Gospel According to John据约翰 福音 中文 - Zhong Wen

General Information一般资料

The Gospel According to John is the fourth book of the New Testament of the Bible.根据约翰福音是圣经的新约第四册。In style, language, and content, it differs dramatically from the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke - called the synoptic Gospels.在风格,语言和内容,它极大地从不同的马太,马克福音,和卢克 - 所谓的天气福音。Unlike these Gospels, the fourth Gospel opens with a philosophical prologue (John 1:1 - 18). It identifies the Logos, or Word, with Christ and introduces the themes to be developed in the Gospel.与这些福音,第四福音打开一个哲学序幕(约翰1:1 - 18), 它标识图案,或字,与基督并介绍了将在福音发展的主题。Further comparisons show that the synoptic Gospels describe the ministry of Christ mainly in Galilee, with reference to only one Passover; but John situates most of the events in Judea and refers to three Passovers.进一步比较表明,该参考描述天气福音只有一个逾越节的主要是基督在加利利,部,但约翰座落在犹太的事件大部分是指三个逾越节。

Thus it is from John's Gospel that one concludes that Jesus' ministry lasted 3 years. In the synoptic Gospels, parables are Jesus' vehicle for teaching; in John, long discourses are used. 因此,它是由约翰福音,一个结论是耶稣的教学车辆部历时3年的天气福音,比喻是耶稣。';在约翰,长期使用的话语。 Although John omits significant events such as the Temptation of Christ and the Transfiguration, he relates a number of events in Jesus' life not found in the synoptic Gospels.虽然约翰省略,如基督的诱惑和变形的重要事件,他涉及的不是福音的天气中发现耶稣的生活事件的数量。

By the time the fourth Gospel was written, in the latter half of the 1st century, Christianity had shifted from Jerusalem to the Aegean world.到了第四个福音写在第1世纪后半期,时间,基督教从耶路撒冷已经转移到爱琴海的世界。The thought of the day was directed more to universal truths than to historical facts.这一天的想法是针对更普遍的真理,而不是历史事实。With the development of Gnosticism, the idea of the spirit was stressed, and the idea of the material was deemphasized. Weaving into his message concepts like truth, light, life, spirit, and word, John aimed to teach that God's eternal truth had become incarnated for the Salvation of humankind in events that happened once for all. He could not overlook historical events because he believed that in Christ the eternal had become flesh and dwelt among humankind.随着诺斯替主义的发展,精神思想是强调和材料的想法是deemphasized。 成一样的道理,光,生命,精神和文字的信息概念织造,约翰的目的是教导神的永恒的真理已成为化身为人类在事件发生后所有救国,他不能忽视的历史事件,因为他认为,在基督的永恒已成为人类之间的血肉住。 For John, the true meaning of the eternal could only be understood through the Revelation of God in the historical person Jesus Christ.对于约翰,永恒的真谛,只能被理解通过上帝启示的历史人物耶稣基督。

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According to a tradition dating from the second half of the 2d century, the author of the Gospel was Saint John, the Apostle.根据传统,从二维世纪下半约会,福音的作者是圣约翰,使徒。Many are still convinced of the tradition's accuracy.许多人仍坚信传统的准确性。Others, while acknowledging that John the Apostle is the source behind the Gospel, refer to John the Elder, a disciple of John, as the author.另一些人虽然承认使徒约翰福音的背后是源,指老约翰,约翰的门徒,作为作者。

Douglas Ezell道格拉斯Ezell

Bibliography 参考书目
CH Dodd, The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel (1960); WF Howard, Christianity According to St. John (1943); EF Scott, The Fourth Gospel (1930); WH Thomas, The Apostle John (1984).CH多德,第四次福音(1960)的解释; WF霍华德,基督教据圣约翰(1943年); EF斯科特,第四福音(1930年); WH托马斯,使徒约翰(1984年)。

Gospel of John福音约翰

Brief Outline简述

  1. Incarnate Word (1:1-18)化身字(1:1-18)
  2. Testimony to Jesus' Messiahship (1:19-2:11)见证耶稣的弥赛亚(1:19-2:11)
  3. Christ's self-revelation, through words and deeds (2:12-12:50)基督的自我启示,通过言传身教,(2:12-12:50)
  4. Christ's self-revelation, through His Crucifixion and Resurrection (13-21)基督的自我启示,通过他的受难和复活(13-21)

Gospel of John福音约翰

Advanced Information先进的信息

The genuineness of this Gospel, ie, the fact that the apostle John was its author, is beyond all reasonable doubt.这个福音的真实性,即事实,即它的作者是使徒约翰,是超越一切合理怀疑。In recent times, from about 1820, many attempts have been made to impugn its genuineness, but without success.最近,从大约1820年,许多尝试已作出抨击其真实性,但没有成功。The design of John in writing this Gospel is stated by himself (John 20:31).而约翰在写这福音的设计是由他自己所说(约20:31)。It was at one time supposed that he wrote for the purpose of supplying the omissions of the synoptical, ie, of the first three, Gospels, but there is no evidence for this.这是在同一时间,他应该为供应前三,福音书的提要,即不作为,目的写道,但目前还没有这方面的证据。"There is here no history of Jesus and his teaching after the manner of the other evangelists. But there is in historical form a representation of the Christian faith in relation to the person of Christ as its central point; and in this representation there is a picture on the one hand of the antagonism of the world to the truth revealed in him, and on the other of the spiritual blessedness of the few who yield themselves to him as the Light of life" (Reuss). “这里有没有耶稣的历史和他的教学后,其他福音的方式,但有历史形成是一个有关基督的人作为其中心点基督教信仰的代表;在这表示有一个对世界的对立,一方面了解真相的图片揭示了他,对少数谁收益的生命之光“(罗伊斯)自己对他的精神幸福等。

After the prologue (1:1-5), the historical part of the book begins with verse 6, and consists of two parts.经过序幕(1:1-5),该书的历史部分开始第6节,和由两部分组成。The first part (1: 6-ch. 12) contains the history of our Lord's public ministry from the time of his introduction to it by John the Baptist to its close.第一部分(1:6 - CH 12)包含了我们的主的从他的介绍给它时间公安部约翰的洗礼,以密切的历史。The second part (ch. 13-21) presents our Lord in the retirement of private life and in his intercourse with his immediate followers (13-17), and gives an account of his sufferings and of his appearances to the disciples after his resurrection (18-21).第二部分(章13-21)载列的私人生活和他的退休与他(13-17)立即追随者性交我们的主,并给出了后,他复活了他的痛苦和他的弟子出场帐户(18-21)。 The peculiarities of this Gospel are the place it gives (1) to the mystical relation of the Son to the Father, and (2) of the Redeemer to believers; (3) the announcement of the Holy Ghost as the Comforter; (4) the prominence given to love as an element in the Christian character.这个福音的特点是它给地方(1)到到儿子的父亲神秘的关系,(2)救赎信徒;(3)作为劝慰圣灵公告;(4)给爱的突出作为一个基督徒字符元素。 It was obviously addressed primarily to Christians.这显然​​主要针对基督徒。It was probably written at Ephesus, which, after the destruction of Jerusalem (AD 70), became the centre of Christian life and activity in the East, about AD 90.这可能是写在以弗所,这之后,耶路撒冷(公元70年)的破坏,成为基督徒的生活和活动的中心在东约公元90。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Advanced Information先进的信息

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)

Gospel of St. John福音的圣约翰

Catholic Information天主教信息

This subject will be considered under the following heads:这个问题将被视为根据以下元首:

I. Contents and Scheme of the Gospel;一,内容与福音计划;

II. II。Distinctive Peculiarities;与众不同的特别之处;

III. III。Authorship;作者;

IV. IV。Circumstances of the Composition;的组成情况;

V. Critical Questions Concerning the Text;五,关于文本的关键问题;

VI. VI。Historical Genuineness;道地的历史;

VII.七。Object and Importance.对象和重要性。


According to the traditional order, the Gospel of St. John occupies the last place among the four canonical Gospels.按照传统的秩序,圣约翰福音占据了其中的四个典型福音敬陪末座。Although in many of the ancient copies this Gospel was, on account of the Apostolic dignity of the author inserted immediately after or even before the Gospel of St. Matthew, the position it occupies today was from the beginning the most usual and the most approved.虽然在许多古老的副本这福音上的后甚至以前的圣马太,它占据的位置插入福音使徒尊严帐户笔者今天从一开始就最常用和最批准。 As regards its contents, the Gospel of St. John is a narrative of the life of Jesus from His baptism to His Resurrection and His manifestation of Himself in the midst of His disciples.至于其内容,圣约翰福音是耶稣的生命从他的洗礼,他的复活和他对自己的表现在他的弟子之中的叙述。The chronicle falls naturally into four sections:纪事属于自然分为四个部分:

the prologue (i, 1-18), containing what is in a sense a brief epitome of the whole Gospel in the doctrine of the Incarnation of the Eternal Word;序幕(I,1-18),包含什么在某种意义上是在永恒的Word化身主义整个福音简短的缩影;

the first part (i, 19-xii, 50), which recounts the public life of Jesus from His baptism to the eve of His Passion,第一部分(I,19十二,50),其中叙述了耶稣的公共生活,从他的洗礼,他的激情前夕,

the second part (xiii-xxi, 23), which relates the history of the Passion and Resurrection of the Saviour;第二部分(十三,二十一,23),其中涉及的激情和救主复活的历史;

a short epilogue (xxi, 23-25), referring to the great mass of the Saviour's words and works which are not recorded in the Gospel.短尾声(XXI,​​23-25​​),指的是救世主的话,哪些不是在福音记载的伟大工程的质量。

When we come to consider the arrangement of matter by the Evangelist, we find that it follows the historical order of events, as is evident from the above analysis.当我们来考虑的传播者物质的安排,我们发现,它遵循历史事件的顺序,是显而易见的,从上面的分析。But the author displays in addition a special concern to determine exactly the time of the occurrence and the connection of the various events fitted into this chronological framework.但作者显示,除了特殊的关注,以确定确切的时间的发生和将这个年代框架安装的各种事件有关。This is apparent at the very beginning of his narrative when, as though in a diary he chronicles the circumstances attendant on the beginning of the Saviour's public ministry, with four successive definite indications of the time (i, 29, 35, 43, ii, 1).这是明显的在他的叙述开始时,仿佛在日记中,他记述了对救世主的公共事务部开始的情况下随之而来的连续四个明确的时间标志(I,29,35,43,二, 1)。He lays special emphasis on the first miracles: "This beginning of miracles did Jesus in Cana of Galilee" (ii, 11), and "This is again the second miracle that Jesus did, when he was come out of Judea into Galilee" (iv, 54).他的第一个奇迹奠定了特别强调:“这种奇迹也开始在加利利的迦拿耶稣”(二,11),“这又是第二个奇迹,耶稣,当他来到了犹太加利利”(四,54)。 Finally, he refers repeatedly throughout to the great religious and national festivals of the Jews for the purpose of indicating the exact historical sequence of the facts related (ii, 13; v, 1; vi, 4; vii, 2; x, 22; xii, 1, xiii, 1).最后,他多次提到在整个向伟大的宗教和民族的犹太人节日为说明确切的相关事实的历史序列(二,13条的目的,V,1;六,4;七,2,X,22;十二,1,十三,1)。

All the early and the majority of modern exegetes are quite justified, therefore, in taking this strictly chronological arrangement of the events as the basis of their commentaries.所有早期和现代注释者大多数是很有道理的,因此,在服用此作为其评论的基础上严格按时间顺序排列的事件。 The divergent views of a few modern scholars are without objective support either in the text of the Gospel or in the history of its exegesis.对一些现代学者的不同意见是没有客观的支持无论是在福音的文字或在其注释的历史。


The Fourth Gospel is written in Greek, and even a superficial study of it is sufficient to reveal many peculiarities, which give the narrative a distinctive character.第四福音写在希腊,甚至是它表面的研究足以揭示许多特殊性,从而使该叙述鲜明的时代特色。Especially characteristic is the vocabulary and diction.尤其特点是词汇和文辞。His vocabulary is, it is true, less rich in peculiar expressions than that of Paul or of Luke: he uses in all about ninety words not found in any other hagiographer.他的词汇,它是真实的,独特的表现形式丰富较少比保罗或卢克说:他在所有使用大约不会在任何其他hagiographer发现ninety话。 More numerous are the expressions which are used more frequently by John than by the other sacred writers.越多的使用是由约翰更频繁地比其他作家的神圣表情。Moreover, in comparison with the other books of the New Testament, the narrative of St. John contains a very considerable portion of those words and expressions which might be called the common vocabulary of the Four Evangelists.此外,与新约的其他书籍比较,圣约翰叙事包含了这些话,哪些可以称为四大福音常见的词汇表达相当一部分。

What is even more distinctive than the vocabulary is the grammatical use of particles, pronouns, prepositions, verbs, etc., in the Gospel of St. John.什么是词汇量甚至超过了有特色的是颗粒,代词,介词,动词等语法的使用,在圣约翰福音。It is also distinguished by many peculiarities of style, -- asyndeta, reduplications, repetitions, etc. On the whole, the Evangelist reveals a close intimacy with the Hellenistic speech of the first century of our era.这也是许多特殊性的风格,尊贵 - asyndeta,reduplications,重复,整体等,福音揭示了与我们这个时代一世纪古希腊演说密切的亲密关系。which receives at his hands in certain expressions a Hebrew turn.它接收在某些词句希伯来又在他的手中。His literary style is deservedly lauded for its noble, natural, and not inartistic simplicity.他的文学风格是当之无愧称赞其高贵,自然,而不是不懂艺术的简单性。He combines in harmonious fashion the rustic speech of the Synoptics with the urban phraseology of St. Paul.他结合了时尚与和谐的城市圣保罗的用语对观福音质朴的讲话。

What first attracts our attention in the subject matter of the Gospel is the confinement of the narrative to the chronicling of events which took place in Judea and Jerusalem.第一次是什么吸引了福音的题材我们注意的是,叙事关押的事件发生在犹大和耶路撒冷的地方记载。Of the Saviour's labours in Galilee John relates but a few events, without dwelling on details, and of these events only two -- the multiplication of the loaves and fishes (vi, 1-16), and the sea-voyage (vi, 17-21) -- are already related in the Synoptic Gospels.在加利利约翰事件有关,但一些细节没有住所,以及这些事件只有两个救主的劳动力 - 的面包和鱼(六,1-16)乘法和海远航(六,17 -21) - 已经在对观福音有关。

A second limitation of material is seen in the selection of his subject-matter, for compared with the other Evangelists, John chronicles but few miracles and devotes his attention less to the works than to the discourses of Jesus.第二个限制的物质被认为是在他的题材选择,为与其他福音,约翰记述却少有的奇迹,致力于他的注意不到的耶稣的话语的作品。 In most cases the events form, as it were, but a frame for the words, conversation, and teaching of the Saviour and His disputations with His adversaries.在大多数情况下,事件的形式,因为它是,而是一个的话,谈话,和救主和他的对手,他disputations教学框架。 In fact it is the controversies with the Sanhedrists at Jerusalem which seem especially to claim the attention of the Evangelist.其实,这是与在耶路撒冷Sanhedrists这似乎特别要求的传播者关注的争议。On such occasions John's interest, both in the narration of the circumstances and in the recording of the discourses and conversation of the Saviour, is a highly theological one.在这样的场合,约翰的兴趣都在叙述的情况,并在话语和谈话录音的救世主,是一个高度神学之一。With justice, therefore, was John conceded even in the earliest ages of Christianity, the honorary title of the "theologian" of the Evangelists.与正义,因此,是约翰承认在基督教的“神学家”荣誉称号的福音,甚至最早的年龄。There are, in particular, certain great truths, to which he constantly reverts in his Gospel and which may be regarded as his governing ideas, special mention should be made of such expressions as the Light of the World, the Truth, the Life, the Resurrection, etc. Not infrequently these or other phrases are found in pithy, gnomic form at the beginning of a colloquy or discourse of the Saviour, and frequently recur, as a leitmotif, at intervals during the discourse (eg vi, 35, 48, 51, 58; x, 7, 9; xv, 1, 5; xvii, 1, 5; etc.).有,特别是一些大道理,要不断恢复,他在他的福音,并可能被视为他的治国理念,特别值得一提的是作为世界的光,真理,生命,这样的表现使得复活等不得这些或其他短语经常被发现在短小精悍,格言的形式在一个讨论会或救主话语的开始,并经常复发,作为主旋律,在话语的时间间隔(例如,vi,35,48, 51,58,X,7,9;十五,1,5;十七,1,5,等等)。

In a far higher degree than in the Synoptics, the whole narrative of the Fourth Gospel centres round the Person of the Redeemer.在比对观福音远程度越高,第四轮福音中心的整个叙事的救世主的人。 From his very opening sentences John turns his gaze to the inmost recesses of eternity, to the Divine Word in the bosom of the Father.从他非常开放的句子约翰转动他的目光投向永恒的内心深处的深处,要在父怀里的圣言。He never tires of portraying the dignity and glory of the Eternal Word Who vouchsafed to take up His abode among men that, while receiving the revelation of His Divine Majesty, we might also participate in the fullness of His grace and truth.他从来没有轮胎,描绘的尊严和永恒的Word谁赐予占用男性,虽然接受了他的神陛下的启示,我们也可能参与了他的恩典和真理丰满他的居留权的荣耀。 As evidence of the Divinity of the Saviour the author chronicles some of the great wonders by which Christ revealed His glory, but he is far more intent on leading us to a deeper understanding of Christ's Divinity and majesty by a consideration of His words, discourses, and teaching, and to impress upon our minds the far more glorious marvels of His Divine Love.截至救主神的证据作者记述了由基督显示他的荣耀的伟大奇迹一些,但他更对领导由他的话,话语考虑我们的基督的神性和威严更深入的了解意图,与教学,并在我们心中留下深刻的印象他的神圣的爱更辉煌的奇迹。


If we except the heretics mentioned by Irenaeus (Adv. haer., III, xi, 9) and Epiphanius (Haer., li, 3), the authenticity of the Fourth Gospel was scarcely ever seriously questioned until the end of the eighteenth century.如果我们只有通过爱任纽(Adv. haer,,三,十一,9)和埃皮法尼乌斯(Haer.,李,3)条所述的异端,在第四福音的真实性几乎是有史以来严重质疑,直到十八世纪末。Evanson (1792) and Bretschneider (1820) were the first to run counter to tradition in the question of the authorship, and, since David Friedrich Strauss (1834-40) adopted Bretschneider's views and the members of the Tübingen School, in the wake of Ferdinand Christian Baur, denied the authenticity of this Gospel, the majority of the critics outside the Catholic Church have denied that the Fourth Gospel was authentic. Evanson(1792)和Bretschneider(1820)是第一个运行中的著作权问题反传统,而且,由于大卫弗里德里希施特劳斯(1834年至1840年)通过Bretschneider的意见和蒂宾根大学学院的成员,在唤醒费迪南德基督教鲍尔,否认了这个福音的真实性,境外天主教教会的批评大多数否认第四福音是真实的。 On the admission of many critics, their chief reason lies in the fact that John has too clearly and emphatically made the true Divinity of the Redeemer, in the strict metaphysical sense, the centre of his narrative.对许多评论家承认,他们的主要的原因在于有太多的事实清楚,约翰强调在严格的形而上学意义上说,他的叙述中心的救世主真神。 However, even Harnack has had to admit that, though denying the authenticity of the Fourth Gospel, he has sought in vain for any satisfactory solution of the Johannine problem: "Again and again have I attempted to solve the problem with various possible theories, but they led me into still greater difficulties, and even developed into contradictions."然而,即使哈尔纳克不得不承认,虽然否认第四福音的真实性,他在对任何问题的圆满解决的约翰徒劳寻求:“我有一次又一次试图解决各种可能的理论问题,但他们带领我到更大的困难,甚至发展成矛盾。“ ("Gesch. der altchristl. Lit.", I, pt. ii, Leipzig, 1897, p. 678.)(“Gesch。DER altchristl。点燃 ”,我,角二,莱比锡,1897年,页678。)

A short examination of the arguments bearing on the solution of the problem of the authorship of the Fourth Gospel will enable the reader to form an independent judgment.一个是对的第四福音的作者问题的解决轴承参数短考试使读者形成一个独立的判断。

Direct Historical Proof直接的历史证明

If, as is demanded by the character of the historical question, we first consult the historical testimony of the past, we discover the universally admitted fact that, from the eighteenth century back to at least the third, the Apostle John was accepted without question as the author of the Fourth Gospel.如果象是由历史问题性质的要求,我们先咨询了过去的历史见证,我们发现普遍承认的事实是,从十八世纪至少可以追溯到第三,使徒约翰是毫无疑问的接受在第四福音的作者。 In the examination of evidence therefore, we may begin with the third century, and thence proceed back to the time of the Apostles.在审查证据,因此,我们可以开始与第三世纪,从那里出发回到使徒的时间。

The ancient manuscripts and translations of the Gospel constitute the first group of evidence.古老的手稿和福音翻译构成第一组证据。In the titles, tables of contents, signatures, which are usually added to the text of the separate Gospels, John is in every case and without the faintest indication of doubt named as the author of this Gospel.在标题,内容,签名,通常添加到单独的福音文字表格,约翰是在任何情况下,没有疑问微弱迹象作为本福音书作者的名字命名。 The earliest of the extant manuscripts, it is true, do not date back beyond the middle of the fourth century, but the perfect unanimity of all the codices proves to every critic that the prototypes of these manuscripts, at a much earlier date, must have contained the same indications of authorship.而现存最早的手稿,这是事实,做not追溯到超出了第四世纪中叶,但所有的抄本完美的一致,证明每一个评论家,这些手稿的原型,在更较早的日期,必须有包含了作者同样的迹象。 Similar is the testimony of the Gospel translations, of which the Syrian, Coptic, and Old Latin extend back in their earliest forms to the second century.类似的是翻译的福音见证,其中叙利亚,科普特人,和老拉丁语扩展早在其最早形式的第二个世纪。

The evidence given by the early ecclesiastical authors, whose reference to questions of authorship is but incidental, agrees with that of the above mentioned sources.在早期教会作家,他们参考了作者的问题不过是偶然的,给予同意的证据与上述来源。St. Dionysius of Alexandria (264-5), it is true, sought for a different author for the Apocalypse, owing to the special difficulties which were being then urged by the Millennarianists in Egypt; but he always took for granted as an undoubted fact that the Apostle John was the author of the Fourth Gospel.圣亚历山大(264-5)狄奥尼修斯,这是事实,寻求一个启示,由于这被当时在埃及Millennarianists敦促特殊困难不同的作者,但他始终把为作为一个不容置疑的事实授予该使徒约翰是第四福音的作者。 Equally clear is the testimony of Origen (d. 254).同样清楚的是奥利(四254)的证词。He knew from the tradition of the Church that John was the last of the Evangelists to compose his Gospel (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", VI, xxv, 6), and at least a great portion of his commentary on the Gospel of St. John, in which he everywhere makes clear his conviction of the Apostolic origin of the work has come down to us.他知道,从教会的传统,约翰福音的最后撰写他的福音(优西比乌,“组织胺。传道书”,六,二十五,6),并至少对他的评论对很大一部分的福音圣约翰,他在世界各地明确了他对工作的使徒的起源信念已下降到我们。 Origen's teacher, Clement of Alexandria (d. before 215-6), relates as "the tradition of the old presbyters", that the Apostle John, the last of the Evangelists, "filled with the Holy Ghost, had written a spiritual Gospel" (Eusebius, op. cit., VI, xiv, 7).奥利的老师,亚历山大(前215-6 D.)克莱门特,涉及为“老长老传统”,即使徒约翰的福音,最后“与圣灵充满,写了一个精神的福音” (尤西比乌斯,前引书,六,十四,7)。

Of still greater importance is the testimony of St. Irenæus, Bishop of Lyons (d. about 202), linked immediately with the Apostolic Age as he is, through his teacher Polycarp, the disciple of the Apostle John.更重要的是静止的圣爱任纽,里昂主教(约202 D.),见证使徒时代联系在一起的,因为他马上通过他的老师波利卡普,在使徒约翰的门徒。The native country of Irenaeus (Asia Minor) and the scene of his subsequent ministry (Gaul) render him a witness of the Faith in both the Eastern and the Western Church.祖国的爱任纽(小亚细亚)和他后来的事工(高卢)场景使他同时在东方和西方教会的信仰见证。He cites in his writings at least one hundred verses from the Fourth Gospel, often with the remark, "as John, the disciple of the Lord, says".他引用他的著作中从第四福音往往与这句话,至少有百节,“约翰,主的门徒,说:”。In speaking of the composition of the Four Gospels, he says of the last: "Later John, the disciple of the Lord who rested on His breast, also wrote a Gospel, while he was residing at Ephesus in Asia" (Adv. Haer., III, i, n. 2).在四个福音成分讲,他说,过去:“后来约翰,主的门徒谁在他的乳房休息,还写了福音,当他在以弗所居住在亚洲”(Adv. Haer。 ,三,一,N. 2)。As here, so also in the other texts it is clear that by "John, the disciple of the Lord," he means none other than the Apostle John.由于在这里,所以在其他文本也很明显,由“约翰,主的门徒,”他的意思无非是使徒约翰等。

We find that the same conviction concerning the authorship of the Fourth Gospel is expressed at greater length in the Roman Church, about 170, by the writer of the Muratorian Fragment (lines 9-34).我们发现,同样的信念有关的第四福音的作者是在更大的长度在罗马教会,约170个由穆拉多利片段(9-34行)作家表示。 Bishop Theophilus of Antioch in Syria (before 181) also cites the beginning of the Fourth Gospel as the words of John (Ad Autolycum, II, xxii).西奥菲勒斯主教在叙利亚(前181)的安提阿也引用了约翰的话,作为第四福音开始(广告Autolycum,II,22)。 Finally, according to the testimony of a Vatican manuscript (Codex Regin Sueci seu Alexandrinus, 14), Bishop Papias of Hierapolis in Phrygia, an immediate disciple of the Apostle John, included in his great exegetical work an account of the composition of the Gospel by St. John during which he had been employed as scribe by the Apostle.最后,根据对梵蒂冈的手稿(食品REGIN Sueci SEU Alexandrinus,14),主教希拉波利斯帕皮亚在弗里吉亚,一个使徒约翰立即弟子的证词,包括在他伟大的训诂工作的一个福音组成帐户圣约翰在此期间,他被聘请为隶的使徒。

It is scarcely necessary to repeat that, in the passages referred to, Papias and the other ancient writers have in mind but one John, namely the Apostle and Evangelist, and not some other Presbyter John, to be distinguished from the Apostle.这是几乎要重复的是,在段落提到,考虑帕皮亚和其他古代作家约翰只有一个,即使徒和传播者,而不是其他一些长老约翰,是从使徒区别开来。 (See JOHN THE EVANGELIST, SAINT.)(见约翰福音,圣。)

Indirect External Evidence间接外部证据

In addition to the direct and express testimony, the first Christian centuries testify indirectly in various ways to the Johannine origin of the Fourth Gospel.除了直接和明确的证词,第一个基督教世纪作证间接到第四福音约翰起源的各种方式。Among this indirect evidence the most prominent place must be assigned to the numerous citations of texts from the Gospel which demonstrate its existence and the recognition of its claim to form a portion of the canonical writings of the New Testament, as early as the beginning of the second century.在这种间接证据的最显眼的地方,必须分配给它的福音证明它的存在和其声称的认可,形成了新约的规范文本的许多著作中引用的部分,只要在年初开始第二个世纪。 St. Ignatius of Antioch, who died under Trajan (98-117), reveals in the quotations, allusions, and theological views found in his Epistles, an intimate acquaintance with the Fourth Gospel.圣安提阿,谁在图拉真(98-117)​​死亡,依纳爵揭示了报价,典故,并在他的书信,与四福音亲密熟人找到神学的看法。 In the writings of the majority of the other Apostolic Fathers, also, a like acquaintance with this Gospel can scarcely be disputed, especially in the case of Polycarp, the "Martyrium of Polycarp", the "Epistle to Diognetus", and the "Pastor" of Hermas (cf. the list of quotations and allusions in FX Funk's edition of the Apostolic Fathers).鉴于大多数其他使徒教父的著作,也与此类似福音熟人几乎可以被争议,特别是在波利卡普的情况下,有“波利卡普Martyrium”中,“书信Diognetus”和“牧师“的黑马(比较的报价和外汇Funk的使徒教父版的典故清单)。

In speaking of St. Papias, Eusebius says (Hist. eccl., III, xxxix, 17) that he used in his work passages from the First Epistle of St. John.在圣帕皮亚说,尤西比乌斯说(Hist.传道书。,三,三十九,17),他在他的工作通道用于从圣约翰第一书信。But this Epistle necessarily presupposes the existence of the Gospel, of which it is in a way the introduction or companion work.但是,这书信一定的前提条件是福音的存在,它是一种引入或伴侣的工作。 Furthermore, St. Irenæus (Adv. Haer., V, xxxii, 2) cites a sentence of the "presbyters" which contains a quotation from John, xiv, 2, and, according to the opinion of those entitled to speak as critics, St. Papias must be placed in the front rank of the presbyters.此外,圣爱任纽(Adv. Haer。,V,三十二,2)引用了的“长老”,它包含了从约翰,十四,2,报价,并根据有权发言,批评者认为句子,圣帕皮亚必须放置在长老的前列。

Of the second-century apologists, St. Justin (d. about 166), in an especial manner, indicates by his doctrine of the Logos, and in many passages of his apologies the existence of the Fourth Gospel.第二个世纪的辩护士,圣贾斯汀(约166 D.),在一个特殊的方式,表明了他对标志的学说,并在他道歉的第四福音存在许多段落。His disciple Tatian, in the chronological scheme of his "Diatessaron", follows the order of the Fourth Gospel, the prologue of which he employs as the introduction to his work.他的弟子塔蒂安在他的“Diatessaron”按时间顺序计划,遵循四福音的序言,其中他作为他的工作的介绍采用的顺序。 In his "Apology" also he cites a text from the Gospel.在他的“道歉”还援引他的福音文本。

Like Tatian, who apostatizedabout 172 and joined the Gnostic sect of the Encratites, several other heretics of the second century also supply indirect testimony concerning the Fourth Gospel.像塔蒂安,谁apostatized约172,并加入了诺斯底教派的Encratites,第二世纪其他一些异端也提供间接的证词关于第四福音。 Basilides appeals to John, i, 8, and ii, 4.巴西里德呼吁约翰,我8,二,4。Valentine seeks support for his theories of the ons in expressions taken from John; his pupil Heracleon composed, about 160, a commentary on the Fourth Gospel, while Ptolemy, another of his followers, gives an explanation of the prologue of the Evangelist.情人节,旨在为在表达式从约翰采取插件支持他的理论,他的瞳孔Heracleon组成,约有160对四福音的评论,而托勒密,他的追随者另外,给出了一个解释的传播者序幕。 Marcion preserves a portion of the canonical text of the Gospel of St. John (xiii, 4-15; xxxiv, 15, 19) in his own apocryphal gospel.马吉安保留了对圣约翰(十三,4-15;三十四,15,19)福音的规范文本部分在他自己的猜测福音。 The Montanists deduce their doctrine of the Paraclete mainly from John, xv and xvi.该Montanists推断主要来自约翰,十五和十六他们对圣灵的教义。Similarly in his "True Discourse" (about 178) the pagan philosopher Celsus bases some of his statements on passages of the Fourth Gospel.同样,在他的“真话语”(约178)异教徒的哲学家塞尔苏斯基础上的第四福音经文,他的一些言论。

On the other hand, indirect testimony concerning this Gospel is also supplied by the oldest ecclesiastical liturgies and the monuments of early Christian art.另一方面,间接证明有关本福音也提供了最古老的宗教礼仪和早期基督教艺术的纪念碑。As to the former, we find from the very beginning texts from the Fourth Gospel used in all parts of the Church, and not infrequently with special predilection.至于前者,我们发现从在教会的所有部分使用第四福音一开始文本,而不是偶尔有特殊偏好。Again, to take one example, the raising of Lazarus depicted in the Catacombs forms, as it were, a monumental commentary on the eleventh chapter of the Gospel of St. John.再次,举个例子,描绘了拉撒路提高在地下墓穴形式,因为它是,就在圣约翰福音第十章不朽的评论。

The Testimony of the Gospel Itself福音本身的证词

The Gospel itself also furnishes an entirely intelligible solution of the question of authorship.福音本身也furnishes一个作者的问题完全可以理解的解决方案。

(1) The general character of the work(1)一般性质的工作

In the first place from the general character of the work we are enabled to draw some inferences regarding its author.在从一般性质的工作,我们首先启用得出一些推论关于它的作者。 To judge from the language, the author was a Palestinian Jew, who was well acquainted with the Hellenic Greek of the upper classes.判断从语言,作者是巴勒斯坦的犹太人,谁是很好地与上层阶级的希腊希腊的认识。He also displays an accurate knowledge of the geographical and social conditions of Palestine even in his slightest incidental references.他还显示了巴勒斯坦的地理和社会甚至在他丝毫附带引用情况的准确了解。He must have enjoyed personal intercourse with the Saviour and must even have belonged to the circle of his intimate friends.他必须有享受与救主的个人交往,而且必须连属于他的亲密的朋友圈。The very style of his chronicle shows the writer to have been an eyewitness of most of the events.他的记载非常风格显示了作家一直是最目击者的事件。Concerning the Apostles John and James the author shows a thoroughly characteristic reserve.关于使徒约翰和詹姆斯笔者展示了一个彻底的特点储备。He never mentions their names, although he gives those of most of the Apostles, and once only, and then quite incidentally, speaks of "the sons of Zebedee" (xxi, 2).他从不提及自己的名字,尽管他给出的使徒大多数人,而一旦只,然后很顺便提一句,在“西庇太的儿子”(XXI,​​2)说话。 On several occasions, when treating of incidents in which the Apostle John was concerned, he seems intentionally to avoid mentioning his name (John 1:37-40; 18:15, 16; cf. 20:3-10).有几次,当其中使徒约翰处理有关事件,他似乎有意避免提及他的名字(约1:37-40; 18:15,16;比照20:3-10)。He speaks of John the precursor nine times without giving him the title of "the Baptist", as the other Evangelists invariably do to distinguish him from the Apostle.他谈到了约翰的前兆没有给他的“浸”的称号,因为其他福音,无不以区别于使徒他九次。All these indications point clearly to the conclusion that the Apostle John must have been the author of the Fourth Gospel.所有这些迹象表明清楚的是使徒约翰一定是第四福音的作者的结论。

(2) The express testimony of the author(2)表达了作者的证词

Still clearer grounds for this view are to be found in the express testimony of the author.对于这种观点仍清楚地是在表达了作者的证词中找到。Having mentioned in his account of the Crucifixion that the disciple whom Jesus loved stood beneath the Cross beside the mother of Jesus (John 19:26 sqq.), he adds, after telling of the Death of Christ and the opening of His side, the solemn assurance: "And he that saw it hath given testimony; and his testimony is true. And he knoweth that he saith true: that you also may believe" (xix, 35).经在他的受难帐户提到,耶稣所爱的门徒下旁边的耶稣(约翰福音19:26 SQQ)母亲交叉站着,他补充说,经过对基督的死和他的方开幕后,告诉庄严的保证:“他是看到它赐给的证词,以及他的证词是真实的,他knoweth他仰真:你也可以相信。”(十九35)。 According to the admission of all John himself is the "disciple whom the Lord loved".据约翰本人所有入场的是“弟子谁主爱”。 His testimony is contained in the Gospel which for many consecutive years he has announced by word of mouth and which he now sets down in writing for the instruction of the faithful.他的证词是包含在其中,他已连续多年通过嘴和哪个字宣布他现在套下来的书面指令的忠实福音。He assures us, not merely that this testimony is true, but that he was a personal witness of its truth.他向我们保证,不只是这个证词是真实的,但他是其真实的个人见证。In this manner he identifies himself with the disciple beloved of the Lord who alone could give such testimony from intimate knowledge.通过这种方式,他认同的弟子主谁能够单独给熟悉这些证词从心爱自己。Similarly the author repeats this testimony at the end of his Gospel.同样,笔者重复这在他的福音结束的证词。After again referring to the disciple whom Jesus loved, he immediately adds the words: "This is that disciple who giveth testimony of these things, and hath written these things; and we know that his testimony is true" (John 21:24).经过再次提到耶稣所爱的门徒,他马上补充说的话:“这是谁的弟子赐这些东西的证词,和祂所写这些东西,而我们知道,他的证词是真实的”(约翰福音21:24)。 As the next verse shows, his testimony refers not merely to the events just recorded but to the whole Gospel.由于下诗句表明,他的证词指的不是仅仅只是记录的事件,但对整个福音。It is more in accordance with the text and the general style of the Evangelist to regard these final words as the author's own composition, should we prefer, however, to regard this verse as the addition of the first reader and disciple of the Apostle, the text constitutes the earliest and most venerable evidence of the Johannine origin of the Fourth Gospel.正是在与文本和传播者视为作者自己的组成这些最终话概括式的规定多,我们应该更喜欢,但是,对于作为第一个读者和使徒的门徒除了这一节中,文字构成了第四福音约翰起源最早,最古老的证据。

(3) Comparison of the Gospel to the Johannine epistles(3)比较福音的​​约翰书信

Finally we can obtain evidence Concerning the author from the Gospel itself, by comparing his work with the three Epistles, which have retained their place among the Catholic Epistles as the writings of the Apostle John.最后,我们可以获取有关证据的福音本身的作者,通过比较三个书信,其中有保留,作为使徒约翰的著作天主教教会他们的地方他的工作。 We may here take for granted as a fact admitted by the majority of the critics, that these Epistles are the work of the same writer, and that the author was identical with the author of the Gospel.在这里我们可以采取由多数评论家承认的一个事实批准,这些书信都是相同的作家作品,而作者是与福音的作者是相同的。 In fact the arguments based on the unity of style and language, on the uniform Johannine teaching, on the testimony of Christian antiquity, render any reasonable doubt of the common authorship impossible.其实在风格和语言统一的基础上的论点,在统一的约翰教学,在古代基督教的见证,使任何一个普通的作者不可能合理的怀疑。 At the beginning of the Second and Third Epistles the author styles himself simply "the presbyter" -- evidently the title of honour by which he was commonly known among the Christian community.在第二和第三次书信的作者风格开始自己只是“长老” - 明显的荣誉,他被普遍称为基督教社区之间的称号。On the other hand, in his First Epistle, he emphasizes repeatedly and with great earnestness the feet that he was an eyewitness of the facts concerning the life of Christ to which he (in his Gospel) had borne testimony among the Christians: "That which was from the beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, which we have looked upon and our hands have handled, of the word of life: for the life was manifested; and we have seen and do bear witness, and declare unto you the life eternal, which was with the Father, and hath appeared to us: that which we have seen and have heard, we declare unto you" (1 John 1:1-3; cf. 4:14).另一方面,在他的第一书信,他反复强调,并语重心长地说,他的脚是一个关于基督的生命,他(在他的福音)有证据证明的事实之间的基督徒目击者:“这里面从一开始,我们已经听到,我们有我们的眼睛,这是我们看低我们的手已经处理了生活的话,可见是:为生命的表现,而我们所看到的和做见证,并宣布你们永恒的生命,这与父亲,和祂所出现给我们:这里面我们看到和听到,我们宣布你们“(约翰一书1:1-3;比照4点14)。 This "presbyter" who finds it sufficient to use such an honorary title without qualification as his proper name, and was likewise an eye- and earwitness of the incidents of the Saviour's life, can be none other than the Presbyter John mentioned by Papias, who can in turn be none other than John the Apostle (cf. SAINT JOHN THE EVANGELIST).这种“长老”谁认为有足够的使用没有因为他的正确名称限定这样一个荣誉称号,并被同样的眼睛和对救主的生活事件耳证,可没有比牧师约翰其他提到帕皮亚,谁可以依次莫过于约翰使徒(参圣约翰福音)等。

We can therefore, maintain with the utmost certainty that John the Apostle, the favourite disciple of Jesus, was really the author of the Fourth Gospel.因此,我们可以,保持以最大的肯定,使徒约翰,耶稣最得意的弟子,是真正的四福音的作者。


Passing over the intimate circumstances with which early legend has clothed the composition of the Fourth Gospel, we shall discuss briefly the time and place of composition, and the first readers of the Gospel.在早期的传说与它穿在第四福音组成亲密的情况下传递,我们将简要地讨论了组成时间和地点,以及福音的第一读者。

As to the date of its composition we possess no certain historical information.至于其成分迄今为止,我们没有具备一定的历史信息。According to the general opinion, the Gospel is to be referred to the last decade of the first century, or to be still more precise, to 96 or one of the succeeding years.根据一般认为,福音是要提到的第一个世纪的最后十年,还是要更精确,到96或随后的年份之一。The grounds for this opinion are briefly as follows:这个意见的理由是简述如下:

the Fourth Gospel was composed after the three Synoptics;第四福音组成后三观福音;

it was written after the death of Peter, since the last chapter - especially xxi, 18-19 presupposes the death of the Prince of the Apostles; it was also written after the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple, for the Evangelist's references to the Jews (cf. particularly xi, 18; xviii, 1; xix, 41) seem to indicate that the end of the city and of the people as a nation is already come;这是写在彼得死后,因为最后一章 - 特别是二十一,18-19的前提条件是王子的使徒死亡,也有人写在耶路撒冷和圣殿被毁的传播者的引用犹太人, (参见尤其是十一,18岁;十八,1;十九,41)似乎表明,城市和作为一个国家人民的一端已来;

the text of xxi, 23, appears to imply that John was already far advanced in years when he wrote the Gospel;在二十一,23,文字似乎暗示约翰已经远远年先进时,他写下了福音;

those who denied the Divinity of Christ, the very point to which St. John devotes special attention throughout his Gospel, began to disseminate their heresy about the end of the first century;那些谁否认基督,非常指向其中圣约翰致力于在他的福音特别注意神,开始传播关于第一世纪末异端邪说;

finally, we have direct evidence concerning the date of composition.最后,我们有直接的证据有关的组成日期。The so-called "Monarchian Prologue" to the Fourth Gospel, which was probably written about the year 200 or a little later, says concerning the date of the appearance of the Gospel: "He [sc. the Apostle John] wrote this Gospel in the Province of Asia, after he had composed the Apocalypse on the Island of Patmos".所谓“Monarchian序幕”的第四福音,这是大概200年或稍晚的书面表示,有关的福音外观日期:“他[SC使徒约翰。]写在这个福音亚洲的省,此前他曾在帕特莫斯组成之岛“的启示。 The banishment of John to Patmos occurred in the last year of Domitian's reign (ie about 95).约翰的流放到帕特莫斯发生在多米提安统治时期(约95 IE)的最后一年。A few months before his death (18 September, 96), the emperor had discontinued the persecution of the Christians and recalled the exiles (Eusebius, "Hist. eccl.", III, xx, nn. 5-7).几个月前,他的死亡(96年9月18日),皇帝已停止迫害的基督徒,并回顾流亡者(优西比乌,“组织胺。传道书”,三,XX,NN 5-7)。This evidence would therefore refer the composition of the Gospel to AD 96 or one of the years immediately following.因此,这方面的证据是指福音的组成公元96或年份之一紧随。

The place of composition was, according to the above-mentioned prologue, the province of Asia.构成发生的是,根据上述序幕,亚洲的省份。Still more precise is the statement of St. Irenaeus, who tells us that John wrote his Gospel "at Ephesus in Asia" (Adv. haer., III, i, 2).但更精确的是圣爱任纽,谁告诉我们,约翰写他的福音“在以弗所在亚洲”(Adv. haer,,三,一,二)语句。All the other early references are in agreement with these statements.所有其他早期的引用与这些陈述协议。The first readers of the Gospel were the Christians of the second and third generations in Asia Minor.福音的第一个读者,在小亚细亚的第二和第三代的基督徒。There was no need of initiating them into the elements of the Faith; consequently John must have aimed rather at confirming against the attacks of its opponents the Faith handed down by their parents.有没有开始进入他们的信仰元素的需要;因此约翰必须有它的目的是对对手的攻击信仰交给他们的父母失望,而确认。


As regards the text of the Gospel, the critics take special exception to three passages, 5:3-4; 7:53-8:11; and 21.至于福音文本,批评采取特殊例外三个段落,5:3-4; 7:53-8:11和21。

John 5:3-4约翰5:3-4

The fifth chapter tells of the cure of the paralytic at the pool of Bethsaida in Jerusalem.第五章讲述在伯赛大池在耶路撒冷的麻痹治愈。According to the Vulgate the text of the second part of verse three and verse four runs as follows: ". . . waiting for the moving of the water. And an angel of the Lord descended at certain times into the pond, and the water was moved. And he that went down first into the pond after the motion of the water, was made whole, of whatsoever infirmity he lay under."据武加大了对诗诗4秒三个部分文本运行如下:“为水动等待和对主的使者在特定的时间下降了入池塘,水是 。感动,而他的第一次下降到池塘后,水的运动,是使整个虚弱,他躺在任何根据。“But these words are wanting in the three oldest manuscripts, the Codex Vaticanus (B), Codex Sinaiticus (aleph), and Codex Bez (D), in the original text of the palimpsest of St. Ephraem (C), in the Syrian translation of Cureton, as well as in the Coptic and Sahidic translations, in some minuscules, in three manuscripts of the Itala, in four of the Vulgate, and in some Armenian manuscripts.但这些话是希望在这三个最古老的手稿,食品Vaticanus(B),食品法典西奈抄本(ALEPH),和法典BEZ(D),在圣Ephraem(C)重写本原文,在叙利亚翻译对Cureton,以及在科普特和Sahidic翻译,在一些minuscules,在三个伊泰莱手稿的武加大四,和一些亚美尼亚手稿。 Other copies append to the words a critical sign which indicates a doubt as to their authenticity.其他副本追加到字的关键标志,以表明其真实性毋庸置疑。The passage is therefore regarded by the majority of modern critics, including the Catholic exegetes, Schegg, Schanz, Belser, etc., as a later addition by Papias or some other disciple of the Apostle.因此认为该通道是由现代批评居多,包括天主教exegetes,Schegg,Schanz,贝尔瑟等,通过增加或帕皮亚后来一些其他的使徒弟子。

Other exegetes, eg Corluy, Comely, Knabenbauer, and Murillo, defend the authenticity of the passage urging in its favour important internal and external evidence.其他注释者,如Corluy,清秀,Knabenbauer和穆里略,捍卫对它有利的内部和外部的重要证据,要求通过的真实性。 In the first place the words are found in the Codex Alexandrinus (A), the emended Codex Ephraemi (C), in almost all minuscule manuscripts, in six manuscripts of the Itala, in most of the Bodices of the Vulgate, including the best, in the Syrian Peshito, in the Syrian translation of Philoxenus (with a critical mark), in the Persian, Arabic, and Slavonic translations, and in some manuscripts of the Armenian text.首先的话被发现在食品Alexandrinus(一),emended法典Ephraemi(C),在几乎所有微不足道手稿,在六个伊泰莱手稿,在武加大了紧身衣的大部分,包括最好的,在叙利亚Peshito,在Philoxenus叙利亚翻译(用批判的商标)在波斯语,阿拉伯语,斯拉夫语翻译,并在亚美尼亚一些文字手稿。 More important is the fact that, even before the date of our present bodices, the words were found by many of the Greek and Latin Fathers in the text of the Gospel.更重要的是,即使在我们目前的紧身衣日期,话是由希腊和拉丁教父许多发现的福音文本的事实。This is clear from Tertullian [De bapt., i (before 202)], Didymus of Alexandria [De Trin., II, xiv (about 381)], St. John Chrysostom, St. Cyril of Alexandria, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine [Sermo xv (al. xii), De verbis Evangelii S. Joannis), although the last-mentioned, in his tractate on the Gospel of St. John, omits the passage.这是明确的,从良[德BAPT ,我(前202)],亚历山大Didymus [德TRIN。,二,十四(约381)],圣约翰金口,圣西里尔亚历山大,圣刘汉铨,圣奥古斯丁[Sermo十五(al.十二),德verbis Evangelii S. Joannis),虽然最后提到,在他的圣约翰福音短文,省略了通过。

The context of the narrative seems necessarily to presuppose the presence of the words.的叙述中,似乎一定要的前提是存在的话。The subsequent answer of the sick man (v. 7), "Sir, I have no man, when the water is troubled, to put me into the pond. For whilst I am coming, another goeth down before me", could scarcely be intelligible without verse 4, and the Evangelist is not accustomed to omit such necessary information from his text.该病夫(7节)随后回答,“先生,我没有男人,当水的困扰,投入池塘我对于虽然我来之前,我又goeth下”,几乎无法进行不理解的诗句4,和传播者,是不习惯于忽略他的文字等必要的信息。 Thus both sides have good grounds for their opinions, and no final decision on the question, from the standpoint of the textual critic, seems possible.因此,双方有充分理由的意见,并没有对这一问题的最后决定,从文字评论家的角度来看,似乎成为可能。

John 7:53-8:11约翰7:53-8:11

This passage contains the story of the adulteress.这段话包含了淫妇的故事。The external critical evidence seems in this ease to give still clearer decision against the authenticity of this passage.外部关键证据似乎给依然清晰对这段话的真实性决定在此方便。It is wanting in the four earliest manuscripts (B, A, C, and aleph) and many others, while in many copies it is admitted only with the critical mark, indicative of doubtful authenticity.它是希望在四个最早的手稿(B,A,C和ALEPH)和许多其他人,而在许多副本,只是与关键标志,指示性的真假难分录取。 Nor is it found in the Syrian translation of Cureton, in the Sinaiticus, the Gothic translation, in most codices of the Peshito, or of the Coptic and Armenian translations, or finally in the oldest manuscripts of the Itala.它也不是发现在Cureton叙利亚翻译,在西奈抄本,哥特式的翻译,在Peshito最抄本,或科普特和亚美尼亚的翻译,或终于在伊泰莱最古老的手稿。 None of the Greek Fathers have treated the incident in their commentaries, and, among Latin writers, Tertullian, Cyprian, and Hilary appear to have no knowledge of this pericope.希腊父亲都没有处理这一事件在他们的评论,而且,其中拉丁美洲作家,良,塞浦路斯,和希拉里似乎没有这种pericope知识。 Notwithstanding the weight of the external evidence of these important authorities, it is possible to adduce still more important testimony in favour of the authenticity of the passage.尽管有这些重要部门的外部证据的重量,有可能援引更重要的是通过证言的真实性青睐。As for the manuscripts, we know on the authority of St. Jerome that the incident "was contained in many Greek and Latin codices" (Contra Pelagium, II, xvii), a testimony supported today by the Codex Bez of Canterbury (D) and many others.至于手稿,我们知道在圣杰罗姆的权威,这起事件(魂斗罗Pelagium,二,十七),支持坎特伯雷(D)法典BEZ和今天的证词“在许多希腊和拉丁抄本中”许多其他问题。 The authenticity of the passage is also favoured by the Vulgate, by the Ethiopians Arabic, and Slavonic translations, and by many manuscripts of the Itala and of the Armenian and Syrian text.该通道的真实性也赞成由武加大,由埃塞俄比亚人阿拉伯语,斯拉夫语翻译,由伊泰莱和亚美尼亚和叙利亚文字许多手稿。Of the commentaries of the Greek Fathers, the books of Origen dealing with this portion of the Gospel are no longer extant; only a portion of the commentary of St. Cyril of Alexandria has reached us, while the homilies of St. John Chrysostom on the Fourth Gospel must be considered a treatment of selected passages rather than of the whole text.对希腊教父的评注,书的渊源与此福音部分不再处理现存的,只有一个,圣西里尔亚历山大评论部分已经达到了我们,而屏幕上的颂歌圣约翰金口四是必须考虑的一个福音,而不是整个文本选择的段落处理。 Among the Latin Fathers, Sts.在拉丁神父,STS。Ambrose and Augustine included the pericope in their text, and seek an explanation of its omission from other manuscripts in the fact that the incident might easily give rise to offense (cf. especially Augustine, "De coniugiis adulteris", II, vii).刘汉铨和奥古斯丁包括在其文本pericope,并寻求在事实,这一事件很容易引起犯罪(参见尤其是奥古斯丁,“德coniugiis adulteris”,二,七)其他手稿是其不作为的解释。It is thus much easier to explain the omission of the incident from many copies than the addition of such a passage in so many ancient versions in all parts of the Church.因此,这是很容易来解释比这样一个在教会的所有部分这么古老的版本除了通过多份事件的遗漏。It is furthermore admitted by the critics that the style and mode of presentation have not the slightest trace of apocryphal origin, but reveal throughout the hand of a true master.此外承认这是由评论家,样式和演示模式并没有丝毫的杜撰起源的痕迹,而且在一个真正的大师之手透露。Too much importance should not be attached to variations of vocabulary, which may be found on comparing this passage with the rest of the Gospel, since the correct reading of the text is in many places doubtful, and any such differences of language may be easily harmonized with the strongly individual style of the Evangelist.过多的重要性不应该被重视的词汇的变化,这可能是在比较的福音休息这段发现,因为文字的正确读很多地方是值得怀疑,而且语言中的任何这种差异可能很容易地协调与传播者强烈的个人风格。

It is thus possible, even from the purely critical standpoint, to adduce strong evidence in favour of the canonicity and inspired character of this pericope, which by decision of the Council of Trent, forms a part of the Holy Bible.因此,这是可能的,即使从纯粹批判的角度来看,援引在正规和启发字符这个pericope,其中由理事会特伦特决定,形成了圣经的一部分青睐的有力证据。

John 21约翰21

Concerning the last chapter of the Gospel a few remarks will suffice.关于福音的最后一章讲几句话就足够了。The last two verses of the twentieth chapter indicate clearly indeed that the Evangelist intended to terminate his work here: "Many other signs also did Jesus in the sight of his disciples, which are not written in this book. But these are written, that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God: and that believing, you may have life in his name" (xx, 30 sq.).最后两个二十章经文清楚地表明确实的传播者打算在这里结束他的工作:“许多其他的迹象也没有在他的弟子,这是不是在这书上看到耶稣,但这些都写,说你可以相信耶稣是基督,是神​​的儿子:并且相信,你可能有他的名字“(XX,30平方米)的生活。 But the sole conclusion that can be deduced from this is that the twenty-first chapter was afterwards added and is therefore to be regarded as an appendix to the Gospel.但唯一的结论是,可以从这个推断是,二十一章是事后补充,因此被作为附录视为福音。Evidence has yet to be produced to show that it was not the Evangelist, but another, who wrote this appendix.证据尚未产生表明它不是福音,而是另一个,谁写了这个附录。The opinion is at present fairly general, even among critics, that the vocabulary, style, and the mode of presentation as a whole, together with the subject-matter of the passage reveal the common authorship of this chapter and the preceding portions of the Fourth Gospel.该意见是,目前相当普遍,甚至在批评者,这些词汇,风格,以及作为一个整体演示模式加上通行标的物,揭示了这一章的共同作者和第四部分的前面福音。


Objections Raised against the Historical Character of the Fourth Gospel The historical genuineness of the Fourth Gospel is at the present time almost universally denied outside the Catholic Church.反对意见反对四福音历史风貌的历史真实性的第四福音几乎普遍外,天主教会否认当前时间。 Since David Friedrich Strauss and Ferdinand Christian Baur this denial has been postulated in advance in most of the critical inquiries into the Gospels and the life of Jesus.由于大卫弗里德里希施特劳斯和费迪南德基督教鲍尔拒绝了这一假设在进入福音的关键查询和耶稣生活最先进的。Influenced by this prevailing tendency, Alfred Loisy also reached the point where he openly denied the historicity of the Fourth Gospel; in his opinion the author desired, not to write a history, but to clothe in symbolical garb his religious ideas and theological speculations.通过这一普遍趋势的影响,阿尔弗雷德卢瓦西也达到了这种地步,他公开否认了历史性的第四福音,在他看来笔者预期,不写历史,但穿在他的宗教外衣象征神学思想和猜测。

The writings of Loisy and their rationalistic prototypes, especially those of the German critics, have influenced many later exegetes, who while wishing to maintain the Catholic standpoint in general, concede only a very limited measure of historical genuineness to the Fourth Gospel.理性的卢瓦西及其原型,特别是德国的批评人士的著作,影响了许多后来的注释者,谁同时希望保持在一般天主教的立场,承认只有一个历史的真实性非常有限的措施,第四福音。 Among this class are included those who acknowledge as historical the main outlines of the Evangelist's narrative, but see in many individual portions only symbolical embellishments.在这个类包括那些谁承认作为历史的传播者的叙事主体的轮廓,但看到许多只有象征性的装饰的各个部分。 Others hold with HJ Holtzmann that we must recognize in the Gospel a mixture of the subjective, theological speculations of the author and the objective, personal recollections of his intercourse with Christ, without any possibility of our distinguishing by sure criteria these different elements.其他同HJ HOLTZMANN,我们必须承认,在福音的主观,作者和客观,他个人的回忆与基督神学投机性行为的混合物,没有任何的区别,这些不同的元素一定标准的可能性。 That such a hypothesis precludes any further question as to the historical genuineness of the Johannine narrative, is evident, and is indeed candidly admitted by the representatives of these views.这样的假设排除任何对历史真实性的约翰叙事进一步的问题,是显而易见的,不愧是坦率的这些意见的代表资格。

On examining the grounds for this denial or limitation of the historical genuineness of John we find that they are drawn by the critics almost exclusively from the relation of the Fourth Gospel to the Synoptic narrative.在研究这个否定或​​历史真实性的约翰,我们发现,他们是由各批评从四福音相对于天气的叙述几乎完全限制的理由。 On comparison three points of contrast are discovered: (1) with respect to the events which are related; (2) in regard to the mode of presentation; and (3) in the doctrine which is contained in the narrative.在比较三个点对比,发现:(1)就这些相关的事件(2)关于演示模式;(3)在这是在叙述中的教义。

(1) The events related(1)的事件有关

As regards the events related, the great contrast between John and the Synoptists in the choice and arrangement of materials is especially accentuated.至于事件有关,与约翰和材料的选择和安排的Synoptists巨大的反差是特别突出。The latter show us the Saviour almost exclusively in Galilee, labouring among the common people: John, on the other hand, devotes himself chiefly to chronicling Christ's work in Judea, and His conflicts with the Sanhedrists at Jerusalem.后者表明我们的救主几乎完全在加利利,其中普通百姓劳动:约翰,另一方面,专心的主要是记载基督的工作在朱迪亚,并在耶路撒冷Sanhedrists他的冲突。 An easy solution of this first difficulty is found in the special circumstances attending the composition of the Fourth Gospel.这方面的一个简单的解决方案是第一个困难中找到出席第四福音组成的特殊情况。John may - in fact must - have assumed that the Synoptic narrative was known to his readers at the end of the first century.约翰可能 - 事实上必须 - 假设的天气叙述被称为在第一世纪末他的读者。The interest and spiritual needs of these readers demanded primarily that he supplement the evangelical story in such a manner as to lead to a deeper knowledge of the Person and Divinity of the Saviour, against which the first heresies of Cerinthus, the Ebionites, and the Nicolaites were being already disseminated in Christian communities.在这些读者的兴趣和精神需求的要求主要是,他补充了这样的方式福音的故事,导致该人的神和救主更深入地了解,对其中Cerinthus中,以便尼派和Nicolaites第一歪理邪说已经被传播基督教社区。 But it was chiefly in His discussions with the Scribes and Pharisees at Jerusalem that Christ had spoken of His Person and Divinity.但它主要是在与文士和耶路撒冷的基督和他的神性发言法利赛人的讨论。In his Gospel, therefore John made it his primary purpose to set down the sublime teachings of Our Saviour, to safeguard the Faith of the Christians against the attacks of the heretics.在他的福音,因此约翰使他的主要目的,订下了我们的救主的崇高教义,以防止对异教徒的袭击基督徒的信仰。When we come to consider the individual events in the narrative, three points in particular are brought forward:当我们来考虑在叙述个人项目,特别是三个点,提出:

the duration of Christ's public ministry extends in the Fourth Gospel over at least two years, probably indeed over three years, and some months.基督的公共事务部的持续时间延长,在第四福音了至少两年,可能确实超过三年,有的几个月。However, the Synoptic account of the public life of Jesus can by no means be confined within the narrow space of one year, as some modern critics contend.然而,耶稣的公共生活天气帐户绝对不能被局限在狭小的空间一年,一些现代的批评抗衡。The three earliest Evangelists also suppose the space of at least two years and some months.三个最早的福音也想了至少两年的空间,有些个月。

The purification of the Temple is referred by John to the beginning of the Saviour's ministry, while the Synoptists narrate it at the close.圣殿的净化是指由约翰的救主的职事开始,而Synoptists叙述在关闭它。But it is by no means proven that this purification occurred but once.但它并不意味着这证明净化发生,但一次。The critics bring forward not a single objective reason why we should not hold that the incident, under the circumstances related in the Synoptics, as well as those of the Fourth Gospel, had its historical place at the beginning and at the end of the public life of Jesus.批评者提出的目标不是单一的原因,我们不应该认为这一事件,正在对观福音,以及第四福音的有关情况,曾在年初和市民的生活结束其历史地位耶稣。

Notwithstanding all the objections brought forward, John is in agreement with the Synoptists as to the date of the Last Supper.尽管所有的反对意见提出,约翰与至于最后的晚餐日期Synoptists协议。It occurred on Thursday, the thirteenth day of Nisan, and the Crucifixion took place on Friday, the fourteenth.它发生在周四,尼散月第十三天,在十字架上了上周五举行的第十四届。The fact that according to John, Christ held the Supper with His Apostles on Thursday, while, according to the Synoptists, the Jews ate the paschal lamb on Friday, is not irreconcilable with the above statement.事实上,根据约翰,基督在周四举行的与他的门徒的晚餐,同时,根据Synoptists,犹太人吃了上周五逾越节羔羊,是不符合上述说法不可调和的。 The most probable solution of the question lies in the legitimate and widespread custom, according to which, when the fifteenth of Nisan fell on the Sabbath, as it did in the year of the Crucifixion, the paschal lamb was killed in the evening hours of the thirteenth of Nisan and the paschal feast celebrated on this or the following evening, to avoid all infringement of the strict sabbatic rest.问题的最可能的解决办法是在合法的和普遍的习俗,根据这些,当尼散月十五倒在安息日,因为它在十字架上一年一样,在逾越节的羔羊是在傍晚时死亡尼散月和复活节的盛宴在这个或第二天晚上庆祝第十,避免所有的严格安息休息侵权。

(2) The mode of presentation(2)模式的介绍

As regards the mode of presentation, it is especially insisted that the great sublimity of the Fourth Gospel is difficult to reconcile with the homely simplicity of the Synoptics.至于演示模式,它是特别坚持认为,第四福音的伟大崇高是难以调和的对观福音家常简单。This objection, however, entirely disregards the great differences in the circumstances under which the Gospels were written.这种反对意见,但是,完全无视在其下的福音写成情况的巨大差异。For the Christians of the third generation in Asia living in the midst of flourishing schools, the Fourth Evangelist was forced to adopt an entirely different style from that employed by his predecessors in writing for the newly-converted Jews and pagans of the earlier period.对于在亚洲的繁荣学校生活之中的第三代基督徒,第四福音被迫采取从他的前任雇员在为新转换犹太人和异教徒的前期书面形式完全不同的风格。

Another difficulty raised is the fact that the peculiar Johannine style is found not only in the narrative portions of the Gospel, but also in the discourses of Jesus and in the words of the Baptist and other personages.另一个困难是,提出了独特的风格不仅是约翰在福音的说明部分找到的事实,而且在耶稣的话语,并在香港浸会和其他人士的话。 But we must remember that all the discourses and colloquies had to be translated from Aramaic into Greek, and in this process received from the author their distinctive unity of style.但我们必须记住,所有的话语和colloquies不得不从阿拉姆语翻译成希腊文,并在此过程中,从笔者获得了他们独特的风格统一。 Besides in the Gospel, the intention is by no means to give a verbatim report of every sentence and expression of a discourse, a sermon, or a disputation.此外,在福音,目的决不是让每一个句子和话语,说教,或争论表达逐字报告。The leading ideas alone are set forth in exact accordance with the sense, and, in this manner, also, they come to reflect the style of the Evangelist.单是领导的思想中规定的确切意义上的规定,并以这种方式,同时,他们来反映传播者风格。Finally, the disciple surely received from his Master many of the distinctive metaphors and expressions which imprint on the Gospel its peculiar character.最后,弟子一定会收到他的主人的鲜明印记的隐喻和对福音的特殊字符表达式许多。

(3) The doctrinal content(3)理论内容

The difference in doctrinal content lies only in the external forms and does not extend to the truths themselves.在理论内容的区别只是在于外在形式,不延伸到自己的真理。A satisfactory explanation of the dogmatic character of John's narrative, as compared with the stress laid on the moral side of the discourses of Jesus by the Synoptists, is to be found in the character of his first readers, to which reference has already been repeatedly made.一,约翰的叙事教条性格令人满意的解释,与上由Synoptists耶稣的话语道德方面奠定了压力相比,是要在他的第一读者字符发现,参考哪些已经多次。 To the same cause, also, must be ascribed the further difference between the Gospels namely, why John makes his teaching centre around the Person of Jesus, while the Synoptics bring into relief rather the Kingdom of God.为了同样的原因,也必须归咎于之间的差额即进一步福音,为什么约翰使他周围的人耶稣的教学中心,同时对观福音带入救济,而神的国。 At the end of the first century there was no need for the Evangelist to repeat the lessons concerning the Kingdom of Heaven, already amply treated by his predecessors.在本世纪结束,没有重复的传播者的教训有关天国,他的前任已经充分治疗的需要。His was the especial task to emphasize, in opposition to the heretics, the fundamental truth of the Divinity of the Founder of this Kingdom, and by chronicling those words and works of the Redeemer in which He Himself had revealed the majesty of His glory, to lead the faithful to a more profound knowledge of this truth.他的任务是ESPECIAL强调,在反对异端,对这个王国的创始人神基本真理,和记载这些话和救世主,其中他本人透露了他的荣耀威严作品,引领到了这个道理更深刻的认识忠实。

It is superfluous to say that in the teaching itself, especially regarding the Person of the Redeemer, there is not the slightest contradiction between John and the Synoptists.它是多余地说,在教学本身,特别是关于人的救世主,也没有和约翰之间的Synoptists丝毫的矛盾。The critics themselves have to admit that even in the Synoptic Gospels Christ, when He speaks of His relations with the Father, assumes the solemn "Johannine" mode of speech.批评者也不得不承认,即使在对观福音基督,当他谈到他与父亲的关系,承担的庄严“约翰”的讲话模式。It will be sufficient to recall the impressive words: "And no one knoweth the Son, but the Father: neither doth any one know the Father, but the Son, and he to whom it shall please the Son to reveal him" (Matthew 11:27; Luke 10:22).这将足以令人印象深刻的回忆的话:“没有人knoweth的儿子,但父亲:既不doth任何人知道的父亲,但儿子,他应当向谁请的儿子透露他”(马太福音11 :27,路加福音10:22)。

(4) Positive Evidence for the Historical Genuineness of the Gospel (4)积极证据的福音历史道地

The reasons urged against the genuineness of the Fourth Gospel are devoid of all conclusive force.对第四福音的真实性要求的原因是所有决定性的力量缺乏。On the other hand, its genuineness is vouched for by the whole character of the narrative.另一方面,它的真实性是vouched由叙事的整体特点。From the very beginning the events are portrayed with the precision of an eyewitness; the most minute subsidiary circumstances are mentioned; not the least suggestion can be found that the author had any other object in mind than the chronicling of the strict historical truth.从一开始的事件被刻画的一个目击者的精度;最微小的子公司情况下都提到,不建议至少可以发现,作者有任何记较严格的历史真实记载的其他对象。 A perusal of the passages describing the call of the first disciples (i, 35-51), the Marriage at Cana (ii, 1-11), the conversation with the Samaritan woman (iv, 3-42), the healing of the man born blind (ix, 1-41), the raising of Lazarus (xi, 1-47), is sufficient to convince one that such a chronicle must necessarily lead the readers into error, if the events which are described be otherwise than true in the historical sense.阿的描述的第一个弟子叫(I,35-51),在迦拿婚姻(二,1-11),与撒玛利亚妇人(四,3-42)谈话,对愈合段落细读男人天生的盲人(九,1-41),提高了拉撒路(十一,1-47),是足以说服一个这样的记载必然导致到错误的读者,如果这些描述的事件是,否则不是真正的在历史意义。

To this must be added the express assertion made repeatedly by the Evangelist that he speaks the truth and claims for his words unqualified belief (19:35; 20:30 sq.; 21:24; 1 John 1:1-4).对此必须加上表达断言所作的传播者,他反复讲道理和他的话不合格的信念索赔(19:35,20:30平,21:24,约翰一书1:1-4)。 To reject these assurances is to label the Evangelist a worthless impostor, and to make of his Gospel an unsolvable historical and psychological enigma.要拒绝这些保证是标签的传播者是一种毫无价值的骗子,并利用他的福音一个无法解决的历史和心理之谜。

And finally, the verdict of the entire Christian past has certainly a distinct claim to consideration in this question, since the Fourth Gospel has always been unhesitatingly accepted as one of the chief and historically credible sources of our knowledge of the life of Jesus Christ.最后,整个基督教过去的判决,肯定是要考虑在这个问题上截然不同的说法,因为四福音一直毫不犹豫地作为我们对耶稣基督的生活和历史知识的主要来源可信一个公认的。 With entire justice, therefore, have the contrary views been condemned in clauses 16-18 of the Decree "Lamentabili" (3 July, 1907) and in the Decree of the Biblical Commission of 29 May, 1907.随着整个司法,因此,有相反的意见,在该法令“Lamentabili”(1907年7月3日)第16-18和在5月29日圣经委员会,1907年法令的谴责。


The intention of the Evangelist in composing the Gospel is expressed in the words which we have already quoted: "But these are written that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God" (xx, 31).而在创作的福音传播者的意图是表现在我们已经引用的话:“但这些都写,你可能认为耶稣是基督,是神​​的儿子”(XX,31)。 He wished also by his work to confirm the faith of the disciples in the Messianic character and the Divinity of Christ.他希望通过他的工作也确认的弟子在​​弥赛亚的性格和基督的神的信仰。To attain his object, he selected principally those discourses and colloquies of Jesus in which the self-revelation of the Redeemer laid clearest emphasis on the Divine Majesty of His Being.为了实现他的对象,他选择了主要的话语和耶稣colloquies在其中的救赎自我启示放在了他是神陛下清晰的重视。 In this manner John wished to secure the faithful against the temptations of the false learning by means of which the heretics might prejudice the purity of their faith.约翰希望通过这种方式,以确保对学习的虚假诱惑的手段,其中的异端可能会损害他们的忠实信仰的纯洁性。Towards the narrative of the earlier Evangelists John's attitude was that of one who sought to fill out the story of the words and works of the Saviour, while endeavouring to secure certain incidents from misinterpretation.朝前面叙述约翰福音的态度是一个谁试图填写的文字和作品的救主故事,同时努力争取从某些事件的误解。 His Gospel thus forms a glorious conclusion of the joyous message of the Eternal Word.他的福音从而形成了一个永恒的欢乐讯息光荣字的结论。For all time it remains for the Church the most sublime testimony of her faith in the Son of God, the radiant lamp of truth for her doctrine, the never-ceasing source of loving zeal in her devotion to her Master, Who loves her even to the end.对于所有的时间仍然是她最崇高的信仰,在神的儿子,为她的教义真理光芒四射的灯,在她的爱的奉献热情,以她的主人,谁爱她甚至从未停止对教会的来源证明到底。

Publication information Written by Leopold Fonck.出版信息写利奥波德方克。Transcribed by Michael Little.转录由迈克尔小。The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII.天主教百科全书,音量八。Published 1910.发布1910年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Nihil Obstat,1910年10月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


Commentaries on the Gospel of St. John.评上的圣约翰福音。In early Christian times: the Homilies of ST.在早期基督教时代:意法半导体的颂歌。JOHN CHRYSOSTOM and the Tractates of ST.约翰金口和ST的Tractates。AUGUSTINE; the extant portions of the commentaries of ORIGEN and ST.奥古斯丁;的渊源和ST的评论现存的部分。CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA; the expositions of THEOPHYLACTUS and EUTHYMIUS, who generally follow Chrysostom, and the exegetical works of ST. CYRIL亚历山大;的THEOPHYLACTUS和EUTHYMIUS,一般遵循谁金口,与ST的训诂工作的论述。BEDE, who follows Augustine. BEDE,谁如下奥古斯丁。In the Middle Ages: the interpretations of ST.在中世纪:意法半导体的解释。THOMAS AQUINAS and ST.托马斯阿奎那和ST。BONAVENTURE, of Blessed ALBERTUS MAGNUS, RUPERT of DEUTZ, and ST.文德,MAGNUS阿尔伯图斯的祝福,道依茨鲁珀特和ST。BRUNO OF SEGNI.布鲁诺SEGNI。

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