History of the Bible七十 歷史的聖經

Septuagint, LXX七十, LXX

General Information 一般信息

The Septuagint, commonly designated LXX, is the oldest Greek version of the Old Testament of the Bible , the title "seventy" referring to the tradition that it was the work of 70 translators (or 72 in some traditions). 在七十,通常指定LXX ,是最古老的希臘版本的舊約聖經,標題是“七十”指的是傳統的,這是工作70譯員(或72在一些傳統) 。 The translation was made from the Hebrew Bible by Hellenistic Jews during the period 275 - 100 BC at Alexandria.翻譯是由希伯來文聖經希臘猶太人期間, 275 -公元前1 00在亞歷山德里亞。 Initially the Septuagint was widely used by Greek - speaking Jews, but its adoption by the Christians, who used it in preference to the Hebrew original, aroused hostility among the Jews, who ceased to use it after about 70 AD. It is still used by the Greek Orthodox church.最初的譯本是廣泛使用的希臘-講猶太人,但其通過的基督徒,誰使用它,而不是原來的希伯來文,引起了敵視的猶太人,誰停止使用後,約7 0的廣告。它仍然是用希臘東正教教堂。

The Septuagint contains the books of the Hebrew Bible, the deuterocanonical books - that is, those not in the Hebrew version but accepted by the Christian church - and the Apocrypha. Ancient manuscripts from Qumran suggest that the Septuagint often followed a Hebrew text different from the present authoritative Hebrew text. Thus its value for textual criticism has been enhanced.在七十載的書籍,希伯來文聖經, deuterocanonical書籍-也就是說,那些沒有在希伯來文版本,但所接受的基督教教堂-和偽經。古籍手稿昆蘭表明,七十之後往往希伯來文不同本權威性的希伯來文。因此其價值的考證得到了加強。 The Septuagint provides an understanding of the cultural and intellectual settings of Hellenistic Judaism.該譯本提供了一個了解的文化和知識設置的希臘猶太教。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息來源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects我們所列出的2300名宗教科目
Norman K Gottwald諾曼K哥特瓦爾德

Bibliography 目錄
CH Dodd, The Bible and the Greeks (1935); S Jellicoe, The LXX and Modern Studies (1968).甲烷多德,聖經和希臘( 1935年) ;語傑利科,該LXX和現代研究( 1968年) 。


General Information 一般信息

Septuagint is the name given the ancient Greek translation of the Hebrew Old Testament.譯本的名稱是由於古代希臘翻譯希伯來文舊約。 The term is derived from the Latin word septuaginta ("seventy"; hence, the customary abbreviation LXX), which refers to the 70 (or 72) translators who were once believed to have been appointed by the Jewish high priest of the time to render the Hebrew Bible into Greek at the behest of the Hellenistic emperor Ptolemy II.一詞源於拉丁詞septuaginta ( “ 70 ” ;因此,習慣簡稱LXX ) ,指的是70 (或72 )筆譯誰曾經被認為已被任命的猶太大祭司的時間,使希伯來聖經成希臘文的遺志,在希臘托勒密二世皇帝。

The legend of the 70 translators contains an element of truth, for the Torah (the five books of Moses-Genesis to Deuteronomy) probably had been translated into Greek by the 3rd century BC to serve the needs of Greek-speaking Jews outside Palestine who were no longer able to read their Scriptures in the original Hebrew.據傳說, 70個翻譯包含一個組成部分真理,為律法(五本書的摩西,成因,以申命記)可能已被翻譯成希臘的公元前3世紀的需要服務希說巴勒斯坦以外的猶太人是誰不再能夠閱讀他們的聖經在原來的希伯來文。 The translation of the remaining books of the Hebrew Old Testament, the addition to it of books and parts of books (the Apocrypha), and the final production of the Greek Old Testament as the Bible of the early Christian church form a very complicated history. Because the Septuagint, rather than the Hebrew text, became the Bible of the early church, other Jewish translations of the Hebrew Bible into Greek were made by the 3rd century; these are extant only in fragments, and their history is even more obscure than that of the Septuagint.翻譯書籍,其餘的希伯來文舊約,增加它的書籍和部分書籍(的偽經) ,最後生產的希臘作為舊約聖經的早期基督教教堂形成一個非常複雜的歷史。由於七十,而不是希伯來文,成為聖經早期的教會,其他猶太翻譯成希伯來文聖經希臘是由3世紀,這些都是現存的只有片段,以及他們的歷史更是掩蓋比對七十。

Rev. Bruce Vawter牧師布魯斯Vawter



General Information 一般信息

Vulgate (Latin vulgata editio, "popular edition") is the edition of the Latin Bible that was pronounced "authentic" by the Council of Trent.武加大譯本(拉丁文vulgata editio , “普及本” )是本拉丁聖經這是明顯的“真實的”理事會的遄達。 The name originally was given to the "common edition" of the Greek Septuagint used by the early Fathers of the Church.最初的名稱是考慮到“共同版”希臘七十所使用的早期教父的教會。 It was then transferred to the Old Latin version (the Itala) of both the Old Testament and the New Testament that was used extensively during the first centuries in the Western church.當時轉移到拉丁美洲舊版本(在伊泰萊)的舊約和新約是廣泛使用在第一世紀在西方教堂。 The present composite Vulgate is basically the work of St.本複合武加大譯本基本上是工作的街 Jerome, a Doctor of the Church.杰羅姆,醫生的教會。

At first St. Jerome used the Greek Septuagint for his Old Testament translation, including parts of the Apocrypha; later he consulted the original Hebrew texts. He produced three versions of the Psalms, called the Roman, the Gallican, and the Hebrew. The Gallican Psalter, based on a Greek transliteration of a Hebrew text, is now read in the Vulgate.在第一次使用聖杰羅姆希臘譯本的舊約翻譯,其中包括部分偽經;後,他徵求了原來的希伯來文。 他製作三個版本的詩篇,稱為羅馬的高盧聖和希伯來文。的高盧聖Psalter的基礎上,希臘音譯希伯來文,現在讀的武加大。 At the request of Pope Damasus I in 382, Jerome had previously undertaken a revision of the New Testament.在請求教皇達瑪斯一世在382 ,杰羅姆曾進行了修訂新約。 He corrected the Gospels thoroughly; it is disputed whether the slight revisions made in the remainder of the New Testament are his work.他改正了福音徹底,這是有爭議的是否作出輕微修訂在餘下的新約是他的工作。

Through the next 12 centuries, the text of the Vulgate was transmitted with less and less accuracy.通過對未來12世紀以來,文轉發武加大與少的準確性。 The Council of Trent (around 1550) recognized the need for an authentic Latin text and authorized a revision of the extant corrupt editions. This revision is the basic Latin text still used by scholars. A modern reworking of it, called for by Pope Paul VI as a result of the Second Vatican Council, was largely completed in 1977.安理會的遄達(約1550年)承認需要有一個真正的拉丁文字,並授權修改現存的腐敗版本。 這一修改是基本拉丁美洲仍在使用文字的學者。一個現代化的改造它,要求教皇保羅六世由於第二次梵蒂岡會議,主要是在1977年完成。 It was used in making up the new liturgical texts in Latin that were basic to the vernacular liturgies mandated by the council.這是用來做了新的禮儀文本在拉丁美洲有基本的白話liturgies根據安理會的授權。


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A Version is a translation of the holy Scriptures. A版本是一個翻譯的聖經。 This word is not found in the Bible; nevertheless, as frequent references are made in this work to various ancient as well as modern versions, it is fitting that some brief account should be given of the most important of these.這個字未找到聖經中的,但是,作為經常提到了在這項工作中的各種古代以及現代的版本,它是恰當的一些簡短的帳戶應該考慮的最重要的。 These versions are important helps to the right interpretation of the Word. (See Samaritan Pentateuch article, below.)這些版本是重要的幫助的權利解釋的詞。 (見撒瑪利亞五的文章,下文。 )

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓畫報詞典)

Newer Popular English Versions較新的受歡迎的英文版本

General Information 一般信息

The American Standard Version (1901, 1946, 1957); The Holy Bible; Revised Standard Version (1946 [NT], 1952 [OT], 1971); the Living Bible (1971); the New International Version (NIV) (1973, 1978, 1984); the Simple English Version (1978, 1980); the New King James Version (1982); and the Micro Bible (1988), have all developed broad acceptance by various Christian Denominations and groups. 美國標準版 ( 1901年, 1946年, 1957年) ; 聖經;標準修訂版( 1946年[元] , 1952 [催產素] , 1971年) ; 生活聖經 ( 1971年) ; 的國際版(證) ( 1973年, 1978年, 1984年) ; 簡單中文版 ( 1978年, 1980年) ; 新國王詹姆斯版 ( 1982年) ;和微型聖經 ( 1988年) ,所有發達國家都廣泛接受的各種基督教教派和團體。

Additionally, the Literal Translation of the Holy Bible (Young, 1887, reprinted 1953); The Twentieth Century New Testament (1901); The Historical New Testament (Moffatt, 1901); The New Testament in Modern Speech (Weymouth, 1903); The Holy Bible - An Improved Edition (Amer. Baptist Publication Society, 1913); The Bible - A New Translation (Moffatt, 1922); The New Testament, an American Translation (Goodspeed, 1923); The Bible, an American Translation (Goodspeed, 1931); The New Testament (Williams, 1937); Letters to Young Churches (Phillips, 1948) (paraphrases the New Testament Epistles); The Gospels (Phillips, 1953) (popular paraphrases among young people); The Berkeley Version of the Bible (Verkuyl, 1959); have popularity for various reasons, usually either common vocabulary or extremely careful translation.此外, 直譯的聖經 (楊, 1887年, 1953年重印) ; 20世紀新約 ( 1901 ) ; 的歷史新約全書 (莫發特, 1901年) ; 新約在現代語音 (韋茅斯, 1903年) ; 的聖經-改進版( A mer.浸信會出版協會, 1 913年) ;聖經-一種新的翻譯(莫發特, 1 9 22);新約,美國翻譯(古德斯皮德,1 9 23年) ;聖經,美國翻譯(古德斯皮德, 1931年) ; 新約 (威廉姆斯, 1937年) ; 來函青年基督教協進會(菲利普斯, 1948年) (釋義新約書信) ; 的福音 (菲利普斯, 1953年) (流行的釋義是青年人) ; 伯克利版本的聖經 ( Verkuyl , 1959年) ;已經普及出於各種原因,通常都常見的詞彙或極其小心翻譯。


Samaritan Pentateuch Samaritan Pentateuch

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On the return from the Exile, the Jews refused the Samaritans participation with them in the worship at Jerusalem, and the latter separated from all fellowship with them, and built a temple for themselves on Mount Gerizim.在返回的流亡者,猶太人拒絕了樂善好施的參與與他們崇拜在耶路撒冷,後者脫離一切與他們研究,並建立了自己的寺廟山Gerizim 。 This temple was razed to the ground more than one hundred years BC Then a system of worship was instituted similar to that of the temple at Jerusalem.這廟被夷為平地超過百年公元前接著一個系統的崇拜是建立類似寺廟在耶路撒冷。 It was founded on the Law, copies of which had been multiplied in Israel as well as in Judah.它是建立在法律,副本已成倍增加在以色列以及猶太。

Thus the Pentateuch was preserved among the Samaritans, although they never called it by this name, but always "the Law," which they read as one book.因此,五是維護之間的樂善好施,但他們從來沒有要求它的這個名字,但總是“法” ,他們為一本書。 The division into five books, as we now have it, however, was adopted by the Samaritans, as it was by the Jews, in all their priests' copies of "the Law," for the sake of convenience.該部門分為五個圖書,我們現在已經有了,但是通過了樂善好施,因為它是由猶太人,在其所有神職人員'副本的“法” ,是為了方便。 This was the only portion of the Old Testament which was accepted by the Samaritans as of divine authority.這是唯一的部分舊約這是接受了樂善好施的神聖權力。

The form of the letters in the manuscript copies of the Samaritan Pentateuch is different from that of the Hebrew copies, and is probably the same as that which was in general use before the Captivity.的形式信件手稿副本撒瑪利亞五不同於希伯來文的副本,並可能是一樣的這是一般使用之前,籠養。 There are other peculiarities in the writing which need not here be specified.還有其他一些特殊情況的書面不需要在這裡作出具體規定。 There are important differences between the Hebrew and the Samaritan copies of the Pentateuch in the readings of many sentences.有重大的分歧,希伯來文和撒瑪利亞副本五在讀了許多服刑。 In about two thousand instances in which the Samaritan and the Jewish texts differ, the LXX agrees with the former.大約在2000情況下,撒瑪利亞和猶太文不同, LXX同意前者。 The New Testament also, when quoting from the Old Testament, agrees as a rule with the Samaritan text, where that differs from the Jewish.新約也時,引用舊約,同意作為一項規則與撒瑪利亞的文字,而不同於猶太人。 Thus Ex. 12:40 in the Samaritan reads, "Now the sojourning of the children of Israel and of their fathers which they had dwelt in the land of Canaan and in Egypt was four hundred and thirty years" (comp. Gal. 3: 17).因此,惠。 12:40在撒瑪利亞寫道: “現在sojourning的兒童以色列和他們的父輩,他們住在土地的迦南和埃及是四百三十年” ( comp.半乳糖。 3 : 17 ) 。 It may be noted that the LXX has the same reading of this text.它可以指出, LXX具有相同的閱讀這個文本。

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓畫報詞典)


Sinaiticus codex Sinaiticus抄本

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Sinaiticus codex, usually designated by the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, is one of the most valuable of ancient MSS of the Greek New Testament.西奈抄本抄本,通常指定的第一個字母的希伯來文字母表,是一種最寶貴的古代衛星的希臘新約。 On the occasion of a third visit to the convent of St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, in 1859, it was discovered by Dr. Tischendorf.值此的第三次訪問修道院的聖凱瑟琳,在西奈山,在1859年,人們發現博士提申多夫。 He had on a previous visit in 1844 obtained forty-three parchment leaves of the LXX, which he deposited in the university library of Leipsic, under the title of the Codex Frederico-Augustanus, after his royal patron the king of Saxony.他曾在一次訪問中獲得1844年43羊皮紙葉LXX ,他存放在大學圖書館的Leipsic下的標題法典弗雷德里- Augustanus後,他的王室贊助的國王薩克森州。 In the year referred to (1859) the emperor of Russia sent him to prosecute his search for MSS, which he was convinced were still to be found in the Sinai convent.在提到去年( 1859年)皇帝俄羅斯將他送到起訴他的搜索衛星,其中,他相信仍有待發現在西奈修道院。

The story of his finding the manuscript of the New Testament has all the interest of a romance.這個故事,他的手稿發現的新約全書的所有興趣的浪漫。 He reached the convent on 31st January; but his inquiries appeared to be fruitless.他達到了修道院的1月31日;調查,但他似乎是徒勞的。 On the 4th February he had resolved to return home without having gained his object.在2月4日他曾表示決心回國,而無需獲得他的對象。 "On that day, when walking with the provisor of the convent, he spoke with much regret of his ill-success. Returning from their promenade, Tischendorf accompanied the monk to his room, and there had displayed to him what his companion called a copy of the LXX, which he, the ghostly brother, owned. The MS was wrapped up in a piece of cloth, and on its being unrolled, to the surprise and delight of the critic the very document presented itself which he had given up all hope of seeing. “在那一天,行走時與provisor的修道院,他以非常遺憾地與他的虐待成功。選舉從他們的長廊,伴隨提申多夫和尚到他的房間,並有向他展示他的同伴什麼所謂的副本LXX的,他的幽靈兄弟,自備。多發性硬化症是包裹在一塊布,並就其被打開,到驚奇和欣喜的批評非常提交的文件本身,他已放棄了所有的希望看到。

His object had been to complete the fragmentary LXX of 1844, which he had declared to be the most ancient of all Greek codices on vellum that are extant; but he found not only that, but a copy of the Greek New Testament attached, of the same age, and perfectly complete, not wanting a single page or paragraph." This precious fragment, after some negotiations, he obtained possession of, and conveyed it to the Emperor Alexander, who fully appreciated its importance, and caused it to be published as nearly as possible in facsimile, so as to exhibit correctly the ancient handwriting.他的目標已完成零散LXX的1844年,他曾宣布將最古老的希臘所有的渦卷形codices是現存的,但他發現不僅如此,但一份新約希臘重視,在同樣的年齡,並完美地完成,不想一個單一的網頁或段落。 “這珍貴的片段,經過一些談判,他獲得持有,並轉達給亞歷山大皇帝,誰充分認識其重要性,並造成這是出版近盡可能傳真,以便正確地展示古老的筆跡。

The entire codex consists of 346 1/2 folios.整個抄本由346 1 / 2黹。 Of these 199 belong to the Old Testament and 147 1/2 to the New, along with two ancient documents called the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas.這些屬於199舊約和147 1 / 2 ,以新的,隨著兩個古老的文件稱為使徒巴拿巴和牧人書。 The books of the New Testament stand thus:, the four Gospels, the epistles of Paul, the Acts of the Apostles, the Catholic Epistles, the Apocalypse of John.這些書籍的新約聖經的立場如下:四福音的保羅書信的使徒行傳,天主教書信,啟示錄的約翰。

It is shown by Tischendorf that this codex was written in the fourth century, and is thus of about the same age as the Vatican codex; but while the latter wants the greater part of Matthew and sundry leaves here and there besides, the Sinaiticus is the only copy of the New Testament in uncial characters which is complete.這是表明提申多夫,這個抄本是寫在第四世紀,因此,對同一年齡的梵蒂岡抄本,但後者則希望更多的一部分,馬修和雜葉在這裡和那裡此外,西奈抄本是唯一的副本新約中uncial字符這是完整的。 Thus it is the oldest extant MS copy of the New Testament.因此,它是現存最古老的質譜副本新約。 Both the Vatican and the Sinai codices were probably written in Egypt.無論是梵蒂岡和西奈codices可能寫的埃及。 (See Vaticanus article, below.) (見Vaticanus文章,下文。 )

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓畫報詞典)


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Syriac, (2 Kings 18:26; Ezra 4:7; Dan. 2:4), more correctly rendered "Aramaic," including both the Syriac and the Chaldee languages.敘利亞, (列王紀下18:26 ;以斯拉4時07 ;丹。 2:4 ) ,更正確地作出“阿拉姆” ,既包括敘利亞和Chaldee語言。 In the New Testament there are several Syriac words, such as "Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani?"在新約聖經有幾個敘利亞的話,如“埃洛伊,埃洛伊,喇嘛sabachthani ? ” (Mark 15:34; Matt. 27:46 gives the Heb. form, "Eli, Eli"), "Raca" (Matt. 5:22), "Ehtmlhatha" (Mark 7:34), "Maran-atha" (1 Cor. 16:22). (馬克15:34 ;馬特。 27:46給河北。形式, “禮,禮” ) , “查” (瑪特泰5時22分) , “ Ehtmlhatha ” (馬克七時34分) , “馬蘭, atha ” ( 1肺心病。 16:22 ) 。

A Syriac version of the Old Testament, containing all the canonical books, along with some apocryphal books (called the Peshitto, ie, simple translation, and not a paraphrase), was made early in the second century, and is therefore the first Christian translation of the Old Testament.阿敘利亞版本的舊約,包含所有典型的書籍,以及一些未經證實的書籍(稱為Peshitto ,即簡單的翻譯,而不是意譯) ,是早在二世紀,因此,第一次基督教翻譯舊約。 It was made directly from the original, and not from the LXX Version.這是直接從原來的,而不是從LXX版本。 The New Testament was also translated from Greek into Syriac about the same time.新約也從希臘翻譯成敘利亞大約在同一時間。 It is noticeable that this version does not contain the Second and Third Epistles of John, 2 Peter, Jude, and the Apocalypse.值得注意的是,這個版本不包含第二和第三的約翰書信, 2彼得,裘德和啟示。 These were, however, translated subsequently and placed in the version.這些都是然而,隨後翻譯和放置在版本。 (See Version article, above.) (見版本的文章,最重要的。 )


Codex Vatica'nus法典Vatica'nus

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The Codex Vaticanus is said to be the oldest extant vellum manuscript.食品法典委員會Vaticanus據說是現存最古老的手稿渦卷形。 It and the Codex Sinaiticus are the two oldest uncial manuscripts.它和法典西奈抄本是兩個古老的uncial手稿。 They were probably written in the fourth century.他們可能寫的第四世紀。 The Vaticanus was placed in the Vatican Library at Rome by Pope Nicolas V. in 1448, its previous history being unknown.該Vaticanus被安放在梵蒂岡圖書館在羅馬教皇尼古拉五,在1448年,其過去的歷史被不明。

It originally consisted in all probability of a complete copy of the Septuagint and of the New Testament.它原先由所有的概率一個完整的副本,譯本和新約。 It is now imperfect, and consists of 759 thin, delicate leaves, of which the New Testament fills 142.現在是不完善的,由759名薄,微妙的葉片,其中新約填滿142 。 Like the Sinaiticus, it is of the greatest value to Biblical scholars in aiding in the formation of a correct text of the New Testament.像西奈抄本,這是最大的價值,聖經學者在幫助成立了一個正確的案文的新約。 It is referred to by critics as Codex B.這是所提到的批評作為法典灣

(Easton Illustrated Dictionary) (伊斯頓畫報詞典)


The Early Canon of the New Testament早期的佳能新約

The following table indicates which Books of the New Testament were included in a number of early Versions, including several of the Manuscripts discussed above.下表說明這些書籍的新約全書包括在一些早期版本,其中包括一些手稿上面討論。 See the legend at the bottom for descriptions of what the letters indicate.見的傳說底部的說明什麼字母表示。

. Mar 三月
cion 馳安
c.140 c.140
Iren- Iren -
aeus aeus
130-202 130-202
Old 老的
Latin 拉丁語
150-70 150-70
Murat- 穆拉特-
orian orian
c.170 c.170
Tertull Tertull
150-220 150-220
Old 老的
Syriac 敘利亞文
200 200
Origen 奧利
185-254 185-254
Hippo- 河馬,
lytus lytus
200-25 200-25
Euse- Euse -
bius bius
325-40 325-40
Codex 食品法典
Vatic Vatic
325-50 325-50
Codex 食品法典
Sinai 西奈半島
325-425 325-425
Athan Athan
asius asius
367 367
Amphi 露天
locius locius
380 380
Pesh- Pesh -
itta 國際熱帶木材協定
375-400 375-400
Cart- 車,
hage3 hage3
c.397 c.397
Codex 食品法典
Alex 亞歷克斯
425-75 425-75
Matthew 馬修 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Mark 馬克 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Luke 盧克 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
John 約翰 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Acts 行為 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i

Romans 羅馬 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
1 Cor 一心病 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
2 Cor 第2心病 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Galat 加利爾 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Ephes Ephes i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Philip 菲利普 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Coloss Coloss i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
1 Thess 一日洛尼基 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
2 Thess 第2洛尼基 i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
1 Tim 一日添 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
2 Tim 第2添 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Titus 泰特斯 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
Philem Philem i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i

Hebrew 希伯來語 o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö i 字母i d d o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
James 詹姆斯 o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö i 字母i d d o ö d d m i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
1 Pet 一日寵物 o ö i 字母i o ö o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i m i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
2 Pet 第2寵物 o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö d d m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i
1 John 約翰一書 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö o ö i 字母i m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i
2 John 約翰二書 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö o ö d d o ö d d m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i
3 John 約翰三書 o ö o ö i 字母i o ö o ö o ö d d o ö d d m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i
Jude 裘德 o ö o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö d d o ö d d m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i
Revel 狂歡 o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i m i 字母i i 字母i i 字母i o ö i 字母i i 字母i

Hermas o ö i 字母i o ö o ö o ö o ö i 字母i o ö r r m i 字母i o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö
Barnabas 巴拿巴 o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö i 字母i o ö r r m i 字母i o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö
Didache 十二使徒遺訓 o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö i 字母i o ö r r m o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö
ApocPet ApocPet o ö o ö o ö i 字母i o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö m o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö
1Clement 1Clement o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö m o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö i 字母i
2Clement 2Clement o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö m o ö o ö o ö o ö o ö i 字母i

i=included (canonicity definitely accepted) 字母i =包括: (正規絕對接受)
o=omitted (canonicity doubted or denied) ö =省略 (正規懷疑或否認)
m=missing (the codex omits the Pastorals and ends at Heb. 9:13) 米=失踪 (法典忽略了Pastorals和結束在河北。 9時13分)
d=disputed (canonicity mentioned as being in doubt) d =有爭議的 (正規提到被懷疑)
r=rejected (canonicity specifically denied) r =拒絕 (正規具體否認)

Notes: 注:
Marcion was a heretic in Rome.馬吉安是一個邪教在羅馬舉行。 He believed that the Church should eliminate all references to the Creator-God of the Old Testament.他認為教會應消除所有提及造物主上帝舊約。 Therefore, he proposed rejecting the entire Old Testament as well as anything in the New Testament that seemed to him to be contaminated with Judaism.因此,他提議拒絕整個舊約以及任何新約,似乎他是猶太教的污染。 Therefore, he eliminated everything but an edited version of Luke (written by the Gentile Luke) and ten of the Pauline Epistles.因此,他排除一切,但經過編輯的盧克(書面的詹蒂萊盧克)和10個保書信。 Marcion's list was definitely not the position of the Church at the time, but a deliberate variation from it.馬吉安的名單絕對不是立場的教會的時候,而是蓄意的變化來自它。 Actually, his efforts acted to inspire the orthodox Church to speed up their establishment of the true New Testament Canon.其實,他的努力採取行動,激勵東正教加快建立真正的新約佳能。

Muratorian Fragment穆拉多利片段
Cardinal Muratori first published (in 1740) a list based on a document he studied that also came from around Rome. The beginning of the original document is mutilated, but it evidently included Matthew and Mark because it refers to Luke as the third Gospel.紅衣主教穆拉托裡首次出版(在1740年)的名單的基礎上,他研究的文件,也來自周圍羅馬。開始的原始文件是殘缺不全,但它顯然包括馬修和馬克,因為它指的盧克作為第三個福音。 It included the Apocalypse of Peter (a Book later determined to be non Canonical) and it mentions that the Shepherd of Hermas as being worthy to be read in Church but not to be included among prophetic or apostolic writings.它包括彼得的啟示(一本書後來被認定為不規範) ,它提到,牧人書是值得讀的教會,而不是被列入先知或使徒的著作。

The Gospel福音
Very early on, possibly soon after the writing of the Gospel according to John, the four Gospels appear to have been united. The fourfold collection was originally known as "The Gospel" (singular) and this appears to be where the "according tos" were established.很早,可能不久書面福音根據約翰,四福音似乎已經團結起來。收集的四倍,原本被稱為“福音” (奇異) ,這似乎是在“按服務條款”已經確定。 This collection was designated by the Greek word Evangelion .這是收集指定的希臘詞福音戰士

Around 170 AD an Assyrian Christian (apparently in Rome) named Tatian combined the fourfold Gospel into a narrative "Harmony of the Gospels". This was long the favorite form of the Gospels in the Assyrian Church, and it was quite distinct from the four Gospels in the existing Old Syriac version also existant at the time.大約公元170基督教的亞述人(顯然在羅馬)命名塔蒂安結合四倍福音到敘事“和諧的福音。 ”這是長期的最喜愛的形式,在福音教會亞述人,這是完全不同於四福音在現有的舊版本敘利亞還存在的時候。 Tatian's Harmony is usually known as the Diatessaron and it is thought that its original language was probably Greek, but later given to the Assyrian Christians in a Syriac form.塔蒂安的和諧,通常被稱為Diatessaron人們認為其原有的語言可能是希臘,但後來考慮到亞述基督徒在敘利亞的形式。

When the four Gospels had become gathered together into one combined work, Luke's two contributions (Luke and Acts) thus became separated.當四福音已成為聚集成一個聯合的工作,盧克的兩筆捐款(盧克和行為) ,從而成為分開。 Slight modifications were apparently then introduced into the text at the end of Luke and the beginning of Acts. (Luke 24:51 and Acts 1:2) Some scholars have been concerned about apparent inconsistencies regarding the Ascension in these two Books that this 'adjustment' might be responsible for that.稍作修改,顯然然後介紹到文本結束時,盧克並開始行為。 (路加24:51和行為1:2 )一些學者一直擔心明顯不一致的阿森松島在這兩個圖書,這'調整'可能是負責的。

Corpus Paulinum語料庫Paulinum
At roughly the same time that the fourfold Gospel was collected together, the group of Paul's writings were assembled.在大致相同的時間,四福音收集在一起,一群保羅的著作組裝。 It was designated by the Greek word Apostolos .這是指定的希臘詞阿波斯托洛斯 Initially, this collection just included the letters "To the . . ." but Hebrews and Acts were soon bound up with them.起初,這只是收集包括字母“如果。 。 。 ” ,但希伯來和行為約束很快與他們。

Origen mentioned that a number of Books were disputed by some: Hebrews, 2Peter, 2John, 3John, James, Jude, the Epistle of Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache, and the 'Gospel according to the Hebrews'.奧利提到了一些圖書是有爭議的一些:希伯來人, 2Peter , 2John , 3John ,詹姆斯,裘德的書巴拿巴的牧人書的十二使徒遺訓,和'福音根據希伯來人' 。 (This last greatly resembled Matthew and existed among a group called the Ebionites in Egypt and Transjordan. Jerome later identified it with the "Gospel of the Nazarenes".) It is not clear if Jerome was correct about that. (最後這極大地相似和馬修之間存在著一組名為以便尼派在埃及和Transjordan 。杰羅姆後發現它與“福音的Nazarenes ” 。 )目前還不清楚是否杰羅姆是正確的。

In 367 AD, Athanasius appears to have been the first to establish the specific New Testament Canon of 27 Books that became broadly accepted and which we follow today.公元367年,亞他那修似乎已經率先建立了具體的新約全書27日佳能圖書,成為廣泛接受的,我們今天的後續。

Eastern Church東方教會
It took until around 508 AD that 2Peter, 2John, 3John, Jude and Revelation were included in a version of the Syriac Bible, adding to the earlier 22, to then agree with the same 27 Book New Testament Canon as in the West.花了大約508到公元2Peter , 2John , 3John ,裘德和啟示包括在版本的敘利亞聖經,加上先前的22至再按同意27日在同一圖書新約全書佳能在西方。

Hippo Regius (393) and Carthage (397)河馬Regius ( 393 )和迦太基( 397 )
These were the first two ecclesiastical Councils held specifically to classify the Canonical Books.這是前兩個教會舉行特別理事會進行分類規範圖書。 These both occurred in North Africa.這些都發生在北非。 They did not impose any 'new' list on Christians but rather codified the already generally recognized Canon.他們沒有施加任何'新'名單上基督徒而是編纂已經普遍認識到佳能。

Septuagint Version七十版本

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

The first translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, made into popular Greek before the Christian era.第一次翻譯希伯來文舊約,成為受歡迎的希臘之前,公元。 This article will treat of:本文將處理的:

I. Its Importance;一,它的重要性;

II.二。 Its Origin:起源:

A. According to tradition;字母a.根據傳統;

B. According to the commonly accepted view;灣根據普遍接受的觀點;

III.三。 Its subsequent history, recensions, manuscripts, and editions;以後的歷史, recensions ,手稿,和版本;

IV.四。 Its critical value; Language.其臨界值;語言。


The importance of the Septuagint Version is shown by the following considerations:的重要性是七十版本所表現出下列因素:

A. The Septuagint is the most ancient translation of the Old Testament and consequently is invaluable to critics for understanding and correcting the Hebrew text (Massorah), the latter, such as it has come down to us, being the text established by the Massoretes in the sixth century AD Many textual corruptions, additions, omissions, or transpositions must have crept into the Hebrew text between the third and second centuries BC and the sixth and seventh centuries of our era; the manuscripts therefore which the Seventy had at their disposal, may in places have been better than the Massoretic manuscripts.答:七十是最古老的翻譯舊約,因此是非常寶貴的批評理解和糾正希伯來文( Massorah ) ,後者,如它歸結為我們的文字正在建立的中Massoretes在公元六世紀,許多篇章腐敗,增加疏漏,或transpositions必須悄悄進入希伯來文之間的第三名和第二名公元前數百年的第六和第七世紀的我們這個時代;因此,手稿的70已在其處置,可在地方已優於Massoretic手稿。

B. The Septuagint Version accepted first by the Alexandrian Jews, and afterwards by all the Greek-speaking countries, helped to spread among the Gentiles the idea and the expectation of the Messias, and to introduce into Greek the theological terminology that made it a most suitable instrument for the propagation of the Gospel of Christ.灣版的譯本首次接受了亞歷山大的猶太人,後來由希臘所有葡語國家,幫助傳播外邦人之間的想法和期望,弭賽亞,並引入希臘的神學術語,使最合適的工具,傳播基督福音。

C. The Jews made use of it long before the Christian Era, and in the time of Christ it was recognised as a legitimate text, and was employed in Palestine even by the rabbis.角猶太人利用它早在基督教時代,並在規定的時間內基督這是公認的合法文本,並僱用巴勒斯坦甚至拉比。 The Apostles and Evangelists utilised it also and borrowed Old Testament citations from it, especially in regard to the prophecies.使徒和福音派利用它也和借來的舊約引用,尤其是在關於預言。 The Fathers and the other ecclesiastical writers of the early Church drew upon it, either directly, as in the case of the Greek Fathers, or indirectly, like the Latin Fathers and writers and others who employed Latin, Syriac, Ethiopian, Arabic and Gothic versions.父親及其他教會作家的早期教會借鑒它,無論是直接,如希臘教父,或間接的,如拉丁美洲父親,作家和其他拉美誰僱用,敘利亞,埃塞俄比亞,阿拉伯文和哥特式版本。 It was held tin high esteem by all, some even believed it inspired.這是錫舉行的崇高敬意所有,有的甚至認為它的啟發。 Consequently, a knowledge of the Septuagint helps to a perfect understanding of these literatures.因此,知識的七十幫助一個完美的理解這些文獻。

D. At the present time, the Septuagint is the official text in the Greek Church, and the ancient Latin Versions used in the western church were made from it; the earliest translation adopted in the Latin Church, the Vetus Itala, was directly from the Septuagint: the meanings adopted in it, the Greek names and words employed (such as: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers [Arithmoi], Deuteronomy), and finally, the pronunciation given to the Hebrew text, passed very frequently into the Itala, and from it, at times, into the Vulgate, which not rarely gives signs of the influence of the Vetus Itala; this is especially so in the Psalms, the Vulgate translation being merely the Vetus Itala corrected by St. Jerome according to the hexaplar text of the Septuagint. D.在目前的時間,七十是正式文本,在希臘教會,和古老的拉丁美洲版本中使用的西方教會了它;最早的翻譯通過在拉丁美洲教會, Vetus伊泰萊,是直接從七十:含義通過它,希臘字的姓名和職業(如:創世記,出埃及記,利未記,民數記[ Arithmoi ] ,申命記) ,最後,考慮到發音希伯來文,通過經常到伊泰萊,從它,有時到武加大,這不是給很少的跡象的影響, Vetus伊泰萊,這是尤其如此的詩篇,在拉丁文聖經被翻譯只是Vetus伊泰萊糾正聖杰羅姆根據hexaplar文對七十。


A. According to Tradition字母a.根據傳統

The Septuagint Version is first mentioned in a letter of Aristeas to his brother Philocrates.版本的譯本是第一次提到在信中Aristeas給他的弟弟Philocrates 。 Here, in substance, is what we read of the origin of the version. Ptolemy II Philadelphus, King of Egypt (287-47 BC) had recently established a valuable library at Alexandria.在這裡,在實質問題,就是我們讀到的起源版本。托勒密二世山,埃及國王(公元前287-47 )最近成立了一個寶貴的亞歷山大圖書館。 He was persuaded by Demetrius of Phalarus, chief librarian, to enrich it with a copy of the sacred books of the Jews.他說服德梅的Phalarus ,首席館員,豐富它的副本的神聖書籍的猶太人。 To win the good graces of this people, Ptolemy, by the advice of Aristeas, an officer of the royal guard, an Egyptian by birth and a pagan by religion, emancipated 100,000 slaves in different parts of his kingdom.為了贏得青睞的人,托勒密,由諮詢Aristeas ,一名皇家後衛,一名埃及出生和異教徒的宗教,解放奴隸100000的不同部分他的王國。 He then sent delegates, among whom was Aristeas, to Jerusalem, to ask Eleazar, the Jewish high-priest, to provide him with a copy of the Law, and Jews capable of translating it into Greek.然後,他派代表,其中被Aristeas ,耶路撒冷,要求利亞撒,猶太高神父,向他提供了一份關於法和猶太人能夠翻譯成希臘文。 The embassy was successful: a richly ornamented copy of the Law was sent to him and seventy-two Israelites, six from each tribe, were deputed to go to Egypt and carry out the wish of the king.大使館是成功的:一個富有裝飾副本法被送往他和72以色列人,六各部落,總監是去埃及和貫徹的願望國王。 They were received with great honor and during seven days astonished everyone by the wisdom they displayed in answering seventy-two questions which they were asked; then they were led into the solitary island of Pharos, where they began their work, translating the Law, helping one another and comparing translations in proportion as they finished them.他們收到了巨大的榮譽,並在7天內的每個人都感到驚訝的智慧,他們顯示在回答72問題,要求他們,然後他們率領的孤立島嶼的燈塔,他們在那裡開始工作,把法律,幫助另外一個比較翻譯的比例為他們完成他們。 At the end of seventy-two days, their work was completed, The translation was read in presence of the Jewish priests, princes, and people assembled at Alexandria, who all recognized and praised its perfect conformity with the Hebrew original.在結束72天,他們的工作已經完成,翻譯是閱讀存在的猶太牧師,王子,和人民聚集在亞歷山大,誰所有的承認和讚揚它完全符合原來的希伯來文。 The king was greatly pleased with the work and had it placed in the library.國王非常高興地看到工作,它放置在圖書館。

Despite its legendary character, Aristeas' account gained credence; Aristobulus (170-50 BC), in a passage preserved by Eusebius, says that "through the efforts of Demetrius of Phalerus a complete translation of the Jewish legislation was executed in the days of Ptolemy"; Aristeas's story is repeated almost verbatim by Flavius Josephus (Ant. Jud., XII, ii) and substantially, with the omission of Aristeas' name, by Philo of Alexandria (De vita Moysis, II, vi). the letter and the story were accepted as genuine by many Fathers and ecclesiastical writers till the beginning of the sixteenth century; other details serving to emphasize the extraordinary origin of the version were added to Aristeas's account" The seventy-two interpreters were inspired by God (Tertullian, St. Augustine, the author of the "Cohortatio ad Graecos" [Justin?], and others); in translating they did not consult with one another, they had even been shut up in separate cells, either singly, or in pairs, and their translations when compared were found to agree entirely both as to the sense and the expressions employed with the original text and with each other (Cohortatio ad Graecos, St. Irenæus, St. Clement of Alexandria). St. Jerome rejected the story of the cells as fabulous and untrue ("Praef. in Pentateuchum";"Adv. Rufinum", II, xxv). likewise the alleged inspiration of the Septuagint. Finally the seventy two interpreters translated, not only the five books of the Pentateuch, but the entire Hebrew Old Testament. The authenticity of the letter, called in question first by Louis Vivès (1492-1540), professor at Louvain (Ad S. August. Civ. Dei, XVIII, xlii), then by Jos. Scaliger (d. 1609), and especially by H. Hody (d. 1705) and Dupin (d. 1719) is now universally denied.儘管其傳奇的性質, Aristeas的帳戶取得信任;阿里斯托布魯斯(公元前170-50 ) ,在一段保存優西比烏說, “通過努力德梅的Phalerus一個完整的翻譯猶太立法被處決的日子托勒密“ ; Aristeas的故事是重複的幾乎逐字約瑟夫弗拉菲烏斯( Ant.珠德。 ,十二,二) ,並大大與遺漏Aristeas '的名稱,由亞歷山大斐羅(德生活Moysis ,二,六) 。的文字和故事被接納為真正的許多神父和教會作家,直到年初的16世紀;其他細節,強調服務的特殊起源的版本增加了Aristeas的帳戶“的72口譯啟發神(良,聖奧古斯丁的作者“ Cohortatio廣告Graecos ” [賈斯汀? ]等) ;把他們沒有彼此協商,他們甚至被關在不同的細胞,單獨,或對,他們的翻譯相比被發現完全同意既是對常識和就業的表達與原始文字和彼此( Cohortatio廣告Graecos ,聖依,聖克萊門特的亞歷山德里亞) 。聖杰羅姆否決的故事細胞神話般和不真實的( “ Praef 。中Pentateuchum ” , “腺病毒。 Rufinum ” ,二,二十五) 。同樣被指控的啟示七十。最後72口譯翻譯,不僅是五本書的五,但整個希伯來文舊約。真實性的信中,質疑首先由路易比韋斯( 1592至40年) ,教授,比利時魯汶( 8月號的廣告。文明。棣,十八,四十二) ,然後由聖何塞凱利格(草1609年) ,特別是閣下Hody (草1705 )和Dupin (草1719 )現在人們普遍拒絕。


(1) The letter of Aristeas is certainly apocryphal. ( 1 )信Aristeas肯定是未經證實。 The writer, who calls himself Aristeas and says he is a Greek and a pagan, shows by his whole work that he is a pious, zealous Jew: he recognizes the God of the Jews as the one true God; he declares that God is the author of the Mosaic law; he is an enthusiastic admirer of the Temple of Jerusalem, the Jewish land and people, and its holy laws and learned men.作家,誰自稱Aristeas和說,他是希臘和異教徒,顯示了他的整個工作,他是一個虔誠,熱心的猶太人:他承認上帝對猶太人作為一個真正的上帝,他宣布,上帝是作者鑲嵌法;他是一個熱情的崇拜者聖殿的耶路撒冷,猶太人的土地和人民,其神聖的法律和教訓男子。

(2) The account as given in the letter must be regarded as fabulous and legendary, at least in several parts. ( 2 )所提供的帳戶在信中必須被視為精彩和傳奇般的,至少在幾個地方。 Some of the details, such as the official intervention of the king and the high priest, the number of the seventy-two translators, the seventy-two questions they had to answer, the seventy-two days they took for their work, are clearly arbitrary assertions; it is difficult, moreover, to admit that the Alexandrian Jews adopted for their public worship a translation of the Law, made at the request of a pagan king; lastly, the very language of the Septuagint Version betrays in places a rather imperfect knowledge both of Hebrew and of the topography of Palestine, and corresponds more closely with the vulgar idiom of Alexandria.一些細節,如官方干預的國王和大祭司的人數的72筆譯人員, 72他們的問題作答時,七二天他們為他們的工作,顯然任意斷言,這是困難的,而且承認,亞歷山大的猶太人通過他們的公共禮拜的翻譯法,提出的要求,異教徒國王最後,非常語言版本背叛七十的地方相當不完善知識兩個希伯來文和地形,巴勒斯坦和對應更緊密地與庸俗的成語亞歷山大。 Yet it is not certain that everything contained in the letter is legendary, and scholars ask if there is not a historic foundation underneath the legendary details.然而,這是不能肯定一切的信中所載的傳奇,學者問如果沒有一個歷史性的地基下的傳奇細節。 Indeed it is likely -- as appears from the peculiar character of the language, as well as from what we know of the origin and history of the version -- that the Pentateuch was translated at Alexandria.實際上它很可能-因為似乎從特殊性質的語言,以及我們所知道的起源和歷史版本-即五是在亞歷山德里亞翻譯。 It seems true also that it dates from the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and therefore from the middle of the third century BC For if, as is commonly believed, Aristeas's letter was written about 200 BC, fifty years after the death of Philadelphus, and with a view to increase the authority of the Greek version of the Law, would it have been accepted so easily and spread broadcast, if it had been fictitious, and if the time of the composition did not correspond with the reality?這似乎也是如此,它的日期從時間的托勒密山,因此,從中間的公元前三世紀的話,普遍認為, Aristeas的信寫約200年,五十年去世後山,並與為了增加權威的希臘版的法,將它已被接受這麼容易和蔓延廣播,如果它已經虛構的,如果當時的組成不符合現實? Moreover, it is possible that Ptolemy had something to do with the preparation or publishing of the translation, though how and why cannot be determined now.此外,它可能是托勒密已經跟編寫或出版的翻譯,但如何和為什麼不能確定現在。 Was it for the purpose of enriching his library as Pseudo-Aristeas states?它是為了豐富他的圖書館偽Aristeas國家? This is possible, but is not proven, while, as will be shown below, we can very well account for the origin of the version independently of the king.這是可能的,但沒有證明,同時,作為將如下所示,我們可以非常清楚的帳戶的起源版本獨立的國王。

(3) The few details which during the course of ages have been added to Aristeas's account cannot be accepted; such are the story of the cells (St. Jerome explicitly rejects this); the inspiration of the translators, an opinion certainly based on the legend of the cells; the number of the translators, seventy-two (see below); the assertion that all the Hebrew books were translated at the same time. ( 3 )一些細節的過程中,年齡已加入Aristeas的帳戶是不能接受的;這樣的故事細胞(聖杰羅姆明確反對這種) ;的靈感的翻譯,肯定意見的基礎上的傳說細胞;的一些翻譯, 72 (見下文) ;的斷言,所有的希伯萊文書籍翻譯在同一時間。 Aristeas speaks of the translation of the law (nomos), of the legislation (nomothesia), of the books of the legislator; now these expressions especially the last two, certainly mean the Pentateuch, exclusive of the other Old Testament books: and St. Jerome (Comment. in Mich.) says: "Josephus writes, and the Hebrews inform us, that only the five books of Moses were translated by them (seventy-two), and given to King Ptolemy." Aristeas談到翻譯法(州) ,立法( nomothesia ) ,書籍立法者現在這些表情特別是近兩年,當然是指五,獨家的其他舊約書籍:和聖杰羅姆( Comment.在密歇根州)說: “約瑟夫寫道,和希伯來人告訴我們,只有五本書的摩西被翻譯的人( 72 ) ,並考慮到國王托勒密。 ” Besides, the versions of the various books of the Old Testament differ so much in vocabulary, style, form, and character, sometimes free and sometimes extremely literal, that they could not be the work of the same translators.此外,該版本的各種書籍舊約這麼多不同的詞彙,風格,形式和特點,有時無,有時甚至非常字面,他們無法工作的同時翻譯。 Nevertheless, in spite of these divergencies the name of the Septuagint Version is universally given to the entire collection of the Old Testament books in the Greek Bible adopted by the Eastern Church.然而,儘管有這些分歧的名字七十版本是普遍給予整個集合舊約書籍在希臘聖經通過的東正教會。

B. Origin according to the commonly accepted view.灣原產地按照普遍接受的觀點。

As to the Pentateuch the following view seems plausible, and is now commonly accepted in its broad lines: The Jews in the last two centuries BC were so numerous in Egypt, especially at Alexandria, that at a certain time they formed two-fifths of the entire population.至於五以下觀點似乎也合情合理,現在普遍接受在其廣泛的方針:猶太人在過去兩百年前是如此眾多的在埃及,特別是在亞歷山德里亞,在一定時間形成五分之二的全部人口。 Little by little most of them ceased to use and even forgot the Hebrew language in great part, and there was a danger of their forgetting the Law.一點一滴其中大部分停止使用,甚至忘了希伯來語中很大一部分,而且是有危險的遺忘規律。 Consequently it became customary to interpret in Greek the Law which was read in the synagogues, and it was quite natural that, after a time, some men zealous for the Law should have undertaken to compile a Greek Translation of the Pentateuch.因此它成為習慣來解釋在希臘的法律是在讀猶太教堂,這是很自然的,經過一段時間,有些人熱心的法應已著手編纂一部希臘翻譯五。 This happened about the middle of the third century BC As to the other Hebrew books -- the prophetical and historical -- it was natural that the Alexandrian Jews, making use of the translated Pentateuch in their liturgical reunions, should desire to read the remaining books also and hence should gradually have translated all of them into Greek, which had become their maternal language; this would be so much the more likely as their knowledge of Hebrew was diminishing daily.這件事的中間公元前三世紀至於其他希伯萊文書籍-的預言和歷史-這是自然的亞歷山大猶太人,利用翻譯五在其禮儀相逢,應該讀的願望,其餘書籍因此也應逐步翻譯都到希臘,這已經成為他們的產婦語言;這將是這麼多就越有可能作為其知識的希伯來文是每天遞減。 It is not possible to determine accurately the precise time or the occasions on which these different translations were made; but it is certain that the Law, the Prophets, and at least part of the other books, that is, the hagiographies, existed in Greek before the year 130 BC, as appears from the prologue of Ecclesiasticus, which does not date later than that year.這是不可能準確地確定確切的時間或場合上,這些不同的翻譯了,但可以確定的是,這項法律,先知,至少有一部分的其他書籍,就是hagiographies ,存在於希臘一年前的130年,因為似乎從序幕的Ecclesiasticus ,這並不日期不遲於這一年。 It is difficult also to say where the various translations were made, the data being so scanty.這是困難的也說那裡的各種翻譯了,數據正在這麼少。 Judging by the Egyptian words and expressions occurring in the version, most of the books must have been translated in Egypt and most likely in Alexandria; Esther however was translated in Jerusalem (XI, i).從埃及的詞語出現的版本,大多數的圖書必須已經被翻譯在埃及和最有可能在亞歷山大;埃斯特翻譯然而在耶路撒冷(十一,我) 。

Who were the translators and how many?誰是翻譯,以及有多少人? Is there any foundation for their number, seventy or seventy-two, as given in the legendary account (Brassac-Vigouroux, n. 105)?沒有任何基礎,其數量,第七十一或72 ,因為給予的傳奇帳戶( Brassac - Vigouroux ,注105 ) ? It seems impossible to decide definitely; the Talmudists tell us that the Pentateuch was translated by five interpreters (Sopherim, ci).這似乎是不可能決定肯定;的Talmudists告訴我們,五是由五個翻譯口譯( Sopherim ,詞) 。 History gives us no details; but an examination of the text shows that in general that the authors were not Palestinian Jews called to Egypt; and differences of terminology, method, etc. prove clearly that the translators were not the same for the different books.歷史給了我們沒有的細節,但考試的文字表明,在一般的作者並沒有所謂的巴勒斯坦猶太人埃及;和分歧的術語,方法等證明明確指出,翻譯是不相同的不同的書籍。 It is impossible also to say whether the work was carried out officially or was merely a private undertaking, as seems to have been the case with Ecclesiasticus; but the different books when translated were soon put together -- the author of Ecclesiasticus knew the collection -- and were received as official by the Greek-speaking Jews.這是不可能也說的工作是否進行了正式或僅僅是一個私人的事業,因為似乎已經如此Ecclesiasticus ;但不同的圖書翻譯時,很快把-作者E cclesiasticus知道收集- -並作為正式收到由希臘講猶太人。



The Greek version, known as the Septuagint, welcomed by the Alexandrian Jews, spread quickly throughout the countries in which Greek was spoken; it was utilized by different writers, and supplanted the original text in liturgical services.希臘版本,被稱為七十,歡迎亞歷山大猶太人,全國各地迅速蔓延的國家中希臘是口語,這是利用不同的作家,並取代原來的文字,禮儀服務。 Philo of Alexandria used it in his writings and looked on the translators as inspired Prophets; it was finally received even by the Jews of Palestine, and was employed notably by Josephus, the Palestinian Jewish historian.斐羅的亞歷山大用它在他的著作,並期待對翻譯的啟發預言,這是最後收到甚至猶太人的巴勒斯坦,並僱用尤其是約瑟夫,巴勒斯坦猶太歷史學家。 We know also that the writers of the New Testament made use of it, borrowing from it most of their citations; it became the Old Testament of the Church and was so highly esteemed by the early Christians that several writers and Fathers declared it to be inspired.我們還知道,作家的新約使用了它,借鑒它大部分的引用;它成為舊約的教會,並因此倍受尊敬的早期基督徒,一些作家和父親宣布,將啟發。 The Christians had recourse to it constantly in their controversies with the Jews, who soon recognized its imperfections, and finally rejected it in favour of the Hebrew text or of more literal translations (Aquila, Theodotion).基督徒求助於它不斷地在其爭論的猶太人,誰很快承認其不完善之處,並最終拒絕了贊成票,希伯來文的文字或更多的字面翻譯(雕, Theodotion ) 。

Critical corrections of Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius關鍵更正奧利,呂西安和赫西基奧斯

On account of its diffusion alone the hellenizing Jews and early Christians, copies of the Septuagint were multiplied; and as might be expected, many changes, deliberate as well as involuntary, crept in. The necessity of restoring the text as far as possible to its pristine purity was felt.論到其擴散僅hellenizing猶太人和早期基督教徒,副本被乘以七十;和可以預料,許多變化,蓄意以及自願,悄悄進來的必要性恢復的文字盡可能其原始的純度感到。 The following is a brief account of the attempted corrections:以下是簡要說明企圖更正:

A. Origen reproduced the Septuagint text in the fifth column of his Hexapla; marking with obeli the texts that occurred in the Septuagint without being in the original; adding according to Theodotion's version, and distinguishing with asterisks and metobeli the texts of the original which were not in the Septuagint; adopting from the variants of the Greek Version the texts which were closest to the Hebrew; and, finally, transposing the text where the order of the Septuagint did not correspond with the Hebrew order.字母a.奧利轉載文字的譯本中的第五縱隊,他Hexapla ;與obeli標記的文本發生在七十,而在原來的;增加據Theodotion的版本,並以星號區分和metobeli文本的原始其中不是七十;通過從不同的希臘版本的案文是最接近希伯來文; ,並最終轉文在那裡的順序七十不符合希伯來秩序。 His recension, copied by Pamphilus and Eusebius, is called the hexaplar, to distinguish it from the version previously employed and which is called the common, vulgate, koine, or ante-hexaplar.他recension ,複製的Pamphilus和優西比烏,被稱為hexaplar ,以區別於以前的版本,並採用所謂的共同點,大麥, koine ,或產前hexaplar 。 It was adopted in Palestine.這是通過在巴勒斯坦。

B. St. Lucien, priest of Antioch and martyr, in the beginning of the fourth century, published an edition corrected in accordance with the hebrew; this retained the name of koine, vulgate edition, and is sometimes called Loukianos, after its author.灣聖。呂西安,牧師安提阿和烈士,在年初的四世紀,發表了一篇版更正按照希伯來文,這保留的名稱koine ,大麥版,並有時被稱為Loukianos後,其作者。 In the time of St. Jerome it was in use at Constantinople and Antioch.在規定的時間內,聖杰羅姆是在使用君士坦丁堡和安提阿。 C. Finally, Hesychius, an Egyptian bishop, published about the same time, a new recension, employed chiefly in Egypt.角最後,赫西基奧斯,埃及主教,出版大約在同一時間,一個新的recension ,就業主要是在埃及。


The three most celebrated manuscripts of the Septuagint known are the Vatican, "Codex Vaticanus" (fourth century); the Alexandrian, "Codex Alexandrinus" (fifth century), now in the British Museum, London; and that of Sinai, "Codex Sinaiticus" (fourth century), found by Tischendorf in the convent of St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, in 1844 and 1849, now part at Leipzig and in part in St.這三個最有名的手稿的譯本稱為是梵蒂岡, “法典Vaticanus ” (第四世紀) ;的亞歷山大, “法典頸” ( 5世紀) ,現在在大英博物館,倫敦;和西奈半島, “法典西奈抄本“ (四世紀) ,發現提申多夫在修道院的聖凱瑟琳,在西奈山,在1844年和1849年,目前在萊比錫部分,一部分是在聖 Petersburg; they are all written in uncials.聖彼得堡;他們都寫在uncials 。

The "Codex Vaticanus" is the purest of the three; it generally gives the more ancient text, while the "Codex Alexandrinus" borrows much from the hexaplar text and is changed according to the Massoretic text (The "Codex Vaticanus" is referred to by the letter B; the "Codex Alexandrinus" by the letter A, and the "Codex Sinaiticus" by the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet Aleph or by S). The Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris possesses also an important palimpsest manuscript of the Septuagint, the "Codex Ephraemi rescriptus" (designated by the letter C), and two manuscripts of less value (64 and 114), in cursives, one belonging to the tenth or eleventh century and the other to the thirteenth (Bacuez and Vigouroux, 12th ed., n. 109).該“法典Vaticanus ”是最純淨的三個;一般給予更古老的文字,而“法典頸”借用太多的hexaplar文字和改變根據Massoretic文本(以下簡稱“規範Vaticanus ”是指由信B組;的“法典頸”的信中,和“法典西奈抄本”的首字母的希伯來文字母表麻原彰晃或用S ) 。在國家圖書館在巴黎擁有也是一個重要的重寫手稿的譯本,在“法典Ephraemi rescriptus ” (指定的字母C )和兩名手稿的價值不大( 64和114 ) ,在cursives ,一個屬於第十次或11世紀和其他的第十三屆( Bacuez和Vigouroux ,第12版。 ,注109 ) 。

Printed Editions印刷版

All the printed editions of the Septuagint are derived from the three recensions mentioned above.所有的印刷版的譯本是來自三個recensions上述。

The editio princeps is the Complutensian or that of Alcalá. editio顫的是Complutensian或阿爾卡拉。 It was from Origen's hexaplar text; printer in 1514-18, it was not published till it appeared in the Polyglot of Cardinal Ximenes in 1520.這是由俄利根的hexaplar文字;打印機在1514年至1518年,它沒有公佈,直到出現了多元的樞機主教希梅內斯在1520年。

The Aldine edition (begun by Aldus Manucius) appeared at Venice in 1518.該Aldine版( Aldus開始Manucius )出現在威尼斯在1518年。 The text is purer than that of the Complutensian edition, and is closer to Codex B.案文是純比Complutensian版,並接近法典灣 The editor says he collated ancient manuscripts but does not specify them. It has been reprinted several times.編輯說,他整理古代手稿,但沒有具體說明他們。已重印了好幾次。

The most important edition is the Roman or Sixtine, which reproduces the "Codex Vaticanus" almost exclusively.最重要的版本是羅馬或Sixtine ,其中抄錄了“法典Vaticanus ”幾乎完全。 It was published under the direction of Cardinal Caraffa, with the help of various savants, in 1586, by the authority of Sixtus V, to assist the revisers who were preparing the Latin Vulgate edition ordered by the Council of Trent.這是出版的指導下Caraffa紅衣主教的幫助下,各學者,在1586年,由權威的西斯五,協助審校誰準備的拉丁語武加大版下令理事會的遄達。 It has become the textus receptus of the Greek Old Testament and has had many new editions, such as that of Holmes and Pearsons (Oxford, 1798-1827), the seven editions of Tischendorf, which appeared at Leipzig between 1850 and 1887, the last two, published after the death of the author and revised by Nestle, the four editions of Swete (Cambridge, 1887-95, 1901, 1909), etc.它已成為textus receptus希臘舊約,並有許多新版本,如霍姆斯和Pearsons (牛津, 1798年至1827年) ,七個版本的提申多夫,似乎在萊比錫與1887年和1850年的最後2 ,出版後死亡的作者和修訂了雀巢公司,這四個版本的Swete (劍橋, 1887年至1895年, 1901年, 1909年)等

Grabe's edition was published at Oxford, from 1707 to 1720, and reproduced, but imperfectly, the "Codex Alexandrinus" of London. Grabe的版本是在牛津大學出版, 1707至20年,複製,但不完美的“法典頸”的倫敦。 For partial editions, see Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", 1643 sqq.部分版本,見Vigouroux , “快譯通。德拉魯阿聖經” , 1643 sqq 。


Critical Value臨界值

The Septuagint Version, while giving exactly as to the form and substance the true sense of the Sacred Books, differs nevertheless considerably from our present Hebrew text.版本的譯本,同時完全一樣的形式和內容的真正意義上的聖書,但大大的不同從我們目前的希伯來文。 These discrepancies, however, are not of great importance and are only matters of interpretation.這些差異,但並不非常重要,只有問題的解釋。 They may be thus classified: Some result from the translators having had at their disposal Hebrew recensions differing from those which were know to the Massoretes; sometimes the texts varied, at others the texts were identical, but they were read in different order.他們可能會因此歸類:有些因翻譯不得不在其希伯來文recensions處置不同於那些知道的Massoretes ,有時不同的文本,在其他的文本是相同的,但他們在不同的閱讀秩序。 Other discrepancies are due to the translators personally; not to speak of the influence exerted on their work by their methods of interpretation, the inherent difficulties of the work, their greater or less knowledge of Greek and Hebrew, they now and then translated differently from the Massoretes, because they read the texts differently; that was natural, for, Hebrew being written in square characters, and certain consonants being very similar in form, it was easy to confound them occasionally and so give an erroneous translation; moreover, their Hebrew text being written without any spacing between the various words, they could easily make a mistake in the separation of the words; finally, as the Hebrew text at their disposal contained no vowels, they might supply different vowels from those used later by the Massoretes.其他的差異是由於翻譯的個人;不談論施加影響他們的工作方法的解釋,固有的困難的工作,他們更多的或更少的知識希臘和希伯來文,他們現在然後翻譯不同於Massoretes ,因為他們閱讀的文本不同,這是自然的,為文,希伯來文寫在方字,和某些輔音非常相似的形式,很容易混淆他們,因此偶爾給一個錯誤的翻譯;此外,他們的希伯來文目前沒有任何書面間距不同的話,他們可以很容易犯錯誤的分離的話,最後的希伯來文在處置中沒有元音,他們可能會提供不同的元音從這些使用後的Massoretes 。 Again, we must not think that we have at present the Greek text exactly as it was written by the translators; the frequent transcriptions during the early centuries, as well as the corrections and editions of Origen, Lucian, and Hesychius impaired the purity of the text: voluntarily or involuntarily the copyists allowed many textual corruptions, transpositions, additions, and omissions to creep into the primitive text of the Septuagint.同樣,我們絕不能認為我們目前的希臘文字正是因為它是書面的翻譯;頻繁抄錄在世紀初,以及更正和版本的奧利,呂西安和赫西基奧斯受損的純潔性文字:自願或非自願的copyists使許多文本腐敗, transpositions ,增加和遺漏蠕變到原始文字的譯本。 In particular we may note the addition of parallel passages, explanatory notes, or double translations caused by marginal notes.特別是,我們可以注意到,除了平行的通道,解釋性說明,或雙重翻譯所造成的旁注。 On this consult Dict.在此徵求快譯通。 de la Bible, art.德拉魯阿聖經,藝術。 cit., and Swete, "An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek".前。 ,並Swete “ ,介紹舊約希臘” 。


Everyone admits that the Septuagint Version was made in popular Greek, the koine dislektos.每個人都承認,七十版本是在希臘最受歡迎的koine dislektos 。 But is the Greek of the Old Testament a special idiom?但是,希臘舊約一個特殊的成語? Many authorities assert that it is, though they disagree as to its real character. The "Dict. de la Bible", sv Grec biblique, asserts that it was "the hebraicizing Greek spoken by the Jewish community at Alexandria", the popular Greek of Alexandria "with a very large admixture of Hebraicisms".許多當局聲稱,這是,儘管他們同意就其真正的性質。的“快譯通。德拉魯阿聖經” ,希沃特Grec biblique ,聲稱它是“ hebraicizing所講希臘語的猶太人社區在亞歷山大” ,希臘民眾的亞歷山大“的一個非常大的混合物Hebraicisms ” 。 The same dictionary, sv Septante, mentions the more recent opinion of Deissmann that the Greek of the Septuagint is merely the ordinary vernacular Greek, the pure koine of the time.同樣的字典,希沃特Septante ,提到了最近的意見Deissmann ,希臘的譯本只是普通的白話希臘,純koine的時間。 Deissmann bases his theory on the perfect resemblance of the language of the Septuagint and that of the papyri and the inscriptions of the same age; he believes that the syntactical peculiarities of the Septuagint, which at first sight seem to favour the theory of a special language, a hebraicizing Greek, are sufficiently explained by the fact that the Septuagint is a Greek translation of Hebrew books. Deissmann他的理論基礎上的完美相似的語言的譯本,並在紙莎草紙和銘文相同的年齡;他認為,句法特點的譯本,這乍一看似乎贊成理論的一個特殊語言一個hebraicizing希臘語,有足夠的解釋的事實是,七十是希臘翻譯希伯萊文書籍。

Publication information Written by A. Vander Heeren.出版信息撰稿,由A.范德麒麟大廈。 Transcribed by Nick Austriaco.轉錄由尼克Austriaco 。 Dedicated with gratitude to God to the Catholic Fellowship of MIT The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.專用感謝上帝天主教聯誼會麻省理工學院的天主教百科全書,卷十三。 Published 1912. 1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat , 1912年2月1號。 Remy Lafort, DD, Censor. Imprimatur.雷米Lafort ,日,檢查員。認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約

The Authorized Version核定版本

Catholic Information 天主教新聞

Name given to the English translation of the Bible produced by the Commission appointed by James I, and in consequence often spoken of as "King James's Bible".考慮到名稱的英文翻譯聖經所產生的委員會任命的詹姆斯一世,並因此常常談到的“國王詹姆斯的聖經” 。 It is in general use among English-speaking non-Catholics.這是一般使用英語為母語非天主教徒。 In order to understand its origin and history, a brief survey is necessary of the earlier English translations of the Scriptures.為了了解它的起源和歷史,一個簡短的調查是必要的早期英語翻譯的聖經。 From very early times portions of the Bible have been translated into English.從很早就倍部分聖經已被翻譯成英文。 It is well known that Venerable Bede was finishing a translation of St. John's Gospel on his deathbed.眾所周知,法師比德是整理翻譯聖約翰福音他的臨終。 But the history of the English Bible as a whole does not go back nearly so far; it dates from the so-called Wyclif Version, believed to have been completed about the year 1380.但是,歷史的英文聖經作為一個整體不回去近迄今為止,它的日期從所謂的威克里夫版本,相信已完成約1380年。 The translation was made from the Vulgate as it then existed, that is before the Sixtine and Clementine revisions, and was well and accurately done. Abbot Gasquet contends confidently (The Old English Bible, 102 sqq.) that it was in reality of Catholic origin, and not due to Wyclif at all; at any rate it seems fairly certain that he had no share in any part of it except the Gospels, even if he had in these; and there is evidence that copies of the whole were in the hands of good Catholics, and were read by them.翻譯是從拉丁文聖經,因為它當時存在的,這是前Sixtine和克萊門汀的修訂,並十分準確地完成。艾博特加斯凱爭辯滿懷信心地(舊英文聖經, 102 sqq 。 )這是在現實中的天主教原產地,而不是由於威克里夫所有;在任何速度似乎相當肯定,他沒有分享任何部分以外的福音,即使他在這些;而且有證據表明,副本,整個手中良好的天主教徒,並宣讀了他們。 The version, however, undoubtedly derived its chief importance from the use made of it by Wyclif and the Lollards, and it is in this connection that it is chiefly remembered.該版本,但是,毫無疑問,其主要來源的重要性使用了它的威克里夫和Lollards ,它在這方面,主要是懷念。 During the progress of the Reformation a number of English versions appeared, translated for the most part not from the Vulgate, but from the original Hebrew and Greek.在進步的改革的一些英文版本出現,翻譯的大部分不是從武加大,但是從原來的希伯來文和希臘文。 Of these the most famous were Tyndale's Bible (1525); Coverdale's Bible (1535); Matthews' Bible (1537); Cromwell's, or the "Great Bible" (1539), the second and subsequent editions of which were known as Cranmer's Bible; the Geneva Bible (1557-60); and the Bishop's Bible (1568).這些最有名的是丁道爾的聖經( 1525 ) ;代爾的聖經( 1535 ) ;馬修斯'聖經( 1537 ) ;克倫威爾的,或“大聖經” ( 1539年) ,第二個及以後的版本,其中被稱為克蘭麥的聖經;日內瓦聖經( 1557年至1560年) ;和主教的聖經( 1568 ) 。 The art of printing being by this time known, copies of all these circulated freely among the people.藝術印刷正在這個時候眾所周知,副本發給所有這些自由的人。 That there was much good and patient work in them, none will deny; but they were marred by the perversion of many passages, due to the theological bias of the translators; and they were used on all sides to serve the cause of Protestantism.這有很多很好的和耐心的工作,他們,沒有人會否認,但他們受到歪曲的許多段落,由於神學偏見的翻譯; ,他們使用的所有各方的事業服務新教。

In order to counteract the evil effects of these versions, the Catholics determined to produce one of their own.為了抵制邪惡的影響,這些版本中,天主教徒確定生產的一個自己。 Many of them were then living at various centres on the Continent, having been forced to leave England on account of the Penal Laws, and the work was undertaken by the members of Allen's College, at Douai, in Flanders, which was for a time transferred to Reims.他們中的許多人當時生活在各中心的大陸,而被迫離開英格蘭到了刑事法律,有關工作是由成員艾倫的大學生,在杜埃,在佛蘭德,這是今後一個時期轉移以蘭斯。 The result was the Reims New Testament (1582) and the Douay Bible (1609-10).其結果是蘭斯新約( 1582 )和Douay聖經(一六○九年至1610年) 。 The translation was made from the Vulgate, and although accurate, was sadly deficient in literary form, and so full of Latinisms as to be in places hardly intelligible. Indeed, a few years later, Dr. William Fulke, a well-known Puritan controversialist, brought out a book in which the text of the Bishops' Bible and the Reims Testament were printed in parallel columns, with the sole purpose of discrediting the latter.翻譯是從拉丁文聖經,雖然準確,是可悲的不足,文學形式,所以充分的Latinisms作為將在地方很難理解。事實上,幾年之後,威廉Fulke ,一個眾所周知的清教徒controversialist ,帶出一本書,其中的文本主教團聖經舊約的蘭斯印刷平行柱,其唯一目的是詆毀了後者。 In this he did not altogether succeed, and it is now generally conceded that the Douay Bible contained much excellent and scholarly work, its very faults being due to over-anxiety not to sacrifice accuracy.在此,他不完全成功,現在人們普遍承認, Douay聖經載有許多優秀的和學術工作,其本身的故障是由於過度焦慮不犧牲精度。 In the meantime the Protestants were becoming dissatisfied with their own versions, and soon after his accession King James I appointed a commission of revision--the only practical outcome of the celebrated Hampton Court Conferences.與此同時,新教徒已成為不滿意自己的版本,不久後,他加入國王詹姆斯一世任命了一個委員會修訂-唯一的實際成果慶祝漢普頓法院會議。 The commissioners, who numbered forty-seven, were divided into six companies, two of which sat at Oxford, Cambridge, and Westminster, respectively; each company undertook a definite portion of the Bible, and its work was afterwards revised by a select committee chosen from the whole body.委員,誰編號為47 ,分為6家公司,其中兩個坐在牛津,劍橋,和威斯敏斯特大教堂,分別每家公司進行了明確的部分聖經,其工作是修訂後的一個專責委員會的選擇從整個身體。 The instructions for their procedure were, to take the Bishops' Bible, which was in use in the churches, as their basis, correcting it by a comparison with the Hebrew and Greek texts.這些指示的程序,採取主教團聖經,這是在使用中的教堂,因為他們的基礎上,糾正它的比較與希伯來文和希臘文。 They were also given a list of other English versions which they were to consult.他們還獲得一份列出其他英文版本他們進行協商。 The commissioners set to work in 1607, and completed their labours in the short period of two years and nine months, the result being what is now known as the "Authorized Version".委員們將在1607年的工作,並完成了他們的勞動在短期內兩年零九個月,結果被現在的所謂的“授權版本” 。 Although at first somewhat slow in gaining general acceptance, the Authorized Version has since become famous as a masterpiece of English literature.雖然第一次有些緩慢獲得普遍接受,授權版本已經成為有名的傑作英語文學作品。 The first edition appeared in 1611, soon after the Douay Bible; and although this latter was not one of the versions named in the instructions to the revisers, it is understood that it had considerable influence on them (see Preface to Revised Version, i, 2. Also, JG Carleton, "Rheims and the English Bible").第一版出現在1611年,後不久Douay聖經; ,儘管後者不是一個版本命名的指示審校理解的是,它有相當大的影響(見前言修訂版本,我2 。此外, JG查爾頓, “蘭斯和英文聖經” ) 。

The Authorized Version was printed in the usual form of chapters and verses, and before each chapter a summary of its contents was prefixed.授權版印刷通常形式的章節和詩句,並在每章的摘要的內容是前綴。 No other extraneous matter was permitted, except some marginal explanations of the meaning of certain Hebrew or Greek words, and a number of cross-references to other parts of the Scripture.沒有任何其他不相干的問題是允許的,但一些邊緣解釋的含義某些希伯來文或希臘字,和一些相互參照其他地方的聖經。 At the beginning was placed a dedication to King James and a short "Address to the Reader".開始時是把奉獻國王詹姆斯和短期“地址的讀者。 ” Books such as Ecclesiasticus, and Machabees, and Tobias, which are considered by Protestants to be apocryphal, were of course omitted.圖書,如Ecclesiasticus ,並Machabees ,並托拜厄斯,這是新教徒認為是未經當然省略。 Although it was stated on the title-page that the Authorized Version was "appointed to be read in the Churches", in fact it came into use only gradually.雖然有人指出的標題頁的授權版本是“被指定為閱讀教會” ,事實上,它投入使用才逐漸。 For the Epistles and Gospels, it did not displace the Bishops' Version until the revision of the Liturgy in 1661; and for the Psalms, that version has been retained to the present day; for it was found that the people were so accustomed to singing it that any change was inadvisable, if not impossible.對於書信和福音,但它並沒有取代主教版本,直至修訂在1661年聖禮;和詩篇,該版本一直保留至今;的發現,人們習慣於這樣唱它的任何變化是不可取的,甚至是不可能的。 Considerable changes were made, from time to time, in the successive editions of the Authorized Version, in the notes and references, and some even in the text.相當大的變化作了發言,不時在歷屆版本的授權版本,在說明和參考資料,有的甚至在文本中。 A system of chronology based chiefly on the calculations of Archbishop Ussher was first inserted in 1701; but in many later editions both the dates and many, or even all, of the references or verbal notes have been omitted.系統的主要年表基礎上計算的大主教Ussher首次列入1701年,但在許多後來的版本的日期和許多,甚至所有的參考或口頭筆記已刪去。

It is generally admitted that the Authorized Version was in almost every respect a great improvement on any of its predecessors.人們普遍承認,被授權版本幾乎在每一個方面有了很大改進對任何其前任。 So much was this the case that when Bishop Challoner made his revision of the Douay Bible (1749-52), which is now commonly in use among English-speaking Catholics, he did not scruple to borrow largely from it.這麼多這個情況,當主教林作了修訂Douay聖經( 1749年至1752年) ,這是現在普遍使用的英語為母語的天主教徒,他沒有顧忌借款主要來自它。 Indeed, Cardinal Newman gives it as his opinion (Tracts Theol. and Eccles., 373) that Challoner's revision was even nearer to the Authorized Version than to the original Douay, "not in grammatical structure, but in phraseology and diction".事實上,紅衣主教紐曼賦予它作為他的意見(大港Theol 。與埃克爾斯。 , 373 )認為林的修訂,甚至接近授權版本比原來的Douay “ ,而不是在語法結構,但在措辭和文辭” 。 Nevertheless, there remained in the Authorized Version here and there traces of controversial prejudice, as for example, in the angel's salutation to the Blessed Virgin Mary, the words "highly favoured" being a very imperfect rendering of the original.儘管如此,仍然留在授權版本在這裡和那裡的痕跡有爭議的偏見,例如,在天使的稱呼的聖母瑪利亞,改為“高度贊同”作為一個非常完美的渲染的原始。 In such cases, needless to say, Challoner adhered to the Douay.在這種情況下,不用說,林堅持Douay 。 Moreover, while in the Authorized Version the names of persons and places were usually given in an anglicized form already in use, derived from the Hebrew spelling, Challoner nearly always kept the Vulgate names, which come originally from the Septuagint.此外,雖然在版本授權的人的姓名和地點通常是在一個特定anglicized形式已在使用中,來自希伯來文的拼寫,林幾乎始終保持名字的拉丁文聖經,這是原來從七十。 It is partly due to this that the Authorized Version has an unfamiliar sound to Catholic ears.這部分是由於這一點,授權版本有一個陌生的聲音天主教的耳朵。 The Authorized Version remained in undisputed possession for the greater part of three centuries, and became part of the life of the people.授權版本仍然擁有無可爭議的更大的一部分三個世紀,並成為一部分人民的生活。 In the latter half of the nineteenth century, however, it began to be considered that the progress of science called for a new version which should embrace the results of modern research.在下半年的19世紀,但是,它開始認為,科學進步的要求建立一個新的版本應該接受的結果,現代研究。 The work was set on foot by Convocation in 1870, and a Committee was formed, in which the Americans co-operated, resulting in the issue of the Revised Version (1881-84).這項工作是建立步行由評議會在1870年,並成立委員會,其中美國人共同經營,從而導致問題的修訂版本( 1881年至1884年) 。 The Revised Version has never received any definite ecclesiastical sanction, nor has it been officially introduced into church use. It has made its way simply on its merits.修訂版從未收到任何明確的教會的制裁,也沒有被正式引進堂使用。它作出了這樣簡單的是非曲直。 But although at the present day it is much used by students, for the general public (non-Catholic) the Authorized Version still holds its ground, and shows no sign of losing its popularity.不過,雖然目前每天有很多學生使用的,為一般公眾(非天主教)授權版本仍然地面,並沒有跡象顯示失去其受歡迎程度。

Publication information Written by Bernard Ward.出版信息撰稿:伯納德區。 Transcribed by Janet Grayson. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume II.轉錄由珍妮格雷森。天主教百科全書,第二卷。 Published 1907. 1907年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, 1907. Nihil Obstat , 1907年。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.雷米Lafort ,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur.認可。 +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰M法利,大主教紐約

Bible Manuscripts聖經手稿

Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料

By this term are designated handwritten copies and codices of the Hebrew Bible as a whole, or of several books arranged in groups according to a certain order (see Bible Canon), or of single books. Sometimes, though not often, they contain collections of detached prophetic selections (see Hafṭarah), generally in connection with the Pentateuch (see Strack, "Zeitschrift für die Gesammte Lutherische Theologie und Kirche," 1875, p. 594).通過這一長期被指定的手寫副本和codices希伯來聖經作為一個整體,或幾本書安排在團體按一定順序(見聖經佳能) ,或單一的圖書。有時候,雖然不是經常,它們包含收藏離預言的選擇(見Hafṭarah ) ,一般與五(見施特拉克“雜誌死於Gesammte Lutherische神學與教會” , 1875年,第594名) 。 A distinction is made between manuscripts intended for use in the synagogue and in public reading and those for private purposes.作了區分手稿打算用於在猶太教堂和公共閱讀和那些為私人目的。 Originally both the sacred or public copies and the private or profane were in the shape of scrolls, this being the only style of book-making known to antiquity.原來這兩個神聖的副本或公共和私營或褻瀆了形狀的捲軸,這是唯一的風格書籍的決策已知文物。 After the leaved form of books came into vogue (from the fourth century of the common era), adherence to the ancestral model was insisted on in the case of those reserved for holy uses at public worship.在闊葉形式的書籍開始流行(從四世紀的共同時代) ,遵守祖先的模型,堅持的情況下所保留的神聖利用在公共崇拜。 While demanded only for the Pentateuch and the Book of Esther, this conformity must, as the name indicates, have been at one time exacted also for the four remaining Megillot, read as lessons on certain festivals.雖然要求不僅對五和以斯帖記,這符合必須的名稱所示,已在同一時間也付出其餘的四個Megillot ,閱讀的經驗對某些節日。 Why they and the collections of the Hafṭarot ceased to conform to the historical model can not be ascertained.為什麼他們和收藏的Hafṭarot停止順應歷史模型無法確定。

Rules for Writing.規則的寫作。

The Pentateuch and Esther, when designated for synagogal use, are required to be written with scrupulous attention to rules laid down in the Law (see Soferim).在五和Esther ,當指定的synagogal使用,都必須有嚴格的書面注意規則所規定的法律(見Soferim ) 。 They must be written in square characters (, also known as ; see Alphabet), without vowel-points and accents, on parchment made from the hides of "clean" animals, which, when duly prepared, are sewn together by threads of the same origin.他們必須是書面的方字符(也稱為見字母) ,而元音點和口音,在羊皮紙從隱藏的“乾淨”的動物,其中,在適當的準備,是縫在一起的線程在同一原產地。 If four mistakes are found in one column, or a single error is discovered in the "open" and "closed" sections of the Law, or in the arrangements of the metrical portions, the whole copy is rendered unfit for use () and must be buried.如果四個錯誤是在一列,或一個錯誤是發現了“開放”和“封閉”章節的規定,或安排的韻律部分,整個副本作出不宜使用( ) ,必須被埋葬。 Great age-through long use, and exposure to climatic and other influences involving decay and other imperfections-is among the causes which render a copy unserviceable; and this circumstance explains why very old copies are not found. The manuscripts intended for private use vary considerably in size, material, and character.偉大的時代,通過長期使用和接觸到的氣候和其他影響涉及衰變和其他缺陷,是原因之一,這使無用的副本;和這種情況解釋了為什麼很老份數未找到。手稿作私人使用有很大的不同在規模,物力和性質。 They are in rolls, and in book form-folio, quarto, octavo, and duodecimo.他們在卷,並在書的形式,開本,四,八開本,和十二開。 Some are written on parchment, some on leather, others on paper; some in square characters, others in rabbinical (the latter only in modern times).有些是寫在羊皮紙,一些皮革,其他文件;一些平方米字符,其他猶太教(後者只有在現代倍) 。 They are usually provided with vowel-points, written in a different color from the consonants, which-are always in black.他們通常提供元音點,寫在不同顏色的輔音,其中,總是為黑色。 Initial words or letters are often in gold and silver; some, indeed, are artistically illuminated.初步字或字母往往是在黃金和白銀;一些,實際上是藝術照明。 Sometimes on the inner margins of the columns are given Masoretic notes; the outer ones are reserved for scholia and, in more modern manuscripts, for rabbinical commentaries.有時內在利潤率列有馬所拉的說明;外的是保留給scholia ,並在更現代的手稿,為猶太教評論。 Yemenite manuscripts have usually no columns; and each verse is accompanied by the corresponding verse from the Targum Onkelos and the Arabic translation by Saadia.也門手稿通常不列;和每個詩句是伴隨著相應的詩句從根Onkelos和通過阿拉伯文翻譯Saadia 。 The space at the bottom of the pages is sometimes occupied by the commentary of Rashi.空間底部的網頁有時是被評的Rashi 。

Colophons and Inscriptions. Colophons和碑刻。

Generally, the manuscripts are provided with inscriptions giving the name of the copyist and the dates of writing.一般來說,手稿提供給銘文的名字抄寫的日期書面形式。 Several eras are used in the computation of these dates: that of the creation of the world; that of the Seleucids; that of the destruction of the Temple; and, finally, that of the Babylonian exile (see Era).幾個時代所用的計算這些日期:即建立了世界;是Seleucids ;的破壞廟;最後,在巴比倫流亡(見時代) 。 The age of undated manuscripts is approximatively determined by the ink, the quality of the parchment, the presence or absence of Masoretic notes, and by paleographic signs (See Paleography).年齡日期近似的手稿是確定的墨水,質量的羊皮紙,存在或沒有馬所拉指出,和paleographic的跡象(見古) 。

As indicated above, extant manuscripts are not of very great antiquity.如上所述,現存的手稿不是非常古老。 In addition to the explanation already given, this phenomenon, all the more curious because, according to Jewish law, every Jew ought to have at least one copy in his house, is very plausibly accounted for on the theory advanced by Brian Walton; namely, that with the definitive settlement of the Masorah in the seventh century, many copies must have been discarded because of their infractions of the established Masoretic rules. If Talmud Yerushalmi (Ta'anit lxviii. 1) is to be credited, while the Temple was still standing, standard codices of the Pentateuch were officially recognized.除了已經作出解釋,這種現象,更奇怪的,因為根據猶太法律,每一個猶太人應該至少有一個副本在他的房子,是非常令人信服佔理論先進的布賴恩沃爾頓,即隨著徹底解決Masorah在第七世紀,許多副本必須被丟棄,因為他們違反既定的馬所拉的規則。如果塔木德•耶路莎米( Ta'anit lxviii 。 1 )記入,而廟仍在站立,標準codices的五人正式承認。 These were deposited in the court of the Temple and served as models for accuracy.這些存放在法院寺,並擔任模型的準確性。 According to the passage quoted, three were known by the following names respectively: "Sefer Me'on," so called on account of its reading instead of (Deut. xxxiii. 27); "Sefer Za'aṭuṭe," because of its reading instead of (Ex. xxiv. 5); and "Sefer Hi," because of its reading with a yod in nine passages instead of eleven.根據通過引用,三名被稱為以下名稱分別為: “ Me'on之書” ,所謂的到它的閱讀而不是(申命記三十三。 27 ) ; “之書Za'aṭuṭe ” ,因為其閱讀而不是(出二十四。 5 ) ;和“之書,您好! ” ,因為它讀了yod 9通道而不是11 。 The Masorites, too, seem to have consulted standard manuscripts celebrated for their accuracy in the redaction of the text and in the compilation of the Masoretic glosses.該Masorites ,也似乎已徵詢標準手稿慶祝其準確性編輯的文字和彙編的馬所拉粉飾。 Though none of these has been preserved, the following are referred to as authorities in almost every manuscript of importance:儘管所有這些已保存,以下被稱為當局幾乎在每一個手稿的重要性:

Codex Muggeh,法典Muggeh ,

ie, the corrected Codex: Quoted by the Masorites either by its full title () or simply as "Muggeh" ().也就是說,糾正法典:引用的Masorites通過其完整的標題( )或只是作為“ Muggeh ” ( ) 。

Codex Hilleli ():法典Hilleli ( ) :

The origin of its name is not known.起源它的名字不知道。 According to Zacuto, this codex was written by a certain Hillel at about 600 of the common era.據Zacuto ,這個手抄本的作者是某希勒爾約600共同的時代。 In his Chronicle, compiled about 1500, Zacuto expresses himself as follows:在他的紀事編制約1500 ,表示自己Zacuto如下:

"In the year 4957, on the twenty-eighth of Ab (Aug. 14, 1197), there was a great persecution of the Jews in the kingdom of Leon at the hand of the two kingdoms that came to besiege it. At that time they removed thence the twenty-four sacred books which were written about 600 years before. They were written by R. Hillel ben Moses ben Hillel, and hence his name was given to the codex, which was called 'Hilleli.' “在4957年,在第二十八屆的抗體( 1197年8月14日) ,存在著很大的迫害猶太人的王國萊昂在手的兩個王國來到圍攻它。當時然後,他們拆除了24神聖的書籍寫大約600年前。他們撰寫的河希勒爾本摩西本希勒爾,因此他的名字給抄本,這是所謂的' Hilleli 。 It was exceedingly correct; and all other codices were revised after it. I saw the remaining two parts of it, containing the Former and Latter Prophets, written in large and beautiful characters; these had been brought by the exiles to Portugal and sold at Bugia in Africa, where they still are, having been written about 900 years ago. Kimḥi in his grammar on Num. x. 4 says that the Pentateuch of the Hillel Codex was extant in Toledo."這是非常正確的;和所有其他codices進行了修訂之後。我看到了剩下的兩個部分,其中載有前和後先知,寫在大和美麗的字符;這些已提請由流亡到葡萄牙和銷售Bugia在非洲,在那裡他們仍然是,在被寫入約900年前。 Kimḥi在語法上序號。十,四說,五的希勒爾現存的法典是在托萊多。 “

Codex Sanbuki:法典Sanbuki :

Frequently quoted in the Masorah Parva, and highly praised for its accuracy by Menahem de Lonzano in his "Or Torah."經常在Masorah魚,並高度評價其準確性梅納海姆德Lonzano在他的“或者聖經” 。 According to Christian D. Ginsburg, the name of this codex is derived from "Zambuki" on the Tigris, to which community it belonged.根據基督教D.金斯伯格,這個抄本是來自“ Zambuki ”的底格里斯河,其中屬於社會。

Codex Yerushalmi:法典•耶路莎米:

As attested by Ḳimḥi ("Miklol," ed. Fürth, 1793, p. 184b), the codex was for many years in Saragossa, and was extensively used by the grammarian and lexicographer Ibn Janaḥ.作為證明Ḳimḥi ( “ Miklol , ”版。菲爾特, 1793年,第184b ) ,食品法典委員會是多年來在薩拉戈薩,並廣泛使用的grammarian和詞典編纂本Janaḥ 。 It is often quoted in the Masorah as exhibiting a different orthography from that of the Codex Hilleli.人們常常引用的Masorah作為展出了來自不同的正字法的法典Hilleli 。

Codex Jericho, also called Jericho Pentateuch ():法典傑里科,也稱為傑里科五( ) :

The name seems to imply that the manuscript embraced only the Pentateuch.的名字似乎暗示手稿擁抱只有五。 It is mentioned by Elijah Levita, in "Shibre Luḥot," as most reliable for the accents.這是所提到的以利亞Levita ,在“ Shibre Luḥot , ”作為最可靠的口音。

Codex Sinai ():西奈法典( ) :

Many opinions exist as to the derivation of its name.許多意見存在的推導其名稱。 The most plausible is that it was derived from "Mount Sinai," just as the codices Jericho and Yerushalmi denote the places of their origin.最可信的是,這是來自“西奈山” ,就像codices傑里科和•耶路莎米指的地方其原籍。 It is mentioned in the Masorah, and is also cited by Elijah Levita in his work quoted above.這是中提到的Masorah ,也提到以利亞Levita在他的上述工作。

Codex Great Maḥzor ():食品法典大Maḥzor ( ) :

This probably contained the annual or triennial cycle ("Maḥzor") of lessons to be read on week-days, Sabbaths, feasts, and fasts; hence its name.這可能載有年度或三年週期( “ Maḥzor ” )的經驗來閱讀的一周內,安息日,節日和齋戒,因此它的名稱。

Codex Ezra:法典以斯拉:

Quoted in the Masorah Parva.引用在Masorah魚。 A manuscript professing to be a copy of this codex is in the possession of Christian D. Ginsburg.手稿信奉要複製此抄本是擁有的基督教D.金斯伯格。

Codex Babylon ():巴比倫法典( ) :

Differences (, "ḥillufin") existed between the Western schools (), the chief seat of which was Tiberias, and the Eastern (), the principal centers of which were Nehardea and Sura, in the reading of many passages; this codex gives the Eastern recension (see Masorah). Another standard codex which served as a model at the time of Maimonides was that written in the tenth century by the renowned Masorite Aaron ben Moses ben Asher of Tiberias (compare Maimonides, "Yad," Sefer Torah, viii. 4).差異( “ ḥillufin ” )之間存在著西方學校( )的首席座位的是太巴列和東( ) ,中心的主要其中Nehardea和蘇拉,在讀的許多段落,這使法典東歐recension (見Masorah ) 。另一個標準法典,作為一種模式的時候邁蒙尼德是寫10世紀由著名的Masorite阿倫本摩西本舍的太巴列(比較邁蒙尼德, “亞德瓦, ”聖經之書,八。 4 ) 。 This codex was for a long time believed to be identical with that preserved in the synagogue at Aleppo (Jacob Saphir, , i. 12b; Grätz, in "Monatsschrift," 1871, p. 6; 1887, p. 30; Strack, "Prolegomena Critica," pp. 44-46).這抄本是很長一段時間被認為相同的保存在猶太教堂在阿勒頗(雅各布Saphir ,島12B條;格拉茨,在“月刊” , 1871年,第6頁; 1887年,第30頁;施特拉克“批判緒論“ ,頁。 44-46 ) 。 [EN Adler ("Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," p. 130) argues that the Aleppo Codex is a copy, not the original; but Wickes ("Hebrew Accentuation," Preface, p. vii., Oxford, 1887) makes it clear that "the statement assigning the codex to (Aaron ben Moses) Ben-Asher is a fabrication." [英文阿德勒( “考夫曼Gedenkbuch ” ,第130頁)認為,阿勒頗法典是一個副本,而不是原來的,但威克斯( “希伯來文重讀, ”前言,第vii頁。 ,牛津, 1887年)明確指出, “聲明指派抄本,以(阿倫本摩西)本舍是捏造的。 “ EGH歐洲加沙醫院

Two celebrated manuscripts believed to be very ancient are still extant in Syria.兩個著名的手稿被認為非常古老的現存仍然在敘利亞。 One of these, the Damascus Codex, which, according to the inscription on its title-page (added, however, by a later hand), was written in the third century of the common era, belongs to a Jewish family of Damascus named Parḥi, and is exhibited to the inhabitants on feast-days.其中,在大馬士革法典,其中,根據碑文的標題頁(補充說,不過,後來手) ,寫在第三個世紀的共同時代,屬於一個猶太家庭大馬士革命名Parḥi ,並展示給居民節日天數。 The other is kept in a grotto by the inhabitants of Jobar near Damascus.另一種是保持在洞窟的居民Jobar大馬士革附近。

Number of MSS.一些衛星。

The number of Hebrew Bible manuscripts found in European libraries is considerable.數量希伯來文聖經手稿中發現歐洲圖書館是相當可觀的。 The oldest collection is that in the Imperial Library, St. Petersburg, formerly in the Odessa Biblical Society's library.最早收集的是,在帝國圖書館,聖彼得堡,以前在敖德薩聖經學會的圖書館。 A description of some of these manuscripts was given by Ephraim Moses Pinner in a pamphlet entitled "Prospectus der Alten Hebräischen und Rabbinischen Manuscripte," etc., Odessa, 1845.說明這些手稿是由以法蓮摩西Pinner在了一本小冊子,題為“招股說明書之老Hebräischen與Rabbinischen Manuscripte ”等,敖德薩, 1845年。 A full description by Strack and Harkavy is given in their catalogue. The oldest manuscript of this valuable collection is a Pentateuch brought from Derband (Daghestan), written before 604 of the common era.充分說明了施特拉克和Harkavy給出了他們的產品目錄。最古老的手稿這一寶貴的收集是一個五來自Derband (達吉斯坦) ,前604書面的共同的時代。 It consists of forty-five skins having 226 columns, and is composed of six pieces: (1) Gen. i.-xlvi.它包括45洞有226列,並組成六件: ( 1 )將軍島,四十六。 25, end (9 skins, 52 columns, 51 lines; Taggin by a later hand). 25日,結束( 9洞, 52欄, 51個系; Taggin了以後手) 。 (2) Gen. xlvi. 26-Numbers (24 skins, 134 columns, 50 lines, without Taggin). ( 2 )將軍四十六。 26號( 24洞, 134列, 50行,沒有Taggin ) 。 (3) Deut. ( 3 ) Deut 。 i.-xvii.島,十七。 (4 skins, 21 columns, 51 lines, without Taggin). ( 4獸皮, 21個欄目, 51個系,沒有Taggin ) 。 (4) Deut. ( 4 ) Deut 。 xvii.-xxi. xvii. - 21 。 4 (1 skin, 3 columns, 51 lines). 4 ( 1皮膚, 3欄, 51行) 。 (5) Deut. ( 5 ) Deut 。 xxi. 5-xxiii. 21 。 5二十三。 23 (1 skin, 3 columns, 51 lines). 23 ( 1皮膚, 3欄, 51行) 。 (6) Deut. ( 6 ) Deut 。 xxiii.二十三。 24-end of Deut. 24月底Deut 。 (4 skins, 13 columns, 51 lines). ( 4獸皮, 13個欄目, 51行) 。

The oldest manuscript in book form at the library of St. Petersburg dates from 916.最古老的手稿以圖書形式在圖書館的聖彼得堡從916日期。 It consists of 225 folios, each folio divided lengthwise into two columns with 21 lines to the column, with the exception of folio 1a and folio 224a-b, which exhibit epigraphs.它由225黹,每個開本分為縱向分為兩列線21列,除開本1a和開本224a二,該展覽epigraphs 。 It contains the Latter Prophets.它包含後期先知。 Two lines of Masorah Magna appear in the lower margin of each page; while the Masorah Parva occupies the center space between the columns.兩行Masorah麥格納出現在低利潤的每一頁;而Masorah魚佔據了中心之間的空間欄。 The vowel-points are superlinear in the so-called Babylonian system.該元音點是超所謂的巴比倫系統。 The total number of the Bible manuscripts in the St. Petersburg library is 146.總數聖經手稿在聖彼得堡圖書館是146 。

In Libraries.在圖書館。

The British Museum possesses 165 Bible manuscripts, the oldest of which is the Masoretic Bible written about 820-850.大英博物館擁有165聖經手稿,歷史最悠久的是馬所拉聖經寫820-850 。 This contains the Pentateuch and consists of 186 folios, 55 of which were at one time missing, but have been added by a later hand.這包含了五,由186黹,其中55人在同一時間失踪,但已加入了後來手。 The Bodleian Library, Oxford, possesses 146 Bible manuscripts, the oldest of which dates from 1104.該伯德雷恩圖書館,牛津大學,擁有146個聖經手稿,歷史最悠久,其中從1104年的日期。 Cambridge counts 32, the oldest believed to be of the tenth century.劍橋罪狀32 ,最古老的認為是十世紀。 Bible manuscripts in goodly numbers are also to be found in private libraries in England, the most important collection being that of EN Adler.聖經手稿優美的數字還可以發現在私人圖書館在英格蘭,最重要的是,收集的英文阿德勒。 This contains about 100 codices, the oldest dating from the ninth century.這包含大約100個codices ,最古老的歷史可以追溯到9世紀。 The Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, has 132 Bible manuscripts, the oldest with the date 1286.國立圖書館,巴黎,有132個聖經手稿,歷史最悠久的日期1286年。 The number of Bible manuscripts in the Vienna Library is 24.人數聖經手稿在維也納圖書館是24 。 The oldest (given by Kennicott under No. 126) contains the Latter Prophets and the Hagiographa, written in the tenth century. Steinschneider describes 14 Bible manuscripts in the Royal library of Berlin; none of them is very old.最古老的(由Kennicott根據第126條)包含了後期先知和Hagiographa寫在十世紀。 Steinschneider介紹聖經手稿14日在皇家圖書館的柏林;其中沒有一個是很老。 De Rossi describes 848 manuscripts (now at Parma), the oldest of which is No. 634, containing Lev.德羅西介紹848手稿(現在在帕爾馬) ,最古老的是634號,載列。 xxi. 21 。 19-Num. 19號。 i.字母i. 50, written in the eighth century. The Vatican Library possesses 39 Bible manuscripts, which have been described by Joseph Simon Assemani and Stephen Ephodius Assemani. 50 ,寫在第八世紀。梵蒂岡圖書館擁有39聖經手稿,已被描述的約瑟夫西蒙Assemani和斯蒂芬Ephodius Assemani 。

Several Bible manuscripts are in the libraries of Leipsic, Munich, and Leyden.一些聖經手稿是在圖書館Leipsic ,慕尼黑,和萊頓。

Some Bible manuscripts have been brought from China.有些聖經手稿已提請來自中國。 They are partly synagogue rolls, partly private copies, whose text does not differ from the Masoretic Bibles.他們是猶太教堂卷部分,部分私營副本,其文字不不同於聖經馬所拉。 A Pentateuch of the Malabar Jews is now in England.阿五的馬拉巴猶太人現在是在英格蘭。 It resembles, on the whole, the usual synagogue rolls, except that it is written on red skin.它類似,總體上來說,通常的猶太教堂名冊,但它是寫在紅色的皮膚。

Samaritan manuscripts of the Pentateuch are to be found in the British Museum, the Bodleian, St. Petersburg, Parma, and the Vatican libraries; for a description of them, the respective catalogues may be consulted.撒瑪利亞手稿的五都在大英博物館的伯德雷恩,聖彼得堡,帕爾馬,與梵蒂岡圖書館;的說明他們各自的產品目錄可查閱。

As curiosities may be mentioned a Hebrew Pentateuch in Arabic characters, now in the British Museum; the Pentateuch in Latin characters in the Bodleian Library; and, finally, the fragments of the Pentateuch written in inverted alphabet discovered lately in the Cairo genizah.由於好奇心可能是希伯來文提到的五阿拉伯文字符,現在在大英博物館;的五在拉丁字符的伯德雷恩圖書館;最後,碎片五倒寫的字母發現最近在開羅genizah 。

Emil G. Hirsch, Isaac Broydé埃米爾赫斯基灣,艾薩克Broydé
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
Kennicott, Dissertatio Generalis; Walton, Prolegomena to the Polyglot; S. Kennicott , Dissertatio一般;沃爾頓緒論向多元;南 Davidson, Treatise on Biblical Criticism; Strack, Prolegomena Critica in Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum; Christian D. Ginsburg, Introduction to the Masoretico-Critical Edition of the Hebrew Bible, pp.戴維森,傷寒論聖經批評;施特拉克,批判緒論中Vetus Testamentum Hebraicum ;基督教D.金斯伯格,介紹Masoretico臨界版的希伯來文聖經,頁。 421 et seq. 421及以下。

Bible Translations聖經翻譯

Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料

The Targums.該Targums 。

Jewish translations of the Old Testament were made from time to time by Jews, in order to satisfy the needs, both in public service and in private life, of those that had gradually lost the knowledge of the ancient national tongue.猶太翻譯舊約作了不時由猶太人,為了滿足需要,無論是在公共服務和私人生活中,對那些已經逐漸失去了對知識的古老民族母語。 In Palestine itself, Hebrew was driven out first by Aramaic, then by Greek, and finally by Arabic.在巴勒斯坦本身,希伯來語被逐出第一阿拉姆,然後由希,並最終由阿拉伯語。 Portions of the Bible itself (in Daniel and Ezra) are written in Aramaic; and there is no consensus of opinion among scholars as to whether these parts were originally written in that tongue or were translated from the Hebrew.部分聖經本身(在丹尼爾和以斯拉)寫在阿拉姆; ,也沒有一致意見的學者,是否這些地區原來在該書面母語或翻譯的希伯來文。 Though Hebrew remained the sacred and the literary language, the knowledge of it must have faded to such a degree in the second century preceding the common era that it became necessary for a "meturgeman" to translate the weekly Pentateuch and prophetic lessons as read in the synagogue (Berliner, "Onkelos," p. 7; Friedmann, "Akylos und Onkelos," p. 58).雖然希伯來文仍然是神聖的文學語言,了解它必須已經消退到這種程度在前面的第二個世紀的共同時代,有必要為“ meturgeman ” ,把每週五和先知的教訓作為閱讀猶太教堂(柏林, “ Onkelos , ”第7頁;弗里德曼, “ Akylos與Onkelos ” ,第58頁) 。 The assertion made by the two scholars just cited, that the Targums date from the time of Ezra, is unwarranted; since they are written in a West-Aramaic dialect.主張所作的兩位學者剛才提到,該Targums日期的時間以斯拉,是沒有道理的; ,因為它們是寫在西阿拉姆方言。 The authorities of the synagogue did not willingly allow such translations to be written down.當局猶太教沒有心甘情願地讓這種翻譯是寫下來。 They felt that this would be putting a premium upon ignorance of the text, and that the Biblical word would be in danger of being badly interpreted or even misunderstood.他們認為,這將是把無知的保費後的案文,並且將聖經一詞的危險正受到嚴重的解釋,甚至誤解。 They sought to minimize the danger by permitting only one verse to be read and translated at a time in the case of the Law, and three in the case of the Prophets (Meg. iv. 4).他們要求,以盡量減少危險,允許只有一個詩的閱讀和翻譯的時間的情況下,法律和三個的情況先知( Meg.四。 4 ) 。 Certain passages were never to be translated publicly; eg, Gen. xxxv.某些段落從未被翻譯公開;例如,將軍三十五。 22; Ex. 22 ;惠。 xxxii.三十二。 21-25; Num. 21-25 ;數。 vi.六。 23-26; Lev. 23-26 ;列夫。 xviii.十八。 21 (Meg. iv. 10; see. Berliner, lcp 217; Ginsburger, "Monatsschrift," xliv. 1). 21 ( Meg.四。 10 ;見。柏林, LCP的217 ; Ginsburger , “月刊, ”四十四。 1 ) 。 These passages are to be found in Pseudo-Jonathan and in the Midrashim for private use.這些通道都在偽喬納森和米大示作私人用途。 It is distinctly stated that no written copy of the Targum was to be used in the public service (Yer. Meg. iv. 1); though for private purposes copies were allowed to be made.這是明顯的指出,沒有書面副本的根是用於公共服務( Yer.梅格。四。 1 ) ;雖然為私人目的的副本被允許作。 The Talmud, it is true, mentions a written Targum to the Book of Job which was in the possession of Rabban Gamaliel I. during the Second Temple, about 20-40 CE (Tosef., Shab. xiv. 2; Bab. Shab. 115a; Soferim xv. 2; compare Berliner, lcp 90), and which was then buried by order of Gamaliel.該塔木德,這是真的,提到了書面根的約伯記這是擁有一拉加馬利亞在第二聖殿,大約20-40行政長官( Tosef. ,沙巴。十四。 2 ;巴布。沙巴。 115a ; Soferim十五。 2 ;比較柏林, LCP的90人) ,和當時埋葬的命令加馬利亞。 In Yer.在也門里亞爾。 Shab.沙巴。 xvi.十六。 1 a variant tradition tells of such a Targum having been in the hands of both the elder and the younger Gamaliel. 1變傳統講述了這樣一個根了手中的兩個哥哥和年輕加馬利亞。 Though this tradition is accepted even by Bacher (see Aramaic Language), there are no means of verifying this statement, the existing Targum to that book being of a much later date.雖然這是公認的傳統甚至巴切爾(見亞拉姆語) ,沒有任何手段核實這一聲明,現有的根,以這本書是一個更晚的日期。 The tradition certainly can not refer to a Greek translation, as Grätz ("Monatsschrift," xxvi. 87)holds.傳統當然不能提到了希臘翻譯,作為格拉茨( “月刊, ”二十六。 87號)舉行。

According to Blau ("Einleitung," p. 79) the reference is to a copy written in the Old Hebrew script.根據布勞( “導論” ,第79頁)在此提到的是一份書面老希伯來腳本。 The Targum is largely a paraphrase, reproducing the rabbinical tradition as regards the meaning of the text.該根主要是意譯,音響猶太教傳統方面的含義文字。 For a history of this Targum see Targum. In passing a word should be said about the Samaritan version of the Pentateuch in the West-Aramaic dialect, which the Samaritans at one time spoke.對於歷史的根見根。順帶一個字應該說對撒瑪利亞版本的五在西阿拉姆方言,這撒瑪利亞一次發言。 It is as yet not possible to say in which century this version was made.這是尚未可以說在這世紀的這個版本了。 Even though the citations under the caption τὸ Σαμαρειτικόυ, which are found in the scholia to Origen's Hexapla, refer to it, Kohn believes that they are drawn from a Greek translation of the Samaritan made in Egypt.即使引用標題下的τὸ Σαμαρειτικόυ ,這是中發現scholia以奧利的Hexapla ,提到它,科恩認為,他們是來自希臘翻譯的撒馬利亞人在埃及。 The text has been edited in Samaritan characters by H. Petermann and K. Vollers (Berlin, 1872-91), and in Hebrew characters by A. Brüll (1873-75), from the London Polyglot.文字編輯一直在撒瑪利亞字符閣下彼得曼和K. Vollers (柏林, 1872年至1891年) ,在希伯來文字符由A. Brüll ( 1873年至1875年) ,從倫敦多元。 M. Heidenheim's edition in Hebrew characters, of which Genesis only has appeared ("Bibliotheca Samaritana," i., Leipsic, 1884), has been very severely criticized (see Nestle, "Uebersetzungen der Bibel," p. 205).先生海登海姆的希伯來文版人物,其中只有成因出現了( “書目Samaritana , ”島, Leipsic , 1884 ) ,一直非常嚴厲的批評(見雀巢“ , Uebersetzungen之聖經” ,第205頁) 。

Influence of Hellenism.希臘的影響。

The settlement of large numbers of Jews in various parts of the Greek world, the Hellenization of Palestine, and the presence in Jerusalem of Jews from all countries, especially from those under Greek influence, in course of time forced the Rabbis to treat the question more liberally.解決大批猶太人在各個部分的希臘世界, Hellenization巴勒斯坦,並在耶路撒冷的猶太人從所有國家,特別是那些根據希臘影響,隨著時間的推移,迫使拉比對待的問題更寬鬆的。 According to Meg.據梅格。 ii.二。 1, it was forbidden to read the Megillah in Aramaic or in any other non-Hebrew language, except for the foreign Jews () in Jerusalem (compare the Baraita in Bab. Meg. 18a; Shab. 115b); and that such foreign Jews were in the city in large numbers is seen from Acts ii. 1 ,它被禁止閱讀Megillah在阿拉姆或任何其他非希伯來語,除外國的猶太人( )在耶路撒冷(比較Baraita在巴布。梅格。 18A條;沙巴。 115b ) ; ,這種外國的猶太人在城市,大量是從行為二。 5-11. 5-11 。 So, also, it is found, according to another tradition (Meg. i. 8), that it was permitted to write the Biblical books in any language (); though R. Simon ben Gamaliel would restrict this permission to Greek (Yer. Meg. i. 1): "After careful examination it was found that the Pentateuch could be adequately translated only into Greek").所以,還發現,另一種傳統( Meg.島8 ) ,這是允許寫入聖經書籍的任何語言( ) ;儘管西蒙本河加馬將限制本許可希( Yer.梅格。島1 ) : “經過仔細檢查發現,五可以有足夠的翻譯只到希臘” ) 。

Evidence exists of the fact that in the synagogue of the Greek was freely used (Tosef., Meg. iv. 13).有證據表明這一事實,即在猶太教堂的希臘是自由使用( Tosef. ,梅格。四。 13 ) 。 There is even a tradition that Greek letters were engraven upon the chest in the Temple in which the shekels were kept (Sheḳ. iii. 2); and there is also Christian testimony to this effect (Justin, "Cohortatio ad Græcos," xiii.; Tertullian, "Apologia," xviii.; Frankel, "Vorstudien," p. 56).甚至有一個傳統,希臘字母被engraven的胸部在廟的謝克爾保持( Sheḳ.三。 2 ) ;也有基督教證明了這一效應(賈斯汀, “ Cohortatio廣告Græcos , ”十三。 ;良, “縱容” ,十八。 ;弗蘭克爾, “ Vorstudien ” ,第56頁) 。 It is reported that in Asia Minor R. Meïr was unable to find a Megillah written in Hebrew (Tosef., Meg. ii. 4); and the weekly lessons both from the Law and the Prophets were at an early date read in Greek in Alexandria ("Jew. Quart. Rev." ix. 730).據報導,在小亞細亞河梅爾是無法找到Megillah書面希伯來文( Tosef. ,梅格。二。 4 ) ;和每週的經驗教訓,從法律和先知是早日閱讀希臘亞歷山大( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”九。 730 ) 。 This makes comprehensible the statement that "the Law can be read in any language" (Soṭah 33a; Meg. 17b).這使得理解的聲明說: “該法可以讀取任何語言” ( Soṭah 33a ;梅格。 17B條) 。 The well-known passage in the Mishnah (Yad. iv. 5) which mentions the Levitical impurity occasioned by touching Biblical books, and which especially excepts the Targum from these provisions, has been very properly explained by Blau as referring to different degrees of sanctity only: no translation could, of course, be put upon the same level with the original Hebrew.眾所周知通行的米示拿( Yad.四。 5 )提到利未雜質所引起的感人聖經的書籍,其中特別是對根excepts從這些規定,是非常正確解釋布勞是指不同程度的神聖只有:沒有翻譯可能,當然,也應提出同樣的水平與原來的希伯來文。

At a later time-perhaps in the second century ofthe present era-a different view seems to have prevailed; and it was said that the day on which the Law was translated into Greek was as unfortunate for the Jews as that on which the Golden Calf was made (Soferim i. 8, 9).在稍後的時間也許在第二個世紀之當今時代,有不同的看法似乎佔了上風;並說,這一天的法律被翻譯成希臘一樣不幸的猶太人因為這對黃金犢牛有人( Soferim島8日, 9日) 。 Even to teach children Greek was forbidden (Soṭah ix. 14); though it was still permitted to teach a girl Greek, as a knowledge of that language was considered to be an accomplishment.即使教兒童希臘被禁止( Soṭah九。 14 ) ;但它仍允許一個女孩教希臘,作為一個知識,語言被認為是一種成就。 Evidently this change of view was occasioned by the rise of the Christian Church, which used the Bible only in the Septuagint Version.顯然,這一變化的看法是所引起的崛起基督教教會,使用聖經只有在七十版本。 It will be seen that in the Middle Ages the desire to please the women during the service and to instruct them led to the introduction of the vernacular, especially for the prophetical lessons.可以看出,在中世紀的願望,請婦女在服務,並指示它們導致了白話文,尤其是對預言的經驗教訓。 The treatise Soferim even makes it a duty "to translate, for the women, the weekly readings from the Pentateuch and the Prophets before the close of the service. The translation was not read verse by verse after the Hebrew, but as one continuous passage" (Abrahams, "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages," p. 345).該論文Soferim甚至使它成為義務“翻譯,婦女,每週讀的五和先知結束之前服務。翻譯不是讀的詩詩後,希伯來文,而是作為一個連續的通道” (亞伯拉罕, “猶太人生活在中世紀, ”第345頁) 。

The Septuagint.該譯本。

The oldest and most important of all the versions made by Jews is that called "The Septuagint" ("Interpretatio septuaginta virorum" or "seniorum").最古老和最重要的是所有的版本所作的猶太人是名為“七十” ( “ Interpretatio septuaginta virorum ”或“ seniorum ” ) 。 It is a monument of the Greek spoken by the large and important Jewish community of Alexandria; not of classic Greek, nor even of the Hellenistic style affected by Alexandrian writers.它是一座豐碑,希臘所講的大國和重要的猶太社區的亞歷山大;不是經典的希臘,甚至在古希臘風格的影響亞歷山大作家。 If the account given by Aristeas be true, some traces of Palestinian influence should be found; but a study of the Egyptian papyri, which are abundant for this particular period, is said by both Mahaffy and Deissmann to show a very close similarity between the language they represent and that of the Septuagint, not to mention the Egyptian words already recognized by both Hody and Eichhorn.如果該帳戶所提供Aristeas是真實的,一些巴勒斯坦人的痕跡影響應該發現,但研究的埃及紙莎草紙,這是豐富對這一特定時期,說的是兩個Mahaffy和Deissmann顯示出非常密切的相似性語言他們所代表,並在七十,更不用提,埃及已經承認的話都Hody和艾希霍恩。 These papyri have in a measure reinstated Aristeas (about 200 BC) in the opinion of scholars.這些紙莎草紙中的一項措施恢復Aristeas (約公元前200 )的意見的學者。 Upon his "Letter to Philocrates" the tradition as to the origin of the Septuagint rests.經他的“信Philocrates ”的傳統,以原產地的七十在於。 It is now believed that even though he may have been mistaken in some points, his facts in general are worthy of credence (Abrahams, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." xiv. 321).現在認為,即使他可能已被錯誤的一些要點,他的事實,一般是值得信任(亞伯拉罕,在“猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十四。 321 ) 。 According to Aristeas, the Pentateuch was translated at the time of Philadelphus, the second Ptolemy (285-247 BC), which translation was encouraged by the king and welcomed by the Jews of Alexandria.據Aristeas的五翻譯時的梅花,第二托勒密(公元前285-247 ) ,其中翻譯感到鼓舞的是,國王和歡迎的猶太人亞歷山大。 Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," 3d ed., iii. 615) stands alone in assigning it to the reign of Philometor (181-146 BC). Whatever share the king may have had in the work, it evidently satisfied a pressing need felt by the Jewish community, among whom a knowledge of Hebrew was rapidly waning before the demands of every-day life.格拉茨( “ Gesch 。德國猶太人, ”三維版。三。 615 )僅停留在指派它的統治Philometor (公元前181-146 ) 。不管份額國王可能有工作,但顯然不滿意一項緊迫認為需要由猶太社區,其中一個知識的希伯來文正迅速消退之前,要求日常生活。

It is not known when the other books of the Bible were rendered into Greek.不知道當其他書籍聖經作出了到希臘。 The grandson of Ben Sira (132 BC), in the prologue to his translation of his grandfather's work, speaks of the "Law, Prophets, and the rest of the books" as being already current in his day.孫子本西拉( 132年) ,在開場白他翻譯,他的祖父的工作,談到“法,先知,其餘的書籍”作為目前已經在他的一天。 A Greek Chronicles is mentioned by Eupolemus (middle of second century BC); Aristeas, the historian, quotes Job; a foot-note to the Greek Esther seems to show that that book was in circulation before the end of the second century BC; and the Septuagint Psalter is quoted in I Macc.希臘是歷代所提到的Eupolemus (中間的公元前二世紀) ; Aristeas ,歷史學家,報價工作;一英尺注意到希臘埃斯特似乎表明,這本書是在流通在年底前公元前二世紀;和在七十Psalter引用,我排雷協委會。 vii.七。 17. 17 。 It is therefore more than probable that the whole of the Bible was translated into Greek before the beginning of the Christian era (Swete, "An Introduction to the OT in Greek," ch. i.).因此,以上可能是整個聖經被翻譯成希臘開始之前公元( Swete “ ,介紹希臘加時賽中, ”膽固醇。島) 。 The large number of Greek-speaking Jewish communities in Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, and northern Africa must have facilitated its spread in all these regions.大量的希臘講猶太社區在巴勒斯坦,敘利亞,美索不達米亞,小亞細亞,和北部非洲必須有利於它的傳播在所有這些地區。 The quotations from the Old Testament found in the New are in the main taken from the Septuagint; and even where the citation is indirect the influence of this version is clearly seen.在引用舊約中發現的新的主要取自七十; ,甚至在引用是間接的影響,這個版本是清晰可見。 This will also explain in a measure the undoubted influence of the Septuagint upon the Syriac translation called the "Peshiṭta."這也解釋了衡量不容置疑的影響七十的敘利亞翻譯稱為“ Peshiṭta 。 ”

Being a composite work, the translation varies in the different books.作為一個綜合的工作,不同的翻譯在不同的書籍。 In the Pentateuch, naturally, it adheres most closely to the original; in Job it varies therefrom most widely.在五,當然,它最密切的堅持原來的;就業有異,由此最為廣泛。 In some books (eg, Daniel) the influence of the Jewish Midrash is more apparent than in others.在一些書籍(例如,丹尼爾)的影響,猶太人米德拉士是更加明顯高於其他人。 Where it is literal it is "intolerable as a literary work" (Swete, ib. p. 22).如果直譯是“不能容忍的文學作品” ( Swete ,興業。第22頁) 。 The translation, which shows at times a peculiar ignorance of Hebrew usage, was evidently made from a codex which differed widely in places from the text crystallized by the Masorah.翻譯,這表明在特殊時期的無知希伯來文的使用,顯然是由一個抄本其中大不相同的地方從文字體現的Masorah 。 Its influence upon the Greek-speaking Jews must have been great.其影響力的希臘講猶太人必須一直很大。 In course of time it came to be the canonical Greek Bible, as Luther's translation became the German, and the Authorized Version the English.在隨著時間的推移,它是典型希臘聖經,因為路德的翻譯成為德文,並授權的英文版本。 It is the version used by the Jewish Hellenistic writers, Demetrius, Eupolemus, Artabanus, Aristeas, Ezekiel, and Aristobulus, as well as in the Book of Wisdom, the translation of Ben Sira, and the Jewish Sibyllines.這是版本所使用的猶太希臘作家,德梅, Eupolemus ,阿爾達班, Aristeas ,基爾和亞里斯多布魯斯,以及在圖書的智慧,翻譯的本西拉,和猶太Sibyllines 。 Hornemann, Siegfried, and Ryle have shown that Philo bases his citations from the Bible on the Septuagint Version, though he has no scruple about modifying them or citing them with much freedom. Hornemann ,齊格弗里德和賴爾已經表明,他的哲學基礎引用聖經的七十版本,但他並沒有顧忌有關修改或引用他們的自由。 Josephus follows this translation closely (Freudenthal, "Hellenistische Studien," ii. 171; Siegfried, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," iii. 32).約瑟夫本翻譯如下密切(弗賴, “ Hellenistische Studien , ”二。 171 ;齊格弗里德,在體育場的“雜誌, ”三。 32 ) 。 It became part of the Bible of the Christian Church.它成為聖經的基督教教會。


Two things, however, rendered the Septuagint unwelcome in the long run to the Jews.兩件事,然而,使七十不受歡迎從長遠來看,對猶太人。 Its divergence from the accepted text (afterward called the Masoretic) was too evident; and it therefore could not serve as a basis for theological discussion or for homiletic interpretation.它背離了公認的案文(後稱為馬所拉)太明顯;因此,它不能為基礎的神學討論或homiletic的解釋。 This distrust was accentuated by the fact that it had been adopted as Sacred Scripture by the new faith.這種不信任是加劇的事實,它已獲得通過,成為聖經的新的信念。 A revision in the sense of the canonical Jewish text was necessary.修改意義上的猶太人的典型文本是必要的。 This revision was made by a proselyte, Aquila, who lived during the reign of Hadrian (117-138).這一修改是由proselyte ,雕,誰住在哈德良在位( 117-138 ) 。 He is reported to have been a pupil of R. Akiba and to have embodied in his revision the principles of the strictest literal interpretation of the text; certainly his translation is pedantic, and its Greek is uncouth.據報導,他已是小學生的河秋葉,並體現在他修改的原則,嚴格的字面解釋的文字;肯定他的翻譯是學究式,其希臘是粗魯的。 It strove only to reproduce the text word for word, and for this reason it grew rapidly in favor in strictly Jewish circles where Hebrew was yet understood.它不僅力求重現文字一字不漏,為此它迅速增長有利於在嚴格的猶太人在希伯來文界尚未了解。 Not only in the days of Origen was it thus popular, but, according to the testimony of Jerome and Augustine, down to the fourth and fifth centuries.不僅在兩天的奧利因此它是受歡迎的,但根據的證詞,杰羅姆和奧古斯丁,到第四次和第五次百年。 Of this translation a few fragments have come down to us, together with many citations made by Christian writers from Origen's Hexapla.本翻譯幾個片段已經降了,我們一起引用了許多基督教作家,奧利的Hexapla 。 In the middle ofthe sixth century a certain section of the Jews in Byzantium wished to read the Sabbath lections in Greek as well as in Hebrew; but the Rabbis and authorities desired that only Hebrew should be read.中六世紀之某部分猶太人在拜占庭希望閱讀安息日lections在希臘和希伯來文;但拉比和當局的期望,只有希伯來文應該閱讀。 The discussion came before the emperor, Justinian, who in the year 553 issued a novella in which it was expressly stated that "the Hebrews are allowed to read the Holy Writ in their synagogues in the Greek language"; and the emperor advised them to use either the Septuagint or the version of Aquila (Grätz, "Gesch. der Juden," v. 435).討論之前皇帝,查士丁尼,誰在這一年發表了553中篇小說,其中明確指出, “希伯來人被允許閱讀聖經的猶太教堂在希臘語” ;皇帝勸他們使用無論是七十或者版本雕(格拉茨, “ Gesch 。德國猶太人, ”訴435 ) 。

Theodotion and Symmachus. Theodotion和Symmachus 。

A second revision of the Septuagint was made by one Theodotion, perhaps a native of Ephesus, who may have lived toward the end of the second century.第二次修訂的譯本是由一個Theodotion ,也許一個土生土長的以弗所,誰可能住快要結束的第二世紀。 He is sometimes said to have been a convert to Judaism.他有時說已經皈依猶太教。 His revision, also, is in the nature of a recurrence to the Hebrew text, but he avoids entirely the pedantry of Aquila, and his Greek gives a readable text; the only evidences of pedantry are his transliterations of a number of Hebrew words.他的修訂,也就是在性質上復發的希伯來文,但他完全避免的學究氣的雕,和他的希臘提供了可讀的文本;的唯一證據是他的學究氣transliterations了一些希伯來文的話。 Strange to say, his version of Daniel entirely displaced that of the Septuagint; and in other portions his translations are occasionally found in ordinary Septuagint manuscripts.奇怪的是,他的版本的丹尼爾完全流離失所,在七十;和其他部分的翻譯偶爾發現在普通譯本手稿。 For this fact no sufficient reason has yet been given.對於這一事實,沒有足夠的理由還沒有得到。 Fragments of his work are also found in the remains of Origen's Hexapla.片段他的工作也發現了遺骸奧利的Hexapla 。 A third translator, Symmachus, whose date is not known, tried to smooth down Aquila's un-Grecian Greek by the use of both the Septuagint and Theodotion.第三個翻譯, Symmachus ,其日期是不知道,試圖平穩下降雕的取消希臘希臘通過使用兩個譯本和Theodotion 。 He seems to be the best stylist of all.他似乎是最好的設計師所有。 According to Epiphanius, he was a Samaritan convert to Judaism; but Eusebius and Jerome make him out an Ebionite.據埃皮法尼烏斯,他是一個撒瑪利亞轉換為猶太教,但優西比烏和杰羅姆讓他一個Ebionite 。 Of the three other fragmentary translations into Greek used by Origen in compiling his Hexapla, very little is known.其他三個完整的翻譯成希臘使用的奧利在編纂他的Hexapla ,很少是眾所周知的。 It is not even certain that they are the work of Jews.現在甚至不能肯定,他們的工作猶太人。

Toward the end of the fourteenth century or at the beginning of the fifteenth another translation ofthe Bible into Greek was made, of which the portion covering the Pentateuch, Ruth, Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes, Lamentations, and Daniel is still preserved in manuscript (MS. Gr., No. vii.) in the library of St. Mark's, Venice.對年底或14世紀開始的時候,另一第十五聖經之翻譯成希臘文了,其中一部分涉及五,露絲,諺語, Canticles ,傳道書,耶利米哀歌,和丹尼爾仍保留在手稿(質譜。石墨。 ,第七。 )在圖書館的聖馬克,威尼斯。 It has been edited in a final form by Oscar von Gebhardt ("Græcus Venetus," Leipsic, 1875), with a preface by Franz Delitzsch.它已編輯的最後形式奧斯卡馮Gebhardt ( “ Græcus Venetus , ” Leipsic , 1875年) ,以序言弗蘭茲德里。 According to Von Gebhardt, Delitzsch, and Freudenthal ("Hellenistische Studien," p. 129), the author was a Jew, who for some reason or other preferred the commentary of David Ḳimḥi to that of Rashi.據馮Gebhardt ,德里,和弗賴( “ Hellenistische Studien ” ,第129頁) ,作者是一個猶太人,誰出於某種原因或其他首選評大衛Ḳimḥi到Rashi 。 The author has also used the former Greek versions.作者還利用前希臘的版本。 The body of the work is done into Attic Greek; the Aramaic portions of Daniel are rendered into Doric.該機構的工作是到希臘阿提卡的阿拉姆丹尼爾的部分是提供到陶立克式。 Delitzsch has tried to identify the author with a certain Eliseus, a learned Jew at the court of Murad I.德里試圖確定作者具有一定Eliseus ,一個教訓猶在法院的穆拉德一 (see "Theol. Lit. Zeit." i. 107; Swete, lcp 56; Nestle, lcp 84). (見“ Theol 。里拉。時代。 ”島107 ; Swete , LCP的56人;雀巢, LCP的84 ) 。 On the other hand, P. Frankl has tried to show that the translator was a Christian and not a Jew ("Monatsschrift," xxiv. 372).另一方面,體育弗蘭克爾曾試圖表明,翻譯是一個基督徒和猶太人不是( “月刊, ”二十四。 372人) 。 According to Grätz ("Gesch. der Juden," vii. 318), Shemariah of Negroponte (1328-46) rendered the Book of Genesis into Greek, in an attempt to bridge over the cleft separating Karaites from Rabbinites.據格拉茨( “ Gesch 。德國猶太人, ”七。 318 ) , Shemariah內格羅蓬特( 1328至46年)使創世記成希臘文,試圖彌合的裂隙分離卡拉派信徒從Rabbinites 。 But Shemariah's work was a commentary and not a translation (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Bibl." xv. 39).但是Shemariah的工作發表評論,而不是翻譯( Steinschneider , “ Hebr 。 Bibl 。 ”十五。 39 ) 。 On translations of the Hafṭarot into Greek see "Magazin," ii.在翻譯成希臘文Hafṭarot見“雜誌, ”二。 5. 5 。

Modern Greek.現代希臘。

The first attempt to translate the Bible into modern Greek was made by a monk of the island of Crete, Agapiou by name.第一次嘗試把聖經到現代希臘是由僧人的克里特島, Agapiou的名字。 In 1543 he published a rendering of the Psalms which followed closely the Septuagint translation.在1543年,他出版了一本渲染的詩篇而緊隨其後的譯本翻譯。 This preceded the first Jewish translation by only a few years.這之前,猶太人的第一只翻譯了幾年。 One column of the Polyglot Pentateuch (Constantinople, 1547) contained a Neo-Greek version in Hebrew characters.一欄的多元五(君士坦丁堡, 1547年)載有新版本的希臘希伯來文字符。 The dialect used is that of Epirus; and no single word of Turkish is to be found in it.使用的方言是伊庇魯斯; ,沒有一個字是土耳其中可以找到它。 Though full of Hebraisims, it is said to be of importance for the study of Greek linguistics.雖然充滿了Hebraisims ,這是說是很重要的研究希臘語言學。 The few copies of this edition which are now known to exist do not agree; and it has been suggested that corrections were made in the text during printing.少數副本這個版本是目前已知存在不同意,並有人建議,更正了在文字打印時。 In the "Revue des Etudes Grecques" (iii. 288 et seq.) Belleli has reprinted the first four chapters of Genesis; and a facsimile of the whole has been published by DC Hesseling, "Les Cinq Livres de la Loi" (Leyden, 1897; compare the discussion in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxxv. 132, 314).在“研究雜誌Grecques ” ( iii. 288及以下) 。 Belleli已重印了前四章的成因;及傳真整個經已出版直流Hesseling , “五首之圖書德拉魯阿來” (萊頓, 1897年;比較討論“修訂研究Juives , ”三十五。 132 , 314 ) 。 A translation of Jonah into modern Greek is found in a manuscript volume of prayers in the library of the University of Bologna; and it is known, from R. Meïr Katzenellenbogen, that in his day (1470-1565) it was customary in Padua to read the Hafṭarah of the Atonement Day in the vernacular; this was also the case in Candia (Kapsali, ed. Lattes, p. 22).翻譯成現代喬納是希臘發現的手稿數量祈禱在圖書館的博洛尼亞大學,它是已知的,從河果Katzenellenbogen ,在他的一天( 1470年至1565年)這是在帕多瓦的習慣,以閱讀Hafṭarah的贖罪日白話文;這也是案件中假絲( Kapsali ,編輯。咖啡,第22頁) 。 L. Modena has shown ("Cataloghi dei Codici Orientali," p. 335, Florence, 1876) that this thirteenth-century manuscript, which came originally from Canea, is similar to MS.研究表明摩德納( “ Cataloghi代Codici東方” ,第335頁,佛羅倫薩, 1876年) ,這十三世紀的手稿,其中來自Canea ,類似的質譜。 No. 1144 in the Bodleian collection (Neubauer, "Cat. Bodl. Hebr. MSS." col. 333; "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxiii. 135).第1144號在伯德雷恩收集(紐鮑爾, “貓。 Bodl 。 Hebr 。衛星。 ”山口。 333 ; “修訂研究Juives , ”二十三。 135 ) 。 In 1576 Moses ben Elijah Phobian, or Popian, published at Constantinople a Neo-Greek translation of Job for the express purpose of facilitating the teaching of Hebrew (Belleli, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxii. 250; compare ib. xxiii. 136, xxiv. 160, and Güdemann, "Quellen'" pp. 239-289).在1576年摩西本伊萊賈Phobian ,或Popian ,出版君士坦丁堡一個新的希臘翻譯工作,其目的是促進教學的希伯來語( Belleli ,在“牧師Juives研究” , 22 。 250 ;比較伊布。二十三。 136 , 24 。 160 ,和Güdemann , “ Quellen ”頁。 239-289 ) 。

The Peshiṭta.該Peshiṭta 。

The Syriac translation of the Old Testament was undoubtedly made directly from the Hebrew; though at Antioch, during the third century of the present era and at later periods, it was revised so as to make it conform to the Septuagint.敘利亞翻譯舊約無疑是直接從希伯來文;雖然在安提阿,在第三世紀的當今時代,並在稍後時間,這是修訂,使之符合七十。 The history of its origin is obscure; but it was probably made in Mesopotamia during the first century.歷史的起源是掩蓋,但它很可能在美索不達米亞在第一世紀。 As with most of the older translations, various hands have been at work here.與大多數的老年人翻譯,各種手一直在這裡工作。 Perles ("Meletemata Peschittoniana," Breslau, 1859), Prager ("De Veteris, Testamenti Versione Peschitto," Göttingen, 1875), and Bacher (see Aramaic Language) believe it is the work of Jews: but this has not yet been proved; and the view of Dathe, Eichhorn, Hitzig, Nöldeke, and Renan, that it owes its origin to Judæo-Christians, seems more probable.珍珠( “ Meletemata Peschittoniana , ”布雷斯勞, 1859年) ,普拉格( “德Veteris , Testamenti Versione Peschitto ” ,哥廷根, 1875 ) ,以及巴切爾(見亞拉姆語)認為這是工作的猶太人:但尚未得到證實並認為Dathe ,艾希霍恩,希齊格, Nöldeke ,並任南,這歸功於其原產地為Judæo基督徒,似乎更有可能。 Perles, however, has shown that there are unmistakable evidences in the Peshiṭta of the influence of the Targum, especially in Genesis.珍珠,但已表明,有明確的證據在Peshiṭta影響的根,尤其是在成因。 This has been confirmed for Ezekiel by Cornill ("Das Buch Ezekiel," p. 154), for Chronicles by S. Fränkel (in "Jahrb. für Protestantische Theologie," 1879), and for Job by Stenig ("De Syriaca Libri Jobi Interp." Helsingfors, 1887), Mandl ("Peschitto zu Hiob," Leipsic, 1892), and Hauman (in Stade's "Zeitschrift," xix.29).這已被證實為基爾的Cornill ( “以西結書之書” ,第154條) ,為歷代的S.弗蘭克爾(在“ Jahrb 。獻給新教神學” , 1879 ) ,以及工作的Stenig ( “德Syriaca利布里苡Interp 。 “ Helsingfors , 1887年) ,曼德爾( ” Peschitto祖Hiob , “ Leipsic , 1892 ) ,以及Hauman (在體育場的”雜誌, “ xix.29 ) 。 The closest agreement between the two versions is found in the Book of Proverbs; but it is now generally held that in this case the Targum reflects the Peshiṭta and not vice versa, as Maybaum contends (Merx, "Archiv," vol. ii.).最接近之間的協議兩個版本被發現在該圖書的諺語,但現在普遍認為,在這種情況下,根反映了Peshiṭta ,而不是相反,因為Maybaum爭辯( Merx , “檔案” ,第二卷。二) 。 。 This view is upheld by a consideration of the general character of the translation (Pinkuss, in Stade's "Zeitschrift," xiv. 101; see also Duval, "Littérature Syriaque," 1899, pp. 31 et seq.).這種觀點是堅持審議的一般性質的翻譯( Pinkuss ,在體育場的“雜誌, ”十四。 101 ;又見杜瓦爾, “文學Syriaque , ” 1899年,頁。 31起。 ) 。

Arabic Versions.阿拉伯語版本。

It is impossible to tell at how early a time the Jews commenced to translate the Bible into Arabic.這是不可能告訴怎樣早期的時候猶太人開始把聖經翻譯成阿拉伯文。 After the early victories of the Mohammedans, Arabic civilization and Arabic surroundings brought the Jews into very close connection with the Arabic language.經過早期勝利的伊斯蘭教,阿拉伯文明和阿拉伯環境帶來的猶太人到非常密切的聯繫與阿拉伯語。 Even where Hebrew was still kept up, the Hebrew alphabet must at times have gone out of fashion; for there exist some Karaite manuscripts of the tenth century, giving the Hebrew text in Arabic characters and with the letters used as vowel-signs (R. Hörning, "British Museum Karaite MSS." London, 1889; Margoliouth, "Cat. Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." i., Nos. 103, 104).即使在希伯來文仍然保持,希伯來文字母表必須在時代已經過時,因為存在一些Karaite手稿十世紀,從而使在希伯來文和阿拉伯文字符的字母作為元音-跡象(河霍寧, “大英博物館Karaite衛星。 ”倫敦, 1889年; Margoliouth , “貓。 Hebr 。衛星和撒馬利亞人。英。小。 ”島,第103 , 104 ) 。 That the Jews had little scruple in reading the Bible in Arabic may be seen from Judah ibn Tibbon's advice to his son to read the Sabbath lections in that tongue ("Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 484).猶太人幾乎沒有顧忌在閱讀聖經阿拉伯文可從猶太本Tibbon的意見,他的兒子讀安息日lections在這舌頭( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十二。 484 ) 。 There are no facts, however, which prove that the early Jews of Arabia possessed any Arabic translation of the Bible.不存在的事實,然而,這證明了早期猶太人的沙特阿拉伯擁有任何阿拉伯文翻譯的聖經。 There is a tradition, going back to Abu Huraya, a contemporary of Mohammed, that "The People of the Book used to read the Taurah [Torah] in Hebrew and interpret it in Arabic to the followers of Islam"; which tradition is the basis of the polemics of Abu Mohammed ibn Ḥazm (d. 1064).有一個傳統,可以追溯到阿布Huraya ,當代穆罕默德指出, “人民的圖書用於閱讀Taurah [聖經]在希伯來文和解釋阿拉伯文的伊斯蘭教信徒” ;這是傳統的基礎上在論戰的阿布穆罕默德伊本Ḥazm (草1064 ) 。 Another tradition says that "Ka'ab the rabbi brought a book ["sifr"] to Omar the calif and said, 'Here is the Torah, read it'" (Goldziher, in "ZDMG" xxxii. 344). The evidence is insufficient; and thereis even less warrant for Sprenger's idea that apocryphal writings were current in Arabia during Mohammed's days (see Kuenen, "Volksreligion," p. 297).另一個傳統說, “ Ka'ab拉比帶來一本書[ ” sifr “ ] ,以奧馬爾在加利福尼亞說, '這是聖經,閱讀” ( Goldziher ,在“ ZDMG ”三十二。 344 ) 。證據不足;和thereis甚至更少令Sprenger的想法未經著作是在沙特阿拉伯目前在穆罕默德的日子(見Kuenen , “ Volksreligion , ”第297條) 。 At a later time, however, such translations must have existed, even though little credence can be placed upon the assurances of the polemical writers that they had "read this in the Torah" or "in the Zabur [Psalms]" (ib. p. 351; compare Stade's "Zeitschrift," xiii. 315).在稍後的時間,然而,這種翻譯必須有存在的,即使沒有可信可放在保證論戰的作家,他們“讀這方面的聖經”或“在Zabur [詩篇] ” ( ib. p 。 351 ;比較體育場的“雜誌, ”十三。 315 ) 。 The Fihrist (ed. Flügel, i. 22) of Al-Nadim mentions an Aḥmad ibn Abd Allah ibn Salam who translated the Bible into Arabic, at the time of Harun al-Rashid.該Fihrist (編輯Flügel島22日)的Al -納迪姆提到了艾哈邁德伊本阿卜杜拉薩拉姆誰本聖經翻譯成阿拉伯文,在哈倫拉希德。 Faḥr al-Din al-Razi mentions a translation of Habbakuk by the son of Rabban al-Ṭabari ("ZDMG" xlii. 645).法爾al - Din的拉齊提到了翻譯Habbakuk的兒子拉人,塔巴里( “ ZDMG ”四十二。 645 ) 。 Many of the Arabic historians, as Al-Ṭabari, Mas'udi, Ḥamza, and Biruni, cite passages and recount the early history of the Jews in a most circumstantial manner.許多阿拉伯歷史學家,作為基地塔巴里, Mas'udi ,哈姆扎,並比魯尼,舉通道和重新早期歷史上的猶太人的一個最間接的方式進行。 Ibn Ḳutaibah, the historian (d. 889), says that he read the Bible; and he even made a collection of Biblical passages in a work which has been preserved by Ibn Jauzi of the twelfth century (see Haupt and Delitzsch, "Beiträge zur Assyriologie," iii. 46; Stade's "Zeitschrift," xv. 138).本Ḳutaibah ,歷史學家(草889 )說,他閱讀聖經,他甚至提出了收集聖經段落的工作一直保存本Jauzi的12世紀(見豪普特和德里, “ Beiträge楚Assyriologie , “三。 46 ;體育場的”雜誌, “十五。 138號) 。

Saadia Gaon. Saadia Gaon 。

The first important Arabic translation is that of Saadia Gaon (892-942).第一重要的阿拉伯文翻譯是Saadia Gaon ( 892-942 ) 。 The influence of this translation was in its way as great as that of the gaon's philosophical work.的影響,這是在翻譯方式一樣大,在gaon的哲學工作。 It has remained to this day the version for the Jews in Arabic-speaking countries: it is dignified by the name "Targum"; and in many of the South Arabian Bible manuscripts it follows the Aramaic verse by verse, as the Aramaic follows the Hebrew.它一直保持到今天的版本為猶太人在講阿拉伯語的國家:它是有尊嚴的名稱為“根” ,並在許多南方阿拉伯聖經手稿也沿用了阿拉姆語詩的詩,因為出色的如下希伯來。 Saadia in the main takes the Targum as his guide, especially in doing away with all anthropomorphisms. Saadia主要以根為他指導,特別是在取消所有anthropomorphisms 。 His chief thought, however, is to produce a readable and intelligible translation.他的主要思想,但是,生產可讀和可理解的翻譯。 In this sense his translation may be called free; he was evidently working for a general reading public, both Jewish and Mohammedan, and not for scholars.在這個意義上他的翻譯可能是所謂的自由,他顯然是為一般讀者,無論猶太教和伊斯蘭教,而不是學者。 Ibn Ezra blames him for the apparent case with which he passes over difficulties.本以斯拉指責他為明顯的情況,他經過困難。 But, in calling this translation a "tafsir" (explanation), he meant to indicate that he aimed to present the simple sense ("basiṭ"="peshaṭ") of the Biblical text; and Abu al-Walid looks upon him as the chief representative of this method.但是,在召開這次翻譯的“塔費爾” (解釋)他的意思,表明他的目標是本簡單的常識( “巴斯特” = “ peshaṭ ” )的聖經文本;和阿布瓦利德視他為總代表,此方法。 His fervent belief in the verbal inspiration of the Biblical text kept him free, on the one hand, from the influence of his rationalistic philosophy and, on the other, from the allegorical method of the Talmud (Editio Derenbourg, vx; Bacher in Winter and Wünsche, "Jüdische Litteratur," iii. 244).他堅信在口頭啟示聖經的文字讓他自由,一方面,從影響他的理性主義哲學,另一方面,從寓言方法的塔木德( Editio Derenbourg , VX毒劑;巴切爾冬Wünsche , “ Jüdische文學, ”三。 244 ) 。 When no word in Arabic will exactly express his meaning, he uses the Hebrew word or adopts the Hebrew construction.當沒有阿拉伯文將完全表達自己的意思,他用希伯來語單詞或採用希伯來建設。 In addition, he attempts to reproduce Hebrew words by Arabic words with a similar sound (Munk, in Cahen's "Bible," ix. 127).此外,他還試圖重現希伯來文的話阿拉伯語的話類似的聲音(芒克,在Cahen的“聖經”九。 127 ) 。 Saadia, in the introduction to the commentary on the Pentateuch, states that he translated it twice: once with a diffuse commentary; the second time without the commentary. Saadia ,在引進的評注五,說,他翻譯兩次:一次與瀰漫的評注;第二次的評注。 Of the first translation only a few fragments and citations by Abraham ibn Ezra, Baḥya ben Asher, Abraham Maimonides, etc., have been preserved (Derenbourg's ed. of the Pentateuch, Hebrew part, p. vii.; "Monatsschrift," xli. 205; "Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 536).第一次翻譯只有少數幾個片段和引文的亞伯拉罕本以斯拉,阿什爾Baḥya本亞伯拉罕邁蒙尼德等,已保存( Derenbourg的版。了五文,希伯來文的一部分,第七頁。 “月刊, ”四十一。 205 ; “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十二。 536 ) 。 Of this work, at one time complete, only the Pentateuch, Isaiah, Minor Prophets, portions of Judges, Psalms, Job, Proverbs, and Daniel are now extant.這項工作,在同一時間完成,只有五,以賽亞,小先知,部分法官,詩篇,就業,諺語,和丹尼爾現在尚存。

Saadia's translation was first printed in the Polyglot Pentateuch, Constantinople, 1546. Saadia的翻譯第一次印刷的多元五,君士坦丁堡, 1546 。 It was reproduced in Arabic characters in the Paris and London Polyglots (1645-57).這是轉載於阿拉伯文中的字符巴黎和倫敦Polyglots ( 1645年至1657年) 。 From time to time more or less critical editions of various portions have been published; a complete list of these editions as well as of the extant manuscripts is given by Steinschneider in the "Kaufmann Gedenkbuch," pp.不時或多或少的關鍵版本的各個部分已經出版;的完整清單,這些版本以及現存的手稿是由Steinschneider在“考夫曼Gedenkbuch , ”頁。 153 et seq. 153及以下。 (see also "Monatsschrift," xli. 124, and Engelkemper, "De Saadiæ Gaonis Vita, Bibliorum Versione, etc.," Münster, 1897). (又見“月刊, ”四十一。 124 ,和Engelkemper , “德Saadiæ Gaonis簡歷, Bibliorum Versione等, ”明斯特, 1897年) 。 A definite edition of the translation and commentaries was commenced by the late Joseph Derenbourg, "Œuvres Complètes de R. Saadia," Paris, 1893 et seq., and is being carried on by Hartwig Derenbourg and Mayer Lambert; the Pentateuch, Isaiah, Proverbs, and Job have appeared (1902).一個明確的版的翻譯和評論開始是由已故約瑟夫Derenbourg , “全集完成德河Saadia , ”巴黎, 1893年及以下。 ,並正在開展的哈特維格Derenbourg和梅耶蘭伯特;的五,以賽亞,諺語和工作出現了( 1902 ) 。

Other Arabic Versions.其他阿拉伯語版本。

A number of other translations into Arabic must have existed.其他一些翻譯成阿拉伯文必須存在。 Abu al-Walid mentions some of them, though it can hardly be determined to-day to which translations he refers (Bacher, "Leben und Werke des Abulwalid," p. 99).阿布瓦利德提到了其中一些,但難以確定,這一天他提到翻譯(巴切爾, “生平與著作之Abulwalid ” ,第99頁) 。 Some of them, though bearing no direct relation to that of Saadia, show evident traces of his influence.其中一些人,但同時無直接關係到Saadia ,顯示明顯的痕跡,他的影響力。 This is true at least of a translation of the Minor Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, found in Codex Huntington (No. 206 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford).這是真正的至少有一個翻譯的小先知,以賽亞,耶利米,和基爾,發現亨廷頓法典(第206號的伯德雷恩圖書館,牛津大學) 。 From this manuscript Hosea was published by R. Schröter in Merx, "Archiv," i.從這個手稿何西阿出版的R. Schröter在Merx , “檔案館, ”島 28 et seq. 28日起。 M. Peritz has edited "Zwei Alte Uebersetzungen des Buches Ruth," Berlin, 1900 ("Monatsschrift," 1899, pp. 49 et seq.). Peritz先生編輯了“ Zwei老Uebersetzungen萬Buches露絲, ”柏林, 1900年( “月刊, ” 1899年,頁。 49起。 ) 。 The second of these, from a manuscript in the British Museum, though it shows most of the peculiarities of Saadia's translation, is not by him (see also Poznanski, in "Zeit. für Hebr. Bibl." iv. 167).第二這些,從手稿在大英博物館,但它表明大多數的特殊性Saadia的翻譯,是不是他(又見波茲南斯基,在“時代。獻給Hebr 。 Bibl 。 ”四。 167 ) 。 Nothing is known of the fragments of the Arabic version of the Pentateuch found in the twelfth-century manuscript, St. Petersburg, Nos. 137 and 138 (Harkavy-Strack, "Catalog," p. 164).沒有人知道碎片的阿拉伯文版的五中發現的第十二屆世紀的手稿,聖彼得堡,第137和138 ( Harkavy -施特拉克, “目錄” ,第164頁) 。 Another translation of the Five Scrolls is found in British Museum MSS., Nos. 146, 147 (Poznanski, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xli. 302).另一位翻譯捲軸五是在大英博物館衛星。 ,第146 , 147 (波茲南斯基,在“修訂研究Juives , ”四十一。 302 ) 。 A rimed version of the Psalms was made by one Ḥafẓ al-Ḳuṭi (tenth century), which is contained in a manuscript of the Ambrosian Library in Milan (Hammer-Purgstall in "Bibl. Ital. di Letteratura," civ. 36), copied in 1625 from a manuscript in the Escurial, which has since been lost.阿rimed版本的詩篇是由Ḥafẓ基地之一,庫蒂( 10世紀) ,這是包含在手稿的安布羅西安聖圖書館在米蘭(錘Purgstall在“ Bibl 。瑞典。娣Letteratura , ”持續輸注。 36 ) ,複製1625年從手稿中的埃斯庫里亞爾,這已經丟失。 It is cited by Moses ibn Ezra in his "Poetics"; but it is evident that this translation was made by one who was not even, as has been supposed, a baptized Jew ("Hebr. Bibl." x. 26).這是引用摩西本龐德在他的“詩學” ,但顯而易見的是,這個翻譯是由一個誰甚至沒有,因為已經假定,一個洗禮的猶太人( “ Hebr 。 Bibl 。 ”十26 ) 。 Neubauer has pointed out ("Rev. Etudes Juives," xxx. 65) that it contains Christian quotations; and the term "the Goth" (ib. p. 318) would sufficiently indicate that the author was a Christian.紐鮑爾所指出的那樣( “修訂研究Juives , ” xxx域名。 65 ) ,它包含基督教報價;和術語“的哥特式” ( ib.頁318 )將充分表明,作者是一個基督徒。 A version of Ecclesiastes by Judah ibn Ghayyat has been published by J. Löwy, Leyden, 1884 (see Rahmer's "Jüdisches Litteratur-Blatt," May 29, 1884, p. 88). A版本的傳道書的猶太本Ghayyat已出版的J.洛伊,萊頓, 1884年(見Rahmer的“ Jüdisches文學,布拉特, ” 1884年5月29日,第88頁) 。 In the thirteenth century a translation of the Pentateuch was made by an African Jew, who also based his work on that of Saadia.在13世紀翻譯的摩西五是由非洲的猶太人,誰也基於對他的工作是Saadia 。 It is known as the "Arabs Erpenii" ("Pent. Mosis Arabice," Lug.-Bat. MS., No. 1622).這是被稱為“阿拉伯人Erpenii ” ( “壓抑。 Mosis Arabice , ” Lug. ,蝙蝠。質譜。號1622 ) 。 (On a supposed translation ofthe Psalms by Saadia ben Levi Azankot see Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." col. 2227.) In modern times several Arabic translations of the Bible have been published in India; eg, by Ezekiel Shem-Ṭob David, Bombay, 1889, and the Apocrypha by Joseph David, Bombay, 1895. (在假定的翻譯之詩篇的Saadia本列維Azankot見Steinschneider , “貓。 Bodl 。 ”山口。 2227 ) 。近代以來一些阿拉伯語翻譯聖經已出版了在印度;例如,基爾閃,尖大衛孟買, 1889年,和偽經約瑟夫大衛,孟買, 1895年。

Karaite Versions. Karaite版本。

It was natural that the Karaites should refuse to make use of the version in Arabic made by their arch-enemy, Saadia.這是自然的卡拉派信徒應該拒絕使用阿拉伯文版所作的拱敵人, Saadia 。 Only two or three of their attempts to replace it have come down; and even these have been preserved in a most fragmentary form only.只有兩個或三個試圖取代它開始下降,甚至這些已經保存在一個最完整的唯一形式。 One of the earliest of these attempts was that made by Joshua b.最早的一個這些企圖是,所作的喬舒亞灣 Ari, or, to give him the name by which he is better known, Abu al-Faraj Furḳan ibn Asad, a learned Jerusalem Karaite of the middle of the eleventh century.阿里,或給他的名字由他更好地了解,阿布,法拉傑Furḳan本阿薩德,一個教訓耶路撒冷的Karaite中間的11世紀。 A portion of his Arabic translation of the Pentateuch is to be found in MS.一部分他的阿拉伯文翻譯的摩西五是要找到在MS 。 Or.或。 2491 of the British Museum. 2491年大英博物館。 It shows occasionally a decided rationalistic tendency, explanatory glosses being introduced here and there into the text (G. Margoliouth, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." xi. 190).這表明偶爾一決定理性的傾向,解釋性粉飾介紹這裡和那裡的文字(灣Margoliouth ,在“猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十一。 190 ) 。 Whether Japheth ha-Levi (Ibn Ali al-Baṣri) really translated any parts of the Bible (Margoliouth, "Descriptive List," pp. 25 et seq.), is undetermined; but it is known that he had the ambitious desire to write an extensive commentary upon the whole Bible (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Uebers." p. 941).無論是雅弗公頃,列維(伊東阿里巴斯里)真正轉化任何部分聖經( Margoliouth , “說明性清單, ”頁。 25起。 )未定;但眾所周知,他曾雄心勃勃的希望寫廣泛評論的整個聖經( Steinschneider , “ Hebr 。 Uebers 。 ”頁941 ) 。 According to Margoliouth ("Cat. Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." p. 71), MS.據Margoliouth ( “貓。 Hebr 。衛星和撒馬利亞人。英。小。 ”第71頁) ,碩士。 Brit.英。 Mus.小家鼠。 101 (Or. 2481) contains an Arabic translation of the Pentateuch based upon that of Japheth. 101 ( Or. 2481 )載有阿拉伯文翻譯的五依據是雅弗。

Samaritan Revision of Saadia.撒瑪利亞修訂Saadia 。

The translation of Saadia, as is said above, had become a standard work in Egypt, Palestine, and Syria.翻譯Saadia ,這是說,上述情況,已成為一個標準的工作,埃及,巴勒斯坦和敘利亞。 But to the Samaritans it was as distasteful (Harkavy, "Ḥadashim," No. 7, p. 22) as it no doubt had been to the Karaites, because of the rabbinical interpretations which it represented.不過,撒瑪利亞這是因為討厭( Harkavy , “ Ḥadashim , ”第7號,第22頁) ,因為它毫無疑問已經向卡拉派信徒,因為猶太教解釋,它代表出席了會議。 At some time, perhaps during the thirteenth century, it was revised by a Samaritan with the express purpose of adapting it to the use of his coreligionists.在一段時間內,也許在13世紀,這是修訂的撒馬利亞人的明確目的,使之適應使用他的coreligionists 。 This revision is usually held to have been made by Abu Sa'id ibn abu al-Ḥusain ibn abu Sa'id, and has claimed the attention of European scholars such as De Sacy ("Mémoires de l'Académie," 1808, xlix. 1 et seq.), Gesenius ("De Pentateuchi Samaritani Origine, Indole et Auctoritate," p. 120, Halle, 1815), and Juynboll ("Commentatio de Versione Arabico-Samaritana," Amsterdam, 1846).這一修改通常是舉行了由阿布賽義德伊本阿布,阿布侯賽因伊本賽義德,並聲稱注意的歐洲學者,如德Sacy ( “ Mémoires法國學院” , 1808年, xlix 。 1款及以下。 ) Gesenius ( “德Pentateuchi Samaritani起源,吲哚等Auctoritate ” ,第120頁,哈雷, 1815年) ,並Juynboll ( “ Commentatio德Versione Arabico - Samaritana , ”阿姆斯特丹, 1846年) 。 Of it Genesis, Ezodus, and Leviticus have been edited by A. Kuenen (Leyden, 1851-54; see Kohn, "Zur Sprache der Samaritaner," p. 134; Nestle, lcp 153).它的成因, Ezodus ,並利未記已編輯,由A. Kuenen (萊頓, 1851年至1854年;見科恩, “論語言之Samaritaner ” ,第134頁;雀巢, LCP的153 ) 。 Abu Sa'id was supposed to have lived about the year 1070; but Wreschner ("Samaritanische Tradition," 1888, p. xix.) has shown that he flourished in the thirteenth century.阿布賽義德是要居住的1070年,但Wreschner ( “ Samaritanische傳統, ” 1888年,頁19 。 )已經表明,他在蓬勃發展的13世紀。 According to Joseph Bloch, "Die Samaritanisch-Arabische Pentateuch Uebersetzung," p.據約瑟夫布洛赫, “模具Samaritanisch - Arabische五Uebersetzung , ”頁 16, Berlin, 1901, the real translator is perhaps the Tyrian, Abu al-Ḥasan, and Abu Sa'id is only a scholiast. 16日,柏林, 1901年,真正的翻譯也許是Tyrian ,阿布哈桑和阿布賽義德只是一個註釋。 If this be true, it was not the first translation; for one was made in the twelfth century by Ṣadaḳa ibn Munajja of Damascus, a physician in the service of Sultan Malik al-Ashraf (Haji Khalifah, ii. 402; Neubauer, "Chronique Samaritaine," p. 112).如果這是真的,這不是第一次翻譯;一個是在12世紀的Ṣadaḳa本Munajja大馬士革,醫生的服務,文萊蘇丹馬利克基地,阿什拉(大臣哈利法,二。 402 ;紐鮑爾, “紀事Samaritaine “ ,第112頁) 。

Persian Versions.波斯文版本。

It is not known at what time the first translations of the Bible were made into Persian.不知道什麼時候第一次翻譯聖經到了波斯灣。 From quotations in the "Dinkard" and the "Shikand Gumanik Vijar" (theological works of the Sassanian period), James Darmesteter has supposed that one existed in Pahlavi ("Rev. Etudes Juives," xviii. 5); but the supposition is unsupported by any real evidence.從引文中的“ Dinkard ”和“ Shikand Gumanik Vijar ” (神學工程的波斯薩珊期間) ,詹姆斯Darmesteter已經假定,一個存在於巴列維( “修訂研究Juives , ”十八。 5 ) ;但假設是不受支持任何真正的證據。 Blau also ("Einleitung," p. 95) seems to incline to this opinion, because Bab.布勞還( “導論” ,第95頁)似乎傾向於這種意見,因為巴布。 Meg.梅格。 18a speaks of a scroll of Esther in the Elamite and Median languages.這款談到滾動以斯帖在埃蘭文和中間語言。 According to Maimonides, the Pentạteuch was translated into Persian many hundred years previous to Mohammed (Zunz, "GV" 2d ed., p. 9).據邁蒙尼德,在五被翻譯成波斯語許多百年前,以穆罕默德( Zunz , “顆粒” 2版。 ,第9頁) 。 This statement also can not be further substantiated.這項聲明也無法得到進一步證實。 The earliest version of which we have any knowledge is that made by Jacob ben Joseph Tawus, and printed in Hebrew characters in the Polyglot Pentateuch, Constantinople, 1546. This was transcribed into Persian characters and translated into Latin by Thomas Hyde, in which form it was published in the London Polyglot.最早的版本中,我們有任何的知識是取得本約瑟夫雅各布Tawus ,並印在希伯來文中的字符多元五,君士坦丁堡, 1546 。這是轉錄到波斯字符並翻譯成拉丁美洲的托馬斯海德,在這種形式結果發表在倫敦多元。 Kohut ("Beleuchtung der Persischen Pentateuch-Uebersetzung," 1871) places Tawus in the first half of the sixteenth century (compare also Zunz, "GS" iii. 136). According to Steinschneider ("Jewish Literature," p. 321), Tawus made use of an earlier translation made in the thirteenth century (see Munk, in Cahen's "Bible," vol. ix.), which followed the Targum and the commentary of David Ḳimḥi.胡特( “ Beleuchtung之Persischen五, Uebersetzung , ” 1871年)的地方Tawus上半年的16世紀(也比較Zunz , “人”三。 136 ) 。根據Steinschneider ( “猶太文學” ,第321頁) , Tawus使用了較早的翻譯在13世紀(見芒克,在Cahen的“聖經” ,第二卷。九。 )之後的根和評注的大衛Ḳimḥi 。 A number of translations into Persian are to be found in the various collections of manuscript, of which the following is a partial list:一些翻譯成波斯語是可以找到在各種收藏的手稿,其中的部分清單如下:


Vatican MS.梵蒂岡質譜。 61 (Guidi, in "Rendiconti . . . dei Lincei," 1885, p. 347). Codex Adler B. 63, written in 1776 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 596). Codex St. Petersburg 141 (not by Tawus; Harkavy-Strack, "Cat." p. 166). 61 (圭,在“ Rendiconti 。 。 。代學院” , 1885年,第347頁) 。法典阿德勒灣63歲,寫的1776 ( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十596 ) 。聖彼得堡法典141 (而不是由Tawus ; Harkavy -施特拉克, “貓。 ”第166頁) 。

Psalms: Vatican MS.詩篇:梵蒂岡質譜。 37; Bodleian MS. 37 ;伯德雷恩質譜。 1830. Vatican MS. 1830年。梵蒂岡確證。 42; Bodleian MS. 42 ;伯德雷恩質譜。 1827 (Jewish? Horn, in "ZDMG" li. 7). Codex Adler B. 27 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 592). Brit. 1827年(猶太?非洲之角,在“ ZDMG ”禮。 7 ) 。法典阿德勒灣27號( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十592 ) 。英。 Mus.小家鼠。 MSS.衛星。 159, 160 (transl. about 1740 by Baba b. Nuriel of Ispahan; Margoliouth, "Cat. of Hebr. and Samaritan MSS. Brit. Mus." p. 120). Brit. 159 , 160 ( transl.約1740年的巴巴灣Nuriel的伊斯法罕兩村; Margoliouth , “貓。的Hebr 。衛星和撒馬利亞人。英。小。 ”第120頁) 。英。 Mus.小家鼠。 MS.質譜。 Or.或。 4729 (dated 1822; "Jew. Quart. Rev." vii. 119). Proverbs, Canticles, Ruth, Ecclesiastes: Paris MS. 4729 (日期為1822年; “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”七。 119 ) 。諺語, Canticles ,露絲,傳道書:巴黎質譜。 116 ("Cat. des MSS. Héb. de la Bibl. Nat."). 116 ( “貓。沙漠衛星。還未。德拉魯阿Bibl 。納特。 ” ) 。

Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes: Codex Adler B. 46 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 595). Paris MS.諺語, Canticles ,傳道書:法典阿德勒灣46號( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十595 ) 。巴黎質譜。 117 ("Cat. des MSS. Héb. de la Bibl. Nat."). Proverbs: On a translation now lost, see Lagarde, "Symmicta," ii. 14. 117 ( “貓。沙漠衛星。還未。德拉魯阿Bibl 。納特。 ” ) 。諺語:在現在翻譯了,見拉嘉德, “ Symmicta , ”二。 14 。

Job and Lamentations: Codex de Rossi 1093 (Zunz, "GS" iii. 135). Paris MS.就業和悲嘆:法典德羅西1093 ( Zunz , “人”三。 135 ) 。巴黎質譜。 118 ("Cat. des MSS. Hébreux de la Bibl. Nat."). 118 ( “貓。沙漠衛星。 Hébreux德拉魯阿Bibl 。納特。 ” ) 。

Job: Codex St. Petersburg 142 (Harkavy-Strack, p. 167.). Paris MSS.項目:食品法典聖彼得堡142 ( Harkavy -施特拉克,第167頁。 ) 。巴黎衛星。 120, 121 ("Catalogue," etc.). Song of Songs: Codex Adler B. 12 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 589). 120 , 121 ( “目錄” ,等等) 。頌詩:阿德勒灣法典12 ( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十589 ) 。

Daniel: Paris MSS.丹尼爾:巴黎衛星。 128, 129 ("Catalogue," etc.). 128 , 129 ( “目錄” ,等等) 。

Esther: Codex Adler T. 16 and 27 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 598, 599). Paris MS.埃斯特:阿德勒噸法典16日和27日( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十, 598 , 599 ) 。巴黎質譜。 127 ("Catalogue," etc.). 127 ( “目錄” ,等等) 。

Tobit, Judith, Bel and Dragon, Antiochus: Codex Bodleian 130. Minor Prophets: Codex St. Petersburg 139 and Codex B. 18 (Harkavy-Strack, pp. 165, 262).托比書,朱迪,貝爾和龍,安:法典伯德雷恩130 。小先知:聖彼得堡法典139和法典灣18 ( Harkavy -施特拉克,頁。 165 , 262 ) 。

Hafṭarot: Codex St. Petersburg 140 (Harkavy-Strack, p. 166). There are also some quite modern translations into Persian, as , Vienna, 1883 (transl. by Benjamin Cohen of Bokhara; see "Lit.-Blatt für Or. Phil." i. 186); , Jerusalem, 1885; Job, ib.; the latter two also translated by Benjamin Cohen. Hafṭarot :聖彼得堡法典140 ( Harkavy -施特拉克,第166頁) 。也有一些很現代的翻譯成波斯文,因為,維也納, 1883年( transl.的本傑明科恩博卡拉;見“ Lit. ,毛皮和布拉特。菲爾。 “島186號) ; ,耶路撒冷, 1885年;就業,興業。 ;後兩個還翻譯了本傑明科恩。

Tatar Versions.韃靼語版本。

For the use of the Karaites in the Crimea and Turkey, a translation has been made into the Tshagatai-Tatar dialect.使用的卡拉派信徒在克里米亞和土耳其,翻譯已經取得了進入Tshagatai ,韃靼族方言。 The Pentateuch was printed (text and Tshagatai in Hebrew characters) by 'Irab Ozlu & Sons, Constantinople, 1836, with the title ; on the margin are the ; and acrostic poems are added by Abraham ben Samuel, Simḥah ben Joseph (Chages?), Isaac Cohen, and Isaac ben Samuel Cohen of Jerusalem.在五印( Tshagatai文字和希伯來文字符)由' Irab Ozlu父子,君士坦丁堡, 1836年,隨著所有權;對利潤率的;和acrostic詩歌增加了亞伯拉罕本薩穆埃爾, Simḥah本約瑟夫( Chages ? ) ,艾薩克科恩和伊薩克本塞繆爾科恩耶路撒冷。 The whole Bible was printed in Tshagatai by Mordecai Trishkin (4 vols., Goslov, 1841-42; see "Jew. Quart. Rev." xii. 686).整個聖經印刷Tshagatai的莫德Trishkin ( 4卷。 , Goslov , 1841年至1842年;見“猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十二。 686 ) 。 Extracts are also to be found in the of Musafia, printed at Ortaköi (Constantinople), 1825, and published by the same firm that edited the Pentateuch of 1836 ("Jew. Quart. Rev." xiii. 549). Manuscripts of such translations exist also in the Imperial Library at St. Petersburg (Nos. 143-146; Harkavy-Strack, "Cat." pp. 167-170).提取物也將發現的Musafia ,印刷Ortaköi (君士坦丁堡) , 1825年,並出版了同樣的公司,編輯五的1836年( “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”十三。 549 ) 。手稿等翻譯還存在著帝國圖書館在聖彼得堡(第143-146段; Harkavy -施特拉克, “貓。 ”頁。 167-170 ) 。

Coptic and Hungarian.科普特和匈牙利。

Talmud tradition expressly speaks of a Coptic translation of the Bible (Meg. 18a; Shabbat 115a).塔木德講傳統,明確了科普特翻譯聖經( Meg. 18A條;安息日115a ) 。 Cornill, in his examination of the Coptic text of Ezekiel, finds the one published by Tattam to be of composite character and not simply a translation of the Septuagint. Blau believes that it was made directly from the Hebrew text ("Einleitung," p. 91; "Jew. Quart. Rev." ix. 728). Cornill ,在他的檢查科普特文以西結,認定一個Tattam出版的具有綜合性質,而不是簡單的翻譯的譯本。布勞認為,它是直接從希伯來文( “導論” ,頁91 , “猶太人。夸脫。牧師”九。 728 ) 。

No Jewish translation into Hungarian was made until quite recently, the Jews of Hungary making use of the Catholic and Protestant versions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.沒有猶太翻譯成匈牙利是直到最近,匈牙利的猶太人利用天主教和新教版本的16和17世紀。 About the middle of the nineteenth century M. Bloch (Ballaghi) attempted such a rendering; but he was not successful.關於十九世紀中葉先生布洛赫( Ballaghi )試圖這樣一個繪製;但他沒有成功。 His plan has recently (1902) been carried out; and the Pentateuch (by M. Bernstein and M. Blau), Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings (by Julius Fischer, Bánóczi, Bacher, and Krauss) have appeared (see "Rev. Etudes Juives," xliii. 158).他的計劃,最近( 1902 )進行;和五(由M.伯恩斯坦和M.布勞) ,約書亞,法官,薩穆埃爾,和國王(由朱利葉斯費, Bánóczi ,巴切爾,克勞斯和)已經出現(見“牧師研究Juives , “四十三。 158 ) 。

Judæo-German. Judæo德國。

The translation of the Bible into the German dialect spoken by the Jews of middle Europe was commenced at an early date.翻譯聖經的方言德國的猶太人中歐洲開始早日實現。 A manuscript in the collection of De Rossi, dated Mantua, 1421, contains a Judæo-German translation of Joshua, Judges, Jonah, and four of the Megillot.手稿收集德羅西月曼圖亞, 1421 ,載有Judæo -德語翻譯約書亞,法官,喬納和四個Megillot 。 De Rossi supposed them to be written in Polish because they were brought to Italy by Polish Jews (Neubauer, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." iv. 703).德羅西假定他們寫在波蘭,因為他們被帶到意大利,波蘭猶太人(紐鮑爾,在“猶太人。夸脫。牧師”四。 703 ) 。 Such translations were technically known as "Teutsch-Ḥummash."這種翻譯在技術上被稱為“ Teutsch - Ḥummash 。 ” A printer had innocently placed the words (Cant. iii. 11) on the title-page of such a translation made by Jacob ben Isaac of Janow (Lublin, 17th century?), from which they became familiarly called "Ze'enah U-re'ennah"; and down to the time of Mendelssohn's translation they were popular reading-books, especially for women on Saturdays.打印機放置了天真無邪的話( Cant.三。 11 )標題頁這樣的翻譯所作的雅各布本艾薩克的亞努夫(盧布林, 17世紀? ) ,而他們成為親密所謂的“ Ze'enah U型re'ennah “ ;和下跌的時間門德爾松的翻譯他們是受歡迎的閱讀書籍,尤其是婦女在星期六。 They were embellished with all manner of explanations, legends, and moral sayings, which were inserted into the text (Steinschneider, "Volkslitteratur der Juden," p. 17).它們含有各種各樣的解釋,傳說,和道義上的名言,這是插入到文本( Steinschneider , “ Volkslitteratur德國猶太人” ,第17頁) 。 The first rendering of this kind was made by a convert, Michael Adam, the translator of Yosippon into Judæo-German.第一個提供這種是由轉換,邁克爾亞當,翻譯的Yosippon到Judæo德國。 It was published by Paulus Fagius, Constance, 1543-44 (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." Nos. 1187, 4333; Perles, in "Monatsschrift," xxv. 361; id. "Aramäische Studien," p. 167; "Rev. Etudes Juives," v. 143, 315), and was reprinted at Basel in 1583 and 1607.這是出版的保盧斯Fagius ,康斯坦茨, 1543年至1544年( Steinschneider , “貓。 Bodl 。 ”第1187 , 4333 ;珍珠,在“月刊, ”二十五。 361 ;編號。 “ Aramäische Studien ” ,第167頁; “牧師研究Juives , “訴143 , 315 ) ,並在巴塞爾重印在1583和1607年。 It has nothing in common with Luther's translation, as Wolf ("Bibl. Hebr." iv. 198) supposes.它已沒有共同的路德的翻譯,如狼( “ Bibl 。 Hebr 。 ”四。 198 )假設。 This Pentateuch was reprinted at Cremona, 1560 (ed. Judah ben Moses Naphtali); Basel, 1583; ib.這五是在克雷莫納重印, 1560 (編本猶太摩西拿弗) ;巴塞爾, 1583 ;興業。 1603; Prague, 1608, 1610; Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1687. 1603年,布拉格, 1608年, 1610 ;法蘭克福上的主, 1687 。 A rimed version of it appeared at Fürth, 1692, and Wilmersdorf, 1718; and a second rimed version of Genesis was made by a certain Aaron of Prague during the seventeenth century.阿rimed版本,它出現在菲爾特, 1692年,並威默爾斯多夫, 1718 ;和第二rimed版本的成因是由某些阿龍在布拉格17世紀。 In 1543-44 Paulus Æmilius published a similar translation of the Pentateuch (Augsburg, 1544).在1543年至1544年斯埃米利烏斯保盧斯發表了類似的翻譯五(奧格斯堡, 1544 ) 。 It is uncertain whether Æmilius simply copied the edition of Adam or not (Steinschneider, in "Zeit. für Gesch. der Juden in Deutschland," i. 286).目前尚不能確定是否斯埃米利烏斯簡單複製版的亞當或不( Steinschneider ,在“時代。獻給Gesch 。德國猶太人在德國, ”島286 ) 。 Æmilius also edited at Ingolstadt (1562) the Judæo-German rimed translation of Samuel in German characters.還編輯斯埃米利烏斯在英戈爾斯塔特( 1562 )的Judæo德國rimed塞繆爾翻譯德文字符。 This was a mere copy of the edition in Hebrew characters by Ḥayyim ben David Schwartz, Augsburg, 1544 (ib. i. 285).這是一個純粹的副本希伯來文版的字符Ḥayyim本大衛施瓦茲,奧格斯堡, 1544 ( ib.島285 ) 。 It was called the ("Samuel Book").它被稱為( “塞繆爾書” ) 。 This was reprinted at Mantua about 1562; Cracow, 1593; Prague, 1609; Basel, 1612.這是在曼圖亞重印約1562年;克拉科夫, 1593 ;布拉格, 1609年;巴塞爾, 1612號決議。 Schwartz also published a rimed translation of Kings, , Augsburg, 1543; Prague, 1607.施瓦茲還出版了一本翻譯rimed國王,奧格斯堡, 1543 ;布拉格, 1607年。 A translation of Judges (rimed) appeared at Mantua in 1561; one of Joshua, "derneut in teutscher Sprach, wol gereimt . . . hübsch mit Midraschim," at Cracow in 1588 or 1594; one of Canticles, by Isaac Sulkes, at Cracow in 1579; another by Moses Särtels, Prague, 1604; one of Jeremiah, ib.翻譯的法官( rimed )出現在曼圖亞在1561 ;之一喬舒, “ derneut在teutscher語言,網絡喚醒gereimt 。 。 。 hübsch麻省理工學院Midraschim ” ,在克拉科夫在1588或1594 ; Canticles之一,由艾薩克Sulkes ,在克拉科夫在1579年,另一名由摩西Särtels ,布拉格, 1604 ;之一耶利米,興業。 1602; one of Ezekiel (rimed), ib. 1602; and one of Jonah, " mit viel und alle Midraschim" (rimed), Prague, before 1686. 1602 ;之一基爾( rimed ) , 123 。 1602 ;和喬納之一, “美國麻省理工學院viel和阿勒Midraschim ” ( rimed ) ,布拉格, 1686年前。

The first Judæo-German translation of the Psalms was that of Elijah Levita (Venice, 1545; Zurich, 1558, etc.); it was arranged in the order of the psalms said on each day of the week.第一Judæo -德語翻譯的詩篇是,以利亞Levita (威尼斯, 1545 ;蘇黎世, 1558等) ;被安排在該命令的詩歌說,每個星期。 A rimed by Moses Stendal appeared at Cracow in 1586.阿rimed的摩西Stendal出現在克拉科夫在1586年。 Proverbs was translated by Mordecai ben (Isaac) Jacob Töplitz, Cracow, 1582 (a version also appeared at Amsterdam, 1735); and Job by the same (?), Prague, 1597. A translation of Kings appeared at Cracow in 1583 (Neubauer, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," v. 144); one of Esther, ib.諺語翻譯的莫德本(艾薩克)雅各布Töplitz ,克拉科夫, 1582 (版本也出現在阿姆斯特丹, 1735 ) ;和就業由同一( ? ) ,布拉格, 1597 。翻譯國王出現在克拉科夫在1583 (紐鮑爾在“版本研究Juives , ”訴144 ) ;埃斯特之一,興業。 1596; and one of Daniel, " in teutscher Sprach hübsch und bescheidlich, gar kurzweilig darin zu leien Weiber und Meidlich," Cracow, 1588.第1596號;之一,丹尼爾, “在teutscher語言hübsch與bescheidlich ,噶爾kurzweilig達林祖leien Weiber與Meidlich , ”克拉科夫, 1588 。 These editions of Cracow came from the press of Isaac ben Aaron Prossnitz, whose intention it was to publish the whole Bible in Judæo-German in order that "women and children might be able to read without the help of a teacher" (Perles, in "Monatsschrift," xxv. 353). Isaac Blitz's Bible.這些版本的克拉科夫來自新聞媒體的伊薩克本阿龍Prossnitz ,其意圖是為了整個出版聖經Judæo德國,以“婦女和兒童也許能讀的幫助,教師” (珍珠,在“月刊” , 25 。 353 ) 。艾薩克閃電戰的聖經。

The first complete Bible in Judæo-German was that of Isaac Blitz, Amsterdam, 1676-78.第一個完整的聖經Judæo德國是以撒閃電戰,阿姆斯特丹, 1676年至1678年。 It was for the use of the Polish Jews who had fled thither a few years previously because of the Chmielnicki persecutions.這是使用的波蘭猶太人逃離誰那兒幾年前,因為Chmielnicki迫害。 It must have been the intention of the translator to push its sale in Poland also; for letters patent were granted for it by John Sobieski III.它必須已經打算翻譯,以推動其銷售在波蘭也;的信件專利被授予它的約翰伯斯基三。 This translation exercised very little influence, as the Judæo-German in which itwas written contained many Dutch words and expressions (Wiener, "Yiddish Literature," p. 19).本翻譯行使影響很小,因為Judæo德國在itwas書面載有許多荷蘭詞語(維納, “意第緒文學” ,第19頁) 。 A second translation, in opposition to that of Blitz, was published in Amsterdam in 1679 by Joseph Witzenhausen, formerly a compositor in the employ of Uri Phoebus, the printer of the former edition. Witzenhausen was able to secure the approbation of the Council of the Four Lands, and his attempt to make the Athias edition supersede that of Phoebus occasioned much bad blood (see Joseph Athias).第二個翻譯,在反對的閃電戰,結果發表在1679年阿姆斯特丹由約瑟夫Witzenhausen ,以前的排字中僱用的開放菲伯斯,打印機前版。 Witzenhausen能夠確保認可理事會四土地,和他的企圖,使Athias版取代的菲伯斯引起很多壞血(見約瑟夫Athias ) 。 A second edition of this last translation was published at Amsterdam in 1687, and a third, in German characters, at Wandsbeck in 1711.第二版的這最後翻譯出版了在阿姆斯特丹1687年,第三,在德國的字符,在Wandsbeck在1711年。 A third translation, by Süssman Rödelheim and Menahem Man Levi, under the title , appeared at Amsterdam in 1725-29.第三個翻譯,由蘇斯曼Rödelheim和梅納海姆人列維的標題下,出現在阿姆斯特丹在1725年至1729年。 At the same place in 1735 there was published an edition of Proverbs ("Cat. Rosenthal. Bibl." i. 207).在同一地點有在1735年出版了一個版本的諺語( “貓。羅森塔爾。 Bibl 。 ”島207 ) 。 It was more than one hundred years before another complete German translation was published, namely, at Prague, 1833-37; but this was of a composite character, as its editor, W. Meyer, made use of various translations (in general, compare Grünbaum, "Jüdisch-Deutsche Chrestomathie," Leipsic, 1882).這是超過百年之前,又完成德語翻譯出版,即在布拉格, 1833年至1837年;但這是一個綜合性質的,因為它的編輯,美國邁耶,利用各種翻譯(一般,比較Grünbaum , “ Jüdisch ,德意志Chrestomathie , ” Leipsic , 1882年) 。

German Translation-Mendelssohn.德文翻譯,門德爾松。

The growing acquaintance of the Jews with German literature soon produced a marked discontent with these Judæo-German translations. This discontent was voiced by the rabbis of Berlin, Mecklenburg, and Courland (Zunz, "GV" 2d ed., p. 467).熟人越來越多的猶太人與德國文學很快產生了明顯的不滿與這些Judæo ,德語翻譯。不滿的是這所表示猶太教柏林,梅克倫堡和庫爾蘭( Zunz , “顆粒” 2版。 ,第467頁) 。 To meet this want Mendelssohn stepped into the breach; and his translation of the Pentateuch is worthy of more than a passing notice.為了滿足這種需要門德爾松步入違約;和他的翻譯五是值得多路過的通知。 It had a special importance in that it not only aroused an esthetic interest in literature on the part of those who read it, but also paved the way for a more general use of High German among the Jews of Germany, among whom it may be said to have introduced a new literary era (Kayserling, "Moses Mendelssohn," p. 286; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 320; Auerbach, in "Zeitschrift für Gesch. der Juden in Deutschland," i. 25; Wogue, "Hist. de la Bible et de l'Exégèse," p. 329).它有一個特別重要的意義,它不僅引起了審美的興趣在文學的一部分,這些誰讀,但也鋪平了道路更普遍地利用高級德國猶太人之間的德國人,其中,可以說以引入了新的文學時代( Kayserling , “摩西門德爾松” ,第286頁; “ Literaturblatt之方向” , 1840年,第320頁;奧爾巴赫,在“雜誌Gesch 。德國猶太人在德國, ”島25 ; Wogue “組織胺。德拉魯阿聖經與法國Exégèse ” ,第329頁) 。 Mendelssohn undertook the work for the instruction of his own children; but upon the advice of Solomon Dubno, consented to its publication on condition that Dubno should write a commentary explaining the reasons why Mendelssohn chose his various renderings.門德爾松進行了工作的指示,他自己的孩子,但後提出的建議所羅門群島杜布諾,同意其出版的條件是杜布諾應該寫評注,解釋原因門德爾松選擇了他的各種效果圖。 A specimen, "'Alim li-Trufah," was edited by Dubno (Amsterdam, 1778), and aroused the liveliest interest on the part of Christians as well as of Jews.有關樣本, “阿利姆立Trufah , ”是編輯的杜布諾(阿姆斯特丹, 1778 ) ,激發了活力的利息的一部分基督教徒以及猶太人。 It was natural that it should also evoke strenuous opposition, especially on the part of those Jews who feared that the reading of High German would cause the Jewish youth to neglect their Hebrew studies.這是自然,它也應引起反對派繁重,特別是那些猶太人誰擔心讀高會使德國的猶太青年忽視其希伯來文的研究。 Foremost in this opposition were the rabbis Ezekiel Landau (d. 1793) of Prague, Raphael ha-Kohen (1722-1803), of Hamburg, Altona, and Wandsbeck, Hirsch Janow (1750-85) of Fürth, and Phineas Levi Horwitz (1740-1803) of Frankfort-on-the-Main.首先在這反對派的拉比基爾蘭(草1793年)的布拉格,拉斐爾公頃, Kohen ( 1822至03年) ,漢堡,阿爾托納,並Wandsbeck ,赫希亞努夫( 1750至1785年)的菲爾特和菲尼亞斯列維霍維茨( 1740至1803年)的法蘭克福上的主。

In June, 1799, the proposed translation was put under the ban at Fürth.今年6月, 1799年,擬議的翻譯下被禁止在菲爾特。 It was also forbidden in some cities of Poland, and is said even to have been publicly burned.有人還禁止在一些城市的波蘭,並說,即使已公開燒毀。 An additional ban was laid upon it by Raphael ha-Kohen (July 17, 1781; see Grätz, "Gesch. der Juden," xi. 585, note 1).另外一個禁令是賦予它的拉斐爾公頃, Kohen ( 1781年7月17日;見格拉茨, “ Gesch 。德國猶太人, ”十一。 585 ,注1 ) 。 Work on it was, however, continued with the assistance of Solomon Dubno, Hertz Homberg, and Aaron Jaroslav. Dubno became frightened at the continued opposition, and retired, forcing Mendelssohn himself to do an additional share of the work. Though the translation was in High German, it was printed in Hebrew characters under the title , with a Hebrew commentary or "biur," the commentaries of Rashi, etc., and an introduction by Naphtali Hertz Wessely.它的工作,但是,持續的協助下,所羅門群島杜布諾,赫茲Homberg ,和Aaron雅羅斯拉夫。杜布諾成為害怕繼續反對,退休,迫使門德爾松自己做額外的股份的工作。雖然是翻譯高級德語,這是希伯來文印刷字符的標題下,以希伯來文評或“模糊”的評論Rashi等,並介紹了所拿弗赫茲Wessely 。 It appeared in parts-Genesis, Berlin, 1780; Exodus, ib. 1781; Leviticus, ib.它出現在零部件成因,柏林, 1780 ;出,伊布。 1781年;利未記,興業。 1782; Numbers and Deuteronomy, ib. 1782年;數和申命記,興業。 1783-and has often been republished both in German and in Hebrew characters. An attempt was made in Mendelssohn's time to issue an edition in German characters; but the German Jews at that time looked upon the work as so exceptionally strange that its publication had to be suspended (Bernfeld, "Juden im 19 Jahrhundert," p. 9). 1783年和經常被重新在德國和希伯來文字符。試圖在門德爾松的時間問題,一個版本在德國字符;但德國猶太人,當時看上去的工作,所以非常奇怪的是,其出版了暫停( Bernfeld , “猶太人免疫19 Jahrhundert ” ,第9頁) 。 Mendelssohn also published (Berlin, 1783) a translation of the Psalms (which, however, follows closely that of Luther; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 320) and one of the Song of Solomon (ib. 1788). These translations attempted a conscientious reproduction of the text, and sought to make the pathos of the original felt in the German; and they were followed by a large school of translators (see Biurists).門德爾松還出版(柏林, 1783年)翻譯的詩篇(其中然而,密切注視的路德“ ; Literaturblatt之方向” , 1840年,第320頁)和一個雅歌( ib. 1788 ) 。這些翻譯試圖複製一個有良知的文字,並設法使感傷原來認為在德國,他們之後進行了大學校的翻譯(見Biurists ) 。 CEJ Bunsen ("Vollständiges Bibelwerk," I. xvii.) calls these and similar translations "Synagogenbibeln." CEJ本生( “ Vollständiges Bibelwerk , ”一十七。 )呼籲這些和類似的翻譯“ Synagogenbibeln 。 ” He says "they do not speak in the historical German language, but in the Hebræo-rabbinical Judæo-German"; a verdict which is wholly one-sided, if one excepts the proper names, where an attempt was made to reproduce the Hebrew originals ("Monatsschrift," ix. 156). Only a few of Mendelssohn's followers can be mentioned here.他說, “他們不會講的歷史德文,但在Hebræo ,猶太教Judæo德國” ;的裁決完全是片面的,如果之一excepts適當的名稱,如果有人企圖重現希伯來文正本( “月刊, ”九。 156 ) 。只有少數門德爾松的追隨者可以在這裡提及。 His translation of the Song of Solomon was published after his death by Joel Löwe and Aaron Wolfson.他翻譯的雅歌出版去世後由喬爾羅威和Aaron沃爾夫森。 The first of these also published a translation of Jonah (Berlin, 1788); while the second translated Lamentations, Esther, and Ruth (Berlin, 1788), Job (ib. 1788; Prague, 1791; Vienna, 1806), and Kings (Breslau, 1809).其中第一次還出版了一本翻譯的喬納(柏林, 1788 ) ;而第二個翻譯耶利米哀歌,埃斯特,並露絲(柏林, 1788 ) ,就業( ib. 1788 ;布拉格, 1791年;維也納, 1806年)和國王(布雷斯勞, 1809年) 。 Isaac Euchel translated Proverbs (Berlin, 1790; Dessau, 1804), introducing, however, philosophical expressions into the text, thereby often clouding the meaning.艾薩克Euchel翻譯諺語(柏林, 1790年;德紹, 1804年) ,引進,然而,哲學表達到文字,從而常常混濁的含義。 David Friedländer, who translated Ecclesiastes (in German characters, Berlin, 1788), wrote in a belletristic style. Meïr Obernik translated Joshua, Judges, and Samuel, and, together with Samuel Detmold, the Second Book of Samuel (), Vienna, 1792).大衛弗雷蘭德,誰翻譯傳道書(德文字符,柏林, 1788 ) ,寫在belletristic風格。梅爾Obernik翻譯約書亞,法官和薩穆埃爾,並連同塞繆爾德特莫爾德,第二次圖書塞繆爾( ) ,維也納, 1792年) 。 M. Philippson, Joseph Wolf, Gotthold Salomon, Israel Neumann, and J. Löwe were the translators of the Minor Prophets published in Dessau, 1805, under the title (stereotyped as early as 1837). Philippson先生,約瑟夫沃爾夫Gotthold所羅門,以色列諾依曼,和J.羅威是翻譯的小先知發表在德紹, 1805年,根據標題(定型早在1837年) 。 Wolf also published a translation of Daniel (Dessau, 1808); David Ottensosser one of Job (Offenbach, 1807), Isaiah (Fürth, 1807), and Lamentations (ib. 1811), and together with SJ Kohn, of Jeremiah (ib. 1810).沃爾夫還出版了一本翻譯的丹尼爾(德紹, 1808 ) ;大衛Ottensosser項目之一(奧芬巴赫, 1807 ) ,以賽亞(菲爾特, 1807年) ,並耶利米哀歌( ib. 1811年) ,並連同律政司司長科恩,耶利米( ib. 1810年) 。 A translation of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles by Ottensosser, Kohn, and Schwabacher appeared at Fürth, 1807-23.翻譯以賽亞,耶利米,以西結,丹尼爾,以斯拉,尼希米記,和記的Ottensosser ,科恩和Schwabacher出現在菲爾特, 1807年至1823年。 Isaiah was also translated by Isaiah Hochstetter (Winter and Wünsche, "Die Jüdische Litteratur," iii. 744), Jeremiahby Heinemann (Berlin, 1842), Job by Beer Blumenfeld (Vienna, 1826), and Psalms by Shalom Kohn (Hamburg, 1827).以賽亞還翻譯了以賽亞霍克斯泰特(冬季和Wünsche , “模具Jüdische文學, ”三。 744 ) , Jeremiahby海涅曼(柏林, 1842年) ,項目由啤酒布盧門菲爾德(維也納, 1826年) ,和詩篇的沙洛姆科恩(漢堡, 1827 ) 。 The period of the Mendelssohnian biurists may be fittingly said to end with the Bible published by Moses Landau (20 parts, Prague, 1833-37, mentioned above. Of this work the translations of the Pentateuch, Psalms, and Five Scrolls were those of Mendelssohn; the translations of the other books were contributed by Moses Landau, J. Weisse, S. Sachs, A. Benisch, and W. Mayer; and the Minor Prophets were reprinted from the edition of Dessau, 1805 (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 972). It may also be added here that an edition of Proverbs, Job, and the Five Scrolls, with translations by Obernik, Euchel, Wolfson, Mendelssohn, and Friedländer, had already appeared at Vienna in 1817-18; and in Hebrew characters at Basel in 1822-27.這一時期的Mendelssohnian biurists可以恰當地說,同年底出版的聖經摩西蘭( 20部分,布拉格, 1833年至1837年,上述。這項工作的翻譯五,詩篇,以及五個捲軸被那些門德爾松;翻譯的其他書籍,由鄭慕智朗,美國Weisse ,美國高盛,字母a. Benisch ,和W.邁爾和小先知被重印從版的德紹, 1805 ( Steinschneider , “貓。 Bodl 。 “第972號) 。還可以在這裡說,一個版的諺語,工作,和五個捲軸,翻譯的Obernik , Euchel ,歐,門德爾松,並德蘭德,已經出現在維也納舉行的1817年至1818年;和希伯來文字符在巴塞爾在1822年至1827年。

Other German Versions.德國其他版本。

The translation of Mendelssohn threatened to become canonical: but the German Jews had tasted of modern learning; and toward the latter end of the first half of the nineteenth century various individual attempts were made to provide better translations for the general public, which should reflect the progress then already made in Biblical science.翻譯門德爾松的威脅,成為典型:但德國猶太人嚐到了現代學習;和對後者的頭十九世紀下半葉各個試圖提供更好的翻譯一般市民,其中應反映然後進展已經取得的聖經科學。 The first in the field was Joseph Johlson (Asher ben Joseph of Fulda), whose attempt, though worthy of notice here, was not successful, notwithstanding the fact that the text was accompanied by learned philological notes (Minor Prophets, Carlsruhe, 1827; Pentateuch, ib. 1831; the historical books, ib. 1836).第一次在外地約瑟夫Johlson (舍本約瑟夫福爾達) ,其企圖,但值得注意的這裡,沒有成功,儘管案文的陪同下教訓語文學說明(小先知, Carlsruhe , 1827 ;五, 123 。 1831年;的歷史書籍,興業。 1836年) 。 Bunsen (lcp xvii.) even declares his work to be "geistreich und scharfsinnig" (compare Geiger's "Zeitschrift," 1836, p. 442; 1837, p. 121).本生( LCP的十七) 。甚至宣布他的工作是“ geistreich與scharfsinnig ” (比較格爾的“雜誌” , 1836年,第442名; 1837年,第121頁) 。 Mention may also be made of AA Wolff's double translation (word for word and metrical) of Habakkuk; Phœbus Philippsohn's "Hosea, Joel, Jonah, Obadiah und Nahum in Metrisch-Deutscher Uebersetzung," Halle, 1827; A. Rebenstein's (Bernstein's) sentimental translation of the Song of Solomon (Berlin, 1834; compare "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 324); SH Auerbach's Ecclesiastes (Breslau, 1837), into which he reads his own philosophy; and Michael Sachs's Psalms (Berlin, 1835).提到也可以AA的沃爾夫的雙重翻譯(逐字逐句和韻律)的哈巴谷;菲伯斯Philippsohn的“何西阿,喬爾,喬納,俄巴底亞和那鴻在Metrisch德意志Uebersetzung , ”哈雷, 1827年的A. Rebenstein氏(伯恩斯坦)的感傷翻譯雅歌(柏林, 1834年;比較“ Literaturblatt之方向” , 1840年,頁324 ) ;上海奧爾巴赫的傳道書(布雷斯勞, 1837年) ,到他讀自己的哲學;和邁克爾高盛的詩篇(柏林, 1835年) 。 The last was a clear protest against previous attempts, which reflected too much the individuality of the translators.最後是一個明確的抗議以前的企圖,這反映太多的個性的翻譯。 Sachs tried to give "a purely scientific and philological" rendering of the original, taking Rückert as his guide, whose translation of Ps.高盛試圖給“一個純粹的科學和語文學”渲染的原始,同時呂克特他的指導,其翻譯的PS 。 lxviii. lxviii 。 he inserted bodily (see Zunz, in Geiger's "Wiss. Zeit. Jüd. Theol." ii. 499, and in "GS" iii. 116, who characterizes the work as "somewhat stiff and awkward").他插入身體(見Zunz ,在蓋格的“ Wiss 。時代。珠德。 Theol 。 ”二。 499 ,並在“人”三。 116 ,誰的工作特點是“有點呆板” ) 。 It was reprinted in the edition of the Prophets and the Hagiographa , Fürth, 1842-47 (Zedner, "Cat. Hebr. Books Brit. Mus." p. 119), and was revised for Zunz's Bible ("Monatsschrift," xxxviii. 507).這是在重印出版的先知和Hagiographa ,菲爾特, 1842年至1847年( Zedner , “貓。 Hebr 。叢書英。小。 ”第119頁) ,並修改為Zunz的聖經( “月刊, ”三十八。 507 ) 。 This protest was carried to excess by Gotthold Salomon, who, in addition to his work on the Dessau edition of the Minor Prophets (see above), translated the Pentateuch (Krotoschin, 1848-49; see the criticism of Hess in "Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1839, p. 80, and of L. Skreinka in "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, pp. 468 et seq.).這項抗議進行過多的Gotthold所羅門,誰,除了他的工作的德紹版的小先知(見上文) ,翻譯五( Krotoschin , 1848年至1849年;看到批評赫斯在“ Allg 。時代。沙漠珠德。 “ 1839年,第80頁,並在研究Skreinka ” Literaturblatt之方向“ , 1840年,頁。 468起。 ) 。 The translations of Job (Glogau, 1836) and of the Pentateuch (ib. 1840) by Heimann Arnheim, though in Hebrew characters and intended chiefly for use as part of the ritual, show good judgment and philological schooling ("Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 641).在翻譯的工作(格洛高, 1836年)和五( ib. 1840年)的海曼阿恩海姆,但在希伯來文字符,並打算使用的主要的一部分儀式,顯示良好的判斷力和語文教育( “ Literaturblatt之方向” , 1840年,第641頁) 。 Only a mere mention can be made of L. Herzberg's Ecclesiastes (Brunswick, 1838; see Zunz, in Jost's "Annalen," 1839, p. 102) and of LH Löwenstein's metrical translation of Proverbs and Lamentations (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1837-38).只有僅僅提到,可葉赫茲伯格的傳道書(不倫瑞克, 1838 ;見Zunz ,在約斯特的“年鑑” , 1839年,第102頁)和黃體生成素斯坦的韻律翻譯的諺語和悲嘆(法蘭克福上的主, 1837年至1838年) 。 Gotthold Salomon's "Deutsche Volks- und Schul-Bibel" (Altona, 1837) was the first translation of the entire Old Testament in German characters made by a Jew. Gotthold所羅門的“德國大眾,與Schul -聖經” (阿爾托納, 1837年)是第一個翻譯了整個舊約人物在德國所作的猶太人。 It was stereotyped and was intended to be sold so cheaply that every one could afford to buy it (see the correspondence in Jost's "Annalen," 1839, Nos. 12 et seq.).這是定型,並打算出售如此便宜,每個人能買得起(見對應的約斯特的“年鑑” , 1839年,第12個及以下。 ) 。

Zunz's Bible. Zunz的聖經。

More important was the attempt made by L. Zunz to provide a Bible for school and home.更重要的是,試圖由L. Zunz提供一個聖經學校和家庭。 As editor, he translated only the books of Chronicles, the rest of the work being done by H. Arnheim, Julius Fürst, and M. Sachs (Berlin, 1838).作為編輯,他翻譯的書籍只的編年史,其餘的正在做的工作閣下阿恩海姆,朱利葉斯弗斯特,和M.高盛(柏林, 1838 ) 。 Zunz succeeded in a large measure in producing a translation which, while it kept strictly to the Masoretic text, was abreast of the scholarship of his day and free from the circumlocutions and idiotisms of previous translators, though it still preserved the transliteration of the Hebrew names (Nestle, "Bibel-Uebersetzungen," p. 142). Zunz成功在很大程度上生產的翻譯,雖然它一直嚴格馬所拉文本,是最新的獎學金,他每天和自由的circumlocutions和idiotisms以前的翻譯,但它仍然保留了音譯希伯來文的名字(雀巢, “聖經- Uebersetzungen ” ,第142頁) 。 Mendelssohn had translated neither Prophets nor Hagiographa; and it is therefore no wonder that the Zunz Bible passed through at least six editions up to 1855 and twelve up to 1889 (see Rosin, in "Monatsschrift," xxxviii. 512). Only a few years later another popular translation was produced by Solomon Herxheimer (Berlin, 1841-48; 3d ed. of the Pentateuch, 1865), to which an explanatory and homiletic commentary was added. Though evidently meant to take the place of Mendelssohn's biur, Herxheimer expressly states that his work was done "for Jews and Christians" (Jost's "Annalen," 1839, pp. 312 et seq.; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, p. 513).門德爾松翻譯既不先知,也不Hagiographa ; ,因此無怪乎Zunz聖經通過至少6個版本多達12個1855年至1889年(見松香,在“月刊, ”三十八。 512 ) 。僅在幾年後來又流行的翻譯是由所羅門赫氏(柏林, 1841年至1848年;三維版。的五, 1865年) ,其中一份解釋性和homiletic添加評注。雖然顯然意在取代孟德爾遜的模糊,赫氏明確規定他的工作是“對猶太人和基督徒” (約斯特的“年鑑” , 1839年,頁。 312起。 “ Literaturblatt之方向” , 1840年,第513 ) 。

A still more ambitious attempt was that of Ludwig Philippson.一個更加雄心勃勃的嘗試是,路德維希Philippson 。 He translated the text anew, aiming to include the latest assured results of criticism and to produce what in every sense might be called a family Bible.他翻譯的文字再次,以包括最新的保證結果的批評和生產什麼意義在每個可以被稱為一個家庭聖經。 For this reason for the first time illustrations were added, together with introductions and an extensive commentary intended for the intelligent layman.出於這個原因,首次增加了插圖,同時引進和廣泛的評注為智能門外漢。 This work occupied Philippson for eighteen years, and was published at Leipsic, 1839-56; 2d ed., 1858-59; 3d ed., 1862.這項工作被佔領Philippson為18歲,是出版Leipsic , 1839年至1856年; 2版。 , 1858年至1859年;三維版。 , 1862年。 His translation was then published, together with the Doré illustrations, by the Israelitische Bibel-Anstalt, revised by W. Landau and SI Kämpf (Stuttgart, 1875).他當時的翻譯出版,連同多插圖,由Israelitische聖經- Anstalt ,修訂了美國道和SI的奮鬥(斯圖加特, 1875年) 。 Of this translation separate editions of the Pentateuch, the Psalms, and of the Pentateuch together with Isaiah, were published (see M. Philippson, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xlii. 30).本翻譯單獨版本的五的詩篇,以及五一起以賽亞,出版(見Philippson先生,在“修訂研究Juives , ”四十二。 30 ) 。 But even the slight concessions made in these translations to the modern exegetical spirit gave offense in some quarters; a rival Bible-house, the Orthodoxe Israelitische Bibel-Anstalt, was established, which, on the basis of JZ Mecklenburg's "Ha-Ketab we-haḲabbalah" (Leipsic, 1839), produced a translation of the Bible strictly on the lines of Jewish traditional exegesis (ib. 1865).但即使是輕微讓步,在這些翻譯向現代訓詁了進攻的精神在一些宿舍;競爭對手聖經所, Orthodoxe Israelitische聖經- Anstalt ,成立,它的基礎上,錦州梅克倫堡的“夏Ketab我們, haḲabbalah “ ( Leipsic , 1839年) ,製作了一個翻譯聖經嚴格按照猶太傳統的註釋( ib. 1865年) 。 The Pentateuch translation byJ.翻譯的五byJ 。 Kosmann (Königsberg, 1847-52) had a similar end in view. Kosmann (康尼斯堡, 1847年至1852年)也有類似目的的看法。 Still further in this direction, and in evident protest against modern Christian radical exegesis, which he entirely ignores, went Samuel Raphael Hirsch.進一步朝這個方向,並在明顯的抗議現代基督教激進的註釋,他完全忽略了塞繆爾拉斐爾赫希。 In his translation of the Pentateuch (Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1867; 3d ed., 1899) and of the Psalms (1882), as well as in the translation of the Minor Prophets by his son, M. Hirsch (ib. 1900), a return is seen to the "derash," from which the whole school of Mendelssohn and his followers had tried to free themselves (see "Zeit. für Heb. Bibl." v. 78).在他翻譯的五(法蘭克福上的主, 1867年;三維版。 , 1899年)和詩篇( 1882年) ,以及在翻譯的小先知,他的兒子施先生(伊布。 1900年) ,回報是看到了“ derash , ”從整個學校的門德爾松和他的追隨者曾試圖擺脫(見“的時代。獻給河北。 Bibl 。 ”訴78 ) 。 Of LJ Mandelstamm's "Die Bibel Neu Uebersetzt," partly with the assistance of M. Kirchstein, only Genesis and the Song of Solomon seem to have appeared (Berlin, 1862-64).對軍Mandelstamm的“模具聖經神經Uebersetzt , ”部分的協助下,先生Kirchstein ,只有起源和雅歌似乎已經出現(柏林, 1862年至1864年) 。 In 1901 a new translation by S. Bernfeld was commenced.在1901年新翻譯的S. Bernfeld是開始。 It keeps strictly to the Masorah and preserves the Hebrew form of the proper names.它保持嚴格Masorah和保存希伯來形式的專有名詞。

During all this time many translations of individual books appeared, of which the following is a partial list, cited under the names of their respective authors:在所有這一切,許多翻譯出現個別書籍,其中的部分清單如下,引下的名字各自作者:

Israel ben Abraham, Job, in Hebrew characters, Prague, 1791. Shalom Kohn, Psalms, Hamburg, 1827. Mendel Stern, Proverbs, in Hebrew characters, Presburg, 1833. J.以色列本亞伯拉罕,就業,希伯來文字符,布拉格, 1791年。沙洛姆科恩,詩篇,漢堡, 1827 。孟德爾斯特恩,諺語,在希伯來文字符, Presburg , 1833年。學者 Wolfson, "Das Buch Hiob. . . . Neu Uebersetzt . . .," Breslau-Leipsic, 1843. EJ Blücher, "Ruth, mit Deutscher Uebersetzung," Lemberg, 1843. M.沃爾夫森, “達斯書Hiob 。 。 。 。神經Uebersetzt 。 。 。 , ”布雷斯勞, Leipsic , 1843年。伯克利分校Blücher , “露絲,麻省理工學院德國Uebersetzung , ”倫貝爾, 1843年。先生 Löwenthal, " . . . Nebst Uebersetzung . . . ," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1846. "Das Hohe Lied . . . Neue Deutsche Uebersetzung," Vienna, 1847. Samuel Aschkenazi, (Song of Solomon, in Hebrew characters), Presburg, 1847. (A new translation of the Pentateuch, in Hebrew characters), Königsberg, 1856. "Odiosus," "Das Buch Ijob im Engeren Anschluss an den Mass. Urtext" (see "Hebr. Bibl." vi. 101). S.塔爾“ 。 。 。 Nebst Uebersetzung 。 。 。 , ”法蘭克福上的主, 1846年。 “達斯霍厄歌。 。 。新德意志Uebersetzung , ”維也納, 1847年。塞繆爾Aschkenazi , (雅歌,在希伯來文字符) , Presburg , 1847年。 (一種新的翻譯五,在希伯來文字符) ,康尼斯堡, 1856年。 “ Odiosus ” , “達斯書Ijob免疫Engeren併吞馬薩諸塞州的登Urtext ” (見“ Hebr 。 Bibl 。 ”六。 101 ) 。南 Horwitz, "Das Hohe-Lied, das Aelteste Dramatische Gedicht," Vienna, 1863 (see ib. vi. 62). Adolph Brecher, "Die Psalmen Nebst Uebersetzung," Vienna, 1864. Israel Schwarz, "Tikwat Enosh" (Job, in German characters), Berlin, 1868. Sänger, Maleachi, 1868. Benjamin Holländer, Das Hohelied, Budapest, 1871. Hermann Tietz, Das Hohelied, 1871. M.霍維茨, “達斯霍厄,歌, Aelteste Dramatische之詩” ,維也納, 1863年(見123 。六。 62 ) 。阿布雷赫爾, “模具Psalmen Nebst Uebersetzung , ”維也納, 1864年。以色列施瓦茨, “ Tikwat挪士” (就業,在德國字符) ,柏林, 1868年。桑格, Maleachi , 1868年。本傑明霍蘭德,達斯Hohelied ,布達佩斯, 1871年。赫爾曼Tietz ,達斯Hohelied , 1871年。先生 Levin, (with Judæo-German translation), Odessa, 1873. H.萊文(與Judæo ,德語翻譯) ,敖德薩, 1873年。閣下 Grätz, "Krit. Commentar zu den Psalmen, Nebst . . . Uebersetzung," Breslau, 1882 (compare his Kohelet, 1871, and Song of Songs, 1871). SI Kämpf, Das Hohelied, Prague, 1877; 3d ed., 1884. K.格拉茨, “ Krit 。 Commentar祖登Psalmen , Nebst 。 。 。 Uebersetzung , ”布雷斯勞, 1882年(他Kohelet比較, 1871年,宋歌, 1871年) 。社會主義的奮鬥,達斯Hohelied ,布拉格, 1877年;三維版。 , 1884 。光 Kohler, Das Hohelied, Chicago, 1878. Hermann Tietz, "Das Buch der Elegien Metrisch Uebersetzt," Schrimm, 1881. J.科勒,達斯Hohelied ,芝加哥, 1878年。赫爾曼Tietz , “達斯書之Elegien Metrisch Uebersetzt , ” Schrimm , 1881年。學者 Landsberger, Das Buch Hiob, Darmstadt, 1882. D.蘭,達斯書Hiob ,達姆施塔特, 1882年。 D. Leimdörfer, "Kohelet . . . Nebst Uebersetzung," Hamburg, 1892. Herman Rosenthal, "Worte des Sammlers (Kohelet) . . . in Deutsche Reime Gebracht," New York, 1885; 2d ed., 1893. Leimdörfer , “ Kohelet 。 。 。 Nebst Uebersetzung , ”漢堡, 1892 。赫爾曼羅森塔爾, “ Worte萬Sammlers ( Kohelet ) 。 。 。在德意志Reime Gebracht , ”紐約, 1885年; 2版。 , 1893年。 Idem, "Das Lied der Lieder, in Neue Deutsche Reime Gebracht," New York, 1893. M.同上, “之歌之歌,在新德意志Reime Gebracht , ”紐約, 1893年。先生 Jastrow, "Der Neunzigste Psalm; Uebersetzt," Leipsic, 1893. Salomon Plessner (transl. of Nahum, in his "Biblisches und Rabbinisches," pp. 29 et seq.), Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1897.賈斯特羅, “明鏡Neunzigste詩篇; Uebersetzt , ” Leipsic , 1893年。所羅門普勒斯納( transl.的那鴻,在他的“ Biblisches與Rabbinisches , ”頁。 29起。 )法蘭克福上的主, 1897年。

English Translation.英語翻譯。

It was not before the forties of the nineteenth century that the desire made itself really felt among the English Jews for a Bible translation of their own in the vernacular, though David Levi had in 1787 (London) produced an English version of the Pentateuch (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 926).這不是前40十九世紀的願望使自己真正感受到的英文猶太人的聖經翻譯自己的方言,但戴維列維在1787年(倫敦)製作了英文版本的五( Steinschneider , “貓。 Bodl 。 ”第926 ) 。 Wherever an English Bible was needed by them, they had freely used the King James Version; as is seen in the Pentateuch (including Hafṭarot and Scrolls) which was published in London, 1824, under the title .只要英文聖經是他們所需要的,他們自由使用國王詹姆斯版本;一樣出現在五(包括Hafṭarot和捲軸) ,它是在倫敦出版, 1824年,根據冠軍。 But the impropriety of the use of this version, with its Christian headings and its Messianic interpretations, did in the end impress itself upon the English Jews (see, for example, S. Bennett, "Critical Remarks on the Authorized Version," London, 1834; Seelig Newman, "Emendations of the Authorized Version of the OT" London, 1839; Benjamin Marcus, " (Fountain of Life): Mistranslations and Difficult Passages of the OT Corrected and Explained," Dublin, 1854).但是,不當的使用這個版本,其標題和基督教的救世主的解釋,並在最後留下深刻的印象本身的英文猶太人(見,例如,由本內特, “關鍵就授權版本, ”倫敦, 1834年;西利格紐曼, “ Emendations的授權版本的催產素”倫敦, 1839年;本傑明馬庫斯“ (噴泉的生命) :誤譯和難點通道的加時賽更正,並解釋說: ”都柏林, 1854年) 。

The veneration for this masterpiece of English literature had impressed itself upon the Jews also.的崇拜本傑作英語文學了深刻的印象本身的猶太人也。 When the Revised Version was published (May 17, 1881) it was eagerly seized upon as being much more suitable for Jewish readers, since in it the headings had been removed and the Christology of many passages toned down.當修訂版出版( 1881年5月17號)這是急切地抓住作為更適合讀者猶太人,因為在它的標題已經被拆除,基督的許多段落淡化。 The Revised Version is used as a basis for such books as CG Montefiore's "Bible for Home Reading," London, 1896, 1901.修訂版是用來為基礎的書籍作為協商小組蒙特弗洛爾的“聖經的主頁,上面寫著: ”倫敦, 1896年, 1901年。 That the revision is not complete from the Jewish point of view can be seen from the leaflet issued by the Jewish Religious Education Board, "Appendix to the Revised Version" (London, 1896), which sets forth the "alterations deemed necessary with a view to placing the Revised Version in the hands of members of the Jewish faith."修訂尚未完成從猶太人的角度來看可以看到單張發出的猶太宗教教育委員會, “附錄修訂版” (倫敦, 1896年) ,其中提出的“必要的改建,以期使該修訂版本手中的成員的猶太信仰。 “ These alterations were limited to the following sets of cases: viz., "where the RV departs from the Masoretic text," and "where the RV is opposed to Jewish traditional interpretation or dogmatic teaching."這些變化只限於下列規定的案件:即。 “房車在偏離馬所拉文本”和“房車在反對猶太傳統的解釋或教條式的教學。 ” Isa.伊薩。 lii.理。 13-liii. 13 liii 。 12 is there reprinted in full. The first to attempt to produce an independent Jewish translation was DA de Sola of London, who in 1840 issued a "Prospectus of a New Edition of the Sacred Scriptures, with Notes Critical and Explanatory."有12個是完全重印。第一企圖製造一個獨立的猶太翻譯多巴胺的索拉倫敦,誰在1840年發布了“招股說明書的一個新版本的聖經的神聖,與債券和解釋性的關鍵。 ” Morris J. Raphall and JL Lindenthal were associated with him in the work.莫里斯學者Raphall和JL Lindenthal是與他有關的工作。 Only one volume, Genesis, appeared (London, 1841; 2d ed., 1843).只有一個卷,成因,似乎(倫敦, 1841年; 2版。 , 1843年) 。 Of a similar attempt by S. Bennett, "The Hebrew and English Holy Bible," only Gen. i.-xli.類似的嘗試由本內特說: “希伯來文和英文聖經”中,只有將軍島,四十一。 appeared (1841); though in the same year Francis Barham published "The Hebrew and English Holy Bible," which contained Bennett's revision of the English and a revision of the Hebrew by HA Henry.似乎( 1841年) ;雖然在同一年弗朗西斯薩利赫發表了“希伯來文和英文聖經” ,其中載有本內特的修訂英文和修訂希伯來由醫管局亨利。 Another translation was published by A. Benisch, "Jewish School and Family Bible" (1851-56); and still another by M. Friedländer, ", The Jewish Family Bible" (1884).另一位翻譯出版了由A. Benisch , “猶太人的學校和家庭聖經” ( 1851年至1856年) ;和另外還有一個由M.德蘭德, “猶太家庭聖經” ( 1884年) 。 This last has had the sanction of the chief rabbi of the British Jews.最後這已批准的首席拉比的英國猶太人。 A. Elzas has published translations of Proverbs (Leeds and London, 1871), Job (1872), Hosea and Joel (1873), in an attempt "to put the English reader, at least in some degree, in the position of one able to read the Hebrew text."字母a. Elzas已出版翻譯諺語(利茲和倫敦, 1871年) ,就業( 1872年) ,何西阿和Joel ( 1873年) ,企圖“把英語的讀者,至少在一定程度上的立場是可以來讀取希伯萊文字。 “ None of these versions, however, can be said to have replaced either the Authorized or the Revised Version in the esteem of the Jewish Bible-reading public.這些版本,但可以說已經取代任何授權或修訂版的自尊,猶太聖經閱讀公眾。

The United States.美國。

In the United States the same feeling as in England had been engendered against the headings of the Authorized Version.在美國同樣的感覺在英國引起了對標題的授權版本。 Isaac Leeser attempted to rectify this and at the same time so to translatethe Bible as to make it represent the best results of modern study.艾薩克Leeser試圖糾正這一點,並在同一時間如此translatethe聖經,使之代表最好的結果的現代研究。 The Prophets, Psalms, and Job are practically new versions.先知,詩篇,與工作實際上新版本。 In the other parts, the Authorized Version is very closely followed; and though in most cases the changes Leeser made bring the translation nearer to the Masoretic text, the beauty of the English was often sacrificed.在其他地區,授權版本是非常密切注視; ,雖然在大多數情況下的變化帶來了Leeser翻譯靠近馬所拉文本,美麗的英語往往是犧牲。 A quarto edition was published in 1854, and a duodecimo edition in 1856.阿四版刊登在1854年,和一個十二開版於1856年。 Despite its insufficiencies, the smaller edition has had a wide circulation, due especially to the development of Jewish religious school instruction in the United States.儘管其不足,較小的版本已廣泛流通,特別是由於發展的猶太宗教學校的教學在美國。 The inadequacy of Leeser's translation has, however, been felt; and the Jewish Publication Society of America in 1898 took in hand the preparation of a complete revision.不足Leeser的翻譯然而,人們認為;和猶太出版協會於1898年發生在手擬定一項全面修訂。 This is now (1902) being made by a number of scholars, with M. Jastrow, Sr., as editor-in-chief, and K. Kohler and F. de Sola Mendes as associate editors (see Reports of the Jewish Publication Society of America, 1898 et seq.).這是現在( 1902 )所作出的一些學者,與M.賈斯特羅,老,作為總編輯,和K.科勒和F.德惟獨門德斯擔任副編輯(見報告猶太出版協會美利堅合眾國, 1898年及以下。 ) 。

Spanish Versions.西班牙文版本。

Nowhere in Europe is the history of the translation of the Bible into the vernacular so interesting as it is in Spain.在歐洲任何地方的歷史翻譯聖經的方言非常有趣,因為它是在西班牙。 Translations were here made as early as the thirteenth century, despite the fact that in 1234 Jaime I., by means of secular legislation, prohibited their use (Lea, "History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages," i. 324).翻譯在這裡了,早在13世紀,儘管事實上,在1234年海梅一,通過世俗的立法,禁止使用(李, “歷史的探討在中世紀, ”島324 ) 。 As Berger has shown, the earliest Castilian renderings, even when made by Christians, stand much closer to the Hebrew original than do those of any other country.由於伯傑表明,最早的卡斯蒂利亞透視圖,即使所作的基督徒,立場更接近原始的希伯來文比任何其他國家。 This seems to have been due to the early and intense influence of the Jews in the peninsula and to the Oriental coloring of its whole culture.這似乎是因早期和激烈的影響,猶太人在朝鮮半島和東方色彩的整體文化。 This similarity is seen even in the outward form.這是相似甚至在離港的形式。 The Spanish translations follow the Hebrew division of the Bible into three great parts; and it is significant that the first polyglot (Complutensian) saw the light of day in Spain.在西班牙語翻譯按照分工的希伯來文聖經分為三個大的部分;和重要的是,第一次多元( Complutensian )看到了曙光,在西班牙。 In the production of these translations both Jews and converts took a laudable part.在生產這些翻譯猶太人和轉換了值得稱道的一部分。 One of the earliest of such Castilian translations is found in the Aragonese MS.其中最早的卡斯蒂利亞翻譯等人被發現在該阿拉貢質譜。 i.字母i. j, 8 in the Escurial Library, Madrid. j , 8日在埃斯庫里亞爾圖書館,馬德里。 The Psalms in this manuscript are distinctly said to be the translation "que fizo Herman el Aleman, segund cuemo esta en el ebraygo."該詩篇在此手稿是明顯的說是翻譯“你fizo赫爾曼報阿萊曼, segund cuemo此稅金ebraygo 。 ” Herman must undoubtedly have known Hebrew, though Berger thinks that he made use of Jerome's "Psalterium Hebraicum" and not of the "Psalterium Gallicum."赫爾曼必須毫無疑問已經知道希伯來文,但伯傑認為,他使用了杰羅姆的“ Psalterium Hebraicum ”而不是“ Psalterium Gallicum 。 ” This Herman the German is the well-known Latin translator of Aristotle, and lived between 1240 and 1256.這赫爾曼德國是眾所周知的拉丁美洲翻譯亞里士多德和生活之間的1240和1256 。

In the fifteenth century several revisions of these older translations were made, but always according to the Hebrew text. Such a revision is represented by MSS.在15世紀的幾次修改這些老翻譯了,但總是根據希伯來文。這樣的修改是由衛星。 i.字母i. j, 5 and i. j , 5日和島 j, 3 in the Escurial and MS. j , 3埃斯庫里亞爾和MS 。 cxxiv. cxxiv 。 1, 2 (dated 1429) in the Library of Evora. In a number of places these translations ostentatiously follow the Hebrew original and run counter to the usual Church tradition. 1 , 2 (日期為1429年)在圖書館的埃武拉。在一些地方這些翻譯誇耀按照原來的希伯來文和有悖於通常的教會的傳統。 MS. i.質譜。島 j, 3 of the Escurial is richly illuminated with miniatures, which may perhaps have been the work of Hebrew miniaturists. j , 3埃斯庫里亞爾擁有豐富的小型照明,這也許已經工作的希伯來文miniaturists 。 In this manuscript not only is the order of the books in the Canon the same as in the Hebrew, but the Pentateuch is divided into sections which agree with the parashiyot and sedarim.在此手稿不僅是為了書籍的佳能一樣在希伯來文,但五分為章節,同意parashiyot和sedarim 。 The proper names also follow the Hebrew and not the ordinary Latin version.正確的名稱也按照希伯來文,而不是普通的拉丁美洲版本。 Berger thinks that this manuscript may be the work of the baptized Jew, Juan Alfonso de Buena, who was in the service of Jaime II.伯傑認為,這可能是手稿工作的洗禮猶太人,胡安方索德博,是誰在服務海梅二。 (1416-54). ( 1416年至1454年) 。 An additional interest attaches to these revisions, as they formed the basis for the Spanish of the Constantinople Pentateuch of 1547 and for the Ferrara Bible; the Ferrara Bible, in its turn, was the basis for the Protestant Bible translation by Cassidoro de Reina (1569); for the revision by Cyprian de Valera (1602), the "Psalterio de David Conforme a la Verdad Hebraica" (Lyons, 1550), and the Psaltér of Juan Perez (Venice, 1557; see Samuel Berger, in "Romania," xxviii.). A still further revision, again upon the basis of the Hebrew, was made by Rabbi Moses Arragel (1430) for Don Luis de Guzman, master of the Order of Calatrava.另外一個興趣十分重視這些修改,因為它們形成的基礎,西班牙的君士坦丁堡五的1547年和費拉拉聖經;的費拉拉聖經,反過來,是依據新教的聖經翻譯Cassidoro的雷納( 1569 ) ;修訂的塞浦路斯德瓦利拉( 1602 )中, “大衛Psalterio德Conforme 1真理報Hebraica ” (里昂, 1550 ) ,以及Psaltér胡安佩雷斯(威尼斯, 1557 ;見塞繆爾伯傑,在“羅馬尼亞”二十八。 ) 。仍然作進一步修改,再次呼籲根據希伯來文,是由拉比摩西Arragel ( 1430 )為唐路易斯德古茲曼,船長命令的卡拉特拉瓦。 According to Berger, this revision was made on MS.據伯傑,這次修訂是在MS 。 Escurial i.埃斯庫里亞爾島 j, 3. j , 3 。 It is provided with a commentary, and profusely illustrated, perhaps by Jewish artists.它提供了評注,說明和大汗,也許猶太藝術家。 A manuscript of the Prophets, in two languages, in the library of the Academy of History in Lisbon follows Arragel's translation so closely that it may possibly represent the first attempt of Arragel.手稿的預言,在兩種語言,在圖書館的歷史學院在里斯本如下Arragel的翻譯如此密切,它可能代表的第一次嘗試的Arragel 。

This Castilian translation (or revision) was carried by the Spanish exiles into Italy and Turkey.這卡斯蒂利亞翻譯(或修訂)進行的西班牙流亡到意大利和土耳其。 It also became the Bible of the Spanish Jews in the Netherlands.它也成為了聖經的西班牙猶太人在荷蘭。 It appears first in Hebrew characters in the Polyglot Pentateuch (Hebrew, Onkelos, Rashi, Neo-Greek, and Spanish), published at Constantinople by Eliezer Bekor Gerson Soncino (see Belleli, in "Rev. Etudes Juives," xxii. 250; Grünbaum, "Jüd.-Span. Chrestomathie," p. 6).它第一次出現在希伯來文中的字符多元五(希伯來文, Onkelos , Rashi ,新希臘和西班牙) ,公佈於君士坦丁堡的埃利澤Bekor格爾森松奇諾(見Belleli ,在“牧師Juives研究” , 22 。 250 ; Grünbaum “ Jüd.跨度。 Chrestomathie , ”第6頁) 。 The Neo-Greek represents a different translation from that of the Spanish.在新希臘代表不同的翻譯,在西班牙語。 From this polyglot it found its way into the celebrated Ferrara Bible of 1553, which bears the title "Biblia en Lengua Española, Traduzida Palabra por Palabra de la Verdad Hebrayca por Muy Excellentes Letrados, Vista y Examinada por el Oficio de la Inquisicion. Con Privilegio del Ylustrissimo Señor Duque de Ferrara."從這個多元發現其進入聖經慶祝費拉拉的1553 ,它的標題是“聖經恩Lengua西班牙, Traduzida言論的房間言論真理報Hebrayca房穆伊Excellentes Letrados , Vista的y Examinada房報Oficio德拉魯阿Inquisicion 。節能Privilegio省Ylustrissimo傳感器的費拉拉公爵。 “ Two editions seem to have been published: one, for Jews, signed by Abraham Usque; the other, for Christians, signed by Jerome of Vargas (De los Rios, "Juifs d'Espagne," p. 432). De los Rios (lcp 436) thinks that the author of "Retratos o Tablas de las Historias del Testamento Viejo," Lyons, 1543, a popular exposition of the Bible, was a Marano; but this does not seem to have been proved.兩個版本似乎已經出版了:一,對猶太人,簽署了亞伯拉罕Usque ;另一方面,為基督教徒,簽署了杰羅姆的巴爾加斯(德洛斯里奧斯, “ Juifs德Espagne ” , 432頁) 。德洛斯里奧斯( LCP的436 )認為,作者的“走廊ö塔布拉斯梅德拉斯故事刪除Testamento維埃荷, ”里昂, 1543年,一個受歡迎的論述聖經,是一個瑪拉諾;但是這似乎並沒有得到證實。

The Ferrara Bible of 1553 became the basis for the Spanish and Ladino translations which were published at Salonica and Amsterdam. This is seen also in the title, which usually runs "Biblia en Lengua Española, Traduzida Palabra por Palabra de la Verdad Hebrayca."在費拉拉聖經成為1553年的基礎,西班牙語和拉迪諾翻譯出版了在薩洛尼卡和阿姆斯特丹。這是也看到在標題中,通常執行的是“聖經恩Lengua西班牙, Traduzida言論的房間言論真理報Hebrayca 。 ” This is also true of the " con Ladino y Agora Nos a Parecedo Comenzar de los ," etc., published by Joseph b.這也是真正的“協商拉迪諾y小組:6221 1 Parecedo Comenzar德洛斯”等,出版的約瑟夫灣 Isaac b.艾薩克灣 Joseph Jabez in 1568, as Kayserling (lcp 28) has clearly shown.約瑟夫老闆在1568年,作為Kayserling ( LCP的28歲)已經清楚地表明。 In Amsterdam the translation remained substantially the same, though it was often revised ("reformada"): 1611; 1630 and 1646, Gillis Joost; corrected by Samuel de Caceres and printed by Joseph Athias (1661);corrected by Isaac de Abraham Dias and printed by David Fernandes (1726); "con las annotaciones de Or Torah," Proops, 1762.在阿姆斯特丹的翻譯仍然大致相同,但往往是修訂( “ reformada ” ) : 1611 , 1630和1646年,吉勒斯Joost的;糾正塞繆爾德卡塞雷斯和印刷由約瑟夫Athias ( 1661 ) ;糾正艾薩克的迪亞斯和亞伯拉罕印刷大衛費爾南德斯( 1726 ) ; “控制拉斯annotaciones德或者聖經” , Proops , 1762年。 This translation also appeared in Venice, 1730; Constantinople, 1739-43; idem, 1745; Vienna (ed. by Israel Bahor Haim and Aaron Pollak), 1813-16; and Smyrna, 1838.這翻譯也出現在威尼斯, 17時30分;君士坦丁堡, 1739年至1743年;同上, 1745 ;維也納(編輯以色列Bahor哈伊姆和Aaron波拉克) , 1813年至1816年;和士麥那, 1838 。 A Ladino translation, in Rashi script, was published at Vienna, 1841 (2d ed., 1853), by WS Schauffler for the American Bible Society (see Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the society, 1842, p. 120).阿拉迪諾翻譯,在Rashi劇本,出版了在維也納, 1841年( 2版。 , 1853年) ,由被Schauffler美國聖經公會(見第二十六次年度報告的社會, 1842年,第120頁) 。 According to Grünbaum, it bears many points of resemblance to the Pentateuch of 1547 and to the Ferrara Bible. Various portions of this translation appeared separately, an edition of the Pentateuch appearing in the same year (1553) and at Ferrara.據Grünbaum ,它有許多相似點到五的1547年和費拉拉聖經。各個部分的翻譯似乎分開,一個版的五出現在同一年( 1553年)和費拉拉。

To this may be added the following:這可能會增加以下內容:

"Humas de Parasioth y Aftharoth," ed. “ Humas德Parasioth y Aftharoth , ”版。 Manasseh ben Israel, Amsterdam, 1627; ed.瑪本以色列,阿姆斯特丹, 1627 ;版。 Ymanuel Benveniste, ib. Ymanuel本維尼斯特,興業。 1643; another edition was published by Manasseh himself, ib. 1643 ;另一個版本出版的瑪本人,興業。 1655 (though he says of it, "Obra nueva y de mucha utilidad"); "Parafrasis Comentada sobre el Pentateucho," ed. 1655 (但他說: “那是Obra新法及木柵utilidad ” ) ; “ Parafrasis Comentada觀光Pentateucho報”編輯。 Isaac da Fonseca Aboab, ib.艾薩克達豐塞卡Aboab ,興業。 1681; "Cinco Libros de la Ley Divina . . . de Nuevo Corrigidos," by David Tartas, ib. 1681年, “五月五日Libros德拉魯阿賴神曲。 。 。德新Corrigidos , ”大衛塔爾塔斯,興業。 1691; "Los Cinco Libros . . . Interpretados en Lengua Española," ed. Joseph Franco Serrano, ib. 1691年, “洛杉磯辛科Libros 。 。 。 Interpretados恩Lengua西班牙, ”版。約瑟夫法塞拉諾,興業。 1695; 1705 and 1724 (Isaac de Cordova); "Cinco Libros," corrected by David de Elisha Pereyra, ib. 1695年, 1705和1724 (艾薩克德科爾多瓦) ; “五月五日Libros ” ,糾正了大衛德以利沙佩雷拉,興業。 1733; "El Libro de la Ley," published in Constantinople in 1873, is, according to Grünbaum (lc 12), a different translation. 1733 ; “厄爾尼諾圖書德拉魯阿賴” ,發表在君士坦丁堡於1873年,是根據Grünbaum (立法會12名) ,不同的翻譯。

The Psalms were reprinted: Ferrara, 1553; Salonica, 1582; Amsterdam, 1628, 1730; Vienna, 1822; Constantinople, 1836.的詩篇轉載:費拉拉, 1553 ;薩洛尼卡, 1582 ;阿姆斯特丹, 1628年, 1730年;維也納, 1822年;君士坦丁堡, 1836年。 Several other translations of the Psalms were produced during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.其他幾個譯本的詩篇中製作了17和18世紀。 David Abenatar Melo, a Marano who escaped the Inquisition at Madrid and became a Jew again in 1611, published in 1626 ("En Franquaforte") "Los CL Psalmos de David, en Lengua Española, en Varias Rimas."大衛Abenatar達拉梅洛,一個瑪拉諾誰逃脫了探討,並在馬德里成為猶太人在1611年再次出版的1626 ( “恩Franquaforte ” ) “洛杉磯發光Psalmos的大衛,恩Lengua西班牙,途中Varias Rimas 。 ” In these Psalms he has inserted, when appropriate, an account of his own and his people's sufferings (De los Rios, lc pp. 468 et seq.; Kayserling, "Bibl. Esp.-Port.-Jud." pp. 67, 68).在這些詩篇,他插入,適當時,敘述了他自己和他的人民的痛苦(德洛斯里奧斯,液相色譜頁。 468起。 ; Kayserling , “ Bibl 。 Esp. - Port. ,珠德。 ”頁。 67 68 ) 。 A prose translation was made by Ephraim Bueno and Jonah Abravanel (Amsterdam, 1650; 2d edition, 1723; see De los Rios, lcp 498).阿散文翻譯是由以法蓮布埃諾和喬納阿布拉瓦內爾(阿姆斯特丹, 1650年; 2版, 1723 ;見德洛斯里奧斯, LCP的498 ) 。 A third translation was made by Jacob Judah Leon Templo (, "Las Alabancas de Santidad," Amsterdam, 1671)-a verbatim prose translation of the original (De los Rios, lcp 570; Kayserling, lcp 58).第三個譯本是由萊昂雅各布猶太神廟( “拉斯維加斯Alabancas德Santidad , ”阿姆斯特丹, 1671 ) ,逐字翻譯散文的原始(德洛斯里奧斯, LCP的570 ; Kayserling , LCP的58 ) 。

Of all the Biblical books, Canticles was most frequently reprinted. A translation was published in Hamburg, 1631, by David Cohen Carlos "de lengua Caldayca"; but the favorite rendering was that of Abraham de Isaac Lañado, published in Hebrew characters at Venice, 1619, 1654, 1655, 1672, 1716, 1721, 1739, 1805; Leghorn, 1769, 1787; Vienna, 1820.所有聖經的書籍, Canticles是最常見的重印。翻譯出版了在漢堡, 1631年,由大衛科恩卡洛斯“的lengua Caldayca ” ;但最喜歡的渲染是亞伯拉罕的艾薩克Lañado ,刊登在希伯來文字符在威尼斯, 1619 , 1654 , 1655號, 1672年, 1716年, 1721年, 1739年, 1805年,裡窩那, 1769年, 1787年;維也納, 1820年。 The Venice edition was published in Roman characters by Moses Belmonte, Amsterdam, 1644, and was reprinted at Amsterdam, 1664, 1683, 1701, 1712, 1724, and 1766.威尼斯版刊登在羅馬字符的摩西貝爾蒙特,阿姆斯特丹, 1644年,重印,並在阿姆斯特丹, 1664 , 1683 , 1701號決議, 1712年, 1724年和1766年。 An edition of the Megillot appeared at Constantinople in 1813 (see Kayserling, lcp 30); a Megillah in Spanish, dating from the early part of the eighteenth century, exists in the British Museum ("Jewish Chron." March 21, 1902, p. 24); but the provenience of the translation is unknown (on such Megillot see Abrahams, "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages," p. 345).一個版的Megillot出現在君士坦丁堡在1813年(見Kayserling , LCP的30歲) ,一個在西班牙Megillah以來,從早期的一部分,十八世紀,存在於大英博物館( “猶太專欄。 ” 02年三月二十一日,磷。 24 ) ;但provenience的翻譯是未知的(對這種Megillot見亞伯拉罕, “猶太人生活在中世紀, ”第345頁) 。 A Portuguese translation of the Psalms, under the title "Espejo Fiel de Vidas," by Daniel Israel Lopez Laguna, appeared in London, 1720 (Kayserling, lcp 55).葡萄牙譯本的詩篇,題為“埃斯佩霍感受德Vidas , ”以色列的丹尼爾洛佩茲麗,出現在倫敦, 1720 ( Kayserling , LCP的55段) 。

Italian Versions.意大利版本。

Both Zunz ("GV" 2d ed., p. 457) and Güdemann ("Erziehungswesen in Italien," p. 206) refer to early translations of the Bible into Italian; the latter even speaks of their existence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.這Zunz ( “顆粒” 2版。 ,第457頁)和Güdemann ( “ Erziehungswesen在意大利, ”第206頁)是指早期翻譯聖經成意大利文,後者甚至談到了他們的存在在第十三和第十四世紀。 Steinschneider has shown ("Monatsschrift," xlii. 117) that this is an error. Steinschneider已經顯示( “月刊, ”四十二。 117 ) ,這是一個錯誤。 It is true that some of the authorities (such as Zedekiah ben Abraham and Isaiah de Trani, the younger) laid stress upon the necessity of translating the Bible into the speech of the country; but Judah 'Azahel del Bene (Ferrara, c. 1650) advised against the practise of teaching girls Italian, as he feared they would conceive a love for amorous poetry (Vogelstein and Rieger, "Juden in Rom," ii. 300).誠然,一些部門(如Zedekiah本亞伯拉罕和以賽亞的特拉尼,年輕)時強調,必須把聖經到講話的國家,但猶太' Azahel刪除貝(費拉拉角1650年)建議對實踐教學的意大利女孩,因為他擔心他們會想像愛愛情詩( Vogelstein和麗格, “猶太人在ROM , ”二。 300 ) 。 It was not before the sixteenth century that attempts were made to produce versions of portions of the Bible in Italian.這不是在16世紀,試圖提出了生產的部分版本的聖經在意大利。 Steinschneider (lcp 318) has given a list of the existing manuscript translations. Steinschneider ( LCP的318 )已列出了現有的手稿翻譯。 It was toward the end of that century that the first translations were published. David de Pomis (died after 1593) brought out an edition of Ecclesiastes with Italian translation at Venice in 1571.這是快要結束的這個世紀,第一次翻譯出版了。 Pomis大衛德( 1593年後死亡)提出了一個版本的傳道書與意大利威尼斯翻譯在1571年。 It was dedicated to Cardinal Grimani of Aquileja (Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 218).這是專門的樞機格里馬尼Aquileja ( Steinschneider , “貓。 Bodl 。 ”第218號) 。 He also translated Job and Psalms, but never published them ("Monatsschrift," xliii. 32).他還翻譯工作和詩篇,但從來沒有公佈他們( “月刊, ”四十三。 32 ) 。 Hezekiah Rieti published (Venice, 1617) the text of Proverbs with Italian translation ("Cat. Bodl." No. 418); but no reliable account can be found of a translation of Job (Rome, 1773) mentioned by Zunz. The translations made in the nineteenth century were all more or less under the influence of Mendelssohn's biur. Hezekiah瑞耶提出版(威尼斯, 1617 )的案文與意大利諺語翻譯( “貓。 Bodl 。 ”第418號) ; ,但沒有可靠的帳戶中可以找到一個翻譯的工作(羅馬, 1773年)所提到的Zunz 。翻譯在19世紀都或多或少的影響下,門德爾松的模糊。 In 1818 IS Reggio published at Vienna, as a specimen, ten verses of Genesis.在1818年出版勒佐卡拉是在維也納,作為一個標本, 10詩句的成因。 He then brought out the whole Pentateuch ( "colla Traduzione Italiana"), Vienna, 1821; and ten years later "Il Libro d'Isaia, Versione Poetica" (Udine, 1831).然後,他帶出了整個五( “科拉Traduzione意大利” ) ,維也納, 1821年和10年後“一書德Isaia , Versione詩” (烏迪內, 1831 ) 。 Severe criticism was passed upon this version, because it seemed to weaken the force of many of the Messianic prophecies (see Fürst, "Bibl. Jud." iii. 140).嚴厲批評後通過了這個版本,因為它似乎削弱了部隊的許多彌賽亞的預言(見弗斯特, “ Bibl 。珠德。 ”三。 140 ) 。 In 1844 there appeared at Leghorn () an Italian translation of Job (Fürst, "Bibl. Jud." ii. 282, says it is by Luzzatto); and in 1872 a "Pentateuch, rev. von Letteris, mit Ital. Uebersetzung von Diodati" (Vienna; perhaps also London, 1836, 1864).在1844年出現在裡窩那( )的意大利語翻譯的工作(弗斯特, “ Bibl 。珠德。 ”二。 282說,這是由Luzzatto ) ;並在1872年的“摩西五,恢復。馮Letteris ,麻省理工學院瑞典。 Uebersetzung馮Diodati “ (維也納;或許也倫敦, 1836年, 1864年) 。 Lelio della Torre of Padua translated the Psalms (Vienna, 1845). Lelio意大利帕多瓦王建民翻譯的詩篇(維也納, 1845年) 。 But these were completely overshadowed by the exact and careful versions of SD Luzzatto, whose poetical and literary judgment made him an excellent stylist (see "Hebr. Bibl." vi. 99; Elbogen, in "Monatsschrift," xliv. 460).但是,這些被完全掩蓋了確切的和認真的版本的SD Luzzatto ,其詩意與文學的判斷了他出色的設計師(見“ Hebr 。 Bibl 。 ”六。 99 ; Elbogen ,在“月刊, ”四十四。 460人) 。 He translated the greater part of the Old Testament: Isaiah ("Il Profeta Isaia Volgarizzato"), Padua, 1855-63; Pentateuch, Rovigo, 1860, Padua, 1876; Prophets, Rovigo, 1868; Isaiah, Padua, 1867; Job, Triest, 1853; generally with a valuable Hebrew commentary.他翻譯了大部份舊約:以賽亞( “金日成Profeta Isaia Volgarizzato ” ) ,帕多瓦, 1855年至1863年;五,羅維戈, 1860年,帕多瓦, 1876年;先知,羅維戈, 1868年;以賽亞,帕多瓦, 1867年;就業,的裡雅斯特, 1853 ;一般了一個寶貴的希伯來文評注。 Other Italian translations were produced: by Giuseppe Barzilai, "El Cantico dei Cantici" (Triest, 1865) in dramatic form, following Mandelstamm's and Horowitz's German translations; Lamentations (Trieste, 1867); by David Castelli, Ecclesiastes (Pisa, 1866); by Benjamin Consolo, Lamentations, Job, and Psalms (Florence?);by Gino Morpurgo, Ecclesiastes (Padua, 1898), and Esther (1899).其他意大利語翻譯製作:由朱塞佩Barzilai , “厄爾尼諾Cantico代Cantici ” (的裡雅斯特, 1865年)在戲劇形式,以下Mandelstamm和霍洛維茨的德語翻譯;耶利米哀歌(的裡雅斯特, 1867年) ;由大衛卡斯泰利,傳道書(比薩, 1866年) ;由本傑明孔,耶利米哀歌,工作,和詩篇(佛羅倫薩? ) ;由吉諾莫爾普戈,傳道書(帕多瓦, 1898年) ,和Esther ( 1899 ) 。

French Translations.法語翻譯。

Translations of the Old Testament into French were not made by Jews prior to the first half of the nineteenth century.翻譯舊約譯成法文並沒有作出之前,猶太人的第一十九世紀下半葉。 In 1831 Samuel Cahen began a monumental work, "La Bible, Traduction Nouvelle" (Paris, 1833-46, in 18 volumes), to which were added many essays by Munk, Zunz, Dukes, and others, and also a somewhat rationalistic commentary.在1831年薩穆埃爾Cahen開始一項艱鉅的工作, “香格里拉聖經翻譯新” (巴黎, 1833年至1846年,在18卷) ,其中增加了許多論文芒克, Zunz ,大腸癌等,還有些理性的評注。 This work was somewhat severely criticized (Abbé BMB, "Quelques Mots sur la Traduction Nouvelle," etc., Paris, 1835; "Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1839, p. 30; "Literaturblatt des Orients," 1840, pp. 368 et seq.; Wogue, "Hist. de la Bible," p. 342); but it held the field for many years.這項工作是有點嚴厲批評( BMB神甫, “ Mots幾天法語翻譯河畔新”等,巴黎, 1835年; “ Allg 。時代。沙漠珠德。 ” 1839年,第30頁; “ Literaturblatt之方向” , 1840年,第。 368起。 ; Wogue , “組織胺。德拉魯阿聖經” ,第342頁) ;舉行,但外地多年。 A more faithful version of the Pentateuch was published in 1860 by Lazare Wogue.更忠實版本的五刊登在1860年的拉扎爾Wogue 。 Among other translators may be mentioned A. ben Baruch Créhange (Psalms), and B. Mossé of Avignon (Psalms).在其他的翻譯可能會提到字母a.本巴魯克Créhange (詩篇) ,和B Mossé的阿維尼翁(詩篇) 。 But a popular and cheap Bible in French was sorely needed by the French Jews.但是,流行和廉價的聖經法文急需由法國猶太人。 Such a work has been taken in hand by the present chief rabbi of France, Zadok Kahn, and the other members of the French rabbinate.這樣的工作已在手的首席拉比目前法國,扎多克卡恩,和其他成員的法國rabbinate 。 Wogue's translation was employed as the basis for the Pentateuch. Wogue的翻譯是受僱為基礎的五。 The author himself made the necessary corrections; and before his death he was able to finish the translation of the prophetical books down to the First Book of Kings (vol. i., Paris, 1899).作者自己作出必要的修改;和他去世之前,他是能夠完成的翻譯書籍的預言到的第一本書的國王(第一卷島,巴黎, 1899年) 。 At the same time and under the same auspices, a children's Bible ("Bible de la Jeunesse") is being brought out.與此同時,在同一主持下,一個兒童聖經( “聖經德拉魯阿青年” )是被帶到了。

Dutch Translations.荷蘭翻譯。

Few translations have been attempted by the Dutch Jews into their vernacular: the Spanish and Portuguese Jews in Holland made use of Spanish; the Ashkenazic Jews, of the Judæo-German version.幾個翻譯一直試圖由荷蘭猶太人納入其白話:西班牙語和葡萄牙語的猶太人在荷蘭使用西班牙語;的Ashkenazic猶太人, Judæo的德國版本。 The version of the Psalms in Dutch printed by Joseph Athias was made by Johann Leusden.該版本的詩篇在荷蘭印刷約瑟夫Athias是由約翰Leusden 。 During the nineteenth century translations were made by Samuel J. Mulder (see his "Tets over de Vertalingen der Heilige Schrift," Amsterdam, 1859): Pentateuch, 1826-42; Major Prophets, 1827; Five Scrolls, 1835, 3d ed.在十九世紀翻譯了薩繆爾學者穆爾德(見他的“毒鼠強比德Vertalingen之神聖Schrift , ”阿姆斯特丹, 1859年) :五, 1826年至1842年;大預言, 1827 ;五個捲軸, 1835年,三維版。 1859; Proverbs, 1836; Psalms, 1838; all published in Amsterdam. 1859年;諺語, 1836年;詩篇, 1838年,所有在阿姆斯特丹出版。 He also published a "Bijbel voor de Israel. Jeugd," Leyden, 1843-54.他還出版了一本“ Bijbel荷蘭的以色列。 Jeugd ” ,萊頓, 1843年至1854年。 In 1844 Gabriel J. and MS Polak published a Dutch translation of Job, which was to have been followed by a translation of the Prophets and the Hagiographa.在1844年加夫列和MS波拉克出版了一本荷蘭文翻譯的工作,這是已被隨後翻譯的先知和Hagiographa 。 This seems never to have been completed.這似乎永遠也已完成。 A translation of Isaiah by GA Parsen also exists; while a new translation of the Pentateuch, together with Targum and Rashi, was brought out by AS Ondervijser in 1901.翻譯以賽亞Parsen遺傳算法也存在,而一個新的翻譯五,連同根和Rashi ,被帶到了由AS Ondervijser於1901年。

Jewish translations into Russian are of very recent date.猶太翻譯成俄文的最近日期。 The writer knows only of LI Mandelstamm's Psalms (Berlin, 1864; 3d ed. 1872), Pentateuch (, 3d ed., Berlin, 1872); Aaron Pumpiansky's Psalms (Warsaw, 1871); J. Cylkow's Psalms (1883); and a version of Esther in German (Hebrew characters) and Russian (Warsaw, 1889).筆者只知道李Mandelstamm的詩篇(柏林, 1864年;三維版。 1872年) ,五(三維版。 ,柏林, 1872年) ;阿龍Pumpiansky的詩篇(華沙, 1871年) ;學者Cylkow的詩篇( 1883年)和埃斯特版本在德國(希伯來文字符)和俄羅斯(華沙, 1889年) 。 A Polish translation has been published by D. Neufeld.波蘭翻譯出版了由D.紐費爾德。

Crawford Howell Toy, Richard Gottheil克勞福德豪玩具,理查德Gottheil
Jewish Encyclopedia, published between 1901-1906.猶太百科全書出版01年至1906年之間。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
See especially Steinschneider, Cat.見尤其是Steinschneider ,貓。 Bodl. Bodl 。 cols.列。 1-198; 1-198 ;

idem, Jewish Literature, pp.同上,猶太文學,頁。 232 et seq.; Jost, Neuere Gesch. 232及以下。 ;喬斯特, Neuere Gesch 。 der Israeliten, iii.德國Israeliten ,三。 37, 139, 161; Kayserling, in Winter and Wünsche, Die Jüdische Literatur, iii. 37 , 139 , 161 ; Kayserling ,在冬季和Wünsche ,模具Jüdische文學,三。 751 et seq.; Jacobs and Wolf, Bibl. 751及以下。 ; Jacobs和狼, Bibl 。 Anglo-Jud.英珠德。 pp.頁。 199 et seq.; Urtext und Uebersetzungen der Bibel, in Real-Encykl. 199及以下。 ; Urtext與Uebersetzungen之聖經,在實時Encykl 。 für Protest. Theologie und Kirche, vol.獻給抗議。神學與教會,第二卷。 iii., Leipsic, 1897.TG三。 , Leipsic , 1897.TG


Jewish Viewpoint Information 猶太觀資料


The Aramaic translation of the Bible.亞拉姆語翻譯的聖經。 It forms a part of the Jewish traditional literature, and in its inception is as early as the time of the Second Temple.它形式的一部分猶太傳統文學,並在其成立是最早的時候,第二聖殿。 The verb , from which the noun is formed, is used in Ezra iv.動詞,從這些名詞組成,用於以斯拉四。 7 in reference to a document written in Aramaic, although "Aramit" (AV "in the Syrian tongue") is added. 7參考文件亞拉姆語寫的,雖然“ Aramit ” (視聽“在敘利亞的舌頭” )的補充。 In mishnaic phraseology the verb denotes a translation from Hebrew into any other language, as into Greek (see Yer. Ḳid. 59a, line 10, and Yer. Meg. 71c, line 11; both statements referring to the Greek version of Aquila); and the noun likewise may refer to the translation of the Biblical text into any language (see Meg. ii. 1; Shab. 115a).在mishnaic用語動詞指從希伯來文翻譯成任何其他語言,如成希臘文(見你們。孩子。 8軟,第10行,並層。梅格。 71c ,線路11條;雙方陳述指的是希臘版的雕) ;和名詞也可以指翻譯的聖經文本成任何一種語言(見梅格。二。 1 ;沙巴。 115a ) 。 The use of the term "Targum" by itself was restricted to the Aramaic version of the Bible (see Bacher, "Die Terminologie der Tannaiten," pp. 205 et seq.).一詞的使用“根”的本身是受限制的阿拉姆版本的聖經(見巴切爾, “模具Terminologie之Tannaiten , ”頁。 205起。 ) 。 In like manner, the Aramaic passages in Genesis, Jeremiah, Daniel, and Ezra were briefly called "Targum," while the Hebrew text was called "Miḳra" (see Yad. iv. 5; Shab. 115b).同樣,阿拉姆通道成因,耶利米,丹尼爾,並簡要以斯拉所謂的“根” ,而希伯萊文被稱為“ Miḳra ” (見亞德瓦。四。 5 ;沙巴。 115b ) 。

As an intepretation of the Hebrew text of the Bible the Targum had its place both in the synagogal liturgy and in Biblical instruction, while the reading of the Bible text combined with the Targum in the presence of the congregation assembled for public worship was an ancient institution which dated from the time of the Second Temple, and was traced back to Ezra by Rab when he interpreted the word "meforash" (Neh. viii. 8) as referring to the Targum (Meg. 3a; Ned. 37b; comp. Yer. Meg. 74d, line 48, Gen. R. xxxvi., end).作為一個解讀的希伯來文聖經的根有自己的位置在synagogal禮儀和聖經的指示,而讀的聖經文本結合根,在場的會眾聚集的公共崇拜是一種古老的機構該月的時間,第二聖殿,並追溯到以斯拉的饒他解釋改為“ meforash ” ( Neh.八。 8 )指的是根( Meg. 3A條;內。第37B ;補償。層。梅格。 74d , 48線,將軍河三十六。 ,結束) 。 The rules for reading the Targum are formulated in the Halakah (see Meg. iii. and the Talmud ad loc.; Tosef., Meg. iv.).規則讀根正在制定中的Halakah (見梅格。三。與塔木德廣告祿。 ; Tosef 。 ,梅格。四。 ) 。 The Targum was to be read after every verse of the parashiyyot of the Pentateuch, and after every third verse of the lesson from the Prophets.的根是在讀每一個詩的parashiyyot的五後,每3詩句的教訓先知。 Excepting the Scroll of Esther, which might be read by two persons in turn, only one person might read the Targum, as the Pentateuch or prophetic section also was read by a single person.除在滾動以斯帖,這可能是閱讀的兩個人又只有一個人可以讀根,如五或預言節還宣讀了一個人。 Even a minor might read the Targum, although it was not fitting for him to do so when an adult had read the text.即使是輕微的可以讀根,雖然它不適合他這樣做時,已經成人閱讀的文本。 Certain portions of the Bible, although read, were not translated (as Gen. xxxv. 22), while others were neither read nor translated (as Num. vi. 24-26; II Sam. xi.-xiii.). The reader was forbidden to prompt the translator, lest any one should say that the Targum was included in the text of the Bible (Ulla in Meg. 32a).某些部分聖經,儘管讀,沒有翻譯(如將軍三十五。 22 ) ,而其他人則既不能讀,也不翻譯(如數量。六。 24-26 ;二山姆。 xi. - 13 。 ) 。讀者被禁止迅速翻譯,否則任何人都不應該說,根被列入文聖經(烏拉在梅格。 32A條) 。 With regard to the translation of Biblical passages, Judah ben Ilai, the pupil of Akiba, declared that whosoever rendered a verse of the Bible in its original form was a liar, while he who made additions was a blasphemer (Tosef., Meg., end; Ḳid. 49a; comp. the geonic responsum in Harkavy, "Responsen der Geonim," pp. 124 et seq., and the quotation from Midr. ha-Gadol in "JQR" vi. 425).關於翻譯的聖經段落,猶太本Ilai ,學生的秋葉,宣布誰作出了詩聖經在其原始形式是個騙子,而他增添了誰是瀆神( Tosef. ,梅格。 ,結束;孩子。 49a ;補償。 responsum的geonic在Harkavy , “ Responsen之Geonim , ”頁。 124起。 ,並引用Midr 。公頃,加多在“ JQR ”六。 425 ) 。 A passage in Ab.一段抗體。 RN (Recension B, xii. [ed. Schechter, p. 24]) referring to R. Akiba's early training says that he studied the Bible and the Targum; but allusions to the Targum as a special subject of study in connection with the Bible are excessively rare.護士( Recension乙,十二。 [版。 Schechter已頁24 ] )提到河秋葉早期培訓說,他研究聖經和根;但典故的根作為一個特殊問題的研究與聖經過分罕見。 It must be assumed, however, that the Targum was an integral part of the Biblical course of study designated as "Miḳra"; and Judah b.它必須承擔的,然而,根是不可分割的一部分聖經的學習課程指定為“ Miḳra ” ;和猶太灣 Ilai declared that only he who could read and translate the Bible might be regarded as a "ḳaryana," or one thoroughly versed in the Bible (Ḳid. 49a). Ilai宣稱,只有他誰可以閱讀和翻譯聖經可能被視為一個“ ḳaryana ” ,或一個徹底精通聖經( Ḳid. 49a ) 。 In Sifre, Deut.在Sifre , Deut 。 161 the Targum is mentioned as a branch of study intermediate between the Miḳra and the Mishnah. 161根是提到的一個分支研究之間的中間Miḳra和米示拿。

Liturgical Use.禮儀使用。

The professional translator of the text of the Bible in the synagogue was called "targeman" ("torgeman," "metorgeman" ; the common pronunciation being Meturgeman; see Meg. iv. 4).專業翻譯的文本中的聖經猶太教堂被稱為“ targeman ” ( “ torgeman ” , “ metorgeman ” ;的共同發音正在Meturgeman ;看到梅格。四。 4 ) 。 His duties naturally formed part of the functions of the communal official ("sofer") who bad charge of Biblical instruction (see Yer. Meg. 74d).他的職責自然組成部分的職能官方社區( “ sofer ” )壞誰負責聖經的指示(見你們。梅格。 74d ) 。 Early in the fourth century Samuel ben Isaac, upon entering asynagogue, once saw a teacher ("sofer") read the Targum from a book, and bade him desist.早在4世紀塞繆爾本艾薩克,進入asynagogue時,一旦看到老師( “ sofer ” )宣讀的根從一本書,叫他停止。 This anecdote shows that there was a written Targum which was used for public worship in that century in Palestine, although there was no definitely determined and generally recognized Targum, such as existed in Babylonia.這個故事表明,有書面根是用於公共禮拜在這世紀在巴勒斯坦,雖然沒有明確確定和普遍公認的根,如存在於東風。


The story is told (Yer. Ber. 9c) that Jose b.這個故事告訴( Yer.蘇貝等。 9C條)的聖何塞灣 Abin, an amora of the second half of the fourth century, reprehended those who read a Targum to Lev.谷月女,一個阿莫拉下半年的第四世紀,那些誰reprehended宣讀了根,以列夫。 xxii. 22 。 28 which laid a biased emphasis on the view that the command contained in that verse was based on God's mercy (this same paraphrase is still found in the Palestinian Targum); see also the statements on the erroneous translation of Ex. 28奠定了偏見強調認為,該命令中所載的詩句是基於上帝的憐憫(同一釋義仍是發現在巴勒斯坦根) ;又見報表的錯誤翻譯惠。 xii.十二。 8, Lev. vi. 8日,列夫。六。 7, and Deut. 7 , Deut 。 xxvi. 26 。 4 in Yer. 4層。 Bik. Bik 。 65d; as well as Yer. 65d ;以及層。 Kil. viii., end, on Deut.吉。八。 ,為此, Deut 。 xiv.十四。 5; and Meg. 5 ;和梅格。 iii.三。 10 on Lev. 10列弗。 xviii.十八。 21. 21 。 In addition to the anecdotes mentioned above, there are earlier indications that the Targum was committed to writing, although for private reading only.除了上述軼事,有早期跡象表明,根致力於寫作,雖然私人讀只。 Thus, the Mishnah states (Yad. iv. 5) that portions of the text of the Bible were "written as a Targum," these doubtless being Biblical passages in an Aramaic translation; and a tannaitic tradition (Shab. 115a; Tosef., Shab. xiv.; Yer. Shab. 15c; Massek. Soferim v. 15) refers to an Aramaic translation of the Book of Job which existed in written form at the time of Gamaliel I., and which, after being withdrawn from use, reappeared in the lifetime of his grandson Gamaliel II.因此,米示拿州( Yad.四。 5 )部分的案文聖經是“書面作為一個根, ”這無疑是聖經的段落在阿拉姆翻譯;和tannaitic傳統( Shab. 115a ; Tosef 。 ,沙巴。十四。 ;層。沙巴。 15c ; Massek 。 Soferim訴15 )指的是阿拉姆翻譯約伯記中存在書面形式的時候加馬利亞一,其中,後退出使用,出現在他的一生孫子加馬利亞二。 The Pentateuchal Targum, which was made the official Targum of the Babylonian schools, was at all events committed to writing and redacted as early as the third century, since its Masorah dates from the first half of that century.該Pentateuchal根,這是官方根巴比倫的學校,是在所有事件致力於寫作和編輯,早在三世紀,因為它Masorah日期從上半年的世紀。 Two Palestinian amoraim of the same century urged the individual members of the congregation to read the Hebrew text of the weekly parashah twice in private and the Targum once, exactly as was done in public worship: Joshua ben Levi recommended this practise to his sons (Ber. 8b), while Ammi, a pupil of Johanan, made it a rule binding on every one (ib. 8a).兩名巴勒斯坦amoraim同一世紀敦促個別成員的聚會改為希伯來文parashah每週兩次在私營部門和根一次,正是這樣做的公共崇拜:喬舒亞本列維建議將這一實踐他的兩個兒子(小蘗鹼。 8B條) ,而Ammi ,一個學生Johanan ,使它成為具有約束力的規則每一個( ib. 8A型) 。 These two dicta were especially instrumental in authorizing the custom of reciting the Targum; and it was considered a religious duty even in later centuries, when Aramaic, the language of the Targum, was no longer the vernacular of the Jews.這兩個論述尤其在授權的習俗,背誦根,它被認為是一項宗教義務甚至在以後的幾個世紀,當阿拉姆語,語言的根,已不再是白話文的猶太人。 Owing to the obsolescence of the dialect, however, the strict observance of the custom ceased in the days of the first geonim.由於陳舊的方言,但是,嚴格遵守自訂的停止在未來的日子第一geonim 。 About the middle of the ninth century the gaon Naṭronai ben Hilai reproached those who declared that they could dispense with the "Targum of the scholars" because the translation in their mother tongue (Arabic) was sufficient for them (see Müller, "Einleitung in die Responsen der Geonen," p. 106).關於中第九屆世紀gaon Naṭronai本Hilai責備那些誰宣布,他們可以免除“根的學者” ,因為翻譯在用自己的母語(阿拉伯文)就足夠了(見米勒, “導論中死亡Responsen之Geonen “ ,第106頁) 。

At the end of the ninth or in the beginning of the tenth century Judah ibn Ḳuraish sent a letter to the community of Fez, in which he reproved the members for neglecting the Targum, saying that he was surprised to hear that some of them did not read the Targum to the Pentateuch and the Prophets, although the custom of such a perusal had always been observed in Babylonia, Egypt, Africa, and Spain, and had never been abrogated.在結束的第九屆或在年初的10世紀猶太本Ḳuraish寫信給國際社會的非斯,他在信中責備成員忽視了根,他說,他很驚訝地聽到,有些人沒有讀根的五和先知,但習慣這樣的閱讀一直觀察到東風,埃及,南非,西班牙,以及從未被廢除。 Hai Gaon (d. 1038) was likewise much astonished to hear that the reading of the Targum had been entirely abandoned in Spain, a fact which he had not known before (Müller, lcp 211); and Samuel ha-Nagid (d. 1056) also sharply criticized the scholars who openly advocated the omission of the reading of it, although according to him the Targum was thus neglected only in the northern provinces of that country (see the responsum in Berliner, "Onḳelos," ii. 169).海Gaon (草1038 ) ,同樣很多驚奇地聽到,讀的根已經完全放棄在西班牙,這個事實他不知道前(米勒, LCP的211 ) ;和Samuel公頃, Nagid (草1056 )還尖銳地批評學者誰公然鼓吹遺漏的讀,雖然據他的根,因此被忽視僅在北部省份該國(見responsum在柏林, “ Onḳelos , ”二。 169號) 。 As a matter of fact, however, the custom did entirely cease in Spain; and only in southern Arabia has it been observed until the present time (see Jacob Saphir, "Eben Sappir," i. 53b; Berliner, lcp 172), although the Targum to the hafṭarot, together with introductions and poems in Aramaic, long continued to be read in some rituals (see Zunz, "GV" pp. 410, 412; idem, "Literaturgesch." pp. 21 et seq. ; idem, "Ritus," pp. 53, 60 et seq., 81; Bacher, in "Monatsschrift," xxii. 220-223).事實上,然而,自定義沒有完全停止在西班牙,只有在南部阿拉伯它已經觀察到現在的時間(見雅各布Saphir , “埃本Sappir , ”島53b ;柏林, LCP的172 ) ,雖然在根的hafṭarot ,加上引進和詩歌在阿拉姆語,只要繼續讀一些儀式(見Zunz , “顆粒”頁。 410 , 412 ;同上, “ Literaturgesch 。 ”頁。 21起。 ;同上, “禮儀” ,頁。 53 , 60及以下。 , 81 ;巴切爾,在“月刊, ” 22 。 220-223 ) 。 In the synagogues of Bokhara the Persian Jews read the Targum, together with the Persian paraphrase of it, to the hafṭarah for the last day of Passover (Isa. x. 32-xii.; see "Zeit. für Hebr. Bibl." iv. 181). The Aramaic translations of the Bible which have survived include all the books excepting Daniel and Ezra (together with Nehemiah), which, being written in great part in Aramaic, have no Targum, although one may have existed in ancient times.在猶太教堂的博卡拉波斯猶太人讀根,加上波斯意譯它,到hafṭarah為最後一天的逾越節(以賽亞書十32十二。 ;見“的時代。獻給Hebr 。 Bibl 。 ”四。 181 ) 。亞拉姆語翻譯的聖經中倖存下來包括所有的圖書除外丹尼爾和以斯拉(連同尼希米記) ,其中,正在撰寫中很大一部分是出色的,沒有根,儘管可能存在著遠古時代。

Targumim to the Pentateuch: Targumim的五:

1. 1 。

Targum Onḳelos or Babylonian Targun: The official Targum to the Pentateuch, which subsequently gained currency and general acceptance throughout the Babylonian schools, and was therefore called the "Babylonian Targum" (on the tosafistic name "Targum Babli" see Berliner, lcp 180; "Mordekai" on Giṭ. ix., end, mentions an old "Targum Babli" which was brought from Rome).根Onḳelos或巴比倫Targun :官方根的五,隨後獲得貨幣和普遍接受整個巴比倫的學校,因此被稱為“巴比倫根” (上tosafistic名稱為“根Babli ”看到柏林, LCP的180 ; “ Mordekai “的Giṭ 。九。 ,為此,提到了老”根Babli “ ,這是來自羅馬) 。 The title "Targum Onḳelos" is derived from the well-known passage in the Babylonian Talmud (Meg. 3a) which discusses the origin of the Targumim: "R. Jeremiah [or, according to another version, R. Ḥyya bar Abba] said: 'The Targum to the Pentateuch was composed by the proselyte Onḳelos at the dictation of R. Eliezer and R. Joshua.'" This statement is undoubtedly due to error or ignorance on the part of the scholars of Babylonia, who applied to the Aramaic translation of the Pentateuch the tradition current in Palestine regarding the Greek version of Aquila.標題“根Onḳelos ”是來自眾所周知的通行巴比倫塔木德( Meg. 3A )條其中討論的起源Targumim : “河耶利米[或根據另一個版本,河Ḥyya酒吧阿爸]說: '的根在五組成的proselyte Onḳelos在聽寫的河埃利澤和R.喬舒亞。 “這份聲明無疑是由於錯誤或無知的部分學者的東風,誰適用於阿拉姆翻譯的五傳統當前在巴勒斯坦方面,希臘版的雕。 According to Yer.據也門里亞爾。 Meg.梅格。 71c, "Aquila the proselyte translated the Pentateuch in the presence of R. Eliezer and R. Joshua, who praised him in the words of Ps. xlv. 3." 71c , “天鷹的proselyte翻譯五,在場的河埃利澤和R.約書亞,誰讚揚他的話的PS 。第四十五。 3 。 ” In this passage, moreover, R. Jeremiah is described as transmitting the tradition on the authority of R. Ḥiyya bar Abba.在此通過,此外,河耶利米被描述為轉遞傳統的權威河Ḥiyya酒吧阿爸。 There is no doubt that these accounts coincide: and the identity of and is also clear, so that Onḳelos and Aḳylas (Aquila) are one and the same person (but see Onḳelos).毫無疑問,這些賬戶相吻合:和身份,並也很清楚,因此, Onḳelos和Aḳylas (雕)是同一個人(見Onḳelos ) 。 In the Babylonian Talmud only the first form of the name occurs; the second alone is found in the Palestinian Talmud; while even the Babylonian Talmud mentions Onḳelos as the author of the Targum only in the passage cited.在巴比倫塔木德只有第一種形式的名稱出現,第二次被發現僅在巴勒斯坦塔木德;而甚至提到了巴比倫Onḳelos猶太法典的作者的根只有在通過引用。 The statements referring to Onḳelos as the author of the Aramaic translation of the Pentateuch originated in the post-Talmudic period, althoughthey are based entirely on Meg.聲明指Onḳelos作為作者的阿拉姆語翻譯的五起源於後塔木德期間, althoughthey是完全基於梅格。 3a. 3A條。 The first citation of a targumic passage (on Gen. xlv. 27) with the direct statement "Onḳelos has translated" occurs in Pirḳe R. El.首先引用了targumic通道(上將軍第四十五。二十七日)直接聲明“ Onḳelos翻譯”發生在薩爾瓦多Pirḳe河。 xxxviii. The gaon Sar Shalom, writing in the ninth century, expressed himself as follows on the Targum Onḳelos: "The Targum of which the sages spoke is the one which we now have in our hands; no sanctity attaches to the other Targumim. We have heard it reported as the tradition of ancient sages that God wrought a great thing [miracle] for Onḳelos when He permitted him to compose the Targum."三十八。 gaon范德薩的沙洛姆,寫在第九世紀,表示自己如下的根Onḳelos : “的根而聖人以是一個我們現在已經在我們的手中;沒有神聖的重視其他Targumim 。我們聽到它列為傳統的古代聖賢,上帝造成一個偉大的勝利[奇蹟]的Onḳelos時,他允許他撰寫的根。 “ In a similar fashion Maimonides speaks of Onḳelos as the bearer of ancient exegetic traditions and as a thorough master of Hebrew and Aramaic (see Bacher, "Die Bibelexegese Moses Maimunis," pp. 38-42). The designation "Targum Onḳelos" was accordingly established in the early portion of the geonic period, and can no longer be effaced from the terminology of Jewish learning.以同樣的方式邁蒙尼德談到Onḳelos作為承載古老的傳統和exegetic作為一個徹底的主人希伯來語和阿拉姆語(見巴切爾, “模具Bibelexegese摩西Maimunis , ”頁。 38-42 ) 。指定“根Onḳelos ”因此成立初期的部分geonic時期,再也不能抹去的術語猶太人學習。

Babylonian Influence.巴比倫的影響。

The accepted Targum to the Pentateuch has a better claim to the title "Targum Babli" (Babylonian Targum), as has already been explained.在接受根的五有一個更好的要求,題目是“根Babli ” (巴比倫根) ,已經解釋。 It is noteworthy, moreover, that the Jews of Yemen received this Targum, like that to the Prophets, with the Babylonian punctuation (see Merx, "Chrestomathia Targumica"); and the colophon of a De Rossi codex states that a Targum with Babylonian punctuation was brought to Europe (Italy) from Babylon in the twelfth century, a copy with the Tiberian punctuation being made from it (see Berliner, lc ii. 134).值得注意的是,此外,猶太人也門收到此根一樣,向先知,與巴比倫標點符號(見Merx , “ Chrestomathia Targumica ” ) ;和colophon的德羅西法典規定,根與巴比倫的標點符號被帶到歐洲(意大利)從巴比倫在12世紀,一份與泰伯利亞標點符號正在從它(見柏林,立法會二。 134 ) 。 In the Babylonian Talmud the accepted Targum is called "our Targum," thus connoting the Targum of Babylonia or of the Babylonian academies (Ḳid. 49a, "Targum didan," for which Maimonides, in his "Yad," Ishut, viii. 4, substitutes "Targum Onḳelos").在巴比倫塔木德經公認的根被稱為“我們的根” ,從而connoting的根的東風或巴比倫的院校( Ḳid. 49a , “根didan , ”這邁蒙尼德,在他的“亞德瓦, ” Ishut ,八。 4 ,替代品的“根Onḳelos ” ) 。 Passages from the Targum are cited with great frequency in the Babylonian Talmud with the introductory remark "As we translate" (Berliner lcp 112), and the Babylonian geonim also speak of "our Targum" as contrasted with the Palestinian Targum (see Hai Gaon in Harkavy, lc Nos. 15, 248).通道從根正懷著極大的引用頻率在巴比倫塔木德的開場白“正如我們翻譯” (柏林LCP的112 ) ,以及巴比倫geonim也講“我們的根”的對比與巴勒斯坦根(見中海Gaon Harkavy ,立法會第15 , 248 ) 。

The Targum Onḳelos, moreover, shows traces of Babylonian influence in its language, since its vocabulary contains: (1) Aramaic words which occur elsewhere in the Babylonian vernacular, eg, the Hebrew ("to see") is always translated by , and not by the Palestinian , while the Hebrew ("round about") is rendered by and not by ; (2) Aramaic words used to render Greek words found in the Palestinian Targum; (3) a few Persian words, including "naḥshirkan" (hunter; Gen. xxv. 27); and "enderun" (ib. xliii. 30) instead of the Greek κοιτών found in the Palestinian Targum. Onḳelos的根,而且表明巴比倫的痕跡影響其語言,詞彙,因為它包含: ( 1 )阿拉姆話其他地方發生的巴比倫方言,如希伯來文( “看” )始終是翻譯的,而不是由巴勒斯坦,而希伯來文( “輪約” )是所提供的,而不是由( 2 )阿拉姆用字,使希臘話中發現的巴勒斯坦根; ( 3 )少數人的話,包括“ naḥshirkan ” (獵人;將軍25 。 27 ) ;和“ enderun ” ( ib.四十三。 30 ) ,而不是希臘κοιτών發現在巴勒斯坦根。 These peculiarities, however, justify only the assumption that the final redaction of the Targum Onḳelos was made in Babylonia; for its diction does not resemble in any other respects the Aramaic diction found in the Babylonian Talmud; indeed, as Nöldeke has shown ("Mandäische Grammatik," p. xxvii.), "the official Targum, although redacted in Babylonia, is composed in a dialect fundamentally Palestinian."這些特點,但是,理由只有假設,即最後編輯Onḳelos的根是在東風;其詞並不象在任何其他方面的阿拉姆語辭中發現巴比倫塔木德;事實上, Nöldeke已經顯示( “ Mandäische語法“ ,頁二十七。 ) ”正式根,雖然在東風節錄,組成一個巴勒斯坦方言根本。 “ This statement is confirmed by the text of the Targum Onḳelos, by the results of historical investigations of its origin, and by a comparison of it with the Palestinian Targum.這項聲明是由文根Onḳelos ,所取得的成果的歷史調查其來源,並比較了它與巴勒斯坦根。 These researches into its history show that the Targum which was made the official one was received by the Babylonian authorities from Palestine, whence they had taken the Mishnah, the Tosefta, and the halakic midrashim on the Pentateuch.這些研究納入其歷史表明,這根是一個正式收到了巴比倫從巴勒斯坦當局,何處,他們已採取米示拿的Tosefta ,並halakic米大示對五。 The content of the Targum shows, moreover, that it was composed in Palestine in the second century; for both in its halakic and in its haggadic portions it may be traced in great part to the school of Akiba, and especially to the tannaim of that period (see F. Rosenthal in "Bet Talmud," vols. ii.-iii.; Berliner, lcp 107).的內容根節目,此外,這是在巴勒斯坦組成的第二世紀;都在其halakic並在其haggadic部分它可追溯到在很大一部分學校的秋葉,特別是該tannaim期間(見樓羅森塔爾在“辛貝特塔木德經” ,第一卷和第二卷。白介素, ㈢ 。 ;柏林, LCP的107 ) 。 The Targum Onḳelos can not be compared unqualifiedly with the Palestinian Targum, however, since the latter has been preserved only in a much later form; moreover the majority of those fragments which are earliest seem to be later than the redaction of the Targum Onḳelos. Onḳelos的根不能unqualifiedly比較與巴勒斯坦根,但是,因為後者一直保持只有在更晚的形式;此外,大多數人碎片是最早似乎是不遲於編輯Onḳelos的根。 Yet even in this form the Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch furnishes sufficient evidence that the two Targumim were originally identical, as is evident from many verses in which they agree word for word, such as Lev.然而,即使在這種形式的巴勒斯坦根到五提供足夠的證據證明,這兩個Targumim原來相同的,因為很明顯,許多詩句,他們在同意逐字逐句,如列夫。 vi.六。 3, 4, 6-7, 9, 11, 18-20, 22-23. 3 , 4 , 6-7 , 9 , 11 , 18-20 , 22-23 。 The difference between the two is due to two facts: (1) the Pentateuchal Targum of the tannaitic period was subjected to a thorough and systematic revision, which may have taken place in Palestine, this revision of subject-matter being followed by a textual revision to make it conform with the vernacular of the Babylonian Jews; and (2) the version of the Targum resulting from this double revision was accepted and committed to writing by the Babylonian academies.兩者之間的差額是由於兩個事實: ( 1 ) Pentateuchal根的tannaitic期間遭到了徹底的和系統的修改,這可能發生在巴勒斯坦,這次修訂的標的物被隨後的文字修改使它符合白話文的巴比倫的猶太人;和( 2 )的版本根造成這種雙重的修訂被接受,並致力於書面巴比倫院校。


Despite the fact that the Targum was thus reduced to a fixed form in Babylonia, the Palestinian meturgemanim had full license to revise and amplify it, so that the final redaction as it now exists in the so-called "Targum pseudo-Jonathan" (and this is true in even a greater degree of the "Fragmenten-Targum" mentioned below), though it was made as late as the seventh century, approximates the original Targum much more closely both in diction and in content, and includes many elements earlier than the Targum bearing the name of Onḳelos and belonging in its final form to the third century. The Masorah on the Targum Onḳelos is first mentioned in the "Patshegen," a commentary on this same Targum, written in the thirteenth century; it was edited by Berliner (1877), and reedited in alphabetical order by Landauer ("Letterbode," viii., ix.).儘管事實上根,因此減少到一個固定形式的東風,巴勒斯坦meturgemanim有充分的授權,修訂和健全,因此,最後的編輯,因為它現在存在所謂的“根偽喬納森” (和這是真的,甚至更大程度的“ Fragmenten -根”下文提到) ,雖然它是直到七世紀,接近原來的根更加密切雙方在用詞和內容,其中包括許多內容以前軸承的根的名稱和所屬Onḳelos在其最後的形式向三世紀。的Masorah的根Onḳelos是第一次提到了“ Patshegen ”的評注本相同的根,撰寫的13世紀,這是編輯柏林( 1877年) ,並reedited按字母順序排列蘭( “ Letterbode , ”八。 ,九。 ) 。 This Masorah contains statements concerning the divergencies between the schools of Sura and Nehardea, exactly as the Talmud (Zeb. 54a; Sanh. 99b) alludes to controversies between Rab and Levi over individual words in the Targum.這Masorah包含有關報表之間的差異所學校的蘇拉和Nehardea ,正是因為塔木德( Zeb. 54A條; Sanh 。 99b )提到饒之間的爭論和Levi個別字的根。 The system followed in the revision of the subject-matter which resulted in the Targum Onḳelos becomes clear when the latter is compared with the Palestinian Targum.該系統遵循的修訂事由導致根Onḳelos明顯時相比,後者是與巴勒斯坦根。 The principal object being to conform the Targum as closely as possible to the original text both in diction and in content, explanatory notes were omitted, and the Hebrew words were translated according to their etymological meaning, although the geographical names were retainedin their Hebrew form almost without exception, and the grammatical structure of the Hebrew was closely followed.主要目的是要符合的根盡可能密切的原始文字在用詞和內容,解釋性說明被省略,和希伯來文的話被翻譯根據其詞源意義,雖然地名retainedin其希伯來文的形式幾乎沒有例外,和語法結構的希伯來文緊隨其後。 The paraphrastic style of translation affected by the Targumim generally, in order to obviate all anthropomorphisms in reference to God, is observed with special care in the Targum Onḳelos, which employs paraphrases also in the poetic sections of the Pentateuch and in many other cases. paraphrastic風格的翻譯受Targumim一般來說,為了避免所有anthropomorphisms在提到上帝,是觀察特殊照顧的根Onḳelos ,其中還採用釋義的詩意章節五和許多其他案件。 In some instances the original paraphrase is abbreviated in order that the translation may not exceed the length of the text too greatly; consequently this Targum occasionally fails to represent the original, as is evident from paraphrases preserved in their entirety in the Palestinian Targum, as in the case of Gen. iv.在一些情況下,原來的釋義略,以便翻譯不得超過的長度也大大文本,因此這根偶爾未能代表原來,這是顯而易見的釋義保存的全部巴勒斯坦根,如如將軍四。 7, 10; xlix. 7日, 10日; xlix 。 3, 22; Ex. 3 , 22 ;惠。 xiv.十四。 15; Num. xxiv. 15 ;數。 24 。 4; and Deut. 4 , Deut 。 xxix.二十九。 17. 17 。 An example of an abbreviated paraphrase is found also in the Targum Onḳelos to Deut.例如,一個略釋還發現在根Onḳelos以Deut 。 i.字母i. 44, as compared with the paraphrase in Soṭah 48b made by a Babylonian amora of the third century. 44 ,相對於釋義中Soṭah 48B條作出的巴比倫阿莫拉第三世紀。

Supposed Authorship.支持作者。

2. 2 。

The Palestinian Targum (Targum Yerushalmi): A responsum of Hai Gaon, already cited with reference to the Targumim, answers the question concerning the "Targum of the Land of Israel [Palestine]" in the following words: "We do not know who composed it, nor do we even know this Targum, of which we have heard only a few passages. If there is a tradition among them [the Palestinians] that it has been made the subject of public discourse since the days of the ancient sages [here follow the names of Palestinian amoraim of the third and fourth centuries], it must be held in the same esteem as our Targum; for otherwise they would not have allowed it. But if it is less ancient, it is not authoritative. It is very improbable, however, in our opinion, that it is of later origin" (comp. "REJ" xlii. 235).巴勒斯坦根(根•耶路莎米) :一種responsum海Gaon ,已經提到參照Targumim ,回答了關於“根的土地,以色列[巴勒斯坦] ”在下面的話: “我們不知道是誰組成它,我們也不知道這根,而我們所聽到的只有少數幾個通道。如果有它們之間的傳統[巴勒斯坦] ,它已成為公眾話語的日子,因為古代聖賢[此處按照姓名的巴勒斯坦amoraim的第三和第四世紀] ,必須關押在同一自尊作為我們的根;否則他們就不會允許它。但如果它是古代少,這是不具有權威性。這是非常不大可能,但是,在我們看來,這是後來起源“ ( comp. ” REJ “四十二。 235 ) 。 The following statement is quoted ("Kol Bo," § 37) in the name of R. Meïr of Rothenburg (13th cent.) with reference to the Targum: "Strictly speaking, we should recite the weekly section with the Targum Yerushalmi, since it explains the Hebrew text in fuller detail than does our Targum; but we do not possess it, and we follow, moreover, the custom of the Babylonians."以下聲明引用( “科爾波” ,第37條)的名義河果的羅( 13美分) 。參照根: “從嚴格意義上講,我們應當朗誦每週一節的根•耶路莎米,因為它說明了希伯來文在全面詳細地比我們的根,但是我們不具備,我們的後續此外,自訂的巴比倫人。 “ Both these statements indicate that the Palestinian Targum was rarely found in the Middle Ages, although it was frequently quoted after the eleventh century (see Zunz, "GV" pp. 66 et seq.), especially in the "'Aruk" of Nathan b.這兩個聲明指出,巴勒斯坦根很少發現在中世紀,雖然它經常引用後的11世紀(見Zunz , “顆粒”頁。 66起。 ) ,尤其是在“ Aruk ”彌敦道b 。 Jehiel, which explains many words found in it. Jehiel ,這解釋了許多話中找到它。 Another Italian, Menahem b.另一位意大利,梅納海姆灣 Solomon, took the term "Yerushalmi" (which must be interpreted as in the title "Talmud Yerushalmi") literally, and quoted the Palestinian Targum with the prefatory remark, "The Jerusalemites translated," or "The Targum of the People of the Holy City."所羅門群島了“一詞•耶路莎米” (這必須被解釋為標題中的“塔木德•耶路莎米” )字面上看,並引述巴勒斯坦根與前言的話, “在耶路撒冷翻譯”或“根人民的神聖市。 “ After the fourteenth century Jonathan b.在14世紀喬納森灣 Uzziel, author of the Targum to the Prophets, was believed to have been the author of the Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch also, the first to ascribe this work to him being Menahem Recanati in his commentary on the Pentateuch. Uzziel ,作者根的預言,被認為是作者的巴勒斯坦根的五還,首先歸因於這一工作對他正在梅納海姆雷卡納蒂在他的評注五。 This error was probably due to an incorrect analysis of the abbreviation (= "Targum Yerushalmi"), which was supposed to denote "Targum Jonathan."這個錯誤可能是由於不正確的分析縮寫( = “根•耶路莎米” ) ,這是要表示“根喬納森。 ” The statement in the Zohar (i. 89a, on Gen. xv. 1) that Onḳelos translated the Torah, and Jonathan the Miḳra, does not mean, as Ginsburger thinks ("Pseudo-Jonathan," p. viii.), that according to the Zohar Jonathan translated the entire Bible, and thus the Pentateuch; but the word "Miḳra" here refers to the Prophets (see "REJ" xxii. 46).該聲明中佐哈爾(島89a ,在將軍十五。 1 ) Onḳelos翻譯了聖經,和喬納森的Miḳra ,並不意味著,作為Ginsburger認為( “偽喬納森, ”第viii頁。 ) ,根據到佐哈爾喬納森整個翻譯聖經,因此,五,但改為“ Miḳra ”在這裡指的是先知(見“ REJ ” 22 。 46 ) 。 It is possible, however, that the view, first advanced by Recanati, that Jonathan composed also a Targum on the Pentateuch, was due to a misinterpretation of the passage in the Zohar.這是可能的,但是,認為,首先先進的雷卡納蒂,即組成喬納森也是一個根的五,是由於誤解通過在佐哈爾。 Azariah dei Rossi, who lived in the sixteenth century, states ("Me'or 'Enayim," ed. Wilna, p. 127) that he saw two manuscripts of the Palestinian Targum which agreed in every detail, one of which was entitled "Targum Yerushalmi" and the other "Targum Jonathan b. Uzziel." Azariah代羅西,誰住在十六世紀,州( “ Me'or ' Enayim , ”版。 Wilna ,第127頁) ,他看到兩個手稿巴勒斯坦根同意在每一個細節,其中之一是題為“根•耶路莎米“和其他”根喬納森灣Uzziel 。 “ The editio princeps of the complete Palestinian Targum was printed from the latter (Venice, 1591), thus giving currency to the erroneous title.該editio顫完整的巴勒斯坦根印刷從後者(威尼斯, 1591 ) ,從而使貨幣的錯誤標題。

Relation to Onḳelos. Onḳelos關係。

In addition to the complete Palestinian Targum (pseudo-Jonathan) there exist fragments of the Palestinian Targum termed "Targum Yerushalmi"; but of these fragments, comprised under the generic term "Fragment-Targum," only those were until recently known which were first published in Bomberg's "Biblia Rabbinica" in 1518 on the basis of Codex Vaticanus No. 440.除了完整的巴勒斯坦根(偽喬納森)片段存在的巴勒斯坦根稱為“根•耶路莎米” ,但這些碎片組成,根據通用術語“片段,根” ,只有那些直到最近被稱為第一Bomberg出版的“聖經Rabbinica ”在1518年的基礎上, Vaticanus法典第440號。 A few years ago, however, Ginsburger edited under the title "Das Fragmententhargum" (Berlin, 1899) a number of other fragments from manuscript sources, especially from Codex Parisiensis No. 110, as well as the quotations from the Targum Yerushalmi found in ancient authors.幾年前,然而, Ginsburger編輯,題目是“達斯Fragmententhargum ” (柏林, 1899年)的其他一些碎片從手稿來源,特別是從Parisiensis法典第110號,以及報價從根•耶路莎米發現古代作者。 This work rendered a large amount of additional material available for the criticism of the Palestinian Targum, even though a considerable advance had already been made by Bassfreund in his "Fragmenten-Targum zum Pentateuch" (see "Monatsschrift," 1896, xl.). The general views concerning the Palestinian Targum and its relation to Onḳelos have been modified but slightly by these new publications.這項工作提供了大量的補充材料可用於批評巴勒斯坦根,即使有相當事先已經作了Bassfreund在他的“ Fragmenten ,根zum五” (見“月刊, ” 1896年,坐標。 ) 。一般的看法巴勒斯坦根及其與Onḳelos已被修改,但稍這些新的出版物。 Although the relation of the Targum Yerushalmi to Onḳelos has already been discussed, it may be added here that the complete Palestinian Targum, as it is found in the pseudo-Jonathan, is not earlier than the seventh century; for it mentions Ayeshah ('A'ishah) (or, according to another reading, Khadija [Ḥadijah]) and Fatima, the wife and daughter of Mohammed, as wives of Ishmael, who was regarded as Mohammed's ancestor.雖然關係到根•耶路莎米Onḳelos已經討論過,可以說在這方面,完成巴勒斯坦根,因為它是中發現的偽喬納森,是不早於7世紀;它提到Ayeshah ( '阿' ishah ) (或根據另一讀, Khadija [ Ḥadijah ] )和法蒂瑪的妻子和女兒的穆罕默德,作為妻子的伊斯梅爾,誰被看作是穆罕默德的祖先。 It originated, moreover, at a period when the Targum Onḳelos was exercising its influence on the Occident; for the redactor of the Palestinian Targum in this form combined many passages of the two translations as they now exist in the Targum Yerushalmi and the Targum.它起源,而且在一個時期根Onḳelos是在行使其對西方;為redactor巴勒斯坦根以這種形式相結合的許多段落的兩個譯本,他們現在存在於爾根•耶路莎米和根。 Onḳelos (see "ZDMG" xxviii. 69 et seq.), besides revealing his dependence on the Onḳelos in other respects as well. Onḳelos (見“ ZDMG ”二十八。 69起。 ) ,除了暴露了他依賴於Onḳelos在其他方面,以及。 The fragments of the Targum Yerushalmi are not all contemporaneous; and many passages contain several versions of the same verses, while certain sections are designated as additions ("tosefta").該碎片根•耶路莎米並不都是同時代;和許多段落包含多個版本的同一詩句,而某些部分被指定為補充( “ tosefta ” ) 。 The text of the majority of the fragments is older than the pseudo-Jonathan; and these remnants, which frequently consist of a single word only or of a portion of a verse, have been fused according to a principle which can no longer berecognized; but they may have consisted in part of glosses written by some copyist on the margin of the Onḳelos, although without system and thus without completeness.文字的大多數碎片以上是偽喬納森; ,這些殘餘,這往往一個字或只有一部分的詩句,已根據融合的原則,再也不能berecognized ;但他們可能組成部分粉飾寫的一些抄寫的緣Onḳelos ,雖然不系統,因此不完整。 Many of these fragments, especially the haggadic paraphrases, agree with the pseudo-Jonathan, which may, on the other hand, be older than some of them.許多這些片段,尤其是haggadic釋義,同意偽喬納森,這可能,另一方面,是年齡比其中的一些。 In like manner, haggadic additions were made in later centuries to the text of the Targum, so that an African manuscript of the year 1487 alludes to the capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453.同樣, haggadic增加了在以後的數百年的案文根,使非洲的手稿由1487年的意思捕獲君士坦丁堡由土耳其人在1453年。 Early in the twelfth century Judah ben Barzillai wrote as follows with regard to these additions: "The Palestinian Targum contains haggadic sayings added by those who led in prayer and who also read the Targum, insisting that these sayings be recited in the synagogue as interpretations of the text of the Bible."早在12世紀猶太本Barzillai寫道如下方面增加了這些: “巴勒斯坦根包含haggadic諺語說的那些誰領導在祈禱,誰也讀根,堅持認為這些說法是背誦的猶太教堂的解釋文聖經。 “ Despite the numerous additions to the Palestinian Targum, and notwithstanding the fact that the majority of the fragments are of later date than Onḳelos, both pseudo-Jonathan and the fragments contain much that has survived from a very early period; indeed, the nucleus of the Palestinian Targum is older than the Babylonian, which was redacted from it.儘管許多補充巴勒斯坦根,儘管事實上,大多數的碎片是日後比Onḳelos ,既偽喬納森和片段包含了許多倖存下來的一個非常早期階段,實際上,核心的巴勒斯坦根以上是巴比倫,這是從它抹黑。

Targum to the Prophets:根的預言:

Targum Jonathan.根喬納森。

1. 1 。

The Official Targum to the Prophets: Like the Targum Onḳelos to the Pentateuch the Targum to the Books of the Prophets gained general recognition in Babylonia in the third century; and from the Babylonian academies it was carried throughout the Diaspora.官方根的預言:像根Onḳelos的五對根的圖書的預言得到普遍承認的東風在第三世紀,從巴比倫院校是開展散居各地。 It originated, however, in Palestine, and was then adapted to the vernacular of Babylonia; so that it contains the same linguistic peculiarities as the Targum Onḳelos, including sporadic instances of Persian words (eg, "enderun," Judges xv. 1, xvi. 12; Joel ii. 16; "dastaka" = "dastah," Judges iii. 22).它源於然而,在巴勒斯坦,後來適應了本地的東風; ,以便它包含相同的語言特點的根Onḳelos ,包括零星的情況下波斯詞(例如“ enderun , ”法官十五。 1 ,十六。 12 ;喬爾二。 16 ; “ dastaka ” = “ dastah , ”法官三。 22 ) 。 In cases where the Palestinian and Babylonian texts differ, this Targum follows the latter ("madinḥa'e"; see Pinsker, "Einleitung in die Babylonische Punktuation," p. 124).如果巴勒斯坦和巴比倫文字有所不同,這根如下後者( “ madinḥa'e ” ,見Pinsker , “導論在模具Babylonische Punktuation ” ,第124頁) 。 It originated, like the Targum to the Pentateuch, in the reading, during the service, of a translation from the Prophets, together with the weekly lesson.它起源一樣,根在五,在讀期間,服務,一個翻譯過來的先知,連同每週一課。 It is expressly stated in the Babylonian Talmud that the Targum accepted in Babylonia was Palestinian in origin; and a tannaitic tradition is quoted in the passage already cited from Megillah (3a), which declares that the Targum to the Prophets was composed by Jonathan b. Uzziel "from the mouths of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi," thus implying that it was based on traditions derived from the last prophets.這是明文規定的巴比倫塔木德說,根在接受巴勒斯坦東風是在原產地;和tannaitic傳統是引用已經通過引自Megillah ( 3A )條,其中宣布,在根的預言是由文灣Uzziel “從嘴裡哈,撒迦利亞,和瑪拉基” ,從而暗示,這是傳統的基礎上產生的最後的先知。 The additional statements that on this account the entire land of Israel was shaken and that a voice from heaven cried: "Who hath revealed my secrets to the children of men?"額外的聲明,這個帳戶上的全部以色列土地的動搖和一個聲音從天上喊道: “誰發現我的上帝秘密的子女男人嗎? ” are simply legendary reflections of the novelty of Jonathan's undertaking, and of the disapprobation which it evoked.僅僅是傳說反映了新奇的喬納森的事業,和非難它誘發。 The story adds that Jonathan wished to translate the Hagiographa also, but that a heavenly voice bade him desist.這個故事說,喬納森希望把Hagiographa還,但天上的聲音叫他停止。 The Targum to Job, which, as already noted, was withdrawn from circulation by Gamaliel I., may have represented the result of his attempts to translate the Hagiographa (see Bacher, "Ag. Tan." i. 23 et seq.; 2d ed., pp. 20 et seq.).根來的工作,因為已經指出的,是從流通加馬利亞一,可能的結果,他企圖把Hagiographa (見巴切爾, “銀。談。 ”島23起。 ;一口版。頁。 20起。 ) 。 Jonathan b. Uzziel is named as Hillel's most prominent pupil (comp. Jew. Encyc. vi. 399, sv Hillel); and the reference to his Targum is at all events of historical value, so that there is nothing to controvert the assumption that it served as the foundation for the present Targum to the Prophets.喬納森灣Uzziel命名為希勒爾的最突出的學生( comp.猶太人。 Encyc 。六。 399希沃特希勒爾) ;和參考他的根是在所有事件的歷史價值,因此,沒有任何爭論的假設它擔任的基礎,本根的預言。 It was thoroughly revised, however, before it was redacted in Babylonia.這是徹底修改,但是,這是以前在東風節錄。 In the Babylonian Talmud it is quoted with especial frequency by Joseph, head of the Academy of Pumbedita (see Bacher, "Ag. Bab. Amor." p. 103), who says, with reference to two Biblical passages (Isa. viii. 6 and Zech. xii. 11): "If there were no Targum to it we should not know the meaning of these verses" (Sanh. 94b; M. Ḳ. 28b; Meg. 3a).在巴比倫塔木德是與特殊的引用頻率由約瑟夫,負責學院Pumbedita (見巴切爾, “銀。巴布。奧馬爾。 ”第103頁) ,誰說,關於兩個聖經段落(以賽亞書八。 6日和撒加利亞。十二。 11 ) : “如果沒有根給它我們不應該知道的含義,這些詩句” ( Sanh. 94b ;先生K表。 28B款;梅格。 3A )條。 This shows that as early as the beginning of the fourth century the Targum to the Prophets was recognized as of ancient authority.這表明,早在年初的四世紀的根的預言被確認為古代的權威。 Hai Gaon apparently regarded Joseph as its author, since he cited passages from it with the words "Rab Joseph has translated" (commentary on Ṭohorot, quoted in the "'Aruk"; see Kohut, "Aruch Completum," ii. 293a, 308a).顯然Gaon海約瑟夫看作是其作者,因為他引用的段落它改為“饒約瑟夫翻譯” (評Ṭohorot ,在引用“ Aruk ” ,見胡特, “ Aruch Completum , ”二。 293a , 308a ) 。 As a whole, this Targum resembles that of Onḳelos, although it does not follow the Hebrew text so closely, and paraphrases more freely, in harmony with the text of the prophetic books.作為一個整體,這根類似於Onḳelos ,雖然它沒有按照希伯來文如此密切,並釋義更加自由,和諧與文預言書籍。 The Targum to the Prophets is undoubtedly the result of a single redaction.在根的預言無疑是導致一個單一的編輯。

Targum Yerushalmi.根•耶路莎米。

2. 2 。

A Palestinian Targum (Targum Yerushalmi): This Targum to the prophetic books of the Bible is frequently cited by early authors, especially by Rashi and David Ḳimḥi.一名巴勒斯坦根(根•耶路莎米) :這根的預言書聖經經常提到的是早期的作者,特別是Rashi和大衛Ḳimḥi 。 The Codex Reuchlinianus, written in 1105 (ed. Lagarde, "Prophetæ Chaldaice," 1872), contains eighty extracts from the Targum Yerushalmi, in addition to many variants given in the margin under different designations, many of them with the note that they were taken from "another copy" of the Targum.食品法典委員會Reuchlinianus ,寫的1105 (編拉嘉德, “ Prophetæ Chaldaice ” , 1872年) ,載有第八十四提取根•耶路莎米,除了給予許多變種的利潤率下不同的名稱,其中許多人的注意,他們是從“再複製”的根。 Linguistically they are Palestinian in origin.語言上,他們是巴勒斯坦人,在原籍國。 Most of the quotations given in the Targum Yerushalmi are haggadic additions, frequently traceable to the Babylonian Talmud, so that this Palestinian Targum to the Prophets belongs to a later period, when the Babylonian Talmud had begun to exert an influence upon Palestinian literature.大部分的報價於爾根•耶路莎米是haggadic增加,經常可以追溯到巴比倫塔木德,這樣巴勒斯坦根的預言屬於後期,當巴比倫塔木德已開始施加影響後的巴勒斯坦文獻。 The relation of the variants of this Targum to the Babylonian Targum to the Prophets is, on the whole, the same as that of the fragments of the Palestinian Targum to the Onḳelos; and they show the changes to which the targumic text was subjected in the course of centuries, and which are shown also both by the earliest editions of the Targum to the Prophets and by their relation to the text of the Codex Reuchlinianus.的關係變的根,以根巴比倫的先知總體上是相同,碎片巴勒斯坦根的Onḳelos ; ,他們表現出的變化而targumic文受到的當然百年,這也顯示了這兩個最早版本的根的先知和他們有關的案文法典Reuchlinianus 。 This question is discussed in detail by Bacher, "Kritische Untersuchungen zum Prophetentargum" ("ZDMG" xxviii. 1-58).這個問題是中詳細討論了巴切爾, “批判Untersuchungen zum Prophetentargum ” ( “ ZDMG ”二十八。 1-58 ) 。 Additions ("tosefta.") to the Targum to the Prophets, similar in most cases to those in the Targum Yerushalmi, are also cited, especially by David Ḳimḥi.加成( “ tosefta 。 ” )的根的預言,類似的在大多數情況下,那些在根•耶路莎米,也提到,尤其是大衛Ḳimḥi 。 The chief extant portion of this Palestinian Targum is the translation of the hafṭarot (see Zunz, "GV" pp. 79, 412).現存的主要部分,這是巴勒斯坦根翻譯的hafṭarot (見Zunz , “顆粒”頁。 79 , 412 ) 。

Targum to the Hagiographa:根的Hagiographa :

The Babylonian Targumim to the Pentateuch and that to the Prophets were the only ones which enjoyed official recognition; so that even in Babylonia there was no authorized Targum to the Hagiographa, since thisportion of the Bible furnished no sidrot for public worship.巴比倫Targumim的五和的預言是唯一得到正式承認,因此,即使在東風沒有授權根的Hagiographa ,因為thisportion聖經沒有sidrot提供公共崇拜。 This fact is mentioned in the legend, already noted, that Jonathan ben Uzziel was forbidden to translate the Hagiographa. Nevertheless, there are extant Targumim on the hagiographic books; they are, for the most part, Palestinian in origin, although the Babylonian Talmud and its language influenced the Targumim on the Five Megillot.這一事實中所提到的傳說中,已經指出,這喬納森本Uzziel被禁止把Hagiographa 。然而,也有現存Targumim的hagiographic的書籍,它們是,在大多數情況下,巴勒斯坦人在原籍,但巴比倫塔木德和其語言影響Targumim的五Megillot 。

A Separate Group.一個單獨組。

1. 1 。

To the Psalms and to Job: These Targumim form a separate group, and, in view of their entire agreement in diction, hermeneutics, and use of the Haggadah, may have a common origin.在詩篇和項目:這些Targumim構成一個單獨的組,並在其認為整個協議的文辭,詮釋學,並利用哈加達,可能有一個共同的起源。 In no other Targum, excepting the Targum Sheni to Esther, does ἄγγελος, the Greek word for "angel," occur.在沒有其他的根,除在根社,以埃斯特,並ἄγγελος ,希臘字的“天使”出現。 In rendering Ps.在提供物質。 xviii., the Targum to Psalms avails itself of the Targum to II Sam.十八。的根,以詩篇援用根,以二山姆。 xxii., although it does not reproduce the linguistic peculiarities found in the Babylonian recension of the latter. 22 。 ,雖然它沒有重現語言特殊性中發現巴比倫recension後者。 The Targum to Psalms contains an interesting dramatization of Ps.的根,以詩篇包含一個有趣的戲劇化的PS 。 xci., cxviii, and cxxxvii., while both in it and in the Targum to Job the two constant themes are the law of God and its study, and the future life and its retribution. In Ps. xci 。 , cxviii ,並cxxxvii 。 ,同時在它的根,以這兩個項目不變的主題是上帝的法律和它的研究,和未來的生活和它的報復。在PS 。 cviii. cviii 。 12 the parallel construction in the two sections of the verse is interpreted in such a way as to mention Rome and Constantinople as the two capitals of the Roman empire, thus indicating that the work was composed before the fall of Rome in 476. 12日的平行建設中的兩節詩是這樣解釋的方式提到羅馬和君士坦丁堡作為兩國首都的羅馬帝國,從而表明,組成工作之前,秋天羅馬476 。 The Targum to Job iv.根來的工作四。 10 (where is read instead of ) also seems to allude to the division of the empire; and this hypothesis is confirmed by the presence of a Greek and a Latin word in the Targum to Job, which in all cases renders "nagid" or "nadib" by ἄρχων (on this word as an official title in the Jewish communities, see Schürer, "Gesch." ii. 518), and translates "ḥanef" by "delator," a term which was applied in the Roman empire to the vilest class of informers. 10個(其中是不是讀)也似乎暗示分工的帝國;和確認這一假設的存在,希臘和拉丁詞中的根來的工作,這在任何情況下都使“ nagid ”或“ nadib “的ἄρχων (關於這個詞作為一個正式名稱中的猶太社區,見Schürer , ” Gesch 。 “二。 518 ) ,並翻譯” ḥanef “改為” delator , “這個術語適用於羅馬帝國的最卑鄙的告密者類。 Characteristic of both these Targumim is the fact that they contain more variants from the Masoretic text in vowel-points and even in consonants than any other Targum, about fifty of them occurring in the Targum to Psalms, and almost as many being found in the Targum to Job, despite its relative brevity.特性這兩個Targumim的事實是,它們包含了更多的變種從馬所拉文本元音點,甚至在輔音比任何其他根,約50人發生在根,以詩篇,以及幾乎同樣多被發現在根就業,儘管它相對簡潔。 A number of these variants occur also in the Septuagint and in the Peshiṭta, thus affording a confirmation of the early date of composition assigned to the two Targumim.其中一些變種也發生在七十和Peshiṭta ,從而提供一個確認的早日組成分配給兩個Targumim 。 Both of these contain, moreover, a number of variants, fifty verses of Job having two, and sometimes three, translations, of which the second is the original, while the later reading is put first (for a confirmation of the statements in "Monatsschrift," xx. 218, see Perles, ib. vii. 147, and "REJ" xxi. 122).這兩個包含此外,一些變種, 50詩句項目有兩個,有時三,翻譯,其中第二個是原來的,但後來讀了第一屆(確認的聲明“月刊“二十。 218 ,見珍珠,興業。七。 147 ,和” REJ “ 21 。 122 ) 。 The Targum to Psalms, like that to Job, is quoted by Naḥmanides under the title "Targum Yerushalmi" (Zunz, "GV" p. 80).根來的詩篇,如就業,是引述Naḥmanides ,題目是“根•耶路莎米” ( Zunz , “顆粒”第80頁) 。

2. 2 。

To Proverbs: This Targum differs from all other Judæo-Aramaic translations of the Bible in that it shows Syriac characteristics, and also agrees in other respects with the Peshiṭta, to which, according to Geiger ("Nachgelassene Schriften," iv. 112), one-half of it corresponds word for word.為了諺語:這根不同於其他所有Judæo ,亞拉姆語翻譯聖經,因為它表明敘利亞的特點,還同意在其他方面與Peshiṭta ,其中,根據格爾( “ Nachgelassene文集” ,四。 112 ) ,有一半的對應字一個字。 This Targum contains scarcely any haggadic paraphrases.這根幾乎不包含任何haggadic釋義。 It may be assumed either that its author used or, rather, revised the Peshiṭta, or, with a greater degree of probability, that the Targum to Proverbs was derived from the same source as the Peshiṭta of that book, the Syriac version itself being based on a translation originally intended for Jews who spoke the Syriac dialect.可以設想,它可以使用或作者,而是修訂Peshiṭta ,或更大程度的概率,即根,以諺語來自同一來源的Peshiṭta的這本書,敘利亞本身的版本為基礎在翻譯原意為猶太人誰以敘利亞方言。 This Targum also is quoted in the "'Aruk" and by Naḥmanides as "Targum Yerushalmi" (Zunz, lc).這根還援引在“ Aruk ”和Naḥmanides為“根•耶路莎米” ( Zunz ,立法會) 。

3. 3 。

To the Five Megillot: These Targumim are alike in so far as all of them are essentially detailed haggadic paraphrases.五個Megillot :這些Targumim都是一樣的,因為它們都基本上詳細haggadic釋義。 This is especially the case in the Targum to Canticles, in which the book is interpreted as an allegory of the relation between God and Israel and of the history of Israel.特別是在案件的根,以Canticles ,其中本書是解釋為比喻關係的上帝,以色列和以色列的歷史。 In the "'Aruk," the first work to cite these Targumim, the Targum to Canticles is once (sv ) called "Targum Yerushalmi "; and Rashi applies the same name (Targ. Yer. to Deut. iii. 4) to the second Targum on Esther, the so-called "Targum Sheni," which may be termed, in view of its length, and of the fact that it betrays eastern Aramaic influences in its diction, an Aramaic midrash on Esther.在“ Aruk , ”第一次工作列舉這些Targumim的根,以Canticles是一次(希沃特)所謂的“根•耶路莎米” ;和Rashi適用相同的名稱( Targ.層。以Deut 。三。 4 )第二根在埃斯特,所謂的“根社” ,這可稱為,鑑於其長度,事實上,它背叛東部阿拉姆影響其詞,一個阿拉姆米特拉斯的埃斯特。 This last-named work, which is quoted as early as the Massek.這最後的命名工作,這是引用早在Massek 。 Soferim (xiii. 6), has proved extremely popular. Soferim ( xiii. 6人) ,已證明非常受歡迎。 The Book of Esther is the only one of the hagiographic books which has a Targum noticed by the Halakah, rules for its reading having been formulated as early as the tannaitic period.該以斯帖記是唯一的hagiographic書籍有根發現了Halakah ,規則的閱讀已經制定了早在tannaitic時期。 The other "scrolls," however, were also used to a certain extent in the liturgy, being read on festivals and on the Ninth of Ab, which fact explains the discursiveness of their Targumim.其他的“捲軸” ,但是,也被用來在一定程度上的禮儀,正在閱讀節和第九屆的抗體,這些事實說明了discursiveness其Targumim 。

4. 4 。

To Chronicles: This Targum follows the Palestinian Targumim both in language and in its haggadic paraphrases, although it shows the influence of the Babylonian Talmud also.以編年史:這根如下巴勒斯坦Targumim在語言和在其haggadic釋義,但它顯示了影響巴比倫塔木德也。 It remained almost wholly unknown, however, not being cited even in the "'Aruk," nor included in the first editions of the Targumim.它仍然幾乎完全未知的,但沒有被引用甚至在“ Aruk ” ,也不包括在第一版本的Targumim 。 It was first published in 1680 (and 1683) by MF Beck from an Erfurt codex of 1343; and it was again edited, by D. Wilkins in 1715, on the basis of a Cambridge manuscript of 1347, this edition containing a later revision of the targumic text.這是首次出版,在1680 (和1683 )的中頻貝克從愛爾福特的第1343法典,它再次被修改,由D.威爾金斯在1715年的基礎上,劍橋手稿1347年,這個版本包含修訂後的在targumic文字。

Apocryphal Additions to Esther.未經埃斯特增補。

Among the apocryphal additions to Esther the "Ḥalom Mordekai" (Dream of Mordecai) has been preserved in a Targum which is designated in a manuscript as an integral portion of the Targum to the Hagiographa. This passage, divided into fifty-one verses in Biblical fashion, has been printed in Lagarde's edition of the Targumim ("Hagiographa Chaldaice," pp. 352-365) and in Merx's "Chrestomathia Targumica," pp.在未經埃斯特增加了“ Ḥalom Mordekai ” (紅樓夢莫迪凱)一直保存在根這是指定的手稿作為一個不可分割的部分根的Hagiographa 。這個通道,分為51聖經詩句時尚,已經印在拉嘉德版的Targumim ( “ Hagiographa Chaldaice , ”頁。 352-365 )和Merx的“ Chrestomathia Targumica , ”頁。 154-164 (see Bacher in "Monatsschrift," 1869, xviii. 543 et seq.). 154-164 (見巴切爾在“月刊” , 1869年,十八。 543起。 ) 。 On the Targum to the Book of Tobit, known to Jerome, and preserved in a recension published by A. Neubauer ("The Book of Tobit," Oxford, 1878), see Dalman, "Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinensischen Aramäisch," pp.在根的書托比書,眾所周知,杰羅姆,並保存在recension出版由A.紐鮑爾( “書托比書” ,牛津大學, 1878年) ,見蜂, “語法萬Jüdisch - Palästinensischen Aramäisch , ”頁。 27-29). 27日-29日) 。 It is probable, moreover, that a complete Aramaic translation of Ben Sira once existed (ib. p. 29).這是可能的,而且是一個完整的阿拉姆語翻譯本西拉曾經存在( ib.第29頁) 。

The view prevailed at an early time that the amora Joseph b.普遍的觀點在早期時候,阿莫拉約瑟夫灣 Ḥama, who had the reputation of being thoroughly versed in the Targumim to the Prophets, was the author of the Targumim to theHagiographa.哈馬,誰的名聲已被徹底精通Targumim的先知,是作者的Targumim以theHagiographa 。 In the Masseket Soferim (lc) a quotation from the Targum Sheni to Esth.在Masseket Soferim (立法會)的報價從根社向Esth 。 iii.三。 1 is introduced by the words "Tirgem Rab Yosef" (Rab Joseph has translated); and a manuscript of 1238, in the municipal library of Breslau, appends to the "Dream of Mordecai" the statement: "This is the end of the book of the Targum on the Hagiographa, translated by Rab Joseph." 1 ,介紹改為“ Tirgem饒沙龍” (饒約瑟夫翻譯)和手稿1238年,在市立圖書館的布雷斯勞,附加到“紅樓夢莫迪凱”聲明: “這是結束的書籍對根的Hagiographa ,翻譯饒約瑟夫。 “ The manuscript from which the copyist of the Breslau codex took the "Dream of Mordecai," together with this colophon, included therefore all the Targumim to the Hagiographa, excepting that to Chronicles, the one to Esther standing last (see "Monatsschrift," xviii. 343).從這份手稿的複製的布雷斯勞抄本了“夢的莫德” ,結合本colophon ,因此包括所有Targumim的Hagiographa ,只是為了納尼亞,一個以埃斯特站在去年(見“月刊, ”十八。 343 ) 。 In his commentary on Ex.在他的評注惠。 xv.十五。 2 and Lev. 2列弗。 xx.第xx 。 17, moreover, Samuel ben Meïr, writing in the twelfth century, quoted targumic passages on Job and Proverbs in the name of R. Joseph. 17 ,此外,薩穆埃爾本梅爾,寫在12世紀,引用targumic就業通道和諺語的名義河約瑟夫。 The belief that Joseph was the translator of the Hagiographa was due to the fact that the phrase frequently found in the Talmud, "as Rab Joseph has translated," was referred to the Targum to the Hagiographa, although it occurred only in passages from the Prophets and, according to one reading (Soṭah 48b), in a single passage of the Pentateuch.相信,約瑟夫是翻譯的Hagiographa是由於這句話經常發現在塔木德經“ ,作為饒約瑟夫翻譯” ,交給了根的Hagiographa ,雖然只發生在通道從先知,根據一讀( Soṭah 48B條) ,在一個單一通過五。 The Palestinian characteristics of the hagiographic Targumim, and the fact that the translations of the several books are differentiated according to the grouping noted above, prove that the view is historically baseless.巴勒斯坦特點hagiographic Targumim ,再加上翻譯的幾本書是有區別的根據分組如上所述,證明了歷史上的觀點是沒有根據的。 The Tosafot (to Shab. 115a, below), since they ascribed a tannaitic origin to the Targum to the Hagiographa (comp. Tos. to Meg. 21b), naturally refused to accept the theory of Joseph's authorship.該Tosafot (至沙巴。 115a ,下文) ,因為它們屬於一tannaitic原產地到根的Hagiographa ( comp.服務條款。為梅格。第二十一期乙) ,當然拒絕接受的理論約瑟夫的著作權。

Bibliography: 參考書目:
Editions-Targum to the Pentateuch: Onḳelos, editio princeps, Bologna, 1482; Sabbionetta, 1557 (reprinted by Berliner, Targum Onkelos, Berlin, 1884); pseudo-Jonathan, Venice, 1591; Fragment-Targum, in Biblia Rabbinica, Appendix, ib.版,根的五: Onḳelos , editio顫,博洛尼亞, 1482 ; Sabbionetta , 1557 (重印的柏林,根Onkelos ,柏林, 1884年) ;偽喬納森,威尼斯, 1591 ;片段,根,在聖經Rabbinica ,附錄, 123 。 1518. Targum to the Prophets: editio princeps, Leiria, 1494; Venice, 1518; 1518 。根的預言: editio顫,萊利亞, 1494 ;威尼斯, 1518 ;

Lagarde, Prophetœ Chaldaice, Leipsic, 1872.拉嘉德, Prophetœ Chaldaice , Leipsic , 1872年。 Prætorius has edited Joshua and Judges on the basis of manuscripts from Yemen with superlinear punctuation (1900, 1901; see Theologische Literaturzeitung, xxv. 164, xxvi. 131); Alfr.普雷托里亞斯編輯約書亞和法官的基礎上,從也門的手稿與超標點符號( 1900年, 1901年;見神Literaturzeitung , 25 。 164 , 26 。 131號) ; Alfr 。 Levy, Ḳohelet, Breslau, 1905. Targum to the Hagiographa: Venice, 1517; Lagarde, Hagiographa Chaldaice, Leipsic, 1873.利維Ḳohelet ,布雷斯勞, 1905年。根的Hagiographa :威尼斯, 1517 ;拉嘉德, Hagiographa Chaldaice , Leipsic , 1873年。 On the editions of the Targum to Chronicles see above.在版本的根,以編年史見上文。 Targum Sheni, ed.根社,編輯。 L. Munk, Berlin, 1876.研究芒克,柏林, 1876年。 The polyglot and rabbinical Bibles (see Berliner, lc ii. 187-190), as well as numerous other editions.在多國和猶太聖經(見柏林,立法會二。 187-190 ) ,以及許多其他版本。 The three Targumim to the Pentateuch were translated into English by JW Etheridge (London, 1862, 1865);這三個Targumim的五人翻譯成英文的金威瑟里奇(倫敦, 1862年, 1865年) ;

and German translations of considerable length are given by Winter and Wünsche, Die Jüdische Litteratur, i.和德語翻譯的相當長給出了冬季和Wünsche ,模具Jüdische文學島 63-79. On the Targum in general: the various introductions to the Bible; Zunz, GV pp. 63-79 。論根一般:各種介紹聖經; Zunz ,科技GV頁。 61-83; Z. 61-83 ;威爾 Frankel, Einiges zu den Targumim, in Zeitschrift für die Religiösen Interessen des Judenthums, 1846, iii.弗蘭克爾, Einiges祖登Targumim ,在模具雜誌Religiösen利益之Judenthums , 1846年,三。 110-111; Geiger, Urschrift, pp. 110-111 ;革, Urschrift ,頁。 162-167; idem, Nachgelassene Schriften, iv. 162-167 ;同上, Nachgelassene文集,四。 98-116; G. 98-116 ;灣 Dalman, Grammatik des Jüdisch-Palästinensischen Aramäisch, pp. 21-27;達爾曼,語法萬Jüdisch - Palästinensischen Aramäisch ,頁。 21-27 ;

Hamburger, RBT ii.漢堡,彩鈴二。 1167-1195; E. 1167年至1195年;體育 Nestle, in Bibeltext und Bibelübertragungen, pp.雀巢,在Bibeltext與Bibelübertragungen ,頁。 163-170, Leipsic, 1897; Buhl, Kanon und Text des Alten Testaments, 1891, pp. 163-170 , Leipsic , 1897年;布爾,加隆與文字之老聖經, 1891年,頁。 168-184. On the Targumim to the Pentateuch: Luzzatto, Oheb Ger, Vienna, 1830 (see Cracow ed. 1895); Levy, Ueber Onkelos, etc., in Geiger's Wiss. 168-184 。 Targumim論的五: Luzzatto , Oheb德國,維也納, 1830年(見克拉科夫版。 1895年) ;利維論Onkelos等,在蓋的Wiss 。 Zeit.特。 Jüd.珠德。 Theol. Theol 。 1844, vol. 1844年,第二卷。 v.; Fürst, in Orient, Lit.訴;弗斯特,在東方, 25,823 。 1845; A. 1845年的A. Geiger, Das Nach Onkelos Benannte Babylonische Targum, in his Jüd.蓋格爾,達斯班上Onkelos Benannte Babylonische根,在他的珠德。 Zeit.特。 ix.九。 85-194; A. 85-194的A. Berliner, Das Targum Onkelos, ii., Berlin, 1884; Anger, De Onkelo Chaldaico, Leipsic, 1846; M.柏林, Onkelos之根,二。 ,柏林, 1884年;憤怒,德Onkelo Chaldaico , Leipsic , 1846年;先生 Friedmann, Onkelos und Akylas, Vienna, 1896; Schönfelder, Onkelos und Peschitta, Munich, 1864; Maybaum, Die Anthropomorphien und Anthropopathien bei Onkelos, etc., Breslau, 1870; S.弗里德曼, Onkelos與Akylas ,維也納, 1896年; Schönfelder , Onkelos與Peschitta ,慕尼黑, 1864年; Maybaum ,模具Anthropomorphien與Anthropopathien北Onkelos等,布雷斯勞, 1870年;南 Singer, Onkelos und das Verhältniss Seines Targum zur Halacha, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1881; H.辛格Onkelos和存在Verhältniss Seines根楚Halacha ,法蘭克福上的主, 1881年閣下; Barnstein, The Targum of Onkelos to Genesis, London, 1896; E. Barnstein ,在根的成因Onkelos到倫敦, 1896年;體育 Kautzsch, Mittheilungen über eine Alte Handschrift des Targum Onkelos, Halle, 1893; A. Kautzsch , Mittheilungen尤伯杯電影老Handschrift萬根Onkelos ,哈雷, 1893年的A. Merx, Anmerkungen über die Vocalisation der Targume, in Verhandlungen des Fünften Orientalistencongresses, ii. Merx , Anmerkungen尤伯杯Vocalisation之死Targume ,在Verhandlungen萬Fünften Orientalistencongresses ,二。 1, 145-188; GB Winer, De Jonathanis in Pentateuchum Paraphrasi Chaldaica, Erlangen, 1823; H. 1 , 145-188 ; GB的溫,德Jonathanis在Pentateuchum Paraphrasi Chaldaica ,埃爾蘭根, 1823年閣下; Petermann, De Indole Paraphraseos Quem Jonathanis Esse Dicitur, Berlin, 1831; S.彼得曼,德吲哚Paraphraseos日期Jonathanis Esse品牌Dicitur ,柏林, 1831年;南 Baer, Geist des Yerushalmi, in Monatsschrift, 1851-52, i. 235-242; Seligsohn and Traub, Ueber den Geist der Uebersetzung des Jonathan b.拜爾,萬•耶路莎米精神,在月刊, 1851年至1852年,島235-242 ; Seligsohn和特勞布,論登精神之Uebersetzung萬喬納森灣 Usiel zum Pentateuch, ib. Usiel zum五,興業。 1857, vi. 1857年,六。 69-114; Seligsohn, De Duabus Hierosolymitamis Pentateuchi Paraphrasibus, Breslau, 1858; S. 69-114 ; Seligsohn ,德Duabus Hierosolymitamis Pentateuchi Paraphrasibus ,布雷斯勞, 1858 ;南 Gronemann, Die Jonathan'sche Pentateuchübersetzung in Ihrem Verhältnisse zur Halacha, Leipsic, 1879; W. Gronemann ,模具Jonathan'sche Pentateuchübersetzung在Ihrem Verhältnisse楚Halacha , Leipsic , 1879年;總統 Bacher, Ueber das Gegenseitige Verhältniss der Pentateuch-Targumim, in ZDMG 1874, xxviii.巴切爾,論之Gegenseitige Verhältniss之五, Targumim ,在ZDMG 1874年,二十八。 59-72; J. 59-72 ;學者 Bassfreund, Das Fragmenten-Targum zum Pentateuch, in Monatsschrift, 1896, xl. Bassfreund ,達斯Fragmenten ,根zum五,在月刊, 1896年,坐標。 1-14, 49, 67, 97-109, 145-163, 241-252, 352-365, 396-405; M. 1月14日, 49 , 67 , 97-109段, 145-163 , 241-252 , 352-365 , 396-405 ;先生 Neumark, Lexikalische Untersuchungen zur Sprache des Jerusalemischen Pentateuch-Targum, Berlin, 1905. On the Targum to the Prophets: Z. Frankel, Zu dem Targum der Propheten, Breslau, 1872; HS Levy, Targum to Isaiah i., with Commentary, London, 1889; Cornill, Das Targum zu den Propheten, i., in Stade's Zeitschrift, vii.紐馬克, Lexikalische Untersuchungen集語言之Jerusalemischen五,根,柏林, 1905年。論根的預言:威爾弗蘭克爾, DEM的根祖之Propheten ,布雷斯勞, 1872年;高速利維根,以以賽亞島,與評注,倫敦, 1889 ; Cornill ,達斯根祖登Propheten島,在體育場的雜誌,七。 731-767; idem, Das Buch des Propheten Ezechiel, 1886, pp. 731-767 ;同上,達斯書之Propheten Ezechiel , 1886年,頁。 110-136; H. 110-136閣下; Weiss, Die Peschitha zu Deutero-Jesaja und Ihr Verhältniss zum . .魏斯,模具Peschitha祖Deutero - Jesaja與國際衛生條例Verhältniss zum 。 。 . Targum, Halle, 1893; M.根,哈雷, 1893年;先生 Sebök (Schönberger), Die Syrische Uebersetzung der Zwölf Kleinen Propheten und Ihr Verhältniss zum . Sebök (斯坎伯格) ,模具Syrische Uebersetzung之Zwölf Kleinen Propheten與國際衛生條例Verhältniss zum 。 . . Targum, Breslau, 1887. On the Targum to the Hagiographa: W. Bacher, Das Targum zu den Psalmen, in Monatsschrift, 1872, xxi.根,布雷斯勞, 1887年。論根的Hagiographa :美國巴切爾,達斯根祖登Psalmen ,在月刊, 1872年, 21 。 408-416, 462-673; idem, Das Targum zu Hiob, ib. 408-416 , 462-673 ;同上,達斯根祖Hiob ,興業。 1871, xx. 1871年,第xx 。 208-223, 283 et seq.; S. 208-223 , 283及以下。 ;南 Maybaum, Ueber die Sprache des Targum zu den Sprüchen und Dessen Verhältniss zum Syrer, in Merx's Archiv, ii. Maybaum ,論語言之根祖登Sprüchen與Dessen Verhältniss zum Syrer ,在Merx的檔案館,二。 66-93; T. 66-93 ;噸 Nöldeke, Das Targum zu den Sprüchen, ib. Nöldeke ,達斯根祖登Sprüchen ,興業。 pp.頁。 246-249; H. 246-249閣下; Pinkusz, Die Syrische Uebersetzung der Proverbien . Pinkusz ,模具Syrische Uebersetzung之Proverbien 。 . . und Ihr Verhältniss zum Targum, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1894, xiv.與國際衛生條例Verhältniss zum根,在體育場的雜誌, 1894年,十四。 65-141, 161-162; A. 65-141 , 161-162的A. Abelesz, Die Syrische Uebersetzung der Klagelieder und Ihr Verhältniss zum Targum, Giessen, 1896; A. Abelesz ,模具Syrische Uebersetzung之Klagelieder與國際衛生條例Verhältniss zum根,吉森, 1896年的A. Weiss, De Libri Job Paraphrasi Chaldaica, Breslau, 1873; A.魏斯,求職書德Paraphrasi Chaldaica ,布雷斯勞, 1873年的A. Posner, Das Targum Rischon zu dem Biblischen Buche Esther, ib. 1896; S.波斯納,達斯根Rischon祖串聯Biblischen Buche埃斯特,興業。 1896年;南 Gelbhaus, Das Targum Sheni zum Buche Esther, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1893; J. Gelbhaus ,達斯根社zum Buche埃斯特,法蘭克福上的主, 1893年;學者 Reis, Das Targum Sheni zu dem Buche Esther, in Monatsschrift, 1876, xxv.; 1881, xxx.; P.雷斯,達斯根社祖DEM的Buche埃絲特,在月刊, 1876年, 25 。 ; 1881年, xxx域名。 ;體育 Cassel, Zweites Targum zum Buche Esther, Leipsic, 1885; M.卡塞爾, Zweites根zum Buche埃斯特, Leipsic , 1885年;先生 Rosenberg and K. Kohler, Das Targum zur Chronik, in Geiger's Jüd. Zeit.羅森伯格和K.科勒,達斯根楚編年史,在蓋格的珠德。時代。 1870, viii. 1870年,八。 72-80, 135-163, 263-278. Hebrew works on the Targum: the commentaries Patshegen of the thirteenth century, printed in the Wilna edition of the Pentateuch, 1874; N. 72-80 , 135-163 , 263-278 。希伯來語工程對根:評Patshegen的13世紀,印在Wilna版的五, 1874年;北 Adler, Netinah la-Ger, in the same edition; SB Scheftel, Bi'ure Onḳelos, ed.阿德勒, Netinah拉閣,在同一版;銻Scheftel , Bi'ure Onḳelos ,編輯。 I. Perles, Munich, 1888; Abraham ben Elijah of Wilna, Targum Abraham, Jerusalem, 1896.一,珍珠,慕尼黑, 1888年;亞伯拉罕本以利亞的Wilna ,根亞伯拉罕,耶路撒冷, 1896年。 Other Hebrew works: Isaiah Berlin, Mine Targima, Breslau, 1831; Wilna, 1836; H.其他希伯來文的作品:伯林,礦山Targima ,布雷斯勞, 1831 ; Wilna , 1836年閣下; Chajes, Imre Binah, Zolkiev, 1849; B. Chajes ,伊姆雷Binah , Zolkiev , 1849 ;灣 Berkowitz, 'Oṭeh Or, Wilna, 1843; idem, Leḥem we-Simlah, ib.貝爾科維奇, Oṭeh或者, Wilna , 1843年;同上, Leḥem我們, Simlah ,興業。 1850; idem, Ḥalifot u-Semalot, ib. 1850年;同上, Ḥalifot U型Semalot ,興業。 1874; idem, Abne Ḥiyyon, ib. 1874年;同上, Abne Ḥiyyon ,興業。 1877; J. 1877年的J. Reifmann, Sedeh Aram, Berlin, 1875; idem, Ma'amar Darke ha-Targumim, St. Petersburg, 1891.WB Wilhelm Bacher Reifmann , Sedeh亞蘭,柏林, 1875年;同上, Ma'amar達克公頃, Targumim ,聖彼得堡, 1891.WB威廉巴切爾
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