Book of Numbers民数记 书 中文 - Zhong Wen

In the Wilderness (Hebrew Title) , מספרים (Hebrew)在旷野(希伯来文标题),מספרים(希伯来文)

General Information一般资料

Numbers, fourth book in the Old Testament of the Bible, derives its name from the census lists at the beginning and middle of the book.数字,在圣经旧约的第四册,它的名字来自在书的开头和中间的普查名单。Its Hebrew title, meaning "in the wilderness," better characterizes the work, however, because these lists as well as the book's otherwise unrelated narratives and scattered cultic legislation are all set in the wilderness.它的希伯来文的标题,意思是“在旷野中,”更好的工作的特点,然而,因为这些名单,以及书中的其他关联方关系的叙述和分散邪教立法都在旷野中的设置。 They continue the narrative, begun in the Book of Exodus, of Israel's journey from Egypt to Canaan, the Promised Land.他们继续开始,在出埃及记的叙述,以色列从埃及到迦南乐土的旅程。Although Numbers contains elements of the early traditions called J and E concerning challenges to Moses' leadership, the reconnaissance and abortive assault on southern Canaan, and the conquest of Transjordan, in addition to several fragments of extremely ancient poetry (1250 - 1050 BC), the present shape of the work is due largely to the source called P (c. 450).虽然数字包含元素称为J和E的挑战有关摩西的领导下,侦察和流产的袭击南部迦南,并征服了外约旦的早期的传统,除了几个片段极为古代诗歌中,(公元前1250 - 1050年),目前的形状的工作在很大程度上是由于称为P(公元前450)的源。P supplemented, edited, and occasionally altered the older sources to present his own view of the Mosaic period.P为辅,编辑,偶尔改变旧的来源,到目前他自己的看法马赛克期。

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Bibliography 参考书目
FM Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (1973); M Noth, Numbers: A Commentary (1968); GE Wright and RH Fuller, The Book of the Acts of God (1957).调频交叉,迦南神话和希伯来语史诗(1973),M北,编号:评注(1968); GE赖特和RH富勒神(1957年)的行为“。

Book of Numbers预订号码

Brief Outline简述

  1. Additional legislation; organization of the host (1-10:11)更多的法例;主办机构(1-10:11)
  2. March from Sinai to Kadesh-Barnea (10:12-12:16) 3月从西奈半岛向卡迪什巴尔内亚(10:12-12:16)
  3. Debacle at Kadesh (13-14)卡迪什崩溃(13-14)
  4. Wanderings in wilderness (15-21:11)流浪在荒野(15-21:11)
  5. Conquest of Trans-Jordan and preparations to enter Canaan (21:12-36:13)征服跨约旦和筹备工作进入迦南(21:12-36:13)

Book of Numbers预订号码

Advanced Information先进的信息

The Book of Numbers, the fourth of the books of the Pentateuch, called in the Hebrew be-midbar, ie, "in the wilderness."的数字书的摩西五书四,在希伯来文被midbar,即所谓的“在旷野”。In the LXX.在LXX。version it is called "Numbers," and this name is now the usual title of the book.版本被称为“数字”,这个名字是现在一般书的标题。It is so called because it contains a record of the numbering of the people in the wilderness of Sinai (1-4), and of their numbering afterwards on the plain of Moab (26).这就是所谓的,因为它包含在西奈的旷野(1-4)的人的编号记录,和他们的编号(26)摩押平原事后。This book is of special historical interest as furnishing us with details as to the route of the Israelites in the wilderness and their principal encampments.特殊提供历史的兴趣,我们这本书是以色列人在旷野中,其主要营地的路线的详细信息。

It may be divided into three parts:, 1.它可分为三个部分:1。The numbering of the people at Sinai, and preparations for their resuming their march (1-10:10).在西奈山的人,并准备为他们恢复他们的行军(1-10:10)编号。The sixth chapter gives an account of the vow of a Nazarite.第六章给出了一个拿细耳人的誓言。2.2。An account of the journey from Sinai to Moab, the sending out of the spies and the report they brought back, and the murmurings (eight times) of the people at the hardships by the way (10:11-21:20).旅程从西奈半岛向莫阿布的帐户,派出的间谍和他们带回来的报告,并在困难的人的怨言(8倍)的方式(10:11-21:20)。 3.3。The transactions in the plain of Moab before crossing the Jordan (21:21-ch.36).穿越约旦(0.36)21时21分,CH之前,在摩押平原的交易。

The period comprehended in the history extends from the second month of the second year after the Exodus to the beginning of the eleventh month of the fortieth year, in all about thirty-eight years and ten months; a dreary period of wanderings, during which that disobedient generation all died in the wilderness.出埃及后,在历史理解的时期,从第二年的第二个月到第十一个月的第四十个年头的开始,在约三十个年,10个月,一个沉闷的流浪时期,在该不听话的一代都死在旷野。 They were fewer in number at the end of their wanderings than when they left the land of Egypt.他们较少结束流浪在数量上比当他们离开埃及的土地上。We see in this histor, on the one hand, the unceasing care of the Almighty over his chosen people during their wanderings; and, on the other hand, the murmurings and rebellions by which they offended their heavenly Protector, drew down repeated marks of his displeasure, and provoked him to say that they should "not enter into his rest" because of their unbelief (Heb. 3:19).我们在此histor看到,一方面,不断通过他所选择的人在流浪的全能护理;另一方面,他们得罪了他们天堂般的保护,怨言和叛乱提请他反复的商标不满,并激起他说的话,他们应该“不进入他的休息”(希伯来书3:19)因为他们不信。

This, like the other books of the Pentateuch, bears evidence of having been written by Moses.这一点,像其他书籍的pentateuch,熊被摩西的书面证据。The expression "the book of the wars of the Lord," occurring in 21:14, has given rise to much discussion. “主的战争的书,”发生在21点14分,已经引起了很多讨论。But, after all, "what this book was is uncertain, whether some writing of Israel not now extant, or some writing of the Amorites which contained songs and triumphs of their king Sihon's victories, out of which Moses may cite this testimony, as Paul sometimes does out of heathen poets (Acts 17:28; Titus 1:12)."但是,毕竟,“这本书是是不确定的,是否一些以色列没有现在现存的写作,或一些的亚摩利人,其中的歌曲和胜利他们的王西宏的胜利,外面摩西可能举出这个证词的写作,为保有时异教徒诗人(使徒行传17:28;提多书1:12)。“

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary)(伊斯顿说明字典)


Catholic Information天主教信息

Numbers, at times called "In the Desert" by certain Rabbinic writers because it covers practically the whole time of Israel's wanderings in the desert.号码,被称为“沙漠中的”某些拉比作家有时是因为它几乎涵盖整个以色列的流浪在沙漠中的时间。Their story was begun in Exodus, but interrupted by the Sinaitic legislation; Numbers takes up the account from the first month of the second year, and brings it down to the eleventh month of the fortieth year.他们的故事开始在出埃及记“,但中断Sinaitic立法;号码需要从第二年的第一个月的帐户,并使其下降到第十一个月的第四十个年头。 But the period of 38 years is briefly treated, only its beginning and end being touched upon; for this span of time was occupied by the generation of Israelites that had been condemned by God.但38年期间是简单地处理,只有一开始和被触及的结束,这个时间跨度是由一代的以色列人,被上帝谴责占领。

(1) First Part, i, 1-xiv, 45.-Summary of the happenings before the rejection of the rebellious generation, especially during the first two months of the second year. (1)第一部分,我,1至十四,45. -摘要的逆反心理的产生排斥,尤其是在第二年的前两个月前发生的事情,。The writer inverts the chronological order of these two months, or order not to interrupt the account of the people's wanderings by a description of the census, of the arrangement of the tribes, of the duties of the various families of the Levites, all of which occurrences or ordinances belong to the second month.笔者反转的这两个月的时间顺序顺序,或为了不中断普查的说明人民群众的流浪帐户,部落的安排利未人的各种家庭的职责,,所有这些事件或条例属于第二个月。 Thus he first states what remained unchanged throughout the desert life of the people, and then reverts to the account of the wanderings from the first month of the second year.因此,他第一个国家保持不变整个沙漠生活的人,然后恢复到帐户的流浪从第一个月的第二年。

(a) i, 1-vi, 27.-The census is taken, the tribes are arranged in their proper order, the duties of the Levites are defined, the regulations concerning cleanness is the camp are promulgated.(一),1 - VI,我27.普查进行,部落在其正确的顺序排列,利未人的职责定义,清洁有关的法规颁布营。

(b) vii, 1-ix, 14.-Occurrences belonging to the first month: offerings of the princes at the dedication of the tabernacle, consecration of the Levites and duration of their ministry, celebration of the second pasch.(二)七,九,14. -标本属于第一个月:在帐幕的奉献精神,奉献的利部,庆祝第二pasch时间诸侯产品。

(c) ix, 15-xiv, 45.-Signals for breaking up the camp; the people leave Sinai on the twenty-second day of the second month, and journey towards Cades in the desert Pharan; they murmur against Moses on account of fatigue, want of flesh-meat, etc.; deceived by faithless spies, they refuse to enter into the Promised Land, and the whole living generation is rejected by God.(三)九,15十四,分手营45. -信号;人离开西奈半岛上的第二月的第二十二届一天,和对路程的沙漠Pharan Cades的考虑他们对摩西杂音疲劳,想肉,肉等;移情别恋间谍欺骗,他们拒绝进入乐土,整个生活产生是由上帝的拒绝。

(2) Second Part, xv, 1-xix, 22.-Events pertaining to the rejected generation.(2)第二部分,十五,1 - XIX,22. -拒绝代有关的活动。

(a) xv, 1-41.-Certain laws concerning sacrifices; Sabbath-breaking is punished with death; the law of fringes on the garments.(一)第十五,41. - 1 -的某些法律关于牺牲;安息日破是处以死刑;法律边缘的服装。

(b) xvi, 1-xvii, 13.-The schism of Core and his adherents; their punishment; the priesthood is confirmed to Aaron by the blooming rod which is kept for a remembrance in the tabernacle.(二)XVI,XVII,13. - Core和他的追随者的分裂;他们的处罚;证实了盛开的棒,这是为纪念在帐幕保持亚伦圣职。

(c) xviii, 1-xix, 22.-The charges of the priests and Levites, and their portion; the law of the sacrifice of the red cow, and the water of expiation.(三)第十八1 - XIX,22. -祭司和利未人,和他们的部分费用;红牛牺牲的法律,赎罪的水。

(3) Third Part, xx, 1-xxxvi, 13.-History of the journey from the first to the eleventh month of the fortieth year.(3)第三部分,XX,1 XXXVI,从第一到第十一个月的第四十个年头之旅13. -历史。

(a) xx, 1-xxi, 20.-Death of Mary, sister of Moses; God again gives the murmuring people water from the rock, but refuses Moses and Aaron entrance to the Promised Land on account of their doubt; Aaron dies while the people go around the Idumean mountains; the malcontents are punished with fiery serpents. (一)XX,,死亡,摩西的姐姐玛丽20. - 1 - XXI,神再次给淙淙人水从岩石中,但拒绝摩西和亚伦入口处,他们怀疑的乐土;亚伦期间死亡人去周围的Idumean山;不满者火蛇处罚。

(b) xxi, 21-xxv, 18.-The land of the Amorrhites is seized; the Moabites vainly attempt to destroy Israel by the curse of Balaam; the Madianites lead the people into idolatry.(二)21 - XXI,XXV,18. - Amorrhites土地处理;摩押人妄图摧毁以色列巴兰诅咒; Madianites导致陷入偶像崇拜的人。

(c) xxvi, 1-xxvii, 23.-A new census is taken with a view of dividing the land; the law of inheritance; Josue is appointed to succeed Moses.(C)26,1 XXVII,23. -新的人口普查是采取划分土地,继承法;若苏埃被任命接替摩西。

(d) xxviii, 1-xxx, 17.-Certain laws concerning sacrifices, vows, and feasts are repeated and completed.(D)二十八,1 - XXX,17.某些关于牺牲的法律,誓言,节日是重复和完成。

(e) xxxi, 1-xxxii, 40.-After the defeat of the Madianites, the country across Jordan is given to the tribes of Ruben and Gad, and to half of the tribe of Manasses.(E),1个三十二,三十一40. - Madianites的失败后,跨越约旦国家给予的鲁本和GAD的部落,和一半的部落Manasses。

(f) xxxiii, 1-40.-List of encampments of people of Israel during their wandering in the desert.(F)三十三,以色列人民在他们游荡在沙漠中的营地1 40. -名单。

(g) xxxiii, 50-xxxvi, 13.-Command to destroy the Chanaanites; limits of the Promised Land and names of the men who are to divide it; Levitical cities, and cities of refuge; law concerning murder and manslaughter; ordinance concerning the marriage of heiresses.(G)50三十六,三十三,13. -命令摧毁Chanaanites;利未人的城市,和城市的避难所;关于谋杀和过失杀人罪的法律;乐土的人是分裂的名称限制条例有关女继承人结婚。


The contents of the Pentateuch furnish the basis for the history, the law, the worship, and the life of the Chosen People of God.摩西五的内容提供的历史,法律,崇拜和神所选择的人的生命的基础。 Hence the authorship of the work, the time and manner of its origin, and its historicity are of paramount importance.因此作者的工作,其起源的时间和方式,以及它的历史性,是极为重要的。These are not merely literary problems, but questions belonging to the fields of history of religion and theology.这些不仅仅是文学的问题,但问题属于历史,宗教和神学的领域。The Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is inseparably connected with the question, whether and in what sense Moses was the author or intermediary of the Old-Testament legislation, and the bearer of pre-Mosaic tradition.作者的马赛克的摩西五是密不可分的问题,是否以及在何种意义上,摩西是作者或中介的老遗嘱的立法,和承载前花叶传统。 According to the trend of both Old and New Testament, and according to Jewish and Christian theology, the work of the great lawgiver Moses is the origin of the history of Israel and the basis of its development down to the time of Jesus Christ; but modern criticism sees in all this only the result, or the precipitate, of a purely natural historical development.根据旧约和新约趋势,并根据犹太教和基督教神学,伟大的立法者摩西的工作,是以色列历史上的起源和,其发展耶稣基督的时间的基础;但现代的批评,认为在这一切只有结果,或沉淀,一个纯粹的自然的历史发展。 The question of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch leads us, therefore, to the alternative, revelation or historical evolution; it touches the historical and theological foundation of both the Jewish and the Christian dispensation.导致我们的作者的马赛克的摩西五问题,因此,替代,启示或历史演变,它涉及的两个犹太历史和神学的基础和基督教的豁免。 We shall consider the subject first in the light of Scripture; secondly, in the light of Jewish and Christian tradition; thirdly, in the light of internal evidence, furnished by the Pentateuch; finally, in the light of ecclesiastical decisions.我们应考虑根据圣经中的第一主题;其次,在犹太教和基督教传统的;第三,在内部证据的布置,由五;最后,在教会的决定。


It will be found convenient to divide the Biblical evidence for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch into three parts: (1) Testimony of the Pentateuch;这将是发现方便分裂圣经证据花叶作者的pentateuch分为三个部分:(1)证言的pentateuch;

(2) Testimony of the other Old-Testament books; (3) Testimony of the New Testament. (2)其他旧全书书籍;(3)新约的证词证言。

(1) Witness of the Pentateuch(1)证人的pentateuch

The Pentateuch in its present form does not present itself as a complete literary production of Moses.摩西五以其目前的形式并不目前本身作为一个完整的文学生产摩西。It contains an account of Moses' death, it tells the story of his life in the third person and in an indirect form, and the last four books do not exhibit the literary form of memoirs of the great lawgiver; besides, the expression "God said to Moses" shows only the Divine origin of the Mosaic laws but does not prove that Moses himself codified in the Pentateuch the various laws promulgated by him.它包含一个帐户的摩西死亡,它告诉了他的人生故事中的第三人,在间接的形式,和过去四年的书籍不展出的文学形式的回忆录,伟大的立法者;,此外,表达“神对摩西说:“只显示马赛克法律的神圣的起源,但并不能证明,摩西自己编纂由他颁布的各种法律中的摩西五。 On the other hand, the Pentateuch ascribes to Moses the literary authorship of at least four sections, partly historical, partly legal, partly poetical.另一方面,该pentateuch赋予摩西的文学作者至少有四个部分,这部分历史,部分法律,部分诗意。(a) After Israel's victory over the Amalecites near Raphidim, the Lord said to Moses (Exodus 17:14): "Write this for a memorial in a book, and deliver it to the ears of Josue." (一)主说,以色列对附近Raphidim Amalecites的胜利后,摩西(出埃及记17:14):“写为纪念在一本书本,并提供它的耳朵若苏埃。” This order is naturally restricted to Amalec's defeat, a benefit which God wished to keep alive in the memory of the people (Deuteronomy 25:17-19).这项命令是自然限制Amalec的失败,受益上帝希望保持活在人们的记忆(申命记25:17-19)。The present pointing of the Hebrew text reads "in the book", but the Septuagint version omits the definite article.目前指向的希伯来文写着“书”,但septuagint版本省略冠词。Even if we suppose that the Massoretic pointing gives the original text, we can hardly prove that the book referred to is the Pentateuch, though this is highly probable (cf. von Hummelauer "Exodus et Leviticus", Paris, 1897, p. 182; Idem, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 152; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, p. 217).即使我们假设的massoretic指向​​给出了原始文本,我们也很难证明所指的书是摩西五,虽然这是极有可能(冯Hummelauer“出埃及记等利未记”,巴黎,1897年,第182页;同上,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年,第152页;克利,“Pentateuchfrage模具”,明斯特,1903年,第217页)。 (b) Again, Ex., xxiv, 4: "And Moses wrote all the words of the Lord."(二)同样,EX,XXIV,4:“摩西写主的话。”The context does not allow us to understand these words in an indefinite manner, but as referring to the words of the Lord immediately preceding or to the so-called "Book of the Covenant", Ex., xx-xxiii.上下文不会无限期地让我们了解这些话,但它是指紧接上主的话,或所谓的“易经”公约“”,例如:XX - XXIII。 (c) Ex., xxxiv, 27: "And the Lord said to Moses: Write thee these words by which I have made a covenant both with thee and with Israel."(C)EX,三十四,27:“耶和华对摩西说:写你,我已经作出了与你同在与以色列的约的话。” The next verse adds: "and he wrote upon the tables the ten words of the covenant."接下来的诗句说:“他写表时该公约的十个字。” Ex., xxxiv, 1, 4, shows how Moses had prepared the tables, and Ex., xxxiv, 10-26, gives us the contents of the ten words.例如,三十四,1,4,显示了如何摩西准备表,并例,三十四,10-26,为我们提供了十个字的内容。(d) Num., xxxiii, 1-2: "These are the mansions of the children of Israel, who went out of Egypt by their troops under the conduct of Moses and Aaron, which Moses wrote down according to the places of their encamping." (四)数,三十三,1-2:“这是以色列儿童的豪宅,其部队出去埃及下进行摩西和亚伦,摩西写下根据他们驻训的地方“。Here we are informed that Moses wrote the list of the people's encampments in the desert; but where it this list to be found?在这里,我们被告知,摩西写的人在沙漠中的营地,但在此列表被发现呢?Most probably it is given in Num., xxxiii, 3-49, or the immediate context of the passage telling of Moses' literary activity; there are, however, scholars who understand this latter passage as referring to the history of Israel's departure from Egypt written in the order of the people's encampments, so that it would be our present Book of Exodus.最有可能是在数,三十三,3-49,或通过告诉摩西的文学活动的即时情况;有,然而,学者们理解为指的是以色列从埃及的历史后者通过写在为了人民群众的营地,所以,这将是我们出埃及记“目前预定。 But this view is hardly probable; for its assumption that Num., xxxiii, 3-49, is a summary of Exodus cannot be upheld, as the chapter of Numbers mentions several encampments not occurring in Exodus.但这种观点是几乎没有可能的,其假设,数量,三十三,3-49,“出埃及记的摘要不能坚持,章提到的数字不是发生在出埃及记”的几个营地。

Besides these four passages there are certain indications in Deuteronomy which point to the literary activity of Moses.除了这四个段落中,有某些迹象表明这点文学活动的摩西在申命记。Deut., i, 5: "And Moses began to expound the law and to say"; even if the "law" in this text refer to the whole of the Pentateuchal legislation, which is not very probable, it shows only that Moses promulgated the whole law, but not that he necessarily wrote it.申,我5:“摩西开始阐述法律,并说”即使在这个文本的“法律”是指整个Pentateuchal立法,这是不太可能的,它表明只,摩西颁布整个法律,但并不表明他一定写。 Practically the entire Book of Deuteronomy claims to be a special legislation promulgated by Moses in the land of Moab: iv, 1-40; 44-49; v, 1 sqq.; xii, 1 sqq.实际上,整个申命记书,声称是一个特殊的立法颁布摩西在摩押地:四,1-40; 44-49 V,1 SQQ;第十二,1 SQQ。的。But there is a suggestion of writing too: xvii, 18-9, enjoins that the future kings are to receive a copy of this law from the priests in order to read and observe it; xxvii, 1-8, commands that on the west side of the Jordan "all the words of this law" be written on stones set up in Mount Hebal; xxviii, 58, speaks of "all the words of this law, that are written in this volume" after enumerating the blessings and curses which will come upon the observers and violators of the law respectively, and which are again referred to as written in a book in xxix, 20, 21, 27, and xxxii, 46, 47; now, the law repeatedly referred to as written in a book must be at least the Deuteronomic legislation.但有一个建议,写太多:17,18-9,责成,未来的国王是接收来自祭司这部法律的副本,以阅读和遵守它; XXVII,1-8,命令,在西“所有的话,该法”写在石头山Hebal约旦一侧;二十八,58岁,谈到“所有的话此法,是本卷中的书面”之后列举的祝福和诅咒会后,观察员和违反法律的分别,并再次提到写的一书XXIX,20,21,27,和三十二,46,47,现在,法律一再被称为在一份书面书中必须至少Deuteronomic立法。 Moreover, xxxi, 9-13 states, "and Moses wrote this law", and xxxi, 26, adds, "take this book, and put it in the side of the ark. . .that it may be there for a testimony against thee"; to explain these texts as fiction or as anachronisms is hardly compatible with the inerrancy of Sacred Scripture.此外,第31 9-13日,国家“,并摩西写这部法律”,第31,26,补充说,“这本书,并把它一侧的方舟。。,它可能是对证词你“;解释这些文本小说或过时是难以兼容与圣经无误。 Finally, xxxi, 19, commands Moses to write the canticle contained in Deut., xxxii, 1-43.最后,第31,19,命令摩西写在deut中的颂歌。XXXII,1-43。

The Scriptural scholar will not complain that there are so few express indications in the Pentateuch of Moses' literary activity; he will rather be surprised at their number.圣经学者不会抱怨说,有这么几个表达的摩西五摩西的文学活动的迹象,而他将在他们的人数感到惊讶。As far as explicit testimony for its own, at least partial, authorship is concerned, the Pentateuch compares rather favourably with many other books of the Old Testament.至于自己的明确的证词,至少部分,作者而言,五经比较有利,而与其他许多书籍的旧约。

(2) Witness of other Old-Testament Books(2)证人的其他旧全书书籍

(a) Josue.-The narrative of the Book of Josue presupposes not merely the facts and essential ordinances contained in the Pentateuch, but also the law given by Moses and written in the book of the law of Moses: Jos., i, 7-8; viii, 31; xxii, 5; xxiii, 6.(一)Josue. -若苏埃的前提不只是事实和基本条例中的摩西五载,但也给摩西,摩西的律法书的书面法律书籍的叙述:圣何塞,我7 -8;第八,31,22,5; XXIII,6。Josue himself "wrote all these things in the volume of the law of the Lord" (xxiv, 26).若苏埃他写道:“所有这些事情,在耶和华的律法量”(24,26)。Prof. Hobverg maintains that this "volume of the law of the Lord" is the Pentateuch ("Über den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, 340); Mangenot believes that it refers at least to Deuteronomy (Dict. de la Bible, V, 66). Hobverg教授保持这个“耶和华的律法量”摩西五经(“尤伯杯巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,四,340);芒热诺认为,它是指至少在申命记(快译通德拉圣经,五,66)。 At any rate, Josue and his contemporaries were acquainted with a written Mosaic legislation, which was divinely revealed.无论如何,若苏埃和他同时代的人熟悉的书面花叶立法,这是上天显示。

(b) Judges; I, II Kings.-In the Book of Judges and the first two Books of Kings there is no explicit reference to Moses and the book of the law, but a number of incidents and statements presuppose the existence of the Pentateuchal legislation and institutions. (二)法官;一,二Kings在法官和国王队的前两个书籍的书有没有明确提到摩西和图书的法律,但一些事件和报表的前提是存在的Pentateuchal立法和机构。 Thus Judges, xv, 8-10, recalls Israel's delivery from Egypt and its conquest of the Promised Land; Judges, xi, 12-28, states incidents recorded in Num., xx, 14; xxi, 13,24; xxii, 2; Judges, xiii, 4, states a practice founded on the law of the Nazarites in Num., vi, 1-21; Judges, xviii, 31, speaks of the tabernacle existing in the times when there was no king in Israel; Judges, xx, 26-8 mentions the ark of the covenant, the various kinds of sacrifices, and the Aaronic priesthood.因此,法官,十五,8-10,回顾交付以色列从埃及和其征服乐土;法官,十一,12日至28日,国家在NUM记录的事件,14,XX,XXI,13,24,22,2 ;法官,十三,四,国家在NUM Nazarites的法律,六,1-21创立了实践;法官,十八,31日,幕时代存在的时候,没有国王在以色列说话,法官,XX,26-8提到的约柜,各种牺牲,和Aaronic铎。 The Pentateuchal history and laws are similarly presupposed in 1 Samuel 10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 sqq.; 23:6-9; 2 Samuel 6.Pentateuchal历史和法律同样的先决条件,在1撒母耳记10:18; 15:1-10; 10:25; 21:1-6; 22:6 SQQ; 23:6-9; 2塞缪尔6。

(c) 1 and 2 Kings.-The last two Books of Kings repeatedly speak of the law of Moses. (三)1和2 Kings.最后两本书的国王多次谈到摩西的律法。To restrict the meaning of this term to Deuteronomy is an arbitrary exegesis (cf. 1 Kings 2:3; 10:31); Amasias showed mercy to the children of the murderers "according to that which is written in the book of the law of Moses" (2 Kings 14:6); the sacred writer records the Divine promise of protecting the Israelites "Only if they will observe to do all that I have commanded them according to the law which my servant Moses commanded them" (2 Kings 21:8).为了限制这个词的含义申命记是一个任意的注释(参见1国王2:3; 10:31); Amasias表明怜悯的儿童的凶手“,这是写在法律书摩西“(2国王14:6);神圣作家记录神圣承诺保护以色列人”只有当他们将遵守尽一切,我已命令他们按照我的仆人摩西的法律,指挥他们“(2国王队21 :8)。In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was found the book of the law (2 Kings 22:8, 11), or the book of the covenant (2 Kings 23:2), according to which he conducted his religious reform (2 Kings 23:10-24), and which is identified with "the law of Moses" (2 Kings 23:25).在十八年的统治Josias发现法律的书(2国王22时08分,11),或该公约的书(2国王23时02分),根据他进行了他的宗教改革(2王上23:10-24),并确定了“摩西律法”(2国王23时25分)。 Catholic commentators are not at one whether this law-book was Deuteronomy (von Hummelauer, "Deuteronomium", Paris, 1901, p. 40-60, 83-7) or the entire Pentateuch (Clair, "Les livres des Rois", Paris, 1884, II, p. 557 seq.; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Frieburg, 1905, p. 17 seq.; "uber den Ursprung des Pentateuchs" in "Biblische Zeitschrift", 1906, IV, pp. 338-40).天主教评论家不是在本法律书籍是否是申命记(冯Hummelauer,“Deuteronomium”,巴黎,1901年,第40-60,83-7)或整个pentateuch(克莱尔,“里弗DES罗伊斯”,巴黎1884年,第二,第557 SEQ;。霍贝格,“摩西和DER摩西五经”,Frieburg,1905年,第17页以次。“超级巢穴Ursprung DES Pentateuchs”“Biblische(杂志)”,1906年,第四,第338 -40)。

(d) Paralipomenon.-The inspired writer of Paralipomenon refers to the law and the book of Moses much more frequently and clearly. (四)Paralipomenon.的Paralipomenon作家的灵感,是指法律和这本书的摩西更频繁和明确。The objectionable names and numbers occurring in these books are mostly due to transcribers.不良的姓名和电话号码出现在这些图书大多是由于誊写。The omission of incidents which would detract from the glory of the Israelite kings or would not edify the reader is not detrimental to the credibility or veracity of the work.遗漏的事件,将影响到荣耀的以色列人国王或不会陶冶读者不会损害的信誉或真实性的工作。Otherwise one should have to place among works of fiction a number of biographical or patriotic publications intended for the young or for the common reader.否则应该有一个旨在为年轻的或共同的读者的传记或爱国出版物的小说作品中的地方。On their part, the modern critics are too eager to discredit the authority of Paralipomena.对他们而言,现代的批评太急于诋毁权威Paralipomena。"After removing the account of Paralipomena", writes de Wette (Beitrage, I, 135), "the whole Jewish history assumes another form, and the Pentateuchal investigations take another turn; a number of strong proofs, hard to explain away, for the early existence of the Mosaic books have disappeared, the other vestiges of their existence are placed in a different light."“取出后Paralipomena帐户”,DE Wette“(Beitrage,我135)写道,”整个犹太历史承担的另一种形式,和Pentateuchal调查,再反过来,一个强有力的证据,很难解释了,早期存在的马赛克书籍已经消失,其存在的其他残余放置在不同的光线。“ A glance at the contents of Parlipomenon suffices to explain the efforts of de Witte and Wellhausen to disprove the historicity of the books.在Parlipomenon的内容一目了然,足以解释的努力日维特和豪森反驳历史性的书籍。Not only are the genealogies (1 Chronicles 1-9) and the descriptions of worship traced after the data and laws of the Pentateuch, but the sacred writer expressly points out their conformity with what is written in the law of the Lord (1 Chronicles 16:40), in the law of Moses (2 Chronicles 23:18; 31:3), thus identifying the law of the Lord with that written by Moses (cf. 2 Chronicles 25:4).不仅是历代1-9)(1族谱和说明崇拜追查后的数据和法律的五,但神圣的作家明确指出其符合什么是书面的主法(历代志上16 :40),在法律的摩西(历代志下23:18; 31:3),从而确定主与摩西(参见历代志下25:4)书面的法律。The reader will find similar indications of the existence and the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch in I Par., xxii, 12 seq.; II Par., xvii, 9; xxxiii, 4; xxxiv, 14; xxv, 12.读者会发现类似的迹象的存在和我票的马赛克起源摩西五,22,12 SEQ;。II(PAR),17,9,三十三,4;三十四,14;十五,12。By an artificial interpretation, indeed, the Books of Paralipomenon may be construed to represent the Pentateuch as a book containing the law promulgated by Moses; but the natural sense of the foregoing passages regards the Pentateuch as a book edited by Moses.由人工解释,事实上,图书的Paralipomenon可能被解释为代表的pentateuch包含摩西所颁布的法律的书,但上述段落自然感视为摩西编辑一书的pentateuch。

(e) I, II Esdras.-The Books of Esdras and Nehemias, too, taken in their natural and commonly accepted sense, consider the Pentateuch as the book of Moses, not merely as a book containing the law of Moses. (五)一,二Esdras埃斯德拉斯和Nehemias书籍,太多,在他们的自然和普遍接受的意义上说,考虑摩西五本书的摩西,而不是仅仅作为一书中包含的摩西律法。 This contention is based on the study of the following texts: I Esd., iii, 2 sqq.; vi, 18; vii, 14; II Esd., i, 7 sqq.; viii, 1, 8, 14; ix, 3; x, 34, 36; xiii, 1-3.这一论点是基于以下文本的研究:。。。我的ESD,三,2 SQQ;六,18岁;七,14,ⅡESD,我7 SQQ;第八,1,8,14; IX, 3,X,34,36;第十三1-3。Graf and his followers expressed the view that the book of Moses referred to in these texts is not the Pentateuch, but only the Priestly Code; but when we keep in mind that the book in question contained the laws of Lev., xxiii, and Deut., vii, 2-4; xv, 2, we perceive at once that the book of Moses cannot be restricted to the Priestly Code.格拉夫和他的追随者认为,摩西书中提到的这些文本不是摩西五,但只有祭司码;但是,当我们记住这本书载有问题列弗,二十三,申的法律。七,2-4;第十五2,我们认为在这一次,摩西的书不能仅限祭司码。 To the witness of the historical books we may add II Mach., ii, 4; vii, 6; Judith, viii, 23; Ecclus., xxiv, 33; xlv, 1-6; xlv, 18, and especially the Preface of Ecclus.为了见证历史书籍,我们可以添加二马赫,二,四,七,六,朱,八,23; Ecclus,二十四,33; XLV,1-6; XLV,18,和特别是前言Ecclus。

(f) Prophetic Books.-Express reference to the written law of Moses is found only in the later Prophets: Bar., ii, 2, 28; Dan., ix, 11, 13; Mal., iv, 4. (F)先知Books.明确提到摩西的成文法律是发现,只有在后来先知:酒吧,II,2,28;丹,九,11,13;发作,四,4。Among these, Baruch knows that Moses has been commanded to write the law, and though his expressions run parallel to those of Deut., xxviii, 15, 53, 62-64, his threats contain allusions to those contained in other parts of the Pentateuch.其中,巴鲁克知道摩西已写入命令的法律,尽管他的表现并行运行的申,二十八,15,53,62-64,他的威胁含有典故所载的其他部分的pentateuch 。The other Prophets frequently refer to the law of the Lord guarded by the priests (cf. Deuteronomy 31:9), and they put it on the same level with Divine Revelation and the eternal covenant of the Lord.其他先知经常提到守卫的祭司(参见申命记31:9)主的法律,他们把它与同级别主神的启示和永恒的盟约。They appeal to God's covenant, the sacrificial laws the calendar of feasts, and other laws of the Pentateuch in such a way as to render it probable that a written legislation formed the basis of their prophetic admonitions (cf. Hosea 8:12), and that they were acquainted with verbal expressions of the book of the law.他们呼吁上帝的盟约,牺牲法律的日历节日,和其他法律的摩西五以这样一种方式,以使其有可能,他们的预言告诫(参见何西阿书8:12)的基础上形成书面立法,并他们熟悉法律书的口头表达。 Thus in the northern kingdom Amos (iv, 4-5; v, 22 sqq.) and Isaias in the south (i, 11 sqq.) employ expressions which are practically technical words for sacrifice occurring in Lev., i-iii; vii, 12, 16; and Deut., xii, 6.因此,在英国北部阿莫斯(4-5,四,五,22 SQQ。)聘用和在南部伊萨亚斯(I,11 SQQ)。表达式技术的话几乎牺牲发生在列弗,I - III;七,12,16和申命记,十二,6。

(3) Witness of the New Testament(3)新约圣经的见证

We need not show that Jesus and the Apostles quoted the whole of the Pentateuch as written by Moses.我们没有必要表明,耶稣和使徒引述整个的pentateuch写的摩西。If they attributed to Moses all the passages which they happen to cite, if they ascribe the Pentateuch to Moses whenever there is question of its authorship, even the most exacting critics must admit that they express their conviction that the work was indeed written by Moses.如果他们归因于摩西的所有通道,他们碰巧举,如果他们赋予的pentateuch摩西每当有其著作权的问题,即使是最苛刻的批评必须承认,他们表达自己的信念,工作确实是写的摩西。 When the Sadducees quote against Jesus the marriage law of Deut., xxv, 5, as written by Moses (Matthew 22:24; Mark 12:19; Luke 20:28), Jesus does not deny the Mosaic authorship, but appeals to Ex., iii, 6, as equally written by Moses (Mark 12:26; Matthew 22:31; Luke 20:37).撒都该人对耶稣的申婚姻法,二十五,5摩西(马太22时24马克12:19;路加福音20:28)书面报价时,耶稣并不否认花叶著作权,但呼吁的EX ,三,六,同样摩西(马克12时26分;马修22:31;路加福音20时37分)的书面。Again, in the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16:29), He speaks of "Moses and the prophets", while on other occasions He speaks of "the law and the prophets" (Luke 16:16), thus showing that in His mind the law, or the Pentateuch, and Moses are identical.Mo<同样,在富豪和拉撒路(路加福音16:29)的比喻,他讲的“摩西和先知”,而在其他场合,他讲的“法律和先知”(路加福音16:16),从而表明在他心中的法律,或摩西五,摩西identical.Mo <The same expressions reappear in the last discourse addressed by Christ to His disciples (Luke 24:44-6; cf. 27): "which are written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me".处理基督门徒(路加福音24:44-6; CF 27)重新出现在最后的话语同样的表情:“这是写在摩西的律法,先知,并在关于我的诗篇”。Finally, in John, v, 45-7, Jesus is more explicit in asserting the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch: "There is one that accuseth you, Moses. . .for he wrote of me. But if you do not believe his writings, how will you believe my words?"最后,在约翰,五,45-7,耶稣是更明确地断言花叶作者的pentateuch:“有一个accuseth你,摩西为他对我写的,但如果你不相信他的著作。。你怎么会相信我的话吗?​​“ Nor can it be maintained that Christ merely accommodated himself to the current beliefs of his contemporaries who considered Moses as the author of the Pentateuch not merely in a moral but also in the literary sense of authorship.也不能被认为基督只是住自己,以他同时代的人视为作者的pentateuch摩西在道义上,但在作者的文学常识也不仅仅是目前的信念。 Jesus did not need to enter into the critical study of the nature of Mosaic authorship, but He could not expressly endorse the popular belief, if it was erroneous.耶稣并不需要进入关键研究的性质花叶作者,但他没有明确赞同普遍认为,如果这是错误的的。

The Apostles too felt convinced of, and testified to, the Mosaic authorship.使徒们也感到信服,并证明,著作权的马赛克。"Philip findeth Nathanael, and saith to him: We have found him of whom Moses in the law, and the prophets did write."“菲利普findeth拿,和saith对他说:我们已经找到了他的人摩西的法律,先知没有写。”St. Peter introduces a quotation from Deut., xviii, 15, with the words: "For Moses said" (Acts 3:22).圣彼得介绍报价从申,改为第十八,15,:“摩西说:”(徒3:22)。St. James and St. Paul relate that Moses is read in the synagogues on the Sabbath day (Acts 15:21; 2 Corinthians 3:15).圣雅各福群会和圣保禄涉及在安息日的犹太教堂(使徒15点21分; 2哥林多前书3:15),摩西是在读。The great Apostle speaks in other passages of the law of Moses (Acts 13:33; 1 Corinthians 9:9); he preaches Jesus according to the law of Moses and the Prophets (Acts 28:23), and cites passages from the Pentateuch as words written by Moses (Romans 10:5-8; 19).伟大的使徒说在摩西(使徒13时33分;哥林多前书9:9);其他法律的段落,他鼓吹耶稣根据摩西的律法和先知(徒28:23),并列举了从pentateuch通道字写的摩西(罗马书10:5-8; 19)。St. John mentions the canticle of Moses (Revelation 15:3).圣约翰提到颂歌摩西(启示录15:3)。


The voice of tradition, both Jewish and Christian, is so unanimous and constant in proclaiming the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch that down to the seventeenth century it did not allow the rise of any serious doubt.传统的声音,无论是犹太教和基督教,是如此一致,并不断在宣告花叶作者的pentateuch,至十七世纪它不容许任何严重的怀疑上升。 The following paragraphs are only a meagre outline of this living tradition.以下各段是只有微薄的大纲此生活的传统。

(1) Jewish Tradition(1)犹太传统

It has been seen that the books of the Old Testament, beginning with those of the Pentateuch, present Moses as the author of at least parts of the Pentateuch.它已经看到,旧约的书籍,开始的pentateuch,目前摩西的作者至少部分的pentateuch。The writer of the Books of Kings believes that Moses is the author of Deuteronomy at least.作家的书国王认为,摩西是作者申命记至少。Esdras, Nehemias, Malachias, the author of Paralipomena, and the Greek authors of the Septuagint Version consider Moses as the author of the whole Pentateuch.埃斯德拉斯,Nehemias,玛拉基亚亚,作者Paralipomena,和希腊作者七十版本考虑摩西作者整个摩西五。 At the time of Jesus Christ and the Apostles friend and foe take the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch for granted; neither our Lord nor His enemies take exception to this assumption.在耶稣基督和使徒的朋友和敌人的马赛克著作权的摩西五是理所当然的,既不是我们的上帝,也没有他的敌人采取例外,这一假设。 In the first century of the Christian era, Josephus ascribes to Moses the authorship of the entire Pentateuch, not excepting the account of the lawgiver's death ("Antiq. Jud.", IV, viii, 3-48; cf. I Procem., 4; "Contra Apion.", I, 8).在第一世纪的基督教时代,约瑟夫赋予摩西作者整个pentateuch,而不是除帐户立法者的死亡(“犹Antiq。。”,四,八,3-48;。CF I Procem 4,“魂斗罗阿皮翁。”,我,8)。The Alexandrian philosopher Philo is convinced that the entire Pentateuch is the work of Moses, and that the latter wrote a prophetic account of his death under the influence of a special divine inspiration ("De vita Mosis", ll. II, III in "Opera", Geneva, 1613, pp. 511, 538).哲学家斐洛的亚历山大相信,整个摩西五是工作的摩西,后者写了一个特别神圣的启示(“维Mosis”,会二,三“歌剧的影响下一个预言到他去世“,日内瓦,1613年,第511页,538)。 The Babylonian Talmud ("Baba-Bathra", II, col. 140; "Makkoth", fol. IIa; "Menachoth", fol. 30a; cf. Vogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'exegese biblique jusqua'a nos jours", Paris, 1881, p. 21), the Talmud of Jerusalem (Sota, v, 5), the rabbis, and the doctors of Israel (cf. Furst, "Der Kanon des Alten Testaments nach den Überlieferungen im Talmud und Midrasch", Leipzig, 1868, pp. 7-9) bear testimony to the continuance of this tradition for the first thousand years.巴比伦塔木德(“巴巴Bathra”,二,列140;。“Makkoth”,其次IIA;。“Menachoth”,FOL 30A;。比照时尚,“嘘”圣经“等DE L' exegese biblique jusqua”一个NOS乐之日“,巴黎,1881年,第21页),耶路撒冷犹太法典(索塔,V,5),犹太教和以色列医生(见弗斯特,”明镜加隆DES Alten旧约nach巢穴Überlieferungen IM犹太法典和Midrasch“,莱比锡,1868年,第7-9页)第一千年见证这一传统的延续。Though Isaac ben Jasus in the eleventh century and Abenesra in the twelfth admitted certain post-Mosaic additions in the Pentateuch, still they as well as Maimonides upheld its Mosaic authorship, and did not substantially differ in this point from the teaching of R. Becchai (thirteenth cent.), Joseph Karo, and Abarbanel (fifteenth cent.; cf. Richard Simon, "Critique de la Bibl. des aut. eccles. de E. Dupin", Paris, 1730, III, pp. 215-20).虽然伊萨克本Jasus在11世纪和第十二届Abenesra承认某些后花叶补充,在摩西五他们仍然以及迈蒙尼德坚持花叶著作权,并没有实质上的不同,这一点从河Becchai的教学(百分之第十三次),约瑟夫卡罗和Abarbanel(第十五百分之;。理查德西蒙比照“。批判DE LA Bibl DES引渡埃克尔斯的大肠杆菌独品”,巴黎,1730年,第三,第215-20页)。Only in the seventeenth century, Baruch Spinoza rejected the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, pointing out the possibility that the work might have been written by Esdras ("Tract. Theol.-politicus", c. viii, ed. Tauchnitz, III, p. 125).只有在十七世纪,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎拒绝马赛克作者的pentateuch,并指出,这项工作可能已经埃斯德拉斯(“道。Theol. - politicus”,P,三版。Tauchnitz C.八,书面的可能性125段)。Among the more recent Jewish writers several have adopted the results of the critics, thus abandoning the tradition of their forefathers.其中较近期的犹太作家的几个都采取批评的结果,从而放弃了他们祖先的传统。

(2) Christian Tradition(2)基督教传统

The Jewish tradition concerning the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch was brought in to the Christian Church by Christ Himself and the Apostles.犹太传统的马赛克著作权的pentateuch被带到基督耶稣和使徒的基督教堂。No one will seriously deny the existence and continuance of such a tradition from the patristic period onward; one might indeed be curious about the interval between the time of the Apostles and beginning of the third century.没有人会认真地否认这样一个从传统的教父期间起的存在和继续存在,人们可能确实是好奇的使徒的第三个世纪开始的时间之间的时间间隔。 For this period we may appeal to the "Epistle of Barnabus" (x, 1-12; Funk, "Patres apostol.", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1901, I, p. 66-70; xii, 2-9k; ibid., p. 74-6), to St. Clement of Rome (1 Corinthians 41:1; ibid., p. 152), St. Justin ("Apol. I", 59; PG, VI, 416; I, 32, 54; ibid., 377, 409; "Dial.", 29; ibid., 537), to the author of "Cohort. Ad Graec."对于这个时期,我们可向“Barnabus书信”(X,1-12恐怖,“Patres apostol。”第二版,蒂宾根大学,1901年,我,第66-70页;第十二,2 9K;同上,第74-6),圣克莱门特的罗马(哥林多前书41:1;。同上,第152页),圣贾斯汀(“APOL我 ”,59; PG,六,416; ,32,54,同上,377,409;。“拨号”,29;同上,537),书的作者。“队列广告Graec。”(9, 28, 30, 33, 34; ibid., 257, 293, 296-7, 361), to St. Theophilus ("Ad Autol.", III, 23; ibid., 1156; 11, 30; ibid., 1100), to St. Irenæus (Cont. haer., I, ii, 6; PG, VII, 715-6), to St. Hippolytus of Rome ("Comment. In Deut.", xxxi, 9, 31, 35; cf. Achelis, "Arabische Fragmente etc.", Leipzig, 1897, I, 118; "Philosophumena", VIII, 8; X, 33; PG, XVI, 3350, 3448), to Tertullian of Carthage (Adv. Hermog., XIX; PL, II, 214), to Origen of Alexandria (Contra. Cels., III, 5-6; PG, XI, 928; etc.), to St. Eusthatius of Antioch (De engastrimytha c. Orig., 21; PG, XVIII, 656); for all these writers, and others might be added, bear witness to the continuance of the Christian tradition that Moses wrote the Pentateuch. (9,28,30,33,34;同上,257,293,296-7,361),圣西奥菲勒斯(三,23“广告Autol。”同上,1156; 11,30;同上,1100),圣irenæus(续haer,I,II,6; PG,第七,715-6),罗马圣希波吕托斯(第31,9,31“的评论申。” 35;比照Achelis,“Arabische Fragmente等”,莱比锡,1897年,我118;“Philosophumena”,第八条,8,X,33,PG,十六,3350,3448),德尔图良的迦太基(Adv. Hermog,第十九; PL,二,214),亚历山大奥利(Contra. CELS,三,5-6; PG,第十一,928等),圣安提(engastrimytha C.原价Eusthatius 21; PG,18,656);所有这些作家,和其他人可能会增加,见证继续基督教传统,摩西写的pentateuch。 A list of the later Fathers who bear witness to the same truth may be found in Mangenot's article in the "Dict. de la Bible" (V, 74 seq.).后来父亲谁见证相同​​的事实可能会发现在芒热诺的文章在“快译通。DE LA圣经”(五,74 SEQ)。。Hoberg (Moses und der Pentateuch, 72 seq.) has collected the testimony for the existence of the tradition during the Middle Ages and in more recent times.霍贝格(摩西和DER摩西五,72起。)的传统,在中世纪和近代的存在已收集的证词。

But Catholic tradition does not necessarily maintain that Moses wrote every letter of the Pentateuch as it is today, and that the work has come down to us in an absolutely unchanged form.但天主教的传统,并不一定保持这一摩西写道的pentateuch的每一个字母,因为它是今天,工作已回落在一个绝对不变的形式向我们。 This rigid view of the Mosaic authorship began to develop in the eighteenth century, and practically gained the upper hand in the nineteenth.这花叶作者的刚性观点在18世纪开始发展,实际上在19获得了上风。 The arbitrary treatment of Scripture on the part of Protestants, and the succession of the various destructive systems advanced by Biblical criticism, caused this change of front in the Catholic camp.任意对待圣经的新教徒,和继承的各种破坏性圣经批评先进的系统,造成这一变化的战线天主教营地的变化。In the sixteenth century Card.在16世纪的卡。Bellarmine, who may be considered as a reliable exponent of Catholic tradition, expressed the opinion that Esdras had collected, readjusted, and corrected the scattered parts of the Pentateuch, and had even added the parts necessary for the completion of the Pentateuchal history (De verbo Dei, II, I; cf. III, iv).贝拉明,谁可被视为一个可靠的指数天主教的传统,所表达的意见,认为埃斯德拉斯收集,调整,并纠正了分散部分的pentateuch,甚至增加了部分必要的完成Pentateuchal历史(德verbo工会,第二,我比照三,四)。 The views of Génebrard, Pereira, Bonfrere, a Lapide, Masius, Jansenius, and of other notable Biblicists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are equally elastic with regard to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch. Génebrard,佩雷拉,邦弗雷雷,Lapide,麦西斯,Jansenius,十六,十七世纪的其他显着Biblicists的意见,同样弹性关于花叶作者的pentateuch。 Not that they agree with the contentions of our modern Biblical criticism; but they show that today's Pentateuchal problems were not wholly unknown to Catholic scholars, and that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch as determined by the Biblical Commission is no concession forced on the Church by unbelieving Bible students.这并不是说,他们同意与争论我们现代圣经批评;但他们表明,今天的Pentateuchal问题也完全未知的天主教学者,和,的摩西五马赛克著作权的圣经委员会确定的是教会被迫由不让步不信圣经学生。


The possibility of producing a written record at the time of Moses is no longer contested.生产的时候,摩西书面记录的可能性不再是兵家必争之地。The art of writing was known long before the time of the great lawgiver, and was extensively practised both in Egypt and Babylon.很久以前,伟大的立法者的时间写作的艺术被称为,并进行了广泛的实践,无论是在埃及和巴比伦。 As to the Israelites, Flinders Petrie infers from certain Semitic inscriptions found in 1905 on the Sinaitic peninsula, that they kept written accounts of their national history from the time of their captivity under Ramses II.至于以色列人,弗林德斯皮特里从某些犹太人铭文推断,在1905年发现的Sinaitic半岛,他们从他们的圈养下的拉美西斯二世的时间保持本国历史的书面报告。 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets show the language of Babylon was in a way the official language at the time of Moses, known in Western Asia, Palestine, and Egypt; the finds of Taanek have confirmed this fact.告诉EL -阿玛尔纳片显示的语言,巴比伦的方式是,在西亚,巴勒斯坦和埃及的官方语言的时候,摩西发现的Taanek已证实了这一事实。But it cannot be inferred from this that the Egyptians and Israelites employed this sacred or official language among themselves and in their religious documents (cf. Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaologie", 2nd ed., Tübingen, 1907, p. 172 sqq.).但它不能推断出这是埃及人和以色列人雇用彼此之间及在他们的宗教文件(参见Benzinger,“Hebraische Archaologie”,第二版,蒂宾根大学,1907年,第172页SQQ。)这个神圣的或官方语言。It is not merely the possibility of writing at the time of Moses and the question of language that confronts us here; there is the further problem of the kind of written signs used in the Mosaic documents.它不只是写的时候,摩西的可能性和语言,在这里摆在我们面前的问题;有进一步的问题是那种马赛克文件中使用的书面迹象。 The hieroglyphic and cuneiform signs were widely employed at that early date; the oldest inscriptions written in alphabetical characters date only from the ninth century BC But there can hardly be any doubt as to the higher antiquity of alphabetic writing, and there seems to be nothing to prevent our extending it back to the time of Moses.象形文字和楔形文字的标志,广泛采用,早日最古老的题字写的字母字符迄今为止,只有从公元前9世纪,但难以有较高的文物的拼音文字有任何疑问,似乎有无关防止我们的扩展的时候,摩西。 Finally, the Code of Hammurabi, discovered in Susa in 1901 by the French expedition funded by Mr. And Mrs. Dieulafoy, shows that even in pre-Mosaic times legal enactments were committed to, and preserved in, writing; for the Code antedates Moses some five centuries, and contains about 282 regulations concerning various contingencies in the civic life.最后,汉谟拉比法典,在苏萨发现于1901年由法国探险先生和夫人杜氏出资,代码显示,即使在预花叶次法令承诺,并保存在写作;守则antedates摩西大约5个世纪,并载有大约282规定,有关的公民生活中的各种突发事件。

Thus far it has been shown negatively that an historic and legal document claiming to be written at the time of Moses involves no antecedent improbability of its authenticity.迄今为止,它已经显示出负面的历史和法律的时候,摩西的书面文件,声称不涉及先行不大可能的真实性。But the internal characteristics of the Pentateuch show also positively that the work is at least probably Mosaic.但内部特征的pentateuch显示了积极的工作,至少是可能马赛克。It is true that the Pentateuch contains no express declaration of its entire Mosaic authorship; but even the most exacting of critics will hardly require such testimony.这是事实,摩西五载没有明确宣布其整个花叶著作权,但即使是最苛刻的批评者将很难要求这些证词。It is practically lacking in all other books, whether sacred or profane.这实际上是缺乏在其他所有的书籍,不论是神圣的或亵渎。On the other hand, it has already been shown that four distinct passages of the Pentateuch are expressly ascribed to the authorship of Moses.另一方面,它已被证明,四个不同的通道的pentateuch明确归因于作者的摩西。 Deut., xxxi, 24-9, is especially noted; for it knows that Moses wrote the "words of this law in a volume" and commanded it to be placed in the ark of the covenant as a testimony against the people who have been so rebellious during the lawgiver's life and will "do wickedly" after his death.申,第31,24-9,特别指出,因为它知道,摩西写道,“在一个卷的话,该法”,并命令它放在约柜的证词对已所以立法者的生命过程中的逆反心理和“做坏”在他死后。 Again, a number of legal sections, though not explicitly ascribed to the writing of Moses, are distinctly derived from Moses as the lawgiver.再次,法律部门,虽然没有明确赋予的书面摩西,明显来自摩西作为立法者。 Besides, many of the Pentateuchal laws bear evidence of their origin in the desert; hence they too lay an indirect claim to Mosaic origin.此外,许多Pentateuchal法律承担证明其原产地在沙漠,因此他们也奠定了间接声称花叶来源。What has been said of a number of Pentateuchal laws is equally true of several historical sections.一直说Pentateuchal法律同样是真正的若干历史章节。These contain in the Book of Numbers, for instance, so many names and numbers that they must have been handed down in writing.这些包含在图书的数字,例如,如此众多的名字和号码,他们必须已递交书面下来。Unless the critics can bring irrefutable evidence showing that in these sections we have only fiction, they must grant that these historical details were written down in contemporary documents, and not transmitted by mere oral tradition.除非批评可以带来不可辩驳的证据显示,在这些路段,我们只有小说,他们必须承认,这些历史的细节写在当代的文件,而不是仅仅通过口头传统传播。 Moreover, Hommel ("Die altisraelitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", p. 302) has shown that the names in the lists of the Book of Numbers bear the character of the Arabian names of the second millennium before Christ, and can have originated only in the time of Moses, though it must be admitted that the text of certain portions, eg, Num., xiii, has suffered in its transmission.此外,HOMMEL(“模具altisraelitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,第302页)显示,在列出的数字图书的名称承担在基督之前的第二个千年的阿拉伯名字的字符,并且只能有起源摩西的时间,但必须承认,文本的某些部分,例如,数,十三,其传输遭受的。 We need not remind the reader that numerous Pentateuchal laws and data imply the conditions of a nomadic life of Israel.我们需要提醒读者,许多Pentateuchal法律和数据意味着以色列的一个游牧的生活条件。Finally, both the author of the Pentateuch and its first readers must have been more familiar with the topography and the social conditions of Egypt and with the Sinaitic peninsula than with the land of Chanaan.最后,无论是作者的pentateuch和它的第一读者必须已更熟悉的地形和埃及的社会条件和Sinaitic半岛比与土地Chanaan。 Cf., eg, Deut., viii, 7-10; xi, 10 sqq.CF,如申,八,7-10;。兮,10 SQQ。These internal characteristics of the Pentateuch have been developed at greater length by Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; Vigouroux, "La Bible et les decouvertes modernes", 6th ed., Paris, 1896, I, 453-80; II, 1-213, 529-47, 586-91; Idem, "Les Livres Saints et la critique rationaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 28-46, 79-99, 122-6; Heyes, "Bibel und Ægypten", Munster, 1904, p.这些内部特征的pentateuch已经由史密斯,在更大的长度,伦敦,1868年“摩西的pentateuch在其署名权,信誉,文明的书”; Vigouroux,“香格里拉圣经ET LES decouvertes modernes”,第6版巴黎,1896年,我,453-80;二,1-213,529-47,586-91;同上,“里弗圣徒与批判rationaliste”,巴黎,1902年,三,28-46,79 - 99,122-6; Heyes,“Bibel和Ægypten”,明斯特,1904年,第142; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in histor. Vet. Test. libros", I, Paris, 1887, pp. 57-60; Poole, "Ancient Egypt" in "Contemporary Review", March, 1879, pp. 757-9.142; Cornely“。Introductio histor特别兽医试验libros”,我,巴黎,1887年,页57-60;普尔,“古埃及”在“当代评论”,三月,1879年,第757-9 。


In accordance with the voice of the triple argument thus far advanced for the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, the Biblical Commission on 27 June, 1906, answered a series of questions concerning this subject in the following way:根据迄今先进的马赛克著作权的五经,圣经委员会于1906年6月27日,三联参数语音,回答了一系列问题,关于这个问题通过以下方式:

(1) The arguments accumulated by the critics to impugn the Mosaic authenticity of the sacred books designated by the name Pentateuch are not of such weight as to give us the right, after setting aside numerous passages of both Testaments taken collectively, the continuous consensus of the Jewish people, the constant tradition of the Church, and internal indications derived from the text itself, to maintain that these books have not Moses as their author, but are compiled from sources for the greatest part later than the Mosaic age. (1)所积累批评家抨击神圣的书籍指定的名称摩西五马赛克真实性的论点是没有这样的重量以给我们的权利,设置后,除了许多段落都圣经采取集体,连续共识犹太人民,教会不断的传统,从文本本身的内部的迹象,保持这些书籍没有摩西作为其作者,但编译的最大部分来自源最迟花叶年龄。

(2) The Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch does not necessarily require such a redaction of the whole work as to render it absolutely imperative to maintain that Moses wrote all and everything with his own hand or dictated it to his secretaries; the hypothesis of those can be admitted who believe that he entrusted the composition of the work itself, conceived by him under the influence of Divine inspiration, to others, but in such a way that they were to express faithfully his own thoughts, were to write nothing against his will, were to omit nothing; and that finally the work thus produced should be approved by the same Moses, its principal and inspired author, and published under his name. (2)花叶真实性摩西五并不一定需要这样的编辑整个工作,以使其绝对必须保持这一摩西写道,所有一切都与他自己的手或口述给他的秘书,假设这些可必须承认谁相信他委托组成的工作本身,构思是由他的影响下,神圣的灵感,给他人,但在这样一种方式,他们忠实地表达自己的想法,是违背自己的意愿写什么,省略了什么,终于由此产生的工作应该获得批准同摩西,其本金和激励作者和出版他的名字。

(3) It may be granted without prejudice to the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch, that Moses employed sources in the production of his work, ie, written documents or oral traditions, from which he may have drawn a number of things in accordance with the end he had in view and under the influence of Divine inspiration, and inserted them in his work either literally or according to their sense, in an abbreviated or amplified form. (3)可在不损害授予马赛克的摩西五,摩西在他的工作,即书面文件或口头传统的生产受聘来源的真实性,从中他可能已制定了一些东西,在按照年底他在查看和影响下,神圣的灵感,在一个缩写或扩增的形式插入他们在工作中也确实或根据自己的感觉,。

(4) The substantial Mosaic authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch remains intact if it be granted that in the long course of centuries the work has suffered several modifications, as; post-Mosaic additions either appended by an inspired author or inserted into the text as glosses and explanations; the translation of certain words and forms out of an antiquated language into the recent form of speech; finally, wrong readings due to the fault of transcribers, which one may investigate and pass sentence on according to the laws of criticism. (4)大量马赛克真实性和完整性的pentateuch保持不变,如果它被理所当然地,在长期的世纪工作遭受了好几次修改,如;后花叶增加或者附加的启发作者或插入文本掩盖和解释;翻译某些词和形式陈旧的语言,到最近形式的讲话,最后,由于誊写的故障,其中一个调查和判决根据法律的批评错误读数。

The post-Mosaic additions and modifications allowed by the Biblical Commission in the Pentateuch without removing it from the range of substantial integrity and Mosaic authenticity are variously interpreted by Catholic scholars.后花叶补充和修改允许圣经中的摩西五委员会而不删除它的范围从大量的完整性和马赛克真实性是不同的解释天主教学者。

(1) We should have to understand them in a rather wide sense, if we were to defend the views of von Hummelauer or Vetter. (1)我们应该理解他们在一个相当广泛的意义上说,如果我们要维护冯Hummelauer或Vetter的意见。This latter writer admits legal and historical documents based on Mosaic tradition, but written only in the times of the Judges; he places the first redaction of the Pentateuch in the time of the erection of Solomon's temple, and its last redaction in the time of Esdras.这后者作家承认法律和历史文献上镶嵌的传统,但只有法官的时代写的;他的地方竖立所罗门圣殿时的摩西五第一节录,和其在埃斯德拉斯时最后节录。 Vetter died in 1906, the year in which the Biblical Commission issued the above Decree; it is an interesting question, whether and how the scholar would have modified his theory, if time had been granted him to do so. Vetter在1906年去世,在这一年中的圣经委员会发表了上述法令,它是一个有趣的问题,是否和如何将修改他的理论的学者,如果时间已给予他这样做。

(2) A less liberal interpretation of the Decree is implied in the Pentateuchal hypotheses advanced by Hobert ("Moses und der Pentateuch; Die Pentateuch Frage" in "Biblische Studien", X, 4, Freiburg, 1907; "Erklarung des Genesis", 1908, Freiburg, IL), Schopfer (Geschichte des Alten Testamentes, 4th ed., 226 sqq.), Hopfl ("Die hohere Bibelkritik", 2nd ed., Paderborn, 1906), Brucker ("L'eglise et la critique", Paris, 1907, 103 sqq.), and Selbst (Schuster and Holzammer's "Handbuch zur Biblischen Geschichte", 7th ed., Freiburg, 1910, II, 94, 96). (2)少从宽解释的法令是隐含的Pentateuchal假设先进霍伯特(“摩西和DER摩西五;模具摩西五经查询搜索”中“Biblische(研究)”,X,4,弗赖堡,1907年;“Erklarung创世纪”, 1908年,弗莱堡,IL)Schopfer(历史DES Alten Testamentes,第四版,226 SQQ。),Hopfl(“模具hohere Bibelkritik”,第二版,帕德博恩,1906年),布鲁克(“L' eglise等LA批判” ,巴黎,1907年,103 SQQ),和Selbst(舒斯特和Holzammer的“手册下载楚Biblischen历史”,第7版,弗赖堡,1910年,第二,94,96)。 The last-named writer believes that Moses left a written law-book to which Josue and Samuel added supplementary sections and regulations, while David and Solomon supplied new statutes concerning worship and priesthood, and other kings introduced certain religious reforms, until Esdras promulgated the whole law and made it the basis of Israel's restoration after the Exile.过去命名的作家认为,摩西留下了书面法律书籍的若苏埃和Samuel补充的补充部分和法规,而大卫和所罗门提供新的章程和有关礼拜牧师和其他国王介绍了某些宗教的改革,直到整个埃斯德拉斯颁布法律和以色列的恢复后,流亡国外的基础上。 Our present Pentateuch is, therefore, an Esdrine edition of the work.因此,我们目前的五Esdrine版的工作。Dr. Selbst feels convinced that his admission of both textual changes and material additions in the Pentateuch agrees with the law of historical development and with the results of literary criticism. Selbst博士认为相信,他承认这两个文本的变化和材料增加的pentateuch同意与历史发展的规律和文学批评的结果。Historical development adapts laws and regulations to the religious, civil, and social conditions of successive ages, while literary criticism discovers in our actual Pentateuch peculiarities of words and phrases which can hardly have been original, and also historical additions or notices, legal modifications, and signs of more recent administration of justice and of later forms of worship.适应历史发展的法律和法规的宗教,民间和社会条件的历届年龄,而文学批评发现在我们的实际摩西五单词和词组难以被原始的特殊性,也是历史上增加或通知,法律的修改,并更多最近行政司法和后来形式的崇拜的迹象。 But Dr. Selbst believes that these peculiarities do not offer a sufficient basis for a distinction of different sources in the Pentateuch.但Selbst博士认为,这些特殊性,不提供足够的基础,区分不同来源的pentateuch。

(3) A strict interpretation of the words of the Decree is implied in the views of Kaulen (Einleitung, n. 193 sqq.), Key ("Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte un ihre System", Munster, 1903), Flunk (Kirchenlexicon, IX, 1782 sqq.), and Mangenot ("L'authenticite mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1907; Idem, "Dict. de la Bible", V, 50-119. With the exception of those portions that belong to the time after the death of Moses, and of certain accidental changes of the text due to transcribers, the whole of the Pentateuch is the work of Moses who composed the work in one of the ways suggested by the Biblical Commission. Finally, there is the question as the theological certainty of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch. (“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史馆联合国ihre系统”,明斯特,1903年)(3)严格解释该法令的话是在暗示考伦(导论,北路193 sqq),关键的意见,不及格(Kirchenlexicon九,SQQ 1782),和芒热诺(“L' authenticite mosaique杜Pentateuque”,巴黎,1907年同上,“快译通DE LA圣经”,五,50-119那些部分属于例外。摩西去世后,某些意外更改的文字,由于誊写的时间,整个摩西五是工作的摩西,谁组成的圣经委员会建议的方法之一工作,最后,存在的问题作为神学确定性论文保持花叶真实性摩西五。

(1) Certain Catholic scholars who wrote between 1887 and 1906 expressed their opinion that the thesis in question is not revealed in Scripture nor taught by the Church; that it expresses a truth not contained in Revelation, but a tenet which may be freely contested and discussed. (1)某些谁写在1887年和1906年的天主教学者表示他们认为,论文中的问题是在圣经中,也没有透露教经堂;它表示在启示录中包含了一个道理,而是一个可以自由有争议的宗旨和讨论。 At that time, ecclesiastical authority had issued no pronouncement on the question.当时,教会当局没有发出声明问题上。

(2) Other writers grant that the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is not explicitly revealed, but they consider it as a truth revealed formally implicitly, being derived from the revealed formulae not by a syllogism in the strict sense of the word, but by a simple explanation of the terms. (2)其他作者给予花叶真实性摩西五是没有明确透露,但他们认为这是作为事实表明正式含蓄,透露从没有在这个词的严格意义上的三段论公式,但由简单的解释的条款。 The denial of the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is an error, and the contradictory of the thesis maintaining the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch is considered erronea in fide (cf. Mechineau, "L'origine mosaique du Pentateuque", p. 34).拒绝花叶真实性摩西五是错误的,矛盾的命题保持花叶真实性摩西五被认为是真正(参见Mechineau,“L' origine mosaique杜Pentateuque”,第34页)erronea。

(3) A third class of scholars considers the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch neither as a freely debatable tenet, nor as a truth formally implicitly revealed; they believe it has been virtually revealed, or that it is inferred from revealed truth by truly syllogistic deduction. (3)第三类学者认为花叶真实性摩西五既不作为一个有争议的自由的宗旨,也作为一个真理正式含蓄地表明,他们相信,它实际上已被发现,或者说这是推断揭示真理的真正三段论扣除。 It is, therefore, a theologically certain truth, and its contradictory is a rash (temeraria) or even erroneous proposition (cf. Brucker, "Authenticite des livres de Moise" in "Etudes", March, 1888, p. 327; ibid., January, 1897, p. 122-3; Mangenot, "L'authenticité mosaïque du Pentateuque", pp. 267-310. ,因此,它是一个神学一定的道理,其矛盾的是皮疹(temeraria),甚至错误的主张(参见布鲁克,“Authenticite里弗的莫伊兹”“练习曲”,三月,1888年,第327页;同上。一月,1897年,第122-3页;芒热诺,“L' authenticité mosaïque Pentateuque”,页267-310。

Whatever effect the ecclesiastical decision concerning the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch may have had, or will have, on the opinion of students of the Pentateuchal question, it cannot be said to have occasioned the conservative attitude of scholars who wrote before the promulgation of the Decree.不管效果的教会决定有关花叶真实性摩西五可能有或将有学生的Pentateuchal问题的意见,不能说来有所引致的学者保守的态度,谁写的法令颁布前。 The following list contains the names of the principal recent defenders of Mosaic authenticity: Hengstenberg, "Die Bucher Moses und Aegypten", Berlin, 1841; Smith, "The Book of Moses or the Pentateuch in its Authorship, Credibility, and Civilisation", London, 1868; C. Schobel, "Demonstration de l'authenticite du Deuteronome", Paris, 1868; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique de l'Exode", Paris, 1871; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite mosaique du Levitique et des Nombres", Paris, 1869; Idem, "Demonstration de l'authenticite de la Genese", Paris, 1872; Idem, "Le Moise historique et la redaction mosaique du Pentateuque", Paris, 1875; Knabenbauer, "Der Pentateuch und die unglaubige Bibelkritik" in "Stimmen aus Maria-Laach", 1873, IV; Bredenkamp, "Gesetz und Propheten", Erlangen, 1881; Green, "Moses and the Prophets", New York, 1883; Idem, "The Hebrew Feasts", New York, 1885; Idem, "The Pentateuchal Question" in "Hebraica", 1889-92; Idem, "The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch", New York, 1895; Idem, "The Unity of the Book of Genesis", New York, 1895; C. Elliot, "Vindication of the Mosaic Authorship of the Pentateuch", Cincinnati, 1884; Bissel, "The Pentateuch, its Origin and Structure", New York, 1885; Ubaldi, "Introductio in Sacram Scripturam", 2nd ed., Rome, 1882, I, 452- 509; Cornely, "Introductio specialis in historicos VT libros", Paris, 1887, pp. 19-160; Vos, "Mosaic Origin of the Pentateuchal Codes", London, 1886; Bohl, "Zum Gesetz und zum Zeugniss", Vienna, 1883; Zah, "Erneste Blicke in den Wahn der modernen Kritik des AT", Gutersloh, 1893; Idem, "Das Deuteronomium", 1890; Idem, "Israelitische und judische Geschichte", 1895; Rupprecht, "Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhausens vom Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893; Idem, "Das Rathsel des Funfbuches Mose und seine falsche Losung", Gutersloh, 1894; Idem, "Des Rathsels Losung order Beitrage zur richtigen Losung des Pentateuchrathsels", 1897; Idem, "Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht", 1897; "Lex Mosaica, or the Law of Moses and the Higher Criticism" (by Sayce, Rawlinson, Trench, Lias, Wace, etc.), London, 1894; Card.以下列表包含最近马赛克真实性的主要维护者的姓名:韩斯坦堡,“模具布赫尔摩西和Aegypten”,柏林,1841年,史密斯,“摩西的书或摩西五在其署名权,信誉,文明”,伦敦,1868; C. Schobel,“示范DE L' authenticite杜Deuteronome”,巴黎,1868年同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique DE L' Exode”,巴黎,1871年;同上,“示范DE L' authenticite mosaique Levitique ET DES Nombres“,巴黎,1869年;同上,”示范DE L' authenticite DE LA杰尼斯“,巴黎,1872年;同上,”乐莫伊兹historique ET LA节录mosaique杜Pentateuque“,巴黎,1875年; Knabenbauer,”明镜摩西五与unglaubige Bibelkritik“中的”Stimmen AUS玛丽亚 - Laach“,1873年,第四; Bredenkamp,”Gesetz和Propheten“,埃尔兰根,1881年,绿色,”摩西和先知“,纽约,1883年;同上,”希伯来节日“,纽约,1885年同上,”Hebraica“,1889年至1892年的”Pentateuchal问题“,同上,”摩西五更高批判“,纽约,1895年;同上,”统一的创世记“纽约,1895年,C.,辛辛那提,1884年“作者的马赛克的摩西五平反”艾略特;比塞尔,“摩西五,其来源和结构”,纽约,1885年; Ubaldi“Sacram Scripturam Introductio”第二版,罗马,1882年,我,452 - 509; Cornely,“Introductio特别在historicos VT libros”,巴黎,1887年,第19-160页; VOS,“马赛克的Pentateuchal守则的起源”,伦敦,1886年。 Bohl,“ZUM Gesetz和ZUM Zeugniss”,维也纳,1883年; Zah,“Erneste巢穴Wahn DER modernen Kritik DES Blicke”,居特斯洛,1893年;同上,“资本Deuteronomium”,1890年;同上,“Israelitische和judische历史“,1895年; Rupprecht,”模具Anschauung之kritischen学派Wellhausens VOM摩西五经“,莱比锡,1893年同上,”达斯Rathsel DES Funfbuches摩西和塞纳河falsche Losung“,居特斯洛,1894年;同上,”德Rathsels Losung为了Beitrage楚richtigen Losung DES Pentateuchrathsels“,1897年;同上,”模具Kritik nach ihrem Recht uknd Unrecht“,1897年;”的Lex Mosaica,或摩西律法和更高批判“(由Sayce,罗林森,麟趾,黑侏罗统,WACE等),伦敦,1894年;卡。Meignan, "De L'Eden a Moise", Paris, 1895, 1-88; Baxter, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice", London, 1896; Abbé de Broglie, "Questions bibliques", Paris, 1897, pp. 89-169; Pelt, "Histoire de l'AT", 3rd ed., Paris, 1901, I, pp. 291-326; Vigouroux, "Les Livres Saints et la critique ratioinaliste", Paris, 1902, III, 1-226; IV, 239-53, 405-15; Idem, "Manuel biblique", 12th ed., Paris, 1906, I, 397-478; Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Systeme", Munster, 1903; Hopfl, "Die hohere Bibelkritik", Paderborn, 1902; Thomas, "The Organic Unity of the Pentateuch", London, 1904; Wiener, "Studies in Biblical Law", London, 1904; Rouse, "The Old Testament in New Testament Light", London, 1905; Redpath, "Modern Criticism and the Book of Genesis", London, 1905; Hoberg, "Moses und der Pentateuch", Freiburg, 1905; Orr, "The Problem of the Old Testament considered with reference to Recent Criticism", London, 1906.Meignan,“DE L'伊甸园一个莫伊兹”,巴黎,1895年1-88;巴克斯特,“庇护和牺牲”,伦敦,1896年;神甫德布罗意,“问题bibliques”,巴黎,1897年,页89-169;佩尔特,“史”AT“,第3版,巴黎,1901年,我,第291-326页;。Vigouroux,”里弗圣徒与批判ratioinaliste“,巴黎,1902年,三,1-226;四, 239-53,405-15;同上,“曼努埃尔biblique”,第12版,巴黎,1906年,我,397-478;克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage,ihre历史和ihre SYSTEME”,明斯特,1903年; Hopfl,“模具hohere Bibelkritik“,帕德博恩,1902年,托马斯,”有机统一的pentateuch“,伦敦,1904年,维纳,”圣经“的研究”,伦敦,1904年,劳斯,“旧约在新约全书光”,伦敦, 1905年;雷德帕思,“现代的批判和图书”创世纪“,伦敦,1905年;霍贝格,”摩西和DER摩西五经“,弗赖堡,1905年,奥尔,”旧约参照考虑到最近批评的问题“,伦敦, 1906年。


A detailed account of the opposition to the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch is neither desirable nor necessary in this article.一个详细交代反对作者的马赛克的摩西五是既不可取,也不在本文所必需的。In itself it would form only a noisome history of human errors; each little system has had its day, and its successors have tried their best to bury it in hushed oblivion.它本身只是一个形式有碍人类历史错误;每个小系统也有一天,它的继任者已经尽力埋葬在寂静遗忘。The actual difficulties we have to consider are those advanced by our actual opponents of today; only the fact that the systems of the past show us the fleeting and transitory character of the actual theories now in vogue can induce us to briefly enumerate the successive views upheld by the opponents of the Mosaic authorship.我们要考虑的实际困难,是我们今天的实际对手先进的事实,过去的系统向我们展示了稍纵即逝的实际的理论和过渡性质,现在流行的可诱导我们简要列举坚持连续意见著作权的马赛克对手。

(1) Abandoned Theories(1)被遗弃的理论

The views advanced by the Valentinian Ptolemy, the Nazarites, Abenesra, Carlstadt, Isaac Peyrerius, Baruch Spinoza, Jean Leclerc are sporadic phenomena.瓦伦蒂安托勒密,Nazarites,Abenesra,Carlstadt的,以撒Peyrerius,巴鲁克斯宾诺莎,让勒克莱尔先进的意见都是零星的现象。 Not all of them were wholly incompatible with the Mosaic authorship as now understood, and the others have found their answer in their own time.-With the work of John Astrue, published in 1753, began the so-called Hypothesis of Documents which was further developed by Eichhorn and Ilgen.并非所有的人完全不符合著作权的马赛克,像现在的理解,和其他人发现他们的答案自己time发表​​于1753年,约翰Astrue工作开始有了进一步的文件,所谓的假说开发艾希霍恩和伊尔根。 But the works of the suspended priest, Alexander Geddes, published in 1792 and 1800, introduced the Hypothesis of Fragments, which in its day was elaborated and championed by Vater, de Wette (temporarily at least), Berthold, Hartmann, and von Bohlen.但暂停神父的作品,亚历山大格迪斯,在1792年和1800年出版,介绍了碎片,这一天是在其阐述和倡导壶腹部,日Wette(至少暂时),贝特霍尔德,哈特曼,冯波伦假说。 This theory was soon confronted by, and had to yield to the Hypothesis of Complements or Interpolations which numbered among its patrons Kelle, Ewald, Stahelin, Bleek, Tuch, de Wette, von Lengerke, and for a brief period also Franz Delitzsch.这一理论很快面对,不得不屈服的假说补或插值其中编号之间的顾客凯莱,埃瓦尔德,斯斯塔埃林,Bleek,TUCH,德Wette,冯Lengerke,和一个短暂的时期,也弗朗茨Delitzsch。 The theory of interpolations again had hardly found any adherents before Gramberg (1828), Stahelin (1830), and Bleek (1831) returned to the Hypothesis of Documents, proposing it in a somewhat modified form.插值理论的再次几乎没有发现任何信徒面前Gramberg(1828年),斯斯塔埃林(1830),和Bleek(1831年)返回假设的文件,提出在略加修改的形式。 Subsequently, Ewald, Knobel, Hupfeld, Noldeke, and Schrader advanced each a different explanation of the documentary hypothesis.随后,埃瓦尔德,克诺贝尔,霍普菲,Noldeke和施拉德先进的每一个不同的解释纪录片假说。But all of these are at present only of an historical interest.但是,所有这些是目前唯一一个历史的兴趣。

(2) Present Hypothesis of Documents(2)目前的假说文件

A course of religious development in Israel had been proposed by Reuss in 1830 and 1834, by Vatke in 1835, and by George in the same year.在以色列的宗教发展的过程中已经提出了Reuss在1830年和1834年,于1835年Vatke,乔治在同一年。In 1865-66 Graf took up this idea and applied it to the literary criticism of the Hexateuch; for the critics had begun to consider the Book of Josue as belonging to the preceding five books, so that the collection formed a Hexateuch instead of a Pentateuch.格拉夫在1865年至1866年接受了这一想法,并把它应用到文学批评的Hexateuch;批评者已开始考虑属于过去五年书籍的若苏埃书,以便收集形成了Hexateuch,而不是摩西五。 The same application was made by Merx in 1869.相同的应用程序是由Merx于1869年。Thus modified the documentary theory continued in its development until it reached the state described in the translation of the Bible by Kautzsch (3rd ed., with Introduction and Annotations, Tübingen, 1908 sqq.).因此,修改的纪录片理论继续在其发展,直到它达到的Kautzsch翻译“圣经”中描述的状态(第三版,介绍和说明,蒂宾根大学,1908年SQQ)。 In itself there is nothing against the assumption of documents written by Moses; but we cannot ascribe with certainty anything of our literary remains to the hands of the Hebrew lawgiver.在本身就存在对书面文件摩西的假设,但我们不能归咎于任何肯定我们的文学仍然在希伯莱立法者手中。The beginning of written accounts must be placed towards the end of the time of Judges; only then were fulfilled the conditions which must precede the origin of a literature properly so called, ie, a general acquaintance with the art of writing and reading, stationary settlement of the people, and national prosperity.必须放在书面帐户开始走向结束的时候,法官,才得到满足的条件,必须先妥善所谓的一个文学的起源,即一般熟人与艺术书写和阅读,平稳解决人民和国家的繁荣。 What then are the oldest literary remains of the Hebrews?那么什么是最古老的文学仍然希伯来人吗?They are the collections of the songs dating from the heroic time of the nation, eg, the Book of the Wars of the Lord (Numbers 21:14), the Book of the Just (Joshua 10:12 sqq.), the Book of Songs (1 Kings 8:53; cf. Budde, "Geschichte der althebr. Literature", Leipzig, 1906, 17).他们的歌曲约会从民族的英雄,例如,主(21:14),正义(约书亚记10:12 SQQ),书书的战争的书的集合歌曲(1国王8:53;比照布德,“历史之althebr文学”,莱比锡,1906年,17)。The Book of the Covenant (Exodus 20:24-23:19) too must have existed before the other sources of the Pentateuch.图书的盟约(出埃及记20:24-23:19)也必须有存在之前的其他来源的pentateuch。The oldest historical work is probably the book of the Yahwist, designated by J, and ascribed to the priesthood of Juda, belonging most probably to the ninth century BC历史的最古老的工作是可能的Yahwist书,指定由J,归因于铎的犹大,最有可能属于公元前9世纪

Akin to this is the Elohim document, designated by E, and written probably in the northern kingdom (Ephraim) about a century after the production of the Yahweh document.类似于这是耶洛因文件,指定由E,并写了大概有一个世纪后在英国北部(以法莲)生产耶和华文件。These two sources were combined by a redactor into one work soon after the middle of the sixth century.第六世纪中叶后不久,这两个来源合并成一个工作由redactor的。Next follows the law-book, almost entirely embodied in our actual Book of Deuteronomy, discovered in the temple 621 BC, and containing the precipitate of the prophetic teaching which advocated the abolition of the sacrifices in the so- called high places and the centralization of worship in the temple of Jerusalem.接下来是法律书籍,几乎完全体现在我们的实际书申命记,发现了公元前621庙,并载有沉淀的预言教学主张取消所谓的高的地方的牺牲和集权崇拜在耶路撒冷的圣殿。 During the Exile originated the Priestly Code, P, based on the so-called law of holiness, Lev., xvii-xxvi, and the programme of Ezechiel, xl-xlviii; the substance of P was read before the post-exilic community by Esdras about 444 BC (Nehemiah 8-10), and was accepted by the multitude.祭司代码,P起源流亡期间,基于所谓的圣洁,列弗,十七 - 26法律,Ezechiel,XL - XLVIII方案; P物质前,后放逐社会读取埃斯德拉斯约公元前444年(尼希米记8月10日),并接受了众多。History does not tell us when and how these divers historical and legal sources were combined into our present Pentateuch; but it is generally assumed that there was an urgent call for a compilation of the tradition and pre-exilic history of the people.历史没有告诉我们何时和如何这些潜水员的历史和法律的来源合并到我们目前的摩西五;但人们普遍假定,有一个汇编的历史传统和前放逐的人的迫切要求。 The only indication of time may be found in the fact that the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch as a sacred book probably in the fourth century BC Considering their hatred for the Jews, one must conclude that they would not have taken this step, unless they had felt certain of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.唯一显示时间可能会发现的事实,即撒玛利亚接受作为一个神圣的书可能在公元前四世纪的考虑他们的仇恨犹太人的摩西五,必须得出结论,他们不会采取这一步骤,除非他们认为某些马赛克起源摩西五。 Hence a considerable time must have intervened between the compilation of the Pentateuch and its acceptance by the Samaritans, so that the work of combining must be placed in the fifth century.因此,在相当一段时期内必须进行干预之间的汇编的pentateuch和接受撒玛利亚,这样结合起来的工作,必须放置在第五世纪。 It is quite generally agreed that the last redactor of the Pentateuch completed his task with great adroitness.这是很普遍一致认为,过去的五经redactor完成他的任务十分精明。Without altering the text of the older sources, he did all within man's power to fuse the heterogeneous elements into one apparent (?) whole, with such success that not only the Jews after the fourth century BC, but also the Christians for many centuries could maintain their conviction that the entire Pentateuch was written by Moses.不改变的年龄较大的源文本的情况下,他没有在人的权力全部到保险丝为之一明显(?)整个异质因素,这样的成功,这不仅对犹太人在公元前四世纪后,也为许多世纪基督徒保持它们的信念,整个五经的作者是摩西。

(3) Deficiencies of the Critical Hypothesis(3)的关键假设的缺陷

As several Pentateuchal critics have endeavoured to assign the last redaction of the Pentateuch to more recent dates, its placement in the fifth century may be regarded as rather favourable to conservative views.几个Pentateuchal批评努力分配最后节录的pentateuch,以更近的日期,其位置在第五世纪可能会被视为相当有利的保守观点。 But it is hard to understand why the patrons of this opinion should not agree in considering Esdras as the last editor.但很难理解为什么顾客的意见,不应该同意在考虑埃斯德拉斯作为最后的编辑。Again, it is quite certain that the last editor of the Pentateuch must have notably preceded its acceptance on the part of the Samaritans as a sacred book; bit is it probably that the Samaritans would have accepted the Pentateuch as such in the fourth century BC, when the national and religious opposition between them and Jews was well developed?再次,这是肯定的是,过去的五经编辑器必须有显着之前接受书作为一项神圣的撒马利亚人的一部分;位是它可能是撒玛利亚会已接受的pentateuch这样在公元前四世纪,当他们和犹太人之间的民族和宗教对立发达? Is it not more probable that the mixed nation of Samaria received the Pentateuch through the priest sent to them from Assyria?这难道不是更可能混合的国家萨马利亚收到通过从亚述发送给他们的牧师的pentateuch?Cf.比照2 Kings 17:27.2国王17时27分。 Or again, as this priest instructed the Samaritan population in the law of the god of the country, is it not reasonable to suppose that he taught them the Pentateuchal law which the ten tribes carried with them when they separated from Juda?或再次,因为这神父指示撒玛利亚人口中的神的国家的法律,是不是合理的假设,他教他们的Pentateuchal法律,其中10个部落,当他们从犹大分离与他们进行? At any rate, the fact that the Samaritans accepted as sacred only the Pentateuch, but not the Prophets, leads us to infer that the Pentateuch existed among the Jews before a collection of the prophetic writings was made, and that Samaria chose its sacred book before even Juda placed the works of the Prophets on the same level with the work of Moses.无论如何,撒玛利亚接纳为神圣只有五经,但不是先知,使我们推断,摩西五犹太人之间存在的预言著作的集合了前,和萨马利亚选择其圣书之前甚至犹大放在工作的摩西一样的先知的作品。 But this natural inference finds no favour among the critics; for it implies that the historical and legal traditions codified in the Pentateuch, described the beginning, and not the end, of Israel's religious development.但这种自然的推论认为之间没有批评者的青睐,因为它意味着在摩西五编撰的历史和法律传统,描述的开始,而不是在结束对以色列的宗教发展, The view of Israel's religious development prevalent among the critics implies that the Pentateuch is later than the Prophets, and that the Psalms are later than both.以色列的宗教发展中普遍存在的批评意味着摩西五晚于先知,诗​​篇是不迟于两个。After these general considerations, we shall briefly examine the main principles, the methods, the results, and the arguments of the critical theory.这些一般性的考虑后,我们将简要地审查的主要原则,方法,结果,和批判理论的论点。

(a) Principles of the Critics(一)原则批评

Without pretending to review all the principles involved in the theories of the critics, we draw attention to two: the historical development of religion, and the comparative value of internal evidence and tradition.没有假装审查所有参与的原则理论的批评,我们提请注意两个:历史发展的宗教,和内部证据和传统的比较价值。

(i) The theory of the historical evolution of Israelitic religions leads us from Mosaic Yahwehism to the ethical monotheism of the Prophets, from this to the universalist conception of God developed during the Exile, and from this again to the ossified Phariseeism of later days. (I)Israelitic宗教的历史演变的理论,使我们从花叶Yahwehism道德一神教的先知,从这个概念的普遍性上帝流亡期间制定,并从这个再次僵化Phariseeism后来天。 This religion of the Jews is codified in our actual Pentateuch, but has been fictitiously projected backwards in the historical books into the Mosaic and pre-prophetic times.这种宗教的犹太人是编纂在我们的实际摩西五,但一直fictitiously预计倒退的历史书籍的花叶和前预言次。The idea of development is not a purely modern discovery.发展的想法是不是一个纯粹的现代发现。Meyer ("Der Entwicklungsgedanke bei Aristoteles", Bonn, 1909) shows that Aristotle was acquainted with it; Gunkel ("Weiterbildung der Religion", Munich, 1905, 64) maintains that its application to religion is as old as Christianity, and that St. Paul has enunciated this principle; Diestel ("Geschichte des AT in der chrislichen Kirche", Jena, 1869, 56 sqq.), Willmann ("Geschichte des Idealismus", 2nd ed., II, 23 sqq.), and Schanz ("Apologie des Christentums", 3rd ed. II, 4 sqq., 376) find the same application in the writings of the Fathers, though Hoberg ("Die Forschritte der bibl. Wissenschaften", Freiburg, 1902, 10) grants that the patristic writers often neglect the external forms which influenced the ideas the Chosen People.迈耶(“明镜Entwicklungsgedanke北亚里士多德”,波恩,1909年)显示,亚里士多德是熟悉它;贡克尔(“Weiterbildung DER宗教”,慕尼黑,1905年,64),认为它适用于宗教一样古老基督教,和意法半导体保罗已经阐明了这一原则; Diestel,Willmann(“历史的DES Idealismus”,第二版,第二,23 SQQ。),和Schanz((“历史DES DER chrislichen Kirche”,耶拿,1869年,56 SQQ。) “Apologie Christentums”二,第3版,4 SQQ,376)找到相同的应用程序中的父亲的著作中,虽然霍贝格(“模具Forschritte之bibl。学问”,弗赖堡,1902年,10)赠款教父作家往往忽视的思想影响所选择的人的外在形式。 The Fathers were not fully acquainted with profane history, and were more concerned about the contents of Revelation than about its historical development.父亲没有完全熟悉亵渎历史,并更多关注的是比其历史发展的启示的内容。Pesch ("Glaube, Dogmen und geschichtliche Thatsachen" in "Theol. Zeitfragen", IV, Freiburg, 1908, 183) discovers that St. Thomas, too, admits the principle of development in his "Summa" (II-II, Q. i, a. 9, 10; Q. ii, a. 3; etc.).佩施(“Glaube,Dogmen和geschichtliche Thatsachen”“Theol。Zeitfragen”,四,弗赖堡,1908年,183)发现圣托马斯也承认发展的原则,在他的“大全”(二二,问:我答:9,10,问二,A. 3;等)。But the Catholic conception of this principle avoids two extremes:天主教的概念,但这一原则避免两个极端:

the theory of degeneracy, based on the teaching of the early Lutheran theologians (cf. Giesebrecht, "Die Degradationshypothese und die altl. Geschichte", Leipzig, 1905; Steude, "Entwicklung und Offenbarung", Stuttgart, 1905, 18 sqq.);退化的理论,根据教学的早期路德神学家(参见Giesebrecht,“模具Degradationshypothese与altl历史”,莱比锡,1905年; Steude,“发展协会UND Offenbarung”,斯图加特,1905年,18 SQQ);

the theory of evolution which dissolves all truth and history into purely natural development to the exclusion of everything supernatural.溶解一切的真理到纯粹的自然发展史,排除一切超自然的进化论。

It is this latter extreme that is advocated by the Biblical critics.正是这种极端后者是圣经批评主张。 Their description of the early religion of Israel is contradicted by the testimony of the oldest Prophets whose authority is not questioned by them.他们对以色列的早期宗教的描述是矛盾的最古老的先知,其权威是不质疑他们的证词。These inspired seers know of the fall of Adam (Hosea 6:7), the call of Abraham (Isaiah 29:23; Micah 7:20), the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrha (Hosea 11:8; Isaiah 1:9; Amos 4:11), the history of Jacob and his struggle with the angel (Hosea 12:2 sqq.), Israel's exodus from Egypt and dwelling in the desert (Hosea 2:14; 7:16; 11:1; 12:9, 13; 13:4, 5; Amos 2:10; 3:1; 9:7), the activity of Moses (Hosea 12:13; Micah 6:4; Isaiah 63:11-12), a written legislation (Hosea 8:12), and a number of particular statutes (cf. Kley, "Die Pentateuchfrage", Munster, 1903, 223 sqq.).这些灵感的预言家都知道亚当的堕落(何西阿书6:7),亚伯拉罕(以赛亚书29:23;弥迦7:20)通话,毁灭所多瑪和Gomorrha(何西阿书11:8,以赛亚书1:9;阿莫斯4:11,历史上的雅各布和他的天使(何西阿12:2 sqq),以色列从埃及和沙漠中的住宅(何西阿书2:14出走的斗争); 7:16; 11:1; 12:9 ,13; 13:4,5;阿摩司书2:10; 3:1; 9:7),摩西(何西阿12:13活动;弥迦书6:4;以赛亚书63:11-12),书面立法(何西阿书8:12),和一些特别的章程(参见克利,“模具Pentateuchfrage”,明斯特,1903年,223 SQQ)。Again, the theory of development is more and more contradicted by the results of historical investigation.再次,理论的发展是越来越多的矛盾,历史调查的结果。Weber ("Theologie und Assyriologie im Streit um Babel und Bibel", Leipzig, 1904, 17) points out that the recent historical results imply decadence rather than development in ancient oriental art, science, and religion; Winckler ("Religionsgeschichtler und geschichtl. Orient", Leipzig, 1906, 33) considers the evolutionary view of the primitive state of man as false, and believes that the development theory has, at least, been badly shaken, if not actually destroyed by recent Oriental research (cf. Bantsch, "Altorientalischer und israelitischer Monothesismus", Tübingen, 1906).韦伯(“神学与Assyriologie IM史漫飞UM巴贝尔和Bibel”,莱比锡,1904年,17)指出,最近的历史结果意味着颓废,而不是在古代东方艺术,科学和宗教的发展; Winckler(“Religionsgeschichtler和geschichtl东方。 “,莱比锡,1906年,33岁)认为,男子为假的原始状态的进化观点,并认为,发展理论,至少,惊魂未定,如果不是实际上破坏了最近东方研究(参见Bantsch” Altorientalischer与israelitischer Monothesismus“,蒂宾根大学,1906年)。Köberle ("Die Theologie der Gegenwart", Leipzig, 1907, I, 2) says that the development theory has exhausted itself, reproducing only the thoughts of Wellhausen, and deciding particular questions not in the light of facts, but according to the postulates of the theory. Köberle(“模具神学DER Gegenwart”,莱比锡,1907年,一,二)说,发展理论已用尽本身,音响唯一的想法豪森,并决定在具体问题没有根据的事实,但根据的假设的理论。 Finally, even the rationalistic writers have thought it necessary to replace the development theory by another more in agreement with historical facts.最后,即使是理性的作家都认为有必要,以取代另一种更符合历史事实的发展理论。Hence Winckler ("Ex Oriente lux", Leipzig, 1905- 6; Idem, "Der Alte Orient", III, 2-3; Idem, "Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit" in "Wissenschaft und Bildung", Leipzig, 1907; cf. Landersdorfer in "Historisch-Politische Blatter", 1909, 144) has originated the theory of pan-Babelism according to which Biblical religion is conceived as a conscious and express reaction against the Babylonian polytheistic state religion.因此Winckler(“前东方LUX”,莱比锡,1905年 - 6同上,“明镜阿尔特东方”,三2-3;同上,“模具babylonische Geisteskultur在ihren Beziehungen楚Kulturentwicklung DER Menschheit”中的“Wissenschaft和教化”,起源于莱比锡,1907年;比照Landersdorfer“历史,政治的布拉特”,1909年,144)泛Babelism理论,根据圣经宗教设想作为对巴比伦多神教国家宗教意识和表达的反应。 It was not the common property of Israel, but of a religious sect which was supported in Babylon by certain monotheistic circles irrespective of nationality.这是不是共同财产,以色列,而是一个宗教教派,在巴比伦的某些一神教界的支持,无论其国籍。This theory has found powerful opponents in Budde, Stade, Bezold, Köberle, Kugler, Wilke, and others; but it has also a number of adherents.这一理论已经发现在布德,体育场,Bezold,Köberle,库格勒,维尔克和其他强大的对手,但它也有不少信徒。 Though wholly untenable from a Christian point of view, it shows at least the weakness of the historical development theory.虽然完全站不住脚从基督教的观点来看,它至少表明的历史发展理论的弱点。

(ii) Another principle involved in the critical theory of the Pentateuch supposes that the internal evidence of literary criticism is of higher value than the evidence of tradition.(二)在批判理论的pentateuch另一个原则参与设的文学批评的内部证据价值高于传统的证据。But thus far the results of excavations and historical research have been favourable to tradition rather than to internal evidence.但迄今已发掘和历史研究的结果有利于,而不是内部的证据传统。Let the reader only remember the case of Troy, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Orchomenos (in Greece); the excavations of the English explorer Evans in Crete have shown the historical character of King Minos and his labyrinth; Assyrian inscriptions have re-established the historical credit of King Midas of Phrygia; similarly, Menes of Thebes and Sargon of Agade have been shown to belong to history; in general, the more accurate have been the scientific investigations, the more clearly have they shown the reliability of even the most slender traditions.让读者只记得特洛伊,迈锡尼,梯林斯和Orchomenos(希腊)的情况下,英国探险家埃文斯在克里特的发掘表明历史人物的国王米诺斯和他的迷宫;亚述铭文重新建立历史同样,底比斯和萨尔贡的Agade梅内斯已被证明属于历史;;国王迈达斯的Phrygia信贷在一般情况下,更准确的科学调查,更清楚地表明,他们的可靠性,即使是最微弱的传统。 In the field of New-Testament criticism the call "back to tradition" has begun to be heeded, and has been endorsed by such authorities as Harnack and Deissmann.在新旧约批评领域呼吁“回到传统”已经开始得到重视,并已通过这种当局哈尔纳克和Deissmann。In the study of the Old Testament too there are unmistakable signs of a coming change.在旧约的研究中也有明确的迹象表明,未来的变化。Hommel ("Die altisrealitische Überlieferung in inschriftlicher Beleuchtung", Munich, 1897) maintains that Old- Testament tradition, both as a whole and in its details, proves to be reliable, even in the light of critical research.HOMMEL(“模具altisrealitische Überlieferung在inschriftlicher Beleuchtung”,慕尼黑,1897年)认为,旧全书传统,无论作为一个整体,在其详细,被证明是可靠的,即使在光线的关键研究。Meyer ("Die Entstehung des Judentums", Halle, 1896) comes to the conclusion that the foundations of the critical Pentateuchal theory are destroyed, if it can be proved that even part of the impugned Hebrew tradition is reliable; the same writer proves the credibility of the sources of the Books of Esdras (cf. "Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orientes", Munich, 1904, 167 sqq.).迈耶(“模具Entstehung DES Judentums”,哈雷,1896年)的关键Pentateuchal理论的基础被破坏,如果可以证明,甚至指责希伯来传统的一部分,是可靠的结论;同一作家证明的公信力书埃斯德拉斯(参见“Grundriss DER Geographie和历史DES alten Orientes”,慕尼黑,1904年,167 SQQ。)的来源。SA Fries has been led by his critical studies, and without being influenced by dogmatic bias, to accept the whole traditional view of the history of Israel.公司薯条已率领他的批判性研究,并没有受到教条偏见的影响,接受整个以色列历史上的传统观点。Cornill and Oettli express the conviction that Israel's traditions concerning even its earliest history are reliable and will withstand the bitterest attacks of criticism; Dawson (cf. Fonck, "Kritik und Tradition im AT" in "Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie", 1899, 262-81) and others apply to tradition the old principle which has been so frequently misapplied, "magna est veritas, et praevalebit"; Gunkel ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, Tübingen, 1906, 8) grants that Old-Testament criticism has gone a little too far, and that many Biblical traditions now rejected will be re-established. Cornill和欧特列表示相信,以色列的传统,甚至涉及其历史上最早的是可靠的和能够承受的批评最激烈的攻击,道森(参见方克,在“(杂志)皮草katholische神学”,1899年,262“Kritik和AT传统IM” - 81)和其他适用于已如此频繁地误用传统的旧的原则,“麦格纳EST VERITAS等praevalebit”;贡克尔(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,第二,蒂宾根大学,1906年8)赠款,旧全书批评了一有点远,和许多圣经传统现在拒绝将重新建立。

(b) Critical Method(二)关键方法

The falsehood of the critical method does not consist in the use of criticism as such, but in its illegitimate use.谎言的重要方法,不包括在使用这样的批评,但在其非法使用。Criticism became more common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; at the end of the eighteenth it was applied to classical antiquity.批判变得更加常见在十六,十七世纪,十八年底,它适用于古代。Bernheim ("Lehrbuch der historischen Methode", Leipzig, 1903, 296) believes that by this means alone history first became a science.伯恩海姆(“Lehrbuch DER historischen梭”,莱比锡,1903年,296)认为,通过这意味着单独的历史上首次成为一门科学。In the application of criticism to the Bible was are limited, indeed, by the inspiration and the canonicity of its books; but there is an ample field left for our critical investigations (Pesch, "Theol. Zeitfragen", III, 48).在批评圣经中的应用是有限的,事实上,灵感和正规其书籍,但有充足的领域留给我们的重要调查(佩施,“Theol Zeitfragen”,三,48)。

Some of the principal sins of the critics in their treatment of Sacred Scripture are the following:一些主要的罪过对待圣经的批评有以下几种:

They deny everything supernatural, so that they reject not merely inspiration and canonicity, but also prophecy and miracle a priori (cf. Metzler, "Das Wunder vor dem Forum der modernen Geschichtswissenschaft" in "Katholik", 1908, II, 241 sqq.).他们否认一切超自然的,使他们拒绝不仅仅是灵感和正规,但也预言与奇迹的先验(参见梅茨勒,“达斯Wunder的VOR DEM论坛明镜modernen Geschichtswissenschaft”“Katholik”,1908年,第二,241 SQQ。) 。

They seem to be convinced a priori of the credibility of non-Biblical historical documents, while they are prejudiced against the truthfulness of Biblical accounts.他们似乎都相信先验的信誉非圣经的历史文件,同时对他们有偏见的真实性圣经帐户。(Cf. Stade, "Geschichte Israel's", I, 86 seq., 88, 101.) Depreciating external evidence almost entirely, they consider the questions of the origin, the integrity, and the authenticity of the sacred books in the light of internal evidence (Encycl. Prov. Deus, 52). (参见体育场,“历史以色列”,SEQ 86,88,101。)贬值的外部证据几乎完全是,他们考虑的问题的由来,完整性,和神圣的书籍,在内部的真实性证据“(Encycl.省。杀出,52)。

They overestimate the critical analysis of the sources, without considering the chief point, ie, the credibility of the sources (Lorenz, "Die Geschichtswissenschaft in ihren Hauptrichtungen und Aufgaben", ii, 329 sqq.).他们高估的来源批判性的分析,而不考虑行政点,即消息来源的可信度(洛伦茨,“模具Geschichtswissenschaft ihren Hauptrichtungen和Aufgaben”,II,329 SQQ。)。Recent documents may contain reliable reports of ancient history.最近的文件中可能包含的古代历史的可靠报告。Some of the critics begin to acknowledge that the historical credibility of the sources is of greater importance than their division and dating (Stark, "Die Entstehung des AT", Leipzig, 1905, 29; cf. Vetter, "Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift", 1899, 552).一些批评者开始承认历史信誉的来源,他们的分工和交友(斯塔克,“模具Entstehung DES”,莱比锡,1905年,29的重要性大于比照Vetter,“Tübinger theologische Quartalschrift”,1899年,552)。

The critical division of sources is based on the Hebrew text, though it is not certain how far the present Massoretic text differs from that, for instance, followed by the Septuagint translators, and how far the latter differed form the Hebrew text before its redaction in the fifth century BC Dahse ("Textkritische Bedenken gegen den Ausgangspunkt der heutigen Pentateuchkritik" in "Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte", VI, 1903, 305 sqq.) shows that the Divine names in the Greek translation of the Pentateuch differ in about 180 cases from those of the Hebrew text (cf. Hoberg, "Die Genesis", 2nd ed., p. xxii sqq.); in other words and phrases the changes may be fewer, but it would be unreasonable to deny the existence of any.关键司的来源是基于希伯来文,虽然它并不一定多远本Massoretic文字不同,例如,其次是译本翻译的,有多远后者不同形式的希伯来文在其节录前公元前五世纪Dahse(“Textkritische Bedenken葛根巢穴Ausgangspunkt DER heutigen Pentateuchkritik”在“论坛存档毛皮Religionsgeschichte”,第六,1903年,305 SQQ。)显示,约180例不同于那些神圣的名字,在希腊文翻译的pentateuch希伯来文(见霍贝格,“模具创世纪”,第2版,第XXII SQQ。);在其他单词和短语的变化可能会更少,但它会是不合理的否认存在任何。Again, it is antecedently probable that the Septuagint text differs less from the Massoretic than from the ante-Esdrine text, which must have been closer to the original.再次,这是该译本的文字不同的massoretic小于从宰前Esdrine的文字,其中必须有更接近原始antecedently可能。 The starting point of literary criticism is therefore uncertain.文学批评的出发点,因此,不确定的。It is not an inherent fault of literary criticism that it was applied to the Pentateuch after it had become practically antiquated in the study of Homer and the Nibelungenlied (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 303, 306 sqq.), nor that Reuss considered it as more productive of difference of opinion than of results (cf. Katholik, 1896, I, 304 seq.), nor again that Wellhausen thought it had degenerated into childish play.它不是固有的过错,这是适用的pentateuch后,它已成为几乎陈旧的研究荷马和龙根之歌(参Katholik,1896年,我,303,306 SQQ。),也不是Reuss认为文学批评随着越来越多的意见分歧的生产力比结果(参见Katholik,1896年,我,304 SEQ),也再次表明豪森认为它已蜕变为幼稚的发挥。Among Bible students, Klostermann ("Der Pentateuch", Leipzig, 1893), Konig ("Falsche Extreme im Gebiete der neueren Kritik des AT", Leipzig, 1885; "Neueste Prinzipien der alt. Kritik", Berlin, 1902; "Im Kampfe um das AT", Berlin, 1903), Bugge ("Die Hauptparabeln Jesu", Giessen, 1903) are sceptical as to the results of literary criticism, while Orelli ("Der Prophet Jesaja", 1904, V), Jeremias ("Das alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients", 1906, VIII), and Oettli ("Geschichte Israels", V) wish to insist more on the exegesis of the text than on the criss-cross roads of criticism.圣经学生当中,Klostermann(“明镜五经”,莱比锡,1893年),柯尼格(“Falsche至尊IM Gebiete DER neueren Kritik DES”,莱比锡,1885年;“。Neueste Prinzipien DER ALT Kritik”,柏林,1902年;“IM Kampfe UM DAS Bugge(AT“,柏林,1903年),”模具Hauptparabeln Jesu“,吉森,1903年)是文学批评的结果持怀疑态度,而Orelli(”明镜Jesaja先知“​​,1904年,五),赫雷米亚斯(”资本ALTE旧约IM Lichte Alten定向“,1906年,八),和欧特列(”以色列的历史“,V),希望坚持注释的文字比批评的纵横交错的道路上多。G. Jacob ("Der Pentateuch", Göttingen, 1905) thinks that the past Pentateuchal criticism needs a thorough revision; Eerdmans ("Die Komposition der Genesis", Giessen, 1908) feels convinced that criticism has been misled into wrong paths by Astrue. G.雅各布(“明镜五经”,哥廷根,1905年)认为,过去Pentateuchal批评需要彻底修订; Eerdmans(“模具Komposition之成因”,吉森,1908年)认为相信,误导的Astrue批评一直到错误的路径。Merx expresses the opinion that the next generation will have to revise backwards many of the present historico-literary views of the Old Testament ("Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher", II, 1907, 3, 132 sqq.). Merx表示认为,下一代将不得不修改倒退许多本历史文学旧约(“Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbucher”,第二,1907年,3,132 SQQ。)的意见。

(c) Critical Results(三)关键的结果

Here we must distinguish between the principles of criticism and its results; the principles of the historical development of religion, for instance, and of the inferiority of tradition to internal evidence, are not the outcome of literary analysis, but are its partial basis.在这里,我们必须区分的批评原则,其结果对宗教的历史发展的原则,例如,和自卑感传统内部的证据,不是文学分析的结果,但其部分基础。 Again, we must distinguish between those results of literary criticism which are compatible with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch and those that contradict it.再次,我们必须区分这些成果的文学批评兼容的pentateuch和那些违背它的马赛克真实性。The patrons of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, and even the ecclesiastical Decree relating to this subject, plainly admit that Moses or his secretaries may have utilized sources or documents in the composition of the Pentateuch; both admit also that the sacred text has suffered in its transmission and may have received additions, in the form of either inspired appendices or exegetical glosses.花叶作者的pentateuch的顾客,甚至宗教法令,有关这个问题,显然承认摩西或他的秘书可能利用源或文件组成的摩西五;都承认还遭受了神圣的文本,它的传输和可能已收到的补充,在形式,要么灵感附录或训诂粉饰。 If the critics, therefore, can succeed in determining the number and the limits of the documentary sources, and of the post-Mosaic additions, whether inspired or profane, they render an important service to the traditional tenet of Pentateuchal authenticity.如果批评,因此,可以成功地确定的数量和文件来源的限制,并后的马赛克增加,无论是启发或亵渎,他们提供服务的一个重要的传统宗旨一些Pentateuchal的真实性。 The same must be said with regard to the successive laws established by Moses, and the gradual fidelity of the Jewish people to the Mosaic law.同样必须指出的是关于连续法律设立的摩西,犹太人民逐步高保真镶嵌法。Here again the certain or even probable results of sane literary and historical criticism will aid greatly the conservative commentator of the Pentateuch.这里又理智的文学和历史的批评某些甚至可能的结果将有助于大大保守的评论家的pentateuch。We do not quarrel with the legitimate conclusions of the critics, if the critics do not quarrel with each other.我们不吵架与批评者的合法结论,如果批评不互相争吵。But they do quarrel with each other.但他们互相争吵。According to Merx (loc. cit.) there is nothing certain in the field of criticism except its uncertainty; each critic proclaims his views with the greatest self-reliance, but without any regard to the consistency of the whole.据MERX(如上)没有什么,但它的不确定性的某些批评领域;每个评论家宣称他的意见最大的自力更生,但没有任何方面的一致性整个。 Former views are simply killed by silence; even Reuss and Dillmann are junk-iron, and there is a noticeable lack of judgment as to what can or cannot be known.前意见只是被沉默,甚至Reuss和Dillmann是垃圾铁,并有一个明显缺乏判断什么可以或不可以被称为。Hence the critical results, in as far as they consist merely in the distinction of documentary sources, in the determination of post-Mosaic materials, eg, textual changes, and profane or inspired additions, in the description of various legal codes, are not at variance with the Mosaic authenticity of the Pentateuch.因此,关键的结果,在尽可能区别文件来源,在确定后镶嵌材料,如文字的变化,亵渎或启发补充描述的各种法律法规,只是组成,不方差与花叶真实性摩西五。 Nor can an anti-Mosaic character be pointed out in the facts or phenomena from which criticism legitimately infers the foregoing conclusions; such facts or phenomena are, for instance, the change of the Divine names in the text, the use of certain words, the difference of style, the so-called double accounts of really, not merely apparently, identical events; the truth of falsehood of these and similar details does not directly affect the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch.也不能反马赛克性质必须指出的事实或现象从批评合法推断上述结论,这些事实或现象,例如,神圣的名字,在文本中,某些词语的使用,改变不同的风格,真正所谓的双重帐目​​,而不仅仅是显然,相同的事件,这些谎言和类似的细节真相不会直接影响到作者的马赛克的摩西五。 In which results then does criticism clash with tradition?在这种结果那么批评同传统?Criticism and tradition are incompatible in their views as to the age and sequence of the documentary sources, as to the origin of the various legal codes, and as to the time and manner of the redaction of the Pentateuch.在他们的年龄和序列的文件来源的看法,作为原产地的各种法律法规,并以节录的pentateuch的时间和方式,批评与传统是不相容的。

(i) Pentateuchal Documents.-As to the age and sequence of the various documents, the critics do not agree.(一)Pentateuchal Documents。,至于年龄和序列的各种文件,批评不同意。Dillmann, Kittel, Konig, and Winckler place the Elohist, who is subdivided by several writers into the first, second, and third Elohist, before the Yahwist, who also is divided into the first and second Yahwist; but Wellhausen and most critics believe that the Elohist is about a century younger than the Yahwist. Dillmann,基特尔,柯尼格和Winckler把Elohist,细分几个作家的第一,第二,和第三Elohist之前,Yahwist,谁也分为第一和第二Yahwist,但豪森和大多数评论家认为,在Elohist约一个世纪比年轻Yahwist。 At any rate, both are assigned to about the ninth and eight centuries BC; both too incorporate earlier traditions or even documents.无论如何,都是分配约公元前第九和第8世纪,既过于纳入较早的传统,甚至文件。

All critics appear to agree as to the composite character of Deuteronomy; they admit rather a Deuteronomist school than single writers.所有批评似乎同意作为综合性质的申命记,他们承认而是比单一作家Deuteronomist学校。Still, the successive layers composing the whole book are briefly designated by D1, D2, D3, etc. As to the character of these layers, the critics do not agree: Montet and Driver, for instance, assigned to the first Deuteronomist cc.尽管如此,层层撰写全书简要指定的D1,D2,维生素D3等作为这些层,批评不同意:Montet和驱动程序,例如,分配给第一Deuteronomist毫升。 i-xxi; Kuenen, Konig, Reuss, Renan, Westphal ascribe to DN, iv, 45-9, and v-xxvi; a third class of critics reduce D1 to xii, 1-xxvi, 19, allowing it a double edition: according to Wellhausen, the first edition contained i, 1-iv, 44; xii-xxvi; xxvii, while the second comprised iv, 45-xi, 39; xii-xxvi; xxviii-xxx; both editions were combined by the redactor who inserted Deuteronomy into the Hexateuch.I - XXI; Kuenen,柯尼格,罗伊斯,韦斯特法尔归于DN,四,45-9,和V - 26雷南;第三类的批评减少D1至十二,1 - 26,19,允许双版:根据豪森,第一版中我1 - IV,第44条;第十二 - 26;二十七,而组成的第二个第四,45席,第39条;第十二 - 26; XXVIII - XXX;两种版本结合的redactor插入到Hexateuch申命记。Cornill arranges the two editions somewhat differently.Cornill安排两个版本有所不同。Horst considers even cc.霍斯特认为,即使CC。xii-xxvi as a compilation of pre-existing elements, gathered together without order and often by chance.XII - 26,作为一个汇编预先存在的元素聚集和无秩序往往是偶然的。Wellhausen and his adherents do not wish to assign to D1 a higher age than 621 BC, Cornill and Bertholet consider the document as a summary of the prophetic teaching, Colenso and Renan ascribe it to Jeremias, others place its origin in the reign of Ezechias or Manasses, Klostermann identifies the document with the book read before the people in the time of Josaphat, while Kleinert refers it back to the end of the time of the Judges.豪森和他的追随者不想指派为D1更高的年龄超过621年,Cornill和Bertholet考虑文档的预言教学的总结,科伦索和雷南维赋予它赫雷米亚斯,其他地方统治埃泽希亚其来源或Manasses,Klostermann确定的文件与前时,约萨法特人民读的书,而莱内特指它结束的时候,法官。 The Deuteronomist depends on the two preceding documents, J and E, both for his history land his legislation; the historical details not found in these may have been derived from other sources not known to us, and the laws not contained in the Sinaitic legislation and the decalogue are either pure fiction or a crystallization of the prophetic teaching. Deuteronomist取决于前两个文件,​​J和E,既为他的历史的土地他的立法中找不到这些历史的细节可能有来自其他来源的,不知道我们,和法律不包含的Sinaitic立法和十诫不是纯粹的小说或结晶先知教学。

Finally, the Priestly Code, P, is also a compilation: the first stratum of the book, both historical and legal in its character, is designated by P1 or P2; the second stratum is the law of holiness, H or Lev., xvii-xxvi, and is the work of a contemporary of Ezechiel, or perhaps of the Prophet himself (H, P2, Ph); besides, there are additional elements springing rather from a school than from any single writer, and designated by Kunen as P3, P4, P5, but by other critics as Ps and Px.最后,祭司码,磷,也编译:第一层的书,既有历史的,在其性质的法律,是由P1或P2指定,第二层是法律的神圣,H或列弗,十七。 - 26,是当代的Ezechiel,也许自己的先知(H,P2,PH)的工作;此外,还有一些额外的元素,如雨后春笋般从一所学校,而不是从任何单一的作家和丘嫩指定为P3的,P4,P5,但由PS和Px其他批评。 Bertholet and Bantsch speak of two other collections of laws: the law of sacrifices, Lev., i-vii, designated as Po; and the law of purity, Lev., xi-xv, designated as Pr.两个法律的其他收藏品Bertholet和Bantsch发言:法律的牺牲,列弗,I - VII,指定为宝;和法律的纯洁性,列夫,XI - 15,指定为Pr。The first documentary hypothesis considered PN as the oldest part of the Pentateuch; Duston and Dillmann place it before the Deuteronomic code, but most recent critics regard it as more recent than the other documents of the Pentateuch, and even later than Ezech., xliv, 10-xlvi, 15 (573-2 BC); the followers of Wellhausen date the Priestly Code after the return from the Babylonian Captivity, while Wildeboer places it either after or towards the end of the captivity.视为最古老的部分的pentateuch PN Duston和Dillmann置于前Deuteronomic代码,但最近的批评方面,随着越来越多的比最近的pentateuch的其他文件,甚至比Ezech后来,四十四,第一纪录片假说。 10 XLVI,15(573-2公元前);豪森日期祭司码的追随者后,从巴比伦圈养的回报,而Wildeboer的地方,要么在或接近尾声的囚禁。 The historical parts of the Priestly Code depend on the Yahwistic and the Elohistic documents, but Wellhausen's adherents believe that the material of these documents has been manipulated so as to fit it for the special purpose of the Priestly Code; Dillmann and Drive maintain that facts have not been invented or falsified by P, but that the latter had at hand other historical documents besides J and E. As to the legal part of P, Wellhausen considers it as an a priori programme for the Jewish priesthood after the return from the captivity, projected backwards into the past, and attributed to Moses; but other critics believe that P has systematized the pre-exilic customs of worship, developing then, and adapting them to the new circumstances.祭司“的历史部分依赖的Yahwistic和Elohistic文件,但豪森的信徒相信,这些文件材料已被操纵,以便为以适合特殊用途的祭司码它; Dillmann和驱动保持,事实尚未发明或伪造的P,但后者在手其他历史文件除了J和大肠杆菌作为法律的一部分磷,豪森认为这是一个先验方案犹太祭司后,从被关押的的回报,预计倒退到过去,由于摩西;但其他批评者认为磷已系统化前放逐崇拜的习俗,然后发展,并使之适应新的形势下。

What has been said clearly shows that the critics are at variance in many respects, but they are at one in maintaining the post- Mosaic origin of the Pentateuchal documents.所说的话清楚地表明,差异在许多方面的批评,但他们在维护Pentateuchal文件后马赛克起源之一。What is the weight of the reasons on which they base their opinion?什么是体重的原因基础上,他们自己的意见?

The conditions laid down by the critics as prerequisites to literature do not prove that the sources of the Pentateuch must be post-Mosaic.批评文学的先决条件所规定的条件,不证明来源的pentateuch必须后花叶。The Hebrew people had lived for, at least, two hundred years in Egypt; besides, most of the forty years spent in the desert were passed in the neighbourhood of Cades, so that the Israelites were not longer a nomadic people.希伯来人曾在此居住,至少有两百年来在埃及;此外,在沙漠中度过了四十多年过去了,在附近的Cades,使以色列人不再是游牧人。 Whatever may be said of their material prosperity, or of their proficiency in writing and reading, the above-mentioned researches of Flinders Petrie show that they kept records of their national traditions at the time of Moses.无论他们的物质繁荣,或者说,他们在写作和阅读能力,上述研究的弗林德斯皮特里显示,他们保持他们的民族传统的时候,摩西记录。

If the Hebrew contemporaries of Moses kept written records, why should not the Pentateuchal sources be among these documents?如果希伯来语同时代摩西保持书面记录,为什么不应该的Pentateuchal来源之间的这些文件?It is true that in our actual Pentateuch we find non-Mosaic and post- Mosaic indications; but, then, the non-Mosaic, impersonal style may be due to a literary device, or to the pen of secretaries; the post-Mosaic geographical and historical indications may have crept into the text by way of glosses, or errors of the transcribers, or even inspired additions.的确,在我们的实际摩西五我们发现非马赛克和后花叶的迹象;但是,然后,非马赛克,非个人的风格,可能是由于文学设备,或以笔的秘书;后花叶地理历史的迹象可能已经悄悄进入文字敷衍了事,或错误的誊写,甚至启发补充的方式。 The critics cannot reject these suggestions as mere subterfuges; for they should have to grant a continuous miracle in the preservation of the Pentateuchal text, if they were to deny the moral certainty of the presence of such textual changes.批评不能拒绝这些建议当作托辞,对他们应在维护Pentateuchal文字给予持续的奇迹,如果他们否认道德确定性的存在,例如文字的变化。

But would not the Pentateuch have been known to the earlier Prophets, if it had been handed down from the time of Moses?但不会对摩西五已经知道先前的先知,如果它已经流传下来的时候,摩西?This critical exception is really an argument e silentio which is very apt to be fallacious, unless it be most carefully handled.这一重要的例外是真正的论点é silentio这是很容易被荒谬的,除非它是最认真的处理。 Besides, if we keep in mind the labour involved in multiplying copies of the Pentateuch, we cannot be wrong in assuming that they were very rare in the interval between Moses and the Prophets, so that few were able to read the actual text.此外,如果我们记住劳动力参与乘以副本摩西五,我们不能错误的假设,它们是非常罕见的,在摩西和先知之间的间隔,所以很少有人能够读实际的文本。 Again, it has been pointed out that at least one of the earlier Prophets appeals to a written mosaic law, and that all appeal to such a national conscience as presupposes the Pentateuchal history and law.再次,它已经指出,至少有一个早期先知呼吁书面镶嵌法,所有呼吁这样一个民族良知的前提Pentateuchal历史和法律。 Finally, some of the critics maintain the J views the history of man and of Israel according to the religious and the moral ideas of the Prophets; if there be such an agreement, why not say that the Prophets write according to the religious and moral ideas of the Pentateuch?最后,一​​些批评保持的J意见的人与以色列的历史,根据宗教和道德观念的先知,如果有这样的协议,为什么不说,根据先知写的宗教和道德观念摩西五?

The critics urge the fact that the Pentateuchal laws concerning the sanctuary, the sacrifices, the feasts, and the priesthood agree with different stages of post-Mosaic historical development; that the second stage agrees with the reform of Josias, and the third with the enactments enforced after the time of the Babylonian Exile.批评者敦促Pentateuchal法律有关的庇护,牺牲的节日,和神职人员同意后花叶历史发展的不同阶段,第二阶段同意改革Josias,第三个与成文法执行后的巴比伦流亡的时间。 But it must be kept in mind that the Mosaic law was intended for Israel as the Christian law is intended for the whole world; if then 1900 years after Christ the greater part of the world is still un-Christian, it is not astonishing that the Mosaic law required centuries before it penetrated the whole nation.但必须牢记,镶嵌法的目的是为以色列的基督教法律旨在为整个世界;如果基督之后,1900年世界大部份仍是联合国基督教,这是不令人惊讶的摩西律法规定百年前侵入全民族。 Besides, there were, no doubt, many violations of the law, just as the Ten Commandments are violated today without detriment to their legal promulgation.此外,还有,毫无疑问,许多违反法律的,正如十诫受到侵犯今天不损害其法律施行。Again there were times of religious reforms and disasters as there are periods of religious fervour and coldness in the history of the Christian Church; but such human frailties do not imply the non-existence of the law, either Mosaic or Christian.再次有宗教的改革和自然灾害的时候,有宗教热情和冷漠的基督教教会的历史时期;,但这种人类弱点并不意味着不存在法律,无论是马赛克或基督教。 As to the particular laws in question, it will be found more satisfactory to examine them more in detail.至于在具体的法律问题,它会找到更令人满意的审查更详细说明。

(ii) Pentateuchal Codes.-The critics endeavour to establish a triple Pentateuchal code: the Book of the Covenant, Deuteronomy, and the Priestly Code.(二)Pentateuchal Codes.,评论家努力建立一个三Pentateuchal代码:图书的盟约,申命记,和祭司码。Instead of regarding this legislation as applying to different phases in the forty years' wandering in the desert, they consider it as agreeing with three historical stages in the national history.相反的就这条法例适用于在四十多年的游荡在沙漠中的不同阶段,他们认为它同意在国家历史上的三个历史阶段。As stated above, the main objects of this triple legislation are the sanctuary, the feast, and the priesthood.如上所述,本三重立法的主要对象的圣殿,节日,和祭司。

(a) The Sanctuary(一)该保护区

At first, so the critics say, sacrifices were allowed to be offered in any place where the Lord had manifested his name (Exodus 20:24-6); then the sanctuary was limited to the one place chosen by God (Deuteronomy 12:5); thirdly, the Priestly Code supposes the unity of sanctuary, and prescribes the proper religious rites to be observed.起初,因此批评者认为,牺牲被允许在任何地方主体现了他的名字(出20:24-6)提供;然后圣殿是有限的神(申命记12:5所选择的一个地方);第三,祭司码假设团结的避难所,并订明必须遵守适当的宗教仪式。 Moreover, the critics point out historical incidents showing that before the enforcement of the Deuteronomic law sacrifices were offered in various places quite distinct from the resting place of the ark.此外,批评者指出,历史事件,表明之前的Deuteronomic法牺牲的执法提供了在各种不同的方舟休息的地方相当地方。 What do the defenders of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch answer?什么做的马赛克著作权的摩西五答案的维护者?First, as to the triple law, it points to three different stages in Israel's desert life: before the erection of the tabernacle at the foot of Mt.首先,作为法律的三倍,它在以色列的沙漠生活的三个不同阶段:前竖立在山脚下的帐幕。Sinai, the people were allowed to erect altars and to offer sacrifices everywhere provided the name of the Lord had been manifested; next, after the people had adored the golden calf, and the tabernacle had been erected, sacrifice could be offered only before the tabernacle, and even the cattle killed for consumption had to be slaughtered in the same place, in order to prevent a relapse into idolatry; finally, when the people were about to enter the promised land, the last law was abolished, being then quite impossible, but the unity of sanctuary was kept in the place which God would choose.西奈半岛,人们被允许建造祭坛,并提供各地提供主的名字,已经表现的牺牲;下,在人民爱戴的金牛犊,以及幕已经竖立,牺牲可提供前幕,甚至死亡的牛消费不得不宰杀在同一个地方,为了防止复发,陷入偶像崇拜;最后,当人进入乐土,过去的法律被废除,被当时很不可能,但团结的避难所被保存的地方,上帝会选择。 Secondly, as to the historical facts urged by the critics, some of them are caused by direct Divine intervention, miracle or prophetic inspiration, and as such are fully legitimate; others are evidently violations of the law, and are not sanctioned by the inspired writers; a third class of facts may be explained in one of three ways:其次,敦促批评的历史事实,其中一些造成直接神助,奇迹或先知的灵感,并因此是完全合法的,有些是明显违反法律,不认可的启发作家;第三类的事实可以解释三种方式之一:

Poels ("Le sanctuaire de Kirjath Jeraim", Louvain, 1894; "Examen critique de l'histoire du sanctuaire de l'arche", Louvain, 1897) endeavours to prove that Gabaon, Masphath, and Kiriath-Jarim denote the same place, so that the multiplicity of sanctuaries is only apparent, not real.Poels(“乐sanctuaire德Kirjath Jeraim”,鲁汶,1894年;“审查批判DE L'历史杜sanctuaire”凯旋门“,鲁汶,1897年)的努力,证明Gabaon,Masphath,基列耶琳Jarim表示同一个地方,因此,多重保护区,是明显的,不是真正的的。

Van Hoonacker ("Le Lieu du culte dans la legislation rituelle des Hebreux" in "Musceeon", April-Oct., 1894, XIII, 195-204, 299- 320, 533-41; XIV, 17-38) distinguishes between private and public altars; the public and national worship is legally centralized in one sanctuary and around one altar, while private altars may be had for domestic worship.凡Hoonacker(“乐寮杜culte DANS LA立法rituelle Hebreux”在“Musceeon”,四月至十月,1894年,十三,195-204,299 - 320,533-41;第十四17-38)区分私营和公共祭坛;公众和国家崇拜是一个庇护所和法律集中在一个祭坛周围,而私人神坛可能已为国内崇拜。

But more commonly it is admitted that before God had chosen the site of national sanctuary, it was not forbidden by law to sacrifice anywhere, even away from the place of the ark.但更常见的是承认上帝面前选择了网站的国家庇护,这是不是法律所禁止的任何牺牲,甚至远离地点方舟。After the building of the temple the law was not considered so stringent as to bind under all circumstances.寺庙的建设后的法律不认为是绑定在任何情况下都非常严格。Thus far then the argument of the critics is not conclusive.迄今为止然后论点的批评是没有定论。

(b) The Sacrifices(二)牺牲

According to the critics, the Book of the Covenant enjoined only the offering of the first-fruits and the first-born of animals, the redemption of the first-born of men, and a free-will offering on visiting the sanctuary (Ex., xxii, 28-9; xxiii, 15, [Heb., xxiii, 19]); Deuteronomy more clearly defines some of these laws (xv, 19-23; xxvi, 1-11), and imposes the law of tithes for the benefit of the poor, the widows, the orphans, and the Levites (xxvi, 12-5); the Priestly Code distinguishes different kinds of sacrifices, determines their rites, and introduces also incense offering.据批评,图书的盟约责成只提供第一水果和动物的第一个出生的,赎回的第一个出生的男性,和自由将提供庇护的访问(例如: 22,28-9; XXIII,15,[希伯来书,二十三,19]);申命记更清楚地定义这些法律的某些(XV 19日至23日,26,1-11),并征收什一税的法律有利于穷人,寡妇,孤儿,和利未人(26,12);祭司码区分不同种类的牺牲,决定了他们的仪式,并介绍了也香提供。 But history hardly bears out this view: as there existed a permanent priesthood in Silo, and later on in Jerusalem, we may safely infer that there existed a permanent sacrifice.但是,历史很难证明了这一观点:由于存在一个常设铎在筒仓,后来在耶路撒冷,我们可以推断,安全,存在着一个永久的牺牲。 The earliest prophets are acquainted with an excess of care bestowed on the sacrificial rites (cf. Amos 4:4, 5; 5:21-22, 25; Hosea passim).最早的先知熟悉的过多照顾赋予的祭祀(参见阿莫斯纳曼4:4,5; 5:21-22,25;何西阿各处)。The expressions of Jeremias (vii, 21-3) may be explained in the same sense.赫雷米亚斯(七,21-3)的表达,可能是在同一意义上的解释。 Sin offering was known long before the critics introduce their Priestly Code (Osee, iv, 8; Mich., vi, 7; Ps., xxxix [xl], 7; 1 Kings, iii, 14).赎罪祭被称为很久之前批评介绍他们的祭司码(Osee,四,8,密歇根州,第六,七,PS,XXXIX [XL],7; 1国王,三,14)。Trespass offering is formally distinguished from sin offering in 2 Kings 13:16 (cf. 1 Samuel 6:3-15; Isaiah 53:10).赎愆祭正式区别于罪在2国王13点16(参撒母耳记上6:3-15;以赛亚书53:10)提供。Hence the distinction between the different kinds of sacrifice is due neither to Ezekiel 45:22-5, nor to the Priestly Code.因此,不同种类的牺牲之间的区别是由于既不厄泽克尔45:22-5,也不向祭司码。

(c) The Feasts(C)的节日

The Book of the Covenant, so the critics tell us, knows only three feasts: the seven-days feast of the azymes in memory of the exodus form Egypt, the feast of the harvest, and that of the end of the harvest (Exodus 23:14-7); Deuteronomy ordains the keeping of the feasts at the central sanctuary adds to Pasch to the feast of the azymes, places the second feast seven weeks after the first, and calls the third, "feast of tabernacles", extending its duration to seven days (Deuteronomy 16:1-17); the Priestly Code prescribes the exact ritual for five feasts, adding the feast of trumpets and of atonement, all of which must be kept at the central sanctuary.所以批评告诉我们,“公约”的书,知道只有三个节日:七天外流形式埃及,节日的收成在内存中的azymes盛宴,收获结束(出埃及记23 :14 - 7);申命记ordains保存的节日在中央圣殿增加Pasch的盛宴的azymes,七个星期后的第一个地方第二次盛宴,并调用第三,“住棚节”,扩大其病程7天(申命记16:1-17);祭司码规定确切仪式五个节日,加上节日的喇叭和赎罪,所有这一切都必须在中央避难所。 Moreover, history appears to endorse the contention of the critics: Judges, xxi, 19 knows of only one annual feast in Silo; 1 Samuel 1:3, 7, 21 testifies that the parents of Samuel went every year to Silo to the sanctuary; Jeroboam I established in his kingdom one annual feast similar to that celebrated in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:32-3); the earliest Prophets do not mention the names of the religious feasts; the Pasch is celebrated for the first time after the discovery of Deuteronomy (2 Kings 23:21-3); Ezechiel knows only three feasts and a sin offering on the first day of the first and the seventh month.此外,历史上似乎赞同论点的批评:法官,XXI,19知道只有一个年度盛宴在筒仓;撒母耳记上1:3,7,21证明,父母的塞缪尔了每年筒仓的庇护;耶罗波安我在他的王国建立一个年度盛宴类似的庆祝活动在耶路撒冷(1国王12:32-3);最早的预言没有提及的宗教节日的名称;后发现,第一次庆祝的Pasch申命记(列王纪下23:21-3); Ezechiel知道只有三个节日和赎罪祭的第一和第七个月的第一天。But here again, the critics use the argument e silentio which is not conclusive in this case.但是,在这里再次批评使用的论点é silentio这是不是在这种情况下定论。The feast of atonement, for instance, is not mentioned in the Old Testament outside the Pentateuch; only Josephus refers to its celebration in the time of John Hyrcanus or Herod.节日赎罪,例如,没有提到旧约以外的摩西五;只有约瑟夫指庆祝约翰Hyrcanus或希律王的时候。Will the critics infer from this, that the feast was not kept throughout the Old Testament?将批评这一推断,该节日是不是保持整个旧约?History does not record facts generally known.历史不会记录事实,一般人都知道。As to the one annual feast mentioned in the early records, weighty commentators are of opinion that after the settlement of the people in the promised land, the custom was gradually introduced of going to the central sanctuary only once a year.作为一个早期的记录中提到的年度盛宴,重大评论员看来,解决人的乐土后,自定义是逐步引入到中央圣殿,一年只开一次。This custom prevailed before the critics allow the existence of the Deuteronomic law (1 Kings 12:26-31), so that the latter cannot have introduced it.这种风俗前的批评允许存在的Deuteronomic法(列王纪上12:26-31),使后者可以不用介绍了吧。Isaias (xxix, 1; xxx, 29) speaks of a cycle of feasts, but Osee, xii, 9 alludes already to the feast of tabernacles, so that its establishment cannot be due to the Priestly Code as the critics describe it.伊萨亚斯(XXIX,1,29,XXX)讲一个周期的节日,但Osee,第十二,9的意思已经向住棚节,所以,它的设立不能由于祭司码作为批评家描述它。 Ezechiel (xlv, 18-25) speaks only of the three feasts which had to be kept at the central sanctuary. Ezechiel(第四十五,18-25)讲只有三个节日必须保持在中央圣殿。

(d) The Priesthood(D)圣职

The critics contend that the Book of the Covenant knows nothing of an Aaronitic priesthood (Exodus 24:5); that Deuteronomy mentions priests and Levites without any hierarchical distinction and without any high priest, determines their rights, and distinguishes only between the Levite living in the country and the Levite attached to the central sanctuary; finally, that the Priestly Code represents the priesthood as a social and hierarchical institution, with legally determined duties, rights, and revenues.评论家认为,此书的盟约知道Aaronitic铎(出埃及记24:5);申命记提到的祭司和利未人,没有任何等级的区别,并没有任何大祭司确定他们的权利,和利未人的生活之间的区别在国家和利未人连接到中央圣殿;最后,祭司源代码神职人员作为一个社会和分级机构,依法确定的职责,权利和收入。 This theory is said to be borne out by the evidence of history.这一理论是说,要承担历史上的证据。But the testimony of history points in the opposite direction.但历史的证词指出,在相反的方向。At the time of Josue and the early Judges, Eleazar and Phinees, the son and nephew of Aaron, were priests (Numbers 26:1; Deuteronomy 10:6; Joshua 14:1 sqq.; 22:13, 21; 24:33; Judges 20:28).若苏埃和早期法官的时间,以利亚撒和Phinees,亚伦的儿子和侄子,祭司(民数记26:1,申命记10:6;约书亚14:1 SQQ; 22点13分,21; 24:33法官20:28)。From the end of the time of Judges to Solomon, the priesthood was in the hands of Heli and his descendants (1 Samuel 1:3 sqq.; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1) who sprang from Ithamar the younger son of Aaron (1 Chronicles 24:3; cf. 1 Samuel 22:29; 14:3; 2:7 sqq.).从法官所罗门时间结束,神职人员是从他玛窜出的小儿子手中的合力和他的后裔(撒母耳记上1:3 SQQ; 14:3; 21:1; 22:1)亚伦(历代志上24:3;比照撒母耳记上22时29分,14:3; 2:7 SQQ)。Solomon raised Sadoc, the son of Achitob, to the dignity of the high priesthood, and his descendants held the office down to the time of the Babylonian Captivity (2 Samuel 8:17; 15:24 sqq.; 20:25; 1 Kings 2:26, 27, 35; Ezekiel 44:15); that Sadoc too was of Aaronic descent is attested by I Par., vi, 8.所罗门提出萨多克,Achitob的儿子,高神父的尊严,和他的后裔举行的办事处巴比伦圈养(2塞缪尔8:17; 15时24分SQQ; 20点25分,1国王2:26,27,35;以西结书44:15);萨多克太亚伦的后裔,是证明我的票,六,8。Besides the Books of Josue and Paralipomenon acknowledge the distinction between priests and Levites; according to 1 Samuel 6:15, the Levites handled the ark, but the Bethsamites, the inhabitants of a priestly city (Joshua 21:13-6), offered sacrifice.此外若苏埃和Paralipomenon图书承认祭司和利未人之间的区别;根据撒母耳记6:15 1,利处理的方舟,但Bethsamites,一个祭司城市的居民(约书亚21:13-6),提供了牺牲。A similar distinction is made in 2 Samuel 15:24; 1 Kings 8:3 sq.; Isaiah 66:21.类似的区别是在15时24分2塞缪尔,1国王8:3平;以赛亚书66:21。Van Hoonacker ("Les pretres et les levites dans le livre d'Ezechiel" in "Revue biblique", 1899, VIII, 180-189, 192-194) shows that Ezechiel did not create the distinction between priests and Levites, but that supposing the traditional distinction in existence, he suggested a divisions in to these classes according to merit, and not according to birth (xliv, 15-xlv, 5).凡Hoonacker(“”pretres ET LES利DANS LE livre D' Ezechiel“在”杂志biblique“,1899年,第八,180-189,192-194)表明,Ezechiel没有创造祭司和利未人之间的区别,但假设存在的传统的区别,他建议一个部门,在这些类根据成绩,而不是根据出生(XLIV,15 XLV,5)。Unless the critics simply set aside all this historical evidence, they must grant the existence of an Aaronitic priesthood in Israel, and its division into priests and Levites, long before the D and P codes were promulgated according to the critical theory.除非批评只是抛开这一切的历史证据,他们必须给予Aaronitic铎在以色列的存在,其划分为祭司和利未人,只要D和P码,根据批判理论颁布之前。 It is true that in a number of passages persons are said to offer sacrifice who are not of Aaronitic descent: Judges, vi, 25 sqq.; xiii, 9; 1 Samuel 7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17; 24:25; 1 Kings 8:5, 62; etc. But in the first place, the phrase "to offer sacrifice" means either to furnish the victim (Leviticus 1:2, 5) or to perform the sacrificial rite; the victim might be furnished by any devout layman; secondly, it would be hard to prove that God committed the priestly office in such a way to Aaron and his sons as not to reserve to himself the liberty of delegating in extraordinary cases a non-Aaronite to perform the priestly functions.在一些段落的人说,提供Aaronitic血统的人的牺牲:它是真正的法官,六,25 SQQ;十三,9撒母耳记上7:9; 10:8; 13:9; 2塞缪尔6:17; 24:25; 1国王8:5,62;等,但摆在首位,把“提供的牺牲”是指提供受害者(利未记1:2,5),或执行牺牲仪式;受害者可能是提供的任何虔诚的门外汉;其次,这将是很难证明上帝的承诺以这样的方式对亚伦祭司的办公室和他的儿子不保留在特殊情况下,以自己的自由下放非 - Aaronite执行祭司的职能。

(iii) Pentateuchal Redaction.-The four documentary sources of the Pentateuch thus far descried were combined not by any one individual; critics require rather three different stages of combination: first, a Yahwistic redactor RXX or RX combined J and E with a view of harmonizing them, and adapting them to Deuteronomic ideas; this happened either before or after the redaction of D. Secondly, after D had been completed in the sixth century BC, a redactor, or perhaps a school of redactors, imbued with the spirit of D combined the documents JE into JED, introducing however the modifications necessary to secure consistency. (三)Pentateuchal Redaction.迄今descried来源的pentateuch纪录片四个结合不是由任何一个单独的批评需要而结合三个不同的阶段:第一,Yahwistic redactor的RXX或RX结合J和发送的观点加以统一,并使其适应申命记的想法,这发生之前或之后节录D的第二,以后一直在公元前六世纪,一个redactor的,或者学校的编纂完成,充满精神的D结合JED文件乙脑,但是引入必要的修改,以确保一致性。 Thirdly, a last redactor RX imbued with the letter and the spirit of P, combined this document with JED, introducing again the necessary changes.第三,去年redactor的RX充满的P的文字和精神,结合本文件与吉达,再引进必要的修改。The table of nations in Gen., xiv was according to Kunen added by this last redactor.表的国家,在将军,十四是根据丘嫩这最后redactor的补充。

At first sight, one is struck by the complex character of this theory; as a rule, truth is of a more simple texture.乍一看,一个是达成这一理论的复杂性格;作为一项规则,真理是一个更简单的纹理。Secondly, one is impressed by the unique nature of the hypothesis; antiquity has nothing to equal it.其次,一个是印象深刻的独特性质的假说;古代有什么平等的。Thirdly, if one reads or studies the Pentateuch in the light of this theory, one is impressed by the whimsical character of the redactor; he often retained what should have been omitted, and omitted what should have been retained.第三,如果一个读或研究在这一理论的pentateuch,一个是由异想天开的redactor字符留下深刻印象,他常常保留什么应该被省略了,不应该被保留下来。 The critics themselves have to take refuge, time and time again, in the work of the redactor, in order save their own views of the Pentateuch.批评者采取避难,一次又一次,在工作的redactor,为了挽救自己的看法的pentateuch。A recent writer does not hesitate to call the complex redactor ein genialer Esel.最近作家并不毫不犹豫地呼吁复杂redactor的EIN genialer ESEL。Fourthly, a truth-loving, straightforward reader is naturally shocked by the literary fictions and forgeries, the editorial changes and subterfuges implied in the critical theory of the Pentateuchal documents and redaction.第四,真理爱好,直截了当读者自然是文学小说和伪造,编辑修改,并在批判理论的Pentateuchal文件和节录暗示花招感到震惊。 The more moderate critics endeavour to escape this inconvenience: some appeal to the difference between the ancient and the modern standard of literary property and editorial accuracy; others practically sanctify the means by the end.较为温和的批评,努力摆脱这种不便:一些古代和现代的文学属性和编辑准确性标准之间的差异的上诉;他人几乎圣年底手段。Oettli considers the dilemma "either the work of Moses or the work of a deceiver" as the expression of sheer imprudence; Kautzsch unctuously points to the depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God whose ways we cannot fathom, but must admire.欧特列认为,作为纯粹的轻率的表达两难“工作摩西或骗子的工作”; Kautzsch假惺惺点,以神的方式,我们无法捉摸的智慧和知识的深度,但必须佩服。The left wing of criticism openly acknowledges that there is no use in hushing up matters; it actually is the result of scientific research that both form and contents of a great part of the Old Testament are based on conscious fiction and forgery.左翼的批评,公开承认,也没有掩盖事项;它实际上是科学研究的结果,形式和内容的很大一部分旧约是基于意识小说和伪造。


In some general introductions to the Pentateuch its messianic prophecies are specially considered, ie, the so-called proto-evangelium, Gen., iii, 15; the blessing of Sem, Gen., ix, 26-7; the patriarchal promises, Gen., xii, 2; xiii, 16; xv, 5; xvii, 4-6, 16; xviii, 10-15; xxii, 17; xxvi, 4; xxviii, 14; the blessing of the dying Jacob, Gen., xlix, 8-10; the Prophecy of Balaam, Num., xxiv, 15 sqq.; and the great Prophet announced by Moses, Deut., xviii, 15-19.在一些一般性介绍的pentateuch其弥赛亚的预言是专门考虑,即所谓的原evangelium,将军,III,15; SEM的祝福,将军,九,26-7;父权制的承诺,根,十二2;十三,16;十五,5,17,4-6,16十八,10-15,22,17,26,4;二十八,14;临终雅各布,将军的祝福, 8-10 XLIX,巴兰的预言,数,二十四,15 SQQ;。伟大的先知摩西宣布,申,十八,15-19。But these prophecies belong rather to the province of exegesis than introduction.但这些预言,而是属于训诂比引进省。Again, the text of the Pentateuch has been considered in some general introductions to the work.同样,文本的pentateuch一直被认为是在一些一般性的介绍工作。We have seen already that besides the Massoretic Text we have to take into account the earlier text followed by the Septuagint translators, and the still earlier readings of the Samaritan Pentateuch; a detailed investigation of this subject belongs to the field of textual or lower criticism.我们已经看到,除了我们已经考虑到massoretic文本译本翻译,并仍然较早读数撒玛利亚五;一个对这一问题的详细调查,属于早期文字的文本或较低的批评的领域。 But the style of the Pentateuch can hardly be referred to any other department of Pentateuchal study.但风格的pentateuch难以提到任何其他一些Pentateuchal研究部门。

As Moses employed no doubt pre-existent documents in the composition of his work, and as he must have made use too of the aid of secretaries, we expect antecedently a variety of style in the Pentateuch.正如摩西雇用毫无疑问预先存在的文件,在他的工作的组成,他必须有使用过多的援助书记,我们期望antecedently的各种风格的pentateuch。 It is no doubt due to the presence of this literary phenomenon that the critics have found so many points of support in their minute analysis.这无疑是由于这一文学现象的存在,批评者发现了这么多点支持他们分钟分析。But in general, the style of the work is in keeping with its contents.但在一般情况下,作风是在符合其内容。There are three kinds of material in the Pentateuch: first, there are statistics, genealogies, and legal formularies; secondly, there are narrative portions; thirdly, there are parenthetic sections.有3种材料中的摩西五:第一,有数据统计,族谱,法律处方;其次,说明部分;第三,有弧形的部分。

No reader will find fault with the writer's dry and simple style in his genealogical and ethnographic lists, in his table of encampments in the desert, or his legal enactments.没有读者会发现故障与作家的干燥和简约的风格在他的家谱和人种名单,在他在沙漠的帐篷里,或他的法律文书中。 Any other literary expression would be out of place in records of this kind.任何其他的文学表现,将这种记录。The narrative style of the Pentateuch is simple and natural, but also lively and picturesque.摩西五的叙事风格是简单,自然,而且活泼和美丽如画。It abounds in simple character sketches, dialogues, and anecdotes.它盛产于简单的人物素描,对话,和轶事。The accounts of Abraham's purchase of a burying-ground, of the history of Joseph, and of the Egyptian plagues are also dramatic.亚伯拉罕约瑟的历史,一个埋藏地下的购买和埃及瘟疫的帐户也戏剧性。Deuteronomy has its peculiar style on account of the exhortations it contains.申命记有其奇特的嘱托,它包含帐户风格。Moses explains the laws he promulgates, but urges also, and mainly, their practice.摩西解释说,他颁布的法律,但还敦促,主要是,他们的做法。As an orator, he shows a great deal of unction and persuasiveness, but is not destitute of the earnestness of the Prophets.作为一个演说家,他显示了很大的unction和说服力,但不一贫如洗语重心长的先知。His long sentences remain at times incomplete, thus giving rise to so-called anacolutha (cf. Deuteronomy 6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4).他的长句仍然有时不完整,从而造成所谓的anacolutha(参见申命记6:10-12; 8:11-17; 9:9-11; 11:2-7; 24:1-4) 。Being necessarily a popular preacher, he is not lacking in repetitions.一定是受欢迎的布道者,他并不缺乏在重复。But his earnestness, persuasiveness, and unction do not interfere with the clearness of his statements.但他语重心长,说服力和油膏不要干涉他的陈述清晰。He is not merely a rigid legislator, but he shows his love for the people, and in turn wins their love and confidence.他不仅是一个刚性的立法者,但他显示了他对爱的人,反过来赢得他们的爱和信心。

Decisions of the Biblical Commission圣经委员会的决定

Some decisions of the Biblical Commission in regards to the chief subject of this article, viz., Genesis, are as follows: The various exegetical systems which exclude the literal and historical sense of the first three chapters of the Book of Genesis are not based on solid foundation.一些在“圣经”有关的行政主体,这篇文章中,即,创世记委员会决定如下:创世记的前三个章节的文字和历史意义,排除各种训诂系统不是基于奠定了坚实的基础。 It should not be taught that these three chapters do not contain true narrations of facts, but only fables derived from the mythologies and cosmogonies of earlier peoples, purged of the polytheistic errors and accommodated to monotheism; or allegories and symbols, with no objective reality, set forth in the guise of history to inculcate religious and philosophical truths; or, finally, legends partly historical and partly fictitious put together for instruction and edification.它不应该告诉我们,这三个章节,不包含真实的叙述的事实,但只有从早期民族的神话和cosmogonies派生的寓言,清除的多神教的错误,并安置到一神教;或寓言和符号,没有任何客观的现实,载于历史的幌子,向青少年灌输宗教和哲学的真理;或最后,部分历史和部分虚构的传说,指导和启迪。 In particular, doubt should not be cast on the literal and historical sense of passages which touch on the foundations of the Christian religion, as, for instance, the creation of the universe by God at the beginning of time; the special creation of man; the formation of the first woman from the first man; the unity of the human race; the original happiness, integrity, and immortality of our first parents in the state of justice; the precept given by God to man to try his obedience; the transgression of the Divine precept, at the suggestion of the Devil, under the form of a serpent; the fall of our first parents from their original state of justice; the promise of a future Redeemer. ,怀疑不应该被转换通道触摸基督教的基础上的文字和历史意义,因为,例如,由上帝创造的宇宙在刚开始的时候人特别创作;人类的团结;原有的幸福,完整性,和不死我们的第一个国家在司法父母;上帝赋予人类的尝试,他服从的信条;侵形成了从第一个男人的第一女人神圣的信条,在魔鬼的建议,根据蛇的形式;属于我们的第一个父母从他们对正义的原始状态,未来的救赎的承诺。

In explaining such passages in these chapters as the Fathers and Doctors interpreted differently, one may follow and defend the opinion which meets his approval.在解释这些章节中的有关段落,作为医生的父亲和不同的解释,可能遵循和捍卫的意见,满足他的批准。Not every word or phrase in these chapters is always necessarily to be taken in its literal sense so that it may never have another, as when it is manifestly used metaphorically or anthropomorphically.不是在这些章节中的每一个字或词组总是一定要采取在其字面意义,所以它可能永远不会有另一个时,它显然是用来比喻或anthropomorphically。 The literal and historical meaning of some passages in these chapters presupposed, an allegorical and prophetical meaning may wisely and usefully be employed.这些章节中的一些段落的文字和历史意义的先决条件,一个寓言和预言的意义可能明智和有益的就业。As in writing the first chapter of Genesis the purpose of the sacred author was not to expound in a scientific manner the constitution of the universe or the complete order of creation, but rather to give to the people popular information in the ordinary language of the day, adapted to the intelligence of all, the strict propriety of scientific language is not always to be looked for in their terminology.书面创世记第一章的神圣作者的目的是没有科学地阐述宇宙的宪法或创造完整的订单,而是给人民大众的信息在当天的普通语言,适应于所有的智慧,严格科学的语言礼并不总是要看着他们的术语。 The expression six days and their division may be taken in the ordinary sense of a natural day, or for a certain period of time, and exegetes may dispute about this question.表达6天,他们的分裂可能会采取在普通意义上的一个自然日,或为一定的时间内,和注释者可能会争论这个问题。

Publication information Written by AJ Moss.由AJ青苔编写的出版物信息。Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett & Michael T. Barrett.转录由托马斯M巴雷特&迈克尔巴雷特。Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.献给可怜的灵魂在炼狱天主教百科全书,卷席。Published 1911.发布1911年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约:罗伯特Appleton还公司。Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. Nihil Obstat,1911年2月1日。Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人头马lafort,性病,检查员。Imprimatur.认可。+John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York+约翰farley枢机主教,大主教纽约


Many works referring to the Pentateuch have been cited throughout the course of this article.整个这篇文章的过程中,已经列举了许多工程,指的pentateuch。We shall here add a list of mainly exegetical works, both ancient and modern, without attempting to give a complete catalogue.我们将在这里添加一个主要训诂作品名单,既古老又现代,而试图给一个完整的目录。

PATRISTIC WRITERS."Eastern Church:--ORIGEN, Selecta in Gen., PG, XII, 91- 145; IDEM, Homil. in Gen., ibid., 145-62; IDEM, Selecta et homil, in Ex., Lev., Num., Deut., ibid., 263-818; IDEM, Fragmenta in PG, XVII, 11-36; ST. BASIL, Homil. in Hexaemer. in PG, XXIX, 3-208; ST. GREGORY OF NYSSA, In Hexaemer. in PG, XLIV, 61-124; IDEM, De homin. Opific., ibid., 124-297; IDEM, De vita Moysis, ibid., 297-430; ST. JOHN CHRYS., Homil. in Gen. in PG, LIII, LIV, 23- 580; IDEM, Serm. In Gen. in PG, LIV, 581-630; ST. EPHR., Comment in Pentat. in Oper. Syr., I, 1-115; ST. CYRIL OF ALEX., De adoratione in spiritu in PG, LXVIII, 133-1125; Glaphyra in PG, LXIX, 13-677; THEODORETUS, Quaest. in Gen., Ex., Lev., Num., Deut. in PG, LXXX, 76-456; PROCOPIUS OF GAZA, Comment. in Octateuch. in PG, LXXXVII, 21-992; NICEPHORUS, Catena in Octateuch. et libros Reg. (Leipzig, 1772).教父作家“东方教会: - 奥利,Selecta将军,PG,12,91 - 145;同上,Homil将军,同上,145-62;同上,Selecta等homil,在防爆,列弗。。 ,NUM,申,同上,263-818;。同上,PG,17,11-36 Fragmenta;圣瓦西Homil Hexaemer PG,XXIX,3-208;。圣格雷戈里的nyssa在Hexaemer PG,四十四,61-124;同上,德homin Opific,同上,124-297;。同上,德VITA Moysis,同上,297-430;。。圣约翰CHRYS,Homil将军在PG,LIII,LIV,23 - 580。同上,SERM在将军在PG,LIV,581-630; ST EPHR,在歌剧中Pentat评论锡尔河,我1-115;。 CYRIL亚历,ST,德spiritu adoratione PG,LXVIII,133-1125; PG,LXIX,13-677 Glaphyra; THEODORETUS,Quaest将军,前,列弗,NUM,申。。。。 PG,LXXX,76-456;加沙普罗科匹厄斯,评论Octateuch在PG,LXXXVII,21-992。NICEPHORUS,在Octateuch卡泰纳等libros注册(莱比锡,1772)。

Western Church: ST.西方教会:ST。AMBROSE, In Hexaemer.刘汉铨,在Hexaemer。in PL, XIV, 123-274; IDEM, De Paradiso terrestri, ibid., 275-314; IDEM, De Cain et Abel, ibid., 315-60; IDEM, De Noe et arca, ibid., 361-416; IDEM, De Abraham, ibid., 419-500; IDEM, De Isaac et anima, ibid., 501-34; IDEM, De Joseph patriarcha, ibid., 641-72; IDEM, De benedictionibus patriarcharum, ibid., 673-94; ST.在PL,第十四条,123-274;同上,terrestri德新天堂乐园“,同上,275-314;同上,德Cain等阿贝尔,同上,315-60;同上,德野老等ARCA,同上,361-416。同上,德亚伯拉罕,同上,419-500;,德等以撒的灵魂,同上,501-34同上,同上,德约瑟夫patriarcha,同上,641-72;。同上,德benedictionibus patriarcharum,同上,673 - 94; ST。JEROME, Liber quaest.杰罗姆,LIBER quaest。hebraic.希伯来人。in Gen. in PL, XXIII, 935-1010; ST.在PL,二十三,935-1010将军; ST。AUGUSTINE, De Gen. c.奥古斯丁,德将军C.Manich.Manich。ll.会。due in PL, XXXIV, 173-220; IDEM, De Ger.同上,德GER;在PL 173-220,三十四,由于。ad lit., ibid., 219-46; IDEM, De Ger.广告点燃,同上,219-46;。同上,德GER。ad lit.广告点燃。ll.会。duodecim, ibid., 245-486; IDEM, Quaest in Heptateuch., ibid., 547-776; RUFINUS, De benedictionibus patriarcharum in PL, XXI, 295-336; ST.duodecim,同上,245-486;在Heptateuch Quaest同上,同上,547-776;。RUFINUS,德benedictionibus patriarcharum在PL,二十一世纪,295-336; ST。VEN.委内瑞拉。BEDE, Hexaemeron in PL, XCI, 9-190; IDEM, In Pentateuch.BEDE,PL,XCI,9-190 Hexaemeron;同上,在摩西五。Commentarii, ibid., 189-394; IDEM, De tabernaculo et vasibus ejus, ibid., 393-498; RHABANUS MAURUS, Comm. Commentarii,同上,189-394;同上,德tabernaculo等vasibus ejus,同上,393-498; RHABANUS毛鲁斯,通讯。in Gen. in PL, CVII, 443-670; IDEM, Comment.在将军在PL,CVII,443-670;同上,评论。in Ez., Lev., Num., Deut.在EZ,列弗,数量,申。in PL, CVIII, 9-998; WALAFRID STRABO, Glossa ordinaria in PL, CXIII, 67-506.在67-506 CXIII,在PL PL,CVIII,9-998; WALAFRID斯特拉波,Glossa ordinaria。

MIDDLE AGES:-ST.中世纪:ST段。BRUNO OF ASTI, Expositio in Pentateuch.布鲁诺ASTI,在摩西五Expositio。in PL, RUPERT OF DEUTZ, De SS.在PL,鲁珀特的道依茨,德SS。Trinitate et operib. Trinitate等operib。Ejus in PL, CLXVII, 197-1000; HUGH OF ST.在PL,CLXVII,197-1000 Ejus; ST休。VICTOR, Adnotationes elucidatoriae in Pent.维克多,Adnotationes被压抑elucidatoriae。in PL, CLXXV, 29-86; HONORIUS OF AUTUN, Hexameron in PL, CLXXII, 253-66; IDEM, De decem plagis Aegypti, ibid., 265-70; ABELARD, Expositio in Hexaemeron in PL, CLXXVII, 731-84; HUGH OF ST. 731-84 CLXXVII,在PL PL,CLXXV,29-86;挪的欧坦,PL,CLXXII,253-66 Hexameron;同上,decem plagis埃及斑蚊,同上,265-70;阿伯拉德,Hexaemeron Expositio休ST。CHER, Postilla (Venice, 1588); NICOLAUS OF LYRA, Postilla (Rome, 1471); TOSTATUS, Opera, I-IV (Venice, 1728); DIONYSIUS THE CARTHUSIAN, Comment.雪儿,Postilla(威尼斯,1588); Nicolaus的天琴座,Postilla(罗马,1471); TOSTATUS,歌剧,I - IV(威尼斯,1728年);狄奥尼修斯的CARTHUSIAN,评论。in Pentateuch.在摩西五。in Opera omnia, I, II (Montreuil, 1896-7).在歌剧OMNIA,第I,II(蒙特勒伊,1896-7)。

MORE RECENT WORKS.-Jewish Writers:-The Commentaries of RASHI (1040-1150), ABENASRA (1092-1167), and DAVID KIMCHI, (1160-1235) are contained in the Rabbinic Bibles; ABARBANEL, Comment.最近WORKS.犹太作家:评RASHI(1040至1150年),ABENASRA(1092年至1167年)和大卫泡菜,(1160年至1235年)载有拉比圣经; ABARBANEL,评论。(Venice, 5539 AM; 1579 BC); CAHEN, French tr.(威尼斯,5539上午,1579年);擦痕,法国TR。of Pent.被压抑。(Paris, 1831); KALISCH, Historical and Critical Comment on the Old Test.(巴黎,1831年); KALISCH,历史和批判旧的测试评论。 (London), Gen. (1885); Lev. (伦敦),将军(1885年);列弗。(1867, 1872); Ez.(1867年,1872年); EZ。(1855); HIRSCH, Der Pent.(1855年);赫希,DER被压抑。ubersetzt und erklart (2nd ed., Frankfurt, 1893, 1895); HOFFMANN, Das Buch Lev. ubersetzt和erklart(第二版,法兰克福,1893年,1895年);霍夫曼,达斯布赫列弗。ubersetz und erklart (Berlin, 1906).ubersetz和erklart(柏林,1906年)。

Protestant Writers:-The works of LUTHER, MELANCHTHON, CALVIN, GERHART, CALOVIUS, DRUSIUS, DE DIEU, CAPPEL, COCCEIUS, MICHAELIS, LE CLERC, ROSENMULLER, and even of TUCH and BAUMGARTEN, are of minor importance in our days; KNOBEL, Gen. (6th ed., by DILLMANN, 1892; tr., Edinburgh, 1897); RYSSEL, Ez.新教作家:作品路德,梅兰希顿,卡尔文,格哈特,CALOVIUS,DRUSIUS,Dieu酒店CAPPEL,COCCEIUS,米氏,乐CLERC ROSENMULLER,甚至TUCH和鲍姆加滕,是未成年人的重要性在我们的日子;克诺贝尔,将军(第6版,DILLMANN,1892年;。TR,爱丁堡,1897年); RYSSEL,EZ。and Lev.列弗。(3rd ed., 1897); DILLMANN, Numbers, deut., Jos. (2nd ed., 1886); LANGE, Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk (Bielefeld and Leipzig); IDEM, Gen. (2nd ed., 1877); IDEM, Ez., Lev., and Numbers (1874); STOSCH, Deut.(第3版,1897年); DILLMANN,民数记,申命记,圣何塞(第二版,1886年);朗格,Theologisch homiletisches Bibelwerk(比勒费尔德和莱比锡);同上,将军(第2版,1877年);同上,EZ,列弗,和数字(1874年);。STOSCH,申。 (2nd ed., 1902); KEIL and FRANZ DELITZSCH, Biblischer Comment.(第二版,1902年); Keil和弗兰茨DELITZSCH,Biblischer评论。uber das AT; KEIL, Gen. and Ex.尤伯杯DAS AT; KEIL,将军和Ex。(3rd ed., Leipzig, 1878); IDEM, Lev., Numbers, Deut.(第三版,莱比锡,1878年);同上,列弗,民数记,申命记。(2nd ed., 1870; tr., Edinburgh, 1881, 1885); STRACK and ZOCKLER, Kurzgefasster Komment. (第二版,1870年;。TR,爱丁堡,1881年,1885年);施特拉克和ZOCKLER,Kurzgefasster Komment。zu den h.祖书房H.Schriften A. und NT (Munich); STRACK, Gen. (2nd ed., 1905); IDEM, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1894); OETTLI, Deut. Schriften答:和NT(慕尼黑);施特拉克将军(第2版,1905年);同上,EZ,列弗,数字(1894年);。欧特列,申。(1893); NOWACK, Handkomment. (1893年); NOWACK,Handkomment。zum AT (Gottingen); GUNKEL, Gen. (1901); BANTSCH, Ez., Lev., Numbers (1903); Deut. ZUM的AT(哥廷根);贡克尔,将军(1901年);。BANTSCH,EZ,列弗,数字(1903年);申。by STEUERNAGEL (1900); MARTI, Kurtzer Handommentar z.STEUERNAGEL(1900年);马蒂,Kurtzer Handommentar Z. AT (Freiburg): HOLZINGER, Gen. (1898), Ez.AT(弗赖堡):HOLZINGER,将军(1898年),EZ。(1900), Numbers (1903); BERTHOLET, Lev.(1900年),号(1903年);贝尔托莱,列弗。(1901), Deut.(1901年),申。 (1899); BOHMER, Das erste Buch Mose (Stuttgart, 1905); COOK, The Holy Bible according to the Authorized Version, I-II (London, 1877); SPENCE and EXELL, The Pulpit Commentary (London): WHITELAW, Gen.; RAWLINSON, Ex.; MEYRICK, Lev.; WINTERBOTHAM, Numbers; ALEXANDER, Deut.; The Expositor's Bible (London): DODS, Gen. (1887); CHADWICK, Exod. (1899年); BOHMER,DAS erste布赫摩西(斯图加特,1905年);库克,圣经根据授权版本,I - II(伦敦,1877年);斯彭斯和EXELL,讲坛评(伦敦):怀特洛,根罗林森,防爆;蛾,列弗;温特伯森,号码;亚历山大,申解释者的圣经(伦敦):。。DODS,将军(1887年);查德威克,出埃及记。 (1890); KELLOGG, Lev. (1890年);凯洛格,列弗。(1891); WATSON, Numbers (1889); HARPER, Deut.(1891年);沃森,数字(1889年);哈珀,申。(1895); The International Critical Commentary (Edinburgh): GRAY, Numbers (1903); DRIVER, Deut. (1895年);国际评论文章(爱丁堡):灰色,数字(1903年);驱动器,申。(1895); SPURRELL, Notes on the Hebrew Text of Gen. (2nd ed., Oxford, 1896); GINSBURG, The Third Book of Moses (London, 1904); MACLAREN, The Books of Ex., Lev., and Numbers (London, 1906); IDEM, Deut.(1895年); SPURRELL,希伯来文的将军(第二版,牛津大学,1896年)时的注意事项;金斯伯格,第三本书的摩西(伦敦,1904年);。麦克拉伦,书籍前,列弗,与数字(伦敦,1906年);同上,申。 (London, 1906); REUSS, L'histoire sainte et la loi (Paris, 1879); KUENEN, HOSYKAAS, and OORT, Het Oude Testament (Leyden, 1900-1).(伦敦,1906年);罗伊斯,欧莱雅历史圣等LA LOI(巴黎,1879年); KUENEN,HOSYKAAS,和奥尔特,HET欧德旧约(莱顿,1900-1)。

Catholic Works:-The works of CAJETAN, OLEASTER, STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS, SANTE PAGINO, LIPPOMANNUS, HAMMER, B. POREIRA, ASORIUS MARTINENGUS, LORINUS, TIRINUS, A LAPIDE, CORN, JANSENIUS, BONFRERE, FRASSEN, CALMET, BRENTANO, DERESER, and SCHOLZ are either too well known or too unimportant to need further,OLEASTER,STEUCHUS EUGUBINUS,三特PAGINO,LIPPOMANNUS,锤,B. POREIRA,ASORIUS MARTINENGUS,LORINUS,TIRINUS,一个LAPIDE,玉米,JANSENIUS,邦弗雷雷,FRASSEN,卡尔梅特,布伦塔诺,DERESER,和作品SCHOLZ是不是太知名的或太不重要需要进一步的通知。 La Sainte Bible (Paris); CHELIER, La Genese (1889); IDEM, l'Exode et la Levitique (1886); TROCHON, Les Nombres et le Deuteronome (1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae (Paris); VON HUMMELAUER, Gen. (1895); Ex., Lev.香格里拉圣圣经“(巴黎); CHELIER,拉杰尼斯(1889年);同上,L' Exode ET LA Levitique(1886年); TROCHON,莱斯Nombres ET LE Deuteronome(1887-8); Cursus Scripturae Sacrae(巴黎);冯Hummelauer将军(1895年);前,列弗。(1897); Num.(1897年);数量。 (1899); Deut.(1899年);申。 (1901); SCHRANK, Comment. (1901年); SCHRANK,评论。literal.文字。in Gen. (1835); LAMY, Comment in l.在将军(1835);拉米,评论在LGen. (Mechlin, 1883-4); TAPPEHORN, Erklarung der Gen. (Paderborn, 1888); HOBERG, Die Gen. nach dem Literalsinn erklart (Freiburg, 1899); FILLION, La Sainte Bible, I (Paris, 1888); NETELER, Das Buch Genesis der Vulgata und des hebraischen Textes ubersetzt und erklart (Munster, 1905); GIGOT, Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, I (New York, 1901).将军(Mechlin 1883-4); TAPPEHORN,Erklarung DER将军(帕德博恩,1888年);霍贝格,模具将军nach DEM Literalsinn erklart(弗赖堡,1899年);菲利安,香格里拉圣圣经,我(巴黎,1888年); NETELER,达斯布赫创世记DER Vulgata和DES hebraischen Textes ubersetzt和erklart(明斯特,1905年); GIGOT,特别介绍旧约,我(纽约,1901)的研究。Biblical Commission: Acta Apostolicoe Sedis (15 July, 1908); Rome (17 July, 1909).圣经委员会:文献Apostolicoe Sedis“(1908年7月15日,),罗马(7月17日,1909年)。

Book of Numbers预订号码

Jewish Perspective Information犹太透视信息


-Biblical Data:- 圣经的数据:

-Critical View:- 批评的看法:

Amplification of Older Laws.扩增老年人的法律。

Complexity of Sources.复杂的来源。

Antiquity of Poems in Ch.古代诗歌在Ch。xxiii., xxiv.二十三,二十四

Fourth book of the Pentateuch.第四本书的pentateuch。In the Septuagint version it bears the title 'ΑριΘμο in the Vulgate, "Numeri," from the command given by God, contained in the first chapter, to number the children of Israel. septuagint版本,它蕴藏着的标题“ΑριΘμο,在武加大”数值,“从神所赋予的命令,包含在第一章中,以色列的孩子。In Jewish literature it is known as "Be-Midbar"; the earlier rabbis called it "Sefer Wa-Yedabber"; in the Talmud its designation is "Ḥomesh ha-Peḳudim," "the one-fifth part, which is called 'Numbers'" (Soṭah 36b; comp. Rashi ad loc.).在犹太文学中,它被称为“BE - Midbar”;早期拉比称为“之书华Yedabber”;在犹太法典,其名称是“ḤomeshHA -Peḳudim”,“五分之一的一部分,这是所谓的”数字'“(Soṭah36B。比赛Rashi广告LOC)。

-Biblical Data:- 圣经的数据:

The Masoretic text contains 1,288 verses in 158 sections; of which 92 end at the end of a line ("petuḥot" = "open") and 66 in the middle of a line ("setumot" = "closed").马所拉文本包含1288在158节的经文,其中92年底在一行的末尾(“petuḥot”=“开放”)和66行的中间(“setumot”=“关闭”)。 It is further divided into ten weekly lessons ("parashiyyot") for the annual cycle, and into thirty-two weekly lessons ("sedarim") for the triennial cycle.这是进一步分为十(“parashiyyot”)每周一次的教训,年度周期,到三十三年周期的每周两班的经验教训(“sedarim”)。 The subject-matter of the book falls into three main groups.书的标的物分为三个主要群体。Ch.CH。i.-x.i.-x.10 recount the things done and the laws given in the wilderness of Sinai; ch.10各显神通做的事情和法律在西奈的旷野; CH。 x.X.11-xxvii.11 - XXVII。 (with the exception of ch. xv. and xix.) are historical, recording the events that occurred during the wanderings of the children of Israel in the desert; ch. (。CH第十五异常和XIX)是历史,记录的事件发生在以色列的儿童流浪在沙漠中; CH。xxviii.-xxxvi.xxv​​iii. - XXXVI。contain laws and ordinances promulgated in the plains of Moab.包含在摩押平原颁布的法律和条例。 The book covers a period of more than thirty-eight years, namely, from the first day of the second month of the second year after the Exodus (i. 1) to the latter part of the fortieth year (xxxiii. 38).书中涵盖了超过35年的时间,即从出埃及记(一)四十周年的后半部(xxxiii. 38)后的第二年的第二个月的第一天。

Ch. CH。i.: God orders Moses, in the wilderness of Sinai, to take the number of those able to bear arms-of all the men "from twenty years old and upward," the tribe of Levi being excepted, and to appoint princes over each tribe.一:上帝命令摩西在西奈的旷野,采取那些能够携带武器,所有的男人“从20岁和向上,”利未支派被除外,并任命在每个诸侯部落。 The result of the numbering is that 603,550 Israelites are found to be fit for military service.编号是603550以色列人被发现适合服兵役。Moses is ordered to assign to the Levites exclusively the service of the Tabernacle.摩西下令专门分配给利未人会幕的服务。

Ch. CH。ii.: God prescribes the formation of the camp around the Tabernacle, each tribe being distinguished by its chosen banner.二:上帝规定的营地周围幕形成,每个部落的区别在于它所选择的旗帜。Judah, Issachar, and Zebulun encamp to the east of the Tabernacle; Reuben, Simeon, and Gad to the south; Ephraim and Manasseh to the west; and Dan, Asher, and Naphtali to the north.犹大,以萨迦,西布伦扎营幕以东;流便,西缅,GAD南;以法莲和玛拿西到西部;丹,灰粉,和拿弗他利到北部。The same order is to be preserved on the march.按照相同的顺序保存的征途上。

Ch. CH。iii.: Of Aaron's sons and of the death of Nadab and Abihu.III:亚伦的儿子拿答和亚比户死。Moses is ordered to consecrate the Levites for the service of the Tabernacle in the place of the first-born sons, who hitherto had performed that service.摩西下令幕的服务奉献中第一个出生的儿子,迄今已执行,服务到位的利。The Levites are divided into three families, the Gershonites, the Kohathites, and the Merarites, each under a chief, and all headed by one prince, Eleazar, son of Aaron.分为三个家庭,革顺,哥辖,和Merarites,每个行政,下一个王子,以利亚撒,亚伦的儿子为首的利未人。The Levites number 22,000, counting every male a month old or upward.利22,000计数每个男性满月或向上。The Gershonites are placed to the west of the Tabernacle, in charge of its woven articles; the Kohathites are placed to the south, in charge of the furniture and of the Ark of the Covenant; the Merarites, to the north, in charge of the heavier material; the number of the first-born males is 22,273, which number exceeds that of the Levites by 273; the excess are ransomed for five shekels each.革顺是放在会幕的西部,在其梭织负责;哥辖放置到南部负责家具和约柜; Merarites,北,负责在较重的材料;第一个出生的男性人数是22273,这数字超过利273;多余的赎五舍客勒。

Ch. CH。iv.: The numbering of those Levites who are suited for the service of the Tabernacle-those from thirty to fifty years of age-shows: Kohathites, 2,750; Gershonites, 2,630; Merarites, 3,200; altogether, 8,580.四:那些从三十到五十多年的年龄,显示幕,这些服务适合于利编号:哥辖,2750;革顺,2630; Merarites,3200;总之,8580。How the Levites shall dispose of the material of the Tabernacle when preparing for a journey.利应如何处置的旅程做准备时,会幕的材料。

Ch. CH。v.-vi.: Ordinances and laws concerning lepers and other unclean persons who are excluded from the camp; concerning reparation for common sins; concerning an unfaithful wife, her trial by the priest, and her atonement; concerning the Nazarite, and the ceremony performed at the expiration of his vow; the formal blessing of the people. v.-vi.:条例和法律的有关麻风病人和其他不洁的人,那些被排除从营地;有关赔偿共同的罪恶;一个不忠的妻子,对她的审判牧师,她赎罪;关于拿细耳人的仪式表现在他的誓言届满之日;正式的祝福的人。

Ch. CH。vii.: The offerings of the princes of the twelve tribes at the dedication of the altar.七:奉献在祭坛的十二支派的首领的产品。

Ch. CH。viii.: The lighting of the candlestick; the separation of the Levites and the ceremony of their consecration; their term of service-from twenty-five to fifty years of age.八:烛台照明,利分离,他们的奉献仪式;,他们的长期服务,来自25个50岁。

Ch. CH。ix.: Deferred Passover sacrifices; the cloud which directed the halts and journeys of the Israelites.第九:递延逾越节的牺牲;云执导的停止和以色列人的旅程。

Ch. CH。x.: Moses is ordered to make two silver trumpets for convoking the congregation and announcing the recommencement of a journey; the various occasions for the use of the trumpets; the first journey of the Israelites after the Tabernacle had been constructed; Moses requests Hobab to be their leader. X.:摩西责令convoking众,并宣布旅程recommencement两个银色的喇叭使用喇叭的各种场合;第一次出远门的以色列人后幕已经建成;摩西请求Hobab是他们的领袖。

Ch. CH。xi.: The people murmur against God and are punished by fire; Moses complains of the stubbornness of the Israelites and is ordered to choose seventy elders to assist him in the government of the people; account of Eldad and Medad, of the shower of quails, and of the epidemic at Kibroth-hattaavah.十一:人民对上帝的杂音和消防处罚;摩西抱怨以色列人固执,并责令其选择七十个长老,人民的政府,以协助他;伊利达和Medad帐户,鹌鹑淋浴。 ,并在Kibroth hattaavah疫情。

Ch. CH。xii.: Miriam and Aaron slander Moses at Hazeroth, and Miriam is punished with leprosy for seven days, at the end of which the Israelites proceed to the wilderness of Paran.第十二:在哈洗录仪和亚伦诋毁摩西,和仪将被处以麻风七天,在结束以色列人进行巴兰的旷野。

Ch. CH。xiii.-xiv.: The spies and the outcome of their mission.xiii. - 14:间谍和他们的使命的结果。

Ch. CH。xv.-xvi.: Ordinances to be observed in Canaan; different kinds of offerings; "ḥallah," or the priest's share of the dough; the atonement for involuntary sins; concerning the man found gathering sticks on the Sabbath-day; the law of fringes (see Fringes); the rebellion and punishment of Korah and his 250 adherents. xv. - XVI:条例在迦南地观察不同种类的产品;“ḥallah”或神父的面团;的非自愿的罪孽赎罪;有关的男子聚集在安息日天枝;法律。条纹(见条纹);可拉和他的250的追随者叛乱和处罚。

Ch. CH。xvii.: Moses ordered to make plates to cover the altar with the two hundred and fifty censers left after the destruction of Korah's band.第十七条:摩西责令板覆盖,可拉的乐队的破坏后留下的两百五十香炉坛。The children of Israel murmur against Moses and Aaron on account of the death of Korah's men, and are stricken with the plague, 14,700 perishing; Aaron's rod.以色列对摩西和亚伦的杂音,可拉的人的死亡的儿童,并与瘟疫灾区,14700灭亡;亚伦的杖。

Ch. CH。xviii.-xix.: Aaron and his family are declared by God to be responsible for any iniquity committed in connection with the sanctuary.xviii. - XIX:亚伦和他的家人宣布由上帝负责圣域犯下任何罪恶。The Levites are again appointed to help him in the keeping of the Tabernacle.利未人再次任命,以帮助他在保持幕。Concerning the priestly portions and the tithes given the Levites.关于祭司的部分,并给予利什一税。The Levites are ordered to surrender to the priests a part of the tithes taken by them.利未人祭司责令交出它们所采取的什一税的一部分。The law of the red heifer.红色的小母牛的法律。

Ch. CH。xx.: After Miriam's death at Kadesh, the Israelites blame Moses for the lack of water.XX:仪加低斯去世后,以色列人指责摩西为缺水。Moses, ordered by God to speak to the rock, disobeys by striking it, and is punished by the announcement that he shall not enter Canaan.摩西,神下令发言的岩石,不服从敲击,并宣布,他不得进入迦南处罚。The King of Edom refuses permission to the Israelites to pass through his land.以东王拒绝允许以色列人穿过他的土地。Aaron's death on Mount Hor.亚伦的死亡山贺。Ch.CH。xxi.: Defeat of King Arad the Canaanite by the Israelites.XXI:国王的失败。阿拉德以色列人的迦南人。The Israelites bitten by serpents for speaking against God and Moses.由蛇咬伤以色列人对上帝和摩西发言。The brazen serpent.铜蛇。 The wanderings of the Israelites prior to reaching the valley of Moab.以色列人流浪之前达成的摩押的山谷。Battles with and defeat of Sihon and Og.与战斗和击败西宏和噩。

Ch. CH。xxii.-xxiv.: Episode of Balak and Balaam.xxii. XXIV:事件巴勒和巴兰。

Ch. CH。xxv.: The Israelites encamped at Shittim commit abominations with the daughters of Moab and join Baal-peor.第二十五卷:以色列人在什亭犯可憎扎营与摩押加入巴尔peor的女儿。A plague carries off 24,000 Israelites.一场瘟疫带走24000以色列人。Phinehas slays Zimri.非尼哈杀害心利。

Ch. CH。xxvi.: The new census, taken just before the entry into the land of Canaan, gives the total number of males from twenty years and upward as 601,730, the number of the Levites from a month old and upward as 23,000.六卷:进入迦南地进入前采取新的人口普查,使总数从20年的男性,向上为601730,从一个月前的23000向上的利。 The land shall be divided by lot.应当划分土地很多。

Ch. CH。xxvii.: The daughters of Zelophehad, their father having no sons, share in the allotment.XXVII:西罗非哈的女儿,他们的父亲没有儿子,在配股份额。Moses is ordered to appoint Joshua as his successor.摩西下令任命约书亚作为他的继任者。

Ch. CH。xxviii.-xxix.: Prescriptions for the observance of the feasts, and the offerings for different occasions: every day; the Sabbath; the first day of the month; the seven days of the Feast of Unleavened Bread; the day of first-fruits; the day of the trumpets; the Day of Atonement; the seven days of the Feast of Tabernacles; the day of solemn assembly.xxv​​iii. - XXIX:处方的节日庆祝活动,并适用于不同场合的产品:每天安息日,每月的第一天,除酵节七天;第一水果一天喇叭的一天,赎罪日,住棚节七天庄严集会的日子。

Ch. CH。xxx.: Laws concerning vows of men and of married and unmarried women. XXX:法​​律有关的男性和已婚和未婚妇女的誓言。

Ch. CH。xxxi.: The conquest of Midian by the Israelites.第三十一条:征服以色列人的米店。

Ch. CH。xxxii.: The Reubenites and the Gadites request Moses to assign them the land east of the Jordan.XXXII:流便,迦得人请求摩西将其分配给在约旦的土地东。After their promise to go before the army to help in the conquest of the land west of the Jordan, Moses grants their request.前军队去帮助在约旦的土地以西的征服自己的承诺后,摩西授予他们的请求。The land east of the Jordan is divided among the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh.约旦土地的东面是流便,迦得,和玛拿西半支派的部落之间的划分。The cities built by these tribes.这些部落建造的城市。

Ch. CH。xxxiii.: Enumeration of the stations at which the Israelites halted during their forty years' wanderings in the wilderness.三十三:站的以色列人在旷野四十年的流浪期间停止枚举。 While in the plains of Moab the Israelites are told that, after crossing the Jordan, they should expel the Canaanites and destroy their idols.虽然以色列人在摩押平原被告知后,穿越约旦,他们应该驱逐迦南人并摧毁他们的偶像。

Ch. CH。xxxiv.: The boundaries of the land of which the Israelites are about to take possession.三十四:以色列人接管的土地的界限。The land is to be divided among the tribes under the superintendence of Eleazar, Joshua, and twelve princes, one of each tribe.利亚撒,约书亚,和12个诸侯,每个部落之一监管局下的土地将被划分各部落。

Ch. CH。xxxv.-xxxvi.: The forty-eight cities assigned to the Levites, and the six cities of refuge. xxxv. - XXXVI:四十八个城市分配给利未人,和6个城市的避难所。Laws concerning murder and the cities of refuge, and female inheritance.EGHM Sel.关于谋杀和避难的城市,和女性inheritance.EGHM SEL法律。

-Critical View:- 批评的看法:

There is abundant evidence that the Book of Numbers was not written by Moses, and that it was not contemporary with the events which it describes.有大量证据的数字图书没有书面摩西,这不是当代的事件,它描述了。Throughout Moses is referred to in the third person, and in one passage (xii. 3) in terms which have long been felt to preclude Mosaic authorship.纵观摩西被称为第三人,并在一个通道(xii. 3)长期以来一直认为排除花叶作者的条款。One passage only, namely, xxxiii.只有一个通道,即三十三。2, lays claim to the authorship of Moses; but this is so closely related to others which are clearly later than Moses, and, indeed, the latest in the Pentateuch, that it is evident he did not write it.2,号称作者摩西,但是这是如此密切相关的其他明显迟于摩西,并且,事实上,在摩西五,很明显他没有写出来。 It has been abundantly demonstrated that the same great sources, J, E, and P, which furnished material for the other books of the Hexateuch, furnished the material for Numbers also.它已被大量证明,同伟大的来源,J,E和P,其他书籍的Hexateuch家具材料,家具的材料还用于数字。Even D appears in one passage.即使ð出现在一个通道。

There is no unity of thought or of material in Numbers.有没有统一的思想或数字材料。Its material may be most conveniently grouped geographically, under which arrangement the following three divisions are obtained: (1) ch.它的材料可能是最方便的根据地理位置,在这安排得到以下三个部门:(1)CH。i.-x.i.-x.10, which treat of the camp at Sinai; (2) ch.10日,在西奈山营治疗;(2)CH。x.X.11-xix., which contain accounts of wanderings; and (3) ch.11 - XIX,其中包含流浪帐户;(3)CH。xx.-xxxvi., the scene of which is the plains of Moab.xx.,三十六,其中的场景是在摩押平原。

Ch. CH。i.-x. i.-x.10: The first section of the book covers the last nineteen days of the encampment at Sinai.10:书的第一部分包括在西奈山营地最后的1​​9天。The material all comes from P; but it is not all from one hand.所有的物质来自从P​​;但它不是从一方面所有。Ch.CH。i.1, 16, 54 is from Pg, the author of the priestly "Grundschrift," who recorded the command to number Israel, and briefly told how it was accomplished. 1,16,54,祭司“Grundschrift,”谁记录的数量以色列的命令,并简要地告诉它是如何完成的作者从PG。Verses 17 to 53 give the tribes in a different order from the preceding, and are from the hand of a priestly expander or supplementer, Ps. 17日至53节在不同的顺序从前面的部落,从一个祭司的扩展或supplementer,PS手。Ch.CH。ii., which gives the plan of encampment, has still a different order for the tribes, so that Judah assumes the first place.二,这给该营地的计划,仍然是一个不同的部落秩序,因此,犹太假设放在首位。It is generally agreed that this comes from the hand of a still later priestly supplementer.人们普遍认为,这从一个后来祭司supplementer的手。Ch.CH。iii.III。contains the account of the choice of the tribe of Levi instead of all the first-born of the Israelites.包含列维,而不是所有的以色列人的第一个出生的部落的选择。This main narrative from Pg (verses 5-22, 27, 28, 33, 34, 39, 44, 45) has been supplemented by Ps (verses 1-4, 23-26, 29-32, 35-38, 40-43, 46-51), with the position of their encampment and some other matters.这主要叙述从PG(经文5-22,27,28,33,34,39,44,45)已补充PS(诗句1-4,23-26,29-32,35-38,40 - 43,46-51),与他们的营地和一些其他事项位置。Ch.CH。iv., a fresh census of adult Levites with a statement of their duties, contains (verse 11) a reference to the golden altar, of which there is an account in Ex.四,新鲜普查的成人利其职责的声明,包含(11节),金坛,其中有一个帐户在Ex引用。xxx., a supplementary chapter. XXX,补充章。This is, therefore, from Ps.因此,这是诗。In all these passages from Ps there are seen great elaboration of style and much repetition.在所有这些从PS的通道有很大制定风格和很多重复。

Amplification of Older Laws.扩增老年人的法律。

Ch. CH。v., concerning the ordeal provided for a wife suspected of infidelity, comes from a priestly writer possibly older than Pg, whom Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, because he writes as a teacher, designate as Pt.五,关于怀疑不忠的妻子提供的磨难,从祭司的作家可能比PG,卡彭特和哈福德巴特斯,因为他作为一名教师写的,指定为铂。The law in its present form combines two older laws, according to one of which the proof of the woman's guilt is presupposed, while the other regarded it as indeterminate and provided an ordeal to ascertain the truth.以其目前的形式的法律结合两个旧的法律,根据其中一个女人的有罪证据的先决条件,而其他视为不确定的,并提供了一​​个考验,以查明真相。 For details compare Stade in his "Zeitschrift," 1895, pp. 166 et seq.; Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, "Hexateuch," ii.有关详情,与他的“(杂志),”1895年,第166页起体育场;卡彭特和哈福德,巴特斯,“Hexateuch,”二。192; and Baentsch in Nowack's "Hand-Kommentar," ad loc.192; Nowack的“手的评论,”广告同上Baentsch。Ch.CH。vi., on the law of vows, is from the same source as ch.六,法律上的誓言,是从同一来源为CH。v., namely, Pt.诉,即PT。 The benediction at the end (verses 22 to 27) is from a supplementary source.在最后的祝福(22至27节)是一个补充来源。Ch.CH。vii., relating to the gifts of the princes of the different tribes, is dated the day Moses finished setting up the Tabernacle, and accordingly follows immediately on Ex.第七,涉及到不同部落的首领的礼物,是月的一天,摩西完成设立幕,并相应除权紧随。xl.XL。It is regarded as one of the latest amplifications of Ps.它被视为一个PS的最新扩增。One verse (89) is from Pg.一首诗(89)从PG。Ch.CH。viii., the ceremonial cleansing of the Levites, is from Ps, but it consists of two strata, 1-15a and 15b-26.八,洁净利未人的礼仪,是诗,但它的两个阶层,1 - 15A和15B - 26组成。These cover much the same ground, 15b-26 being later than the other.这包括同样的理由,15B - 26比其他。Ch.CH。ix., on the regulations of the delayed Passover, is likewise from Ps.九,延迟逾越节的规定,同样是从聚苯乙烯。Ch.CH。x.X.1-8 recounts the signals for journeying.1-8叙述痴痴的信号。It is from Pg.它是从PG。 Verses 9 and 10 contain regulations concerning the blowing of trumpets in war and as a memorial. 9日和10节包含有关规定在战争中作为纪念喇叭吹。It bears the characteristic marks of the Holiness Code, Ph.它承担的神圣法典的特征标记,博士

Ch. CH。x. X.11-xix.: In the second division of Numbers the sources are more complex, J, E, and P being each represented.11 - XIX:在德乙的数字的来源比较复杂,J,E,和P是每一代表所代表。It is by no means possible to separate the three strands with certainty.这绝不是可以分开三股肯定。Ch.CH。x.X.11-26, describing the departure from Sinai, contains first (verses 11-12) Pg's statement of the departure. 11-26,描述了从西奈半岛出发,包含第一(11-12节)PG的出发声明。This has been amplified (verses 13-28, 34) by Ps.这已经通过PS放大(诗句13-28,34)。In verses 29-33, 35, and 36 the J narrative, which was interrupted at Ex.在诗句29-33,35和36的J叙事,这是前中断。 xxxiv.三十四。28, is resumed.28日,是恢复。 As in the J narratives elsewhere, Moses' father-in-law, who accompanies the Israelites on their way, is called Hobab.至于其他地方在J叙事,摩西的父亲,在法律,谁伴随以色列人在他们的途中,被称为Hobab。Ch.CH。xi.十一。1-3, narrating the Taberah incident, is plausibly attributed to E because marks of J are wanting and because E elsewhere ascribes a similar function to prayer (xxi. 7 and Gen. xx. 7, 17). 1-3,叙述Taberah事件,是振振有词地归结到E,因为J的标志是希望,因为E别处归结了类似的功能,以祈祷(xxi. 7和将军XX 7,17)。 The story of the quails (xi. 4-15, 18-24a, 31-35; xii. 16) is clearly from J: the style, language, and point of view are his.鹌鹑的故事(xi. 4日至15日,18 - 24A,31-35; XII 16)显然是从J:的风格,语言和观点,是他的。On the other hand, xi.另一方面,第十一。16, 17, 24b-30, and xii. 16,17,24B - 30,和第十二。1-15 are, by their conception of the tent of meeting as apart from the camp, shown to be from E. 1-15是,他们的帐篷会议的概念,除了从营地,显示从E

Complexity of Sources.复杂的来源。

Ch. CH。xiii-xiv., describing the sending out of thespies, is very complex.第十三,十四。描述发送thespies,是非常复杂的。J, E, and P are all represented in the story.J,E和P是所有代表中的故事。The following analysis is tentative only: To P belong xiii.以下分析仅是暂定:以P属于第十三。1-17a, 21b, 25, 26a, 32; xiv.1 - 17A,21B,25,26A,32;十四。1a, 2, 5-7, 9a, 10, 26-30, 32-39a.1A,2,5-7,9A,10,26-30,32 - 39A。According to P, Caleb, Joshua, and ten others went through the land to Rehob in the neighborhood of Lebanon; they reported the people to be of great stature; the congregation murmured; and forty years of wandering were announced.迦勒,约书亚,十人按P,并通过了土地,以利合,在附近的黎巴嫩人民是伟大的身形;​​众喃喃地说;和宣布了40年的徘徊。 From J come xiii.从J十三。 17b, 18b, 19, 22, 27a, 28, 30, 31; xiv.17B,18B,19,22,27A,28,30,31;十四。1c, 3, 8, 9b, 11-17, 19-24, 31, 41-45.1C,3,8,9B,11-17,19-24,31,41-45。According to J, Caleb and other spies go up to the "negeb" (AV "south"), and reach Hebron; they report that the children of Anak are there; the people weep with fear; only Caleb and the little ones are, accordingly, to see the promised land; the presumptuous attempt of the people to go up is defeated.据至J,凯莱布和其他间谍“negeb”(影音“南方”),并达成希伯伦,他们报告说,儿童阿纳有,人与恐惧哭泣,只有迦勒和小的,因此,看到应许之地,放肆的人去尝试击败。 To E belong xiii.至E属于第十三。 17c, 18a, 18c, 20, 21a, 23, 24, 26b, 27b, 29, 33; xiv.17C,18A,18C,20,21A,23,24,26B,27B,29,33;十四。1b, 4, 25, 39b, 40. 1B,4,25,39B,40。The beginning of E's account may be found underlying Deut.E的帐户开始可能会发现潜在的申。i.22-25.22日至25日。He describes the despatch of twelve men, who reach the valley of Eshcol, cut down some fruit, and take it back to Kadesh, with a report that numerous Nephilim are in the country; the people cry unto the Lord and are directed to march by way of the Red Sea, but they propose to enter the land direct instead.他介绍寄发十二人,达到Eshcol谷,砍掉一些水果,并把它回向卡迪什一份报告,在全国众多菲利姆,献给耶和华的人哭,并定向到3月红海的方式,但他们提出进入土地直接代替。

Ch. CH。xv., on the general law of oblation and on a law concerning fringes on garments, is from Pt, though Ps has interpolated verses 32 to 36, which refer to the man found gathering sticks on the Sabbath.十五,一般法律上的祭品及服装条纹的法律关于,是从铂,虽然PS已插32至36节,是指该名男子发现收集支在安息日。 Ch.CH。xvi.十六。is composite: an account by J of how a Judean headed a rebellion against Moses, an E account of the rebellion of two sons of Reuben, and a Pg account of how a number of Israelites murmured against Moses and Aaron have been combined and transformed by Ps into the attempt of Levites headed by Korah to obtain the priesthood.复合:如何犹大为首的叛乱反对摩西,发送帐户反叛的鲁本的两个儿子,和PG的以色列人反对摩西和亚伦喃喃帐户J的帐户已被相结合,并转化PS成可拉为首的利获得圣职企图。 To J belong verses 1d, 13, 14a, 15, 26b, 27c-31, 33a; to E, 1c, 12, 14b, 25, 27b, 32a, 33b, 34; to Pg, 1a, 2b-7, 18-24, 26a, 27a, 35, 41-50; and to Ps, 1b, 8-11, 16, 17, 32b, 33c, and 36-40.到J属于1D的诗句,13,14A,15,26B,27C - 31,33A; E,1C,12,14B,25,27B,32A,33B,34,PG,1A,2B - 7,18 - 24,26A,27A,35,41-50;和PS,1B,8-11,16,17,32B,33C,和36-40。Ch.CH。xvii., on the budding of Aaron's rod, and ch.第十七萌芽亚伦的杖,和CH。xviii., on the responsibilities and perquisites of the priests, are from the main priestly narrative, Pg.十八,祭司的职责和福利待遇,从主祭司的叙述,PG。Ch.CH。xix.十九。contains regulations for the purification of those who have touched the dead.包含那些感动死净化法规。Verses 1 to 13, on the ceremonial of the red heifer, is tentatively assigned to Ps; the parallel law in verses 14 to 22 is connected by its title with Pt. 1至13的红色小母牛的仪式上,节,初步分配给PS;节14至22日的平行法是通过其与铂标题连接。Ch.CH。xx.-xxxvi.: In the third section of the book, ch.xx. XXXVI:在第三部分的书,CHxx.XX。1-13, narrating the strife at Meribah, is mainly derived from Pg, but the reference to Miriam (1b) seems to be taken from E, while 3a, 5, and 8b are fragments of a J account in which Aaron was not mentioned. 1-13,叙述在Meribah纷争,主要是来自PG,但参考仪(1B)似乎是从E,而3A,5,和8b在亚伦没有提到的J帐户的片段。Verses 14 to 22a, the refusal of Edom to allow Israel to pass through his territory, is combined from J and E. E furnished verses 14-18, 21a, and 22a; J, 19, 20, and 21b. 14至22A节,以东拒绝让以色列通过他的领地,是从J和E. Ë 14日至18日填报的诗句,21A及22A,J,19,20和21B结合。Verses 22b to 29, describing the death of Aaron, is clearly from Pg.22B至29节,描述亚伦死亡,显然是从PG。Ch.CH。xxi.XXI。is a JE narrative.是一种流行性乙型脑炎叙事。J supplied verses 1-3 (the devotion of Hormah), 16-20 (the journey from Hormah to Pisgah), and 24b-32 (the conquest of Heshbon and Jazer); E supplied 4b-9 (the origin of the brazen serpent), 11b-15 (the journey to the Arnon), 21-24a (the conquest of Heshbon). J提供的诗句1-3(Hormah奉献),16-20(旅程从Hormah皮斯加),及24B - 32(征服希实本和雅谢); Ë提供4B - 9(铜蛇的起源),11B - 15(嫩的旅程),21 - 24A(征服希实本)。Verses 4a, 10, and 11a are a part of P's itinerary, as is xxii.诗句4A,10及11A是P的行程的一部分,是XXII。1.1。

Antiquity of Poems in Ch.古代诗歌在Ch。xxiii., xxiv.二十三,二十四

The story of Balaam (xxii.2-xxiv.) has been woven together from J and E. The J sections are xxii.巴兰(xxii.2 - XXIV)的故事已经交织在一起从J和大肠杆菌的J部分是XXII。3b-5a, 5c-7, 11, 17, 18, 22-36a, 37b, 39; xxiii.3B - 5A,5C - 7,11,17,18,22 - 36A​​,37B,39岁; XXIII。 28; xxiv.28; XXIV。1-25.1-25。These sections describe Moab's distress, and the sending of elders of Midian to Balaam, apparently in the land of Ammon (emended text instead of in xxii. 5c).这些部分描述了摩押的窘迫,米店的长者发送到巴兰,显然是在亚扪人的土地(emended文本,而不是在XXII。5C)。 Yhwh appears to him by the way, and the ass speaks; Balaam does not practise enchantment, but speaks under the influence of the spirit of God.耶和华似乎他的方式,和屁股说话;巴兰没有实践的魅力,但神的精神的影响下说话。To E belong xxii.至E属于XXII。2, 5b, 8-10, 12-16, 19-21, 36b. 2,5B,8-10,12-16,19-21,36B。37a, 38, 40, 41; xxiii. 37A,38,40,41; XXIII。1-27, 29.1-27,29。This narrative describes Moab's fear, and the sending of her princes to Pethor in the east to summon Balaam.这种叙事描述莫阿布的恐惧,和她的王子在东部的发送Pethor召唤巴兰。Elohim bids Balaam go with them, and he speaks the word that Elohim puts in his mouth.耶洛因出价巴兰跟他们走,和他耶洛穿在他的嘴里的讲词。The poems in xxiii. XXIII的诗。and xxiv.二十四。are probably still older than J and E.很可能仍然比J和大肠杆菌

In ch.在CH。xxv.二十五。it is thought that 1b, 2, 3b, and 4, which narrate whoredom with the daughters of Moab, are from J; verses 1a, 3a, and 5 are an E account of Israel's worship of Baal-peor and its punishment; verses, 6 to 15 preserve a kindred account by Pg of a Hebrew's marriage with a Midianitish woman and its punishment.它被认为是,1B,3B和4,其中叙述与摩押的女儿whoredom,从J是诗句1A,3A,和5一个以色列巴尔 - peor和的刑罚崇拜发送帐户;诗句, 6日至15保留一个Midianitish女子及其处罚PG一个希伯来文的婚姻的一个亲属的帐户。Ps has supplemented this (verses 16, 17) by a command to vex the Midianites.PS补充命令烦恼米甸人(诗句16日,17)。 Ch.CH。xxvi., a second census of the Hebrews, is so repetitious that it is clearly from a priestly supplementer. XXVI。一个希伯来人的第二次普查,是如此的重复,它显然是从祭司supplementer。Ch.CH。xxvii.二十七。1-11, concerning the inheritance of daughters when male issue is wanting, is from a similar source. 1-11,关于男性的问题时,是希望女儿继承,是从一个类似的来源。This is also true of verses 12 to 14, which once introduced at this point the P account of the death of Moses that is now found at Deut.这也是真正的诗句12日至14日,曾经在这一点上推出的,现在发现在申命记摩西死亡的P帐户。 xxxiv.三十四。1.1。Ch.CH。xxvii.二十七。15-23, on the selection of Joshua to lead Israel, is a part of the original priestly narrative of Pg, Ch. 15-23,约书亚带领以色列的选择上,是原有的PG,CH祭司叙事的一部分。xxviii.-xxxvi.xxv​​iii. - XXXVI。are, with the exception of xxxii.XXXII异常。39-42 (a part of J's itinerary), from the various priestly supplementers, Ps. 39-42(J的行程的一部分),从各种祭司supplementers,PS。Ch.CH。xxviii.二十八。and xxix.二十九。contain late regulations for the feasts, differing materially from the P regulations in Lev.包含迟到的节日,法规,从列弗P法规的重大不同。xxiii.二十三。The reasons which lead critics to assign the treatment of vows in ch.的原因而导致批评指派治疗誓言在CH。xxx., the itinerary in xxxiii. XXX,XXXIII行程。1 et seq., and other parts of this material to Ps are the elaborate and repetitious style, and various modifications of earlier priestly material. 1起。其他地区,这种材料聚苯乙烯​​的阐述和重复的风格,和早期祭司材料的各种修改。For details the reader is referred to such works as those mentioned in the bibliography below.有关详细信息,读者可以参考下面的书目中提到的那些作品。

It is clear from a careful examination of the material, when it is grouped as in the above analysis, that the Book of Numbers is a part of the same literary process which produced the Pentateuch.这是从材料的仔细检查清楚,当它在上述分析的分组,图书的数字是相同的文学过程中产生的pentateuch。 A trace of D (Rd) appears in ch. D(RD)的跟踪显示,在CH。xiv.十四。18; so that all four strata of the Pentateuch are present.18;使所有四个阶层的pentateuch。

Emil G. Hirsch, M. Seligsohn, Executive Committee of the Editorial Board, George A. BartonG.埃米尔赫斯基,M. Seligsohn,执行委员会的编委会,乔治巴顿

Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.犹太百科全书出版之间1901-1906。


Kuenen, The Hexateuch, 1886; Bacon, The Triple Tradition of the Exodus, 1894; Carpenter and G. Harford-Battersby, The Hexateuch, 1900; Baentsch, Exodus-Leviticus-Numeri, in Nowack's Handkommentar, 1903; G. Buchanan Gray, Numbers, in the International Critical Commentary, 1903.ECGAB Kuenen的Hexateuch,1886年;培根,三重传统的出走,1894年,卡彭特和G.哈福德,巴特斯,1900年的Hexateuch,Baentsch,出埃及记,利未记的数值,在Nowack的Handkommentar,1903年,G.布坎南灰,国际评论文章,1903.ECGAB号,

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