealth, brought about also an increase of poverty.城市的兴起,新的追求,虽然affording易财富的机会,也带来了贫困的增加。The contrast between class and class became daily more marked, and the poor were oppressed by the rich with the connivance of the judges.类和类之间的对比成为日常更加明显,和穷人是由与法官的纵容丰富的压迫。A social state founded on iniquity is doomed.一个社会状态的罪孽成立是注定要失败。But as Israel's social corruption was greater than Juda's, Israel was expected to succumb first.但是随着以色列社会的腐败比犹大的更大,以色列预计就范第一。Greater likewise was her religious corruption.大同样是她的宗教腐败。Not only did idolatrous worship prevail there to the end, but we know from Osee what gross abuses and shameful practices obtained in Samaria and throughout the kingdom, whereas the religion of the people of Juda on the whole seems to have been a little better.不仅有偶像崇拜崇拜盛行到了最后,但我们从Osee知道什么可耻的行为严重侵犯和获得撒马利亚和整个王国,而对整个宗教的犹大人似乎已经好了一点。 We know, however, as regards these, that at the very time of Isaias certain forms of idolatrous worship, like that of Nohestan and of Moloch, probably that also of Tammur and of the "host of heaven", were going on in the open or in secret.我们知道,然而,对于这些,这在一定形式的偶像崇拜伊萨亚斯崇拜,像Nohestan和Moloch,大概认为Tammur和“主机的天堂”也都将在开放的,非常的时间或秘密。

Commentators are at variance as to when Isaias was called to the prophetical office.论是在方差何时伊萨亚斯叫对预言办公室。Some think that previous to the vision related in vi, 1, he had received communications from heaven.有人认为,以前在六,1相关的眼光,他收到了来自天堂的通信。St. Jerome in his commentary on the passage holds that chapters iv ought to be attributed to the last years of King Ozias, then ch.圣在他的评论通过杰罗姆认为,第四章应该归因于国王Ozias的最后几年,然后通道。vi would commence a new series begun in the year of the death of that prince (740 BC; PL, XXIV, 91; cf. St. Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. ix; PG, XXXV, 820).六,将开始一个新的系列产品为王子死亡的那年开始(公元前740,PL,二十四,91;比照圣格雷戈里Nazianzen,Orat九; PG,第三十五卷,820)。It is more commonly held, however, that ch.这是更常见的举行,但是,CH。vi refers to the first calling of the Prophet; St. Jerome himself, in a letter to Pope Damasus seems to adopt this view (PL, XXII, 371; cf. Hesychius "In Is.", PG XCIII, 1372), and St. John Chrysostom, commenting upon Is., vi, 5, very aptly contrasts the promptness of the Prophet with the tergiversations of Moses and Jeremias.六是指先知先调用;圣杰罗姆自己,在给教皇达玛斯信似乎采取这种观点(PL,22,371;。“处于”比照赫西基奥斯,PG XCIII,1372),和圣约翰金口,讲评后的。,六,五,十分贴切的对比与摩西和先知赫雷米亚斯的tergiversations迅速。On the other hand, since no prophecies appear to be later than 701 BC, it is doubtful if Isaias saw the reign of Manasses at all; still a very old and widespread tradition, echoed by the Mishna (Tr. Yebamoth, 49b; cf. Sanhedr., 103b), has it that the Prophet survived Ezechias and was slain in the persecution of Manasses (2 Kings 21:16).另一方面,由于没有预言似乎晚于701年,这是令人怀疑,如果伊萨亚斯看到了Manasses统治可言;仍然是一个非常古老的和普遍的传统,由密西拿(编辑部Yebamoth,49B呼应;比照。 Sanhedr。,103B),有它的生存埃泽希亚什先知,并在Manasses(2国王21:16)迫害被杀害的。

This prince had him convicted of blasphemy, because he had dared say: "I saw the Lord sitting upon a throne" (vi, 1), a pretension in conflict with God's own assertion in Exod., xxxiii, 20: "Man shall not see me and live".这个王子有他的亵渎罪名成立,因为他敢于说:“我看见主后宝座坐”(六,1),在与神在出埃及记自己的主张冲突预紧,三十三,20:“人不得见我和生活“。 He was accused, moreover, of having predicted the ruin of Jerusalem and called the holy city and the people of Juda by the accursed names of Sodom and Gomorrah.他被指控,此外,有预测称耶路撒冷的毁灭和神圣的城市和所多玛和蛾摩拉的诅咒名字的犹大人。According to the "Ascension of Isaias", the Prophet's martyrdom consisted in being sawed asunder.据“升天的伊萨亚”,先知的殉道包括在被锯分开。Tradition shows this to have been unhesitatingly believed.传统显示了这个已经毫不犹豫地相信。The Targum on 2 Kings 21:6, admits it; it is preserved in two treatises of the Talmud (Yebamoth, 49b; Sanhedr., 103b); St. Justin (Dial. c. Tryph., cxx), and many of the Fathers adopted it, taking as unmistakable allusions to Isaias those words of the Heb., xi, 37, "they (the ancients) were cut asunder" (cf. Tertullian, "De patient.", xiv; PL, I, 1270; Orig., "In Is., Hom." I, 5, PG, XIII, 223; "In Matt.", x, 18, PG, XIII, 882; "In Matt.", Ser. 28, PG, XIII, 1637; "Epist. ad Jul. Afr.", ix, PG, XI, 65; St. Jerome, "In Is.", lvii, 1, PL, XXIV, 546-548; etc.).对2国王21时06,Targum承认它,它是保存在两个塔木德(Yebamoth,49B; Sanhedr,103B);论文圣贾斯汀(。Dial. C. Tryph,CXX),以及许多父亲通过它,以明确无误的典故,以伊萨亚斯那些对希伯来话,十一,37,“他们(古人)切四分五裂”(见良,十四。“德病人”; PL,我,1270;原价:“在这,坎 ”我,5,PG,XIII,223;“在马特”,X,18,PG,十三,882;“在马特”,28辑,PG,十三。 ,1637;“Epist广告七月AFR ”,九,PG,十一,65;圣杰罗姆,“在这 ”,LVII,1,PL,XXIV,546-548;等)。However, little trust should be put in the strange details mentioned in the "De Vit. Prophet."然而,很少有人相信应放在中提到的怪细节“德维生素。先知。”of pseudo-Epiphanius (PG, XLIII, 397, 419).伪埃皮法尼乌斯(PG,XLIII,397,419)。The date of the Prophet's demise is not known.先知的消亡日期不详。The Roman Martyrology commemorates Isaias on 6 July.罗马Martyrology纪念7月6日伊萨亚斯。His tomb is believed to have been in Paneas in Northern Palestine, whence his relics were taken to Constantinople in AD 442.他的墓被认为是在Paneas在北部巴勒斯坦,自何处他的遗物被带到君士坦丁堡在公元442。

The literary activity of Isaias is attested by the canonical book which bears his name; moreover allusion is made in II Par., xxvi, 22, to "Acts of Ozias first and last . . . written by Isaias, the son of Amos, the prophet".伊萨亚斯的文学活动是证明了规范的书,他的名字命名,而且是在暗指第二杆制成,二十六,22日,以“行为的Ozias第一个和最后由伊萨亚斯写的阿莫斯儿子,。。先知“。 Another passage of the same book informs us that "the rest of the acts of Ezechias and his mercies, are written in the Vision of Isaias, son of Amos, the prophet", in the Book of the Kings of Juda and Israel.另一种通过同一本书告诉我们,在犹大和以色列国王书“,对他的怜悯和埃泽希亚什其余的事,是在对伊萨亚斯,阿莫斯的儿子,先知视觉写入”。 Such at least is the reading of the Massoretic Bible, but its text here, if we may judge from the variants of the Greek and St. Jerome, is somewhat corrupt.这样至少是对的massoretic圣经阅读,但它的文本在这里,如果我们可以判断来自希腊和圣杰罗姆的变种,有些腐败。 Most commentators who believe the passage to be authentic think that the writer refers to Is., xxxvi-xxxix.大多数评论家认为,通过谁是真正的作家认为指的是,,三十六,三十九。We must finally mention the "Ascension of Isaias", at one time attributed to the Prophet, but never admitted into the Canon.我们最终必须提到的“伊萨亚斯升天”,在一次归结为先知,但从未进入佳能承认。


The canonical Book of Isaias is made up of two distinct collections of discourses, the one (chapters 1-35) called sometimes the "First Isaias"; the other (chapters 40-66) styled by many modern critics the "Deutero- (or Second) Isaias"; between these two comes a stretch of historical narrative; some authors, as Michaelis and Hengstenberg, holding with St. Jerome that the prophecies are placed in chronological order; others, like Vitringa and Jahn, in a logical order; others finally, like Gesenius, Delitzsch, Keil, think the actual order is partly logical and partly chronological.伊萨亚斯对规范书是由两个不同的集合的话语,一个(1-35章),有时称为“第一伊萨亚斯”;其他(章40-66)被许多现代的批评风格的“Deutero -(或第二)伊萨亚斯“;这两个而来的,是历史叙事舒展,有些作者,如米氏和韩斯坦堡,与圣杰罗姆的预言是按时间顺序排列举行;别人,像Vitringa和雅恩在逻辑顺序;他人最后,像Gesenius,Delitzsch,KEIL,认为实际的逻辑顺序是部分,部分时间顺序。 No less disagreement prevails on the question of the collector.没有少分歧普遍存在对收集的问题。Those who believe that Isaias is the author of all the prophecies contained in the book generally fix upon the Prophet himself.那些谁相信伊萨亚斯是所有在书中所载的预言作者一般修复后,先知自己。But for the critics who question the genuineness of some of the parts, the compilation is by a late and unknown collector.但对于批评谁质疑的部分零件的真实性,编译是由已故的和未知的收藏家。It would be well, however, before suggesting a solution to analyse cursorily the contents.这将是很好,不过,在建议的解决方案来分析粗略的内容。

First Isaias首先伊萨亚斯

In the first collection (cc. i-xxxv) there seems to be a grouping of the discourses according to their subject-matter: (1) cc.在第一个集合(cc. I - XXXV)似乎有一个根据自己的话语标的物的分组:(1)CC。i-xii, oracles dealing with Juda and Israel; (2) cc.I - XII,神谕与犹大和以色列处理;(2)CC。xiii-xxiii, prophecies concerning (chiefly) foreign nations; (3) cc.十三,二十三,关于预言(主要)外国国家(3)CC。xxiv-xxvii, an apocalypse; (4) cc.,一个启示二十四,二十七;(4)CC。xxviii-xxxiii, discourses on the relations of Juda to Assyria; (5) cc.二十八,三十三,对犹大到亚述关系的话语;(5)CC。 xxxiv-xxxv, future of Edom and Israel.三十四,三十五,以东和以色列的未来。

First section第一部分

In the first group (i-xii) we may distinguish separate oracles.在第一组(I - XII),我们可以区分不同的神谕。Ch.CH。i arraigns Jerusalem for her ingratitude and unfaithfulness; severe chastisements have proved unavailing; yet forgiveness can be secured by a true change of life.我arraigns她忘恩负义和不忠耶路撒冷,严重chastisements证明无益,然而宽恕可以通过改变生活的真实担保。 The ravaging of Juda points to either the time of the Syro-Ephraimite coalition (735) or the Assyrian invasion (701).肆虐的犹大点要么对Syro - Ephraimite联盟(735)或亚述人入侵(701)时间。Ch.CH。ii threatens judgment upon pride and seems to be one of the earliest of the Prophet's utterances.二,根据威胁判断和骄傲似乎是先知的话语最早的之一。It is followed (iii-iv) by a severe arraignment of the nation's rulers for their injustice and a lampoon against the women of Sion for their wanton luxury.其次是(III - IV)由他们的不公正和对他们肆意奢侈锡永的女性讽刺的国家的统治者严重提审。The beautiful apologue of the vineyard serves as a preface to the announcement of the punishment due to the chief social disorders.葡萄园的美丽apologue充当的处罚,由于行政的社会失调公告序言。These seem to point to the last days of Joatham, or the very beginning of the reign of Achaz (from 736-735 BC).这些似乎指向Joatham的最后几天,还是在Achaz王朝(公元前736-735从)开始。The next chapter (vi), dated in the year of the death of Ozias (740), narrates the calling of the Prophet.下一章(六),在对Ozias(740)死亡日期为一年,叙述了先知调用。With vii opens a series of utterances not inappropriately called "the Book of Emmanuel"; it is made up of prophecies bearing on the Syro-Ephraimite war, and ends in a glowing description (an independent oracle?) of what the country will be under a future sovereign (ix, 1-6).随着七打开一个不恰当称为“灵光书”话语系列,它是由上Syro - Ephraimite战争影响的预言,并在两端发光说明这个国家将根据(独立甲骨文?)未来的主权(九,1-6)。Ch.CH。ix, 7-x, 4, in five strophes announces that Israel is foredoomed to utter ruin; the allusion to rivalries between Ephraim and Manasses possibly has to do with the revolutions which followed the death of Jeroboam II; in this case the prophecy might date some time between 743-734.九,7 - X,​​4,宣布以色列foredoomed在5个strophes完全绝路,给以法莲和Manasses之间的竞争已经暗示可能是与革命这沿袭了耶罗波安二世去世,在这种情况下,预言可能日期743-734之间的一些时间。 Much later is the prophecy against Assur (x, 5-34), later than the capture of Arshad (740), Calano (738), or Charcamis (717).再后来是对亚述预言(X,5-34),最迟在艾尔沙德捕获(740),Calano(738),或Charcamis(717)。 The historical situation therein described suggests the time of Sennacherib's invasion (about 702 or 701 BC).其中所描述的历史情况表明了西拿基立入侵(约702或701年)的时间。Ch.CH。xi depicts the happy reign to be of the ideal king, and a hymn of thanksgiving and praise (xii) closes this first division.十一描绘幸福的统治成为理想的国王和一个感恩和赞美(十二)赞美诗关闭此第一师。

Second section第二部分

The first "burden" is aimed at Babylon (viii, 1-xiv, 23).第一个“包袱”的目的是巴比伦(八,1至十四23)。The situation presupposed by the Prophet is that of the Exile; a fact that inclines some to date it shortly before 549, against others who hold it was written on the death of Sargon (705).由先知先决条件的情况是,流亡国外的,一个事实,即有些倾斜迄今为止它前不久对549人谁拿着它,是在萨尔贡(705)死亡写的。 Ch.CH。xiv, 24-27, foretelling the overthrow of the Assyrian army on the mountains of Juda, and regarded by some as a misplaced part of the prophecy against Assur (x, 5-34), belongs no doubt to the period of Sennacherib's campaign.十四,24-27,预言在犹大山区的亚述军队推翻,并被一些视为反对亚述的预言(X,5-34)错位的一部分,属于无疑给西拿基立的竞选期。 The next passage (xiv, 28-32) was occasioned by the death of some foe of the Philistines: the names of Achaz (728), Theglathphalasar III (727), and Sargon (705) have been suggested, the last appearing more probable.接下来的一段(十四,28-32)是由该所引致的一些敌人非利士人死亡:Achaz(728),Theglathphalasar III(727),和萨尔贡(705)的名字,有人建议,最后出现的更可能。Chapters xv-xvi, "the burden of Moab", is regarded by many as referring to the reign of Jeroboam II, King of Israel (787-746); its date is conjectural.第十五章,十六,“摩押的负担”,是被许多人认为指的是耶罗波安第二,以色列的王(787-746)统治时期,它的日期是臆测。 The ensuing "burden of Damascus" (xvii, 1-11), directed against the Kingdom of Israel as well, should be assigned to about 735 BC Here follows a short utterance on Ethiopia (prob. 702 or 701).随后的“包袱大马士革”(十七,1-11),对以色列王国定向为好,应该被分配到约735 BC这里遵循的埃塞俄比亚(prob. 702或701)短话语。Next comes the remarkable prophecy about Egypt (xix), the interest of which cannot but be enhanced by the recent discoveries at Elephantine (vv. 18, 19).接下来是关于埃及(十九)显着的预言中,这不能不被在大象的(vv. 18,19)最近发现增强的兴趣。The date presents a difficulty, the time ranging, according to diverse opinions, from 720 to 672 BC.提出了一个困难的日期,时间不等,根据不同的意见,从720到672 BC。The oracle following (xx), against Egypt and Ethiopia, is ascribed to the year in which Ashdod was besieged by the Assyrians (711).在甲骨文以下(XX)对埃及和埃塞俄比亚,是归因于中阿什杜德被亚述人(711)被围困的一年。 Just what capture of Babylon is alluded to in "the burden of the desert of the sea" (xxi, 1-10) is not easy to determine, for during the lifetime of Isaias Babylon was thrice besieged and taken (710, 703, 696 BC).到底是提到巴比伦捕捉在“负担的沙漠之海”(XXI,​​1-10),以不容易确定的伊萨亚斯在巴比伦的寿命,并采取了三次围攻(710,703,696 BC)。Independent critics seem inclined to see here a description of the taking of Babylon in 528 BC, the same description being the work of an author living towards the close of the Babylonian Captivity.独立批评者似乎倾向于在这里看到了在巴比伦在公元前528到描述,同样描述的是作者对生活的巴比伦圈养近距离工作。 The two short prophecies, one on Edom (Duma; xxi, 11-12) and one on Arabia (xxi, 13-17), give no clue as to when they were uttered.短短的两个预言,一个以东(杜马; XXI,11-12)和沙特阿拉伯(二十13-17)之一,至于何时给没有说出他们的线索。Ch.CH。xxii, 1-14, is a rebuke addressed to the inhabitants of Jerusalem.二十二,1-14,是给耶路撒冷的居民的训斥。In the rest of the chapter Sobna (Shebna) is the object of the Prophet's reproaches and threats (about 701 BC).在本章Sobna(Shebna)剩下的就是先知的指责和威胁(约公元前701)的对象。The section closes with the announcement of the ruin and the restoration of Tyre (xxiii).本节结束与公布的废墟和提尔(二十三)恢复。

Third section第三部分

The third section of the first collection includes chapters xxiv-xxviii, sometimes called "the Apocalypse of Isaias".第一个集合的第三部分包括章XXIV -二十八,有时被称为“伊萨亚斯启示”。In the first part (xxiv-xxvi, 29) the Prophet announces for an undetermined future the judgment which shall precede the kingdom of God (xxiv); then in symbolic terms he describes the happiness of the good and the punishment of the wicked (xxv).在第一部分(XXIV - 26,29)先知为确定未来的判断而应先于神的国宣布(二十四),然后在象征性的条款,他介绍了好幸福和惩罚恶人(XXV )。This is followed by the hymn of the elect (xxvi, 1-19).其次是由选民赞美诗(26,1-19)。In the second part (xxvi, 20-xxvii) the Prophet depicts the judgment hanging over Israel and its neighbours.在第二部分(26,20二十七)先知描绘的判断以色列及其邻国挂。The date is most unsettled among modern critics, certain pasages being attributed to 107 BC, others even to a date lower than 79 BC.日期是最为现代的批评不稳定,某些pasages被归因于107年,甚至还有人的日期超过79 BC低。Let it be remarked, however, that both the ideas and the language of these four chapters support the tradition attributing this apocalypse to Isaias.管它说,然而,无论是思想和这四个章节的语言支持传统归咎于这个启示给伊萨亚斯。The fourth division opens with a pronouncement of woe against Ephraim (and perhaps Juda; xxviii, 1-8), written prior to 722 BC; the historical situation implied in xxviii, 9-29, is a strong indication that this passage was written about 702 BC To the same date belong xxix-xxxii, prophecies concerned with the campaign of Sennacherib.第四师打开一个对以法莲荣辱与共宣判(或许犹大;二十八,1-8),书面公元前722年之前,历史情况,二十八,9-29,暗示是一种强大的迹象表明,这段话是写702至公元前同日属于二十九,三十二,与竞选有关的森纳赫里布预言。 This series fittingly concludes with a triumphant hymn (xxxiii), the Prophet rejoicing in the deliverance of Jerusalem (701).该系列恰如其分地总结了胜利的赞歌(三十三),先知在耶路撒冷(701)拯救一片欢腾。Chapters xxxi-xxxv, the last division, announce the devastation of Edom, and the enjoyment of bountiful blessings by ransomed Israel.章三十一,三十五,最后分裂,宣布以东的破坏,以及丰富的救赎以色列祝福的享受。These two chapters are thought by several modern critics to have been written during the captivity in the sixth century.这两个章节被认为由几个已经在圈养写在第六世纪的现代批评。The foregoing analysis does not enable us to assert indubitably that this first collection as such is the work of Isaias; yet as the genuineness of almost all these prophecies cannot be seriously questioned, the collection as a whole might still possibly be attributed to the last years of the Prophet's life or shortly afterwards.上述分析并不能使我们断言无疑,这为这些首部作品是对伊萨亚斯工作,但由于几乎所有这些预言的真实性不能被严重质疑,作为一个整体集合可能仍然可能是由于过去几年在先知的生命或不久之后。 If there really be passages reflecting a later epoch, they found their way into the book in the course of time on account of some analogy to the genuine writings of Isaias.如果真的段落反映时代以后,他们发现到在时间上占一些比喻当然伊萨亚斯真正的著作书的方式。Little need be said of xxxvii-xxxix.小必须是三十七,三十九说。The first two chapters narrate the demand made by Sennacherib–the surrender of Jerusalem, and the fulfillment of Isaias's predictions of its deliverance; xxxviii tells of Ezechias's illness, cure, and song of thanksgiving; lastly xxxix tells of the embassy sent by Merodach Baladan and the Prophet's reproof of Ezechias.头两章讲述了森纳赫里布-投降耶路撒冷,而其解脱伊萨亚斯的预言实现了需求;三十八的埃泽希亚什的病情告诉,治愈和感恩歌曲;最后XXXIX由米罗达巴拉Baladan发送的使馆告诉和先知的责备的埃泽希亚什。

Second Isaias二伊萨亚斯

The second collection (xl-lvi) deals throughout with Israel's restoration from the Babylonian exile.第二个集合(XL - 56)处理与整个以色列从巴比伦流亡恢复。The main lines of the division as proposed by the Jesuit Condamine are as follows: a first section is concerned with the mission and work of Cyrus; it is made up of five pieces: (a) xl-xli: calling of Cyrus to be Yahweh's instrument in the restoration of Israel; (b) xlii, 8-xliv, 5: Israel's deliverance from exile; (c) xliv, 6-xlvi, 12: Cyrus shall free Israel and allow Jerusalem to be built; (d) xlvii: ruin of Babylon; (e) xlviii: past dealings of God with his people are an earnest for the future.该司由耶稣会康达明建议的主要线路如下:第一部分是有关的任务和赛勒斯的工作,它是由五个部分组成:(一)XL - XLI:居鲁士呼吁将耶和华的在以色列恢复工具;(二)四十二,8四十四,5:以色列从流亡解脱;(三)四十四,6 XLVI,12:赛勒斯应免费以色列和允许耶路撒冷兴建;(四)四十七:废墟巴比伦;(五)XLVIII:神与他的人民过去往来是对未来的热切。 Next to be taken up is another group of utterances, styled by German scholars "Ebed-Jahweh-Lieder"; it is made up of xlix-lv (to which xlii, 1-7, should be joined) together with lx-lxii.下一步应采取的最多的话语是另一组,以“Ebed,亚威,艺术歌曲”德国学者的风格,它是由XLIX - LV(哪个XLII,1-7,应加入)与LX - 62一起。In this section we hear of the calling of Yahweh's servant (xlix, 1-li, 16); then of Israel's glorious home-coming (li, 17-lii, 12); afterwards is described the servant of Yahweh ransoming his people by his sufferings and death (xlii, 1-7; lii, 13-15; liii, 1-12); then follows a glowing vision of the new Jerusalem (liv, 1-lv, 13, and lx, 1-lxii, 12).在本节中,我们听到了耶和华的仆人致电(XLIX,1力,16);那么以色列的光荣家庭未来(李,17 LII,12);事后描述耶和华的仆人ransoming由他自己的人民痛苦和死亡(XLII,1-7; LII,13-15; LIII,1-12),然后遵循一个新的耶路撒冷(LIV,1 - LV,13和LX,1 - 62,12)发光的视觉。Ch.CH。lvi, 1-8, develops this idea, that all the upright of heart, no matter what their former legal status, will be admitted to Yahweh's new people. LVI,1-8,发展了这一思想,所有正直的心,不管他们以前的法律地位,将被录取到耶和华的新人。In lvi, 9-lvii, the Prophet inveighs against the idolatry and immorality so rife among the Jews; the sham piety with which their fasts were observed (lvii).在LVI 9 - 57,反对偶像崇拜和不道德之间如此盛行的犹太人先知inveighs;假虔诚,他们的斋戒与观察(LVII)。In lix the Prophet represents the people confessing their chief sins; this humble acknowledgment of their guilt prompts Yahweh to stoop to those who have "turned from rebellion".在LIX先知代表人民承认他们的首席罪,这对他们的罪责谦虚确认提示耶和华屈尊那些谁拥有“的叛乱变身”。 A dramatic description of God's vengeance (lxiii, 1-7) is followed by a prayer for mercy (lxiii, 7-lxiv, 11), and the book closes upon the picture of the punishment of the wicked and the happines of the good.上帝的复仇(LXIII,1-7)戏剧性的描述后面是一个慈悲的祈祷(LXIII,7 LXIV,11),和书后,对邪恶的惩罚和良好的happines图片关闭。Many perplexing questions are raised by the exegesis of the "Second Isaias".许多令人困惑的问题是提出了“第二伊萨亚斯”注释。The "Ebed-Jahweh-Lieder", in particular, suggest many difficulties.而“Ebed,亚威,艺术歌曲”,特别是提出了许多困难。 Who is this "servant of Yahweh"?这是谁的“耶和华的仆人”?Does the title apply to the same person throughout the ten chapters?标题是否适用于整个十章同一个人?Had the writer in view some historical personage of past ages, or one belonging to his own time, or the Messias to come, or even some ideal person?有鉴于一些历代,或一个属于自己的时间,或弭赛亚来,甚至一些人理想的历史人物的作家?Most commentators see in the "servant of Yahweh" an individual.大多数评论家看到,在个人“耶和华的仆人”。But is that individual one of the great historical figures of Israel?但是,这是对以色列的伟大历史人物个人呢?No satisfactory answer has been given.没有满意的答案已经给出。The names of Moses, David, Ozias, Ezechias, Isaias, Jeremias, Josias, Zorobabel, Jechonias, and Eleazar have all been suggested as being the person.摩西,大卫,Ozias,埃泽希亚什,伊萨亚斯,赫雷米亚斯,Josias,Zorobabel,Jechonias,并以利亚撒的名字都被建议,因为这是人。 Catholic exegesis has always pointed out the fact that all the features of the "servant of Yahweh" found their complete realization in the person of Our Lord Jesus Christ.天主教训诂学一直指出,事实上,所有的“耶和华的仆人”的特点发现,在我们的主耶稣基督的人其彻底实现。He therefore should be regarded as the one individual described by the Prophet.因此,他应被视为由先知所描述的一个人。The "Second Isaias" gives rise to other more critical and less important problems. “第二伊萨亚斯”引起了其他更重要和不太重要的问题。With the exception of one or two passages, the point of view throughout this section is that of the Babylonian Captivity; there is an unmistakable difference between the style of these twenty-seven chapters and that of the "First Isaias"; moreover, the theological ideas of xl-lxvi show a decided advance on those found in the first thirty-nine chapters.随着一个或两个通道外,在整个这一节的观点是巴比伦圈养的,有一个与这些27章的风格和“第一伊萨亚斯”的明确无误的差异,而且,被神学对XL - LXVI想法显示在第一个39章决定提前发现的。If this be true, does it not follow that xl-lxvi are not by the same author as the prophecies of the first collection, and may there not be good grounds for attributing the authorship of these chapters to a "second Isaias" living towards the close of the Babylonian Captivity?如果这是真的,它不遵循这一XL - LXVI不被作为第一个集合的预言同一作者,可能有不适合归咎于对这些章节的作者为“第二伊萨亚斯”生活好理由关闭巴比伦圈养?Such is the contention of most of the modern non-Catholic scholars.这就是现代非天主教学者最争。

This is hardly the place for a discussion of so intricate a question.这绝不是一个如此复杂的一个问题讨论的地方。We therefore limit ourselves to stating the position of Catholic scholarship on this point.因此,我们限制自己,说明了天主教奖学金在这一点上的立场。This is clearly set out in the decision issued by the Pontifical Biblical Commission, 28 June, 1908.这显然​​是载于由宗座圣经委员会,1908年6月28日发出的决定。(1) Admitting the existence of true prophecy; (2) There is no reason why "Isaias and the other Prophets should utter prophecies concerning only those things which were about to take place immediately or after a short space of time" and not "things that should be fulfilled after many ages". (1)承认了真正的预言存在;(2)没有理由“伊萨亚斯和其他先知的预言就应该彻底的只有那些事情即将发生后立即或短的时间空间”而不是“东西完成后,应多岁“。 (3) Nor does anything postulate that the Prophets should "always address as their hearers, not those who belonged to the future, but only those who were present and contemporary, so that they could be understood by them". (3),也没有任何假设的先知要“始终地址作为他们的听众,而不是那些谁属于未来,但只有那些谁是当前和当代,使他们可以通过他们了解”。Therefore it cannot be asserted that "the second part of the Book of Isaias (xl-lxvi), in which the Prophet addresses as one living amongst them, not the Jews who were the contemporaries of Isaias, but the Jews mourning in the Exile of Babylon, cannot have for its author Isaias himself, who was dead long before, but must be attributed to some unknown Prophet living among the exiles".因此,不能断言说,“对伊萨亚斯(XL - LXVI)书的第二部分,其中先知地址作为一个生活在他们之中,而不是犹太人谁是伊萨亚斯的同时代人,但犹太人在流放者哀悼巴比伦,不能有它的作者伊萨亚斯自己,谁死了多久,但必须是由于一些未知的先知之间的流亡者的生活“。 In other words, although the author of Isaias xl-lxvi does speak from the point of view of the Babylonian Captivity, yet this is no proof that he must have lived and written in those times.换句话说,虽然伊萨亚斯XL - LXVI作者不说话从巴比伦圈养的观点,但这是没有,他必须在那个时代生活和书面证明。 (4) "The philological argument from language and style against the identity of the author of the Book of Isaias is not to be considered weighty enough to compel a man of judgment, familiar with Hebrew and criticism, to acknowledge in the same book a plurality of authors". (4)“从语言和反对的伊萨亚斯一书的作者身份风格语言学参数不考虑分量足以迫使一个判断的人,熟悉与希伯来文和批评,承认在同一本书的多数席位作者“。 Differences of language and style between the parts of the book are neither denied nor underrated; it is asserted only that such as they appear, they do not compel one to admit the plurality of authors.语言与书的部分风格差异既不否认也不低估,它声称只有这样,他们出现,他们不强迫一个承认多元化的作者。(5) "There are no solid arguments to the fore, even taken cumulatively, to prove that the book of Isaias is to be attributed not to Isaias himself alone, but to two or rather to many authors". (5)“有没有坚实的论据中脱颖而出,甚至采取累积,证明了伊萨亚斯书是应归于不伊萨亚斯自己孤军奋战,而是两个或两个,而许多作家”。


It may not be useless shortly to set forth the prominent features of the great Prophet, doubtless one of the most striking personalities in Hebrew history.它可能不是短期内提出无用的伟大先知的突出特点,无疑在希伯来历史上最引人注目的人物之一。Without holding any official position, it fell to the lot of Isaias to take an active part during well nigh forty troublesome years in controlling the policy of his country.如果没有举行任何官方地位,下降到了很多采取伊萨亚斯在几乎成了四十个控制他国的政策麻烦几年积极作用。His advice and rebukes were sometimes unheeded, but experience finally taught the rulers of Juda that to part from the Prophet's views meant always a set-back for the political situation of Juda.他的建议和责骂,有时被忽视,但经验告诉犹大最后的统治者,从先知的意见的一部分意味着设置回的犹大政治局势始终。In order to understand the trend of his policy it is necessary to remember by what principle it was animated.为了了解他的政策趋势是要记住的原则是什么动画。This principle he derived from his unshaken faith in God governing the world, and particularly His own people and the nations coming in contact with the latter.这一原则来源于他矢志不渝,他对上帝的信仰治理世界,特别是他自己的人民和国家的接触与后者。The people of Juda, forgetful of their God, given to idolatrous practices and social disorders of many kinds, had paid little heed to former warnings.对犹大人,他们的神健忘,给偶像崇拜的做法和多种社会功能紊乱,已支付很少理会前的警告。One thing only alarmed them, namely that hostile nations were threatening Juda on all sides; but were they not the chosen people of God?只有一件事情惊动他们,即敌对国家在各方面都威胁犹大,但他们不是神所选择的人?Certainly He would not allow His own nation to be destroyed, even as others had been.当然,他不会允许他自己的国家被破坏,即使是别人已经。In the meantime prudence dictated that the best possible means be taken to save themselves from present dangers.在此期间谨慎决定的,最好的办法是采取挽救自己目前的危险。Syria and Israel were plotting against Juda and her king; Juda and her king would appeal to the mighty nation of the North, and later to the King of Egypt.叙利亚和以色列阴谋反对犹大和她的王,犹大和她的国王将上诉到北方强大的国家,后来到了埃及国王。

Isaias would not hear aught of this short-sighted policy, grounded only on human prudence, or a false religious confidence, and refusing to look beyond the moment.伊萨亚斯不会听到这种短视的政策,任何事物,只有对人类的审慎态度,或假宗教的信心接地,并拒绝把目光时刻。Juda was in terrible straits; God alone could save her; but the first condition laid down for the manifestation of His power was moral and social reformation.犹大是可怕的困境,只有上帝能救她,但首要条件奠定了他的权力是体现了道德和社会改革。Syrians, Ephraimites, Assyrians, and all the rest were but the instruments of the judgment of God, the purpose of which is the overthrow of sinners.叙利亚人,以法莲,亚述人,和所有其余的人,而是神的审判,其目的是推翻文书的罪人。Certainly Yahweh will not allow His people to be utterly destroyed; His covenant He will keep; but it is vain to hope that well-deserved chastisement may be escaped.当然耶和华不会让他的人被彻底破坏;他的约,他将继续,但它是徒劳的希望,是当之无愧的惩罚可能会逃脱。From this view of the designs of God never did the faith of Isaias waver.从这个神的设计观点从来没有动摇信心的伊萨亚斯。He first proclaimed this message at the beginning of the reign of Achaz.他首先宣布在统治之初的Achaz此消息。The king and his counsellors saw no salvation for Juda except in an alliance with, that is an acknowledgment of vassalage to, Assyria.国王和他的顾问认为,除了在与联盟,这是一个附庸,以确认,亚述没有犹大得救。This the Prophet opposed with all his might.这先知反对与他所有的可能。With his keen foresight he had clearly perceived that the real danger to Juda was not from Ephraim and Syria, and that the intervention of Assyria in the affairs of Palestine involved a complete overthrow of the balance of power along the Mediterranean coast.凭借他敏锐的眼光,他清楚的认识,真正的危险是从犹大以法莲和叙利亚不和的亚述在巴勒斯坦事务的干预,涉及的权力沿着地中海海岸的平衡彻底推翻。 Moreover, the Prophet entertained no doubt but that sooner or later a conflict between the rival empires of the Euphrates and the Nile must arise, and then their hosts would swarm over the land of Juda.此外,先知受理毫无疑问,但迟早之间的幼发拉底河和尼罗河的对手帝国冲突必须出现,然后将其主机在犹大地蜂拥而上。To him it was clear that the course proposed by Juda's self-conceited politicians was like the mad flight of "silly doves", throwing themselves headlong into the net.在他看来很明显,由犹大的自我自负的政治家所提出的课程是一样的“傻鸽派”疯狂飞行,投掷成网扎进自己。Isaias's advice was not followed and one by one the consequences he had foretold were realized.伊萨亚斯的意见后,并没有一个后果,他曾预言one分别实现。However, he continued to proclaim his prophetical views of the current events.然而,他继续宣称,目前他的预言事件的看法。 Every new event of importance is by him turned into a lesson not only to Juda but to all the neighbouring nations.每一个重要的新事件是由他不仅成为犹大,但所有邻近国家的教训打开。Damascus has fallen; so will the drunkards and revellers of Samaria see the ruin of their city.大马士革已经下降,因此会酒鬼和撒马利亚狂欢者看到自己的城市废墟。Tyre boasts of her wealth and impregnable position; her doom is no less decreed, and her fall will all the more astound the world.轮胎拥有她的财富和撼动的地位,她的厄运是不能少下旨,和她的下跌会更震惊了世界。 Assyria herself, fattened with the spoils of all nations, Assyria "the rod of God's vengeance", when she will have accomplished her providential destiny, shall meet with her fate.亚述自己,与所有国家的战利品养肥,亚述“上帝的复仇棒”,当她将完成她的天赐的命运,应满足她的命运。God has thus decreed the doom of all nations for the accomplishment of His purposes and the establishment of a new Israel cleansed from all past defilements.神也因此下令为他的目的,完成了所有国家厄运并建立一个新的以色列从所有过去杂染清洗。

Judean politicians towards the end of the reign of Ezechias had planned an alliance with the King of Egypt against Assyria and carefully concealed their purpose from the Prophet.在接近年底的埃泽希亚什统治犹大政治家曾计划与埃及反对亚述国王联盟和精心隐瞒先知他们的目的。 When the latter came to know the preparations for rebellion, it was already too late to undo what had been done.当后者来知道叛乱的准备,为时已晚撤消做了哪些工作。But he could at least give vent to his anger (see Isaiah 30), and we know both from the Bible and Sennacherib's own account of the campaign of 701 how the Assyrian army routed the Egyptians at Altaku (Elteqeh of Joshua 19:44), captured Accaron, and sent a detachment to ravage Juda; Jerusalem, closely invested, was saved only by the payment of an enormous ransom.但他至少可以宣泄自己的愤怒(见以赛亚书30),我们知道,从圣经和西拿基立的是701亚述军队路由如何在Altaku(约书亚19:44 Elteqeh)埃及人自己的帐户都运动,抓获Accaron,并派出支队蹂躏犹大,耶路撒冷,紧紧投资,被保存只能由一个巨大的赎金。The vindication of Isaias's policy, however, was not yet complete.对伊萨亚斯的政策辩护,但是,尚未完成。The Assyrian army withdrew; but Sennacherib, apparently thinking it unsafe to leave in his wake a fortified city like Jerusalem, demanded the immediate surrender of Ezechias's capital.在亚述军队撤出,但森纳赫里布,显然是不安全的思维在他离开后像耶路撒冷设防城市,要求对埃泽希亚什的资本立即投降。 At the command of Ezechias, no answer was given to the message; but the king humbly bade Isaias to intercede for the city.截至埃泽希亚什命令,没有答案给的消息,但国王虚心八德伊萨亚斯说情的城市。The Prophet had for the king a reassuring message.先知曾经为国王令人放心的消息。But the respite in the Judean capital was short.但在朱迪亚资本喘息很短。Soon a new Assyrian embassy arrived with a letter from the king containing an ultimatum.不久,一个新的亚述使馆抵达了从包含最后通牒王信。In the panic-stricken city there was a man of whom Sennacherib had taken no account; it was by him that the answer was to be given to the ultimatum of the proud Assyrians: "The virgin, the daughter of Sion hath despised thee and laughed thee to scorn; . . . He shall not come into this city, nor shoot an arrow into it. . . . By the way that he came, he shall return, and into this city he shall not come, saith the Lord" (xxxvii, 22, 33).在惊惶失措的城市有一个人森纳赫里布没有采取任何帐户的人,它是由他的回答是给予了骄傲的亚述最后通牒:“圣母,对锡永的女儿祂所鄙视你笑了你蔑视; 他不会来到这个城市,也没有拍摄到它的箭头顺便说一下,他来了,他会回来,进入这个城市,他不来,耶和华如此说“( 。三十七,22,33)。 We know in reality how a sudden catastrophe overtook the Assyrian army and God's promise was fulfilled.我们知道在现实中是如何突然灾难超越了亚述军队和上帝的承诺是兑现。This crowning vindication of the Divinely inspired policy of Isaias prepared the hearts of the Jews for the religious reformation brought about by Ezechias, no doubt along lines laid down by the Prophet.这对准备了宗教改革的犹太人心中至高无上伊萨亚斯神启示的政策所带来的埃泽希亚什平反,没有沿规定的先知下线怀疑。

In reviewing the political side of Isaias's public life, we have already seen something of his religious and social ideas; all these view-points were indeed most intimately connected in his teaching.在审查伊萨亚斯的公共生活的政治方面,我们已经看到了他的宗教和社会观念的东西,所有这些观点点确实在他的教学最密切相连。 It may be well now to dwell a little more fully on this part of the Prophet's message.这可能是现在好了纠缠于这个先知的消息部分更充分一点。Isaias's description of the religious condition of Juda in the latter part of the eighth century is anything but flattering.伊萨亚斯对的犹大在公元八世纪后期的宗教状况的描述是什么,但见怪不怪了。Jerusalem is compared to Sodom and Gomorrah; apparently the bulk of the people were superstitious rather than religious.耶路撒冷是比较多玛和蛾摩拉,显然大部分的人,而不是被宗教迷信。Sacrifices were offered out of routine; withcraft and divination were in honour; nay more, foreign deities were openly invoked side by side with the true God, and in secret the immoral worship of some of these idols was widely indulged in, the higher-class and the Court itself giving in this regard an abominable example.牺牲则推出了常规; withcraft和占卜的荣誉者;反对票多,外国神人公开调用与真神并肩,在秘密的一些不道德的这些偶像崇拜被广泛沉迷于中,高级而法院本身在这方面给予恶劣的例子。 Throughout the kingdom there was corruption of higher officials, ever-increasing luxury among the wealthy, wanton haughtiness of women, ostentation among the middle-class people, shameful partiality of the judges, unscrupulous greed of the owners of large estates, and oppression of the poor and lowly.整个王国有较高的官员腐败,不断增加之中,富裕,妇女肆意傲慢奢侈,跻身中产阶级排场,可耻的法官偏袒,对大型屋苑的业主不择手段的贪婪和压迫贫贱。 The Assyrian suzerainty did not change anything in this woeful state of affairs.亚述宗主权并没有改变这种情况在任何国家的前景堪忧。 In the eyes of Isaias this order of things was intolerable; and he never tired repeating it could not last.伊萨亚斯在眼里这是不能容忍的事物的秩序,而且他乐此不疲的重复也可能不会持续太久。The first condition of social reformation was the downfall of the unjust and corrupt rulers; the Assyrians were the means appointed by God to level their pride and tyranny with the dust.在社会改革的首要条件是不公正和腐败的统治者倒台,亚述人是由神任命水平与粉尘他们的骄傲和暴政的手段。With their mistaken ideas about God, the nation imagined He did not concern Himself about the dispositions of His worshippers.在他们弄错上帝的思想,民族想象他不关注他的崇拜者自己的性情。But God loathes sacrifices offered by ". . . hands full of blood. Wash yourselves, be clean, . . . relieve the oppressed, judge for the fatherless, defend the widow. . . . But if you will not, . . . the sword shall devour you" (i, 15-20).但上帝讨厌提供的牺牲“。双手全是血洗净自己,要干净,。舒缓的父亲被压迫,法官,辩护的寡妇。。但是如果你不会,。的剑将吞噬你“(I,15-20)。 God here appears as the avenger of disregarded human justice as much as of His Divine rights.神在这里显示为人类正义的复仇者不顾不亚于他的神圣权利。He cannot and will not let injustice, crime, and idolatry go unpunished.他不能,也无法让不公,犯罪和偶像崇拜逍遥法外。The destruction of sinners will inaugurate an era of regeneration, and a little circle of men faithful to God will be the first-fruits of a new Israel free from past defilements and ruled by a scion of David's House.毁灭的罪人将开创一个复兴的时代,一个男人忠于上帝的小圈将成为一个新的以色列释放从过去的污秽第一水果和由大卫的家后裔统治。 With the reign of Ezechias began a period of religious revival.随着埃泽希亚什王朝开始了宗教复兴的时期。Just how far the reform extended we are not able to state; local sanctuaries around which heathenish abuses had gathered were suppressed, and many `asherîm and masseboth were destroyed.多远的改革扩展我们无法状态;围绕这些异教滥用聚集当地避难所受到打压,许多`asherîm和masseboth被摧毁。 It is true the times were not ripe for a radical change, and there was little response to the appeal of the Prophet for moral amendment and redress of social abuses.这是真正的时代并没有彻底改变了成熟,也很少有回应先知的道德修订的吸引力和纠正社会弊端。

The Fathers of the Church, echoing the eulogy of Jesus, son of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus 48:25-28), agree that Isaias was the greatest of the literary Prophets (Eusebius, "Præp. Evang.", v, 4, PG, XXII, 370; "Synops. Script. S.", among the works of St. Athan., PG, XXXVIII, 363; St. Cyril of Jerusalem, "In Is., Prooem.", PG, LXX, 14; St. Isidore of Pelus., "Epist.", i, 42, PG, LXXVIII, 208; Theodoret., "In Is. Argum.", PG, LXXXI, 216; St. Jerome, "Prol. in Is.", PL, XXIV, 18; "Præf. ad Paul. et Eustoch.", PL, XXXII, 769; "De civ. Dei", XVIII, xxix, 1, PL, XLI, 585, etc.).教会的教父们,呼应了耶稣,儿子西拉奇(Ecclesiasticus 48:25-28)悼词,同意伊萨亚斯是最伟大的文学先知(尤西比乌斯“Præp。Evang”,五,四,PG,二十二,370;“。Synops脚本S.”,其中圣Athan的作品,PG,三十八,363;圣西里尔耶路撒冷,“在这,Prooem ”,PG,LXX,14;圣。伊西多尔的Pelus,“Epist ”,我,42,PG,LXXVIII,208;。Theodoret,“在这Argum ”,PG,捌拾,216;“。海峡处于”圣杰罗姆, PL,二十四,18;“。Præf广告保罗等Eustoch”,PL,三十二,769;“德CIV业会”,十八,二十九,1,PL,XLI,585等)。 Isaias's poetical genius was in every respect worthy of his lofty position as a Prophet.伊萨亚斯的诗歌天才是在各方面他作为先知值得崇高的地位。He is unsurpassed in poetry, descriptive, lyric, or elegiac.他是无与伦比的诗,描写,抒情,或挽联。There is in his compositions an uncommon elevation and majesty of conception, and an unparalleled wealth of imagery, never departing, however, from the utmost propriety, elegance, and dignity.在他的作品有一种罕见的高度和威严的概念,以及无与伦比的丰富的影像,从来没有离开,但是从最恰当,优雅和尊严。 He possessed an extraordinary power of adapting his language both to occasions and audiences; sometimes he displays most exquisite tenderness, and at other times austere severity; he successively assumes a mother's pleading and irresistible tone, and the stern manner of an implacable judge, now making use of delicate irony to bring home to his hearers what he would have them understand, and then pitilessly shattering their fondest illusions or wielding threats which strike like mighty thunderbolts.他拥有一个适应他的语言既场合和观众非凡的力量,有时他会显示最精湛的柔情,并在其他时间严肃的严重性,他先后承担母亲的恳求和不可抗拒的语调,和一个无情的法官严厉地,现正用细腻的讽刺带回家给他的听众他会理解他们,然后无情地粉碎他们的最美好的幻想,或挥舞着强大的威胁就像雷电击。 His rebukes are neither impetuous like those of Osee nor blustering like those of Amos; he never allows the conviction of his mind or the warmth of his heart to overdraw any feature or to overstep the limits assigned by the most exquisite taste.他斥责既不像O​​see也不像阿摩司的blustering那些浮躁的,他从来没有让他的头脑还是他的心温暖定罪,透支任何功能或超越的最精致的口味分配的限制。 Exquisite taste indeed is one of the leading features of the Prophet's style.精致的味道的确是对先知的领导风格的特点之一。 This style is rapid, energetic, full of life and colour, and withal always chaste and dignified.这种风格是快速,精力充沛,生活和充满色彩,和withal总是纯洁与尊严。It moreover manifests a wonderful command of language.而且它体现了语言的美妙命令。It has been justly said that no Prophet ever had the same command of noble throughts; it may be as justly added that never perhaps did any man utter lofty thoughts in more beautiful language.有人理直气壮地说,没有先知曾经有高尚的throughts相同的命令,它可以作为公正地说,从来没有任何人也许更美好的语言说出的崇高思想。 St. Jerome rejected the idea that Isaias's prophecies were true poetry in the full sense of the word (Præf. in Is., PL, XXVIII, 772).圣杰罗姆拒绝的想法,伊萨亚斯的预言是在完全意义上的字(Præf.在IS。,PL,二十八,772)真实的诗。Nevertheless the authority of the illustrious Robert Lowth, in his "Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews" (1753), esteemed "the whole book of Isaiah to be poetical, a few passages excepted, which if brought together, would not at most exceed the bulk of five or six chapters".尽管如此,罗伯特Lowth的赫赫权威,在他的(1753)“对希伯来人神圣的诗歌讲座”,推崇“的以赛亚全书以诗,少数段落例外,这要是汇聚,不会在最超过五,六个章节“大头。 This opinion of Lowth, at first scarcely noticed, became more and more general in the latter part of the nineteenth century, and is now common among Biblical scholars.这种Lowth认为,在第一几乎没有注意到,越来越在十九世纪后半叶一般,现在已跻身圣经学者普遍。

Publication information Written by Charles L. Souvay.出版信息查尔斯L Souvay书面。Transcribed by WGKofron.转录由WGKofron。With thanks to St. Mary's Church, Akron, Ohio The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.由于对圣玛丽教堂感谢,美国俄亥俄州阿克伦城天主教百科全书,音量八。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


In addition to general and special commentaries consult: CHEYNE, Book of Isaiah chronologically arranged (London, 1870); IDEM, Prophecies of Isaiah (London, 1880); IDEM, Introd.除了一般和特殊的评论咨询:进益,按时间顺序排列的以赛亚书(伦敦,1870年),同上,以赛亚(伦敦,1880年)的预言;同上,Introd。 to the Book of Isaiah (London, 1895); DRIVER, Isaiah: his life and times and the writings which bear his name (London, 1888); LOWTH, Isaiah, translation, dissert.到了以赛亚(伦敦,1895年)图书; DRIVER,以赛亚书:他的生活和时代的著作是他的名字命名(伦敦,1888); LOWTH,以赛亚书,翻译,写论文。and notes (London, 1778); SKINNER, Isaiah (Cambridge, 1896); GA SMITH, Book of Isaiah (Expositor's Bible, 1888-1890); WR SMITH, The Prophets of Israel and their place in history (London, 1882); KNABENBAUER, Comment.和笔记(伦敦,1778);斯金纳,以赛亚(剑桥,1896年); GA史密斯,以赛亚书(解释者的圣经,1888年至1890年); WR史密斯,以色列先知和他们的历史地位(伦敦,1882年); KNABENBAUER,注释。in Isaiam prophetam (Paris, 1887); CONDAMINE, Livre d'Isaie, trad.在Isaiam prophetam(巴黎,1887年);康达明,Livre D' Isaie,繁体。critique avec notes et comment.批判AVEC票据等的评论。(Paris, 1905; a volume of introduction to the same is forthcoming); LE HIR, Les trois grandes prophètes, Isaïe, Jérémie, Ezéchiel (Paris, 1877); IDEM, Etudes Bibliques (Paris, 1878); DELITZSCH, Commentar über das Buch Jesaja; tr.(巴黎,1905年;的引进量同样是即将出版); LE HIR,莱斯三河grandes prophètes,Isaïe,热雷米,Ezéchiel(巴黎,1877年);同上,练习曲Bibliques(巴黎,1878年); DELITZSCH,Commentar黚DAS布赫Jesaja;文。(Edinburgh, 1890); DUHM, Das Buch Jesaia (Gottingen, 1892); GESENIUS, Der Prophet Jesaja (Leipzig, 1820-1821); EWALD, Die Propheten des Alten Bundes (Tübingen, 1840-1841); tr. (爱丁堡,1890年); DUHM,布赫Jesaia达斯(哥廷根,1892年); GESENIUS,DER先知Jesaja(莱比锡,1820年至1821年);埃瓦尔德,模具Propheten DES Alten Bundes(图宾根,1840年至1841年);文。by F. SMITH, (London, 1876–); HITZIG, Der Prophet Jesaja übers.由F.史密斯(伦敦,1876 - );希齐格,DER先知Jesaja übers。 und ausgelegt (Heidelberg, 1833); KITTEL, Der Prophet Jesaia, 6th ed.UND ausgelegt(海德堡,1833);基特尔,明镜先知Jesaia,第6版。of DILLMANN's work of the same title (Leipzig, 1898); KNABENBAUER, Erklärung des Proph.对DILLMANN的同名(莱比锡,1898年)的工作; KNABENBAUER,Erklärung DES Proph。 Isaias (Freiburg, 1881); MARTI, Das Buch Jesaja (Tübingen, 1900).伊萨亚斯(弗赖堡,1881);马蒂,布赫Jesaja达斯(图宾根,1900)。

Book of Isaiah以赛亚书

Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息


The Call of the Prophet.先知呼叫。

Reliance on Assyria.依赖于亚述。

Alliance with Egypt.联盟与埃及。

Book of Judgments.书的判决。

The Question of Ch.该通道的问题。xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。

The Critical Problem.关键的问题。

The "Variety" of Isaiah.在“综艺”以赛亚。

Periods of the Prophecy.期间的预言。

The chief note of the Book of Isaiah is在以赛亚书的主要注意的是

variety-variety of tone, of style, of thought, and of historical background.各种品种的色调,风格,思想,和历史背景。The first step in the study of Isaiah is to realize this variety by taking a survey of the contents.在以赛亚书研究的第一步是实现,采取了各种各样的内容进行调查。The heading (i. 1) prepares the reader to expect a collection of closely related prophecies (hence called a "vision," in the singular) concerning Judah and its capital.标题(一1)准备读者期望密切相关的预言关于犹大和资本(因此称为“愿景”,在单数)的集合。It is plain, therefore, that ch.这是平原,因此,CH。xiii.-xxiii.xiii. - XXIII。were only inserted as an afterthought; for, with the exception of ch.只有插在事后,因为,随着CH例外。xxii., they all relate to foreign nations; ch.,二十二,它们都涉及到外国;通道。xiv.十四。24-27, xvii.24-27日,十七。 12-14, xxii.12-14,22。 1-14, and 15-25 (which relate to Judah or Jerusalem) may be regarded as fragments which would have perished if an editor had not thought of inserting them in this group. 1-14和15-25(这涉及到犹大或耶路撒冷)可能被视为将有灭亡,如果一个编辑器没有插入他们认为本组片段。Ch.CH。xxiv.-xxvii., also, can only have been admitted through an extension of the original plan, for they speak primarily of a judgment upon the earth at large, and when they do digress to Israel it is in obscure language, which the men of "Judah and Jerusalem" could not generally have understood.xxiv. -二十七。,也只能通过已经承认了原计划的延伸,为他们讲一个在地上的大判断为主,而当他们离题以色列是在晦涩的语言,其中男性对“犹大和耶路撒冷”可能不是一般的了解。 Similarly, ch.同样,甲烷。 xxxiv.-xxxv.xxxiv. -三十五。 can have formed no part of the original vision, for the larger part (xxxiv.) is concerned, not with Judah, but with Edom.可形成的较大部分(xxxiv.)没有对最初的设想的一部分,是关心,不与犹大,但以东。Ch.CH。xxxvi.-xxxix.xxxvi. - XXXIX。speak of Isaiah in the third person, and largely coincide with II Kings xviii.以赛亚讲的第三人,并在很大程度上配合二国王十八。13-xx.13 - XX。19.19。Ch.CH。xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。 have for their background, at any rate to a considerable extent, Jerusalem in ruins and her people in captivity.对他们的背景,在任何一个相当大的程度上,在废墟和囚禁她的人耶路撒冷率。In following, therefore, that instinct of order, which is, of course, not the same thing as criticism, but is at least one element in it, the first impressions of Isaiah must be obtained from ch.在下面的,因此,秩序,这是本能,当然,不一样的批评同样的事情,但它至少有一个元素,以赛亚的第一印象,必须获得通道。i.-xii.一至十二。and xxviii.-xxxiii.和xxviii.,三十三。

Ch. CH。i.: One of the finest specimens of prophetic rhetoric known.一:对已知的最好的预言修辞标本之一。 It is in its present form a general prophecy, full of edification for all periods of Israel's history, thòugh the prominence given in verses 29, 30 to the heathen worship practised in the recesses of gardens would not have seemed perfectly natural in the later period of strict religious purity.它以其目前的形式一般的预言,对熏陶全额以色列的历史,虽然在诗句29日,30给予异教徒崇拜的花园深处实行的突出各个时期是不会显得非常自然,在后期的严格的宗教的纯洁性。 There are four leading ideas: Israel's ingratitude to its God; the false repentance of oblations; the true repentance of a changed life; purification from without, failing purification from within.有四种主要观点:以色列的忘恩负义其神的oblations假悔改,一个改变人生的真正​​悔改,从没有净化,未能从内部净化。

Ch. CH。ii.-iv.: A series of denunciations of the national corruption enclosed between two pictures of the ideal age.ii.-iv.:A的两个理想的年龄照片包围的国家腐败谴责系列。Here Isaiah goes into greater detail, both as to the nature of Judah's sin and as to the inevitable punishment.在这里赛进入更详细的,它既是对犹大的罪性和作为的必然惩罚。Like a thunder-storm the wrath of God will overthrow the proud, and sweep away the heathenish luxury of the grandees of the land; all classes will be disturbed from their pleasant security; the ablest citizens will go into captivity, for theirs is the greatest guilt; nor shall the women of Jerusalem escape (comp. Amos iv. 1-3).像雷暴神的忿怒会推翻感到自豪,一扫土地的显贵异教豪华,所有班会从他们愉快安全的干扰;的最能干的公民将被掳去为他们的,就是最大的内疚,也不应逃避耶路撒冷(comp.阿莫斯四1-3)的妇女。

Ch. CH。v.: A briefer utterance with similar scope.诉:一个类似规模的简短话语。It begins with a bright parable on the vineyard of God, the moral of which is the danger of Judah's ingratitude; then follows a series of "wos" on the chief national sins, and a weird, mysterious announcement of terrible invaders.它一开始就对上帝的葡萄园,道德的这是犹大的忘恩负义危险明亮的寓言,然后遵循的“WOS”国家罪就行政系列,一个奇怪的,可怕的入侵者神秘的公告。

The Call of the Prophet.先知呼叫。

Ch. CH。vi.: This chapter might well have stood at the head of the whole book.六:本章很可能已经站在全书头。It describes the call of the prophet.它描述了先知的呼吁。A vision, such as all prophets may expect to have (though abundance of visions is no proof of the goodness of a "man of God"), came to Isaiah, and in this vision-the sum of which was the glorified and idealized Temple-God and Isaiah interchanged these words: "Whom shall I send?"诸如所有的先知远见,可以期望有(尽管大量的愿景是没有一个“神人”善良的证明),来到赛,并在这视觉的总和这是美化和理想化寺 - 神和以赛亚互换这句话:“我可以差遣谁?”"Send me."“送我。”No passage is so important as is this one for the true biography of Isaiah.没有通过是如此重要,因为这是真正的以赛亚传记之一。

Ch. CH。vii.-ix. vii.-ix.7: Partly historical, partly prophetical.7:部分历史,部分预言。It is unfortunate that this precedent is not followed more frequently.不幸的是,这个先例是没有遵循更加频繁。It is now known that Isaiah sought to influence Ahaz, but was repelled by the king.它现在已经知道,以赛亚试图影响亚哈斯,但被国王击退。Judah was in sore peril from the invaders Pekah and Rezin (not the invaders to whom he pointed so mysteriously in v. 26 et seq.), and there was a conflict between the two principles-reliance on outside human help and implicit trust in Israel's God.犹大在疮危险的入侵者比加和利汛(不是侵略者的人,他指出在26节及以下这样神不知鬼不觉),并有两个原则之间的依赖人类的帮助外,在以色列的隐含信任冲突神。 Ahaz stood for the first, Isaiah for the second.亚哈斯站为第一,第二以赛亚。One result there was which Ahaz could never have anticipated: the sign of Immanuel has supplied material for controversy to the present hour.其结果之一是它有可能永远不会有预期亚哈斯:伊曼纽尔签署的已提供的争论到现在的每小时材料。It might be thought that it was a promise of safety.它可能会有人认为这是一个安全的承诺。But Isaiah could not "speak peace when there was no peace."但以赛亚不能“讲和平的时候,没有和平。”It is desolation, and not deliverance, which the unbelief of Ahaz will ultimately bring on his unhappy country (vii. 17-25).这是悲凉,而不是解脱,这对亚哈斯不信,最终将带来他的不幸国家(vii. 17-25)。In ch.在CH。viii.八。1-4 Isaiah reaffirms his declaration (vii. 7-9) of a judgment swiftly coming to Damascus and Samaria. 1-4以赛亚重申了他对迅速来到大马士革和撒马利亚判决的声明(vii. 7-9)。But will Judah escape?但是,将犹大逃生?No, but the kernel of the nation will escape.没有,但民族的内核会逃跑。Judgment will bring about purification.判决会带来的净化。A deliverer already exists in the counsels of God, and he will restore the kingdom of David in an idealized form (ix. 1-7).一个拯救者已经存在于上帝的律师,他将恢复在一个理想化的形式(ix. 1-7)大卫的王国。Ch.CH。ix.九。8-x.8 - X。4: A highly poetical picture of the approaching ruin of the Northern Kingdom, though there are also glances at Judah.4:对北方王国接近废墟高度诗意的画面,虽然也有在犹大几眼。The rivalry of factions in the state and the fall of the incompetent rulers on the field of battle are graphically described.在国家和对战场不称职的统治者下降派系竞争的生动描述。

Reliance on Assyria.依赖于亚述。

Ch. CH。x. X.5-xii. 5十二。6: There is more religious thought, however, in the discourses contained in these chapters.6:有更多的宗教思想,然而在这些章节中的话语。The variety of imagery, too, is highly remarkable.各种各样的图像,也十分显着。Assyria (that is, its king; comp. the use of "France" and "England" in Shakespeare) is the staff or the ax in God's hand.亚述(也就是说,它的国王;比赛的“法国”和“英格兰”在莎士比亚的使用。)是工作人员或在上帝的手斧。Its army is like a forest.它的军队就像一个森林。Assyria's lust of conquest is like the sport of bird-nesting.亚述的征服欲望就像是鸟类筑巢的运动。See the astonishingly rapid march of the armed hosts!见武装主机惊人的急行军!Some with their leader "shake their hands" at the sacred mountain.一些与他们的领袖“大摇其手”在神圣的山。The Davidic kingdom will, as it seems, be cut down.该大卫王国将,因为它似乎被削减。But so, too, Assyria will be cut down; and while a "shoot" (RV) will "come forth out of the stock of Jesse," no such prospect is held out for Assyria.但何尝不是如此,亚述将削减;和而“拍”(RV)将“走出杰西股票提出,”没有这样的前景持作亚述出来。Not to Babylon, but to Jerusalem, will the nations repair.不要巴比伦,但耶路撒冷,将各国的修复。Not in Assyria, but in the land of Israel, will the peace of paradise be exemplified.未在亚述,但在以色列的土地,将在天堂平安例证。Thither will all Israel's exiles be brought back, singing psalms of devout and grateful joy.到那里都将以色列的流亡者被带回,唱歌的虔诚和感激的喜悦诗篇。Ch.CH。xxviii.-xxxiii.: These chapters also are full of variety.xxv​​iii. - 三十三:这些章节也是丰富多彩的。From the first the prophet alternates between judgment and salvation.从第一先知的判断和拯救之间交替。The proud crown of the drunkards (princely drunkards!) of Ephraim is trodden down; for the residue there is a crown of glory (Samaria fell 722 BC).骄傲的酒鬼冠莲(!王侯酒鬼)是践踏了;的残留有一个荣耀的冠冕(撒马利亚下跌722 BC)。But there are drunkards (priestly drunkards!) in Judah too, trusting in a "refuge of lies" instead of in the "sure foundation" stone (xxviii. 15-17).但也有在犹大酒鬼(祭司酒鬼!)过,在一个而不是在“确保基础”石(xxviii. 15-17)“的谎言避难”信任。At another time the teacher seems to have adopted a different tone.在其他时间,老师似乎也采取了不同的声音。A few, perhaps, became dejected by Isaiah's frequent reference to destruction.一些,也许,成了以赛亚经常提到的破坏垂头丧气。 Would this plowing and thrashing go on forever?这会犁田和颠簸永远继续下去?No; an earthly husbandman is too wise for that; and the heavenly husbandman knows best of all that destruction is justified only by the object of sowing some useful plant when the soil has been prepared (xxviii. 23-29).不,是人间的农夫是太聪明,以及天上的农夫知道的所有杀伤性最好的是有道理的播种对象的一些有用的植物,当土壤已经准备(xxviii. 23-29)只。

It is true, as ch.诚然,作为通道。xxix.二十九。shows, the great majority were quite otherwise impressed by Isaiah's preaching.显示,绝大多数是相当深刻的印象,否则由以赛亚的说教。A deep lethargy clouded the senses of the rulers (verses 10-12).阿深嗜睡云统治者的感官(10-12节)。But the crash of thunder will awaken them.但雷声崩溃将唤醒他们。Within a year Jerusalem will be besieged, and in the midst of the siege God Himself will fall upon Jerusalem and punish her (1-4, 6).在一年之内将被围困耶路撒冷,并在神的围攻之中亲自将落在耶路撒冷和惩罚她(1-4,6)。 But fear not; the foe will suffer most; God will not permit the nations to destroy Mount Zion (5, 7, 8).但是不要害怕;的敌人将受到最;上帝不会允许破坏国家锡安山(5,7,8)。Wo to the formalists and to the unbelieving politicians of Judah!禾的形式主义和犹大不信的政治家!(13-15).(13-15)。But all the best blessings are to the poor and the meek.但是,所有最好的祝福是穷人和温顺。

Alliance with Egypt.联盟与埃及。

The cause of Isaiah's wrath against the politicians was an alliance with Egypt which was being planned in secret.在以赛亚的反对政客愤怒的原因是它与埃及联盟正在秘密计划。This is shown by ch.这是表现出通道。xxx.XXX。Isaiah predicts the disappointment which awaits the ambassadors, and the terrible results which willfollow from this short-sighted statecraft.以赛亚预言失望的等待大使,并从这种短视的治国之道willfollow可怕的结果。But here again the usual contrast is introduced.但在这里再次介绍了通常的反差。Storm and sunshine compete with each other.风暴和阳光互相竞争。The Golden Age will yet come; Nature will participate in the happiness of regenerate Judah.黄金时代将尚未到来;自然会参与再生犹大幸福。Assyria will be crushed, and meantime the Jews will sing, as in the night of the feast-day (the vigil of the Passover; comp. Ex. xii. 42).亚述将被粉碎,并同时犹太人会唱,如在节日天(即逾越节守夜。;比赛前十二42)晚。In ch.在CH。xxxi.-xxxii.xxxi.,三十二。 8 the prophet still hovers about the same theme, while in xxxii.8先知仍然徘徊关于同一主题,而在三十二。9-20 the careless security of the women is chastised (comp. iii. 16 et seq.), the desolation soon to be wrought by the invader is described, and, as a cheering contrast, the future transformation of the national character and of the physical conditions of life are once more confidently announced. 9-20的妇女不小心安全惩戒(comp.三,16页起),在荒凉即将由侵略者所造成的描述,并作为欢呼相反,民族性格和未来转型生活的物质条件再一次自信地宣布。 Ch.CH。xxxiii.三十三。is one of the most singular of the extant specimens of prophetic writing.是最的预言写现存标本奇异之一。There is no apparent arrangement, and some of the verses seem to be quite isolated.没有明显的安排,以及一些诗句似乎相当孤立。 It is a kind of vision which is described.它是一种理想的一种描述。The land is being laid waste.土地被荒芜。O Lord, help!主啊,救命啊! But see!但是看看!the hostile hordes suddenly disappear; Zion's God is her security.成群的敌对突然消失;锡安的神是她的安全。Alas!唉!not yet.目前还没有。The highways still lie waste.该公路仍然荒废。The whole country from Lebanon to Sharon mourns.整个国家从黎巴嫩沙龙哀悼。Yes, it is God's time to arise.是的,这是上帝的时候出现的。He has, in fact, arisen, and the "godless" (the converted Jews) tremble, while the righteous are assured of salvation.他,其实出现,而“不信神”(转换犹太人)颤抖,而正义是得救的保证。How happy will the retrospect of their past troubles make them!如何快乐将其过去的麻烦让他们回想起来!(verse 18).(18节)。Then, too, it will be plain that Zion's load of guilt has been removed.然后,也将清楚表明,锡安的内疚负荷已被删除。

Book of Judgments.书的判决。

The idea which pervades the first of the five lesser books (ch. xiii.-xxiii., xxiv.-xxvii., xxxiv.-xxxv., xxxvi.-xxxix., and xl.-lxvi.) which still await consideration may be expressed in Isaiah's own words (they are taken here provisionally to be Isaiah's): "This is the purpose that is purposed upon the whole earth: and this is the hand that is stretched out upon all the nations" (xiv. 26).这个想法是贯穿五(章xiii. - XXIII。,xxiv. -二十七。,xxxiv. -三十五。,xxxvi. - XXXIX。以及xl. - LXVI)仍然有待考虑的可能较小书第一在以赛亚自己的话表达了(他们是在这里拍摄暂时被以赛亚):“这是这是在整个地球purposed目的:这是,被拉伸呼吁所有的国家出的手”(xiv. 26)。It is, in fact, a Book of Judgments on the nations, except that four passages have found admission into it which relate, not to the world outside, but to the little people which, as Isaiah may have thought, out-weighed in the eyes of God all the other nations put together.它是在事实上,对国家的判决书,除了四个通道发现其中涉及到它,而不是外部世界,但对小人物,正如以赛亚可曾想到,在出称重入场,神的眼睛所有其他国家的总和。 These four passages are as follows:这四个段落如下:

Ch. CH。xiv.十四。24-27 is a short prophecy declaring the purpose of Israel's God to tread Assyria under foot upon the "mountains" of Judah, to which is appended a solemn declaration, part of which is quoted above (verses 26, 27). 24-27是一个简短的预言宣告以色列的神的目的,踏在脚下亚述后,“山”犹大,对此附加了郑重声明,其中一部分是引用以上(经文26,27)。 In ch.在CH。xvii.十七。12-14 there is a graphic prophecy of the destruction of the "many nations" which attack Jerusalem (comp. viii. 9, 10; xxix. 7, 8); no special nation is singled out. 12-14有一对“多国”的攻击耶路撒冷(comp.八9,10; XXIX 7,8);破坏图形的预言没有特殊的民族是单挑。In ch.在CH。xxii.二十二。1-14 there is an indignant rebuke of the people of Jerusalem, who are in no degree sobered by the danger, just now removed, from the Assyrians; instead of examining into their ways, ceasing to do evil, and learning to do well, they indulge in wild revelry. 1-14有一个耶路撒冷,谁在清醒的危险从亚述人,刚才删除,没有学位是人民愤怒斥责,而是把他们的研究方法,停止作恶,学习要做好,他们沉迷于野生狂欢。 In ch.在CH。xxii.二十二。15-25 an invective against the vizier of the day (Shebna) is followed by a promise of his office to a worthier man (Eliakim), to which an appendix is attached announcing this second vizier's fall. 15-25一项打击的一天(Shebna)大臣抨击之后是由他的办公室承诺到更有价值的人(以利亚敬),这是一个附录附宣布本次大臣的下降。

Of the judgments upon definite nations, other than the Jewish, the first (ch. xiii.) declares the doom of Babylon, and to it is appended a fine, artistic ode of triumph on the King of Babylon (xiv. 4b-21).一经确定的国家,比其他犹太人的判断,第一个(章十三)声明巴比伦厄运,并给它附加在巴比伦国王的罚款,对艺术的胜利颂歌(xiv. 4B - 21) 。Observe that the prophet distinctly speaks as if the Medes were already mustering for the march on Babylon.观察到明显的先知说话好像玛代人已经在巴比伦的游行卯足。Is it to be supposed that Isaiah was at the time in an ecstasy?难道它是在假定以赛亚在狂喜时间?Ch.CH。xiv.十四。22-23 is a prophecy, summing up Babylon's doom in more prosaic style.22-23是一个预言,总结巴比伦的风格更平淡无奇厄运。 Ch.CH。xiv.十四。28-32 contains the doom of the Philistines, who are in premature exultation at the "breaking" of some terrible "rod."28-32包含了非利士人,谁是早产大喜在“破”的一些可怕的厄运“棒”。Ch.CH。xv.-xvi.xv. -十六。12 are highly dramatic; they begin with a picture of the consternation of the Moabites at the havoc wrought by an invader, describe the flight' of the people in much detail, mention how an appeal to Mount Zion for help was rejected, make sympathetic references to the lamentations of the Moabites over their ruined vines, and then, without any apparent connection, assert that no appeal to Chemosh for aid will be effectual. 12顷高度戏剧性,他们用的是在由侵略者所造成的破坏摩押人惊愕的图片开始,描述了在人多的细节的飞行“,别提有多呼吁锡安山为帮助被拒绝,使交感神经引用到过他们的葡萄树毁了摩押人,再没有任何明显的连接,悲叹,断言,没有提出上诉,以基抹援助将有效的。 To this is added (verses 13, 14) a solemn declaration that the prophecy which had been delivered at some previous period shall be fulfilled within three years.这是为了增加(诗句13,14)庄严声明,表示这已在一些前期交付的预言,应在三年内完成。

Ch. CH。xvii.十七。1-11 is directed against Damascus (that is, Syria) and Ephraim (that is, Israel). 1-11是针对大马士革(即叙利亚),以法莲(就是以色列)。These two powers have set themselves against the true God, and must suffer the same doom.这两个权力已设置禁止自己的真神,并且必须受到同样的厄运。However, the few who are left in Israel will turn to the holy God, and give up lower forms of worship.然而,谁在以色列左很少人会转向圣洁的神,而放弃低的崇拜形式。

Ch. CH。xviii.十八。was apparently intended to be an address to Ethiopia.显然拟对埃塞俄比亚的地址。But already (verse 3) the prophet turns to the world at large, and bids men take heed of the signs of the divine approach.但已经(3节)先知轮流世界的大,考虑到投标人的神圣办法的迹象注意。When the power hostile to God is ripe for destruction, it will be cut off.当电源敌视上帝销毁成熟,它会被切断。Then will the Ethiopians send presents to Jerusalem.然后将埃塞俄比亚人送礼物耶路撒冷。The doom, therefore, is really confined to verses 4-6.的厄运,因此,实在是局限于诗句4-6。

Ch. CH。xix.十九。describes the utter collapse of Egypt, owing to its conquest by a "cruel lord" (verse 4).介绍了埃及的完全崩溃,因为它由一个“残酷领主”(第4节)征服。The main interest, however, lies in verses 18-24, which apparently contain circumstantial predictions of the establishment of Jewish colonies in five cities of Egypt, including the "city of the sun"; of the erection of a sanctuary in Egypt to Israel's God; of the deliverance of the Jews (?) in Egypt in their sore distress; of the conversion of the Egyptians; and of the providential discipline of Egypt, which henceforth will be a member of a sacred triad of closely connected nations-Egypt, Assyria, and Israel.主要的利益,但是,谎言在18-24节,这显然包含在五个城市的埃及,其中包括“太阳之城”犹太殖民地建立的间接预测;对在埃及庇护以色列的神勃起;的犹太人在埃及拯救他们的疼痛困扰(?);对埃及人的转换,以及埃及天赐的学科,它今后将是一个神圣的黑社会成员密切联系的国家 - 埃及,亚述和以色列。

The prophecy in ch.在通道的预言。xx.XX。gives a second judgment upon Egypt, and a perfectly new judgment on Ethiopia.给出了第二次判决后,埃及,埃塞俄比亚和一个完美的新的判断。 It stands in marked contrast both to ch.它矗立在鲜明的对比既通道。xviii.十八。and to ch.和CH。xix.十九。Its possession of a historical introduction would have led to its being grouped with ch.它拥有一个历史的介绍会导致其被与CH进行分组。vii.-ix.vii.-ix.7 and ch.7和CH。xxxvi.-xxxix.; but doubtless it was too short to stand alone.xxxvi. - XXXIX;但毫无疑问,这是太短,独立。

Ch. CH。xxi. XXI。contains three "burdens" (or oracles)- that of the "wilderness of the sea" (RV), relative to the destruction of Babylon by Elam and Media (contingents in the assailing army?), that of Dumah (that is, Edom), and that of the "Dedanites" (RV), entitled by the early editors of the Hebrew text "in Arabia," words apparently derived from the opening words "in the forest in Arabia."包含三个“包袱”(或神谕) - 的“海旷野”(RV),相对于巴比伦由拦和媒体(?在调戏军队特遣队)销毁,对度玛的(即,以东),而对“Dedanites”(RV)由希伯来文的早期编辑题为“在沙特阿拉伯,”显然是从开头语派生词“,在森林阿拉伯。” The oracles in ch.在CH的神谕。 xxi.XXI。contain great textual difficulties.包含大文本的困难。The only remaining prophecy in this section is that on Tyre.本节仅剩下的预言是对轮胎的。It has a strongly elegiac character, and its reference is much disputed.它有一个强烈的挽联字符,它的引用是多有争议。Here, again,textual problems have to be settled before any attempts at exegesis.在这里,再次,文字问题必须在注释之前任何企图解决。 But it is clear that the standpoint of verses 15-18 is not that of verses 1-14.但很显然的是,经文15-18立场是不是1-14的诗句。It is an epilogue, and expresses a much more hopeful spirit than the original prophecy.这是一个尾声,并表示比原来的预言更为乐观的精神。Tyre will one day be of importance to the people of Jerusalem; its prosperity is therefore to be desired.轮胎有一天会成为重要的耶路撒冷的人,它的繁荣,因此不理想。Here, then, the note of variety or contrast is as strongly marked as in any part of Isaiah.在这里,那么,各种或对比强烈的注意是在任何标记为以赛亚的一部分。

Still more remarkable is the variety in the contents of the second of the lesser books (ch. xxiv.-xxvii.).更引人注目的是在各种较小的书籍(章xxiv. - XXVII)第二个内容。It is observed by RG Moulton that, dramatic as this fine passage is, one looks in vain for temporal succession, and finds instead "the pendulum movement dear to Hebrew imagination, alternating between judgment and salvation."它是观察RG莫尔顿认为,这是戏剧性的优良通道,一个看起来在连续时间白白,并且发现,而不是“钟摆运动亲爱的希伯来语的想象力,判断力和拯救之间交替。” However, the parts of this "rhapsody" can not safely be distributed among the dramatis personæ, for it is no literary whole, but a "rhapsody" in a sense not intended by Moulton, a collection of fragments, large or small, stitched, as it were, together.然而,这个“狂想曲”的部分不能安全地分布在剧中人,因为它没有文学的整体,而是一个“狂想曲”中没有莫尔顿,一个片段,或大或小集合打算从某种意义上说,缝合,因为它是,共同提高。 It might also be called a "mosaic," and, since very little, if any, attempt has been made to fuse the different elements, one might, with much advantage, read this composite work in the following order:它也可能被称为“马赛克”,而且,因为很少,如果有的话,尝试已取得了融合不同的元素,人们可能会与太大的优势,这在阅读下列顺序综合的工作:

(1) xxiv. (1)二十四。1-23: The Last Judgment.1-23:最后的审判。

(2) xxv. (2)二十五。6-8: The Feast of Initiation into communion with God, spread not only for Israel, but for all peoples.6-8:与神的交流启动盛宴,传播不仅对​​以色列,而是所有人民。

(3) xxvi. (3)二十六。20, 21: Summons to the Jews to shut themselves up, while God carries out the awful doom of the wicked (comp. Ex. xii. 22b, 23). 20,21:召唤到自己的犹太人关起来,而上帝进行的邪恶可怕的厄运(comp.前十二22B,23)。

(4) xxvii. (4)二十七。1, 12: Mystic prophecy of the Leviathan's doom, and the restoration of the entire body of dispersed Jews.1,12:神秘预言的利维坦的厄运,而分散的犹太人的整个身体的恢复。

(5) xxvii. (5)二十七。7-11: Conditions of salvation for the Jews.7-11:为拯救犹太人的条件。

(6) xxvi. (6)二十六。1-19: Song of praise for the deliverance of the Righteous, which passes into a meditative retrospect of recent events, and closes with a prophecy of the resurrection of those who have been faithful unto death. 1-19:为正义的解脱,它传递到了最近发生的事件静心回顾,并与对那些谁一直至死忠于复活的预言关闭赞美歌。

(7) xxv. (7)二十五。1-5: Song of praise for the destruction of an insolent city.1-5:为城市的张狂毁灭赞美歌。

(8) xxv. (8)二十五。9-12: Praise for deliverance, and anticipations of the downfall of Moab. 9-12:赞美解脱,和摩押下台预期。

(9) xxvii. (9)二十七。2-5: Song concerning God's vineyard, Israel.2-5:宋关于上帝的葡萄园,以色列。Ch.CH。xxxiv.-xxxv.xxxiv. -三十五。 show the same oscillation between judgment and salvation which has been previously noted.显示之间的判断和拯救相同的振荡已如前所述。The judgment upon all nations (especially Edom) is depicted in lurid tints; upon this, with no link of transition, follows a picture of salvation and of the restoration of the Jewish exiles.呼吁所有国家(尤其是以东)的判断是描述了耸人听闻的色彩,在此,没有过渡环节,遵循救恩和犹太流亡者的恢复情况。

Ch. CH。xxxvi.-xxxix.xxxvi. - XXXIX。are a mixture of narrative, prophecy, and poetry.是叙事,预言的混合物,和诗歌。The great deliverance from Assyria under Hezekiah, in which Isaiah plays an important part, is related.从亚述伟大解救下希西家,其中以赛亚起着重要组成部分,是关系。An ode on the fall of the King of Assyria (recalling xiv. 4b-21) shows Isaiah (if it be Isaiah) to be a highly gifted poet (xxxvii. 21b-29); and a kind of psalm (see xxxviii. 20), ascribed to Hezekiah, tells how the speaker had recovered from a severe illness, and recognized in his recovery a proof of the complete forgiveness of his sins.一个对亚述王的陨落(。回顾十四4B - 21)ODE显示以赛亚(如果是以赛亚书)是一个非常有天赋的诗人(xxxvii. 21B - 29),以及一个样的诗篇(见三十八20。 ),归因于希西家,讲述如何扬声器已康复了严重的疾病,并在他恢复了他的罪孽赦免证明完全认可。A historical preface elucidates this.一个历史的序言阐明这一点。Both the ode in ch.无论是抒情诗在CH。xxxvii.三十七。and the psalm in ch.而在CH诗篇。xxxviii.三十八。are accompanied with circumstantial prophecies, not in a poetic style, addressed to Hezekiah.与间接预言的陪同下,不是在一个诗意的风格,给希西家。Ch.CH。xxxix.三十九。contains a prediction of a Babylonian captivity, also addressed to Hezekiah, and a historical preface.包含了一个巴比伦囚禁的预测,也给希西家和历史的序言。

The Question of Ch.该通道的问题。xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。

There still remain ch.仍然存在通道。xl.-lxvi., which follow abruptly on ch.xl. - LXVI ,它按照通道突然。xxxvi.-xxxix., though a keen eye may detect a preparation for "Comfort ye, comfort ye," in the announcement of the spoiling of Jerusalem and the carrying away of Hezekiah's sons to Babylon in ch.xxxvi. - XXXIX。虽然是敏锐的眼光可检测在耶路撒冷破坏公布了“舒适你们,安慰你们,”编制及带走希西家的儿子在CH到巴比伦。xxxix.三十九。Ch.CH。xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。 are often called "The Prophecy of Restoration," and yet it requires no great cleverness to see that these twenty-seven chapters are full of variety in tone and style and historical background.通常被称为“预言的恢复,”但是,它不需要大聪明地看到,这27章是在音调和风格和丰富多彩的历史背景。A suggestion of this variety may be presented by giving a table of the contents.该品种的建议可能会提交给一个内容表。 Alike from a historical and from a religious point of view, these chapters will reward the most careful study, all the more so because controversy is rendered less acute respecting these prophecies than respecting the prophecies in ch.同样从一个从历史和宗教角度,这些章节将奖励最仔细研究,更是因为争议呈现那么尖锐比CH尊重尊重这些预言的预言。i-xxxix.I - XXXIX。The word "prophecies," however, has associations which may mislead; they are better described as "unspoken prophetic and poetical orations."单词“预言”,然而,有可能误导协会;“。潜预言和诗的演说”,他们是更好地描述

(1) Good news for the Exiles (xl. 1-11).(1)好消息的流放(xl. 1-11)。

(2) Reasoning with the mental difficulties of Israel (xl. 12-31).(2)推理与以色列(xl. 12-31)精神上的困难。

(3) The Lord, the only true God, proved to be so by the prophecy concerning Cyrus (xli. 20).(3)主,唯一的真神,被证明是由有关的预言赛勒斯(xli. 20)等。

(4) Dispute between the true God and the false deities (xli. 21-29).(4)真神之间的争端和(xli. 21-29)假神。

(5) Contrast between the ideal and the actual Israel, with lofty promises (xlii. 1-xliii. 7).(5)理想与实际以色列与(xlii. 1四十三7)崇高的承诺,对比度。

(6) How Israel, blind as it is, must bear witness for the true God, who is the God of prophecy: the argument from prophecy is repeatedly referred to (xliii. 8-13). (6)如何以色列,因为它是盲目的,必须承担真正的上帝,谁是预言神的见证:从预言的说法是多次提到(xliii. 8-13)。

(7) The fall of Babylon and the second Exodus (xliii. 14-21).(7)属于巴比伦和第二出埃及记(xliii. 14-21)。

(8) The Lord pleads with careless Israel (xliii. 22-xliv. 5).(8)不小心与耶和华以色列的恳求(xliii. 22 XLIV 5)。

(9) Once more, the argument for the true God from prophecy, together with a sarcastic description of the fabrication of idols (xliv. 6-23). (9)再次,为从预言真神的说法,连同的偶像(xliv. 6-23)制造讽刺的描述。

(10) The true object of the victories of Cyrus-Israel's deliverance (xliv. 24-xlv. 25). (10)居鲁士以色列的解脱的胜利真正的对象(xliv. 24 XLV 25段)。

(11) The deities of Babylon contrasted with the God of Israel (xlvi. 1-13). (11)巴比伦的神对比与以色列的神(xlvi. 1-13)。

(12) A song of derision concerning Babylon (xlvii. 1-15).(12)歌曲的嘲笑有关巴比伦(xlvii. 1-15)。

(13) The old prophecies (those on Cyrus' victories) were great; the new ones (those on Israel's restoration) are greater (xlviii.). (13)(上赛勒斯“胜利的)旧的预言是伟大的,在(以色列的恢复的)新的更大(xlviii.)。

(14) Israel and Zion, now that they are (virtually) restored, are the central figures in the divine work (xlix. 1-13).(14)以色列和锡安,现在他们(几乎)恢复,在神圣的工作(xlix. 1-13)中心人物。

(15) Consolations for Zion and her children (xlix. 14-l. 3).为锡安和她的孩子(15)安慰(xlix. 14 - L 3)。

(16) The true servant of the Lord, at once confessor and martyr, soliloquizes (l. 4-11).(16)主的真实仆人,在一次忏悔和烈士,soliloquizes(负于4-11)。

(17) Exhortation and comfort, with a fervid ejaculatory prayer (li. 1-16). (17)劝勉和安慰,用激越射精祈祷(li. 1-16)。

(18) Words of cheer to prostrate Zion (li. 17-lii. 12).匍匐的欢呼到锡安(18)字(li. 17 - LII 12)。

(19) The martyrdom of the true servant of the Lord, and his subsequent exaltation (lii. 13-liii. 12).(19)殉难的主的真实仆人,他随后超升(lii. 13 - 53 12)。

(20) Further consolations for Zion, who is once more the Lord's bride, under a new and everlasting covenant (liv.).为锡安,谁再次主的新娘下一个新的和永恒的盟约(liv.),(20)进一步安慰。

(21) An invitation to the Jews of the Dispersion to appropriate the blessings of the new covenant, followed by more prophecies of deliverance (lv.). (21)向犹太人的分散邀请适当的新约以解脱(lv.)更预言随后的祝福。

(22) Promises to proselytes and to believing eunuchs (lvi. 1-8). (22)承诺proselytes,并相信宦官(lvi. 1-8)。

(23) An invective against the bad rulers of Jerusalem and against the evil courses of heretical or misbelieving persons, with promises to humble-minded penitents (lvi. 9-lvii. 21).(23)对耶路撒冷的抨击不良统治者和对异端者的罪恶或misbelieving课程,以谦虚的态度悔罪(lvi. 9 - 57 21)的承诺。

(24) Practical discourse on fasting and Sabbath-observance (lviii.). (24)实用话语对空腹和安息日遵守(lviii.)。

(25) Partly denunciation of immorality, partly confession of sins (lix. 1-15a). (25)部分谴责不道德的,部分的罪孽忏悔(lix. 1 - 15A)。

(26) A vision of deliverance, with a promise of the permanence of regenerate Israel's mission (lix. 15b-21).(26)愿景的解脱,用的再生以色列的使命持久(lix. 15B - 21)的承诺。

(27) A poetic description of glorified Zion (lx.).(27)锡安的荣耀充满诗意的描述(lx.)。

(28) The true servant of the Lord, or, perhaps, the prophetic writer, soliloquizes concerning the gracious message entrusted to him, and the Lord confirms his word (lxi. 1-12).(28)主的真实仆人,或者,也许,预言作家,soliloquizes有关亲切消息托付给他,主证实他的字(lxi. 1-12)。

(29) Vision of the divine warrior returning from Edom (lxiii. 1-6).(29)视觉的神圣从以东(lxiii. 1-6)返回的战士。

(30) Exhausted and almost despairing, Israel complains to the Lord (lxiii. 7-lxiv. 12). (30)筋疲力尽,几乎绝望,抱怨以色列的主(lxiii. 7 LXIV 12)。

(31) Threatenings to the heretical and misbelieving faction, and promises to the faithful (lxv.).(31)Threatenings到邪教和misbelieving派,并承诺忠实(lxv.)。

(32) Polemic against those who would erect a rival temple to that of Jerusalem (lxvi. 1-4).(32)论战对那些谁将会竖立对手寺庙耶路撒冷(lxvi. 1-4)表示。

(33) The fates of Jerusalem and all her opponents contrasted (lxvi. 5-24). (33)耶路撒冷和她所有的对手的命运对比(lxvi. 5-24)。

The Critical Problem.关键的问题。

The reader who has not shrunk from the trouble of the orderly perusal of Isaiah which is here recommended will be in a position to judge to some extent between the two parties into which, as it may strike one who is not an expert, the theological world is divided.而谁没有从以赛亚有序细读这是麻烦缩水这里推荐读者将在​​一定的位置来判断双方到何种程度,因为它可能会取得一个谁不是专家,神学世界分。 The study of criticism, as it is commonly called, apart from exegesis, is valueless; he is the best critic of Isaiah who knows the exegetical problems best, and to come into touch with the best critics the student must give his days and nights to the study of the text of this book.批评的研究,因为它是俗称,除了注释,是毫无价值,他是最好的评论家以赛亚谁知道最好的训诂问题,并接触到最好的批评触及学生必须给他几天几夜到在这本书的文字研究。 An attempt will now be made to give some idea of the main critical problem.现在尝试做给一些主要的关键问题的想法。Many persons think that the question at issue is whether ch.许多人认为争议的问题是通道。i.-xxxix.一,三十九。were (apart from slight editorial insertions) written by Isaiah, and ch.分别为(除轻微的编辑插入)写的以赛亚书,和CH。 xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。 by some other writer of a much later age.由一些更晚的年龄其他作家。This is a mistake.这是一个错误。 A series of prophetic announcements of deliverances from exile is interspersed at intervals throughout the first half of Isaiah, and the date of these announcements has in each case to be investigated by the same methods as those applied to the different parts of Isa.一对来自流亡deliverances预言一系列公告中夹杂间隔整个以赛亚上半年,这些公告日期在每个案件必须由伊萨适用于不同地区的相同的方法进行调查。 xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。

The "parts" of Isa.“部分”的伊萨。xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。 are referred to because here again there exists a widely prevalent error.因为这里被称为再存在广泛流行的错误。That the second part of Isaiah has no literary unity will be obvious to any reader of the preceding synopsis.这是以赛亚书的第二部分没有文学的团结将是显而易见的任何前面概要读者。To argue the question whether the so-called Book of Isaiah has one or two authors is to beat the air.争论的问题是否以赛亚所谓的图书有一个或两个作者是击败空气。If there was more than one Isaiah, there must have been more than two, for the same variety of idea, phraseology, and background which is by so many scholars taken to prove that "Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your God" (xl. 1) was not written by Isaiah can be taken to prove that "Cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and declare unto my people their transgressions" (lviii. 1, RV) was not written by the author of "Comfort ye, comfort ye my people."如果有一个以上的以赛亚,就必须有两个以上,为同一品种的想法,说法,和背景,通过采取以证明“舒适你们,你们安慰我的人,你的神如此说:”这么多的学者(xl. 1)不是由以赛亚可以采取书面证明“你要大声喊叫,备件没有,抬起你的声音就像一个小号,和你们我的人申报越轨”(lviii. 1,RV)是不是由笔者在“舒适你们,你们安慰我的人。”

The "Variety" of Isaiah.在“综艺”以赛亚。

By "variety" is not, of course, meant total, absolute difference.由“综艺”不是,当然,总的意思,绝对的区别。It stands to reason that a great prophet like Isaiah would exert considerable influence on subsequent prophetic writers.按理说,像伟大的先知以赛亚将在随后的预言作家施加相当的影响力。There is no justification, therefore, for arguing that because the phrases "the Holy One of Israel" and "the Mighty One of Israel" occur in both halves of Isaiah (the second phrase, however, is varied in Isa. xl. et seq. by the substitution of "Jacob" for "Israel"), the same prophet must have written both portions.没有正当理由,因此,对于他们认为,因为短语“以色列的圣者”和“以色列强大一号”出现在以赛亚书的两半(第二句话,然而,在伊萨。XL。及以下变化,由“雅各”为“以色列”替代),相同的先知必须有书面的两个部分。 A correspondence of isolated phrases which is not even uniformly exact is of little value as an argument, and may be counterbalanced by many phrases peculiar to the disputed prophecies.其中一个甚至没有统一的确切的对应是孤立的短语作为参数没有什么价值,并可能被预言所特有的许多有争议的短语平衡。 Still more unwise would it be to argue, from a certain general likeness between the idea of God in the prophecies of the two parts of Isaiah, that the two parts had the same prophetic author, especially now that the extent of Isaiah's contributions to the first half of the book is being so keenly debated.更不明智会是争辩,从一定之间的上帝在以赛亚的两个部分的预言想法一般相似,这两个部位有同样的预言作者,特别是现在的以赛亚的贡献程度第一书的一半是如此强烈地辩论。 Most unwise of all would it be to attach any weight to a tradition of Isaiah's authorship of the whole book which goes back only to Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) xlviii.而最不明智的会是附加任何重量的以赛亚的整本书可以追溯到只Ecclesiasticus(西拉奇)XLVIII作者的传统。 24, 25: "By a spirit of might he saw the end, and comforted the mourners of Zion, forever he declared things that should be, and hidden things before they came" (Hebr.). 24,25:“通过一种精神可能他看到结束,安慰锡安的哀悼,他宣称的东西永远是应该的,隐藏的东西才来到”(Hebr.)。

Two eminent Jewish rabbis, Abraham ibn Ezra and Isaac Abravanel, were the first who showed a tendency to disintegrate the Book of Isaiah, but their subtle suggestion had no consequences.两位著名的犹太拉比,亚伯拉罕和以撒阿布拉瓦内尔伊本以斯拉,谁是第一个发现一种倾向,瓦解了以赛亚书,但他们的细微的建议没有后果。 Practically, the analytic criticism of Isaiah goes back to Koppe, the author of the notes to the German edition of Bishop Lowth's "Isaiah" (1779-81).实际上,在以赛亚分析批评追溯到Koppe,在向主教Lowth的“以赛亚书”(1779年至1781年)德国版笔记的作者。 The chief names connected with this criticism in its first phase are those of Hitzig, Ewald, and Dillmann; a new phase, however, has for some time appeared, the opening of which may perhaps be dated from the article "Isaiah" in "Encyc. Brit."有了这个第一阶段的批评连接的主要名称是希齐格,埃瓦尔德,和Dillmann的,一个新的阶段,但是,已经有一段时间出现的,开放的可能是从文章“以赛亚书”中的“百科全书月。英国人。“ (1881) and two articles in "JQR" (July and Oct., 1891), all by TK Cheyne; to which may be added the fruitful hints of Stade in his "Gesch. des Volkes Israel" (1889, vol. i.), and the condensed discussions of Kuenen in the second edition of his "Investigations into the Origin and Collection of the Books of the Old Testament" (part ii., 2d ed., 1889).(1881年)和两个“jqr”(7月和10月,1891年),全部由传统知识进益物品;到这可能是添加了体育场,在他的“Gesch DES Volkes以色列”(1889年,第一,富有成效的提示。 ),以及Kuenen在他的(第二部分,第2版,1889年)“的起源和对旧约的藏书调查”第二版简明的讨论。To these add Duhm's and Marti's recent commentaries, and the "Introduction" (1895) by TK Cheyne.对于这些新增Duhm的和马蒂最近评论和“导言”的传统知识进益(1895年)。Prof. GA Smith's two volumes on Isaiah reflect the variations of opinion in a candid mind, influenced at first, somewhat to excess, by the commentary of Dillmann. GA史密斯教授的两个以赛亚卷反映的意见,在坦诚的心态变化,影响起初,有些过剩由Dillmann评论。For a convenient summary of the present state of criticism the reader may consult Kautzsch's "Outline of the History of the Literature of the Old Testament" (1898), translated by John Taylor, and "Isaiah," in Cheyne-Black, "Encyc. Bibl."对于一个批评的现状方便简易的读者可以查阅Kautzsch的(1898年)由约翰泰勒和“以赛亚书”,在进益黑,“百科全书翻译,”对了旧约文学史纲要“。 Bibl。“(1901). (1901年)。The former work shows how much light is thrown on the different parts of the Book of Isaiah by reading them as monuments of definite historical periods.前者的工作显示了光线对以赛亚书的不同部分抛出阅读作为一定历史时期的古迹他们。For a much less advanced position Driver's "Life and Times of Isaiah" (1st ed., 1888) may be consulted; for an impartial sketch of different theories consult the sixth edition of the same writer's "Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament."对于更先进的定位驱动的“生活和时代的以赛亚书”( 第1版,1888)可查阅;对于不同的理论公正草图咨询同一作家的“导言第六版的旧约文学。 “

Periods of the Prophecy.期间的预言。

It must suffice here to give a few hints as to the probable periods of the chief prophecies.它必须足够了这里,就该等行政预言可能的时期一些提示。Three great national crises called forth the most certainly genuine prophecies of Isaiah-the Syro-Israelitish invasion (734), the siege and fall of Samaria (722), and the campaign of Sennacherib (701).三个伟大的民族危机,要求提出最肯定真正的预言以赛亚-的Syro - Israelitish入侵(734),围困和撒马利亚下降(722)和西拿基立(701)运动。Among the non-Isaian prophecies, there are two exilic prophecies of the fall of Babylon (xiii. 1-xiv. 23, and, as most suppose, xxi. 1-10); a probably post-exilic prophecy, or elegy, on the ruin of Moab (xv.-xvi.); prophecies on Egypt and on Tyre, both post-exilic, and the former furnished with a late appendix belonging to the Greek period.其中非Isaian预言,有两个预言的放逐巴比伦下降(xiii. 1 - 十四23,而且,因为大多数想,二十一1-10),一个大概后放逐的预言,或悲歌,在摩押(。xv. - XVI)绝路,埃及和轮胎的预言,无论是后放逐,和前配有一晚,属于希腊时期的附录。The strange and difficult work here called a "rhapsody" or a "mosaic" (ch. xxiv.-xxvii.) belongs at earliest to the fall of the Persian and the rise of the Greco-Macedonian empire.但奇怪的和困难的工作在这里被称为“男人四十”或“马赛克”(章xxiv. -二十七。)属于在最早的波斯倒塌和希腊 - 马其顿帝国的崛起。Ch. CH。xxxiv.-xxxv.xxxiv. -三十五。 are so weak that it is not worth while to dogmatize on their date, which is certainly very late.如此薄弱,这是不值得,而以独断的日期上,这肯定是非常晚。The Prophecy of Restoration is, of course, a late exilic work; it is disputed whether it closes properly at ch.预言的恢复,当然,后期放逐的工作,它是有争议的是否正确关闭的通道。xlviii.48。or at ch.或通道。lv.LV。The subsequent prophecies are additions, belonging presumably to the times of Nehemiah and Ezra.随后的预言增加,据推测属于尼希米和以斯拉的时代。The latest editor of ch.最新的CH主编。xl.-lxvi.xl. - LXVI。 seems to have given a semblance of unity to thevarious prophecies by dividing the entire mass into three nearly equal books, the two former of which close with nearly the same words (xlviii. 22, lvii. 21).似乎又给分为三几乎相等的书籍,其中近两个几乎相同的话前者(xlviii. 22 LVII 21)整个大团结的假象,以thevarious预言。

Emil G. Hirsch, Thomas Kelly Cheyne埃米尔赫斯基G.,托马斯凯利进益

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书,1901至1906年间出版。


I. Commentaries, Translations, and Critical Editions: GD Luzzatto, Il Profeta Isaia, Padua, 1855 (Jewish); R. Lowth, Isaiah, a new translation with preliminary dissertation and notes, London, 1778; E. Henderson, Book of the Prophet Isaiah, 2d ed.一评,翻译和关键版本:GD卢扎托,伊尔Profeta Isaia,帕多瓦,1855年(犹太); R. Lowth,以赛亚,一个初步的论文,并注意到新的翻译,伦敦,1778; E.亨德森的书先知以赛亚书,第2版。ib.兴业。1840; JA Alexander, Commentary, Edinburgh, 1865; TK Cheyne, The Book of Isaiah Chronologically Arranged, London, 1870; idem, Prophecies of Isaiah, a new translation, with commentary and appendixes, ib. 1840年,JA亚历山大,评论,爱丁堡,1865年,传统知识进益,按年代排列的以赛亚,伦敦,1870年图书;同上,以赛亚书,一个新的翻译与注释和附录,IB,预言。 1880-82; GA Smith, Isaiah, in Expositor's Bible, ib.1880至1882年; GA史密斯,以赛亚,在解释者的圣经,兴业。1888-90; J. Skinner, Isaiah, in Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges, Cambridge, 1896-98; HG Mitchell, Isaiah, a Study of Chapters i.-xii. 1888年至1890年的J.斯金纳,以赛亚,在剑桥圣经学校和学院,剑桥,1896年至1898年,HG米切尔,以赛亚书,一章一至十二的研究。 New York, 1897; TK Cheyne, Isaiah, translation and notes, in SBOT New York and London, 1898 (Hebrew ed. with notes, Leipsic, 1899); Ed.纽约,1897年,传统知识进益,以赛亚书,翻译和注释,在SBOT纽约和伦敦,1898年(希伯来文版的笔记,Leipsic,1899年); ED。König, The Exiles' Book of Consolation, Edinburgh, 1899; Camp.柯尼希,流放“周易安慰,爱丁堡,1899年;营。Vitringa, Commentary, 2 vols., Leeuwarden, 1714-1720; JC Döderlein, Esaias (translation with notes), Nuremberg, 1789; E. Reuss, Les Prophètes, 1876; W. Gesenius, Der Prophet Jesaja Uebersetzt; mit einem Vollständigen Philologischen, Kritischen, und Historischen Commentar, Leipsic, 1820-21; F. Hitzig, Der Prophet Jesaja, Heidelberg, 1833; H. Ewald, Die Propheten des Alten Bundes, Tübingen, 1810-41 (2d ed. Göttingen, 1867-68; Eng. transl. by JF Smith, 1875-81); A. Knobel, Der Prophet Jesaja, Leipsic, 1843 (3d ed. 1861); Franz Delitzsch, Biblischer Commentar über das Buch Jesaja, Leipsic 1866 (4th ed. entirely recast, 1889; Eng. transl. 1892); CJ Bredenkamp, Der Prophet Jesaja Erläutert, Erlangen, 1887; Conrad von Orelli, Die Propheten Jesaja und Jeremias, Nördlingen, 1887 (Eng. transl. by Banks, 1889); Aug. Dillmann, Der Prophet Jesaja, Leipsic.Vitringa,评论,2卷,吕伐登,1714年至1720年; JC Döderlein,以赛亚(带注释翻译),纽伦堡,1789; E.罗伊斯,莱斯Prophètes,1876年,W. Gesenius,DER先知Jesaja Uebersetzt;麻省理工学院einem Vollständigen Philologischen ,Kritischen,UND Historischen Commentar,Leipsic,1820年至1821年,F.希齐格,明镜先知Jesaja,海德堡,1833; H.埃瓦尔德,模具Propheten DES Alten Bundes,蒂宾根大学,1810年至1841年(2版哥廷根,1867年至1868年; 。英文译由JF史密斯,1875年至1881年); A.克诺贝尔,明镜先知Jesaja,Leipsic,1843(3D版1861年);弗朗茨Delitzsch,Biblischer Commentar黚DAS布赫Jesaja,Leipsic 1866(第4版完全改写。 1889年,英文译1892年); CJ Bredenkamp,DER先知Jesaja Erläutert,埃尔兰根,1887年,康拉德冯Orelli,模具Propheten Jesaja UND赫雷米亚斯,Nördlingen,1887(工程学译银行,1889年);八月Dillmann,DER先知Jesaja,Leipsic。 1890; Duhm, Das Buch Jesaja, Göttingen, 1892; Aug. Klostermann, Deuterojesaia, Munich, 1893 (a critical edition of ch. xl.-lxvi.); H. Guthe and V. Ryssel, Jesaja, in Kautzsch, Die Heilige Schrift, vol.1890; Duhm,达斯布赫Jesaja,哥廷根,1892年;八月Klostermann,Deuterojesaia,慕尼黑,1893年(一CH xl. - LXVI重要的版本。); H. Guthe和五Ryssel,Jesaja,在Kautzsch,模具Heilige Schrift,第一卷。 xv., Freiburg-im-Breisgau and Leipsic, 1894; K. Marti, Das Buch Jesaja, Tübingen, 1900.十五,弗赖堡- IM -布赖斯高和Leipsic,1894年; K.马蒂,达斯布赫Jesaja,蒂宾根大学,1900。II.II。Illustrative and Comprehensive Notes: SR Driver and Ad.说明及综合说明:SR驱动程序和广告。Neubauer, The 53d Chapter of Isaiah According to Jewish Interpretations (with introduction by EB Pusey), Oxford, 1876-77;纽鲍尔,在以赛亚根据犹太人诠释(与EB皮塞介绍),牛津大学,1876年至1877年53D章;

G. Vance Smith, The Prophecies Relating to Nineveh and the Assyrians, London, 1857; R. Payne Smith, The Authenticity and Messianic Interpretation of the Prophecies of Isaiah Vindicated, Oxford and London, 1862 (the lines of Jewish interpretations are well sketched); Sir E. Strachey, Jewish History and Politics in the Times of Sargon and Sennacherib, 2d ed. G.万斯史密斯,有关的预言尼尼微和亚述人,伦敦,1857年,R.佩恩史密斯的真实性和以赛亚平反,牛津大学和伦敦,1862年的预言(犹太解释的线条勾勒好)弥赛亚的解释;爵士E.斯特雷奇,犹太历史和在萨尔贡和森纳赫里布,2D版时代政治。 London, 1874; TK Cheyne, Introduction, to the Book of Isaiah, ib.伦敦,1874年,传统知识进益,介绍,到以赛亚,IB书。1895; W. Robertson Smith, The Prophets of Israel, Edinburgh, 1882 (2d ed. London, 1896); AH Sayce, Life of Isaiah, London, 1883; CHH Wright, Pre-Christian Jewish Interpretations of Isaiah liii.1895年,W.罗伯逊史密斯,以色列的先知,爱丁堡,1882(2版伦敦,1896年);啊,以赛亚,伦敦,1883年生活塞斯; CHH赖特,以赛亚LIII前基督教犹太诠释。in The Expositor (London), May, 1888; SR Driver, Isaiah, His Life and Times, and the Writings Which Bear His Name, London, 1888; J. Kennedy, Argument for the Unity of Isaiah, ib.在解释者(伦敦),五月,1888; SR驱动程序,以赛亚,他的生活和时代,它承担的著作和他的名字,伦敦,1888年的J.肯尼迪,为以赛亚,IB统一的说法。1891; CHH Wright, Isaiah, in Smith's Dict.1891年,CHH赖特,以赛亚,在史密斯的字典。of the Bible, 2d ed.圣经,2版。1893;1893年;

G. Douglas, Isaiah One and His Book One, London, 1895; CF Kirkpatrick, Doctrine of the Prophets, ib.G.道格拉斯,以赛亚书一和他的书之一,伦敦,1895年,CF柯克帕特里克,先知主义,兴业。1892; Max L. Keliner, The Prophecies of Isaiah, an Outline Study in Connexion with the Assyrian-Babylonian Records, Cambridge, Mass., 1895; JF McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the Monuments, New York and London, 1894; FH Krüger, Essai sur la Théologie d'Esaie xl.-lxvi.1892;最大L.柯林二路,与亚述人,巴比伦人记录,剑桥,马萨诸塞州,1895年在Connexion纲要研究以赛亚的预言; JF麦柯迪,历史,预言,和纪念碑,纽约和伦敦,1894; FH克鲁格,Essai SUR LA神学D' Esaie xl. - LXVI。 Paris, 1861; CP Caspari, Beiträge zur Einleitung in das Buch Jesaja, Berlin, 1848; idem, Ueber den Syrisch-Ephraimit.巴黎,1861; CP Caspari,Beiträge楚导论在DAS布赫Jesaja,柏林,1848年,同上,Ueber巢穴Syrisch - Ephraimit。 Krieg Unter Jotham und Ahaz, Christiania, 1849; L. Seinecke, Der Evangelist des Alten Testaments, Leipsic, 1870; H. Guthe, Das Zukunftsbild, des Jesaja, ib.克里格温特约坦UND亚哈斯,克里斯蒂,1849; L. Seinecke,DER传播者DES Alten圣经,Leipsic,1870; H. Guthe,达斯Zukunftsbild,德Jesaja,兴业。1885; Fr.1885年;神父。Giesebrecht, Beiträge zur Jesaiakritik, Göttingen, 1890; M. Schian, Die Ebed-Jahwe Lieder, Halle, 1895); H. Lane, Die Ebed-Jahwe Lieder, Wittenberg, 1898; E. Sellin, Serubbabel, Leipsic, 1898; A. Bertholet, Zu Jesaja liii.: Ein, Erklärungsversuch, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1899; H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, Leipsic, 1897; idem, Altorientalische Forschungen, ib. Giesebrecht,Beiträge楚Jesaiakritik,哥廷根,1890年,M. Schian,模具Ebed - Jahwe艺术歌曲,哈雷,1895年); H.巷,模具Ebed - Jahwe艺术歌曲,维滕贝格,1898年,E.塞林,Serubbabel,Leipsic,1898年,一个。贝尔托莱,祖Jesaja LIII:EIN,Erklärungsversuch,弗赖堡- IM -布赖斯高,1899年,H. Winckler,Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen,Leipsic,1897年,同上,Altorientalische Forschungen,IB。1897; J. Meinhold, Jesaja und Seine Zeit, Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1898; idem, Die Jesajaerzählungen, Jesaja xxxvi.-xxxix.1897年的J. Meinhold,Jesaja UND塞纳河宰特,弗赖堡- IM -布赖斯高,1898年,同上,模具Jesajaerzählungen,Jesaja xxxvi. - XXXIX。Göttingen, 1898.哥廷根,1898年。See also the various histories of Israel, introductions to the Old Testament, and Old Testament theologies.EGHTKC又见以色列的各种历史,以旧约介绍,和旧约theologies.EGHTKC


Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息


-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

-In Rabbinical Literature:- 在犹太教文学:

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

The greatest of the Hebrew prophets of whom literary monuments remain.希伯来先知的人文学纪念碑仍然最大。He resided at Jerusalem, and so contrasts with Micah, the prophet of the country districts.他居住在耶路撒冷,并因此与米卡,该国的地区先知对比。He was married (Isa. viii. 3), and had children (vii. 3, viii. 3).他是已婚(赛八,3),并有了孩子(vii. 3,八3)。His bearing indicates that he could maintain his dignity in the highest society, as is shown by his freedom toward Ahaz (vii.) and his acquaintance with Uriah, the chief priest (viii. 2).他表示,他可以轴承保持自己在社会中最高的尊严,是他的自由对亚哈斯(vii.),以及他与乌利亚,首席牧师(viii. 2)相识所示。The heading in Isa.标题在伊萨。i.1 refers to Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah as the kings under whom he prophesied. 1指乌西雅,约坦,亚哈斯,希西家的人,他预言下国王。This and similar headings, however, have no historical authority, being the work of later writers whose statements had no documentary basis and were purely inferential.这和类似的标题,然而,没有历史的权威,即后来的作家的作品,其陈述有没有文件依据,纯属推断。It is true, moreover, that no prophecy can be shown to be as early as Uzziah's time, except indeed the kernel of ch.这是事实,而且,没有预言可以被证明是像乌西雅的时间早,除非确实是CH内核。vi.六。"In the year that King Uzziah died I saw the Lord," etc. (vi. 1, RV), seems to come from a cycle of prophetic narratives, some of which (comp. viii. 1-3, 5; ii. 16), rightly or wrongly, claimed the authorship of Isaiah.“在一年之王乌西雅死我看见主”等等(VI. 1,RV),似乎来自不同的预言叙述周期,其中一些(comp.八1-3,5;二。 16),无论对错,夺去了以赛亚书的作者。Certainly the whole man is reflected in the grand vision of ch.当然,整个人是体现在对CH宏伟愿景。vi.六。No personal consideration holds him back (contrast Jeremiah) from offering himself as the Lord's spokesman, and though assured that no exhortation will affect the callous consciences of his hearers, he still goes in and out among his people as if hope existed; and perhaps (human nature is inconsistent) hope still persisted even when reason altogether denied its right.没有个人的考虑认为他回来(对比度耶利米)从产品作为主发言人自己,尽管放心,没有告诫会影响他的听众的冷酷的良心,他仍然进入和退出在他的人民,如果希望存在,或许(人的本质是不一致的)希望仍然存在的原因,即使完全否认其权利。

The story of him who "by vileness made the great refusal" (to apply Dante's well-known words), who might have led his people to social and personal reformation, by the wise counsel of the prophet, is recorded in ch.他的故事谁“的卑鄙取得的巨大拒绝”(适用于但丁的著名词),谁可能导致他的人对社会和个人的改造由先知真知灼见,被记录在CH。 vii.七。Isaiah was no statesman, and yet the advice which he gave the king was as good from a political as from a religious point of view.以赛亚没有政治家,但建议他给国王从作为从宗教角度良好的政治。For why should Ahaz pay Assyria for doing work whichan enlightened regard for its own interest would certainly impel it to perform?对于为什么要亚哈斯支付为自己的利益做工作whichan开明亚述方面肯定会促使它来执行?Why should he take the silver and gold in the Temple and in the palace, and send it as tribute to the Assyrian king?为什么要他走在寺庙和宫殿银和金,并发送赞扬亚述王吗?

It is to be noted that in ch.这是必须指出,在CH。viii.八。Isaiah's wife is called "the prophetess."以赛亚的妻子被称为“先知”。By her solidarity with her husband she is detached from the unholy people among whom she dwells, and made, as it were, sacrosanct.通过她与她的丈夫,她是团结脱离其中她dwells的邪恶的人,并提出,因为它是,神圣不可侵犯。His children, too, are "signs and omens" of divine appointment; and one may conjecture that if Isaiah ever pictured the worst disaster coming to Jerusalem, he saw himself and his family, like Lot of old, departing in safety (for some work reserved for them by God) from the doomed city.他的孩子们,也都“标志和预兆”神圣的任命;和一个可能的猜想,如果赛有史以来最严重的灾难合照来耶路撒冷,他看到自己和家人,像老很多,安全离开(某些工作留给他们的上帝)从注定的城市。 Ch.CH。xx.XX。describes the strange procedure by which Isaiah, as it were, "gave an acted prediction" of the fate in store for Mizraim and Cush (Egypt and Ethiopia), or, as others think, for Mizrim and Cush (North Arabia), on which the peoples of Palestine had counted so much as allies.介绍了奇怪的过程,其中赛,因为它是,“介绍了采取行动的预测”在麦西和古实店的命运(埃及和埃塞俄比亚),或者像别人的想法,为Mizrim和古实(北阿拉伯),其上巴勒斯坦人民已经算这么多的盟友。 From ch.从通道。xxxvi.-xxxix., perhaps, much assistance can not be expected in the biography of Isaiah, for in their present form they are certainly rather late.xxxvi. - XXXIX。或许,很多援助不能预见,在以赛亚传中,在其目前的形式,他们肯定较晚。No more can be said of Isaiah from direct documentary information.没有更多可说的以赛亚直接文件资料。His words are his true biography.他的话是他的真传。In them is seen the stern, unbending nature of the man, who loved his people much, but his God more.在他们身上看到了严峻的是,该名男子,谁爱他的人多不屈的性质,但他的神了。

Isaiah has all the characteristics of a classic writer-terseness, picturesqueness, and originality.以赛亚书有一个经典作家简洁,picturesqueness的所有特征,和独创性。But was he also a poet?但他也是一个诗人?It is hard to think so.这是很难想象的。Could such a man condescend to the arts necessary to the very existence of poetry?请问这样的人屈尊到艺术要以诗歌的存在? Isa.伊萨。xxxvii.三十七。22-29 is assigned to him. 22-29是分配给他。But the narration in which it is placed is thought by many critics to be late, and the phraseology of the poem itself seems to point away from Isaiah.但在它被放置旁白是由许多评论家认为是晚了,诗本身的用语似乎离赛点。On the late tradition of the martyrdom of Isaiah in the reign of Manasseh see Isaiah, Ascension of.EGHTKC对以赛亚在玛拿西殉难见以赛亚书,阿森松of.EGHTKC王朝后期的传统

-In Rabbinical Literature:- 在犹太教文学:

According to the Rabbis Isaiah was a descendant of Judah and Tamar (Soṭah 10b).根据拉比以赛亚是犹大和添马舰(Soṭah10B)的后裔。His father was a prophet and the brother of King Amaziah (Meg. 15a).他的父亲是一位先知和王亚玛谢(Meg. 15A)的兄弟。 While Isaiah, says the Midrash, was walking up and down in his study he heard God saying, "Whom shall I send ?"当以赛亚说,米德拉士,走在他的研究上下,他听到上帝说:“我可以差遣谁?”Then Isaiah said, "Here am I; send me!"然后以赛亚说:“我在这里,给我!”Thereupon God said to him," My children are trouble-some and sensitive; if thou art ready to be insulted and even beaten by them, thou mayest accept My message; if not, thou wouldst better renounce it" (Lev. R. x.).于是上帝对他说,“我的孩子是麻烦,一些敏感的,如果你的艺术准备侮辱,甚至殴打他们,你mayest接受我的消息,如果没有,你最好放弃它wouldst”(利未记R. x 。)Isaiah accepted the mission, and was the most forbearing, as well as the most ardent patriot, among the Prophets, always defending Israel and imploring forgiveness for its sins.以赛亚接受了任务,并且是最忍,作为最热烈的爱国者之间的先知,以及,永远捍卫以色列和恳求其请求宽恕。He was therefore distinguished from all other prophets in that he received his communications directly from God and not through an intermediary (ib.).因此,他区别于一切,他已经接到了来自上帝直接沟通,而不是通过中介(同上)其他先知。When Isaiah said, "I dwell in the midst of a people of unclean lips" (vi. 5) he was rebuked by God for speaking in such terms of His people (Cant. R. i. 6).当以赛亚说:“我住在嘴唇不洁的民中”(VI. 5)他是上帝斥责他的人在条款(Cant. R. I. 6)发言。

In the order of greatness Isaiah is placed immediately after Moses by the Rabbis; in some respects Isaiah surpasses even Moses, for he reduced the commandments to six: honesty in dealing; sincerity in speech; refusal of illicit gain; absence of corruption; aversion for bloody deeds; contempt for evil (Mak. 24a).在以赛亚的伟大订单后,立即放在摩西的拉比,在某些方面甚至超越摩西赛,因为他减少了戒律六:在处理诚实;在讲话诚意,拒绝非法收益;没有腐败现象;厌恶的血淋淋的事迹;邪恶(Mak. 24A)的蔑视。Later he reduced the six to two-justice and charity (ib.).后来,他减少了六至两正义和慈善机构(同上)。 The chief merit of Isaiah's prophecies is their consoling character, for while Moses said, "Thou shalt perish in the midst of the nation," Isaiah announced deliverance.在以赛亚的预言主要优点是他们的安慰字符,而摩西说,“你应该在中间的民族灭亡,”以赛亚宣布解脱。Ezekiel's consoling addresses compared with Isaiah's are as the utterances of a villager to the speech of a courtier (Ḥag. 14a).以西结的安慰地址与以赛亚作为一个村民的话语是一个朝臣讲话(Ḥag.14A)。Therefore consolation is awaiting him who sees Isaiah in a dream (Ber. 57b).因此安慰的是等待他谁在梦中看到以赛亚(Ber. 57B)。

It is related in the Talmud that Rabbi Simeon ben 'Azzai found in Jerusalem an account wherein it was written that Manasseh killed Isaiah.它与在塔木德的犹太教教士Simeon本“Azzai发现其中一个帐户在耶路撒冷有人撰文指出,玛拿西死亡以赛亚。 Manasseh said to Isaiah, "Moses, thy master, said, 'There shall no man see God and live' [Ex. xxxiii. 20, Hebr.]; but thou hast said, 'I saw the Lord seated upon his throne'" (Isa. vi. 1, Hebr.); and went on to point out other contradictions-as between Deut.玛拿西以赛亚说:“摩西,你的师傅说,”有没有人看见神应和生活“[前三十三20,黑布尔。]但你说的,”我看到后,坐在他的​​宝座主'“ (赛六1,黑布尔。)和接着指出,其他与申,作为矛盾。iv.四。7 and Isa.7,伊萨。lv.LV。6; between Ex.6,与前。 xxxiii.三十三。26 and II Kings xx. 26和II国王XX。6. 6。Isaiah thought: "I know that he will not accept my explanations; why should I increase his guilt?"以赛亚心想:“我知道他不会接受我的解释,为什么我要增加他的内疚?”He then uttered the Unpronounceable Name, a cedar-tree opened, and Isaiah disappeared within it.然后,他说出了不能发音的名称,一个雪松树开了,以赛亚书内消失。Then Manasseh ordered the cedar to be sawn asunder, and when the saw reached his mouth Isaiah died; thus was he punished for having said, "I dwell in the midst of a people of unclean lips" (Yeb. 49b).然后玛拿西下令雪松被锯成四分五裂,而当看到他的嘴以赛亚达到死亡,因此被他的话说,(Yeb. 49B)“我在嘴唇不洁的民中住”的惩罚。A somewhat different version of this legend is given in the Yerushalmi (Sanhedrin x.).这方面的一个传说有所不同的版本中给出了耶路莎米(公会十)。According to that version Isaiah, fearing Manasseh, hid himself in a cedar-tree, but his presence was betrayed by the fringes of his garment, and Manasseh caused the tree to be sawn in half.根据这一版本以赛亚,担心玛拿西,藏在雪松树本人,但他的存在是由他的服装的边缘背叛,和玛拿西所造成的树被锯成两半。 A passage of the Targum to Isaiah quoted by Jolowicz ("Die Himmelfahrt und Vision des Prophets Jesajas," p. 8) states that when Isaiah fled from his pursuers and took refuge in the tree, and the tree was sawn in half, the prophet's blood spurted forth.一个通行的Targum由Jolowicz引用以赛亚(“死升天节UND视觉DES先知Jesajas,”第8页)指出,当以赛亚逃离他的追捕,并参加了避难的树,树被锯了一半,先知的血喷等等。 From Talmudical circles the legend of Isaiah's martyrdom was transmitted to the Arabs ("Ta'rikh," ed. De Goeje, i. 644).SI Br.从Talmudical界以赛亚的殉教传说被转交给阿拉伯人(“Ta'rikh”版德Goeje岛644)。SI溴。

Emil G. Hirsch, Thomas Kelly Cheyne, Isidore Singer, Isaac Broydé埃米尔赫斯基G.,托马斯凯利进益,伊西多尔歌手,以撒Broydé

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