Primitive Religion原始宗教

General Information 一般信息

Primitive religion is a name given to the religious beliefs and practices of those traditional, often isolated, preliterate cultures which have not developed urban and technologically sophisticated forms of society.原始宗教的名稱是考慮到宗教信仰和習俗的傳統,往往是孤立的, preliterate文化還沒有發達城市的先進形式的社會。 The term is misleading in suggesting that the religions of those peoples are somehow less complex than the religions of "advanced" societies.這個詞是在誤導表明,宗教的這些國家的人民都不知不太複雜的多宗教的“先進”的社會。 In fact, research carried out among the indigenous peoples of Oceania, the Americas, and sub Saharan Africa have revealed rich and very complex religions, which organize the smallest details of the people's lives.事實上,研究開展了土著人民的大洋洲,美洲和非洲撒哈拉以南地區已經發現了豐富的和非常複雜的宗教,其中最小的組織細節,人們的生活。

The religions of archaic cultures - the cultures of the Paleolithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic ages - are also referred to as primitive. The available evidence for prehistoric religions is so limited as to render any reconstruction highly speculative.宗教的古老文化-文化的舊石器時代,中石器時代和新石器時代的年齡-也被稱為原始。現有證據的史前宗教十分有限,以提供任何重建高度的投機性。 Scholars such as Mircea Eliade, however, have emphasized the importance of contemporary fieldwork in recapturing a sense of the religious life of early humankind.學者如伊里亞德然而,強調必須在當代的田野奪回意識的宗教生活的早期人類。

Since the 17th century in the Western world scholars have speculated on the problem of the beginnings of human culture by making use of the empirical data collected about religious belief and practice among the non European cultures of the New World, Africa, Australia, the South Pacific, and elsewhere.自17世紀在西方世界學者們猜測的問題的開端人類文化利用的經驗數據收集的有關宗教信仰和實踐之間的非歐洲文化的新的世界,非洲,澳大利亞,南太平洋和其他地方。 Religion thus became one of the areas of study that shaped current ideas about the origins of human consciousness and institutions.宗教從而成為一個領域的研究,形成目前的想法的起源,人類的意識和體制。 Religion, both as a human experience and as an expression of that experience, was viewed as a primitive model of human consciousness, most clearly seen in primitive cultures.宗教,作為人類的經驗,並表達了這方面的經驗,被視為一種原始模型的人的意識,最清楚地看到在原始文化。 It is significant that the first systematic treatise in the discipline of Anthropology, Edward B Tylor's Primitive Culture (1871), had "Religion in Primitive Culture" as its subtitle, and that the first person to be appointed to a professorial chair of social anthropology in Britain was Sir James Frazer, author of the monumental study of comparative folklore, magic, and religion, The Golden Bough.值得注意的是,第一次系統論述的紀律,人類學,乙愛德華泰勒的原始文化( 1871年) ,有“宗教在原始文化”為副標題,而且第一人被任命為教授主持的社會人類學英國爵士詹姆斯弗雷澤,作者巨大的研究比較民俗學,魔術,信仰和宗教,在金枝。

BELIEVE Religious Information Source web-site相信宗教信息來源
Our List of 2,300 Religious Subjects我們所列出的2300名宗教科目

Theories of Primitive Religion理論的原始宗教

Theories of the nature of primitive religion have moved between two poles: one intellectualistic and rational, the other psychological and irrational.理論的性質,有原始宗教之間移動兩極:一個intellectualistic和合理的,其他心理和不合理的。 Tylor and Frazer, both of whom saw primitive religion as characterized preeminently by a belief in magic and unseen forces or powers, represent the intellectual - rational position.泰勒和弗雷澤,兩人看到原始宗教的特點preeminently的信念,魔術和看不見的力量或權力,代表智慧-理性的立場。 Tylor based his interpretation of primitive religion on the idea that primitive people make a mistaken logical inference - an intellectual error.泰勒根據他的解釋原始宗教的想法是原始的人們作出了錯誤的邏輯推理-知識分子的錯誤。 He thought that they confuse subjective and objective reality in their belief that the vital force (soul) present in living organisms is detachable and capable of independent existence in its own mode.他認為,他們混淆主觀和客觀的現實,他們認為重要力量(靈魂)在活的生物體是可拆卸,並能獨立生存在自己的模式。 Dreams, he thought, might be a basis for this error.夢,他想,可能是一個基礎,這個錯誤。 Tylor's definition of primitive religion as Animism, a belief in spiritual beings, expresses his interpretation that the basis of primitive religion is the belief that detached and detachable vital forces make up a suprahuman realm of reality that is just as real as the physical world of rocks, trees, and plants.泰勒的定義原始宗教的拜物教,相信人的精神,表示他的解釋的基礎是原始宗教的信念,即超脫和可拆卸的重要力量作出了suprahuman領域的現實,僅僅是作為真正的物理世界的岩石,樹木和植物。

An opposing interpretation of primitive religion comes from an experimental and psychological approach to the data.對方解釋原始宗教來自實驗和心理的辦法來的數據。 RH Codrington's study The Melanesians (1891), in which he described the meaning of Mana as a supernatural power or influence experienced by the Melanesians, has provided a basis for other scholars to explain the origin and interpretation of primitive religion as rooted in the experience by primitive peoples of the dynamic power of nature.相對濕度科德林頓的研究報告的美拉尼西亞人( 1891年) ,他在信中描述的含義法力作為一個超自然的力量或影響所經歷的美拉尼西亞人,提供了一個基礎,其他學者來解釋的來源和解釋原始宗教作為植根於經驗原始人民的動態功耗的性質。 The most prominent interpreter of this point of view was the English anthropologist Robert R Marett. Variations of this theory may be seen in the works of Lucien Levy - Bruhl, who distinguished between a logical and prelogical mentality in analyzing the kind of thinking that takes place through this mode of experience, and the writings of Rudolf Otto, who described the specific religious meaning of this mode of human consciousness.最突出的解釋這一觀點是英文人類學家羅伯特R Marett 。變異的這一理論可以看到的作品呂西安列維-布留爾,誰區分的邏輯思維和p relogical在分析什麼樣的思想發生通過這種模式的經驗,以及著作的魯道夫奧托,誰描述了特定的宗教意義,這種模式的人的意識。

Another intellectual - rationalist approach to primitive religion is exemplified by Emile Durkheim, who saw religion as the deification of society and its structures.另一種智慧-理性的辦法原始宗教的例子是塗爾幹,誰看到宗教的神化的社會及其結構。 The symbols of religion arise as "collective representations" of the social sphere, and rituals function to unite the individual with society.在宗教符號出現的“集體交涉”的社會領域,禮儀功能和團結的個人與社會。 Claude Levi - Strauss moved beyond Durkheim in an attempt to articulate the way in which the structures of society are exemplified in myths and symbols.列維-斯特勞斯超越迪爾凱姆試圖闡明的方式,社會結構的是體現在神話和符號。 Starting from the structural ideas of contemporary linguistics, he argued that there is one universal form of human logic and that the difference between the thinking of primitive and modern people cannot be based on different modes of thought or logic but rather on differences in the data on which logic operates.從結構思想的當代語言學,他認為,有一個普遍的形式邏輯與人類之間的差別思想的原始和現代的人不能基於不同的思維方式和邏輯,而是對不同的數據其中的邏輯運作。

Religious Experience and Expression宗教的經驗和表達

Whichever approach - psychological or intellectual - is accepted, it is clear that primitives experience the world differently than do persons in modern cultures.哪種方法-心理或智力-被接受,很顯然,原始的經驗世界不同的人相比,在現代文化。 Few would hold that that difference can be explained by a different level of intelligence.很少人會認為,這一差異可以解釋了不同程度的情報。 Levi - Strauss, as has been indicated, believes that the intellectual powers of primitive peoples are equal to those of humans in all cultures and that differences between the two modes of thought may be attributed to the things thought upon.列維-斯特勞斯,因為已經表明,認為知識權力的原始民族都是平等的那些人在所有文化和兩者之間的差異思維方式的原因可能是思想的東西時。 He refers to primitive thought as concrete thought.他指的原始思想的具體想法。 By this he means that such thought expresses a different way of relating to the objects and experiences of the everyday world.通過這一手段,他認為這種表示不同的方式有關的物品和經驗的日常世界。 This form of thinking, he says, expresses itself in myth, rituals, and kinship systems, but all of these expressions embody an underlying rational order.這種形式的思想,他說,表示自己的神話,禮儀,和親屬系統,但所有這些表現形式體現了一個基本合理的秩序。

Mircea Eliade expressed a similar position.伊里亞德表示了類似的立場。 For him, primitive cultures are more open to the world of natural forms.對於他來說,原始文化更向世界開放的自然形式。 This openness allows them to experience the world as a sacred reality. Anything in the world can reveal some aspect and dimension of sacredness to the person in primitive cultures.這種開放讓他們的經驗世界為一個神聖的現實。還要在世界上可以揭示某些方面和層面的神聖的人在原始文化。 This mode of revelation is called a hierophany.這種模式的啟示被稱為hierophany 。 In Eliade's theory, the revealing of the sacred is a total experience.在伊利亞德的理論,揭示的是一個神聖的總經驗。 It cannot be reduced to the rational, the irrational, or the psychological; the experience of the sacred includes them all.它不能降低到合理的,不合理的,或心理;的經驗,包括他們的神聖所有。 It is the way in which these experiences are integrated and received that characterizes the sacred.這是在這些經驗的綜合和收到的特點神聖。 The integration of many seemingly disparate and often opposed meanings into a unity is what Eliade means by the religious symbol.融合了許多看似不同,往往不是一個含義是團結的方法伊利亞德的宗教符號。

A myth is the integration of religious symbols into a narrative form.一個神話的一體化是對宗教象徵成一個敘事的形式。 Myths not only provide a comprehensive view of the world, but they also provide the tools for deciphering the world. Although myths may have a counterpart in ritual patterns, they are autonomous modes of the expression of the sacredness of the world for primitive peoples.神話不僅提供一個全面的對世界的看法,但他們也提供了工具,破譯世界。雖然神話可能有對應的儀式模式,它們是自主方式表達了神聖的世界原始民族。


One of the most pervasive forms of religious behavior in primitive cultures is expressed by rituals and ritualistic actions.其中一個最普遍的形式的宗教行為的原始文化中所表達的是禮儀和儀式的行動。 The forms and functions of rituals are diverse.在形式和職能的禮儀是多種多樣的。 They may be performed to ensure the favor of the divine, to ward off evil, or to mark a change in cultural status.他們可能被執行,以確保有利於神聖的,以辟邪,或以紀念改變文化地位。 In most, but not all, cases an etiological myth provides the basis for the ritual in a divine act or injunction.在大多數,但並非所有情況下,病因的神話提供了基礎儀式在神聖的行為或禁令。

Generally, rituals express the great transitions in human life: birth (coming into being); puberty (the recognition and expression of sexual status); marriage (the acceptance of an adult role in the society); and death (the return to the world of the ancestors). These passage rites vary in form, importance, and intensity from one culture to another for they are tied to several other meanings and rituals in the culture. Generally, rituals express the great transitions in human life: birth (coming into being); puberty (the recognition and expression of sexual status); marriage (the acceptance of an adult role in the society); and death (the return to the world的祖先) 。儀式,這些通過不同的形式,重要性,強度從一個文化到另一個因為他們是與其他幾個含義和禮儀文化。 For example, the primitive cultures of south New Guinea and Indonesia place a great emphasis on rituals of death and funerary rites.例如,在原始文化中的南部新幾內亞和印度尼西亞的一個十分重視禮儀的死亡和喪葬儀式。 They have elaborate myths describing the geography of the place of the dead and the journey of the dead to that place.他們詳細描述的神話地理的地點和死亡的征途上死那個地方。 Hardly any ritual meaning is given to birth.幾乎沒有任何意義的儀式是給出生。 The Polynesians, on the other hand, have elaborate birth rituals and place much less emphasis on funerary rituals.在玻利尼西亞人,另一方面,已經制定出生禮儀和地方少得多強調喪葬儀式。

Almost all primitive cultures pay attention to puberty and marriage rituals, although there is a general tendency to pay more attention to the puberty rites of males than of females.幾乎所有的原始文化中注意青春期和結婚儀式,但有一個總的趨勢將更加重視青春期儀式的男性多於女性。 Because puberty and marriage symbolize the fact that children are acquiring adult roles in the kinship system in particular, and in the culture in general, most primitive cultures consider the rituals surrounding these events very important.由於青春期和婚姻的象徵一個事實,即兒童獲得成人角色的親屬制度特別是,在一般的文化,最原始的文化禮儀考慮圍繞這些活動非常重要。 Puberty rituals are often accompanied with ceremonial circumcision or some other operation on the male genitals.青春期儀式往往伴隨著禮儀割禮或其他一些行動的男性生殖器。 Female circumcision is less common, although it occurs in several cultures.女性割禮是不太常見,但它發生在幾個文化。 Female puberty rites are more often related to the commencement of the menstrual cycle in young girls.女性青春期儀式往往涉及到開始月經週期的年輕女孩。

In addition to these life cycle rituals, rituals are associated with the beginning of the new year and with planting and harvest times in agricultural societies.除了這些生命週期的儀式,儀式有關聯的開始新的一年裡,與種植和收穫時間在農業社會。 Numerous other rituals are found in hunting - and - gathering societies; these are supposed to increase the game and to give the hunter greater prowess.其他許多儀式是在狩獵-和-收集社會;這些是為了增加比賽並給予更大的獵人實力。

Another class of rituals is related to occasional events, such as war, droughts, catastrophes, or extraordinary events.另一個類別的禮儀與不定期的事件,如戰爭,乾旱,災難,或非同尋常的事件。 Rituals performed at such times are usually intended to appease supernatural forces or divine beings who might be the cause of the event, or to discover what divine power is causing the event and why.儀式進行的時間通常是旨在安撫超自然的力量或神的人誰可能是事件的起因,或者發現什麼神聖的權力是導致事件的原因。

Rituals are highly structured actions.儀式是高度結構化的行動。 Each person or class of persons has particular stylized roles to play in them.每個人或任何類別的人具有特殊的風格發揮作用,它們。 While some rituals call for communal participation, others are restricted by sex, age, and type of activity.雖然一些禮儀要求社區參與,有些是受性別,年齡和類型的活動。 Thus initiation rites for males and females are separate, and only hunters participate in hunting rituals.因此,啟動儀式的男性和女性是不同的,只有參加獵人狩獵儀式。 There are also rituals limited to warriors, blacksmiths, magicians, and diviners.還有禮儀僅限於戰士,鐵匠,魔術師,和diviners 。 Among the Dogon of the western Sudan, the ritual system integrates life cycle rituals with vocational cults; these in turn are related to a complex cosmological myth.在Dogon的蘇丹西部,儀式系統集成的生命週期與職業禮儀邪教;這反過來又涉及到一個複雜的宇宙神話。

Divine Beings天人

Divine beings are usually known through the mode of their manifestation.神聖的人通常是通過已知模式的表現。 Creator - gods are usually deities of the sky.造物主-神通常是神的天空。 The sky as a primordial expression of transcendence is one of the exemplary forms of sacred power.天空作為一個原始的表達超越是一個典範形式的神聖權力。 Deities of the sky are often considered to possess an ultimate power.神的天空常常認為擁有最終權力。

The apparent similarity in form between the supreme sky deities of primitive cultures and the single godheads of Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Zoroastrianism has led some Western students of religion to speak of a "primitive monotheism."顯然在形式上相似的最高之間的天空神的原始文化和單一godheads猶太教,基督教,伊斯蘭教和拜火教已導致一些西方宗教學生講一個“原始一神教。 ” By this they were suggesting a devolution of religion rather than the more rationalistic evolution of religion from Polytheism, through henotheism (the presence of several gods, but with one dominant), to Monotheism.這個他們提出了權力下放的宗教,而不是更多的理性演變的宗教多神教,通過henotheism (在場的幾個神,而是一個佔主導地位) ,以一神教。 The most avid proponent of the primitive monotheism was Wilhelm Schmidt, an Austrian Roman Catholic priest who was also an ethnologist.最熱情的支持者的原始一神教是威廉施密特,奧地利羅馬天主教神父誰也是一個民俗。 In his view the original sacred form was a creator - god of the sky.在他看來神聖的原始形式是一個創作者-神的天空。 This original and first revelation of deity was lost or obscured by the attention evoked by other lesser sacred beings, and throughout the history of human culture this original creator - sky - god has been rediscovered or remembered in the monotheistic religions.這種原始和第一神啟示丟失或混淆的注意誘發其他較小的神聖的存在,在整個人類歷史文化的這一原創者-天空-神已發現或想起在一神教。 This position has been largely rejected by contemporary scholars.這一立場已基本拒絕了當代學者。

Allied to and existing within the same sphere as the sky - god are the manifestations of divine presence in the sun and the moon. The symbolism of the sun, while sharing the transcendent power of the sky, is more intimately related to the destiny of the human community and to the revelation of the rational power necessary to order the world.盟軍和現有的在同一領域內的天空-神是神聖的表現在太陽和月球。的象徵太陽,而分享是至高無上的權力的天空,更是密切相關的命運人類社會和啟示權力的合理必要的秩序世界。 Sun - deities are creators by virtue of their growth - producing powers, whereas the sky - god creators often create ex nihilo ("out of nothing"); they do not require human agency in their creative capacities, and in many instances they withdraw and have little to do with humankind.孫-神是創作者憑藉其增長-生產的權力,而天空-神創作者往往創造無中生有(“無中生有”);它們不需要人的機構在其創造能力,在許多情況下,他們撤銷和幾乎跟人類。

The manifestation and presence of the deity in the moon is different from that of the sun.的表現及存在的神在月球不同於太陽。 Moon - deities are associated with a more rhythmic structure; they wax and wane, seem more vulnerable and more capable of loss and gain.月亮-神都與一個更韻律結構;他們蠟和衰落,似乎更容易和更有能力的損失和收益。 Moon - deities are often female in form and associated with feminine characteristics.月亮-神往往是女性在形式和相關的女性特徵。 The moon - goddess is the revelation of the vulnerability and fragility of life, and unlike solar gods, her destiny is not the historical destiny of powerful rulers and empires, but the destiny of the human life cycle of birth, life, and death.月亮-女神是啟示的脆弱性和脆弱性生活,不像太陽神,她的命運是不是歷史命運的強大的統治者和帝國,但命運的人類生命週期的出生,生活和死亡。 Other places where deities show themselves are in the natural forms of water, vegetation, agriculture, stones, human sexuality, and so on.其他地方神表明自己是在自然形式的水,植被,農業,石塊,人類性行為,等等。

The pattern of deities, of course, varies markedly among different types of societies.該模式的神明,當然,不同顯著不同種類的社會。 Hunting - and - gathering cultures, for example, not only have language and rituals related to hunting, but also often have a Lord, Master, or Mistress of Animals - a divine being who not only created the world of humans and animals but who also cares for, protects, and supplies the animals to the hunters. Religious cultures of this kind still exist among the Mbuti pygmies, the San of the Kalahari desert in Africa, Australian Aborigines, and Eskimo.狩獵-和-收集文化,例如,不僅有語言和禮儀有關的狩獵,而且還常常有主,主,或情人的動物-一個神誰不僅創造了世界的人類和動物,但誰也關心,保護和用品動物的獵人。宗教文化的這種存在的姆巴提俾格米人,聖的卡拉哈里沙漠在非洲,澳洲原住民和愛斯基摩人。

A somewhat more complex religious culture is found in early agricultural societies.一種略為更複雜的宗教文化,是發現早期農業社會。 It is commonly accepted that the earliest form of agriculture was both a feminine rite and a female right. This means that the gift and power of agriculture provided a means by which the sacredness of the world could be expressed in the femininity of the human species.這是普遍公認的最早形式的農業既是一個女性禮儀,女性的權利。這就意味著,禮物和力量的農業提供了一個手段,神聖的世界可以體現在女性的人類物種。 Agricultural rituals became a powerful symbolic language that spoke of gestation, birth, nurture, and death.農業禮儀成為一個強大的象徵性的語言,以妊娠,分娩,培育和死亡。 This development does not imply an early Matriarchy nor the dominance of society by females.這種發展並不意味著早期母的統治地位,也沒有社會的女性。 In agricultural societies males dominate in the conventional sense of the term, but the power of women is nevertheless potent and real.在農業社會中男性佔主導地位的傳統意義上的,但婦女的力量仍然是有效的和真實的。

In some cultures of West Africa three layers of cultural religious meaning may be discerned.在一些文化西非三個層次的文化宗教含義可看出。 One refers to an earlier agriculture, in which the feminine symbolism and power predominated.一提到到一個較早的農業,其中女性的象徵和電力為主。 In the second the theft of the ritual and rights of agriculture is portrayed in masculine symbolism and language.在第二個盜竊儀式和權利,農業是描述男性的象徵和語言。 By contrast, the equal cooperation of masculine and feminine in the power and meaning of cultural life is symbolized in the third level.相比之下,平等合作的男性和女性的力量和意義的文化生活是象徵著第三的水平。 In present cultures of this area the older layer can be seen in the Queen Mother, who is "owner of the land"; the second layer in the kingship system; and the third layer in the myths associated with egg symbolism, which on the cosmological level are a means of transmuting sexual tensions into practical harmonies.在目前的文化,這方面老層中可以看出王母,誰是“土地所有者” ;的第二層中的王權制度;和第三層中的神話與蛋的象徵意義,它在宇宙一級的一種手段,性緊張transmuting變成實際和聲。

Sacred Personages神聖的人物

Just as sacredness tends to be localized in the natural forms of the world in primitive religious cultures, sacred meaning is also defined by specific kinds of persons.正如神聖往往是局部性的自然形式的世界原始宗教文化,神聖的含義也是確定的特定種類的人。 On the one hand, sacredness may be located in and defined by office and status in a society. In such cases the role and function of the chief or king carries a sacred meaning because it is seen as an imitation of a divine model, which is generally narrated in a cultural myth; it may also be thought to possess divine power.一方面,神聖可能位於和界定的辦公室和地位的一個社會。在這種情況下,作用和職能,或國王首席執行一項神聖的意義,因為它被看作是模仿神聖模型,這是一般敘述了在文化的神話;它也可能被認為具有神聖的權力。 Offices and functions of this kind are usually hereditary and are not dependent on any specific or unique personality structure in the individual.辦事處和職能的這種通常是遺傳和不依賴於任何特定的或獨特的人格結構中的個人。

On the other hand, forms of individual sacredness exist that do depend on specific types of personality structures and the calling to a particular religious vocation.另一方面,形式的個人神聖存在,不依賴於特定類型的人格結構,並要求以某一特定的宗教使命。 Persons such as shamans fall into this category.人,如巫醫屬於這一類。 Shamans are recruited from among young persons who tend to exhibit particular psychological traits that indicate their openness to a more profound and complex world of sacred meanings than is available to the society at large. Once chosen, shamans undergo a special shamanistic initiation and are taught by older shamans the peculiar forms of healing and behavior that identify their sacred work.巫師從招募年輕的人誰往往表現出特別的心理特徵,表明其開放更深刻和複雜的世界的神聖意義比提供給整個社會。一旦選定,巫醫進行一次特殊的啟動和薩滿教的老巫師的特殊形式的癒合和行為,找出自己的神聖工作。 Given the nature of their sacred work, they must undergo long periods of training before they are capable practitioners of the sacred and healing arts.鑑於其神聖的工作,他們必須接受長時間的培訓,才能夠從業者的神聖和癒合藝術。 The same is true of medicine men and diviners, although these often inherit their status.同樣的藥品男子和diviners ,儘管這些往往繼承他們的地位。

Each person in a primitive society may also bear an ordinary form of sacred meaning.每個人在原始社會也可能承擔一個普通形式的神聖意義。 Such meaning can be discerned in the elements of the person's psychological structure.這種意思可以看出在要素的人的心理結構。 For example, among the Ashanti of Ghana, an individual's blood is said to be derived from the goddess of the earth through that individual's mother, an individual's destiny from the high - god, and personality and temperament from the tutelary deity of the individual's father. On the cosmological level of myths and rituals all of these divine forms have a primordial meaning that acquires individual and existential significance when it is expressed in persons.例如,在加納的阿散蒂,一個人的血液據說是來自女神的地球通過個人的母親,一個人的命運的高度-神,人格和氣質的監護神個別的父親。關於宇宙的神話和禮儀所有這些神聖的形式有原始也就是說,獲得個人和存在的意義時,表示人。


Underlying all the forms, functions, rituals, personages, and symbols in primitive religion is the distinction between the sacred and the profane.基本所有的形式,職能,禮儀,人物,和符號,在原始宗教之間的區別的神聖和褻瀆。 The sacred defines the world of reality, which is the basis for all meaningful forms and behaviors in the society. The profane is the opposite of the sacred.界定的神聖世界的現實,這是基礎,所有有意義的形式和行為的社會。褻瀆正好相反的神聖。 Although it has a mode of existence and a quasi - reality, reality is not based on a divine model, nor does it serve as an ordering principle for activities or meanings.雖然它有一個模式的存在和一個準-現實,現實是沒有根據的神聖模型,它也不是一個有序的原則的活動或含義。 For example, the manner in which a primitive village is laid out in space imitates a divine model and thus participates in sacred reality.舉例來說,以何種方式在原始的村莊制定了在太空中模仿神聖的模型,從而參與了神聖的現實。 The space outside of the organized space of the village is considered profane space, because it is not ordered and therefore does not participate in the meaning imparted by the divine model.空間以外的空間,舉辦村被認為是褻瀆的空間,因為它不是命令,因此沒有參加的意義傳授的神聖模式。

This characteristic distinction between the sacred and the profane is present at almost every level of primitive society.這一特徵區分的神聖和世俗的存在,幾乎每一級的原始社會。 The tendency to perceive reality in the terms provided by the sacred marks a fundamental difference between primitive and modern Western societies, where this distinction has been destroyed.目前的趨勢感知的現實條件所提供的神聖標誌著一個根本區別原始與現代西方社會,在這種區別已被摧毀。 The openness to the world as a sacred reality is probably the most pervasive and common meaning in all forms of primitive religion and is present in definitions of time, space, behaviors, and activities.在向世界開放作為一項神聖的現實可能是最普遍的和共同的意義,一切形式的原始宗教和目前在定義的時間,空間,行為和活動。

The sacred is able to serve as a principle of order because it possesses the power to order.神聖能夠充當原則秩序,因為它擁有的權力秩序。 The power of the sacred is both positive and negative.的權力是神聖的積極和消極的。 It is necessary to have the proper regard for the sacred; it must be approached and dealt with in very specific ways.這是有必要的適當顧及神聖的,它必須加以處理和處理在非常特殊的方式。

A kind of ritual behavior defines the proper mode of contact with the sacred.一種禮儀的行為規定了適當的方式與神聖。 Failure to act properly with respect to the sacred opens the door to the negative experience and effects of sacred power.如果不採取適當行動方面的神聖打開了大門的負面經驗和影響的神聖權力。 The specific term for this negative power among the Melanesians is Taboo.具體的任期為負電源之間的美拉尼西亞人是禁忌。 This word has become a general term in Western languages expressing the range of meanings implied by the force and effects of a power that is both negative and positive and that attracts as well as repels.這個詞已經成為一個通用術語,在西方語言表達的範圍的含義暗示的力量和影響的力量,是消極和積極,並吸引和排斥。

Charles H Long查爾斯h長

Bibliography: 參考書目:
E Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1915); M Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane (1959), and A History of Religious Ideas (1978); EE Evans - Pritchard, Theories of Primitive Religion (1965); JG Frazer, The Golden Bough (1911 - 36); C Levi - Strauss, The Savage Mind (1962); L Levy - Bruhl, Primitive Mentality (1923); B Malinowski, Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays (1948); RR Marett, The Threshold of Religion (1914); J Skorupski, Symbol and Theory: A Philosophical Study of Theories of Religion in Social Anthropology (1976); EB Tylor, Primitive Culture (1891); AFC Wallace, Religion: An Anthropological View (1966).法國社會學家,初級形式的宗教生活( 1915年) ; M伊利亞德,神聖和世俗( 1959年) ,和歷史的宗教思想( 1978年) ;電子工程專輯埃文斯-普里查德,理論的原始宗教( 1 965年) ; J G弗雷澤,該金枝( 1911年至1936年) ; ç列維-斯特勞斯,心靈的野人( 1 962年) ; L列維-布留爾,原始心態(1 9 23年) ;乙夫斯基,魔術,科學與宗教及其他論文(1 9 48年) ;率M a rett門檻的宗教( 1914年) ; J Skorupski ,符號和理論:一個哲學理論研究中的宗教社會人類學( 1976年) ;電子束泰勒,原始文化( 1891年) ;亞足聯華萊士,宗教:人類學觀( 1966年) 。

EE Evans - Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande (1937) and Nuer Religion (1956); M Griaule, Conversations with Ozotemmeli: An Introduction to Dogon Religious Ideas (1948); G Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka (1961); J Middleton, Lugbara Religion (1987); BBC Ray, African Religions (1976); C Turnbull, The Forest People (1962); V Turner, The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (1967).電子工程專輯埃文斯-普里查德,巫術,甲骨文和魔術之間的A zande( 1 937年)和努爾宗教( 1 956年) ; M G riaule,交談O zotemmeli:介紹D ogon宗教思想( 1 948年) ; G L ienhardt,神和經驗:宗教的丁卡人( 1961年) ; J米德爾頓, Lugbara宗教( 1987年) ;英國射線,非洲宗教( 1976年) ; ç特恩布爾稱,森林人( 1962年) ; V特納,森林的符號:部分Ndembu儀式( 1967年) 。

F Barth, Ritual and Knowledge among the Baktaman of New Guinea (1975); G Bateson, Naven (1958); R / C Berndt, Djanggawul (1952); KO Burridge, Mambu: A Melanesian Millennium (1960); M Eliade, Australian Religions: An Introduction (1973); R Firth, Tikopia Ritual and Belief (1967); B Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) and Coral Gardens and their Magic: Soil - Tilling and Agricultural Rites in the Trobriand Islands (1965). F巴特,禮儀和知識之間的Baktaman新幾內亞( 1975年) ; G貝特森, Naven ( 1958年) ;的R / ç伯恩特, Djanggawul ( 1952年) ;正伯里奇Mambu :美拉尼西亞千年( 1960年) ; M伊利亞德,澳大利亞宗教:介紹( 1973年) ; R弗思, Tikopia儀式和信仰( 1967年) ;乙夫斯基,航海西太平洋( 1922 )和珊瑚花園和他們的魔術:土壤-耕作和農業禮在特羅布里恩群島( 1 965年) 。

The Americas:美洲:
A Hultkrantz, The Religions of the American Indians (1967) and Belief and Worship in Native North America (1981); C Levi - Strauss, Introduction to a Science of Mythology (1969); BG Myerhoff, Peyote Hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichol Indians (1976); GA Reichard, Navaho Religion: A Study of Symbolism (1963); G Reichel - Dolmatoff, Amazonian Cosmos: The Sexual and Religious Symbolism of the Tukano Indians (1971).阿Hultkrantz ,宗教的美洲印第安人( 1967 )和信仰和崇拜的土著北美( 1981年) ; ç列維-斯特勞斯,介紹一種科學的神話( 1 969年) ;血糖M yerhoff, P eyote亨特:神聖的旅程Huichol印第安人( 1976年) ;大會Reichard ,納瓦霍宗教:一種象徵性的研究( 1963年) ; G賴歇爾-D olmatoff,亞馬孫宇宙:性和宗教象徵的圖卡諾式印第安人( 1 971年) 。

This subject presentation in the original English language本主題介紹在原來的英文

Send an e-mail question or comment to us: E-mail發送電子郵件的問題或意見給我們:電子郵箱

The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at主要相信網頁(和索引科目),是在