Book of Leviticus, ספר ויקרא (Hebrew)利未记 书 中文 - Zhong Wen

General Information一般资料

Leviticus is the third book of the Pentateuch, or Torah, the first five books of the Bible, which are traditionally ascribed to Moses.利未记是摩西五,或诵读经文,第一个五年书籍的圣经,这是传统归因于摩西的第三本书。Its name is derived from the tribe Levi (the Levites), which had the responsibility for overseeing Israel's ritual worship. Leviticus consists primarily of laws regulating such activity, including sacrificial offerings, the installation of priests, cultic purity (which includes the dietary laws), and a more general legal collection known as the Holiness Code because of its emphasis on God's holiness.它的名字是来自部落列维(利未人),其中有负责监督以色列的祭祀责任。 利未记包括规范这类活动的法律,包括祭祀,神父安装,邪教纯度(包括饮食规律), 主要 ,以及更一般​​的法律收集的,因为其对神的圣洁强调圣洁守则闻名。These major collections together with several shorter supplements are part of the P source, normally dated to c.这些连同几个较短的补充主要集合的P源的一部分,通常月至C。450 BC.公元前450年。Thus, as a book, Leviticus is postexilic, but the individual laws and various collections within the book differ in age, and some are quite ancient.因此,作为一个书,利未记是postexilic,但个别法律,并在书的各种集合的年龄不同,有些是相当古老。

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Bibliography 参考书目
L Goldberg, Leviticus (1980); SS Kellogg, Studies in Leviticus (1988); BA Levine, In the Presence of the Lord (1974); J Milgrom, Cult and Conscience (1976). L戈德堡,利未记(1980年); SS凯洛格,在利未记研究(1988年); BA莱文,在主(1974年)存在〔J米尔格罗姆,邪教和良心(1976年)。

Book of Leviticus书利未记

Brief Outline简述

  1. Sacrifices and offerings (1-7)牺牲和产品(1-7)
  2. Duties of Priests (8-10)在牧师的职责(8-10)
  3. Cleanliness and Holiness (11-22)清洁度和圣洁(11-22)
  4. Feasts (23)节日(23)
  5. Promises and warnings (25-27)承诺和警告(25-27)


Advanced Information先进的信息

Leviticus is the third book of the Pentateuch; so called in the Vulgate, after the LXX., because it treats chiefly of the Levitical service.利未记是第三本书的摩西五,所以,在武加大称为后LXX,因为它把主要的利未服务。In the first section of the book (1-17), which exhibits the worship itself, there is, (1.) A series of laws (1-7) regarding sacrifices, burnt-offerings, meat-offerings, and thank-offerings (1-3), sin-offerings and trespass-offerings (4; 5), followed by the law of the priestly duties in connection with the offering of sacrifices (6; 7).在书中(1-17),其中展品的崇拜本身的第一个部分,有,(1)一系列的法律(1-7)关于牺牲,烂花产品,肉类产品,并感谢祭(1-3),赎罪祭和赎愆祭(4,5),由与牺牲募股(6,7)连接的司铎职务的法律遵循。 (2.) An historical section (8-10), giving an account of the consecration of Aaron and his sons (8); Aaron's first offering for himself and the people (9); Nadab and Abihu's presumption in offering "strange fire before Jehovah," and their punishment (10). (2)的历史部分(8-10),给人一种奉献帐户的亚伦和他的儿子(8);亚伦的为自己和人民(9)第一款产品;拿答和亚比户的推定在提供“怪火前耶和华,“和他们的处罚(10)。 (3.) Laws concerning purity, and the sacrifices and ordinances for putting away impurity (11-16). (3)有关法律的纯洁性,牺牲和投入远离杂质(11-16)条例。An interesting fact may be noted here.一个有趣的事实可能会注意到这里。

Canon Tristram, speaking of the remarkable discoveries regarding the flora and fauna of the Holy Land by the Palestine Exploration officers, makes the following statement:, "Take these two catalogues of the clean and unclean animals in the books of Leviticus [11] and Deuteronomy [14]. There are eleven in Deuteronomy which do not occur in Leviticus, and these are nearly all animals and birds which are not found in Egypt or the Holy Land, but which are numerous in the Arabian desert. They are not named in Leviticus a few weeks after the departure from Egypt; but after the people were thirty-nine years in the desert they are named, a strong proof that the list in Deuteronomy was written at the end of the journey, and the list in Leviticus at the beginning.佳能崔斯特瑞姆,对有关植物和由巴勒斯坦勘探人员的圣地动物的显着的发现来说,作如下声明:“拿在利未记[11]和申命记书的清洁和不洁的动物这两个目录[14]。申命记中有十一种,不发生在利未记,这些几乎所有的动物,哪些不是在埃及或圣地鸟类,但它们在阿拉伯沙漠众多,他们没有命名在利未记几个星期后,从埃及出发,但在人39年在它们被命名为沙漠,一个有力的证明,在申命记名单是在旅程结束写入,并在利未记在开始列表。

It fixes the writing of that catalogue to one time and period only, viz., that when the children of Israel were familiar with the fauna and the flora of the desert" (Palest. Expl. Quart., Jan. 1887). (4.) Laws marking the separation between Israel and the heathen (17-20). (5.) Laws about the personal purity of the priests, and their eating of the holy things (20;21); about the offerings of Israel, that they were to be without blemish (22:17-33); and about the due celebration of the great festivals (23; 25). (6.) Then follow promises and warnings to the people regarding obedience to these commandments, closing with a section on vows. The various ordinances contained in this book were all delivered in the space of a month (comp. Ex. 40:17; Num. 1:1), the first month of the second year after the Exodus. It is the third book of Moses.它修正了该目录写入一次,期间只,即,当以色列的孩子们与动物和沙漠“(Palest.勘探。夸脱。,1887年1月)熟悉的植物(4 。)法律标志着以色列与异教徒(17-20)(5)对个人纯度法规的祭司,和他们的圣物(20吃分离; 21);关于以色列的产品,即他们将被无污点(22:17-33),以及对伟大的节日而庆祝(23; 25)(6)然后,按照承诺,并警告人们对于服从这些命令,以结束一节誓言在这本书中所包含的各项条例均在一个月的空间(comp.前40:17。;数1:1)发表 ,在出埃及后第二年第一个月,是第三本书的摩西。

No book contains more of the very words of God.没有书包含了神的话非常多。 He is almost throughout the whole of it the direct speaker. This book is a prophecy of things to come, a shadow whereof the substance is Christ and his kingdom. 他几乎是贯穿于它的直接扬声器整个这本书是一个预言的东西来,一个影子以资证明该物质是基督和他的王国。The principles on which it is to be interpreted are laid down in the Epistle to the Hebrews.原则上它是被解释的规定下来的书信向希伯来人。It contains in its complicated ceremonial the gospel of the grace of God.它包含在其复杂的礼仪的神的恩典的福音。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


From: Home Bible Study Commentary by James M. Gray来自:主页圣经研究评论詹姆斯M灰色

The Meaning of the Book for Us对我们来说意义的书

This book is of great value to Christians, containing five distinct revelations of the first importance, Kellogg defines them: (a) the character of God; (b) the fundamental conditions of true religion; (c) the principles that should guide human legislators; (d) the work of Christ; (c) the prophecies in types of things to come in the kingdom of Christ. It reveals the character of God by showing us His holiness, His intolerance of sin, and His mercy to the penitent. 这本书是很有价值的基督徒,包含五个不同的第一个重要启示,凯洛格将它们定义:(一)神的性格;(二)真正的宗教的基本条件;(C)的原则,应指导人类立法者(四)基督的工作;(三)在东西来在基督王国类型的预言它揭示了我们展示他的圣洁,他的罪恶不容忍现象,他毫不留情的忏悔神符。 It teaches us the fundamental truths of true religion by showing the need of a mediator with a propitiatory sacrifice for (Heb. 9:22).它告诉我们通过展示与一个(希伯来书9:22)和解的牺牲调解需要真正的宗教的基本真理。

It reveals the right principles of human legislation concerning civil government and religion, capital and labor, landholding, the social evil and cognate matters.它揭示了人类有关政府和民间宗教,资本和劳动力,土地持有,社会罪恶和同源事项立法的正确的原则。It reveals the work of Christ by exhibiting the way of salvation through atonement, and showing the present and future position of the believer in His name.它揭示了参展通过赎罪救恩的方式,显示了他的名信徒现在和未来地位的基督的工作。In this book Christ is the offerer of sacrifice, He is the offering, and He the priest or mediator who presents the offering.在这本书基督是牺牲发货人,他是产品,和他的牧师或调停谁介绍的产品。

Thus, as Jukes affirms, Leviticus reveals the work of Christ differently from any other Old Testament book.因此,正如朱克斯申明,利未记揭示了基督的工作不同于其他任何旧约书。How wonderful as we thus think of Christ in this threefold way!因此,如何精彩,因为我们认为基督在这三方面的方法!As the offerer He is the one who became man to meet God's requirements.由于发货人,他是一个谁成为人,以满足神的要求。As the offering He is the victim in His character and work, by which atonement was made for man.作为提供他是在他的性格和工作的受害者,其中有人为人类赎罪。As the priest He is the officially appointed intercessor who brings man to God.作为牧师,他是谁带来了正式任命说情的人神。 Finally, this book reveals things to come in the kingdom of Christ by showing us in the Day of Atonement (c. 16) a type of the entering into the heavens of our great High Priest.最后,这本书揭示的东西在基督的国降临通过展示在赎罪(约16)对到我们伟大的大祭司天进入类型日我们。In the feast of trumpets we have His coming again and the ingathering of the full harvest of redemption.在吹角节,我们再次和他的到来的赎回全部收获的聚集。In the sabbatic and jubilee years we have foreshadowed the millennial blessing which follows His second coming.在安息和禧多年来,我们一直预示千年祝福遵循他第二次来。


Catholic Information天主教信息

Leviticus, called by Rabbinic writers "Law of the Priests" or "Law of the Sacrifices", contains nearly a complete collection of laws concerning the Levitical ministry.利未记,由拉比作家或“牺牲法”,“的祭司法”所谓含有近了关于利未部法律的完整集合。They are not codified in any logical order, but still we may discern certain groups of regulations touching the same subject.他们不是在任何编纂的逻辑顺序,但我们仍然可以看出某些群体的感人法规同一主题。The Book of Exodus shows what God had done and was doing for His people; the Book of Leviticus prescribes what the people must do for God, and how they must render themselves worthy of His constant presence.在出埃及记显示了上帝已经和他的人民做;在利未记书规定什么人必须做的神,他们必须使自己如何对他不断的存在价值。

(1) First Part, i, 1-x, 20.-Duties of Israel toward God living in their midst. (1)第一部分,我,1 - X,​​以色列20. -职责对神生活在他们中间。

(a) i, 1-vi, 7.-The different kinds of sacrifices are enumerated, and their rites are described.(一)我,1 - VI,7.,不同种类的牺牲列举,他们的仪式进行了阐述。

(b) vi, 8-vii, 36.-The duties and rights of the priests, the official offerers of the sacrifices, are stated.(二)六,8七,36. -的职责和祭司,对牺牲的官方offerers,权利声明。

(c) viii, 1-x, 20.-The first priests are consecrated and introduced into their office. (三)八,1 - X,​​20. -第一个牧师奉献,进入其办公室介绍。

(2) Second Part, xi, 1-xxvii, 34.-Legal cleanness demanded by the Divine presence. (2)第二部分,十一,1 - 二十七,34. -法律洁净的神圣的存在要求。

(a) xi, 1-xx, 27.-The entire people must be legally clean; the various ways in which cleanness must be kept; interior cleanness must be added to external cleanness. (一)十一,1 - XX,27. -整个人必须是依法清理,在其中必须保持清洁各种方式,室内洁净度必须添加外部清洁。

(b) xxi, 1-xxii, 33.-Priests must excel in both internal and external cleanness; hence they have to keep special regulations.(二)二十一,1 - 二十二,33. -神父必须Excel在内部和外部的清洁,因此他们必须保持特别的规定。

(c) xxiii, 1-xxvii, 34.-The other laws and the promises and threats made for the observance or the violation of the laws belong to both priests and people.(三)二十三,1 - 二十七,34. -的其他法律和承诺,为遵守或违反了法律的威胁属于两个神父和人民。


The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.摩西五提供的内容为历史,法律,崇拜,以及对神所选择的人生活的基础。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此,工作的时间和它的起源地,它的历史性作者是至关重要的。These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.这些不仅仅是文学的问题,但问题属于历史的宗教和神学的领域。The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.在花叶作者的pentateuch是密不可分的问题,无论在何种意义摩西是作者或中介的老全书立法,以及前花叶传统的旗手。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.根据双方的旧约和新约的趋势,并根据犹太教和基督教神学,伟大的立法者摩西的工作是以色列历史的起源和其发展到耶稣基督的时间计算;但现代批评看到了这一切只有结果,或沉淀,一个纯粹的自然的历史发展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.该花叶作者的pentateuch问题导致我们,因此,替代,启示或历史演变,它触及了两个犹太历史和神学的基础和基督教福音。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我们会考虑这个问题,在根据圣经的第一,第二,在犹太教和基督教传统的光;第三,在内部证据的五家具,光,最后,在教会的决定光。


It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;这将是发现方便划分为三个部分花叶作者的pentateuch圣经的证据:(1)摩西五证言;

(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. (2)证词其他旧全书书籍;(3)新约的见证。

(1) Witness of the Pentateuch(1)证人的pentateuch

The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.在其目前的形式五经不存在作为一个完整的文学生产摩西本身。It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含了摩西的死帐,它告诉第三人,以间接的形式,他的生平事迹,最后四书不表现出的伟大的立法者回忆录的文学形式,此外,表达“神对摩西说:“只显示了法律的神圣起源的马赛克,但并不能证明自己在摩西五经是由他颁布的各项法律编纂。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.另一方面,反映出我们摩西五经至少四个部分的文学著作,部分历史,部分法律,部分诗意。(a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." (a)在以色列对近Raphidim的Amalecites胜利,耶和华对摩西说(出埃及记17:14):“写了一本书纪念这一点,并将其交付给若苏埃的耳朵。” This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).这自然是为了限制Amalec的失败,受益上帝希望保持在人们的记忆(申命记25:17-19)活着。The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article.目前的希伯来文指着读“的书”,但译本的版本省略冠词。Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).即使我们假设的massoretic指向​​给出了原文,我们很难证明所指的书是摩西五,虽然这是极有可能(参见冯Hummelauer“出埃及记等利未记”,巴黎,1897年,第182页;同上,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年,第152页;克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage”,穆斯特,1903年,第217页)。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord."(二)同样,前,二十四,4:“摩西说主所有的话。”The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.上下文不允许我们在无限期地理解这句话,但指的是紧接主的话,或所谓的“图书的公约”,当然。,XX - XXIII。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel."(三)前,三十四,27:“耶和华对摩西说:你写这些的,我已经做了两个与你以及与以色列立约的话。” The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."接下来的诗句补充说:“和他的表后,写了公约的十个字。”Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.前。,三十四,1,4,显示了摩西编写了表,和前。,三十四,10月26日,给我们的十个字的内容。(d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." (四)数,三十三,1-2:“这是对以色列的孩子豪宅,谁去了他们的军队在埃及的摩西和亚伦的行为,这摩西写下根据自己的地方驻训“Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?在这里,我们被告知,摩西写了沙漠中的人的营地名单,但这份名单的地方被发现?Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.最大的可能是在给定的数,三十三,3-49,或者是摩西的文学活动,告诉通过直接背景;有,然而,学者谁理解为指的是以色列从埃及出发历史后者通过写在人民的营地秩序,因此,这将是我们目前的出埃及记书。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但这种观点是难以可能;其前提是数量,三十三,3-49,是出埃及记总结不能得到维护,因为数字的章节中提到发生在出埃及记没有几个营地。

Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了这四个段落中有一些迹象表明这一点申命记的摩西的文学活动。Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it. ,申,我,5:“摩西开始阐述法律,并说”,即使“法”在这段文字指的Pentateuchal立法,这是不太可能的整体,它表明只有摩西颁布整个法律,但并不表明他一定写的。 Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq.几乎整本书的申命记声称自己是一个特殊的立法颁布的摩西在摩押地:四,1-40,44-49,V,1 SQQ;十二,1 SQQ。 But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但是有一个建议,写太多:17,18-9,责成,未来的国王接受祭司的这部法律的副本,以阅读和遵守它;二十七,1-8,命令,在西部在“所有的话,该法”上设置写在石头山Hebal约旦一侧;二十八,58,说的是“所有的话这部法律,这是写在本卷”之后列举的祝福和诅咒的会后,观察员和法律的违反者分别的,哪些是再次提到,如在XXIX,20,21,27,和三十二,46,47册上,现在,法律一再被称为在一份书面书必须至少Deuteronomic立法。 Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外,三十一,9-13状态“,并写了这个摩西法”,以及三十一,26,补充说:“借此书,并把在方舟。侧。它可用于对证词有你“,来解释这些文本的小说或时代错误是很难与圣经无误的兼容。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最后,第31,19,命令摩西在申命记中写的颂歌。,三十二,1-43。

The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.圣经的学者不会抱怨,有这么几个表达了摩西五经的文学活动的迹象,他将在他们的人数相当惊讶。As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.至于对自己的明确的证词,至少部分,作者而言,五经比较有利,而与旧约许多其他书籍。

(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books(2)证人的其他旧全书书籍

(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6.(一)Josue. - 该图书的前提不仅是若苏埃的事实和基本条例中的摩西五,但也给了摩西和在摩西的律法书上所写的法律叙述:圣何塞,我7 -8;八,31;二十二,5;二十三,6。Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26).若苏埃他写道:“在主法卷的所有这些事情”(24,26)。Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66). Hobverg教授认为,这种“主的法律卷”是五经(“超级巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”中的“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,IV,340);芒热诺认为,它是指至少在申命记(快译通。德拉圣经,V,66)。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.无论如何,若苏埃和他同时代的人熟悉的书面花叶立法,这是上天显示。

(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. (二)法官,我,二Kings,在法官和前两本书的国王书没有明确提到摩西和法律的书,而是一个事件和报表数量的前提是存在的Pentateuchal立法和机构。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此,法官,十五,8-10,召回以色列的交付从埃及和其征服的乐土;法官,十一,12-28,在数量录得州的事件,XX,14; XXI,13,24;二十二,2 ;法官,十三,四,国家对在数量的Nazarites法,六,1-21创立了实践;法官,十八,31日,在存在的时候,没有国王在以色列幕说话;法官,XX,26-8提到的约柜,各种牺牲,和Aaronic铎。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.该Pentateuchal历史和法律同样的先决条件在撒母耳记上10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6,22:6 SQQ; 23:6-9;撒下6。

(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. (三)1和第2 Kings的最后两本书的国王多次谈到摩西的法律。To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).为了限制这个词的含义申命记是一个任意的注释(参见王上2:3; 10:31); Amasias表明怜悯的杀人犯的孩子“根据那是在法律书上所写摩西“(2国王14:6);神圣的作家记录了保护以色列人神圣的承诺”只有当他们将遵守尽一切,我吩咐他们依法办事,我的仆人摩西吩咐他们“(2国王21 :8)。In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).在对Josias在位十八年被发现的法律书(2国王22时08分,11),或该公约(2国王23时零二)一书,根据他进行他的宗教改革(2国王23:10-24),并确定这是与“摩西律法”(2国王23:25)。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教评论家不是在一个是否本法书是申命记(冯Hummelauer,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年版,第40-60,83-7)或整个摩西五(克莱尔,“莱斯里弗DES罗伊斯”,巴黎,1884年,第二版,第557页起;霍贝格,“摩西五经UND DER”,Frieburg,1905年,第17页起;“超级巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”中的“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,四,第338 -40)。

(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. (四)Paralipomenon.,该作家的灵感的Paralipomenon是指法律和这本书的摩西更频繁和明确。The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名和号码出现在这些图书大多是由于誊写。The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work.该事件将影响从以色列人国王的荣耀或不会陶冶读者遗漏不会损害的信誉或真实性的工作。Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.否则应该有小说作品之间放置一个为年轻人或为共同的读者传记或爱国出版物。On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.在他们的一部分,现代的批评太急于诋毁权威Paralipomena。"After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light."“删除后的Paralipomena帐户”,写DE Wette(Beitrage,我,135),“整个犹太历史假设另一种形式,和Pentateuchal调查,再反过来,一个强有力的证据数量,很难解释了,对于早期存在的马赛克书籍已经消失,其存在的其他遗迹是在一个不同的角度上。“ A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.一个在Parlipomenon的内容一目了然足以解释德维特和豪森努力反驳历史性的书籍。Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).其中不仅有族谱(历代1-9)和崇拜的描述后的数据和法律的pentateuch追查,但神圣的作家明确指出哪些是与在主(历代志上16是否符合法律的书面:40),在摩西(历代志下23:18的法律; 31:3),从而确定了与摩西(见历代志下25:4)编写的主法。The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.读者会发现类似的迹象的存在和在我的摩西五杆马赛克起源,22,12页起;二杆,十七,9;三十三,四,三十四,14;二十五,12。 By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.通过人工解释,事实上,图书的Paralipomenon可能被解释为代表包含法律颁布的摩西五经书,但根据上述段落自然的感觉就如摩西编辑一书五经。

(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. (五)一,二Esdras。埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias书籍也是如此,在他们的自然和普遍接受的意义上考虑,考虑的摩西五经书,而不是仅仅作为一书中载有摩西的法律。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.这个论点是基于以下文本的研究: 我防静电,三,2 SQQ;六,18岁;七,14; II ESD,我7 SQQ;八,1,8,14;九, 3,X,34,36;十三,1-3。 Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追随者认为,这本书的摩西提到的这些文本的是不是摩西五,但只有祭司码,但是当我们记住,有问题的书所载的列弗,二十三,和申命记的法律。 ,,七,2-4;十五,2,我们认为在此声明,本书的摩西不能仅限于在祭司码。To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.为了对历史书籍见证我们可以添加二马赫,二,四,七,六,朱,八,23; Ecclus,二十四,33; XLV,1-6; XLV,18,特别是前言Ecclus。

(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. (F)先知Books.,明确提到了摩西律法是发现,只有在后来先知:酒吧,二,2,28;丹,九,11,13;发作,四,4。Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch.其中,巴鲁克知道摩西已写入命令的法律,尽管他的表现形式平行于申的人。,二十八,15,53,62-64,他的威胁含有典故中的其他部分所载的摩西五。 The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其他先知经常提到的由祭司(参见申命记31:9)把守的主法,他们把与神的启示和主的同级别它永恒的盟约。They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他们呼吁上帝的盟约,在节日日历牺牲法律,以及在这样一种方式摩西五其他法律,以使其有可能以书面立法形成了自己的(参见何西阿书8:12)预言告诫的基础上,他们是熟悉的法律书籍口头表达。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此,在英国北部阿莫斯(四,4-5,V,22 SQQ)聘用和南部伊萨亚斯(I,11 SQQ)的表达,这是技术的话几乎牺牲发生在列弗,I - III;七,12,16和申,十二,6。

(3) Witness of the New Testament(3)见证新约

We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我们无须表明,耶稣和使徒引用了摩西五经全所编写的。If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他们由于摩西的所有通道,它们发生举,如果他们对摩西五经归于每当有其著作权的问题,即使是最苛刻的批评者必须承认,他们表示相信,工作确实是摩西写的。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).当对耶稣的申婚姻法,二十五,5所摩西(马太22:24,马可福音12:19,路加福音20:28)写的,撒都该人的报价。耶稣并不否认花叶著作权,但前上诉,,三,六,因为同样的摩西(马克12:26;马太福音22:31,路加福音20:37)写的。 Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.再如,在潜水和拉撒路(路16:29)的比喻,他说的是“摩西和先知”,而在其他场合,他的“法律和先知”(路加福音16:16)说话,从而表明在他心中的法律,或五经,摩西是相同的。 The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".在最后的话语再次出现同样的表情处理由基督门徒(路加福音24:44-6;比照27):“这是在摩西的法律化,并在先知,并在关于我的诗篇”。 Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最后,在约翰,五,45-7,耶稣是更明确地断言花叶作者的pentateuch:“有一个accuseth你,摩西因为他对我说,但如果你不相信他的著作。。 ,您将如何相信我的话?“Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被认为基督只是住自己对他同时代的谁视为作者的pentateuch摩西在道德,但在文学意义上的作者也不仅仅是当前的信心。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶稣并不需要进入的花叶作者批判性研究,但他没有明确赞同普遍认为,如果它是错误的。

The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship.使徒们也感到信服,并证明,著作权的马赛克。"Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write."“菲利普findeth拿,和saith对他说:我们已经找到了他的人摩西的法律,和先知没有写。”St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).圣彼得介绍,从申报价,改为十八,15,:“对摩西说:”(徒3:22)。St. James and St. Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).圣雅各福群和圣保罗,摩西是在涉及在安息日(徒15:21;哥林多后书3:15)的犹太教堂读。The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).伟大的使徒谈到在摩西(徒13:33;林前9:9);其他法律的段落,他鼓吹耶稣根据摩西律法和先知(徒28:23),并列举从pentateuch通道作为文字写的摩西(罗马书10:5-8; 19)。St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).圣约翰提到了摩西(启示录15:3)颂歌。


The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.对传统的语音,无论是犹太教和基督教,是如此的一致,在宣告花叶作者的pentateuch常数,下至十七世纪它不容许任何严重的怀疑上升。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段仅是微薄的大纲此生活的传统。

(1) Jewish Tradition(1)犹太传统

It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch.人们看到的是,旧约书,与五经的开始,现在作为的pentateuch作者至少部分摩西。The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.对作家的书国王认为,摩西是作者申命记最少。Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯,内赫米亚斯,Malachias的作者Paralipomena,以及希腊作者七十版本考虑整个摩西五经的作者。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.在耶稣基督的时间和使徒的朋友和敌人采取的是理所当然的摩西五花叶著作权;既不是我们的上帝,也没有他的敌人采取例外,这一假设。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在第一世纪的基督教时代,约瑟夫归咎到摩西整个五经作者,而不是除对立法者的死亡帐户(“Antiq达瓦慈善会。”,四,八,3-48;比照我Procem, 4,“魂斗罗阿皮翁”,我,8)。The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).哲学家斐洛的亚历山大相信,整个摩西五是摩西的工作,而后者写了下,一个特殊的神的启示(“德VITA MOSIS”,将二,三,在“歌剧影响了​​他的死亡预言帐户“,日内瓦,1613年,第511,538)。The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比伦塔木德(“巴巴 - Bathra”,第二章,列140;。“Makkoth”,FOL第IIa;。“Menachoth”,FOL 30A;。比照时尚,“组织胺德拉圣经ET DE L' exegese biblique jusqua” a数乐之日“,巴黎,1881年,第21页),耶路撒冷的犹太法典(索塔,V,5),拉比,和以色列的医生(见弗斯特,”明镜加隆DES Alten旧约nach巢穴Überlieferungen IM塔木德UND Midrasch“,莱比锡,1868年,第7-9页)见证了第一个千年来这一传统的延续。Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).虽然伊萨克本Jasus于11世纪和第十二届Abenesra承认在某些摩西五后花叶增加,他们仍然以及迈蒙尼德坚持花叶著作权,并没有显着不同,这一点从河Becchai教学(百分之十三),约瑟夫卡罗和Abarbanel(百分之十五;。比照理查德西蒙“。批判德拉Bibl DES引渡埃克尔斯德E.独品”,巴黎,1730年,第三,第215-20)。Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世纪,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎拒绝马赛克著作权的五经,指出这项工作可能被埃斯德拉斯(“道。Theol. - politicus”角八,编辑。Tauchnitz,III,P书面可能性125段)。Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.其中较近期的几个犹太人作家已经通过了批评者的结果,从而放弃了他们祖先的传统。

(2) Christian Tradition(2)基督教传统

The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.关于犹太传统的马赛克著作权的五经被带到到基督教教会由基督自己和使徒。No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.没有人会认真地否认了这种从教父期间起传统的存在和延续,一个可能确实是之间的使徒和第三世纪初的时间间隔好奇。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."对于这个时期,我们可以上诉到“Barnabus书信”(X,1-12;冯克,“Patres apostol ”,第二版,蒂宾根大学,1901年,我,第66-70;十二,2 9K;同上,第74-6),圣克莱门特的罗马(哥林多前书41:1;同上,第152页),圣贾斯汀(“APOL我 ”,59,PG,六,416,我,32,54,同上,377,409;“拨号”,29;同上,537),给作者。“队列广告Graec。” (9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. (9,28,30,33,34,同上,257,293,296-7,361),圣西奥菲勒斯(,III,23“广告Autol”;同上,1156,11,30;同上,,1100),圣爱任纽(续haer,I,II,6; PG,七,715-6),圣罗马希波吕托斯(,三十一,9,31“评论在申。” 35;比照Achelis,“Arabische Fragmente等”,莱比锡,1897年,我,118;“Philosophumena”,八,8,X,33; PG,XVI,3350,3448),德尔图良的迦太基(Adv. Hermog,第十九; PL,II,214),以亚历山大的奥利(Contra. CELS,三,5-6; PG,第十一,928;等),圣安提阿(德engastrimytha C.原价Eusthatius ,21,PG,第十八,656);所有这些作家,和其他人可能会增加,见证基督教传统,摩西写五经的延续。A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).一个是谁见证相同​​的事实后来父亲名单中可以找到芒热诺公司在“快译通。德拉圣经”的文章(V,74页起)。Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times.霍贝格(摩西五经UND DER,72起。)已收集的传统,在中世纪和近代存在的证词。

But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但是,天主教的传统,并不一定认为摩西写的每一个摩西五书,因为它是今天,这项工作已回落在一个绝对不变的形式给我们。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.这种僵化观点的花叶作者开始发展在十八世纪,几乎获得了在十九上风。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.在圣经上的新教徒和各种破坏性的圣经批评先进的系统,继承部分造成这种任意对待面前的天主教派发生变化。In the sixteenth century Card.在十六世纪卡。Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).贝拉明,谁可以作为传统的天主教可靠的指数考虑,表示,埃斯德拉斯收集,调整,并纠正了摩西五分散部分,甚至增加了部分的Pentateuchal历史完成必要的(德verbo意见台达电子,II,I,比照三,四)。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.对Génebrard,佩雷拉,邦弗雷雷,一个Lapide,麦西斯,Jansenius,以及对十六,十七世纪等显着Biblicists的意见同样是关于花叶作者的pentateuch弹性。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.这并不是说他们同意我们的现代圣经批判的争论,但它们表明,今天的Pentateuchal问题没有完全陌生的天主教学者,并认为该pentateuch花叶作者所确定的圣经委员会是在教会被迫绝不让步不信圣经学生。


The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.在生产的时候,摩西在书面记录的可能性已经不再有争议。The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.写作的艺术被称为很久之前的伟大立法者的时间,并广泛在埃及和巴比伦。As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至于以色列人,弗林德斯皮特里铭文推断某些犹太人在1905年发现的Sinaitic半岛,他们不断从他们在拉美西斯二世被关押的时间写自己民族的历史账目。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.该告诉EL -阿玛尔纳片显示的语言,巴比伦的方式是在摩西时代的官方语言,在西亚,巴勒斯坦和埃及著名;的Taanek的发现证实了这一事实。But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但它不能被推断这是埃及人和以色列人之间的雇用自己和他们(参Benzinger,“Hebraische Archaologie”,第二版,蒂宾根大学,1907年,第172页SQQ。)宗教这个神圣的文件或官方语言。It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不仅是可能的时候,摩西在写作和语言在这里我们所面临的问题,还有就是在书面文件中使用的马赛克样的迹象进一步的问题。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.象形文字和楔形文字的标志,广泛采用该早日生效;最古老的字母文字的书面铭文迄今为止,只有从公元前9世纪,但是,就不可能有任何的拼音文字较高的文物怀疑,似乎有无关防止我们的延伸回的时候,摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最后,在苏萨发现于1901年由先生和夫人杜氏资助的法国探险汉谟拉比,代码显示,即使在预花叶次法律文书都致力于,并保存在,写作;守则antedates摩西大约5个世纪,并载有大约282法规关于在公民生活中的各种突发事件。

Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.迄今为止,它已被证明是一种消极的历史和法律文件,声称是在写的时候,摩西不涉及先行不大可能的真实性。 But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但内部特征的pentateuch显示了积极的,工作是至少是可能马赛克。It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.诚然,五经不包含其整个花叶作者发表的声明,但即使是最苛刻的批评者将很难要求这些证词。It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.这实际上是缺乏在所有其他的书籍,不论是神圣的或亵渎。On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.另一方面,它已经表明,四个不同的五通道有明确归因于摩西的作者。Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death. ,申,三十一,24-9,特别指出,因为它知道,摩西写了“卷中的这部法律的话”,并命令它是在约柜放在作为对谁被人证言因此,在立法者的生活叛逆,将“做坏透”在他的死亡。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.再次,法律部门,虽然没有明确归因于摩西的写作,有明显来自摩西作为立法者。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外,许多Pentateuchal法律承担其在沙漠起源的证据,因此他们也奠定间接声称花叶来源。What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.什么一直是一个Pentateuchal法律说的是同样数量的若干历史章节。These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing.这些包含在这本书中的数字,例如,如此众多的名字,他们必须以书面形式流传下来的数字。Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition.除非批评可以带来不可辩驳的证据显示,在这些路段,我们只有小说,他们必须承认,这些历史的细节写在当代的文件,而不是仅仅通过口头传播的传统。 Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.此外,HOMMEL(“模具altisraelitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,第302页)显示,在数字的图书清单的名称承担的公元前二世纪的阿拉伯名字字符,可以只在起源摩西的时间,但必须承认,某些部分,例如,数,第十三,文字在它的传输受到影响。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我们需要提醒读者,许多Pentateuchal法律和数据意味着以色列游牧的生活条件。Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最后,无论是五经和它的第一读者作者必须已与埃及的地形和社会情况,并与西乃半岛半岛比较熟悉的土地Chanaan。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.CF,如申,八,7-10;。十一,10 SQQ。These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.这些内部的摩西五特点已在更大的长度开发的史密斯,伦敦,1868年他说:“摩西五经,或在其作者,信誉,文明之书”; Vigouroux,“香格里拉圣经ET LES decouvertes modernes”,第6版,巴黎,1896年,我,453-80;二,1-213,529-47,586-91;同上,“莱斯里弗圣徒ET LA批判rationaliste”,巴黎,1902年,三,28-46,79 - 99,122-6; Heyes,“Bibel UND Ægypten”,穆斯特,1904年,第142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 757-9.142条; Cornely,“。Introductio在histor特别兽医试验libros:”我,巴黎,1887年,页57-60;普尔,“古埃及”在“当代评论”,三月,1879年,第757-9 。


In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:为配合迄今为摩西五,对1906年6月27日圣经委员会花叶作者先进的三重参数语音的规定,回答了关于这个问题的方式如下一系列问题:

(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. (1)积累批评家抨击了由名字指定的圣书五经马赛克真实性的论点是不是这样的重量以给我们的权利,设置后,除了采取集体许多段落都圣经,连续共识犹太人民,教会不断的传统,从文字本身产生的内部指示,以保持这些书籍没有摩西作为其作者,但编撰的最大部分来自源不迟于花叶年龄。

(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. (2)花叶真实性摩西五并不一定需要这样的编辑整个工作,以使其绝对必须保持这一摩西写了所有与他自己的手的一切或口述给他的秘书,这些假设可以必须承认谁相信他委托组成的工作本身,他所设想的神的启示下,影响力,对他人,但在这样一种方式,他们忠实地表达自己的想法,写了对他的意志无关,被省略了什么,以及由此产生的最后的工作应该得到批准由同摩西,其本金和激励作者和出版他的名字。

(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. (3)可在不影响授予的五经,摩西在他的工作,即以书面文件或口头传统的生产就业来源马赛克的真实性,从中他可能已制定符合规定的一些东西最终他在视图下,在神的启示的影响,插在他的工作中也确实或根据自己的意识在放大或缩写形式。

(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. (4)大量马赛克真实性和完整性的pentateuch保持不变,如果它被理所当然地,在百年长河中的工作受到一些修改,如;后花叶增加或者附加的启发作者或插入到文本掩盖和解释;某些词语和形式的到最近的讲话形式陈旧的语言翻译出来,最后,由于誊写,其中一个调查,并通过关于根据法律判决的批评错误读数的过错。

The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.后花叶补充和圣经中的摩西五委员会允许不删除从大量的完整性和马赛克的真实性范围内,它的修改是不同的解释天主教学者。

(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. (1)我们应该要明白在一个相当广泛的意义上说,如果我们要捍卫冯Hummelauer或Vetter的意见。This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.后者作家承认法律和历史文献的基础上镶嵌的传统,但只在法官的时代写的,他的地方在所罗门的圣殿勃起时间的pentateuch第一节录,以及其在埃斯德拉斯去年节录。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. Vetter死于1906年,这一年中的圣经委员会发表了上述法令,它是一个有趣的问题,是否和如何修改的学者将他的理论,如果时间已给予他这样做。

(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96).(2)少从宽解释法令是隐含的Pentateuchal假设先进的霍伯特(“摩西五经UND DER;模具五经查询搜索”中的“Biblische(研究)”,X,4,弗赖堡,1907年,“Erklarung DES创世纪”, 1908年,弗莱堡,IL),Schopfer(历史馆DES Alten Testamentes,第4版,226 SQQ),Hopfl(“模具hohere Bibelkritik”,第二版,帕德博恩,1906年),布鲁克(“L' eglise ET LA批判” ,巴黎,1907年,103 SQQ),和Selbst(舒斯特和Holzammer的“手册下载楚Biblischen历史馆”,第7版,弗赖堡,1910年,第二,94,96)。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.最后命名的作家认为,摩西留下了书面法律书籍的若苏埃和Samuel补充和规章的补充部分,而大卫和所罗门提供有关新法规的崇拜和神职人员,和其他国王介绍了某些宗教的改革,直到整个埃斯德拉斯颁布法律,使其成为以色列的恢复后,流亡国外的基础。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.我们目前的五经,因此,一个Esdrine版的工作。Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism.Selbst博士相信,他觉得这两个文本的修改和补充材料中的摩西五入场与历史发展的规律,并与文学批评的结果一致。 Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.适应历史发展的宗教,民间和社会的历届年龄条件的法律和法规,而文学批评在我们的实际摩西五字和它难以被发现原来短语的特殊性,也是历史上增加或通知,法律的修改,迹象更加公正和后来的崇拜形式最近管理。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但医生认为,这些特点Selbst不提供针对不同来源的五区分充分的依据。

(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.(3)该法令严格解释的话是在考伦(导论,北路193 sqq),主要的意见暗示(“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史馆联合国ihre系统”,穆斯特,1903年),不及格(Kirchenlexicon ,九,1782年SQQ)和芒热诺(“L' authenticite mosaique杜Pentateuque”,巴黎,1907年,同上,“快译通德拉圣经”,V,50-119随着这些部分属于例外。之后,摩西死亡,对文字,由于誊写某些意外更改时间,整个摩西五是工作的摩西谁组成的圣经委员会所建议的方式之一工作,最后,存在的问题作为保持花叶真实性摩西五论断神学确定性。

(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. (1)某些谁1887年和1906年间写了天主教学者表示,他们认为,有问题的论文,也没有发现在圣经教导的教会,它在启示录中表示没有一个真理,而是一个可以自由有争议的宗旨,讨论。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.当时,教会当局没有发出关于这个问题的声明。

(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. (2)其他作者给予的摩西五马赛克的真实性是没有明确透露,但他们认为这是一个事实表明正式含蓄,正在从没有在这个词的严格意义上的三段论显示公式,但由简单的解释的条款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).该摩西五马赛克真实性否定是错误的,和保持花叶真实性摩西五论断矛盾被认为是真正(见Mechineau,“L' origine mosaique杜Pentateuque”,第34页)erronea。

(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. (3)第三类学者认为既不是一个有争议的自由的宗旨,也作为正式含蓄地揭示真理的pentateuch马赛克真实性,他们认为它实际上已被发现,或者说,它是从推断揭示真理的真正三段论扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310.正是因此,一个神学一定的道理,其矛盾的是皮疹(temeraria),甚至错误的主张(参见布鲁克,“Authenticite DES里弗DE莫伊兹”中的“练习曲”,3月,1888年,第327页;同上。一月,1897年,第122-3;芒热诺,“L' authenticité mosaïque杜Pentateuque”,第267-310。

Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.无论教会决定作用的有关摩西五马赛克的真实性可能有,或将有对的Pentateuchal问题的学生认为,不能说已经引起学者的保守态度,谁前颁布的法令写道。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp. 19-160; Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card.以下列表包含了最近的马赛克真实性主要捍卫者的名字:韩斯坦堡,“模具布赫尔摩西UND Aegypten”,柏林,1841年,史密斯说:“摩西五经,或在其作者,诚信书,与文明”,伦敦,1868; C. Schobel,“示范DE L' authenticite杜Deuteronome”,巴黎,1868年,同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique DE L' Exode”,巴黎,1871年,同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique杜Levitique ET DES Nombres“,巴黎,1869年,同上,”示范DE L' authenticite德拉杰尼斯“,巴黎,1872年,同上,”乐莫伊兹historique ET LA节录mosaique杜Pentateuque“,巴黎,1875年; Knabenbauer,”明镜摩西五UND死unglaubige Bibelkritik“中的”Stimmen AUS玛丽亚 - Laach“,1873年,第四; Bredenkamp,”Gesetz UND Propheten“,埃尔兰根,1881年,绿色,”摩西和先知“,纽约,1883年,同上,”希伯来节日“,纽约,1885年;同上,”Pentateuchal问题“中的”Hebraica“,1889年至1892年,同上,他说:”摩西五更高批判“,纽约,1895年,同上,”在统一的创世记“ ,纽约,1895年;,辛辛那提,1884年“的报复的马赛克著作权的五经”C.艾略特;比塞尔,“摩西五,其来源和结构”,纽约,1885年; Ubaldi,“在Sacram Scripturam Introductio” ,第二版,罗马,1882年,我,452 - 509; Cornely,“Introductio特别在historicos VT libros”,巴黎,1887年,页19-160;沃斯,“马赛克起源的Pentateuchal守则”,伦敦,1886年; Bohl,“ZUM Gesetz UND ZUM Zeugniss”,维也纳,1883年; Zah,“Erneste Blicke在书房Wahn DER modernen Kritik DES AT”,居特斯洛,1893年,同上,“资本Deuteronomium”,1890年,同上,“Israelitische UND judische历史馆“1895年; Rupprecht,”模具Anschauung DER kritischen学派Wellhausens VOM五经“,莱比锡,1893年,同上,”资本Rathsel DES Funfbuches莫斯UND围网falsche Losung“,居特斯洛,1894年,同上,”德Rathsels Losung为了Beitrage楚richtigen Losung DES Pentateuchrathsels“,1897年,同上,”模具Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht“,1897年,”莱克斯Mosaica,或摩西律法和更高批判“(由Sayce,罗林森,麟趾,黑侏罗统,WACE等),伦敦,1894年;卡。 Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp. 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906. Meignan,“德L'伊甸园a莫伊兹”,巴黎,1895年1-88;巴克斯特,“保护区和牺牲”,伦敦,1896年,阿贝德布罗意,“问题bibliques”,巴黎,1897年,页89-169;佩尔特,“DE L' Histoire AT”,第3版,巴黎,1901年,我,第291-326; Vigouroux,“莱斯里弗圣徒ET LA批判ratioinaliste”,巴黎,1902年,三,1-226;四, 239-53,405-15;同上,“曼努埃尔biblique”,第12版,巴黎,1906年,我,397-478;克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史馆UND ihre SYSTEME”,穆斯特,1903; Hopfl,“模具hohere Bibelkritik“,帕德博恩,1902年,托马斯,他说:”五经有机统一“,伦敦,1904年,维纳,”圣经研究法“,伦敦,1904年,劳斯,”在新约圣经旧约光“,伦敦, 1905年;雷德帕思,“现代批评和书创世纪”,伦敦,1905年;霍贝格,“摩西五经UND DER”,弗赖堡,1905年,奥尔,他说:“考虑参照最近批评旧约问题”,伦敦, 1906年。


A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.一到花叶作者的pentateuch opposition详细既不可取,也不在本文的必要。In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.它本身只是一个形式有碍人类历史错误,每个小系统也有一天,它的后继者都竭尽所能,以埋葬在寂静遗忘。The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.我们所要考虑的实际困难是那些由我们今天的实际对手先进,只有一个事实,即过去的系统我们展示了实际的理论和过渡性质稍纵即逝现在流行可诱导我们简要列举坚持连续意见由花叶作者的对手。

(1) Abandoned Theories(1)被遗弃的理论

The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena.由瓦伦蒂安托勒密的Nazarites,Abenesra,Carlstadt的,以撒Peyrerius,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎,让勒克莱尔先进的意见是零星的现象。 Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.并非所有的人完全不兼容的花叶作者像现在的理解,和其他人发现他们的答案在他们自己time随着约翰Astrue发表于1753年,开始了工作文件,进一步所谓的假说开发艾希霍恩和伊尔根。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但在工程暂停神父,亚历山大格迪斯,于1792年和1800年出版,介绍了碎片,这一天是在其制定并通过壶腹部,DE Wette(至少暂时),贝特霍尔德,哈特曼和冯波伦倡导假说。This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.这一理论很快就面临了,只好屈服的假说补或插值其中凯莱之间的顾客,埃瓦尔德,斯斯塔埃林,Bleek,TUCH,DE Wette,冯Lengerke,和一个短暂的时期也弗朗茨Delitzsch编号。The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.插值理论的再次几乎没有发现之前格兰贝格(1828),斯斯塔埃林(1830),和Bleek任何信徒(1831)返回假设的文件,提出了略加修改的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.随后,埃瓦尔德,克诺贝尔,霍普菲,Noldeke和施拉德先进的每一个纪录片的假说不同的解释。But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但是,所有这些都是目前只有一个历史的兴趣。

(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents(2)假设目前的文件

A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.一个在以色列的宗教发展过程中已经提出了Reuss在1830年和1834年,由1835年Vatke,由乔治在同一年。 In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch.在1865年至1866格拉夫了这一想法,并把它应用到文学批评的Hexateuch;的批评已开始考虑为属于前五书若苏埃书,以便收集形成的,而不是一个摩西五Hexateuch 。The same application was made by Merx in 1869.同样的申请是由Merx于1869年。Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此,修改的文件在其理论继续发展,直至它达到了的Kautzsch翻译的圣经描述的状态(第3版,以介绍和说明,蒂宾根大学,1908年SQQ)。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.在本身就存在反对的摩西假设没有书面文件,但我们不能肯定地归于我们的文学仍然什么的希伯来立法者手中。The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.书面账户开始必须放置在接近年底时法官;才得到满足的条件,必须先于文学出身的所谓正确,即与艺术的写作和阅读一般的熟人,平稳解决人民和国家的繁荣。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那么,什么是最古老的希伯来文学仍然?They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他们是从民族的英雄时间约会歌曲,例如,对主(民数记21:14),对刚(约书亚10时12 SQQ),图书的图书的馆藏图书的战争歌曲(1国王8:53;比照布德,“历史馆DER althebr文学”,莱比锡,1906年,17)。The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch.该图书的盟约(出20:24-23:19)也必须有前存在的pentateuch的其他来源。The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC最古老的历史大概是工作的Yahwist书,指定由J和归因于圣职的犹大,最有可能属于公元前9世纪到

Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.类似于这是耶洛因文件,指定由E和书面大概一个世纪在英国北部(莲)后,耶和华文件制作。These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.这两个来源合并成一个工作后不久,第六世纪中叶由修订者。Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.下一步如下法律书籍,几乎完全在我们的实际书申命记体现,在寺庙621年发现的,并载有预言教学主张在所谓的高的地方取消了牺牲和集权沉淀崇拜在耶路撒冷圣殿。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.在流亡的祭司码起源,P的基础上,圣洁的,列弗,十七 - 26所谓的法律,以及Ezechiel,XL - XLVIII方案;的P物质前,后放逐社会阅读约公元前444年(尼希米记8-10)埃斯德拉斯,并接受了众多。History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.历史没有告诉我们何时和如何将这些历史和法律的来源合并为我们目前的五经潜水员,但人们普遍认为有一个为人民的传统和前放逐历史编纂迫切要求。 The only indication of time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.显示的时间只可能是一个事实,即撒玛利亚接纳为一个神圣的书,在第四世纪的考虑他们的仇恨犹太人大概是公元前五经发现,必须得出结论,他们不会采取这一步骤,除非他们认为在摩西五马赛克起源肯定。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此,一个相当长的时间必须进行干预之间的pentateuch和接受撒玛利亚编译,这样相结合的工作必须在五世纪上。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.这是很普遍认为,过去的五经redactor完成他的任务十分精明。Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.在不改变旧的源文本,他在人的一切力量,融合成一个明显的(?)整个异质因素与这样的成功,不仅对犹太人在公元前四世纪,也为许多世纪可能的基督徒维护他们的信念,即整个五经是由摩西写的。

(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis的关键假设(3)缺陷

As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.正如一些批评者一直在努力Pentateuchal指派最后节录的pentateuch以更近的日期,它在五世纪安置可能会被视为相当有利的保守观点。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor.但是,很难理解为什么顾客的意见不应该同意在考虑埃斯德拉斯作为最后的编辑。Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次,这是很肯定地说,过去的五经编辑器之前,它必须具有显着的,作为一个神圣的书撒玛利亚部分验收;位是它可能是撒玛利亚会已接纳这些在公元前四世纪的五,当他们与犹太人的民族和宗教反对派发达? Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?这难道不是更可能是混合的国家收到的撒马利亚通过发送亚述给他​​们的祭司的五?Cf.比照。2 Kings 17:27.2国王17时27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或者再次,因为这神父指示在该国的法神撒玛利亚人口,是不是合理的假设,他教他们的Pentateuchal法律,十个部落与他们进行分离,当他们从犹大? At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.无论如何,认为撒玛利亚接纳为神圣只有五经,但不是先知,实际上使我们推测,摩西五犹太人之间存在之前收集的预言著作写了,那撒马利亚选择了其神圣的书之前甚至犹大放在与摩西同级别工作的先知的作品。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但这种自然的推论认定之间没有批评的青睐;因为它意味着,历史和法律中的摩西五编纂传统,描述的开始,而不是以色列的宗教发展的结束。 The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.以色列的宗教发展中普遍存在的批评意味着摩西五晚于先知,而且诗篇是不迟于两个。After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.这些一般性的考虑后,我们将简要地研究的主要原则,方法,结果,以及批判理论的论点。

(a) Principles of the Critics的批评(一)原则

Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.没有假装审查所有的批评者的理论涉及的原则,我们提请大家注意二:历史发展的宗教,以及内部证据和传统的比较价值。

(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. (一)对历史演变Israelitic宗教理论使我们从花叶Yahwehism的伦理一神教的先知,从这个神的普遍性概念流亡期间发展起来的,从这个再次到僵化Phariseeism后来天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times.这是犹太人的宗教是编纂在我们的实际摩西五,但已经fictitiously预计的花叶和前预言次倒退的历史书籍。The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.发展思路是不是一个纯粹的现代发现。Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St. Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.迈耶(“明镜Entwicklungsgedanke北亚里士多德”,波恩,1909)表明,亚里士多德熟悉它;贡克尔(“Weiterbildung DER宗教”,慕尼黑,1905年,64岁)坚持认为,它适用于宗教一样古老基督教,和意法半导体保罗已经阐明了这一原则; Diestel,Willmann(“历史馆DES Idealismus”,第二版,二,23 SQQ。)和Schanz((“历史馆DES AT在DER chrislichen Kirche”,耶拿,1869年,56 SQQ)。 “Apologie DES Christentums”,第3版。II,4 SQQ。,376)找到了父亲的著作同一个应用程序,虽然霍贝格(“死Forschritte之bibl。学问”,弗赖堡,1902年,10)赠款教父作家往往忽视了它的思想影响的选民外在形式。 The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development.在父亲没有完全熟悉亵渎历史,更关心比其历史发展的启示录的内容表示关注。Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.).佩施(“Glaube,Dogmen UND geschichtliche Thatsachen”中的“Theol。Zeitfragen”,四,弗赖堡,1908年,183)发现,圣托马斯也承认在他的“大全”(II - II,问发展的原则我答:9,10,问二,A. 3;等)。But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:但这一原则的天主教观念避免两个极端:

the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);对退化理论的基础上,早期路德神学家(见Giesebrecht,“模具Degradationshypothese UND死altl历史馆”,莱比锡,1905年; Steude,“发展协会UND Offenbarung”,斯图加特,1905年,18 SQQ)教学;

the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.进化的理论,溶解一切的真理,并为纯粹的自然发展史的一切超自然的排斥。

It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.正是这种极端后者是由圣经的主张的批评。Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他们对以色列的早期宗教的描述是矛盾的最古老的先知,其权威是不能质疑他们的证词。These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.).这些灵感的预言家知道了亚当的堕落(何西阿书6:7),亚伯拉罕(以赛亚书29:23;弥迦7:20)调用,所多玛和Gomorrha(何西阿11:8破坏;以赛亚书1:9;阿莫斯4:11,雅各的历史,他与天使(何西阿书12:2 SQQ),以色列从埃及和居住在沙漠中(何西阿书2:14出埃及记斗争); 7:16,11:1,12:9 13人; 13:4,5;阿摩司2:10; 3:1; 9:7),摩西(何西阿12:13活动;弥6:4;以赛亚书63:11-12),书面立法(何西阿书8:12),以及一些特别的章程(见克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage”,穆斯特,1903年,223 SQQ)。Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.再次,发展理论,是越来越多的历史调查的结果相矛盾。Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韦伯(“神学UND Assyriologie IM史漫飞嗯巴贝尔UND Bibel”,莱比锡,1904年,17岁)指出,最近的历史结果意味着颓废,而不是在古代东方艺术,科学和宗教的发展; Winckler(“Religionsgeschichtler UND geschichtl东方。 “,莱比锡,1906年,33岁)认为,人的原始状态为假进化观点,并认为,发展理论,至少受到严重动​​摇,如果不是最近东方研究实际破坏(参见Bantsch” Altorientalischer与israelitischer Monothesismus“,图宾根,1906年)。Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. Köberle(“模具神学DER Gegenwart”,莱比锡,1907年,一,二)说,发展理论已用尽本身,音响只有豪森的想法,并决定在对具体问题没有根据的事实,但根据假设的这一理论。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最后,即使是理性的作家都认为有必要,以取代另一个符合历史事实的协议越多,发展的理论。Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此Winckler(“前东方力士”,莱比锡,1905年 - 6;同上,“明镜阿尔特东方”,三,2-3;同上,“模具babylonische Geisteskultur在ihren Beziehungen楚Kulturentwicklung DER Menschheit”中的“Wissenschaft UND教化”莱比锡,1907年;比照Landersdorfer在“历史,政治的布拉特”,1909年,144)已经发起了泛Babelism理论根据这些圣经宗教是作为对巴比伦多神教国家宗教意识的反应,并表示。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.这不是以色列的共同财产,而是一个宗教教派,得到了一定的一神教界在巴比伦不论国籍。This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.这一理论已经发现在布德,体育场,Bezold,Köberle,库格勒,维尔克等强大的对手,但它也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.虽然完全从基督教的观点来看站不住脚的,这说明至少在历史发展理论的弱点。

(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition.(ii)在批判理论的pentateuch另一个原则参与设的文学批评内部证据高于传统的证据价值。But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但是,迄今为止的发掘和历史研究成果已有利,而不是内部的证据的传统。Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.让读者只记得特洛伊,梯林斯,迈锡尼和Orchomenos(希腊)的情况下,英国探险家的埃文斯在克里特岛发掘表明国王米诺斯迷宫和他的历史风貌;亚述铭文重新建立的历史同样,底比斯和Agade萨尔贡梅内斯已被证明属于历史;;国王迈达斯的Phrygia信贷在一般情况下,更准确的科学已调查,更清楚地表明,他们即使是最微弱的传统可靠性。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.在新约圣经批评领域的呼吁“回到传统”,已经开始得到重视,并已被批准为哈尔纳克等部门和戴斯曼。In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在旧约的研究也有明确的迹象表明,未来的变化。Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research.HOMMEL(“模具altisrealitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,慕尼黑,1897年)认为,旧全书传统,无论是作为一个整体,在其详细信息,被证明是可靠的,即使在光线的关键研究。 Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).迈耶(“死Entstehung DES Judentums”,哈雷,1896年)的,该关键Pentateuchal理论的基础被破坏,如果能够证明,即使在受到指责的希伯来传统的一部分,是可靠的结论;同一作家证明的公信力对书刊的埃斯德拉斯(参见“Grundriss DER Geographie DES alten Orientes UND历史馆”,慕尼黑,1904年,167 SQQ)的来源。SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel. SA薯条已率领他的批判研究,并没有受到教条偏见的影响,接受整个以色列的历史传统观点。Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. Cornill和欧特列表示相信,以色列的传统有关,甚至其最早的历史是可靠的和能够承受的批评最激烈的攻击;道森(参见方克,在“(杂志)皮草katholische神学”,1899年,262“Kritik UND AT传统IM” - 81)和其他适用于传统的旧的原则已被如此频繁地被误用,“大EST VERITAS,等praevalebit”;贡克尔(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,二,蒂宾根大学,1906年,8)赠款,旧全书批评了一有点过头了,现在拒绝许多圣经传统将重新建立。

(b) Critical Method(二)关键方法

The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.而谎言的重要方法并不在这样的批评,作为使用,但在其非法使用。Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批评变得更加普遍在十六,十七世纪,在十八世纪末它被应用到古代。Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆(“Lehrbuch DER historischen梭”,莱比锡,1903年,296页)认​​为,通过这意味着单独的历史首次成为一门科学。In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在批评的圣经应用程序是有限的,事实上,灵感和正规的书籍,但有一个充分的实地调查,为我们的关键左(佩施,“Theol Zeitfragen”,三,48)。

Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:在他们的治疗圣经批评的主要罪过一些如下:

They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他们否认一切超自然的,因此他们拒绝不仅仅是灵感和正规,而且还预言和奇迹的先验(参见梅茨勒,“达斯Wunder的VOR DEM论坛DER modernen Geschichtswissenschaft”中的“Katholik”,1908年,二,241 SQQ)。 。

They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他们似乎都相信了非圣经的历史文献的可信度先验的,而他们是反对偏见的真实性圣经帐户。(Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). (参见体育场,“历史馆以色列的”,我,86页起,88,101。)贬值的外部证据几乎完全,他们考虑的起源问题,完整和神圣的书籍在内部灯光的真实性证据(Encycl.省。杀出,52)。

They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.).他们高估了批判性分析的来源,而不考虑行政点,即信誉的来源(洛伦茨,“模具Geschichtswissenschaft在ihren Hauptrichtungen UND Aufgaben”,二,329 SQQ)。Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.最近的文件可能包含古代历史的可靠报告。Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批评者开始认识到,历史信誉的来源大于他们的分裂和交友(斯塔克,“模具Entstehung DES AT”,莱比锡,1905年,29的重要性;比照Vetter,“Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift”,1899年,552)。

The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.关键的来源划分的基础上,希伯来文,但它不是某些多远目前massoretic文本从该不同,例如,其次是译本翻译,并有多远后者不同的形式在其节录的希伯来文中公元前五世纪Dahse(“Textkritische Bedenken葛根巢穴Ausgangspunkt DER heutigen Pentateuchkritik”中的“论坛存档皮毛Religionsgeschichte”,六,1903年,305 SQQ)显示,在希腊文翻译的pentateuch神圣的名字在约180例不同的在希伯来文(见霍贝格,“模具创世纪”,第2版,第二十二SQQ。);在其他单词和短语的变化可能会减少,但它是不合理的否认存在任何。 Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次,这是antecedently可能不同于文字的译本的massoretic不到从休息室Esdrine文本,必须已接近原始。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain.对文学批评的出发点,因此不确定。It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.它不是固有的文学批评错误,它是适用于摩西五后,它已成为研究荷马和龙根之歌(参见Katholik,1896年,我,303,306 SQQ),也不是Reuss认为几乎过时它更富有成效的意见分歧,而不是结果(参见Katholik,1896年,我,304起),也再次表明豪森认为它已蜕变为幼稚的发挥。 Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.在圣经的学生,Klostermann(“明镜五经”,莱比锡,1893年),柯尼希(“Falsche至尊IM Gebiete DER neueren Kritik DES AT”,莱比锡,1885年;“。Neueste Prinzipien DER ALT Kritik”,柏林,1902年,“进出口Kampfe嗯DAS AT“,柏林,1903年),Bugge(”模具Hauptparabeln Jesu“,吉森,1903年)是对文学批评的结果持怀疑态度,而Orelli(”明镜先知Jesaja“,1904年,V),赫雷米亚斯(”资本阿尔特约IM Lichte DES Alten定向“,1906年,八)和欧特列(”以色列的历史“,五)要坚持注释的文字比对批评的纵横交错的道路了。G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue. G.雅各布(“明镜五经”,哥廷根,1905年)认为,过去Pentateuchal批评需要彻底修改; Eerdmans(“模具Komposition之成因”,吉森,1908年)认为相信,批评被误导到错误的路径的Astrue。Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.).Merx表示认为,下一代将不得不修改倒退本历史 - 文学的旧约(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,二,1907年,3,132 SQQ)很多意见。

(c) Critical Results(三)关键的结果

Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在这里,我们必须区分的批评原则,其结果,对宗教的历史发展的原则,例如,与传统内部的证据自卑,都不是文学分析的结果,但其部分依据。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次,我们必须区分这些成果的文学批评与摩西五和那些违背它马赛克真实性兼容。The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.该花叶作者的pentateuch顾客,甚至是宗教法令有关这个问题,显然承认摩西或他的秘书可能利用源或在摩西五组成的文件;都承认还神圣的文本已遭受它的传输和可能得到增加,在任的启发附录或训诂美化形式。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批评,因此,可以成功地确定数量和文件来源的限制,并后的马赛克增加,无论是启发或亵渎,他们提供服务的一个重要的一些Pentateuchal真实性传统的宗旨。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同样必须指出的是关于连续法律设立的摩西,和犹太人民逐步忠实于镶嵌法。Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.这里又理智的文学和历史的批评,甚至一些可能的结果将有助于大大保守评论员的摩西五。We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我们不吵架的批评者的合法的结论,如果批评不互相争吵。But they do quarrel with each other.但他们互相争吵。According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.根据Merx(。如上)没有什么,除了它的不确定性在一定的批评领域,每个评论家宣称最大的自力更生他的看法,但没有任何全方面的一致性。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known.前意见只是被沉默;甚至Reuss和Dillmann是垃圾铁,并有一个判断,什么可以或不可以被称为明显不足。Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.因此,关键的结果,据他们组成的区别文件来源,在后镶嵌材料,如文字的变化,亵渎或启发补充测定的各种法律法规的阐述,只是,不擅长方差与摩西五马赛克的真实性。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能反马赛克性质必须指出的事实或现象从批评合法推断上述结论;这些事实或现象,例如,在文本神圣的名字,对某些词的使用,改变差的风格,真所谓双账户,而不仅仅是显然,相同的活动;的谬误的这些和其他类似的细节真相并不直接影响花叶作者的pentateuch。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在这种结果那么批评与传统的冲突?Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.批评和传统是不相容的意见,以年龄和序列的文件来源,至于起源的各种法律法规,并作为对时间和方式的pentateuch节录。

(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree.(一)Pentateuchal Documents,至于年龄和序列的各种文件,批评不同意。Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. Dillmann,基特尔,柯尼格和Winckler把Elohist,谁被细分成几个作家的第一,第二和第三Elohist之前,Yahwist,谁也分为第一和第二Yahwist分;但豪森和大多数评论家认为,在Elohist约一个世纪比年轻Yahwist。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.无论如何,都被分配到的第九和公元前8世纪,既过于纳入较早的传统,甚至文件。

All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有批评似乎同意,以申命记复合字符,他们承认,而比单一作家Deuteronomist学校。Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.尽管如此,构成全书简要连续层由D1,D2,D3,等作为的性质这些层指定,批评不同意:Montet和驱动程序,例如,分配给第一个Deuteronomist毫升。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.I - XXI; Kuenen,柯尼希,罗伊斯,韦斯特法尔归于DN,四,45-9,和V - 26雷南;第三类的批评减少D1至十二,1 - 26,19,允许其双重版本:根据豪森,第一版所载,1 - IV,44;十二,二十六,二十七,而第二个由四,45席,39;十二,二十六,二十八,XXX;两种版本的redactor谁合并申命记插入到Hexateuch。 Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently.Cornill安排两个版本有所不同。Horst considers even cc.霍斯特认为,即使CC。xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.作为一个预先存在的要点汇编十二 - 26,聚集和无秩序往往是偶然的。Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges.豪森和他的追随者不想指派为D1更高的年龄超过621年,Cornill和贝尔托莱审议该文​​件作为预言教学总结,科伦索和雷南赋予它赫雷米亚斯,其他地方的统治它的起源或埃泽希亚什Manasses,Klostermann确定之前,在当时人们的约萨法特读过书的文件,而莱内特指回了法官的时间结束。 The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching.该Deuteronomist取决于前两个文件,​​J和E,对于他的历史都土斯立法;没有在这些发现的历史资料可能已被来自我们不知道其他来源,和法律没有在立法中和西乃半岛十诫不是纯粹的小说或预言教学的结晶。

Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最后,祭司码,P,也是编译:书的第一层,在其历史和性质的法律,是由P1或P2指定的,第二层是圣洁的,H或列弗法律,十七。 - 26,是当代的一个Ezechiel,或者自己的先知(H,P2,pH值)也许工作;此外,还有如雨后春笋般从一所学校,而不是从任何一个作家的其他元素,以及由丘嫩指定为P3 ,P4,P5,而是由Ps和Px的其他批评。Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr.贝尔托莱和Bantsch发言的两个法律的其他集合:法律的牺牲,列弗,第一至第七,作为宝指定和法律的纯洁性,列夫,西十五,为Pr指定。 The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.第一纪录片假说认为是最古老的部分的pentateuch PN; Duston和Dillmann置于前Deuteronomic代码,但最近的批评者认为这是超过了最近的其他文件摩西五,甚至晚于Ezech,四十四。 10 XLVI,15(573-2 BC);的豪森日期祭司码的追随者后,从巴比伦圈养的回报,而Wildeboer的地方,无论是在或接近尾声的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.的祭司码的历史部分取决于Yahwistic和Elohistic文件,但豪森的信徒相信,这些文件材料已被操纵,以适合的祭司码特殊用途它; Dillmann和驱动保持这一事实没有发明或伪造的P,但后者在手,除了J和大肠杆菌等历史文件至于法律的一部分磷,豪森认为这是一个先验的犹太祭司程序后,从囚禁返回它,预计倒退到过去,归因于摩西,但其他批评者认为磷已系统化的崇拜前放逐海关,然后发展,并使之适应新的情况。

What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.什么已经说得很清楚表明,批评在许多方面有异,但他们在维护Pentateuchal文件后花叶产地之一的。 What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?是什么原因基础上,他们自己的意见的重量?

The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.所规定的先决条件,以文学批评的条件并不证明来源的pentateuch必须后花叶。The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯来人的生活了,至少二百年在埃及;此外,在沙漠中度过的四十年中的大部分是通过附近的Cades,使以色列人不再是游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.无论是其物质繁荣,或他们的写作和阅读能力说过,弗林德斯皮特里显示上述研究,他们一直在摩西时代的民族传统的记录。

If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果摩西希伯来同时代保持书面记录,为什么不应该的来源之一Pentateuchal这些文件?It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.的确,在我们的实际摩西五我们发现非马赛克和后花叶的迹象,但是,然后,非马赛克,非个人的风格,可能是由于文学设备,或以笔的秘书;后花叶地理和历史的迹象可能已经悄悄进入文本的美化,或誊写错误,甚至启发补充方式。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批评者不能仅仅作为托辞拒绝这些建议,因为他们应该授予在维护Pentateuchal文字持续的奇迹,如果他们否认了这种文字的变化存在道德确定性。

But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不会对摩西五已经知道先前的先知,如果它一直流传下来的时候,摩西?This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.这一重要的例外是真正的论点é silentio这是很容易被错误的,除非它是最认真的处理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外,如果我们记住在成倍的摩西五份涉及的劳动,我们不能错误的假设,他们是非常有摩西和先知之间的间隔罕见,所以很少有人能够读取实际的文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.再次,它已经指出,至少有一个早期先知呼吁书面镶嵌法,所有这样的民族良知的前提上诉Pentateuchal历史和法律。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最后,一​​些批评意见,保持了J人与以色列的历史根据宗教和先知的道德观念,如果有这样的协议,为什么不说,先知写根据宗教和道德观念摩西五?

The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批评者呼吁的事实,有关庇护Pentateuchal法律,牺牲的节日,和神职人员与后花叶历史发展的不同阶段同意;,第二阶段同意的Josias的改革,以及与成文法第三实施后的巴比伦流亡的时间。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但必须牢记,镶嵌法目的是为以色列的基督教法律是为整个世界;如果再1900年基督之后,更大的世界的一部分仍然是联合国的基督徒,这是不令人惊讶的镶嵌法规定百年前侵入整个国家。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外,有,毫无疑问,许多违反法律,正如十诫受到侵犯不损害其法律颁布今天。Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再有对宗教的改革和灾害倍有宗教热情和基督教教会的历史时期冷漠,但这种人类弱点并不意味着法律不存在,无论是马赛克或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.至于在具体的法律问题,这将是较为理想的研究发现他们更详细。

(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code.(二)Pentateuchal Codes -评论家努力建立一个三Pentateuchal代码:该公约,申命记,和祭司法典。Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history.相反的就为适用于在第四年在沙漠中游荡的不同阶段这一立法,他们认为这三个国家的历史同意它的历史阶段。As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.如上所述,这三重立法的主要对象是圣殿,节日,和神职人员。

(a) The Sanctuary(一)保护区

At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.起初,因此批评者认为,牺牲被允许可在任何地方,体现了上帝的名字(出20:24-6),然后圣殿仅限于一个地方的神(申命记12:5选择);第三,祭司码设团结的避难所,并规定适当的宗教仪式待观察。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外,批评者指出,显示前的Deuteronomic法牺牲的执法在相当从方舟休息的地方不同的各个地方提供的历史事件。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什么做的pentateuch回答花叶著作权的捍卫者? First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt.首先,作为法律的三倍,它分三个在以色列的沙漠生活的不同阶段:前幕在山脚下勃起。Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.西奈半岛,人们被允许建造祭坛,并提供各地提供主的名称体现了牺牲;下,在人民爱戴的金牛犊,以及幕已经竖立,牺牲可只提供前幕,甚至死亡的牛消费不得不宰杀在同一地点,以防止重新陷入偶像崇拜,最后,当人即将进入应许之地,过去的法律被废除,被当时很不可能的,但团结的避难所被关在的地方,上帝会选择。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次,由批评家敦促历史事实,其中一些是由神直接干预,奇迹或先知的灵感,因此是完全合法的,有些则是明显的违法违纪行为,并没有被认可的作家的启发;第三类的事实可以解释三种方式之一:

Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real.Poels(“乐sanctuaire DE Kirjath Jeraim”,鲁汶,1894年,“DE L' histoire Examen批判杜sanctuaire DE L'雅倩”,鲁汶,1897年)的努力,证明Gabaon,Masphath和基列耶琳Jarim表示同一个地方,使多重保护区是唯一明显的,不是真实的。

Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.凡Hoonacker(“乐寮杜culte DANS LA立法rituelle DES Hebreux”中的“Musceeon”,四月至十月,1894年,十三世,195-204,299 - 320,533-41;十四,17-38)区分私营和公共祭坛,公众和国家崇拜是集中在一个法律庇护和一个祭坛周围,而私人神坛可能已为国内崇拜。

But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但更常见的是承认,在神面前选择了网站的国家庇护,这是法律不禁止的任何牺牲,甚至远离了方舟的地方。After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.后的寺庙建筑的法律不认为如此严格的约束,任何情况下。Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.迄今为止然后论点的批评是没有定论。

(b) The Sacrifices(二)牺牲

According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.据批评,对图书的盟约责成只的第一水果产品和动物第一胎,对男性的第一个出生的赎回和庇护的访问自由意志募股(出埃及记,22,28-9,二十三,15,[希伯来书,二十三,19]);申命记更清楚地界定了这些法律的一些(十五,19-23,二十六,1-11),并规定了法律规定的什一税穷人的利益,寡妇,孤儿,和利未人(26,12-5);祭司码区分不同种类的牺牲,决定了他们的仪式,并介绍了也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但是,历史很难证明了这一观点:由于存在着一个永久神职人员在筒仓,以及后来在耶路撒冷,我们可以有把握地推断,存在着一个永久的牺牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉的照顾上(参见阿莫斯4:4,5; 5:21-22,25;何西阿各处)祭祀赋予过剩。The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.对赫雷米亚斯(七,21-3)的表达可以解释在同样的意义。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).赎罪祭被称为很久之前批评介绍他们的祭司码(Osee,四,八,密歇根州,六,七,PS,XXXIX [XL],7; 1国王,三,14)。Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).侵入提供正式区别于罪在2国王13:16(参撒上6:3-15;以赛亚书53:10)产品。 Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此牺牲之间的区别是由于不同种类既不厄泽克尔45:22-5,也不向祭司码。

(c) The Feasts(三)节日

The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.该图书的盟约,所以批评告诉我们,只知道三个节日:七天在出埃及记的形式埃及,节日的收成内存的azymes盛宴,并在年底的收成(出埃及记23 :14 - 7);申命记ordains的节日保持在中央圣殿增加Pasch的盛宴的azymes,地方七周之后的第一,第二盛宴,并呼吁第三,“住棚节”,扩大其期限为7天(申命记16:1-17);守则规定的祭司的确切仪式五个节日,增加了喇叭和赎罪,所有这些都必须在中央圣殿保持盛宴。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外,历史上似乎赞同论点的批评:法官,二十一世纪,19知道只有一个年度盛宴在筒仓;撒上1:3,7,21,证明是父母的塞缪尔了每年筒仓的庇护;耶罗波安我设立在他的王国一个年度盛宴类似耶路撒冷(1国王12:32-3)庆祝的,最早的先知没有提到的宗教节日的名称;的Pasch首次发现后的庆祝申命记(列王纪下23:21-3); Ezechiel知道第一和第七月的第一天只有三个节日和赎罪祭。But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但在这里再次批评使用的论点é silentio这是不是在这种情况下定论。The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.节日赎罪,例如,是不是在外面提到旧约的摩西五,只有约瑟夫指庆祝在约翰Hyrcanus或希律时间。Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?将批评这一推断,该节日是不是保持整个旧约?History does not record facts generally known.历史不会记录一般人都知道的事实。As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.至于一个年度盛宴在早期的记录中提到,有分量的评论家都认为,后在许之地的人定居,自定义是逐步的去中央避难所只有每年一次推出。 This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.这种风俗前的批评允许的Deuteronomic法(王纪上12:26-31)的存在,使后者可以不用介绍了吧。Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it.伊萨亚斯(二十九,1,XXX,29)讲一个周期的节日,但Osee,第十二章,第9的意思已经向住棚节,因此,它的设立不能由于祭司码作为批评家描述它。 Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary. Ezechiel(第四十五,18-25)讲只有三个节日,必须在中央避难所。

(d) The Priesthood(四)职

The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.批评者争辩说,此书的盟约知道的Aaronitic铎(出埃及记24:5)无关;申命记提到没有任何等级的区分,没有任何大祭司祭司和利未人,确定他们的权利,只有利未人的生活之间的区别在国家和利未人连接到中央圣殿,最后,祭司的代码表示在法律上确定的职责,权利和收入作为社会和等级制度的祭司。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.这一理论被认为是承担了历史的证据出来。But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但在相反方向的历史见证点。At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).在若苏埃和早期法官的时间,以利亚撒,Phinees,亚伦的儿子和侄子,是祭司(民数记26:1,申命记10:6;约书亚14:1 SQQ; 22:13,21; 24:33法官:20:28)。From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).从法官到所罗门时间结束,神职人员在手中的合力和他的后裔(撒母耳记上1:3 SQQ; 14点03分,21时01; 22:1)谁从窜出的小儿子以他玛亚伦(历代志上24:3;比照撒上22:29; 14:3; 2:7 SQQ)。Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.所罗门提出萨多克,对Achitob儿子,到了高神父的尊严,和他的后裔举行的办事处下到巴比伦的圈养时间(2塞缪尔8时17; 15时24 SQQ; 20点25分,列王记上2点26分,27,35,以西结书44:15);的萨多克太亚伦后裔是证明了我看齐,六,八。Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice.除了若苏埃和Paralipomenon书刊承认祭司和利之间的区别;根据撒母耳记上6:15,利未人处理的方舟,但Bethsamites,一个城市的居民祭司(约书亚21:13-6),提供了牺牲。 A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21.类似的区别是在撒母耳记下15时24分,1国王8时03平方米;以赛亚书66:21。Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).凡Hoonacker(“莱斯pretres ET LES利DANS LE livre D' Ezechiel”中的“歌剧biblique”,1899年,八,180-189,192-194)显示,Ezechiel没有创造之间的祭司和利未人的区别,但假设在传统存在区别,他建议在这些类根据功德部门,而不是根据出生(四十四,15 XLV,5)。Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory.除非批评只是抛开这一切的历史证据,他们必须给予一个在以色列Aaronitic铎的存在,并将其纳入祭司和利未人,在D和P码颁布根据批判理论长除法。 It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.诚然,在一些段落人士说,提供牺牲谁是Aaronitic血统不是:法官,六,25 SQQ;十三,9;撒上七点09分,10点08分,13时09;撒下6:17,24:25; 1国王8:5,62;等,但摆在首位,把“提供的牺牲”是指以提供受害者(利未记1:2,5)或执行的牺牲仪式;受害者可能须提交的任何虔诚的门外汉;其次,就难以证明上帝犯这样的方式来亚伦祭司的办公室和他的儿子为了不给自己保留在特殊情况下,委托非自由 - Aaronite执行祭司的职能。

(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. (三)Pentateuchal Redaction.,四个文件的摩西五迄今descried来源合并不是由任何一个个人;批评需要而三个不同阶段的组合:第一,Yahwistic修订者RXX或RX结合J和使用的查看电子邮件他们协调,并使之适应申命记想法,这发生之前或之后的D.节录其次,经过D已经完成了在公元前六世纪,一个redactor的,或者一个学校的编纂,与D的精神的组合成JED文件乙脑,但引进必要的修改,以确保一致性。 Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes.第三,去年redactor的RX与P的文字和精神的,结合JED这个文件,再引进必要的修改。The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.在创国表,十四是根据丘嫩的这最后redactor的补充。

At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍一看,一个是震惊的是这一理论的复杂性格;作为一项规则,一个更简单的真理质地。Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.其次,一个是印象深刻的是假设的独特性;古代无关等于它。Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三,如果一曰或研究这一理论轻的五,一个是印象深刻的是异想天开的redactor性格,他常常保留什么应该被省略,省略哪些应该被保留下来。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批评者本身采取避难,一次又一次,在工作的redactor,为了挽救自己的看法的pentateuch。 A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近作家不惜调用复杂redactor的EIN genialer ESEL。Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四,真理爱好,直截了当读者自然感到震惊的文学小说和伪造,编辑修改,并在Pentateuchal文件和节录批判理论隐含的托辞。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.比较温和的批评努力摆脱这种不便:一些之间的古代和文学财产和编辑准确性现代化的标准差吸引力;他人几乎圣经目的的手段。 Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire.欧特列认为,作为纯粹的轻率表达的困境“无论是工作的摩西或一个骗子的工作”; Kautzsch假惺惺指向的智慧和神的方式,我们无法捉摸知识的深度,但必须佩服。The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.批评左翼公开承认,也没有在hushing事项中使用了,它实际上是对科学的研究成果,无论形式和旧约的很大一部分内容是关于意识的小说和伪造的。


In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19.在一些普通的五经推出其弥赛亚的预言是专门考虑,即所谓的原evangelium,将军,三,15; SEM的祝福,将军,九,26-7;父权的承诺,根,,十二,2;十三,16;十五,5;十七,4-6,16;十八,10-15,二十二,17;二十六,4;二十八,14;了奄奄一息的雅各,创福, XLIX,8-10;的巴兰预言,数量,二十四,15 SQQ;,和伟大的先​​知摩西宣布,申,十八,15-19。But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.但这些预言属于而是要引进的注释比全省。 Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.再次,五经文字一直被认为在一些一般性的工作介绍。We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我们已经看到,除了massoretic文本,我们必须考虑到先前的文本翻译的译本,和撒玛利亚摩西五更早的读数之后,对这个问题的详细调查,属于文字或更低批评领域。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但风格的pentateuch难以被转介到其他任何一些Pentateuchal研究部门。

As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.正如摩西受聘于他的工作无疑构成前存在的文件,因为他必须已使用过的秘书援助,我们期待antecedently了各种风格的摩西五。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.这无疑是由于这一文学现象的存在,批评已经发现在他们的支持,以便分析分钟多点。 But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但在一般情况下,工作作风,是与它的内容一致。There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有三种材料中的五种:第一,有数据统计,族谱,法律处方;第二,有叙事的部分;第三,有弧形的部分。

No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.没有读者会发现作家的干旱和朴实的作风在他的过错家谱和人种名单,在他的营地在沙漠中,他的法律文书或表。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他文学表现将是发生在这一类的记录。The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.在叙事风格的摩西五是简单和自然,而且活泼,风景如画。It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它盛产简单的字符素描,对话,和轶事。The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.亚伯拉罕的购买了埋地对约瑟夫的历史,和埃及瘟疫的帐户也戏剧性。Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命记有其上的嘱托它包含帐户独特的风格。Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.摩西解释他颁布的法律,但也敦促,主要是,他们的做法。As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作为一个演说家,他显示了油膏和说服力很大,但不属于贫困语重心长的先知。His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他留长句,有时不完整,所以才会出现所谓的anacolutha(参见申命记6:10-12; 8:11-17,9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4) 。Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.作为流行的不一定是传道,他是不缺乏的重复。But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他语重心长,说服力和油膏不干扰他的陈述清晰。He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不仅是一个僵化的立委,但他表明了他对人民的热爱,进而赢得他们的爱和信心。

Decisions of the Biblical Commission圣经委员会的决定

Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation. ,是在问候了本文,即,行政主体圣经创世纪委员会的一些决定,现报告如下:各其中排除了前三个章节的创世记字面和历史意义训诂系统不是基于坚实的基础。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification.它不应该告诉我们,这三个章节不包含事实的叙述,而是从神话和早期人民cosmogonies所得只有寓言,清除错误的多神教和安置到一神教;或寓言和符号,没有客观现实,提出在历史的幌子,以灌输宗教和哲学的真理,或最后,部分历史传说和虚构的部分提出的指导和熏陶在一起。 In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer.特别是,怀疑不应该令人对通道的触及基督教的基础字面和历史意义,因为,例如,由上帝创造的宇宙在刚开始的时候,人的特殊的创造;人类种族的团结;;原来幸福,完整,在我们的第一个国家司法父母不朽;上帝赋予人类尝试他服从戒律,海侵的第一人,从第一个女人的形成神圣戒律,在魔鬼的建议下,蛇的形式;从他们的正义原始状态达不到我们的第一个父母,一个未来的救世主的承诺。

In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解释这些章节中有关段落的父亲和医生不同的解释,人们可以遵循和捍卫的意见,符合他的批准。Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.并不是每一个词或短语在这些章节总是一定要采取在其字面意义上,以便它可能永远不会有另一个当它显然是用来比喻或anthropomorphically。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.对一些段落文字和历史意义的先决条件在这些章节,一个寓言和预言的含义可能明智和有益的就业。As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.正如写作创世纪第一章的神圣作者的目的不是为了科学地阐述了宇宙的创造或完整的订单宪法,而是给予一天的日常语言向人们普及信息,适应了所有情报,严格的科学语言礼并不总是要在他们的术语看。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.六天的表达他们的分裂可能会采取的一般意义上的自然日,或在一定的时间期限,注释者可能争议这个问题。

Publication information Written by AJ Moss.出版信息写AJ莫斯。Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett.转录由托马斯M巴雷特&迈克尔T巴雷特。Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.致力于在炼狱天主教百科全书,卷席可怜的灵魂。Published 1911.发布1911年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.五经指的是,许多作品被引用的这篇文章整个过程。We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我们将在这里增添了主要训诂作品名单,既古老又现代,没有试图给出一个完整的目录。

PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父作家“东方教会: - 奥利,在将军,PG,XII,91 Selecta - 145,同上,Homil在将军,同上,145-62;同上,Selecta等homil,在防爆,列弗。。 ,,数量,申,同上,263-818;。同上,在PG,十七,11-36 Fragmenta; ST罗勒,Homil在Hexaemer在PG,XXIX,3-208;。ST GREGORY的nyssa ,在Hexaemer在PG,XLIV,61-124;同上,德homin Opific,同上,124-297;。同上,德VITA Moysis,同上,297-430;。ST JOHN CHRYS,Homil在将军在PG,LIII,LIV,23 - 580;。同上,SERM在将军在PG,LIV,581-630; ST EPHR,注释在Pentat在歌剧院锡尔河,我1-115;。 。ST CYRIL的ALEX,德在spiritu adoratione在PG,LXVIII,133-1125;在PG,LXIX,13-677 Glaphyra; THEODORETUS,Quaest在将军,前,列弗,数量,申在。。。 PG,LXXX,76-456;加沙普罗科匹厄斯,注释在Octateuch在PG,LXXXVII,21-992;。NICEPHORUS,在Octateuch卡泰纳等libros注册(莱比锡,1772)。

Western Church: ST.西方教会:ST。AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.刘汉铨,在Hexaemer。in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在PL,十四,123-274;同上,德天堂terrestri,同上,275-314;同上,德等亚伯该隐,同上,315-60;同上,德野老等方舟,同上,361-416;同上,德亚伯拉罕,同上,419-500;,德以撒等灵魂,同上,501-34同上,同上,德约瑟夫patriarcha,同上,641-72;。同上,德benedictionibus patriarcharum,同上,673 - 94; ST。JEROME, Liber quaest.杰罗姆,LIBER quaest。hebraic.希伯来。in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.在PL,二十三,935-1010将军; ST。AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奥古斯丁,德将军角Manich.Manich。ll.会。due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.同上,德德文,在PL,XXXIV,173-220到期。ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.广告亮,同上,219-46;同上,德GER。ad lit.广告点亮。ll.会。duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST.duodecim,同上,245-486;同上,在Heptateuch Quaest,同上,547-776;。RUFINUS,德benedictionibus在PL,XXI,295-336 patriarcharum; ST。VEN. VEN。BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch. BEDE,Hexaemeron在PL,XCI,9-190;同上,在摩西五。Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. Commentarii,同上,189-394;同上,德tabernaculo等vasibus ejus,同上,393-498; RHABANUS毛鲁斯,通讯。in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在将军在PL,CVII,443-670;同上,评论。in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut.在EZ。,列弗。,序号。,申。in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在PL,CVIII,9-998; WALAFRID斯特拉波,Glossa ordinaria在PL,CXIII,67-506。

MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世纪:ST段。BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布鲁诺ASTI,在摩西五Expositio。in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在PL,鲁珀特的道依茨,德SS。Trinitate et operib. Trinitate等operib。Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST.在PL,CLXVII,197-1000 Ejus;圣休。VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent.VICTOR,Adnotationes在被压抑elucidatoriae。in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST.在PL,CLXXV,29-86;挪的欧坦,在PL,CLXXII,253-66 Hexameron;同上,德decem plagis埃及斑蚊,同上,265-70;阿贝拉尔,在Hexaemeron Expositio在PL,CLXXVII,731-84 ;休ST。 CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.雪儿,Postilla(威尼斯,1588); Nicolaus的天琴座,Postilla(罗马,1471); TOSTATUS,歌剧,I - IV(威尼斯,1728);狄奥尼修斯的CARTHUSIAN,评论。in Pentateuch.在摩西五。in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在歌剧OMNIA,I,II(蒙特勒伊,1896-7)。

MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.更多近期WORKS.犹太作家: - 的RASHI(1040至1150年),ABENASRA(1092年至1167年)和大卫泡菜,(1160年至1235年)评注,载于拉比圣经; ABARBANEL,评论。(Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr.(威尼斯,5539上午,1579年);擦痕,法语入门。of Pent.被压抑。(Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test.(巴黎,1831); KALISCH,历史和批判的旧的测试评论。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. (伦敦),将军(1885);列弗。(1867, 1872); Ez.(1867年,1872年); EZ。(1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent.(1855年); HIRSCH,德被压抑。ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev.ubersetzt UND erklart(第二版,法兰克福,1893年,1895年);霍夫曼达斯布赫列弗。ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906).ubersetz UND erklart(柏林,1906年)。

Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家: - 的路德,梅兰希顿,卡尔文,格哈特,CALOVIUS,DRUSIUS,DE Dieu酒店,CAPPEL,COCCEIUS,米氏,LE CLERC,ROSENMULLER,甚至TUCH和鲍姆加滕,作品是在我们的天轻微的重要性;克诺贝尔,将军(第6版,由DILLMANN,1892;。TR,爱丁堡,1897年); RYSSEL,EZ。and Lev.和列弗。(3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut.(第3版,1897年); DILLMANN,数字,申,圣何塞(第二版,1886年);。LANGE,Theologisch - homiletisches Bibelwerk(比勒费尔德和莱比锡),同上,创世纪(第二版,1877); IDEM ,EZ,列弗,与数字(1874);。STOSCH,申命记。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment.(第2版,1902年); KEIL和FRANZ DELITZSCH,Biblischer评论。uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex.尤伯杯DAS AT; KEIL,将军和前。(3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut.(第3版,莱比锡,1878年);同上,列弗,数字,申命记。(2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment.(第2版,1870; TR,爱丁堡,1881年,1885年);施特拉克和ZOCKLER,Kurzgefasster Komment。zu den h.祖书房H.Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut. Schriften A. UND NT(慕尼黑);施特拉克,将军(第二版,1905年);同上,EZ,列弗,数字(1894年);。欧特列,申。 (1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. (1893年); NOWACK,Handkomment。zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut.ZUM AT(哥廷根);贡克尔,将军(1901年);。BANTSCH,EZ,列弗,数字(1903年);申。by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.由STEUERNAGEL(1900);马蒂,Kurtzer Handommentar Z。AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez.AT(弗赖堡):HOLZINGER,将军(1898年),EZ。(1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev.(1900年),数字(1903年);贝尔托莱,列弗。(1901), Deut.(1901年),申。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. (1899年); BOHMER,达斯erste布赫莫斯(斯图加特,1905年),库克,圣经根据授权版本,I - II(伦敦,1877年); SPENCE和EXELL,讲坛评(伦敦):怀特洛,根;罗林森,防爆;蛾,列弗;温特伯森,数字;亚历山大,申;的解释者的圣经(伦敦):。DODS,将军(1887年);查德威克,出埃及记。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. (1890年);凯洛格,列弗。(1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut.(1891年),WATSON,数字(1889年);哈珀,申。(1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. (1895年),国际评论文章(爱丁堡):灰色,数字(1903年); DRIVER,申。(1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut.(1895年); SPURRELL,对将军(第二版,牛津大学,1896年)。希伯来文字注释;金斯伯格,第三本书的摩西(伦敦,1904年);。麦克拉伦,对前书,列弗,与数字(伦敦,1906年);同上,申。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1).(伦敦,1906年);罗伊斯,L' histoire圣ET LA意向书(巴黎,1879年); KUENEN,HOSYKAAS和奥尔特,HET欧德约(莱顿,1900-1)。

Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further notice.天主教作品: - 该CAJETAN,OLEASTER,STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS,SANTE PAGINO,LIPPOMANNUS,锤,B. POREIRA,ASORIUS MARTINENGUS,LORINUS,TIRINUS,A LAPIDE,玉米,JANSENIUS,邦弗雷雷,FRASSEN,卡尔梅特,布伦塔诺,DERESER,和作品SCHOLZ不是太知名的或太不重要需要进一步的通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.香格里拉圣圣经(巴黎); CHELIER,拉杰尼斯(1889年);同上,L' Exode ET LA Levitique(1886年); TROCHON,莱斯Nombres ET LE Deuteronome(1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae(巴黎);冯Hummelauer,创世纪(1895年);前,列弗。(1897); Num.(1897年);数量。 (1899); Deut.(1899年);申。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. (1901年); SCHRANK,评论。literal.文字。in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l.在将军(1835);拉米评论中湖Gen. (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901).将军(Mechlin,1883-4); TAPPEHORN,Erklarung DER将军(帕德博恩,1888);霍贝格,模具将军nach DEM Literalsinn erklart(弗赖堡,1899年);菲利安,香格里拉圣圣经,我(巴黎,1888); NETELER,达斯布赫创DER Vulgata UND DES hebraischen Textes ubersetzt UND erklart(明斯特,1905年); GIGOT,特别介绍了旧约,我(纽约,1901)的研究。Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909).圣经委员会:文献Apostolicoe Sedis(1908年7月15日),罗马(七月十七日,1909年)。


Jewish Perspective Information犹太人的角度看信息


-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:


Holiness Code.圣洁守则。

Latest Stratum of Pentateuch.最新地层的摩西五。

-Critical View:临界查看:

Chapters viii.-x.: Narratives.章viii.-x.:叙事。

Ch. CH。i.-vii.: Laws of Offerings.一至七:法律的奉献。

Ch. CH。xi.: Clean and Unclean Animals.十一:清洁和不洁的动物。

Ch. CH。xiii.十三。and xiv.: Laws of Leprosy.和十四:麻风的法律。

Ch. CH。xvi.: The Day of Atonement.十六:在赎罪日。

Ch. CH。xvii.-xxvi.: The Holiness Code.xvii. - 26:在圣洁守则。


Date and Place of Composition of P.日期和地点组成的体育

Date and Place of Composition of the Holiness Code.的日期和地点组成的神圣代码。

-Biblical Data:圣经的数据:

The English name英文名称

is derived from the Latin "Liber Leviticus," which is from the Greek (το) Λενιτικόν (ie, βιβλίον).是源于拉丁文“LIBER利未记”,这从希腊(το)Λενιτικόν(即βιβλίον)的。In Jewish writings it is customary to cite the book by its first word," Wa-yiḳra."在犹太人的著作是习惯性地举出其第一个字的书,“桦yiḳra。”The book is, composed of laws which treat of the functions of the priests, or the Levites in the larger sense.这本书,其中法律的祭司,或在更大意义上的利治疗功能组成。It is in reality a body of sacerdotal law.这是一个sacerdotal法律体系中的现实。The various laws comprising this collection are represented as spoken by Yhwh to Moses between the first day of the first month of the second year after the Exodus and the first day of the second month of the same year (comp. Ex. xl. 17 and Num. i. 1).组成这个集合的各种法律都表示为耶和华所讲的之间的出埃及后第二年第一个月的第一天以及同年第二个月的第一天到摩西(comp.前。XL 17和序号。一1)。There is no note of a definite time in Leviticus itself, but from the references cited it is clear that in the continuous narrative of the Pentateuch this is the chronological position of the book.有没有一个明确的时间在利未记本身的说明,但是从引用引用很明显,在连续叙事的pentateuch这是书的顺序位置。


Ch. CH。i.-vii.: A collection of laws relating to sacrifices.一至七:一个有关牺牲法律的集合。It falls into two portions: (1) ch.它分为两个部分:(1)CH。i.-vi.i.-vi.7 (Hebr. i.-v.) and vii.7(Hebr. i.-v.)和第七。22-34 are laws addressed to the people; (2) ch.22-34是给人们的法律;(2)通道。vi.六。8-vii.8七。21 (Hebr. vi. 1-vii. 21) are addressed to the priests.21(Hebr.六,1七,21)是给祭司。Ch.CH。i.contains laws for burnt offerings; ch.包含了燔祭的法律;通道。ii., for meal-offerings; ch.二,膳食祭;通道。iii., peace-offerings; ch.三,平安祭;通道。iv., sin-offerings; ch.四,罪祭;通道。v. 1-vi.诉1 - VI。7 (Hebr. ch. v.), trespass-offerings; ch.7(。Hebr. CH诉),非法侵入祭;通道。vi.六。8-13 (Hebr. vi. 1-6) defines the duties of the priest with reference to the fire on the altar; ch.8-13(。Hebr. VI 1-6)定义参考坛上的火祭司的职责;通道。vi.六。14-18 (Hebr. vi. 7-11), the meal-offering of the priests; ch.14-18(Hebr.六7-11),在祭司餐提供;通道。 vi.六。19-23 (Hebr. vi. 12-16), the priests' oblation; ch.19-23(。Hebr.六12-16),祭司“祭品;通道。vi.六。24-30 (Hebr. vi. 17-23), the trespass-offering; ch.24-30(。Hebr.六17-23),在侵入祭;通道。vii.七。1-7, trespass-offerings; ch. 1-7,侵犯祭;通道。vii.七。8-10, the portions of the sacrifices which go to the priests; ch.8-10,其中的牺牲去祭司的部分;通道。vii.七。11-18, peace-offerings; ch. 11-18,平安祭;通道。vii.七。19-21, certain laws of uncleanness; ch.19-21日,某些法律的污秽;通道。vii.七。22-27 prohibits eating fat or blood; ch.22-27禁止进食脂肪或血液;通道。vii.七。28-34 defines the priests' share of the peace-offering.28-34定义祭司“和平祭份额。Ch.CH。vii.七。35-38 consists of a subscription to the preceding laws.35-38包括到前面的规律订阅。

Ch. CH。viii.-ix.: The consecration of Aaron and his sons; though narrative in form, they contain the precedent to which subsequent ritual was expected to conform. viii.-ix.:在亚伦和他的儿子奉献,虽然在形式叙事,它们包含到,随后的仪式,预计符合先例。

Ch. CH。x. X.contains two narratives: one shows that it is unlawful to use strange fire at Yhwh's altar; the other requires the priests to eat the sin-offering.包含两个叙述:一是表明,它是非法的使用耶和华的祭坛怪火;其他需要祭司吃赎罪祭。Between these narratives two laws are inserted, one prohibiting intoxicating drink to the priests, the other giving sundry directions about offerings (8-15).这说明两个法律之间插入,一个醉人的饮料,禁止向祭司,其他杂项提供有关产品的方向(8-15)。

Ch. CH。xi.十一。contains laws in regard to clean and unclean animals, and separates those which may from those which may not be used for food.载有关于清洁和不洁的动物的法律,分离那些可能从那些可能不被用于食品。Ch.CH。xii.十二。contains directions for the purification of women after childbirth.包含妇女分娩后纯化方向。A distinction is made between male and female children, the latter entailing upon the mother a longer period of uncleanness.一个区别是男女之间的儿童,后者在母亲将会导致较长时间的污秽。

Ch. CH。xiii.十三。and xiv.和十四。contain the laws of leprosy, giving the signs by which the priest may distinguish between clean and unclean eruptions.含有麻风病的规律,使其中的迹象神父可能区分清洁和不清洁的爆发。

Ch. CH。xv.十五。contains directions for the purifications necessary in connection with certain natural secretions of men (2-18) and women (19-30).包含纯化与男性(2-18)和女性(19-30)连接需要一定的自然分泌物方向。

Ch. CH。xvi.十六。contains the law of the great Day of Atonement.包含了巨大的赎罪日的法律。The chief features of this ritual are the entrance of the high priest into the Holy of Holies and the sending of the goat into the wilderness (see Azazel).这个仪式的主要功能是对进入至圣和山羊发送到旷野(见阿撒兹勒)大祭司的入口。

Holiness Code.圣洁守则。

Ch. CH。xvii.-xxvi.xvii. - 26。 contain laws which differ in many respects from the preceding and which have many features in common.含有法律,在许多方面不同于先前并有许多共同的特点。They are less ritualistic than the laws of ch.他们不到CH法律仪式。i.-xvi.一,十六。and lay greater stress on individual holiness; hence the name "Holiness Code," proposed by Klostermann in 1877 for these chapters, has been generally adopted.打下更加强调个人的圣洁,因此命名为“圣洁守则”,由Klostermann提出的这些章节1877年,已普遍采用。

Ch. CH。xvii.十七。contains general regulations respecting sacrifice; ch.包含尊重牺牲的一般规定;通道。xviii.十八。prohibits unlawful marriages and unchastity; ch.禁止非法婚姻和不贞洁;通道。xix.十九。defines the religious and moral duties of Israelites; ch.定义了以色列人的宗教和道德义务;通道。xx.XX。imposes penalties for the violation of the provisions of ch.规定了对违反规定的CH处罚。xviii.十八。In ch.在CH。xxi.XXI。regulations concerning priests are found (these regulations touch the domestic life of the priest and require that he shall have no bodily defects); ch.有关法规司铎被发现(这些条例触摸牧师家庭生活,并要求他不应有任何身体缺陷);通道。xxii.二十二。gives regulations concerning sacrificial food and sacrificial animals; ch.有关法规给予祭祀食品和牺牲动物;通道。 xxiii.二十三。presents a calendar of feasts; ch.提出了一种节日日历;通道。xxiv.二十四。contains various regulations concerning the lamps of the Tabernacle (1-4) and the showbread (5-9), and a law of blasphemy and of personal injury (10-23); ch.载有关于会幕(1-4)和陈设饼(5-9),以及亵渎和人身伤害(10-23)法各项规定的灯具;通道。xxv.二十五。is made up of laws for the Sabbatical year and the year of jubilee (these laws provide periodical rests for the land and secure its ultimate reversion, in case it be estranged for debt, to its original owners); ch.由为休假年和今年的银禧(这些法律规定定期在于土地和安全的最终回归,以防它被疏远的债务,其原业主)的法律;通道。xxvi.二十六。is a hortatory conclusion to the Holiness Code.是劝告结论的圣洁守则。

Ch. CH。xxvii.二十七。consists of a collection of laws concerning the commutation of vows.由一组关于减刑的誓言法律汇编。These laws cover the following cases: where the vowed object is a person (1-8); an animal (9-15); a house (14-15); an inherited field (16-21); a purchased field (22-25); a firstling (26-27).这些法律包括下列案件:凡誓言对象是人(1-8),动物(9-15),房子(14-15);继承的字段(16-21);购买的场(22 -25),一个初产品(26-27)。Then follow additional laws concerning persons and things "devoted" (28-29) and concerning tithes (30-33).然后,按照有关人士和“专门”的东西(28-29)和关于什一税(30-33)的其他法律。Verse 34 is the colophon to the Book of Leviticus, stating that these laws were given by Yhwh as commands to Moses at Mount Sinai.EGHGAB 34节是对利未记图书版权页,指出这些法律分别给予以摩西的命令由耶和华在摩Sinai.EGHGAB

Latest Stratum of Pentateuch.最新地层的摩西五。

-Critical View:临界查看:

In the critical analysis of the Pentateuch it is held that Leviticus belongs to the priestly stratum, designated by the symbol P. To this stratum the laws of Leviticus are attached by their nature and also by linguistic affinities (comp. Pentateuch, and J. Estlin Carpenter and G. Harford Battersby, "Hexateuch" [cited hereafter as "Hex."], i. 208-221).在摩西五critical分析认为,这是利未记属于祭司阶层,由指定的象征体育这个阶层的法律利未记连接其性质和(comp.摩西五,和J. Estlin语言的相似性也卡彭特和G.哈福德巴特斯,“Hexateuch”[引称为“六角。”此后]岛208-221)。This priestly stratum was formerly regarded as the "Grundschrift," or oldest stratum of the Pentateuch, but by Graf and Wellhausen, whose views now receive the adherence of the great majority of scholars, it has been shown to be on the whole the latest.这祭司阶层的前身视为“Grundschrift”或最古老的摩西五地层,而是由格拉夫和豪森,现在他们的意见得到了大多数学者坚持,它已被证明是对整个最新的。 Leviticus as it stands is not, however, a consistent code of laws formulated at one time, but is the result of a considerable process of compilation.利,因为它代表的不是,但是,在一次制定的法律相一致的代码,但是是一个相当大的编译过程的结果。It has already been noted that chapters xvii.它已经指出,章十七。to xxvi.到二十六。have a distinct character of their own and a distinct hortatory conclusion, which point to an independent codification of this group of laws.有一个属于自己的鲜明个性和独特的劝告结论,这点到这个组独立的法律编纂。Within this same group many indications that it is a compilation from earlier priestly sources may also be found.在这同一组,这是一个从早期的祭司来源汇编许多​​迹象显示可能也被发现。Ch.CH。xviii.十八。26, xix.26,十九。37, xxii.37,22。31-33, xxiv.31-33,二十四。 22, xxv.22,二十五。55, xxvi.55,二十六。46, and xxvii.46,和二十七。 34 are all passages which once stood at the end of independent laws or collections of laws. 34顷所有通道,这一次在独立的法律或法规的集合站结束。Similar titles and colophons, which are best explained as survivals from previous collections, are found also in other parts of the book, as in vi.类似的标题和colophons,这是最好的,从以前的集合残余解释,也被发现在本书其他部分,如在六。7 (AV 14); vii.7(AV 14);七。1, 2, 37, 38; xi.1,2,37,38;十一。46, 47; xiii.46,47;十三。 59; xiv.59;十四。54, 55; xv.54,55;十五。 32, 33.32,33。It is necessary, therefore, to analyze these laws more closely.这是必要的,因此,分析这些法律更加密切。

Chapters viii.-x.: Narratives.章viii.-x.:叙事。

It will be convenient to begin this analysis with ch.这将是方便的开始与CH这一分析。viii.-x., which are, as previously noted, narratives rather than laws.而不是法律viii.-x.,这是,如前所述,叙事。Ch.CH。viii.八。relates the consecration of Aaron and his sons to the priesthood.涉及的亚伦和他的儿子奉献给祭司。That consecration is commanded in Ex.这种奉献是在Ex命令。xl.XL。12-15, just as the erection of the Tabernacle is commanded in Ex.12-15,正如会幕架设在Ex命令。xl.XL。1-11.1-11。As the erection of the Tabernacleis described in Ex.由于在防爆描述的Tabernacleis勃起。xl.XL。17-38, it is probable that Lev. 17-38,很可能列弗。viii., recounting the consecration of Aaron and his sons, immediately followed Ex.八,诉说着亚伦和他的儿子奉献,紧接着前。xl.XL。Ch.CH。i.-vii.一,七。have by editorial changes been made to separate this narrative from its context.已通过编辑修改作了分开的情况下这样的叙述。 Lev.列弗。viii.八。is based on Ex.基于前。xxix., relating its fulfilment, just as Ex.二十九。,有关其履行,正如前。 based on Ex.基于前。xxv.-xxviii.xxv​​.,二十八。 and xxx., xxxi.和XXX。,三十一。 It has been shown (comp. Exodus, Book of, Critical View I.) that Ex.它已被证明(comp.出埃及记,书,批评的看法一)的前。 a later expansion of a briefer account of the fulfilment of the commands of xxv.-xxxi.; it follows accordingly that Lev.是一对xxv. - XXXI履行简短的命令帐户后扩张;它遵循相应的列弗。viii.八。probably belongs to a similar late expansion of a shorter account of the fulfilment of the commands of ch.可能是属于一种类似的命令实现的CH短帐户后期扩张。xxix.二十九。Lev.列弗。viii.八。is not so late as Ex.是不如前晚。xxxv.-xl., since it knows but one altar.xxxv.-xl.,因为它知道只有一个祭坛。

Ch. CH。ix.九。resumes the main thread of the original priestly law-book.恢复原有的祭司法律书籍的主线。It relates to the inaugural sacrifice of the Tabernacle-the real sequel to Ex.它涉及到会幕,真正的续集前就职牺牲。xxv.-xxix.xxv​​.,二十九。 Probably it was originally separated from those chapters by some brief account of the construction and erection of the sanctuary and the consecration of the priesthood.也许它本来是分开的一些章节的施工和安装的庇护和奉献的神职人员简要介绍。The editor's hand may be detected in verses 1 and 23.编辑器的手可能会发现诗句1和23。

Ch. CH。x. X.1-5 is the continuation of ch.1-5的通道的延续。ix.九。and is from the same source.并从同一个来源。The regulations in verses 6-20 are loosely thrown together, though verses 6, 12-15, and 16-20, are, as they stand, attached to the main incident in verses 1-5.在6-20节的规定是松散放在一起,虽然诗句6,12-15和16-20,是,因为他们的立场,附着在1-5节的主要事件。 Verses 10, 11 are allied to ch.诗篇10中,11个结盟的通道。xvii.-xxvi., the Holiness Code (comp. Driver in "SBOT" ad loc.).xvii. - 26。时,圣洁代码(comp.在“SBOT”广告同上驱动器)。 Verses 16-20 are a late supplement, suggested by the conflict between the procedure of ix.诗篇16-20是一个后期的补充,由第九程序之间的冲突的建议。15 and the rule of vi. 15,vi的规则。24-30. 24-30。

Ch. CH。i.-vii.: Laws of Offerings.一至七:法律的奉献。

Ch. CH。i.-vii., as already noted, consist of two parts: i.-v. ,一,七,正如已经指出的那样,由两部分组成:i.-v.(AV vi. 7), addressed to the people, and vi.-vii.(AV六,七),给人民,VI. - VII。(AV vi. 8-vii. 36), addressed to the priests.(AV六,8七,36),给祭司。It is not a unitary, harmonious code: the two parts have a different order, the peace-offering occurring in a different position in the two parts.它不是一个单一的,和谐的代码:两部分有不同的秩序,和平提供了在不同的位置发生两部分。

Ch. CH。i.-iii.一 - 三。were compiled from at least two sources, and have been touched by different hands.编制了至少有两个来源,并已通过不同的手感动。Ch.CH。iii.三。should follow immediately after ch.应遵循后立即CH。i.

Ch. CH。iv., which graduates a scale of victims for the sin-offering according to the guilt of the sinner, is later than i.-iii.四,其中毕业生受害者的赎罪祭规模根据有罪的罪人,是不迟于一,三。 It is regarded by all critics as a late addition to the ritual.它是由所有的批评者认为作为一个晚除了仪式。The altar of incense, v. 7, is unknown to the older ritual (comp. Ex. xxix. 10-14); and the ritual of the high priest's sin-offering is much more elaborate than in Ex.而香,五,七,祭坛是未知的旧仪式(comp.前二十九10-14);和大祭司的赎罪祭仪式是比在防爆阐述。xxix.二十九。10-14 or Lev.10-14或列弗。 ix.九。8-11.8-11。The sin-offering, which in other laws is a goat (Lev. ix. 15, xvi. 8, and Num. xv. 24), is here a bullock.在赎罪祭,这在其他法律是一个山羊(利未记九15,十六8,和序号。十五24),这里是公牛。The ritual is throughout heightened, perhaps beyond all actual practise.该仪式是整个提高,也许超越一切实际的做法。

Ch. CH。v.-vi. v.-vi.7 (AV v.) afford no indications of so late a date as ch.7(AV诉)负担作为通道的这么晚的日期没有任何迹象。 iv., although it is clearly a combination of laws from various sources (comp. verse 14 and v. 20 (AV vi. 1). The oldest nucleus seems to be v. 1-6, in which there are no ritual directions. Verses 7-10 and 11-13 are later and perhaps successive additions. Though united later, they are probably genuine laws.四,尽管它显然是一个法律从不同来源的组合(comp. 14节和20节(AV六,1),最古老的核心似乎是诉1-6,其中有没有仪式方向。诗篇7-10和11-13后,也许是连续增加,虽然统一后,他们可能是真正的法律。

The rules for the guidance of the priests (vi. [AV vi. 8-vii.]) are also compiled from previous collections, as is shown by the different headings (comp. vi. 1, 13, 18 [AV vi. 8, 19, 24]).为祭司指导规则(VI. [AV六,8第七章])也从以前的编译集合,是由(不同的标题所示comp.六,1,13,18 [AV六8。 ,19,24])。They also are genuine laws from an older time.他们还从旧时间真正的法律。

Ch. CH。xi.: Clean and Unclean Animals.十一:清洁和不洁的动物。

Ch. CH。xi.十一。defines the clean and unclean animals.定义了清洁和不洁的动物。Because several of these laws are similar to the Holiness legislation (comp. verses 2-8, 9-11, 20, 21, and 41, 42), it has been inferred by many critics that ch.由于这些法律若干类似的神圣立法(comp.诗句2-8,9-11,20,21,41,42),已推断该CH许多批评。xi.十一。is a part of that legislation, that it is in reality the law which xx.是该立法的一部分,它在现实中的法律,XX。25 implies.25暗示。Others, as Carpenter and Harford Battersby, regard it as an excerpt from a body of priestly teaching which once had an existence independent of the Holiness Code.其他,如木匠和哈福德巴特斯,视为从祭司教导,曾经有一个存在的圣洁独立机构代码摘录的。The chapter is not a unit.本章没有一个单位。Verses 24-31 seem to be an expansion of v. 8, while verses 32-38 appear to be a still more recent addition.诗篇24-31似乎是一个8节扩张,而诗句32-38似乎是一个更加最近增加。Ch.CH。xii.十二。contains directions for the purification of women after childbirth.包含妇女分娩后纯化方向。In v. 2 reference is made to ch.在第2节提到了通道。xv.十五。19.19。As the rules in xii.如第十二规则。are cast in the same general form as those of xv., the two chapters are of the same date.在相同的十五。那些一般形式投,两章都是同一日期。It is probable that xii.它是可能的十二。once followed xv.曾经跟随十五。 30.30。Why it was removed to its present position can not now be ascertained.为什么被删除其现在的位置是现在不能确定。For date see below on ch.对于日期见下面通道。xv.十五。

Ch. CH。xiii.十三。and xiv.: Laws of Leprosy.和十四:麻风的法律。

The extreme elaboration of the rules for Leprosy has led some scholars to regard the compilation of ch.对麻风病的极端制定的规则,导致一些学者方面的CH汇编。xiii.十三。and xiv.和十四。as late, especially as it has been inferred from Deut.作为较晚,特别是因为它已经从申推断。xxiv.二十四。8 that when Deuteronomy was compiled the rules concerning leprosy were all still oral (comp. "Hex." ii. 158, note).8,当申命记编译规则有关麻风病都是仍然口头(comp.“六角。”二158注)。Moore, on the other hand (in Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl."), points out that the ritual of xiv.摩尔,另一方面(在进益和黑色,“百科全书。Bibl。”),指出,十四仪式。2-8 is very primitive (comp. Smith, "Rel. of Sem." pp. 422, 428 [note], 447), and that there is no reason to doubt the early formulation of such laws. 2-8是非常原始的(comp.史密斯,“REL。SEM的。”第422,428 [注意] 447),并且没有任何理由怀疑这些法律的制定早。 These chapters are not, however, all of one date.这些章节都没有,但是,所有的一个日期。The original draft of the law included only xiii.该法的原草案只包括十三。2-46a, xiv.2 - 46A,十四。 2-8a, and the subscription in 57b; xiii.2 - 8A,以及认购57B;十三。47-59, which treats of leprosy in garments, was codified separately, for in verse 59 it has a colophon of its own.47-59,这对服装的麻风病治疗,被编入分别为59节它有它自己的版本记录。Ch.CH。xiv.十四。10-20 is clearly a later substitute for 2-8a.10-20显然是一个2 - 8A后的替代品。Ch.CH。xiv.十四。33-53, which treats of fungous growths on the walls of houses, is often classed with the rules for leprosy in garments; but since it has a new introductory formula (33) it is probably independent of that section. 33-53,这对房屋的墙壁真菌生长对待,往往是在服装的归类与麻风病的规则,但因为它有一个新的介绍公式(33),它可能是独立的部分。Since it adopts (49) the mode of cleansing of xiv.由于它采用了(49)的十四清洗模式。2-8a, it is also independent of xiv.2 - 8A,它也是十四无关。9-32.9-32。As it makes mention of atonement while xiv.由于它使提及赎罪而十四。2-8a does not, it is also later than that.2 - 8A不,它也不迟的。Thus three hands at least worked on these chapters.因此,三只手至少工作在这些章节。The rules for purification after the discharge of secretions of various kinds (ch. xv.) are often regarded as late.后的各种分泌物的排出净化规则(章十五。)通常被视为迟到。The language is tediously repetitious.语言是繁琐重复的。The sacrificial ritual (verses 14, 29) is parallel to that of the sin-offering in ch.在祭祀仪式(诗句14,29)是平行的,在CH赎罪祭的。v. It is probable that a shorter earlier law on the subject has been expanded by a later hand; but it seems impossible now to separate the original from the later material.五,这是有可能较短早些时候关于这个问题的法律已被后来的手扩大,但现在看来是不可能分开后来材料原件。

Ch. CH。xvi.: The Day of Atonement.十六:在赎罪日。

Much discussion has been expended upon the account of the great Day of Atonement (ch. xvi.).已经花费了很多讨论后,在赎罪(章十六)伟大的一天帐户。Its opening words connect it with the incident of Nadab and Abihu (x. 1-5).它的开头语连接拿答和亚比户的(十1-5)事件的。 These words are regarded as editorial by some, but the subsequent material,which denies the priests free approach to the sanctuary, makes such a connection fitting.这些话被视为社论一些,但随后的物质,它拒绝祭司自由的方式来保护区,使这样的连接配件。Not all of the chapter, however, treats of this subject.并非所有的章节,但是,对待这个问题。With various prohibitions against entering the holy place, there is combined a curious ritual concerning the sending of a goat into the wilderness to Azazel.随着对进入圣地的各种禁令,有一个奇怪的仪式结合有关的山羊进入到阿撒兹勒荒野发送。As this ritual is given before the directions for the observance of the day, Benzinger (in Stade's "Zeitschrift," ix. 65-89) has argued that in verses 4-28 two accounts have been combined, one of which dealt with entrance into the sanctuary, and the other with the Azazel ritual.由于这一仪式是前一天的纪念活动,Benzinger方向定(在体育场的“(杂志),”九。65-89)认为,在4-28节已合并两个帐户,其中一个处理入口进入圣所,并与阿撒兹勒仪式等。 The former of these consisted of verses 1-4, 6 (or 11), 12, 13, and 34b, which were perhaps followed by 29-34a.这些前包括诗句1-4,6(或11),12,13,34B,其中可能由29 - 34A之后。This original law prescribed a comparatively simple ritual for an annual day of atonement.这个原始的法律规定了每年的赎罪日的仪式比较简单。With this verses 5, 7-10, 14-28 were afterward combined.有了这个诗句5,7-10,14-28被后来的总和。This view has not escaped challenge (comp. "Hex." ii. 164, note); but on the whole it seems probable.这种看法没有逃过挑战(comp.“六角。”二164注),但总体上看来可能。The Day of Atonement appears, however, not to have been provided for by the priestly law-book in the time of Nehemiah; for, whereas the celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles, beginning with the fifteenth of the seventh month (Neh. viii. 14 et seq.), which was followed on the twenty-fourth by a confession of sin (ib. ix. 1 et seq.), is described, no mention is made of a day of atonement on the tenth.在赎罪日的出现,然而,不以己提供了由祭司法律书籍中的尼希米记的时间,因为,而在住棚节庆祝活动,在第七个月(尼八第十五开始。 14页起),这是在第二十四届随之而来的罪(同上九,1起。)供述,描述,没有提到一个赎罪日的十分之一。Probably, therefore, ch.也许,因此,甲烷。xvi.十六。and other passages dependent upon it (eg, Lev. xxiii. 26-32 and Ex. xxx. 1-10) are of later date (comp. "Hex." i. 156 et seq.).和依赖于它(如列弗三章。26-32和前。XXX。1-10)其他段落是日后(comp.“六角。”岛156及以下)。 Even if this ritual be a late addition to the Book of Leviticus, however, there is good reason to believe that it represents a primitive rite (comp. Smith, "Rel. of Sem." 2d ed., pp. 411 et seq., especially p. 414, and Barton, "Semitic Origins," pp. 114, 289).即使这个仪式是已故除了利未记书,然而,有充分的理由相信,它代表了原始仪式(comp.史密斯,“REL。SEM的。”2版,第411页起。 ,特别是第414,和巴顿,“犹太人的起源”,第114,289)。

Ch. CH。xvii.-xxvi.: The Holiness Code.xvii. - 26:在圣洁守则。

Ch. CH。xvii.-xxvi., as already pointed out, form a group of laws by themselves.xvii. - 26。正如已经指出的那样,形成自己的法律小组。Ch.CH。xxvi.二十六。3-45 contains an address of Yhwh to the Israelites, setting forth the blessings which will follow if these laws are observed, and the disasters which will ensue if they are violated. 3-45包含一个耶和华对以色列人的地址,它规定的祝福,将依循这些法律得到遵守,以及灾害将接踵而至,如果他们受到侵犯。The character of the discourse and its resemblance to Deut.的话语和其相似申字符。xxviii.二十八。prove that Lev.证明列弗。 xxvi.二十六。once formed the conclusion of a body of laws.一旦形成了一个法律机构的结论。The peculiar phraseology and point of view of this chapter recur a number of times in earlier chapters (comp. xviii. 1-5, 24-30; xix. 2, 36b, 37; xx. 7, 8, 22-26; xxii. 31-33).在特殊用语和本章的观点再次出现在前面几章的次数(comp.十八1-5,24-30;第十九2,36B,37; XX 7,8,22-26; XXII 31-33)。Ch.CH。xviii.-xxvi.xviii. - 26。 are therefore bound together as one code.因此,作为一个代码结合在一起。Recent criticism regards ch.最近的批评对于通道。xvii.十七。as originally a part of the same legislation.原来同一个立法的一部分。As the "Book of the Covenant," Ex.由于“图书的盟约,”前。xx.XX。24-xxiii.24 - XXIII。 19, and the Deuteronomic Code, Deut.19,和Deuteronomic代码,申。xx.-xxvi., each opened with a law regulating the altar ceremonies, it is probable that the Holiness Code (H) began in the same way, and that that beginning now underlies Lev.xx. - 26。,每一个规范的法律开坛仪式,这是有可能的圣洁码(H)以同样的方式开始了,从现在开始,这种基础列弗。xvii.十七。The regulations of this code sometimes resemble those of Deuteronomy, sometimes those of P; and as it traverses at times the legislation of both, there can be no doubt that it once formed a separate body of laws.本守则的规定,有时类似于申命记的,有时磷;及截至倍的立法,都穿越,就不可能有毫无疑问,它一旦形成独立的法律主体。

This code was compiled from various sources by a writer whose vocabulary possessed such striking characteristics that it can be easily traced.此代码被编译从各种来源的一个作家拥有这样的词汇,它可以很容易地追踪显着的特点。Some of his favorite phrases are, "I Yhwh am holy"; "I am Yhwh"; "my statutes and ordinances"; "who sanctifies you [them]"; "I will set my face against them"; etc. (comp. Driver, "Leviticus," in "SBOT" p. 83, and "Hex." i. 220 et seq.).他最喜欢的短语一些,“我耶和华是圣洁的”,“我耶和华”,“我的法规和条例”,“谁成圣你[他们]”,“我将我的脸对他们的”,等等(COMP 。驱动程序,“利未记”,在“SBOT”第83页,而“六角。”岛220及以下)。As the work now stands the laws have been somewhat interpolated by P; but these interpolations can for the most part be easily separated.由于工作目前停留的法律已经有点插的P,但这些插值可以在大多数情况下不易分离。


In ch.在CH。xvii.十七。P has added verses 1, 2, 15, and 16, and all references to "the tent of meeting" and "the camp" in verses 3, 4, 5, and 6; probably, also, the last clause of verse 7. P的补充诗句1,2,15和16,和所有的“帐篷会议”,并在3节,4“阵营”,5和6参考;可能,同时,在第7节的最后条款。The original law required every one who slaughtered an animal to bring the blood to the sanctuary (comp. I Sam. xiv. 33-35), a thing perfectly possible before the Deuteronomic reform had banished all local sanctuaries.原来的法律规定每谁屠宰的动物,使血液中的避难所(comp.我萨姆。十四33-35)之一,之前的事情完全有可能的Deuteronomic改革放逐了当地所有的避难所。 This law is, therefore, older than the centralization of the worship in 621 BC (comp. II Kings xxiii.).此法,因此,比在621年(comp.二国王二十三。)崇拜集权旧。As P by his additions has left the law in Lev.正如他加P的左利的法律。xvii., it could have been observed by only a small community dwelling near Jerusalem.第十七,它可能只被观察到耶路撒冷附近的一个小社区居住。

In ch.在CH。xviii.十八。P has transmitted H's law of prohibited marriages and unchastity, prefixing only his own title. P的传播H公司的法律禁止结婚和不贞洁,只有他自己的标题前缀。

Ch. CH。xix.十九。contains laws which are, broadly speaking, parallel to the Decalogue, though the latter portion, like the Decalogue of J in Ex.其中包含的法律,从广义上讲,平行于十诫,尽管后者的一部分,就像在防爆J十诫。xxxiv., treats of various ritualistic matters.三十四。,对待各种仪式的事宜。P's hand is seen here only in verses 1, 2a, 8b, 21, and 22.P的手只在这里看到的诗句1,2A,8B,21和22。

Ch. CH。xx. XX。opens with a law against Moloch-worship.打开一个对Moloch崇拜的法律。Verse 3 is contradictory to verse 2.第3节是有矛盾的诗句2。Probably the latter is the old law and the former is from the pen of the compiler of H (comp. Baentsch in Nowack's "Hand-Kommentar," 1903).也许后者是旧法和前从对H(comp.在Nowack的“手Kommentar,”1903年Baentsch)编译器钢笔。 In verses 11-21 laws against incest, sodomy, approach to a menstruous woman, etc., are found.在11-21节法律对乱伦,鸡奸,方式,以月经的女人,等等,都找到。They are parallel to ch.他们是平行的通道。xviii.十八。and from a different source.并从不同的来源。H embodied both chapters in his work.H体现在他的工作这两章。P prefixed verse 1 to the chapter.P开头诗句1章。

Ch. CH。xxi. XXI。contains regulations for priests.包含祭司法规。Originally it referred to all priests; but P has interpolated it in verses 1, 10, 12b, 16a, 21, 22, and 24, so as to make it refer to Aaron and his sons.它最初指所有的祭司,但P的插在诗句1,10,12B,16A,21,22和24,所以,以使其指亚伦和他的儿子。The laws of sacrificial food and sacrificial animals have been modified by many glosses.牺牲粮食和牺牲动物的法律已经修改了很多粉饰。Some of these are anterior to H. P has added the references to Aaron and his sons in verses 1, 2, 3, 4, and 18.其中有些是前至H P的加入诗句1,2,3,4和18亚伦引用和他的儿子。In this chapter two originally independent calendars of feasts have been united.在这第二章原本独立的节日日历已团结。From P came verses 1-9, 21, 23-38, 39a, 39c, and 44; from H, verses 10-20, 39b, and 40-43.从P来到诗句1-9,21,23-38,39A,39C,44,从H,诗句10-20,39B和40-43。A later hand added verse 22, and perhaps other glosses (for details comp. "Hex." and Baentsch ad loc.).一个22后的手说诗句,也许其他美化(详情比赛。“六角”和Baentsch广告同上)。

Ch. CH。xxiv.二十四。1-9, which treats of the lamps and the showbread, belongs to the P stratum, but is out of place here. 1-9,其中的灯和陈设饼对待,属于为P阶层,但它是发生在这里。Verses 10-13, 23 deal with blasphemy.诗篇10-13,23亵渎处理。They are quite unrelated to verses 15-22 except as a partial doublet, and belong, perhaps, to a secondary stratum of P. Verses 15-22 are a part of the Holiness Code.他们是相当无关的部分除外双峰诗句15-22,属于,也许,到了中学体育诗篇15-22层是对圣洁代码的一部分。

The law of the Sabbatical year and of jubilee in ch.在CH法律的休假年和周年。xxv.二十五。is now composite.现在复合材料。 The earlier portion was a part of the Holiness Code.早先的部分是对圣洁代码的一部分。Driver sees this portion in verses 2b-9a, 10a, 13-15, 17-22, 24, 25, 35-39, 43,47, 53, 55.司机看到了诗句2B - 9A,10A,13-15,17-22,24,25,35至39,43,47,53,55这部分。P has added the portions which introduce a complicated reckoning, viz.: verses 1, 9b, 10b-12, 16, 23, 26-34, 40, 42, 44-46, 48-52, 54 (for other analyses comp. Baentsch and "Hex." ad loc.).P有增加的部分,介绍一个复杂的推算,即:诗句1,9B,10B - 12,16,23,26-34,40,42,44-46,48-52,54(用于排版其他分析。 Baentsch和“六角。”广告同上)。

Ch. CH。xxvi., as already noted, is the hortatory conclusion of the Holiness Code.二十六,正如已经指出的,是圣洁守则劝告结论。It has escaped serious interpolation from later hands, except perhaps in verses 34 et seq., where references to the Exile may have been inserted.它有严重的手中逃出后插,除在诗句34页起,哪里来的流亡引用可能已插入可能。

Leviticus now concludes with a chapter on vows, which belongs to a late stratum of P. It is later than the institution of the year of jubilee, and introduces a law, not mentioned elsewhere, concerning the tithe of cattle.利未记现在最后一个章节的誓言,属于晚阶层的体育是晚于禧年的机构,并引入一项法​​律,其他地方没有提到,有关牛的十分之一。

Date and Place of Composition of P.日期和地点组成的体育

From what has been said concerning the absence of ch.从什么已经说了关于通道的情况下。xvi.十六。from the Pentateuch of Nehemiah it is clear that some of the material of Leviticus was added to it later than Nehemiah's time.从尼希米摩西五是明确指出,利未记一些材料被添加到它不迟于尼希米记的时间。It is probable that P in its main features was in the hands of Ezra and Nehemiah.这是可能的,在其主要特点P在以斯拉和尼希米的手中。Leviticus is, however, not the work of the P who wrote the account of the sacred institutions, but of an editor who dislocated that work at many points, and who combined with it the Holiness Code and other elements.利是,不过,不是工作的P谁写的神圣机构帐户,但一个谁脱臼多点的工作,谁与它相结合的神圣守则等元素编辑器。

It is commonly supposed that the priestly laws were collected in Babylonia and were brought back to Palestine by Ezra.人们普遍假定的祭司法收集在巴比伦,被带回以斯拉巴勒斯坦。Haupt goes so far as to claim that the Levitical ritual is influenced by Babylonian institutions (comp. Haupt, "Babylonian Elements in the Levitical Ritual," in "Jour. Bib. Lit." xix. 55-81), and that a number of the words are Babylonian loan-words.豪普特竟声称的利未仪式是由巴比伦机构的影响(comp.豪普特​​,“巴比伦元素在利未仪式”,在“季刊。背带裤。上火”。十九。55-81),并且一个数字的话是巴比伦贷话。 Any deep Babylonian influence may well be doubted, however.任何深巴比伦的影响可能是怀疑,但是。It has been seen that the laws of Leviticus were collected little by little in small codes, and that they were united into their present form after the time of Nehemiah.它已经看到,法律利未记收集,一点小码少,而且他们是在其目前的形式统一后,尼希米记的时间。If any of these collections were made during the Exile, it must have been the desire of the priests who collected them to preserve the sacred ritual of the Temple at Jerusalem.如果这些集合中任何人在流亡了,它必须一直是他们的祭司谁收集保存在耶路撒冷的圣殿的神圣仪式的愿望。Like Ezekiel, they may have proposed reforms, but it is hardly likely that they would deliberately copy heathen practises.以西结一样,他们可能提出的改革,但它不大可能,他们会刻意复制异教徒的做法。The Levitical terms which are identical with Babylonian no more prove borrowing from Babylonia than the similarities between the code of Hammurabi and the Hebrew codes prove a similar borrowing there.这与巴比伦的相同条款没有更多的利未证明借款从巴比伦比之间的汉谟拉比法典和希伯来语代码的相似性证明了类似的借贷存在。 All that is proved in either case, when radical differences are given proper weight, is that in both countries the laws and the ritual were developed from a common basis of Semitic custom.所有这一切是在两种情况下,当激进的差异给予适当的重量证明,是在这两个国家的法律和仪式是从一个普通的犹太人的习俗基础上发展起来。

Date and Place of Composition of the Holiness Code.的日期和地点组成的神圣代码。

It is generally held that the Holiness Code is younger than Ezekiel, though this is opposed by Dillmann ("Exodus und Leviticus") and Moore (in "Encyc. Bibl." sv).人们普遍认为,圣洁代码比以西结年轻,虽然这是由Dillmann(“出埃及记UND利未记”)和摩尔反对(在“百科全书。Bibl。”SV)。 That there are many resemblances between H and Ezekiel all agree.这之间有许多相似之处H和以西结都同意。Ezekiel dwells again and again upon offenses which are prohibited in the code of H. Compare, eg, the laws of incest, adultery, and of commerce with a woman in her uncleanness (Lev. xviii. 8, xx. 10-17, and Ezek. xxii. 10, 11).以西结dwells一而再,再根据这些代码中的H.禁止的罪行比较,例如,乱伦的法律,通奸,并与一个女人在她的污秽(利未记十八8,XX。10-17,商业和以西结书,二十二,10,11)。 A list of such parallels will be found in "Hex."这些平行的名单,会发现在“十六进制”。i.147 et seq.147起。The same writers point out (ib. pp. 149 et seq.) that there is a similarity between Ezekiel and the hortatory portions of H so striking as to lead Colenso to regard the former as the author of those exhortations.同样的作者指出(同上第149页起),有一个与以西结和H的劝告部分以如此惊人的相似性导致科伦索视作为这些规劝作者前者。 Equally striking differences make Colenso's theory untenable; and it remains an open question whether Ezekiel influenced H, or H influenced Ezekiel.同样引人注目的分歧使科伦索的理论站不住脚,它仍然是以西结是否影响H,或H影响厄泽克尔悬而未决的问题。Those who regard H as the later (Wellhausen, Kuenen, Baentsch, and Addis) lay stress on the references to exile in xxvi.这些谁视为后(豪森,Kuenen,Baentsch,和亚的斯亚贝巴)H躺在流亡在二十六参考压力。34-44, while Dillmann and Moore regard such phenomena as the work of later hands. 34-44,而Dillmann和摩尔视为后来手中的工作等现象。When one remembers how many hands have worked on Leviticus it must be admitted that the references to exile may well be additions; and if the antiquity of the law of the altar in ch.当人们还记得有多少双手利未记工作必须承认,流放引用可能是补充;如果在CH古代的法坛。xvii.十七。be recalled-a law which is clearly pre-Deuteronomic-the probability that H is really earlier than Ezekiel becomes great.还记得,这显然是一个法律预申命记 - 概率H是真的早于厄泽克尔变得很大。

Comparisons of the laws of H with those of Deuteronomy have often been instituted, but without definite results.与申命记的法律比较的H经常被提起,但没有明确的结果。Lev.列弗。xix.十九。35, 36 is, it may be urged, more developed than Deut.35,36,它可能会敦促,超过申发展。xxv.二十五。13-15, since the measures and weights are more definitely specified; but the point is not of sufficient significance to be decisive.13-15日,由于措施和权重更明确规定,但问题是缺乏足够的意义是决定性的。On the other hand, the implication of many sanctuaries in ch.另一方面,寓意在CH许多避难所。xvii.十七。points to H's priority to Deuteronomy.至H的优先申命记点。At any rate it seems probable that H and Deuteronomy were collected quite independently of each other.无论如何,似乎可能H和申命记收集相当互不影响。The hortatory form of each is similar.每个劝告形式是相似的。This, together with resemblances to the language and thought of Jeremiah, points to the same general period as the date of their composition.这一点,再加上对语言和思想的耶利米,同一作为其组成日期期限一般点相似之处。Whether H is not the older of the two must be left an open question, with a slight balance of argument in favor of its greater antiquity.无论H是不是该两名年龄较大的,必须留下一个悬而未决的问题,具有更大的争论在其古老的青睐略有结余。 This view makes it probable that the Holiness Code was compiled in Palestine.这种看法使得可能的圣洁守则是在巴勒斯坦编译。

Emil G. Hirsch, George A. Barton埃米尔G.赫希,乔治巴顿

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版1901-1906之间。


Dillmann, Exodus und Leviticus, 3d ed., 1897; Graf, Die Geschichtlichen Bücher des Alten Testaments, 1866; Nöldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des Alten Testaments, 1869; Colenso, The Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua, 1872, vi.; Kuenen, Hexateuch, 1886; Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuchs, 3d ed., 1899; Driver, Introduction, 6th ed., 1897; idem, Leviticus, in Haupt, SBOT 1898; Bacon, Triple Tradition of the Exodus, 1894; Addis, Documents of the Hexateuch, 1898; Carpenter and Harford Battersby, Hexateuch, 1900; Baentsch, Exodus-Leviticus-Numeri, in Nowack's Hand-Kommentar, 1903; Paton, The Original Form of Lev.Dillmann,出埃及记UND利未记,三维版,1897年;格拉夫,模具Geschichtlichen书刊DES Alten圣经,1866; Nöldeke,Untersuchungen楚Kritik DES Alten圣经,1869;科伦索,五经和约书亚书,1872年,六; Kuenen ,Hexateuch,1886年,豪森,模具组成DES Hexateuchs,3D版,1899年;驱动器,导言,第6版,1897年;同上,利未记,在豪普特,SBOT 1898年,在出埃及记,1894年三传统培根;亚的斯亚贝巴,文件的Hexateuch,1898年,卡彭特和哈福德巴特斯,Hexateuch,1900; Baentsch,出埃及记,利未记,Numeri,在Nowack的手Kommentar,1903年,佩顿,对列弗的原始形态。xvii.-xix.xvii. - XIX。 in Jour.在怨妇。Bib.背带裤。Lit.点亮。xvi.十六。31 et seq.; idem, The Original Form of Lev.31及以下;同上,对列弗的原始形态。xxi.-xxii.xxi. - XXII。 ib.兴业。xvii.十七。149 et seq.; Haupt, Babylonian Elements in the Levitical Ritual, ib.149及以下;豪普特,巴比伦在利未仪式,IB元素。xix.十九。55 et seq.EGHGAB 55等seq.EGHGAB

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